CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Chukchee language and people 2 Survey of grammatical properties 2.1 Phonology 2.2 Morphology 2.3 Syntax 2.4 Lexical semantics 3 Note on transcription 4 Links to other sites with information about the Chukchee and related peoples Note for website version I largely avoid using special diacritics and phonetic symbols. In normal texts I make use of IPA symbols for glottal stop, engma (velar nasal) and schwa. To avoid causing unnecessary problems I have replaced these in the web version, using the following conventions: glottal stop:
?
velar nasal:
ñ
schwa: y
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1. Chukchee language and people Chukchee (also spelt 'Chukchi') is a language spoken by a few thousand people inhabiting the coastal and tundra regions of NE Siberia, in the USSR. The language is the best-known representative of the small Chukokto-Kamchatkan language group, which itself is classed as a member of the Paleosiberian group, an areal designation for a handful of genetically isolated groups and languages. The Chukotko-Kamchatkan group includes Koryak, Aljutor and Kerek (which is said to have died out recently). More controversially, it is often said to include Itelmen. Chukchee was first studied by the great Russian anthropologist and linguist, Vladimir Bogoraz (also Waldemar Bogoras; he assumed the soubriquet 'Tan' and sometimes referred to himself as Bogoraz-Tan). Bogoraz lived for some eight years with the Chukchee and wrote extensively about their culture, lifestyle, beliefs and language. He also wrote much about the Koryak and Itelmen (sometimes called 'Kamchadal') and his grammatical sketch 'Chukchee' published by Boas in 1922 contains a good many cross-references to those two languages.
Bogoraz recorded a large number of myths and folktales of the peoples of the region, many of which feature the demiurge Raven figure, who also looms large in the mythology of some of the peoples of the North Western Atlantic seaboard of America. Chukchee received an orthography in the 1930's (briefly based on the Roman alphabet, later Cyrillic) and during the Soviet period there were books and newspapers published in it and elementary schooling was conducted in Chukchee by native teachers. Extant literature in Chukchee includes translations of Russian literature, translations of political works (such as pamphlets by Lenin and L. I. Brezhnev's war memoirs!) and also translations into Chukchee of stories written about the Chukchee by Yurij Rytxew, but originally published in Russian. In addition, there are original collections of folktales and a variety of children's literature. As far as I know there has not been any bible-translating activity to-date (though there is a translation of part's of Luke's gospel into Koryak). Primers for elementary schools continue to be published, though I have no information on how well the language is surviving the economic and political difficulties following the collapse of the Soviet Union. A number of contemporary linguists have interested themselves in Chukchee including B. Comrie, M. Kenstowicz, M. Polinsky and a Soviet group in Leningrad working under V. I. Nedjalkov has produced a number of important works, with the collaboration of linguistically trained native speakers. Irina Muraveva (Moscow), who is known as an expert on Aljutor, has also worked extensively on Chukchee. M. Fortescue has recently investigated the diachrony of language in the context of the linguistics of the Bering Straits. A descriptive grammar has just been written by Michael Dunn (as an ANU PhD thesis) which I have not yet had the opportunity to read. There are two dialect groups that can be discerned, associated with the Reindeer Chukchee and the Maritime Chukchee, though dialect differences are rather slight and to all intents and purpose the language is homogeneous. Women's speech is said to differ from men's speech, principally in the pronunciation of 'r' (which is pronounced /ts/ by women). Neighbouring groups such as the Koryak, Even and Eskimo would often speak Chukchee, though the Chukchee themselves tended not to learn the language of their neighbours (except for Russian, of course). According to Comrie's survey of the languages of the Soviet Union, Chukchee has been feeling considerable influence from Russian, especially in its lexis and syntax. top of page
2. Survey of grammatical properties 2.1 Phonology Chukchee is famous for its unusual and pervasive vowel harmony system. It has a rich set of morphophonemic processes interacting in complex ways with the morphology, and including an unusual rule of reduplication. It has a theoretically intriguing system of syllabification and also has an interesting set of phrase phonological (sentence level) rules. 2.2 Morphology
Chukchee is traditionally classed as a 'polysynthetic' language and has been likened to certain American Indian languages in its structure. It has a basically agglutinative morphology, though verb inflection often has a fusional character. Nouns have a number of case forms; names of people decline in the plural as well as in the singular. Verbs display a rich set of mood, tense, aspect and voice markers and cross-reference direct objects and well as subjects. Gerundive forms are particularly well-developed, using by and large the nominal case inflections. Perhaps the most striking feature of Chukchee morphology is the pervasive use of incorporation. Verbs incorporate their objects and adverbial modifiers (Spencer 1995), while nouns, too, incorporate modifiers very freely (including quantifiers and possessors). 2.3 Syntax Word order is very free, generally vacillating between SOV and SVO. Chukchee is a good example of an ergative language: all transitive subject nominals appear in an ergative case (identical to the instrumental case) and all intransitive subjects and direct objects appear in the absolutive case. The verb agreement system is a complex mixture of ergative and accusative organization, reminiscent in parts of languages with inverse marking for certain person/number combinations (Spencer 1999). Predicatively used nominals agree with their subjects in person and number. Adjectives may or may not show agreement with their nouns depending on pragmatic factors. Adverbial clauses, sentential complements and relative clauses can be expressed either as a finite clause introduced by a complementizer, or by using various gerundive and participial constructions. Chukchee has two antipassive voice forms as well as other interesting transitivity alternations (including noun incorporation). 2.4 Lexical semantics The rich word formation resources of the language (together with a distaste for loans) means that many words which might be monomorphemic in European languages will be fairly transparently derived in Chukchee, a typical feature of agglutination. The language tends to mark voice and aspectual nuances on verbs and has a rich set of denominal word formation affixes. A particularly interesting derivational phenomenon is the widespread use of relational adjectives and also the use of a so-called 'participle' form derived from nouns, adjectives, or verbs with a variety of functions. The numeral system is strictly vigesimal. top of page
3. Note on transcription I write Chukchee examples without punctuation, including question marks after questions, and without capitalization, even for proper names. This is to avoid confusion with the rest of the transcriptional system. Occasionally I distinguish the 'recessive e' from the 'dominant e' as e1/e2 respectively, but in general when providing examples of morphemes where the type of 'e' isn't obvious from other
vowels in that root or word, I give both versions of the root. Thus, /meml/ 'seal' means that the 'e' fails to undergo vowel harmony and is hence the dominant e2, while /kejñ ~ kajñ/ 'bear' means that the 'e' alternates and is hence 'e1'. Roots without vowels or with schwa which condition vowel harmony are prefixed with *, thus /*tm/ 'kill', *kyn- 'fairly (prefix)'. In glosses I often separate the epenthetic schwa from morphemes proper in order make the morphological constituency clearer. Such epenthetic schwas are not glossed, of course. A schwa on its own never represents a morpheme. I use one non-standard symbol quite a lot: If this doesn't come out on your browser it's meant to be a type of arrow (roughly =>). top of page
4. Links to other sites with information about the Chukchee and related peoples Ethnologue's site relating to Chukchee (this is a language resource organized through a missionary and bible-translating organization, SIL, Summer Institute of Linguistics). (For more information about this site click here for the Introduction). Information about the Chukchee from the Smithsonian Institution's 'Hall of Masks' (information specifically about the Chukchee). Further information about Chukchee life and the Chukchee today. The Chukchee entry in the Red Book of the peoples and languages of the Former Soviet Union (developed in Estonia). An interesting site with information about the peoples of Siberia. More general pointers to Arctic culture can be found at this site. Alexander King's Koryak website: Koryak Language and Culture - Information about Koryak language and culture, Ethnography in Kamchatka, how to get to Kamchatka and information about other useful sites. Information about peoples of the Russian Arctic. Information about the peoples of the Arctic generally. An ethnic map of Russia (from the University of Texas' site)
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 2: PHONOLOGY 1. Phoneme inventory 2. Epenthesis 2.1 Surface phonotactics 2.2 Chukchee syllable structure 3. Consonant alternations 3.1 Consonant harmony 3.2 Contact assimilations 3.2.1 Regressive assimilation of nasality 3.2.2 Regressive labial assimilation 3.2.3 Regressive velar to uvular assimilation 3.2.4 Alternations with alveolars - regressive assimilations 3.2.5 Regressive place assimilations affecting velar nasals 3.3 Contact dissimilations 3.3.1 Dissimilations of repeated alveolars 3.3.2 Dissimilations of velars and palatals 3.3.3 Denasalization 3.3.4 Delabialization 3.4 Metathesis 3.5 Consonant truncation 3.5.1 Causative r4. Vowel alternations 4.1 Vowel harmony 4.2 Vowel reduction
4.3 Final vowel truncation 4.4 Vowel cluster simplification 5. Stress 5.1 Basic pattern 5.2 Stress shift 6. Some postlexical alternations
1. Phoneme inventory Consonants Labial
Alveolar
p
t
voiceless stops fricatives
l
nasals
m
n
'sonorants'
w
r
Palatal
Velar
Uvular
Glottal
k
q
?
c ñ j
g
Notes: /c/ is a palato-alveolar affricate, /l/ is voiceless, /g/ is voiced velar fricative, /r/ is retroflex glide (like Standard British English). /w/ is a voiced bilabial fricative (and is often transcribed 'v'). The status of the glottal stop has occasioned some controversy. Distributionally it is aberrant as a consonant which has led some to regard it as a prosodic colouring of the vowel. Vowels i e1 e2
u y (schwa)
o a
Notes: e1, e2 represent a more-or-less high tense front mid vowel and a more-or-less low front vowel. The difference is important for vowel harmony. Schwa will be written as 'y'.
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2. Epenthesis 2.1 Surface phonotactics (i) NO CC clusters initially, finally (ii) NO CCC clusters medially. [Exceptions: #C?-, #C [son], -CC? -] There are a number of words which begin with consonant clusters, at least in the official orthography. This is said to be the result of a compromise between different dialects, one of which permits initial clusters. Clusters resulting from word formation broken up by schwa 'y'. Kenstowicz, Krause assume (at least) TWO separate rules needed, Initial and Final Epenthesis. BUT: no rules needed given appropriate theory of SYLLABIFICATION. 2.2 Chukchee syllable structure
1. Onset
Rhyme
C (?)
Nucleus
Coda
V
C
(Occasionally we find C + sonorant clusters in onsets, e.g. plekyt 'boots', mranly„ yn 'mosquito net'.) Syllabification: Syllabify from left to right, respecting the basic template and inserting schwa where necessary to break up illegal clusters. Examples: Abs. case forms in -lgyn, -lyñyn: UR has -lñ- stem-forming suffix plus -ñ = Abs. case ending. [NB phonological alternation ñ g /l _____]. 2.
w e l o l ñ n (we) (lol) (ñn)
mran-lñ-n 'mosqito net'
mr a n l ñ n
(mran) (l) (ñn)
mran. l(y). ñ(y)n
welo-lñ-n 'ear' welolgyn
3.
mranlyñyn Problem: syllabification respects morpheme boundaries, thus left-to-right syllabification can be overridden as in the following case (where brackets indicate morpheme boundaries): 4.
a.
[...V C] [C C V...]
b.
...V C y C C V...
=/
*...V C C y C V...
This gives the impression that the Maximal Onset Principle (which puts consonants preferentially into Onsets rather than Codas) has been violated. Minimal pairs: 5.
meml-qaca-n = meml-y-qacan water-PLACE-ABS 'place near the water' vs.
6.
wejem-lq-n = wejem-y-lq-y-n (*wejemlyqyn) river-FULL-ABS 'teaming with rivers'
Therefore, revise Syllabification: Syllabification: "Syllabify maximally from left-to-right, respecting Maximum Onset Principle except where this entails breaking up a morpheme." (See Spencer 1994, Kenstowicz 1994 for discussion.) 7.
myngylgyn 'hand' mng-lñ-n
(mn) (gl) (gn) = m y n g y l g y n
Some words have no underlying vowels (in fact, many roots lack underlying vowels). Evidence that /y/ is sometimes an underlying phoneme (Kenstowicz, 1979, Krause, 1979): Plural allomorphy: -ti/te after ...V C[+coronal] -t elsewhere [pace Kenstowicz] tintin tintinti 'ice' ener enerti 'star' ococ ococte 'leader' q?awal q?awalti 'corner' vs.
V-final: titi titit 'needle' jara-ñy jarat house' kuke kuket 'kettle' C-final: r?ew r?ewyt 'whale' ?aacek ?aacekyt 'youth'[-cor] rileq rileqyt 'spine' CC-final: kejñ-yn kejñyt 'brown bear' pojgyc?-yn pojgyc?yt 'stalk' renm-yn renmyt 'wall' What happens with ...VCC[+cor]? qepyl (>qepl) qeplyt 'ball' (*qepylti) rytyn (>rtn) rynnyt 'tooth' (*rytynti) lewyt (lewt) lewtyt 'head' (*lewetti) Now contrast: memyl memylte 'seal' mimyl mimlyt 'water' This can be understood if URs are /memyl/ and /miml/ resp. top of page
3. Consonant alternations [Taken principally from Irina Muraveva's class notes ('Grammatika neindoevropejskogo jazyka - chukotskij jazyk', 1995-96, Russian State Humanities University, Moscow), supplemented by Skorik vol. I, Krause, Kenstowicz.] Skorik differentiates between automatic
(phrase phonology, 'phonetic') alternations and lexical, morphophonemic alternations (which he calls 'historical'). Many of these alternations (including some postlexical ones) are reflected in the orthography (which can make it difficult to perform morphemic analysis on orthographic representations), though many are not. Where an alternation is not reflected in the orthography I indicate this. 3.1 Consonant harmony [This is not mentioned in Skorik.] Some morphemes are 'palatalizing', and induce the alternation l, t c vilu- 'ear' + -tkyn 'end' vecotkyn 'tip of the ear' tytl 'door', cycc-?yt?yjoca 'in front of the door' /l/ and /c/ alternate under circumstances which can't be associated easily with palatalization and there are a fair number of lexical doublets amongst roots and affixes which differ only in the presence of /l/ or /c/, e.g. (from Bogoraz's dictionary) quliletyk 'to shout' qucicetyk 'to scream, make a row'. 3.2 Contact assimilations [Skorik I:43f] Tend to be found morpheme internally and at affixation boundaries, but are optional in compounding, e.g. incorporation (Skorik I:48; see also Muravyova, 1988). 3.2.1 Regressive assimilation of nasality p + m/n/ñ m t + m/n/ñ n k,g,q + ñ ñ Assimilation to following nasal: /p, t/ become nasals before any nasal (/m, n, ñ/): jyp- 'put on (clothing)'
jyp-nen
jymnen 'he put it on'
pyne- 'sharpen'
ge-pne-lin
gemnelin 'sharpened'
tyni- 'sew'
ge-tni-lin
gennilin 'sewn'
rytyn 'tooth'
rytny-t
rynnyt 'teeth'
migciret- 'work'
ny-migciret-muri
nymigcirenmuri 'we work'
tyñiwy- 'send'
ge-tñiwy-lin
genñiwylin 'sent'
Optional assimilation in compounds:
janot 'front' ñinqej 'boy'
janotñinqej/ janonñinqej 'front boy'
/k/ assimilates only before /ñ/: plek-
'footware'
te-plek-ñyk
tepleññyk 'to make footware, cobble'
g/ undergoes the same assimilation but this is optional and rare according to Skorik (I:45). Nonetheless, the following example is reflected in the official spelling: lig- 'egg' ñyto- 'come out'
leg-ñyto-
leññyto- 'hatch; lay egg'
[On rn nn see below] 3.2.2 Regressive labial assimilation Velars before labials become labials (not reflected in orthography): k/g + p/m w myg 'many' + penwel 'stag'
myw-penwel 'many stags'
ytlyg- 'father' + pojgyn 'spear'
ytlyw-pojgyn 'father's spear'
ceg 'egg' + mak 'shell'
cew-mak 'eggshell'
gw is a special case since this becomes ww, which then becomes kw (see below) 3.2.3 Regressive velar to uvular assimilation k q q q (not orthographic) gynnik 'animal' -qej 'diminutive, young of' gynniqqej 3.2.4 Alternations with alveolars - regressive assimilations (Generally not indicated in the orthography) c, r t /_____t, l, r mac 'fairly' tot?ety 'stupid' mat-tot?ety g-oc-len 'gnawed at' gotlen mac + rayñky 'somewhat further mat-rayñky
pykir-tyk 'you came' pykit-tyk qapar 'wolverine' + -cyñyn 'suffix' qapat-cyñyn añar 'star' + -lyñyn 'suffix' añat-lyñyn l t /_____r gyrgol 'upper' ramkyn 'people' gyrgot-ramkyn r n /___n tur 'new' nelgyn 'hide' tun-nelgyn Muraveva treats some of these as complete assimilations followed by dissimilation (see below), e.g.: cl ll tl; cr rr tr; rc cc tc; rl ll tl 3.2.5 Regressive place assimilations affecting velar nasals ñ m /_____p, w (not usually in orthography) p?oñp?oñ p?omp?oñ 'mushroom' tañ 'good' + wagyrgyn 'life' tam-wagyrgyn Before alveolars ñ n ñyto- 'go out' ga-nto-len 'went out' tañ 'good' cotcot 'pillow' tan-cotcot liñliñ 'heart' linliñ teleñ 'ancient' remken 'people' telen-remken teleñ, jep 'still' telen-jep 'long ago' 3.3 Contact dissimilations 3.3.1 Dissimilations of repeated alveolars cc tc ll tl rr tr mec + cytc' 'near met-cytcy 'fairly near' n?el 'become' ge-n?et-lin 'became' tur 'new', rycq- 'sword' ga-tot-rycq-yma 'with a new sword' (NB vowel harmony)
Cf. also rj tj: kur- 'buy'+ jo kot-jo 'bought' (NB vowel harmony) 3.3.2 Dissimilations of velars and palatals k, j g /_____ alveolars kty- 'hard' ny-gty-qin myk- 'many', liglig 'egg' myg-liglig nennet 'otters' myg-nennet remkyn 'people' myg-ramkyn (NB vowel harmony) ñinqej 'boy' + -ti 'plural' ñinqeg-ti w?ej 'meadow' -curm- 'edge' w?eg-curmyn w?aj 'grass' -lyñyn 'suffix' w?ag-lyñyn w?aj + ra- 'house' w?ag-ran 'grass house' gg, gw kg, kw: menig 'cloth' -gypy 'ABL' manik-gypy 'from the cloth' ytlyg- 'father' gyjiwqew 'mark' ytlyk-gyjiwqew atlag- 'sweet' wetgaw 'speech' atlak-wetgaw 3.3.3 Denasalization ñ g /_____ m, n (not orthographic) tarañ- 'build a house' nytarag-more 'we build a house' tejyliñ- 'stroke' tejylig-nin 'stroked it' 3.3.4 Delabialization ww kw This is more common than might be thought if we regard the gw kw and especially the wg kw alternations as passing through a stage gw ww. The sequence wg occurs very frequently because there are several sets of g-initial agreement suffixes and -ew is a common verb stem final suffix.
tyw- 'communicate' -gyrgyn 'nom.' tyk-wyrgyn ejmew- 'approach' -g?i '3sg.' ejmek-w?i 's/he approached' 3.4 Metathesis q ?/_____C, then V?C ?VC jaqjaq 'seagull' ( ja?jaq) j?ajaq 3.5 Consonant truncation Root initial consonants in clusters are often dropped word initially: /tkur/ 'buy' kuryk 'to buy', ge-tkur-lin 'bought' A list of such roots is found at the back of Moll and Inenliqej's dictionary. 3.5.1 Causative rAlternatives with /n/ when non-initial: wiri- 'go down' ry-wiri- 'take down' ge-n-wiri-w-lin 'took down' top of page
4. Vowel alternations 4.1 Vowel harmony Vowels divided into recessive and dominant sets: Recessive:
i
u
e
Dominant:
e
o
a
Either: schwa Confusingly, /e/ belongs to both sets. There is no clear concensus in the literature as to exactly how the vowels are pronounced, though /i, u/ are lax rather than tense. The dominant and recessive /e/ vowels appear to have the same pronunciation. Where necessary I represent recessive /e/ as e1 and dominant /e/ as e2. If a dominant vowel occurs anywhere at all in the word, all the recessive vowels are replaced by their dominant counterparts, as indicated in the table above. This applies even across very long and complex incorporation domains (in contrast, say, to Turkic or Finno-Ugric vowel harmony).
milute 'hare' ga-...-ma 'Comitative circumfix' ga-melota-ma -qin 'adjective suffix' e.g. ny-tur-qin 'new', om- 'warm' n-om-qen tur 'new' nelg- 'hide' ga-tor-nalg-y-ma 'with a new hide' (incorporation structure) Schwa never itself alternates but it may trigger harmony. All intances of epenthetic schwa are recessive. 'Recessive' lexical schwa: ytlyg- 'father' (Ergative case ytlyg-e, *ytlyg-a). 'Dominant' lexical schwa: -gyrgyn 'nominalizer', e.g. tylek 'to move' tylagyrgyn 'step, path'. Many roots lack a vowel altogether and some of these are dominant, e.g. -tm- 'kill' tm + nin '3sgSubj/3sgObj' tym-nen Cf. also the adverbial comparative suffix -ñ: cymce 'near' cymca-ñ 'nearer' 4.2 Vowel reduction Word final /e, a/ reduced to schwa: epe-: epy 'grandfather' (cf. epe-t 'grandfathers' wala-: waly 'knife' (cf. wala-t 'knives') 4.3 Final vowel truncation Many roots with apparently final consonants end in vowels which are truncated word finally: ?aacek(e) 'youth': ?aacek Abs. sg., but ?aaceke-t Abs. pl., ?aaceke-gty All. ekk(e) 'son': ekyk Abs. sg., but ekke-t Abs. pl., akka-gty All. [NB geminate cluster broken by epenthesis in ekyk.] Adjective suffix -qin(e): nilgy-qin 'white-ADJ', nilgy-qine-t 'white-ADJ-PL' 4.4 Vowel cluster simplification V1 + V2 V2 where V2 is 'stronger' than V1 according to hierarchy: u/o > i/e2 > e1/a ge-it-lin 'was' gitlin ge-umeket-linet 'met' gumeketlinet ga-okwanaw-ma 'with tar' gokwanawma
r?yra-emlypgat 'murky pool' r?yremlypgat No truncation after consonant cluster, even if the following morpheme begins with a long vowel: gemge-ekyk 'every son'; gamga-otkyn 'every corner'; tymñe-ottoot 'the usual tree'; qente-uwil 'dull echo'; mejñy-ilir 'large island; emytlo-ajmyjocgyn 'leaking bucket'; tanñy-er?yn 'foreign clothing' gemge-uul 'every chisel'; gamga-eekelgyn 'every edible root'; tymñe-aak 'the usual lamp'; majñy-aatger 'large brook' top of page
5. Stress 5.1 Basic pattern (I:67-71) Chukchee has a stress system which appears to be contrastive. There is very little information about stress. Stress is not indicated in the orthography (probably because Russian stress isn't indicated orthographically). None of the dictionaries I've seen except that of Bogoraz gives stress information and Skorik doesn't indicate stress in any of his examples (except for transcribed examples in the section on stress). However, Bogoraz's transcriptions all include stress information and are a valuable source of data for anyone wishing to attack this problem. Skorik claims that stress always falls on the final syllable of the root or stem, and never on inflectional suffixes or on reduplicates. Thus we have: pójg-a 'spear-INSTR'
base /pojg/
íw-y-k 'to speak'
base /iw/
jará-ñy 'house-ABS'
base /jaja/
reqoká-lgyn 'arctic fox-ABS'
base /reqoka/
ekwét-yk 'to set out'
base /ekwet/
migcirét-yk 'to work'
base /migciret/
túmg-y-tum 'friend.ABS'
base /tumg/
káw-kaw 'biscuit.ABS'
base /kaw/
nym-nym 'village.ABS'
base /nym/
nuté-nut 'earth.ABS'
base /nute/
However, a number of reduplicated forms with disyllabic bases have initial stress: wánewan 'not', wéniwen 'bell', céricer 'dirt', kélikel 'book' Stress doesn't, apparently, fall on epenthetic schwas inside bases (Skorik seems unaware that not all schwas are lexical and includes schwa in representations of roots) (I:70) (ý is stressed schwa): mycýkw-yn 'shirt-ABS'
base /mycykw/ (Skorik) actually /myckw/ or even /mckw/
rykgýt-yk 'to get stuck'
base /rykgyt/ (Skorik) actually /rykgt / or even /rkgt/
What would be interesting is information about suffixed forms of words such as mémyl 'seal' in which stress falls on the first syllable in the unaffixed form, but in which the schwa is lexical. 5.2 Stress shift If there are no vowels in the suffix(es) attached to a base, then stress is retracted to the penultimate syllable of the base (or to the first syllable, i.e. as far back as possible,where the base has fewer than three syllables): tití-ñy 'needle-ABS'but títi-t 'needle-ABS.PL' melotá-lgyn 'hare-ABS'
base /milute/
but mélute-t 'hare-ABS.PL'
[Disturbingly, Bogoraz's dictionary gives the stress melótalgyn for 'hare'] It is unclear from Skorik's account whether this is retraction to the antepenult or retraction to the root initial syllable. (On typological grounds one would expect the latter.) Similar retraction is observed with unsuffixed bases in which stress would fall word finally: ricít-te 'belt-ABS.PL'
but rícit 'belt.ABS.SG'
base /ricit/
warát-te 'people-ABS.PL'
but wárat 'people.ABS.SG'
base /warat/
jatjól-te 'fox-ABS.PL'
but játjol 'fox.ABS.SG.'
base /jatjol/
Vowel reduction and stress: Retraction of word final stress seems to have resulted in vowel reduction for a number of roots:
walá-jpy 'knife-ABL'omqá-jpy
úmqy 'polar bear.ABS'
'polar bear-ABL' Prefixation generally doesn't affect stress placement: kójñ-yn 'cup-ABS'
ga-kójñ-y-ma 'COM-cup-COM.II', 'with a cup'
qulil?ét-yk 'to shout'
ge-qulil?ét-lin 'PAST.II-shout-PAST.II' 'shouted'
However, where the root lacks a vowel then stress may retract to a prefix (some of these examples are from Bogoraz's dictionary): tým-yk 'to kill', base /tm ~ nm/ tým-gyrgyn 'killing' tým-jo 'killed (passive participle)' tym-ý-rkynen 'kills him' q-ená-nm-y-ge 'kill me!' gá-nm-y-len 'killed (PAST.II)' Stress in incorporation: incorporated roots tend to get secondary stress (primary stress falling on the rightmost lexical stem): ny-qorá-gynrét-qen '3pl-reindeer-guard-3sg' 'they guard reindeer' ga-tór-májñ-y-walá-ta 'COM-new-large-knife-COM.I' 'with a large new knife' Skorik observes that some suffixes may bear secondary stress: ñytó-sqycát-g?e 'go.out-SUDDEN-3sg' 'he dashed out' where primary stress falls on ñytó-. mémyl-y-t?ól-a 'seal-meat-INSTR' 'with seal meat' primary stress mémyltop of page
6. Some postlexical alternations 1. k g /___C (except /w/) (I:53) kyjew- 'wake up' ge-kjew-lin gegjeklin 'woke up 2. Pronunciation of schwa (not represented orthographically)
Schwa unrounded [u] adjacent to labial consonant Schwa i adjacent to /j/ [Krause also treats this as a highly opaque morphophonemic alternation.] This alternation gives rise to surface violations of vowel harmony. 3. Intervocalic glide deletion. Glides or glide-like elements may be deleted between vowels. Usually optional postlexical process: jilyjil 'tongue, language'
jiliil
ñew-ekyk 'daughter'
ñeekyk
gagalalen 'went past'
gaalalen
qorañy 'reindeer'
qaañy
[Note in last case, qaa- is usual Abs. pl. stem form and also incorporative form.] 4. Consonant allophony (Asinovskij 1991). The basic pronunciation of /c/ is as a prepalatal sibilant (like Polish /s'/), despite the orthography and the usual transcription system (based on the orthography). (A better transcription for /c/ would therefore be /s/.) Both /l/ and /c/ are (slightly) affricated intervocalically. Voiceless stops are aspirated in word final position. /w r j g/ are devoiced after voiceless stops. There is some palatalization of oral and nasal stops before /i/ /w/ is vocalized to very short [u] in word final position and before /i/.
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 3: NOUN INFLECTION, ADJECTIVES AND THE NOMINAL PHRASE 1. Noun inflection 1.1 Introduction 1.2 Case and number 1.2.1 Declensions 1.2.2 Morphophonemics 1.2.3 Examples of cases 1.3 Person agreement 2. Postpositions 3. Adjectives, possessives, relational forms 3.1 Adjectives 3.1.1 Formation and use 3.1.2 Incorporation 3.1.3 Degrees of comparison 3.2 Possessive forms of nouns 3.3 Relational adjectives 4. Numerals 4.1 Cardinals 4.2 Distributive 4.3 Ordinals 5. Determiners 6. Modifier Incorporation
1. Noun inflection 1.1 Introduction Cases: Absolutive
ABS
Ergative/Instrumental
ERG/INSTR
Locative
LOC
Ablative
ABL
Allative
ALL
Orientative
ORIENT
Comitative I, II
COM I, II
Designative
DESIG Pronouns have a Dative case.
NB. No gender, even in pronouns. No definiteness marking. Agreement features: no possessive agreement Person agreement with predicative use
1.2 Case and number 1.2.1 Declensions Skorik distinguishes three 'declensions' on the basis of whether number is distinguished just in the absolutive (1 st declension), in all cases obligatorily (2nd declension) or in nonabsolutive cases optionally (3rd declension). This distinction is clearly derived from animacy hierarchy considerations. 1st Declension: nonhumans. Sing. not distinct from plural except in Abs. ñilg- 'thong'
req- 'what?'
ynqen 'that'
Abs sg
ñilg-yn
r?enut
ynqen
Abs pl
ñilg-yt
r?enute-t
ynqena-t
Erg/Instr
ñilg-e
req-e
ynqena-ta
Loc
ñilg-yk
req-yk
ynqena-k
Abl
ñelg-epy
r?a-gypy
ynqena-jpy
All
ñelg-ety
raq-ety
ynqena-gty
Orient
ñilg-ygjit
req-ygjit
ynqena-gjet
ComI
ge-ñilg-e
ge-req-e
g-ynqena-ta
ComII
ga-ñelg-yma
ga-r?a-ma
g-ynqena-ma
Desig
ñilg-u
req-u
ynqena-no
[NB: req- has regular alternation q ?/_____C; see chapter two] Note Erg = Instr 2nd Declension: human proper names, older relatives, pronouns referring to people. Singular meñin 'who?'
ymmemy, 'mummy'
rintyn '(proper name)'
Abs
meñin
ymmemy
rint-yn
Erg/Loc
mik-yne
ymmeme-ne
rint-yne
Abl
mek-gypy
ymmama-jpy
rent-epy
All
mek-yna
ymmama-na
rent-yna
Orient
mik-ygjit
ymmeme-gjit
rint-ygjit
Desig
mik-ynu
ymmeme-nu
rint-ynu Plural
Abs
mik-ynti
ymmeme-nti
rint-ynti
Erg/Loc
mik-yryk
ymmeme-ryk
rint-yryk
Abl
mek-yrgypy
ymmama-rgypy
rent-yrgypy
All
mek-yryky
ymmama-ryky
rent-yryky
Orient
mik-yrygjit
ymmeme-rygjit
rint-yrygjit
Desig
mik-ynu
ymmeme-nu
rint-ynu
Role of Comitative cases taken over by postposition reen + Loc.
Note: Erg. = Loc. 3rd Declension: humans other than older relatives. May decline like 1st decl. nouns or take special plural forms similar to 2nd decl. for emphasis. Ex. tumg- 'friend'. Sg
Pl
Sg
Pl
Abs
meñin
mik-ynti
tumgytum
tumg-yt
Erg
mik-yne
mik-yryk
tumg-e
tumg-yryk
Loc
mik-yne
mik-yryk
tumg-yk
tumg-yryk
Abl
mek-gypy
mek-yrgypy
tomg-epy
tomg-yrgypy
All
mek-yna
mek-yryky
tomg-ety
tomg-yryky
Orient
mik-ygjit
mik-yrygjit
tumg-ygjit
tumg-yrygjit
Com
ga-meg-ma
ga-mek-yryma
ga-tomg-yma
ga-tomg-yryma
NB. Comitative case form exists but no Designative for meñin. Erg = Loc for meñin, i.e. like 2nd declension, while Erg = Instr for tumgytum (1 st declension). Personal pronouns Singular 1
2
3
Abs
gym
gyt
ytlon
Erg
gym-nan
gy-nan
y-nan
Loc
gym-yk
gyn-yk
yn-yk
Abl
gym-yka-jpy
gyn-yka-jpy
yny-ka-jpy
All
gym-yka-gty
gyn-yka-gty
yn-yka-gty
Dat
gym-yky
gyn-yky
yn-yky
Orient
gym-yke-gjit
gyn-yke-gjit
yn-yke-gjit
Com I
ge-gym-yke
ge-gyn-yke
g-yn-yke
Com II
ga-gym-ygma
ga-gyn-ygma
g-yn-ygma
Desig
gym-yku
gyn-yku
yn-yku
Plural
1
2
3
Abs
muri
Turi
ytri
Erg
mor-gynan
tor-gynan
yr-gynan
Loc
mur-yk
tur-yk
yr-yk
Abl
mor-yka-jpy
tor-yka-jpy
yr-yka-jpy
All
mor-yka-gty
tor-yka-gty
yr-yka-gty
Dat
mor-yky
tor-yky
yr-yky
Orient
mur-yke-gjit
tur-yke-gjit
yr-yke-gjit
Com I
ge-mur-yke
ge-tur-yke
g-yr-yke
Com II
ga-mor-ygma
ga-tor-ygma
g-yr-ygma
Desig
mur-yku
tur-yku
yr-yku
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1.2.2 Morphophonemics Absolutive stem allomorphy. (Abs. sg. and pl. forms given. Zero affixation: Zero: weem 'river', weemyt; r?ew 'whale', r?ewyt; ate 'daddy' ate-nti; memyl 'seal', memylte. Zero with reduction of final vowel: waly 'knife', walat; umqy 'polar bear', umqet; With truncation of final stem vowel: uqqem 'plate', uqqemet; tewenañ 'oar', tewenañat; milut 'hare', milutet. Stems ending in consonant clusters: (i) epenthesis of y in sg.: qepyl 'ball', qeplyt; tytyl 'door', tytlyt; rytyn 'tooth', rynnyt; mimyl 'water', mimlyt. (ii) truncation of final cons.: aween 'pasture', aweenwyt; ñyton 'exit', ñytonwyt. [All Skorik's examples involve -nw].
(iii) vowel truncation then epenthesis: ceñyl 'box', cenlet; erym 'boss', ermet; ekyk 'son', ekket. Affixation. (i) -(y)n/-n(y): kupre-n 'net'; ñilg-yn 'thong', gytg-yn 'lake', renm-yn 'wall' (also ytlyg-yn 'father'); ñeg-ny (root, ñej-) 'hill'. (ii) -lgyn/-lgyñyn/-ytlyñyn: lele-lgyn 'glove' (>lili), melota-lgyn 'hare' (>milute-); myng-ylgyn 'hand'; w?ag-lyñyn 'grass' (>w?ej-), mran-lyñyn 'mosquito' (>mren-), añat-lynyn 'star' (>eñet-); par-ytlyñyn 'shoulder-blade'. (iii) -ñy: titi-ñy 'needle', jara-ñy 'house', qora-ñy 'deer', kuke-ñy 'kettle'. Reduplication: copy first CVC on to right edge. (i) Full reduplication. Copying CVC syllable: stem for inflection is full reduplicated form. Eg. piñpiñ 'ash', piñpiñyt; nymnym 'village', nymnymyt; liglig 'egg', ligligyt. (ii) Partial reduplication. Copying first three segments (CVC): stem for inflection is unreduplicated stem. Eg. piñepiñ 'falling snow', piñet; nutenut 'land', nutet; milgymil 'match', milgyt; tirkytir 'sun', tirkyt; kyrgokyr 'willow bush', kyrgot; jil?ejil 'gopher', jil?et. Reduplication is not found when the root is compounded. E.g. tumgytum 'friend', root tumg-, jic?emittumgyn 'brother' not *jic?emittumgytum). Plural formation: 2nd declension -nti: rultynli-nti 'Rultenli and family/associates', ate-nte, 'daddies', ymmeqej-ynte 'mummies'. 1st/3rd declension -(y)t, -ti: jara-t 'houses', qaa-t 'deer', ekke-t 'sons', pojg-yt 'spears', tumg-yt 'friends', ja?jaq-yt 'seagulls', grep-yt 'songs'; memyl-te 'seals', milger-ti 'guns', ñewysqet-ti, 'women', ococ-te 'masters', ñeg-ti 'hills' (>ñej). Excursus: Kin terms 2nd declension: ate 'daddy', ymmemy 'mummy', yn?y 'older brother', epy 'granddad', epeqej 'grandma', jel?o 'uncle', ytcajqaj 'aunt'. 3rd declension: ytlygyn 'father', ytla 'mother', mirgyn 'grandfather', ñewmirgyn 'grandmother', yneel?yn 'older brother', ynjiw 'uncle' ytcaj 'aunt', ekyk 'son', ñeekyk 'daughter', ytleñi 'younger brother', ytlywe 'grandson', jic?emittumgyn 'brother (of
brother)', jic?emit 'brother (of sister)', cakyget 'sister (of brother)', cakettomgyn 'sister (of sister)'.
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1.2.3 Examples of cases (for Absolutive, Ergative see chapter five) Instrumental (1)
tywañyrkyn titi-te I.sew needle-INSTR 'I sew with a needle'
(2)
cawcyw qaa-ta tylerkyn chawchaw reindeer-INSTR travels 'The Chawchaw travels by reindeer'
(3)
umqete je-ge nenanmyqen memyl polar.bear paw-INSTR kills seal 'The polar bear kills the seal with its paw'
Locative (4)
memylte kupre-k gakwalenat seals net-LOC got.caught 'The seals got caught in the net'
(5)
tilmyt enmy-k wak?og?at eagles cliff-LOC sat 'The eagles sat on the cliff'
(6)
orgoor typelag?an jemrony-na sledge I.left Yemron-LOC
'I left the sledge with Yemron' Ablative (7)
qaat mran-gypy gyntekw?et deer mosquitoes-ABL ran 'The deer ran from the mosquitoes'
(8)
?ytwyqej ott-epy getejkylin little.boat wood-ABL they.made 'They made the little boat from wood'
(9)
in?e mytekwenmyk gemalqoty-r-gypy morning we.left Gemalqot-PL-ABL 'In the morning we left the Gemalqot family'
Allative (10)
ytri ejmekw?et omqa-gty they approached polar.bear-ALL 'They approached the polar bear'
(11)
?ytt?-ety geretlin qopalgyn dogs-ALL they.brought meat 'They brought the dogs meat'
(12)
gym tylqytyk jatgory-ny I went Yatgor-ALL 'I went to Yatgor (personal name)'
Orientative (13)
iwinil?yt nypelqyntetqinet anqa-jpy ñejy-gjit hunters returned sea.ABL mountain-ORIENT 'The hunters returned from the sea orienting by the mountain'
(14)
epenin wala-g?et qytejkygyn
grandfather's knife-ORIENT make.it 'Make it like grandfather's knife' (15)
ñeekket nywañeqenat ymmemery-gjit little.girls sew mummies-ORIENT 'The little girls sew following their mummies' model'
Comitative I (16)
luur jatjol ge-riquke-te penrytkog?at tykec?-ety suddenly red.fox COM-arctic.fox-COMI rushed bait-ALL 'Suddenly the red fox with the arctic fox rushed to the bait'
(17)
riquke-te ga-jatol-a penrynenat pipiqylgyt arctic.fox-ERG COM-red.fox.COMI attacked mice 'The arctic fox and the red fox attacked the mice'
Comitative II (18)
milger ga-m?ame-ma nyjmetwaqen renmy-k rifle COM-cartridge-COMII hangs wall.LOC 'A rifle with cartridges hangs on the wall'
(19)
tyjylyn ynaal?-ety k?eli ga-lele-ma I.gave elder.brother-ALL cap COM-gloves-COMII 'I gave my elder brother a cap with gloves'
Designative (20)
jyñek wykwylgyn jarano nyperqen in.mist rock yaranga.DESIG appeared 'In the mist the rock looked like a yaranga (tent)'
(21)
qynwer qejyqej r?ew-u gen?etlin at.last whale.pup whale-DESIG became 'At last the whale pup grew up'
(22)
myttenynnyñyn ekyk roptyn-o we.called son Roptyn-DESIG 'We called our son Roptyn'
(23)
qergaw gymyky yn?en-u nitqin Qergaw me.ALL elder.brother-DESIG is 'Qergaw is my elder brother'
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1.3 Person agreement With nouns used as predicates: mik- 'who?'
tumg- 'friend'
1.
mik-i-gym 'who am I?'
tumg-i-gym 'I am a friend'
2.
mik-i-gyt
tumg-i-gyt
3.
meñin
tumgytum
'To have' = 'to be with' 1.
ge-req-i-gym
'what have I got?'
ga-qora-j-gym
'I have got (a) reindeer'
2.
ge-req-i-gyt
'what hast thou got?'
ga-qora-j-gyt
'Thou hast got (a) reindeer'
3.
ge-re?-lin
'what has s/he got?'
ga-qora-len
'S/he has got (a) reindeer'
1.
ge-req-y-muri
'what have we got?'
ga-qora-more
'We have got (a) reindeer'
2.
ge-req-y-turi
'what have you got?'
ga-qora-tore
'You have got (a) reindeer'
3.
ge-re?-linet
'what have they got?'
ga-qora-lenat
'They have got (a) reindeer'
Also found appositively (quite common textually): (24)
gyt, mewet-ine-jgyt ekke-jgyt, qyntoge
you, Mewet-POSS-2sg son-2sg, leave 'You, Mewet's son, leave'
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2. Postpositions No PREpositions. Postpositions mainly derived from adverbs. Usually take Loc. case. reen 'with' qaca 'near' gyrgoca 'over' (cf. gyrgol 'upper part, top') ewyca 'under' (iwtyl 'bottom, underside') ?ytt?yjoca 'before, in front of' (?ytt?yjol 'front') jaacy 'behind' (jaal 'back') Examples: (25)
ñinqej nynnyñyttyqin ytlyg-yk reen boy fished father-LOC with 'The boy fished with the father'
(26)
ytlon qonpy nywak?otwaqen mur-yk qaca he all-time sits us-LOC near 'He sits near us all the time'
(27)
luur yr-yk gyrgoca pintyqetg?i gacgamkyn suddenly him-LOC above appeared flock 'Suddenly above him there appeared a flock of birds'
(28)
ynpyñew-yk ewyca turnelgyn gatwalen
old-woman-LOC under new-hide was 'Under the old woman there was a new hide' (29)
qytwetcage tumg-yk ?ytt?yjoca stand friend-LOC in-front-of 'Stand in front of your friend'
(30)
ñej-yk jaacy wytretg?i nymnym hill-LOC behind appeared village 'Behind the hill there appeared a village'
Inflected postpositions (31)
gytgy-k qaca-jpy ?ireg?i ilwylu lake-LOC near-ABL rushed wild-deer 'Wild deer ruched out from by the lake'
(32)
gacgamkyn riñekwetyrkyn ñejy-k girgoca-gty flock flew hill-LOC over-ALL 'The flock of birds were flying towards the other side of the hill'
(33)
tirky-k ewyca-gj?et wytretg?i riñeneñ sun-LOC under-ORIENT appeared plane 'A plane appeared, flying a course beneath the sun'
Adverbs and nouns used as postpositions: cymce 'near' rymagty 'further on, beyond' wytwyr 'interval' (34)
wykwy-k wytgyr-gypy nyntoqen pycyc?yqej stones-LOC between-ABL flowed water-stream 'A stream flowed from between the stones'
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3. Adjectives, possessives, relational forms 3.1 Adjectives 3.1.1 Formation and use Formed by circumfix n- ... -qin. Inflect for P/N when used predicatively. Don't usually agree in case/number when used attributively. (See also under Incorporation). 'Conjugation' (predicative forms. - Cf. predicative use of nouns). Root:
erme 'strong'
gtam 'precise'
1sg
n-erme-j-gym
ny-gtam-e-gym
2sg
n-erme-j-gyt
ny-gtam-e-gyt
3sg
n-erme-qin
ny-gtam-qen
1pl
n-erme-muri
ny-gtam-more
2pl
n-erme-turi
ny-gtam-tore
3pl
n-erme-qin-et
ny-gtam-qen-at
(I:374) Adjectives are often found in an analytic construction with the -l?- form of the verb wak 'to be'. The adjective is in what is formally an Allative suffix attached to the adjective root. miñkyri wal?yn 'what kind of, what like?' armagty wal?yn 'strong' The -l?- form of an adjectival root can also be used as a predicative or attributive modifier. See under the appropriate section. These all appear in the full set of case/number forms. 3.1.2 Incorporation Adjective roots regularly incorporate into the noun stems which they modify. See section below on incorporation.
3.1.3 Degrees of comparison Comparative form: add -*ñ to stem. The comparative is found in the analytic construction with wal?yn. arma-ñ wal?yn 'stronger' jylqy-ñ wal?yn 'faster' Source of comparison is in Loc.: (35)
ryrky umqe-k arma-ñ wal?yn walrus polar.bear-LOC stronger-COMPAR is 'The walrus is stronger than the polar bear'
Comparison can be modified by various prefixes (Skorik gives most of these in their dominant form because that's the form they appear in when in construction with dominant suffix -ñ. I give them in their basic forms): mec/mac- 'fairly, cik- 'comparatively', lygi- 'significantly', *kyt- 'very', pytqy- 'extremely', j?a- 'a good deal (more)', ynan 'most' mac-elg-y-ñ
'a little whiter'
cek-elg-y-ñ
'comparatively whiter'
lyg-elg-y-ñ
'significantly whiter'
kyt-elg-y-ñ
'much whiter'
pytq-elg-y-ñ
'far whiter'
j?-elg-y-ñ
'a good deal whiter'
ynan-elg-y-ñ
'whitest' Some examples:
(36)
tumge kylgenninent jyq-ety wa-l?-yt qaa-t friend harnessed quick-ALL be-l?-ABS.PL reindeer-ABS.PL The friend harnessed the quick reindeer'
(37)
jic?emittumgyn qytg?i kyt-jyq-y-ñ wa-l?-ety qaa-gty brother went.after more-quick-COMPAR be-l?-ALL reindeer-ALL 'The brother went after the quicker reindeer'
(I:423) Degree prefixes also attach to ordinary adjectives in their n-...-qin form: mec/mac- 'a little', cig/ceg- 'comparatively', *kyt- 'fairly', nylgi- 'very'. mec-n-ikw-i-gym 'I am fairly tall' cig-ny-ñin'qin 'he is comparatively young' kyn-ny-gynryr-more 'we are fairly keen-sighted' nylge-ny-lymal-qenat 'they are very trusting' [The cig/ceg- and kyn- forms given by Skorik here are phonologically conditioned allomorphs of cik/cek- and kyt- given above. Note that the glosses for kyt- are slightly different in the two accounts.]
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3.2 Possessive forms of nouns (I:225f) Used attributively or predicatively -(n)in added to stem: mik-yn(in) 'whose?', reqin 'of what?' ytlygin waly
'father's knife'
?ytt?in renreñ
'the dog's food'
w?ejin kinmyqej
'the grass's root'
-nin allomorph suffixed to singular stem of Proper Nouns, interrogative and indefinite pronouns, common nouns referring to older relatives, -in found elsewhere: (38)
ge-kelwi-nine-tumg-e COM-Kelwi-POSS-friend-COM.I 'with Kelwi's friend(s)'
(39)
rult-y-nin 'of Rultyn'
(40)
ge-ñinqej-ine-tumg-e COMI-boy-POSS-friend-COMI
'with the boy's friend(s)' More common form of interrog: mikyn Added to plural stems of human nouns:
(41)
girl-POSS/girl-PL-POSS (ball) 'The girl's/girls' ball'
Not possible with non-humans (I:227) (42)
rewymrew-in rygryg l?eleñy tegnilgyñqin partridge-POSS feathers in.winter completely.white 'In winter, a partridge's feathers are complete white'
Cf. anthropomorphic use (I:227): (43)
gymnan wanewan tegjeñu mylgyn ?ytt?y-rg-in wagyrgyn - ikw?i ?iny I.ERG NEG want AUX dog-PL-POSS life - said wolf ' "I don't want the dogs' life" said the wolf'
Implies inalienable possession or individual level predication when applied to inanimates (Skorik I:249): (44) weem-in pyc?yc?yn 'the river's flow, current', but not (45) *weem-in wykwylgyn 'the river's rock, the rock in the river' With animates can express alienable or inalienable possession: (46)
?ytt?-in lewyt, ?innicgyn dog-POSS head, collar 'The dog's head, collar'
Can also express material out of which thing is made (note that this appears to be a predicative use of the possessive form): (47)
murg-in ?ytw?et utt-in
our boat tree-POSS 'Our boat is made out of wood' Note that the possessive form has to be distinguished from the relational adjective form in kin, e.g. (Skorik I:286, fn. 213): uttuut 'tree': ott-y-wytwyt, 'tree leaf' utt-in wytwyt 'the tree's leaf' or 'leaf made from wood (e.g. carved)' utt-y-kin wytwyt 'the leaf on the tree' Possessives don't agree in case/number with head: (48)
ñinqegti nyteñyc?etqinet wak ynpynacg-yrg-en jarak boys like to.be old.man-PL-POSS house.LOC 'The boys like to be in the old men's house'
(cf also Skorik I:229) Incorporates obligatorily in Com. I, II (like other modifiers): (49)
?aacekyt qytg?et gytgety ga-ynpynacg-yrg-ena-kopra-ma youths went to.lake COM-old.man-PL-POSS-net-COM.II 'The youths went to the lake with the old men's net' (I:226)
(50)
ge-mik-y-nine-tumg-e COM-who-POSS-friend-COM.I 'With the friend(s) of which person?'
(51)
ge-mik-y-rg-ine-tumg-e COM-who-PL-POSS-friend-COM.I 'With the friend(s) of which people?'
(52)
ga-mek-y-nena-melgar-ma COM-who-POSS-gun-COM.II 'With the gun(s) of which person?'
(53)
ga-mek-y-rg-ena-melgar-ma COM-who-PL-POSS-gun-COM.II 'With the gun(s) of which people?' (I:228)
Incorporates optionally when modifying N in any case except Absolutive: (54)
mik-y-nine-tumg-yk nytkiwigyt who-POSS-friend-LOC you.spend.night 'At whose friend's house are you spending the night?'
(55)
rult-y-nine-tumg-yk nytwajgym Rultyn-POSS-friend-LOC I.am 'I am at Rultyn's friend's house' (I:232)
Abs. pl. (and oblique case) agreement possible when head is elided: (56)
mik-y-n(in) jel?o-nte rult-y-nine-t, ñinqej-ine-t who-POSS grandfathers Rultyn's, the boy's 'whose grandfathers are they?' 'Rultyn's, the boy's'
(57)
mik-y-rg-in ñewyl?-y-k gyr?oññog?e who-PL-POSS herd-LOC calve.start 'In whose herd did the calving start?' rult-y-rg-ine-k, mirg-y-rg-ine-k Rultyn-PL-POSS-LOC, grandfather-PL-POSS-LOC 'In the Rultyn family's, in grandfathers''
(58)
ge-mik-y-nine-mirg-e ge-ñinqej-ine-me COM who-POSS-grandfather-COM.I COM-boy-POSS-COM.I 'with whose grandfather?' 'with the boy's' (I:242)
Otherwise agreement is rare. Note: genuine case inflected forms don't incorporate, and don't take adjective-like agreement morphology, which means that it is incorrect to think of the possessive form as a kind of genitive case. Predicative use:
(59)
ñotqen qepyl ñeekkeqej-in/ñeekkej-yrg-in this ball girl's girls' 'This ball is the girl's/the girls'' (I:225)
(60)
muri mik-y-rg-y-ine-muri winretyl?y-muri we who-PL-POSS-1pl helper-1pl 'whose(PL) helper are we?'
(61)
turi mewet-y-rg-ine-turi you Mewet-PL-POSS-1pl 'you are the Mewet family's (helpers)'
(62)
muri-ym ymyl?o-rg-ena-more qut-y-rg-ine-muri we-FOC all-PL-POSS-1pl other-PL-POSS-1pl 'but we are (the helpers) of all the others'
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3.3 Relational adjectives (Skorik I:268-280) Generally used with inanimates, signals alienable possession or stage level predication -kin(e): (63)
weem-kine-t wykw-yt river-REL-PL rock-PL 'the river's rocks, the rocks in the river'
(64)
emnuñ-kin gatle tundra-REL bird 'a bird from the tundra'
Possible with animates only in comparative constructions (in locative, orientative) (Skorik I:268 fn. 205)
(65)
ñeekkeqej-in k?eli ñinqej-kine-k tañyñ wal?yn girl-POSS cap boy-REL-LOC better is 'The girl's cap is better than the boy's'
(66)
raq-orwy-gjet retejkyñyn wh-sledge-ORIENT you.will.make 'Which sledge will you take as a model?'
(67)
igyr ñekkeqeg-ti ñinqej-kine-k tañyñ gemigciretlinet today girl-PL boy-REL-PL-LOC better have.worked 'Today the girls have worked better than the boys'
Syntax - basically similar to Possessive form. Usually agrees for number with Absolutive case head: (68)
weem-kin wykwyn, weem-kine-t wykwyt river(-PL) rock(s) 'the river's/rivers' rocks'
Comitative cases always incorporate (Skorik I:270): (69)
?itu?it riñeg?i ga-gytg-y-kena-galga-ma goose flew.away COM-lake-REL-bird-COM.II 'The goose flew away with the bird(s) from the lake'
Other oblique cases usually incorporate: (70)
añqa-kena-gel-gypy al?eqatg?e ?ytt?yn sea-REL-ice.floe-ABL swam dog 'From the ice floe in the sea swam a dog'
(71)
r?e-ñilg-yk kupre-kine-ñilg-yk wh-strap-LOC net-REL-strap-LOC 'On which strap? On the strap from the net'
(72)
req-ine-ñilg-yk kupre-kine-ñilg-yk
wh-REL-strap-LOC net-REL-strap-LOC 'On which strap? On the strap from the net' (73)
meñka-kena-gelgel-gypy añqa-kena-gelgel-gypy where-REL-ice.floe-ABL sea-REL-ice.floe-ABL 'From the ice floe which is where? From the ice floe which is in the sea'
Predicative use (Skorik I:275f): (74)
tite-kine-jgyt ele-kine-jgyt when-REL-2sg summer-REL-2sg 'Of what time are you?' 'I am of the summer'
(75)
gyt-ym, wopqa-jgyt, miñe-kine-jgyt you-FOC, elk-2sg, where-REL-2sg 'You, elk, where are you from?'
Has inflectional and derivational uses: derivational when deriving forms of non-nouns, function words, or indeclinables: wulqytwin 'evening'
wulqytwi-kin 'of the evening'
cinit '(ones)self'
cinit-kin '(ones)own'
miñky 'where?'
miñke-kin 'of where?'
meñko 'from where?'
meñko-kin 'pertaining to the person/thing from where?'
tite 'when?'
tite-kin 'pertaining to the person/thing of what time?'
ajwe 'yesterday'
ajwe-ken 'yesterday's'
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4. Numerals 4.1 Cardinals
Chukchee has a vigesimal system. 1
ynnen (e1)
21
qlikkin ynnen parol
2
ñireq
22
qlikkin ñireq parol
3
ñyroq
23
qlikkin ñyroq parol
4
ñyraq
24
qlikkin ñyraq parol
5
*mytlyñyn
25
qlikkin mytlyñyn parol
6
ynnanmytlyñyn
26
qlikkin ynnanmytlyñyn parol
7
ñer?amytlyñyn
27
qlikkin ñer?amytlyñyn parol
8
ñyr?omytlyñyn
28
qlikkin ñyr?omytlyñyn parol
amñyrootken
29
qlikkin ñyr?amytlyñyn parol
ñyr?amytlyñyn
30
qlikkin myngytken parol
qonacgynken
35
qlikkin kylgynken parol
10
*myngytken
40
ñireqqlikkin
11
myngytken
45
ñireqqlikkin mytlyñyn parol
12
myngytken
50
ñireqqlikkin myngytken parol
13
myngytken
60
ñyroqqlekken
14
myngytken
70
ñyroqqlekken myngytken parol
15
*kylgynken
80
ñyraqqlekken
16
kylgynken
90
ñyraqqlekken myngytken parol
17
kylgynken
100
mytlyñqlekken
18
kylgynken
200
myngytqlekken
19
kylgynken
300
kylgynqlekken
20
qlikkin
400
qlikqlikkin
9
Traditionally, counting didn't go beyond 400. Note interrogative numeral t?er/t?ar Forms for 'two', 'three', 'four', 'five' have combining forms ñiren-, ñyron-, ñyran-, mytlyñresp. with other numerals, and 'two', 'three', 'four' have ñire-, ñyro-, ñyra- in other combinations (e.g. with person agreement affixes). Combining forms for the numerals ending in -kin/ken remove that ending.
There are two forms for 'eight', 'nine'. The transparently formed '3 + 5', '4 + 5' are perhaps less frequent than the alternatives (I:388) which etymologically mean 'relating only to three (fingers on the other hand)' and 'one (finger) at its side'. Person marking: take person suffixes when used predicatively or appositively (except for ynnen 'one'): (turi) t?er-turi 'how many of you are there?' (muri) ñiremuri/ñer?amytlyñmore/amñyrootmore/ñireqqlikkin myngytken ñyroq parolmore/cigt?ermuri 'There are two/seven/eight/fifty-seven /a (fair) number of us' 3rd person forms have special plural suffix -rgeri: t?er-y-rgeri 'How many of them are there?' kylgynken ñyroq parol-y-rgare 'There are eighteen of them'.
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4.2 Distributive Circumfix em-/am-...-jut/jot. em-t?et-jut 'how many each?' [Russian: 'po skol'ko?'] am-ynnanmytlyn-jot 'six each' em-cig-t?et-jut 'a (fair) number each' em-qlikkin ynnen parol-jot 'twenty-one each' [NB vowel harmony!] (76)
amqyn-gelytkyny-k nyrowtytwaqenat each-ice.floe-LOC lay
(77)
em-qlikkin kylgynken ynnen parol-jot memyte DIST-20-15 one and-DIST seal.PL 'On each ice floe there lay thirty-six seals'
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4.3 Ordinals Formed by adding -qew/qaw (to combining form) ñireqqliq-qew 'fortieth' myngytken ynnen parol-qaw 'eleventh' Attributive use as with cardinal numerals: (78)
ynnen-qew jarañy 'the first house'
(79)
myngytkan ynnen parol-qaw-y-t lilit 'the eleventh gloves'
[NB plural agreement] Incorporate with oblique cases as for cardinals: (80)
ñyro-qaw-nalg-a 'by the third hide'
(81)
ga-ñer?a-mytlyñ-qaw-qajoo-ma COM-three-five-ORD-calf-COM.II 'with the seventh calf'
With null nominal head (or in nominalized form), they take case suffixes (like cardinals): (82)
t?ar-qaw-orw-y-k nytwaqen which-ORD-sledge-LOC it.is 'On which sledge (in order) is it?'
(83)
ñyro-qaw-y-k three-ORD-LOC 'On the third'
Predicate usage - as for cardinals, except that they can take plural marking. (84)
(85)
t?er-qew
'Which one is he?'
mytlyñ-qaw
'He's the fifth'
t?er-qew-i-gym
'Which one am I?'
myngytken ynnen parol-qaw-e-gyt
'You're the eleventh'
Possessive and relative forms of ordinals (86)
ñire-qew-ñinqej-in ytlygyn 'the father of the second boy'
(87)
ñire-qew-in ytlygyn 'the father of the second'
(88)
ga-ñera-qaw-ena-cakett-a COM-two-ORD-POSS-sister-COM.I 'with the sister of the second one'
Relative forms almost identical in meaning to ordinary ordinals: (89)
amñyroot-qaw-ken wykwyn eight-ORD-REL stone 'the eighth stone (in relation to a row of other specific stones)'
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5. Determiners Chukchee seems to lack a determiner system as such. A number of quantifiers appear as incorporated elements or as prefixes (depending on how you chose to analyse them). Overall, Chukchee illustrates the A-type quantifier system as opposed to the D-type. Skorik discusses these under noun derivation. See chapter ten, section 1.
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6. Modifier Incorporation
This is the most productive type of incorporation in the language (see Spencer 1995 for further discussion; also Payne 1993). Chukotkan languages permit incorporation of:
adjectives (in various forms) - forms possessives (including possessives of -l?- forms) 'determiners', quantifiers etc., numerals (I:392; see especially Payne for interesting examples) verb stems as modifiers
Typologically, modifier incorporation by noun heads is probably rather different from noun incorporation. In Chukchee it has an important role in discourse structure (an unincorporated modifier bears a certain amount of focus so that incorporation is the unmarked state) and is obligatory under certain circumstances (e.g. with the Comitative case forms, which have a prefixal element). Moreover, although noun incorporation is being lost from the language under influence of Russian, adjective incorporation shows now signs of being lost (see discussion in Spencer, 1995). Finally, note that modifier incorporation is found in languages which lack proper noun incorporation. Thus, in Germanic we often find Adj-Noun compounds of the blackbird type, while in Latvian even some determiners (possessives) can be compounded with nouns (e.g. from musu 'our' mus-dien-as 'our-day-GEñ 'of our day, i.e. modern').
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 4: VERB INFLECTION (Finite conjugation) 1. Introduction 1.1 Summary of verbal categories 2. Finite conjugation 2.1 Intransitives 2.1.1 Declarative mood 2.1.2 Imperative 2.1.3 Conditional 2.2 Transitives
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1. Introduction 1.1 Summary of verbal categories Finite forms:
Verbs cross-reference subjects and objects for P/N. Six tense/aspect forms: Past I, II, Present I, II, Future I, II. Three moods: Declarative, Imperative, Conditional. Two voice forms: Active, Antipassive.
Non-finite forms:
Present ('progressive') and passive participles. Various infinitives and gerunds. Numerous aspectual/Aktionsart affixes.
This chapter provides basic paradigms for finite forms of verbs. The rich set of non-finite forms are dealt with in chapter seven. The various tense/aspect categories are here given very notional labels. For detailed discussion of the semantics of these forms see Nedjalkov et al. 1984. Only the active paradigms are given here. The two antipassive paradigms are presented in chapter five (as far as their agreement and tense/mood/aspect markers are concerned they don't differ significantly from the intransitive paradigms given here.)
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2. Finite conjugation 2.1 Intransitives 2.1.1 Declarative mood Past I: type of aorist (implies completed action) Examples: kytgyntat-yk 'to run' req-yk 'to do what?' Singular 1.
ty-kytgyntat-yk
ty-req-yk
2.
kytgyntat-g?e
r?e-g?i
3.
kytgyntat-g?e
r?e-g?i
1.
myt-kytgyntat
myt-req
2.
kytgyntat-tyk
r?e-tyk
3.
kytgyntat-g?a-t
r?e-g?e-t
Plural
[Alternative 1sg forms: ty-kytgyntat-g?a-k, ty-r?e-g?e-k] Present II: progressive aspect 1sg
ty-kytgyntat-yrky-n
ty-req-yrky-n
2sg
kytgyntat-yrky-n
req-yrky-n
3sg
kytgyntat-yrky-n
req-yrky-n
1pl
myt-kytgyntat-yrky-n
myt-req-yrky-n
2pll
kytgyntat-yrky-n
req-yrky-n
3pl
kytgyntat-yrky-t
req-yrkyt
Future I: aoristic (telic) future, implies completed action. Marker: -re-/ra- prefix to stem; -ñ- suffix in 2/3pl forms.
Note use of -g?e/g?a suffix in sg. and 1pl. Singular
Plural
1.
t-ra-kytgyntat-g?a
myt-ra-kytgyntat-g?a
2.
ra-kytgyntat-g?a
ra-kytgyntan-ñy-tyk
3.
ra-kytgyntat-g?a
ra-kytgyntan-ñy-t
Likewise: trer?eg?e 'what shall I do?' etc. Future II: progressive future Singular
Plural
1.
t-ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn
myt-ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn
2.
ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn
ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn-e-tyk
3.
ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn
ra-kytgyntat-yrkyn-e-ñyt
Likwise: trereqyrkyn 'what shall I be doing?' Present II: type of stative; often refers to past or present time, without indicating completeness of action. Cf. adjective forms. Singular
Plural
1.
ny-kytgyntat-e-gym
myt-kytgyntan-more
2.
ny-kytgyntat-e-gyt
kytgyntat-tore
3.
ny-kytgyntat-qen
kytgyntat-qena-t
Likewise: ny-req-i-gym 'what am I doing?' Past II: perfect, resultative meaning. Cooccurs with enmec 'already'. Same morphology as possessive construction (cf. g-ekke-j-gym 'I have a son'). Singular
Plural
1.
ga-kytgyntat-e-gym
ga-kytgyntan-more
2.
ga-kytgyntat-e-gyt
ga-kytgyntat-tore
3.
ga-kytgyntat-len
ga-kytgyntat-lena-t
Likewise: ge-req-i-gym 'what have I done?'
Present II is formed from an original participial form. Cf. English 'I am running'). Past II is formed from construction translating 'have'. Cf. English 'I have run'. Examples Past I (1)
ty-gje-kw?e-k (> ty-gjew-g?e-k) ergyr?ok, t-ilgyte-kw?ek, I-woke-up at-dawn, washed, ty-caipa-kw?a-k ynk?am merynre ty-nto-g?a-k ñargynogty drank-tea and slowly went-out outside
(2)
r?e-g?i gymnin qorañy What-happened/did my deer 'What did my reindeer do?'
Present I (3)
gyt ilgytew-yrkyn you washing 'Are you washing?'
(4)
req-yrkyn-ym igirqej gynin ekyk what-doing-EMPH just-now your son 'What is your son doing just now?'
Future I (5)
qutti tyletumgyt petle re-jen-ñyt (re-jet-ñyt). other fellow-travellers soon will-arrive 'The other fellow travellers will soon arrive'
(6)
gyt-ym re-r?e-g?i ñelwyl?yk yppylomaci you-EMPH what-will-do in-the-herd, being-small 'What will someone as small as you do in the herd?'
Future II
(7)
egyttagnepy ytlygyk reen ñalwyl?ety t-re-lqlkyt-yrkyn from-now father with to-herd I-shall-go 'From now on I shall go to the herd with father'
(8)
re-req-yrkyni-ñyt ?aacekyt enpyl?yke What-will-do youths without-elders 'What will the young people do without the elders?'
Present II (9)
ajwe gyt qonpy ny-gyntew-i-gyt gymykajpy ynk?am n-atc-e-gyt yesterday you all-time were running away from-me and hiding 'Yesterday you spent the whole day running away from me and hiding'
(10)
qorañy watapa n-ewii-kin Reindeer moss feeds-on 'The reindeer feeds on moss'
(11)
ñan ny-req-i-gym qonpy ñutku so what-I-do all-time here 'So what do I do here all the time?'
(12)
?amyn-ym ny-r?e-qin qonpy gynin ekwew well-EMPH what-happens all-time (to) your left-deer 'Well, what happens all the time to your left reindeer?'
Past II (13)
gyt muryk qametwal?ylqegyt naqam ga-nto-j-gyt you with-us were-supposed-to-eat but you-left 'You were supposed to eat with us, but you left'
(14)
ekyk enmec ga-qametwa-len son already has-eaten 'The son has already eaten'
(15)
ñinqej wytku igyr ge-piñku-lin
boy just now has-jumped 'The boy jumped just now' (16)
torgynan-ym lygi ge-req-i-gym emnuñky you-EMPH know what-happened-to-me in-tundra 'You (at least) know what happened to me in the tundra'
(17)
gymnan-ym gemo ge-r?e-lin ekyk kaletkorak I-EMPH don't-know what-did (my)-son at-school 'I don't know what my son did at school'
(18)
ge-r?e-line-t igyr murgin nenenet What-did today our children 'What did our children do today?' top of page
2.1.2 Imperative Aorist (perfective, telic completed) and progressive (imperfective, non-completive) aspects. al?eqatyk 'to bathe' Perfective Singular
Plural
1.
m-al?eqat-yk
myn-al?eqat
2.
q-al?eqat-ge
q-al?eqat-gytyk
3.
n-al?eqat-g?an
n-al?eqat-ynat
Imperfective Singular
Plural
1.
m-al?eqat-yrkyn
myn-al?eqat-yrkyn
2.
q-al?eqat-yrkyn
q-al?eqat-yrkynetyk
3.
n-al?eqat-yrkyn
n-al?eqat-yrkynat
Examples: imperative (19)
qutti ?aacekyt ny-kytgyntat-ynat other youths let-them-run 'Let the other youths run.'
(20)
myn-req-yrkyn-ym muri, turi umkyk wama we-should-do-what we, you woods-LOC being 'What should we do, while you're in the woods?' top of page
2.1.3 Conditional Perfective and imperfective aspects (cf. imperative) Perfective Singular
Plural
1.
t?-al?eqat-yk
myn?-al?eqat
2.
n?-al?eqat-yn
n?-al?eqat-tyk
3.
n?-al?eqat-g?an
n?-al?eqat-ynat
Imperfective Singular
Plural
1.
t?-al?eqat-yrkyn
myn?-al?eqat-yrkyn
2.
n?-al?eqat-yrkyn
n?-al?eqat-yrkynetyk
3.
n?-al?eqat-yrkyn
n?-al?eqat-yrkynat
Examples: conditional (21)
ynykit turi n?y-wak?o-tyk enmec n?y-pañ?ewyño-tyk if you had-sat-down already you-would-have-rested 'If you had sat down already you would have rested'
(22)
n?y-req-yrkyn-i-tyk gym turyk reen atwaka
you-would-do-what I you with not-being 'What would you do without me?' top of page
2.2 Transitives Same mood, T/A system as intransitives. Agreement with both subject and object (excepting reflexive forms) for P/N. Note that forms with 1st person object and 2nd person subject or 3sg subject have special forms which are very nearly identical to those of one of the corresponding antipassive paradigms. (See Spencer 1999, for discussion.) Past I: l?u- 'see, find' 1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
ine-l?u-g?i
ine-l?u-g?i
2sg
ty-l?u-gyt
----------
ne-l?u-gyt
3sg
ty-l?u-g?en
l?u-g?en
l?u-nin
1pl
----------
l?u-tku-g?i
ne-l?u-myk
2pl
ty-l?u-tyk
----------
ne-l?u-tyk
3pl
ty-l?u-net
l?u-net
l?u-nine-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
1sg
----------
ine-l?u-tyk
ne-l?u-gym
2sg
myt-l?u-gyt
----------
ne-l?u-gyt
3sg
myt-l?u-g?en
l?u-tky
ne-l?u-g?en
1pl
----------
l?u-tku-tyk
ne-l?u-myk
2pl
myt-l?u-tyk
----------
ne-l?u-tyk
3pl
myt-l?u-net
l?u-tky
l?u-tky
OBJ
OBJ
E.g. l?unin 'he saw him' nel?utyk 'he/they saw you (pl.)'
Likewise: ryreqew- 'to do what to sthg/s.o.?' (combining stem -nreqew). tynreqewgyt 'what did I do to you?' ryreqewninet 'what did he do to them?' Present I 1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
ine-l?u-rkyn
ine-l?u-rkyn
2sg
ty-l?u-rkyni-gyt
----------
ne-l?u-rkyni-gyt
3sg
ty-l?u-rkyn
l?u-rkyn
l?u-rkyn-in
1pl
----------
l?u-tku-rkyn
ne-l?u-rkyni-myk
2pl
ty-l?u-rkyni-tyk
----------
ne-l?u-rkyni-tyk
3pl
ty-l?u-rkyn-et
l?u-rkyn-et
l?u-rkynin-et
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
1sg
----------
ine-l?u-rkyni-tyk
ne-l?u-rkyni-gym
2sg
myt-l?u-rkyni-gyt
----------
ne-l?u-rkyni-gyt
3sg
myt-l?u-rkyn
l?u-rkyni-tky
ne-l?u-rkyn
1pl
----------
l?u-tku-rkyni-tyk
ne-l?u-rkyni-myk
2pl
myt-l?u-rkyni-tyk
----------
ne-l?u-rkyni-tyk
3pl
myt-l?u-rkyn-et
l?u-rkyni-tky
ne-l?u-rkyn-et
1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
r-ine-l?u-g?e
r-ine-l?u-g?e
2sg
t-re-l?u-gyt
----------
ne-re-l?u-gyt
3sg
t-ry-l?u-ñyn
re-l?u-ñyn
re-l?u-g-nin
OBJ
OBJ
Future I
OBJ
1pl
----------
re-l?u-tku-g?e
ne-re-l?u-myk
2pl
t-re-l?u-n-tyk
----------
ne-re-l?u-n-tyk
3pl
t-re-l?u-ñy-net
re-l?u-ñy-net
re-l?u-g-nine-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
1sg
----------
r-ine-l?u-n-tyk
ne-re-l?u-gym
2sg
myt-re-l?u-gyt
----------
ne-re-l?u-gyt
3sg
myt-re-l?u-ñyn
re-l?u-ñy-tky
ne-re-l?u-ñyn
1pl
----------
re-l?u-tku-n-tyk
ne-re-l?u-myk
2pl
myt-re-l?u-n-tyk
----------
ne-re-l?u-n-tyk
3pl
myt-re-l?u-ñy-net
re-l?u-ñy-tky
ne-re-l?u-ñy-net
OBJ
Future II: = Present I with -re-: t-re-l?u-rkyni-gyt 'I saw thee' etc. Present II 1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
n-ine-l?u-j-gyt
n-ine-l?u-qin
2sg
n-ine-l?u-j-gym
----------
ny-l?u-j-gyt
3sg
n-ine-l?u-j-gym
n-ine-l?u-gyt
n-ine-l?u-qin
1pl
----------
ny-l?u-tku-j-gyt
ny-l?u-muri
2pl
n-ine-l?u-j-gym
----------
ny-l?u-turi
3pl
n-ine-l?u-j-gym
n-ine-l?u-j-gyt
n-ine-l?u-qine-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
1sg
----------
n-ine-l?u-turi
ny-l?u-j-gym
2sg
n-ine-l?u-muri
----------
ny-l?u-j-gyt
3sg
n-ine-l?u-muri
n-ine-l?u-turi
ny-l?u-qin
OBJ
OBJ
1pl
----------
ny-l?u-tku-turi
ny-l?u-muri
2pl
n-ine-l?u-muri
----------
ny-l?u-turi
3pl
n-ine-l?u-muri
n-ine-l?u-turi
ny-l?u-qine-t
1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
g-ine-l?u-j-gyt
g-ine-l?u-lin
2sg
ge-l?u-j-gyt
----------
ge-l?u-j-gyt
3sg
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-qin
1pl
----------
ge-l?u-tku-j-gyt
ge-l?u-muri
2pl
ge-l?u-turi
----------
ge-l?u-turi
3pl
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
1sg
----------
g-ine-l?u-turi
ge-l?u-j-gym
2sg
ge-l?u-j-gyt
----------
ge-l?u-j-gyt
3sg
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
1pl
----------
ge-l?u-tku-turi
ge-l?u-muri
2pl
ge-l?u-turi
----------
ge-l?u-turi
3pl
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
g-ine-l?u-j-gyt
g-ine-l?u-lin
2sg
ge-l?u-j-gyt
----------
ge-l?u-j-gyt
3sg
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-qin
Past II
OBJ
OBJ
Past II
OBJ
1pl
----------
ge-l?u-tku-j-gyt
ge-l?u-muri
2pl
ge-l?u-turi
----------
ge-l?u-turi
3pl
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
OBJ
----------
g-ine-l?u-turi
ge-l?u-j-gym
1sg
ge-l?u-j-gyt
----------
ge-l?u-j-gyt
2sg
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
ge-l?u-lin
3sg
----------
ge-l?u-tku-turi
ge-l?u-muri
1pl
ge-l?u-turi
----------
ge-l?u-turi
2pl
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
ge-l?u-line-t
3pl Examples: Past I (23)
ynqory ynpyñewqeje qametwanwy n-?ejñew-myk then old-woman to-eat she-called-us 'Then the old woman called us in to eat'
Present I (24)
gyt qynwer ytlon ne-jgu-rkyni-gyt jurgytw?itte you however indeed it-is-biting-you mad-dog 'A mad dog is just about to bite you.'
Future I (25)
yrgynan ne-re-l?u-n-tyk ynk?am ne-re-piri-n-tyk they they-will-see-you and they-will-seize-you 'They will see you and seize you'
Future II
(26)
ewyr yrgynan ne-re-temjuñ-yrkyni-gyt ?epte qy-temjuñ-yrkyne-t if they they-will-deceive-you also you.IMPER-deceive-them 'If they trick you you must trick them'
(Imperative: v. inf.) Present II (27)
Gytgak ytlyge ny-nl?eten-muri qolenymety kaletkonwy autumn father he-drives-us to-another-village to-study 'In the autumn father drives us to school in another village'
Past II (28)
mytiw torgynan enmec ga-ntyjewat-ytko-tore we-thought you already you-forgot-us 'We thought you'd forgotten us'
Imperative: Perfective 1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
q-ine-l?u-gi
n-ine-l?u-g?en
2sg
my-l?u-gyt
----------
?yny-l?u-gyt
3sg
my-l?u-g?en
qy-l?u-gyn
ny-l?u-nin
1pl
----------
qy-l?u-tku-gi
?yny-l?u-myk
2pl
my-l?u-tyk
----------
?yny-l?u-tyk
3pl
my-l?u-net
qy-l?u-gyne-t
ny-l?u-nine-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
OBJ
----------
q-ine-l?u-tyk
?yny-l?u-gym
1sg
myn-l?u-gyt
----------
?yny-l?u-gyt
2sg
myn-l?u-g?en
qy-l?u-gytky
?yny-l?u-g?en
OBJ
3sg
----------
qy-l?u-tku-tyk
?yny-l?u-myk
1pl
myn-l?u-tyk
----------
?yny-l?u-tyk
2pl
myn-l?u-net
qy-l?u-gytky
?yny-l?u-net
3pl Imperfective: Same suffixes as Present I but with Imperative prefixes. (29)
gymr?am ñinqegti my-l?u-net now boys let-me-find 'Now let me find the boys'
(30)
q-ine-nreqe-kwy-tyk gym ergatyk What-should-you-do to-me tomorrow 'What should you do to me tomorrow?'
(31)
naqam-ym ?yny-nreqew-yrkyni-myk ynpynacga but-EMPH what-should-do-with-us old-men 'But what should the old men do with us?'
Conditional: Perfective 1sg SUBJ
2sg SUBJ
3sg SUBJ
1sg
----------
n?-ine-l?u-g?en
n?-ine-l?u-g?en
2sg
t?y-l?u-gyt
----------
nen?y-l?u-gyt
3sg
t?y-l?u-g?en
n?y-l?u-g?en
n?y-l?u-nin
1pl
----------
n?y-l?u-tku-g?en
nen?y-l?u-myk
2pl
t?y-l?u-tyk
----------
nen?y-l?u-tyk
3pl
t?y-l?u-net
n?y-l?u-net
n?y-l?u-nine-t
1pl SUBJ
2pl SUBJ
3pl SUBJ
----------
n?-ine-l?u-tyk
nen?y-l?u-gym
OBJ
OBJ 1sg
2sg
myn?-l?u-gyt
----------
nen?y-l?u-gyt
3sg
myn?-l?u-g?en
n?y-l?u-tky
nen?y-l?u-g?en
1pl
----------
n?y-l?u-tku-tyk
nen?y-l?u-myk
2pl
myn?-l?u-tyk
----------
nen?y-l?u-tyk
3pl
myn?-l?u-net
n?y-l?u-tky
nen?y-l?u-net
Conditional Imperfective. Same suffixes as Present I and Imperative Imperfective but with Conditional prefixes. (32)
?ytt?e nen?y-jgu-gym ewyr cymce t?y-ta-g?ak dogs would-bite-me if nearer I-would-approach 'The dogs would bite me if I were to get closer'
(33)
n?-ine-nreqew-yn ewyr ynan?ytt?yjol t?y-nygje-kwyt What-would-you-do-to-me if before-everone-else I-would-wake-you 'What would you do to me if I were to wake you before everyone else?'
(34)
gyt-ym nan?y-walom-yrkyne-gyt ralkotwal?a emmejñyqulite you-EMPH they-would-hear-you those-in-bedroom your-loud-voice-by 'The people in the sleeping area (of the tent) would hear you because of your loud voice'
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 5 TRANSITIVITY AND TRANSITIVITY ALTERNATIONS 1. The ergative construction (Active voice) 2. Degrees of ergativity 2.1 Ergative syntax 2.2 'Mixed' ergative or accusative 2.3 Accusative syntax 3. Antipassive voice 4. Noun incorporation 4.1 Introduction 4.2 Direct object incorporation 4.3 Incorporation of non-object complements 4.4 Incorporation of unaccusative subjects 4.5 Transitivity alternations with incorporation 4.6 Incorporation of adjuncts 4.6.1 Incorporation of noun roots 4.6.2 Incorporation of adverbial/adjectival roots 4.6.3 Incorporation of verb roots top of page
1. The ergative construction (Active voice) Note: for nouns of decl. 1, 3 number isn't usually expressed in oblique cases, including Ergative. Examples of decl. 1, 3. (1)
ytlyg-e qora-ñy tym-nen
father-ERG deer-ABS kill-3sg/3sg 'The father killed the reindeer.' (2)
ytlyg-e ry-wiliw-et-y-rkyn-ine-t ynn-y-t father-ERG TR-sell-TR-PRES-3-PL fish-ABS/PL 'The father is selling fish.'
(3)
gyt-ym ?ytt-e ne-n-req-e-kwyt (>ne-r-req-ew-gyt) thou-ABS-EMPH dog-ERG/(PL) 3plS-TR-what-TR-2sgO 'What did the dogs do to you?'
(4)
luur qej-?ytty-qej-e na-penr-y-sqycat-gym suddenly DIM-dog-DIM-ERG/(PL) 3plS-attach-SUDDEN-1sgO 'The puppies suddenly attacked me.'
(5)
ne-n-req-ew-yn ?ytw-y-l?-e ñireq-ew ryrky 3plS-TR-what-TR-3sgO hunt-PTCPL-ERG/(PL) second walrusABS/SG 'What did the hunters do with/to the second walrus?'
Examples of PRES II and PAST II, in which subject and object are not distinguished on the verb. (6)
riquke-te ge-nu-lin tykec?-yn fox-ERG PAST II -eat bait-ABS 'The fox(es) ate the bait.'
(7)
req-e ge-tul?et-lin qora-t?ol what-ERG PAST II-take deer-meat-ABS 'What stole the venison?'
(8)
qeper-e ge-tul?et-lin wolverine-ERG/(PL) PAST II-take 'The wolverine(s) stole (it).'
(9)
paraxod-a n-ine-n-cim-ew-qin gilgil boat-ERG PRES II-3sgO-TR-break-TR-3sg ice-ABS 'The boat breaks the ice.'
Examples of decl. 2 (10)
jetyl?y-ne imti-nin utt-imyt Yetylyn-ERG/SG bring-3sg/3sg wood-bundle 'Yetylyn brought a bundle of wood.'
(11)
jetyl?y-ryk n-?emet-qin orgoor 'Yetylyn-ERG/PL PRES II-drag-3PL/3SG sledge-ABS/SG 'The Yelylyn family dragged the sledge.'
(12)
gym ine-ny-gjek-w?i ñawjelo-na I-abs 1sgO-TR-wake-3sgS aunt-ERG/SG 'Aunt woke me up.'
(13)
ñawjelo-ryk ne-tejk-yn ñaakkaqaj-ety ewir?-yn aunt-ERG/PL 3pl-S-make-3sgO girl-ALL clothing-ABS/SG 'The aunts made clothes for the girl.'
(14)
mik-y-ne ra-j?og-nen ñotqen-y-na who-ERG/SG FUT-catch-3sg/3sg. this-ERG/SG 'Who will catch him up?' 'This person.'
(15)
mik-y-ryk ge-ny-pkir-et-line-t ñinqeg-ti ñotqen-y-ryk who-ERG/PL PAST II-TR-arrive-TR-3plO this-ERG/PL 'Who (which people) brought the children?' 'These.'
If the verb is transitive the subject is ALWAYS Ergative and the direct object ALWAYS Absolutive and vice versa (for highly restricted exceptions, see Nedjalkov, 1979:249). top of page
2. Degrees of ergativity (See Comrie, 1979, Nedjalkov, 1979, Polinskaja and Nedjalkov, 1987). 2.1 Ergative syntax (Comrie, 79, Nedjalkov, 79): past participle. (16)
qaa-t [ytlyg-e] jep a-nmy-ky-l?-ena-t deer-ABS/PL [father-ERG] still NEG-kill-NEG-PTCPL-3pl-ABS 'The deer are not yet killed (by the father)'.
(17)
qaa-t [ytlyg-e] tym-jo-lqyl-te deer-ABS/Pl [father-ERG] kill-PTCPL-MUST-PL 'The deer are to be killed (by the father).' top of page
2.2 'Mixed' ergative or accusative EITHER subj. OR obj. can control (possibly zero) pronoun in coordinate structures: (18)
ytlyg-yn pykir-g?i ynk?am w?i-g?i father-ABS arrived-3sg and die-3sg 'The father came and died.'
(19)
ytlyg-e ekyk winren-nin ynk?am jet-g?i father-ERG son-ABS helped-3sg/3sg and left-3sg. 'The father helped the son and he left.' [ambiguous; contrast 'The father helped the son and left.']
Contrast Dyirbal (Dixon, 1972), in which only the Absolutive can control in coordinate structures. 2.3 Accusative syntax (See Comrie, 1979) Control of null subject in infinitivals ...
(20)
gym ty-tegjeñ-y-rkyn pelat-yk ñargyn I-ABS 1sg-want-PRES I stay-INF outside 'I want to stay outside.'
(21)
yninel?-e [gym] ena-cyñ-g?e qyt-yk ñalwyl?-ety elder brother-ERG [me-ABS] invited-3sg/1sg go-INF herd-ALL 'My elder brother invited me to go to the herd.'
...and gerunds: (22)
qametwa-k plytko-ma ynpynacgyn luur wetgaw-y-ñño-g?e eat-INF finish-GER old man-ABS suddenly speak-begin-3sg 'Having finished eating, the old man suddenly began to speak.' top of page
3. Antipassive voice Two affixes - prefix ine-/ena- and suffix -tku/tko. All six T/A forms. Formed from transitives only. Take same inflections as intransitives. Example:
wiriñ- 'defend'
Declarative mood Past I
Past II
1sg
t-ine-wiriñ-g?ek
g-ine-wiriñ-i-gym
2sg
ine-wiriñ-g?i
g-ine-wiriñ-i-gyt
3sg
ine-wiriñ-g?i
g-ine-wiriñ-lin
1pl
myt-ine-wiriñ-myk
g-ine-wiriñ-muri
2pl
ine-wiriñ-tyk
g-ine-wiriñ-turi
3pl
ine-wiriñ-g?et
g-ine-wiriñ-line-t
Present I
Present II
t-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
n-ine-wiriñ-i-gym
1sg
2sg
ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
n-ine-wiriñ-i-gyt
3sg
ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
n-ine-wiriñ-qin
1pl
myt-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
n-ine-wiriñ-muri
2pl
ine-wiriñ-yrkynityk
n-ine-wiriñ-turi
3pl
ine-wiriñ-yrkyt
n-ine-wiriñ-qine-t
FutureI
FutureII
1sg
t-r-ine-wiriñ-g?e
t-r-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2sg
r-ine-wiriñ-g?e
r-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
3sg
r-ine-wiriñ-g?e
r-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
1pl
myt-r-ine-wiriñ-g?e
myt-r-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2pl
r-ine-wiriñ-ñytyk
r-ine-wiriñ-yrkynityk
3pl
r-ine-wiriñ-nyt
r-ine-wiriñ-yrkyt
Imperative mood Perfective
Imperfective
1sg
m-ine-wiriñ-g?ek
m-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2sg
q-ine-wiriñ-gi
q-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
3sg
n-ine-wiriñ-g?en
n-ine-wiriñ-yrkn
1pl
myn-ine-wiriñ-myk
myn-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2pl
q-ine-wiriñ-gytyk
q-ine-wiriñ-yrkynityk
3pl
n-ine-wiriñ-yne-t
n-ine-wiriñ-yrkyne-t
Conditional mood Perfective
Imperfective
1sg
t?-ine-wiriñ-g?ek
t?-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2sg
n?-ine-wiriñ-g?en
n?-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
3sg
n?-ine-wiriñ-g?en
n?-ine-wiriñ-yrkn
1pl
myn?-ine-wiriñ-myk
myn?-ine-wiriñ-yrkyn
2pl
n?-ine-wiriñ-tyk
n?-ine-wiriñ-yrkynityk
3pl
n?-ine-wiriñ-yne-t
n?-ine-wiriñ-yrkyne-t
Similarly: ty-wiriñy-tku-g?ek etc., etc. Examples: Subject appears in ABSOLUTIVE (not Ergative); direct object either isn't expressed or appears in OBLIQUE case (Allative, Instrumental or Locative). (22)
gym t-ine-tejky-rkyn orw-ety I-ABS I-AP-made-PRES/II sledge-ALL 'I am making a sledge.'
(23)
muri myt-ine-rety-rkyn kimit?-e we-ABS we-AP-carry-PRES/II load-INSTR 'We are carrying the load.'
(24)
?aacekyt ine-gynrity-rkyt qaa-k youths AP-guard-PRES/II deer-LOC 'The youths are guarding the deer.'
[For further examples and discussion see Comrie, 1979, Nedjalkov, 1979, Polinskaja and Nedjalkov, 1987, and especially Kozinsky et al. 1988] top of page
4. Noun incorporation 4.1 Introduction [I:93f, II:232] [See Muravyova 1988, Nedjalkov 1976, Polinskaja 1991, Polinskaja and Nedjalkov1987, Polinsky1990, 1993, Skorik 1948, Spencer 1995. Kozinsky et al. 1989 discuss a number of interactions between noun incorporation and other diatheses.] In this section I discuss incorporation, a pervasive feature of Chukotkan morphosyntax in which a syntactic construction such as verb + object, verb + adjunct or noun + modifier alternates with a construction in which the head verb or noun forms a compound with that object, adjunct or modifier. It is generally taken to be a defining property of incorporation that the construction has to alternate with a fully syntactic variant with essentially the same
meaning. The main difference in interpretation is then usually one of focus, topicalization, backgrounding or whatever (though other factors may be important in specific instances). It is this which seems to distinguish incorporation in Chukchee from simple compounding (e.g. NN compounding), because in compounds there is no analytic syntactic equivalent (I:108). (However, it is not clear to what extent this is really true, since newly coined compounds at least might well be synonymous with Rel. Adj. + Noun constructions. Thus, there might not be a clear distinction between lexicalized compounds and true incorporation, save that incorporation isn’t lexicalized.) The phenomenon has come to be referred to as Noun Incorporation, because this is its most obvious manifestation: the formation of a Noun-Verb compound in which the Noun realizes some sort of complement function of the verb. The usual case is the incorporation of the direct object. In Chukchee this renders the verb intransitive (i.e. the verb does not agree with its incorporated object, as it would do in, say, S. Tiwa). For this reason it is convenient to discuss Noun Incorporation under the heading of transitivity alternations, though as is apparent from this section the phenomenon in Chukchee is much wider. This is because Chukchee, rather unusually, permits incorporation of a wide variety of adjuncts (the Australian language Mayali is similar in this regard), and incorporates words of all classes, including numerals, demonstratives, ‘participles’, adjectives, verbs and adverbs (I:98). One element which is not incorporated is pronouns (Skorik stress this point), and the ‘incorporation’ of elements clearly derived from pronouns to realize agreement functions is clearly a matter of cliticization not compounding. There is no doubt that the incorporative complex is a species of word formation (true compounding) and not just some sort of tightly knit phrase formation. This is shown by two facts: first, the incorporated stem(s) come immediately before the verb stem, forming a derived verb stem to which the usual array of verb prefixes is attached; second, the whole complex is subject to vowel harmony in the manner of a word. I first illustrate the incorporation of complements and various transitivity alternations arising from that (4.1- 4.3), then discuss the incorporation of adjuncts. The discussion will be very brief because these matters are dealt with in some detail in Spencer 1995. top of page
4.2 Direct object incorporation Schematically -
The man killed the deer The man deer-killed.
(24)
a.
ytlyg-e tym-nene-t qaa-t father-ERG killed-3SG/3PL deer-ABS/PL
b.
ytlyg-yn qaa-tym-g?e
father-ABS deer-killed-3SG 'The father killed the deer.' NB: verb becomes intransitive after incorporation; cf. antipassive. More examples: Root: kili-/-rkili 'spread' (25)
a.
ytlyg-e mytqymyt kawkaw-yk kili-nin father-ERG butter bread-LOC spread-3SG/3SG.
b.
ytlyg-yn kawkaw-yk mytqy-rkele-g?e father-ABS bread-LOC butter-spread-3SG. 'The father spread butter on the bread.'
(26)
a.
ty-ntywat-g?en utkuc?-yn 1SG-set-3SG trap-ABS
b.
t-otkoc?-y-ntywat-yn 1SG-trap-set-1SG 'I set a trap.'
(27)
a.
ty-r?e-mne-rkyn 1SG-what-sharpen-PRES I
b.
r?enut ty-mne-rkyn what-ABS 1SG-sharpen-PRES I 'What am I sharpening?' top of page
4.3 Incorporation of non-object complements Examples with complements which wouldn't be direct objects in English (or Chukchee). (28)
a.
myt-uwicwet-yrkyn qepl-e
1PL-play-PRES I ball-INSTR b.
myt-qepl-uwicwet-yrkyn 1PL-ball-play-PRES I 'We are playing at ball.'
(29)
a.
ty-tke-rkyn ynn-e 1SG-smell-PRES I fish-INSTR
b.
t-ynn-y-tke-rkyn 1SG-fish-smell-PRES I 'I smell of fish.' top of page
4.4 Incorporation of unaccusative subjects (See Nedjalkov 1976, Polinsky 1990, 1993). Unaccusative subjects incorporate but not unergative ones (for possible exceptions see Polinsky’s work): (30)
ym?yloñet ty-lewt-y-pygt-y-rkyn all.day 1sg-head-hurt-PRES.I ‘I’ve had a head ache all day’
(31)
ynqo ge-j?ilg-inini-lin then PAST.II-moon-appear-3sg ‘Then the moon appeared’
4.5 Transitivity alternations with incorporation NI feeds 'Dative Shift' (32)
a.
ytlyg-e (akka-gty) qora-ñe tym-nen
b.
ytlyg-yn (akka-gty) qaa-nm-at-g?e
c.
ytlyg-e ekyk qaa-nm-y-nen
'The father killed the deer for the son.' Other obliques become derived objects. Eg. from 20: (33)
c.
ytlyg-e kawkaw mytqy-rkele-nen father-ERG bread-ABS butter-spread-TR top of page
4.6 Incorporation of adjuncts Chukchee permits incorporation of nouns, adverbs and verb roots with an adverbial function. (This, together with similar data from Mayali, is a direct counterexample to the thesis advance by Baker (1988, 1996). 4.6.1 Incorporation of nouns with adverbial function (34)
a.
ty-lejw-y-rkyn 1sg-wander-PRES.I ‘I am wandering’
b.
ty-nyki-lejw-y-rkyn 1sg-night-wander-PRES.I ‘I am wandering at night’
(35)
a.
ty-?ejñe-rkyn 1sg-shout-PRES.I ‘I am wandering’
b.
ty-kejñ-y-?ejñe-rkyn 1sg-bear-shout-PRES.I ‘I am shouting like a bear’
(36)
ty-ralko-wañe-rkyn 1sg-bed.curtain-sew-PRES.I ‘I am sewing inside the bed curtain’
(37)
ty-jara-pker-y-rkyn
1sg-house-arrive-PRES.I ‘I am arriving home’ This last two examples illustrate the vowel harmony properties of incorporation: the base form of the word for ‘tent’ is relkun with recessive vowels. Similarly, in (30) the dominant vowelled stem jara- ‘house’ induces vowel harmony of the recessive stem pkir ‘arrive’. (38)
gymnan t-y-gytka-rkypl-yn reqokalgyn I.ERG 1sg-leg-hit-3sg fox.ABS ‘I hit the fox on the leg’
Note that in this example we have a transitive verb which retains its object (‘fox’) but which is modified by a noun lit. ‘I hit the fox in a leg-fashion’ (II:236). Some examples of multiple incorporations (I:102; see also Spencer 1995): (39)
t-y-winw-y-jyq-ejmew-y-rkyn 1sg-secretly-quickly-approach-PRES.I ‘I quickly, secretly approach’
(40)
t-y-mejñ-y-lewt-pygt-y-rkyn 1sg-great-head-hurt-PRES.I ‘I have a splitting headache’
(41)
t-y-janra-y-kopre-ntywat-y-rkyn 1sg-separately-net-set-PRES.I ‘I am putting out the net separately’
In Chapter 3 I discuss incorporation of modifiers by nouns. A noun with an incorporated modifier can itself be incorporated by the verb (I:102): (42)
t-y-kolqoc-y-kemet?-y-gynret-y-rkyn 1sg-kolkhoz-load-guard-PRES.I ‘I am guarding the kolkhoz’s load’
(43)
t-y-t?ar-qora-kyn?or-rkyn 1sg-how.many-reindeer-lasso-PRES.I ‘How many reindeer am I lassoing?’
(44)
t-y-r?a-wala-mna-rkyn 1sg-what-knife-sharpen-PRES.I ‘Which knife am I sharpening?’
Likewise, a modifier can be derivationally complex (I:107): (45)
t-y-lge-korg-owecwat-y-rkyn 1sg-very-happily-play-PRES.I ‘I am playing very happily’
Skorik (I:103) states that it is generally objects or other unambiguous complements to verbs that allow modified nouns to be incorporated. Unlike some languages (Eskimo languages, Mohawk, …) modifiers can’t be ‘stranded’, i.e. an external adjective, numeral or whatever can’t modify an incorporated noun (see Spencer 1995 for other types of modifier incorporation and the case of ‘possessor stranding’). Skorik (I:105) doesn’t say this directly, rather he claims unequivocally that the incorporated noun can’t ‘enter into direct syntactic relations with a syntactically realized word form or other sentence constituent’. top of page
4.6.2 Incorporation of adverbial/adjectival roots (II:234) (46)
ynan ge-pynn-y-twy-len cinitkin wagyrgyn he.ERG PAST.II-dejectedly-speak-3sg self.POSS life ‘He sadly recounted his life’
(47)
yrgynan n-iwyp-y-gite-net ñewysqetegti they.ERG 3pl.SUBJ-shy-look-3pl.OBJ girl.ABS.PL ‘They shyly looked at the girls’
4.6.3 Incorporation of verb roots (48)
gymnan ty-gacgaw-peresqycat-yn caat I.ERG 1sg-hurry-grab-3sg.OBJ lasso ‘I hurriedly grabbed the lasso’
II:238 provides explicit comparison of these incorporations with analytic syntactic equivalents (in which the incorporated verb stem generally appears as a gerund; see also Spencer 1995 for further examples). Skorik (II: 241) provides the following example of multiple incorporations: (49)
myn-nyki-ure-qepl-uwicwen-myk 1pl.IMPER-night-long.time-ball-1pl ‘Let’s play ball for a long time in the night’
cf. (50)
nyki-te n-ur-?ew myn-uwicwen-myk qepl-e night-INSTR ADV-long.time-ADV 1pl.IMPER-play-1pl ball-INSTR
Conversion: just change from intr. to tr. conjugation myle-g?i
'it broke'
myle-nin
'he broke it'
male-g?e
'he wiped himself dry'
male-nen
'he wiped him dry'
Semantic subtypes of lexical causatives. 'Comitative' meaning. ragtyk
'to come home'
ry-ragt-at-yk
'to bring home'
jaalatyk
'to follow'
ry-jaala-w-yk
'to bring s.o. with one'
tejkewyk
'to struggle'
ry-tejkew-et-yk
'to struggle with s.o.'
wetgawyk
'to speak'
ry-wetgaw-at-yk
'to converse with s.o.'
Examples: (1)
ytlyg-yn pykir-g?i jarak
father-ABS arrived home
(2)
ytlyg-e ry-pkir-en-nin memyl jarak
father-ERG brought seal home
'Applicative' meaning migciretyk
'to work'
ry-migcir-ew-yk
'to work sthg.'
wañek
'to do some sewing'
ry-wañe-w-yk
'to sew (sthg.)'
(3)
ytlyg-yn wiliw-yrkyn ñotenwelytkorak
father-ABS trades in-this-shop (4)
ytlyg-e ry-wiliw-et-yrkyn ynnyt
father-ERG sells fish
'Instrumental' meaning gatte (>gatga-) 'adze' gatgatkok 'to make holes in leather' ry-gatgatko-w-yk 'to use an adze or use sthg. else as an adze' kelik
'to write'
ry-keli-w-yk
'to write with sthg.'
(5)
ytlyg-yn nelyrkyn (qet-agty)
father-ABS catches (ket-ALL)
(6)
ytlyg-e ry-nel-ew-yrkyn-in gymnin giñygiñ qetagty father-ERG CS-catch-CS-PROG my net-ABS ket-ALL 'Father catches ket in/with my net'
(Cf. antipassive. Ket = kind of fish). 'Arousal of emotional state' qyñetyk
'to be jealous'
ry-qyñe-w-yk
'to be jealous of s.o.'
wejmenetyk
'to be hospitable'
ry-wejmene-w-yk
'to welcome s.o.'
(7)
ekyk gylo-rkyn
son-ABS pines
(8)
ekk-e ry-glo-w-yrkyn-en ytla
son-ERG pines-for mother-ABS
Causative of reflexive verb: kergypyk
'to put on a kerker'
ry-kergyp-aw-yk
'to put a kerker on s.o.'
ilkymjetyk
'to screw up one's eyes'
r-ilkymje-w-yk
'to close s.o.'s eyes'
ilgytewyk
'to wash (oneself)' or 'to wash s.o.'
kergypyk
'to put on a kerker'
ry-kergyp-aw-yk
'to put a kerker on s.o.'
ilkymjetyk
'to screw up one's eyes'
r-ilkymje-w-yk
'to close s.o.'s eyes'
ilgytewyk
'to wash (oneself)' or 'to wash s.o.'
(9)
ytlyg-yn atynwat-g?e
father-ABS hurt.himself
(10)
ytlyg-e atynwan-nen rekwyt
father hurt the calf
'Dative Shift' (almost exclusively with denominal verbs; see also under 'Incorporation'). ranñatyk
'to move house'
ry-ranñat-aw-yk
'to help move s.o.'s house'
ajkolatyk
'to make a bed'
ajkolatyk
'to make s.o.'s bed'
(11)
ñinqej ajmeer?at-g?e
boy-ABS drew-water
(12)
ñinqej-e ynpynacg-yn r-ajmeer?a-w-nen
boy-ERG old-man-ABS drew-water 'The boy drew the old man some water.' top of page
2. 'Agreement climbing' Agreement of verb taking infinitival complement with embedded transitive verb (13)
ytlyg-yn paa-g?e marawyk
father stopped scolding
(14)
ytlyg-e ry-paa-w-nen ry-maraw-at-yk ekek
father stopped-TR scolding son-ABS (15)
ytlyg-e ry-paa-w-nen-at ry-maraw-at-yk ekket father stopped-TR/PL scolding sons-ABS top of page
3. Other transitivity alternations with incorporation (See Spencer 1995 and references cited there) 3.1 NI feeds 'Dative Shift' (16a)
ytlyg-e (akka-gty) qora-ñe tym-nen father-ERG (son-ALL) deer-ABS killed 'Father killed a deer (for the son)
(16b)
ytlyg-yn (akka-gty) qaa-nm-at-g?e father-ABS (son-ALL) deer=killed 'Father killed a deer (for the son)
(16c)
ytlyg-e ekyk qaa-nm-y-nen father-ERG son.ABS deer=killed 'Father killed a deer (for the son)
Obliques (All., Loc., Abl., Instr.) become derived objects. (17a)
ynjiw wenwep-yrkyn qapar-ety uncle-ABS follows wolverine-ALL 'Uncle follows the wolverine'
(17b)
ynjiw-e wenwep-yrkyn-en qeper uncle-ERG follows wolverine-ABS 'Uncle follows the wolverine'
(18a)
ñinqej gyrulm-yrkyn jara-k boy-ABS skirts-around house-LOC 'The boy skirts around the house'
(18b)
ñinqej-e gyrulm-yrkyn-in jara-ñy boy-ERG skirts-around house-ABS 'The boy skirts the house'
(19a)
ytla laweer?ynto-rkyn korowa-jpy
mother-ABS milks cow-ABL (19b)
ytla-ta laweer?ynto-rkyn-en korowa-lgyn mother-ERG milks cow-ABS
(20a)
ytlon jynat-yrkyn tekicg-e he-ABS asks-for meat-INSTR
(20b)
ynan jynat-yrkyn-en tekicg-yn he-ERG asks-for meat-ABS
[Some of these could be analysed 'in reverse' as zero marked antipassives] top of page
3.2. Transitivization after antipassive or NI This gives rise to constructions reminiscent of Locative Alternation verbs in English. (21a)
ytlyg-e mytqymyt (kawkaw-yk) kili-nin father-ERG butter-ABS (bread-LOC) spread 'Father spread butter on the bread'
(21b)
ytlyg-yn mytq-e (kawkaw-yk) ena-rkele-g?e father-ABS butter-INSTR (bread-LOC) AP-spread-INTR 'Father spread butter on the bread'
(21c)
ytlyg-e mytq-e kawkaw ena-rkele-nen father-ERG butter-INSTR bread-ABS AP-spread-TR 'Father spread the bread with butter'
(21d)
ytlyg-e kawkaw mytqy-rkele-nen father-ERG bread-ABS butter-spread-TR 'Father spread the bread with butter' top of page
4. Analytical causatives (See also 'analytical constructions' Chapter 8) Only with human agents. Often means 'order, tell, persuade'. Verb-jgut rytyk (= 'have' used as Aux. - see Chapter 8) (22a)
ekyk migciret-g?i son-ABS worked
(22b)
ytlyg-e migciret-yjgut ryn-nin ekyk father-ERG work-CAUS AUX-TR son-ABS 'The father made/order the son to work'
(23a)
ekke-te rymigcirewnin waly son-ERG worked knife-ABS 'The son worked the knife'
(23b)
ytlyge remigcirew-yjgut ryn-nin waly (akka-gty) father work-CAUS AUX-TR knife-ABS (son-ALL) 'The father caused (the son) to work the knife'
Permissive causative ('to let s.o. do') using ityk 'to be' as AUX. Cf. (24a)
ynpynacg-a cinituwyk rypirkylew-yjgut ryn-nin old-man-ERG self smother-CAUS AUX-TR. 'The old mani told (s.o.) to smother himi'
(24b)
ynpynacg-yn rypirkylew-yjgut it-g?i old-man-ABS smother-CAUS AUX-INTR 'The old man let (s.o.) smother him'
Expression of the embedded subject ('causee'): (25a)
ekke-te mimyl pyl-nin son-ERG water-ABS drank 'The son drank the water'
(25b)
ytlyg-e akka-gty mimyl ry-lp-y-ñan-nen father-ERG son-ALL water-ABS R-drank-„EN 'The father made the son drink the water = gave water to the son to drink.'
(25c)
ytlyg-e akka-gte mimyl pyl-yjgut ryn-nin father-ERG son-ALL water-ABS drink-CAUS AUX-TR 'The father told the son to drink the water'
BUT: not possible if Allative could be mistaken for Benefactive: (26)
ytlyge akka-gty qora-ñy tym-yjgot ryn-nin 'The father had the deer killed (by s.o.) for the son'
The embedded object can be incorporated, in which case the causee may appear as the derived direct object.
(27)
son-ABS water-drink-CAUS AUX-TR 'The father gave water to the son to drink'
If Allative could also be interpreted as Benefactive, then verb must be given intransitivizing suffix: (28)
ytlyge ekyk qaa-nm-at-yjgot rynnin father deer-kill-INTR-CAUS 'The father made the son kill the deer'
Contrast: (29)
ytlyge ekyk qaa-nm-yjgot rynnin father deer-kill-CAUS AUX 'The father made (s.o.) kill the deer for the son'
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 7: VERB MORPHOLOGY (non-finite forms) 1. 'Participles' 1.1 Present participle 1.1.1 intransitive verbs 2. Gerunds and infinitives 2.1 Gerunds 2.2 Other non-finite forms: supine and infinitive 2.3 Other (intermediate) non-finite forms with modal nuances 2.4 Constructions with 'true' auxiliaries 3. Action Nominalizations
top of page
This chapter deals with non-finite forms, specifically:
Present ('progressive') and passive 'participles' Various infinitives and gerunds Action Nominalizations
1. 'Participles' (Skorik I:345-386) The term 'participle' is only appropriately applied to the passive participle in -jo. I retain the term (in scare quotes) for the -l?- form because it translates Skorik's imja prichastie and because there's no obviously better alternative. 1.1 Present participle Marker -l?-, in Abs. Case: -l?yn (sg.), -l?yt (pl.). 1.1.1 intransitive verbs E.g. iwini- 'hunt'
iwini-l?yn 'one who hunts, is hunting, hunter'
?ytt?- 'dog'
?ytt?y-l?yn 'one who has dogs, dog-owner'
kynte- 'lucky' (adj. form: ny-kynte-qin)
kynte-l?yn 'one who is lucky'
These answer the following questions: reqyl?yn 'what doing?'
iwinil?yn 'hunting'
meñin 'who?'
iwinil?yn 'a hunter'
reqyl?yn 'what having?'
?yttyyl?yn 'having dog(s)'
mikyl?yn 'who having?'
ekkel?yn 'having son(s)'
miñkyri wal?yn '(lit.) how being?'
kyntel?yn 'lucky'
Nominal properties
Decline fully as nouns. Have possessive forms: ytt?yl?-in ekyk 'the son of him who owns dogs'
Take predicative agreements: pelaty-l?-e-gym 'I am remaining' tekicgy-l?-y-muri 'we have meat (we are meat-having)' iny-l?-y-turi 'you are young'
Take 'necessitive' suffix -lqyl (Skorik I:314, 365-369) cf
erme
'chief'
erme-lqyl
'the one who is to be chief'
tip?ejñe
'sing'
tip?ejñe-l?-y-lqyl
'the one who should sing'
qaa
'deer'
qaa-l?-y-lqyl
'the one who should have deer'
Verbal properties
(1)
Take adverbials (to form relative clause type structures): ytr?ec gym amqyn?yco migcirety-l?-i-gym only I continually work
Incorporate complements and adverbials.
(2)
Umky-gynrity-l?yn ynpynacgyn wood-conserve-PT old-man
(3)
gym igyr tañ-pera-awer?y-l?-e-gym I today very-fine-clothes-PT 'Today I have very fine clothes.'
pynny-wak?otwa-l?yn ñinqej
pynnety wak?otwal?yn
gloomy-sitting boy
gloomily sitting
Verbal participles are always intransitive. Those derived from transitives appear in antipassive, or in special passive form. (Cf. Comrie, 1979). If object is focussed, it appears in oblique case, otherwise it is incorporated: (4)
ine-gynrity-l?yn qaa-k vs. qaa-gynrety-l?yn AP-guard-PT deer-LOC 'the one guarding the reindeer'
The antipassive form with -tku- is more general, and can't be doubled by oblique object. top of page
2. Gerunds and infinitives 2.1 Gerunds (II:139) Very numerous, formed primarily from verb stem plus (nominal) case endings (though other endings are also found). Have essentially adverbial function. Verbal properties: o o
Cooccur with adverbial modification and arguments (overt subject and object). Take aspectual markers.
Nominal properties: o o
Examples:
No tense distinctions. No agreements with arguments.
1.
-ma 'simultaneous action, background' (Cf. Com. II)
(5)
ñewysqetti megceran-ma tamenñyrak amqyn?yco nytip?ejñyqinet womenwork-MA in-workshop always sing 'The women always sing while they work in the workshop.'
2.
ga-...-ma 'simultaneous action'. (Cf. Com. II)
(6)
ytri ga-melgerytko-ma nypenratkoqinet they GA-shoot-MA attacked 'They attacked shooting.'
3.
-gty/ety 'simultaneous or prior action (not just background)' (Cf. All.)
(7)
Pela-gty ñelwyl ynan l?unin maglal?yn leave-GTy herd he saw dog-team 'Leaving the herd he saw the dog-team'
4.
-k ( infinitive!) 'prior action' (Cf. Loc.)
(8)
ytlyge kur-yk jaral?ety qewiir?yt petle ekwetg?i tumyk reen father buy-K for-home presents soon left friends with 'Having bought presents for the people at home, Father left with his friends'
5.
-(i)neñu 'directly prior action'
(9)
Cawcywat pykir-ineñu nymnymyk qytg?ek welytqoragty deer-herders arrive-INEñU village-LOC went-to shop. 'As soon as the reindeer-herders arrived in the village they went to the shop.'
6.
-jpy/gypy/epy 'reason' (cf. Abl.)
(10)
?aacek opcatko-jpy ermekw?i youth weight-lifting-JPy grew-strong. 'By weight-lifting, the youth grew strong'
7.
-te 'means' (Cf. Instr.)
(11)
tymñetwa-ta qyrym plekyt qyplytkugynet lazing-TA not boots you-will-finish 'You won't finish those boots by lazing around.'
8.
-macy 'concessive'
(12)
t?yl-macy ytlon iwinig?i. be-ill-MACy he went-hunting 'Although he was ill he went hunting.'
With imperative or conditional means something like 'after all': (13)
qewjañño-macy eqylpe qy-ragty-ge you-begin-to-freeze-MACy quickly go-home-IMPER. 'You're beginning to freeze, so go home at once.'
[Cf. English use of 'since'] 9.
emre-...-ñe (amra-...-ña) 'purpose' (purely adverbial function, ct. supine, below).
(14)
?aacek ir?ytwyg?i amra-penry-ña tejkewtumgyn youth removed-coat EMRE-attack-„ E sparring partner 'The youth took off his coat, intending to attack his sparring partner.'
Syntactic properties: all (except 9) can have their own (overt) subjects (contrast English gerunds), case marked (Erg./Abs.) like finite clause subjects. (Cf. finite adverbial clauses). Exception: purposives (emre-...-ñe) usually require PRO subject, presumably for semantic reasons. Examples: (15)
qlawylte ?ytwytko-ma ñewysetti nymigciretqinet añqacormyk men hunt-MA women work on-beach 'While the men are hunting, the women are working on the beach.'
(16)
ñinqej ajmaw-ety ?ytt?yn kyjekw?i boy approach-ETy dog awoke 'As the boy approached, the dog woke up'
(17)
inini-neñu tirkytir ytlon rekwetg?e waamety. rise-NEñU sun he will-go to-river 'As soon as the sun rises he will go to the river.'
(18)
neneny kytgyntat-gypy ymyl?o tenñytkur?ug?et child run-GyPy all laughed. 'Because the boy started running, everyone burst out laughing.'
(19)
remkyl?yt jylqan-macy ñinqegti qulil?yr?urkyt guests sleep-MACy children shout 'The kids are yelling even though the guests are asleep.' top of page
2.2 Other non-finite forms: supine and infinitive 9.
-nwy, supine (purposive clause)
(20)
?aacek ir?ytwyg?i penry-nwy tejkewtumgyn youth removed-coat attack-NWy sparring partner 'The youth removed his coat in order to attack his sparring partner.' (contrast ex. under 6. above).
10.
-k, infinitive. Functions as sentential complement to following classes of words:
verbs expressing: o o o o o
(21)
desire, command, etc. mental or physical state inception/completion a few others certain adjectives, adverbs, deverbal nouns.
gym tytegjeñyrkyn pelat-yk ñargyn I want to-stay outide
(22)
ñewysqetqej nyñyrkylatqen ?urew-yk jorocykojpy little girl was-shy to-look from-tent 'The little girl was shy of peeping out from the tent.'
(23)
ñinqegti moog?at uwicwet-yk nargyn boys began to-play outside
(24)
ytla gagcawyrkyn ñyto-k mother is-hurrying to-leave
(25)
ñinqeje winrennin pycegtywa-k ytlygyn boy helped to-take-off-shoes father 'The boy helped his father to take off his shoes.'
(26)
ewyn cam?am rilgity-k ñotqen wykwycgyn totally impossible to-lift this boulder 'It is totally impossible to lift this boulder'
(27)
emgolgyrgyn ammorgynan wak jarak boredom only-we sit at-home 'It's boring for us to sit on our own at home.' top of page
2.3 Other (intermediate) non-finite forms with modal nuances 11.
ge-...-te 'impersonal exhortative' (cf. Com. I.)
(28)
g-ejmi-te ?ytt?yn qynwer gyntekw?i G-take-TE dog else ran-off 'It was necessary to take the dog, or else it would have run off.'
12.
tañ-...-ñ 'possibility'
(29)
gatle tañy-lqagnawy-ñ wak?og?e bird TAñ-shoot-ñ sat 'The bird sat in such a way that it could be shot. (The bird was a sitting target)'
Main clause: (30)
orgoor ymy gynan tañ-tajky-ñ sledge even you can-make 'Even you can make a sledge'
13.
?aqa-...-ñ 'impossibility'
(31)
ynpynacgyn ?aqa-walomy-ñ wetgawyrkyn old-man ?AQA-understand-ñ speaks 'The old man is speaking in such a way that one can't understand him.'
(32)
termec?yñyl?yn genkylwetlin ?aqa-elol?aty-ñ robber they-tied-up ?AQA-move-ñ 'They tied up the robber so he couldn't move.'
Main clause: (33)
ñotyñken weem ymy elek ?aqa-jery-ñ that (behind speaker) river even in-summer is-impassable
14.
-gjit 'in accordance with'
(34)
ñewysqetqegti ?ejñewy-gjit nyjetqinet girls call-GJIT come 'The girls come when you call them.'
(35)
wyjopca-GJET ninelkyligym yneel?yn whistling-GJIT I-will-recognise my-brother 'I'll recognise my brother from the fact that he whistles.'
15.
-jgut 'purposive'
(36)
gymnan ninegicijgym wykwyqagte ryl?uñety-jgut toryky I am-collecting pebbles show-JGUT to-you
(37)
caketta gitgynin ?ytleñi jopaty-jgot ynan t?ytl?en mirgyn sister asked younger-brother visit he sick grandfather 'The sister asked her younger brother to come and visit their sick grandfather'
16.
-kin 'for ...ing'
(38)
tarañ-ken wany ?otcoj gelqyrirlin build-house-KIN place long-time they-searched-for 'They spent a long time looking for somewhere to build a house'
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2.4 Constructions with 'true' auxiliaries With gerunds, causatives, negative forms Gerunds: -te/ta emphasises contrastive sense ('doing X as opposed to Y'); em-...-te/am-...-ta = 'only' ityk with intransitive verb, rytyk with transitive verb: tip?enñe-te ityk 'to be specifically singing' em-tip?ejñe-te ityk 'to be just singing' gici-te rytyk 'to be specifically collecting' em-gici-te rytyk 'to be just picking' top of page
Addendum: examples of transitive gerunds. (39)
ajwe, ga-tajky-ma kupren, j?arat typeñjiwetg?et Yesterday, GA-make-MA net, very I-became-tired. 'I got very tired yesterday, making a net'
With different subject from matrix. NB this means that non-finite verb form is able to assign (ergative) case to subject position (as well as absolutive to object position). (40)
gymnan ga-lqagnaw-ma, ac?ek cypetg?i I-ERG GA-shoot-MA duck dived 'As I shot (at it), the duck dived'
(41)
muri am-peljaw-a nenenete, nemñolmore us-ABS AM-leave-(T)A children-ERG, we-pine (for them) 'Because the children leave us, we pine for them'
(42)
em-tul?e-te mikyryk raj caat, ?aacek n?enqetqin qaantak
EM-steal-TE who-ERG ever lasso youth not-want go-to-herd 'Because someone stole his lasso, the youth doesn't want to go to the herd' (43)
ynpynacga rytenmaw-a milgerti jep in?e, myl?o jaral?yt n?yjegtelynety old man-ERG prepare-TA guns already early morning, all family would-be-alive 'Had the old man prepared the guns early in the morning, the whole family would still be alive.'
(44)
am-y-lwaw-a elkykyk ?aaceka qejuu, n?ytenñytkug?en ynpynacgyn AM-not able-(T)A to-recognize youth-ERG fawn-ABS would-laugh old man 'Since the youth wouldn't be able to recognize the fawn, the old man would laugh.'
(45)
ñeekkyk ytlyge t?aryñ-a, ytla pynnewyrkyn daughter-ABS father-ERG shout-at-(T)A, mother got-upset. 'Because father shouted at his daughter, mother got upset.'
(II:178) (46)
ynpynacga tajkyma orgoor, ñinqej ynyk qaca nytwecatwaqen old.man making sledge boy him near stood 'While the old man was making a sledge, the boy was standing next to him'
(47)
enene-ma iwinil?yn, ñew?ene ryjagnawnen ytlon appear-MA hunter, wife met him 'When the hunter appeared, his wife went out to meet him'
(48)
wytret-ineñu gekeñyl?yn, ñewysqete ?ewñewnin ?ywequc appear-GER reindeer.rider woman called husband 'As soon as the reindeer rider appeared, the woman called her husband'
(49)
?aaceka pirisqycet-ineñu pojgyn, ?ekyl?yn nywilg?i youth take-GER spear, enemy stopped 'As soon as the youth picked up his spear the enemy stopped' top of page
3. Action Nominalizations (Skorik I:328-330) Formed with suffix -gyrg(-yn) Action vs. result tejñet
Nom. tejñet
AN tajñatgyrgyn
'food/feeding'
winret
Nom. winret
AN wenratgyrgyn
'help/helping'
Especially with denominal verbs: migcir
'work (N)'
megciret 'work (V)'
megceratgyrgyn 'Añ
Completely productive for verbs (Skorik I:329) Also forms deadjectival nominalizations: ketgu
nyketguqin 'powerful'
katgogyrgyn
'powerfulness'
rul
nyrulqin 'weak'
rolgyrgyn
'weakness'
Sometimes 'blocked' by AN from deadjectival verb: qerg 'light, bright', nyqergyqin 'adj.' qergat
'be bright'
qergatgyrgyn 'illumination'
Double forms: celg 'red', nycelgeqin 'adj.': calgygyrgyn 'redness' calgatgyrgyn 'reddening' Kotjevskaja-Tamm (1993:194-6) Intransitive: (50)
ytlyge ?enqu nine-lgy-qin [ñeekk-in ?alekat-gyrg-yn] father not.want LV [daughter-POSS marry-NOM] 'Father doesn't want his daughter to get married'
(51)
t?enqetyrkyn [t?y-gyrg-ety mimyl] 1sg.not.want [pour-NOM-DAT water.ABS] 'I don't want the water to pour out'
Transitive: (52)
kalewetgak-wyrg-yn Pushkin-yn read-NOM-ABS Pushkin-POSS 'Pushkin's reading (Pushkin is reading something)'
(53)
cejwytkul?-in tym-tko-gyrg-yn [sic: for tymy-tko-gyrg-yn?] hunter-POSS kill-AP-NOM-ABS 'the killing of the hunter (= (a) hunter kills, (b) someone kills hunter)
Apparently, nominalizations have to be detransitivized in order to combine with objects.
CHUKCHEE Chapter 8: Analytic constructions 1. Negation 1.1 With nouns 1.2 Clause negation strategies 2. Auxiliaries and light verbs 2.1 General comments 2.2 Use of light verbs ('special' auxiliaries) 2.2.1 With adverbial elements 2.2.2 With negative form of noun ('privative case') 2.3 Analytic constructions with 'general ('true') auxiliaries' ityk, rytyk 2.3.1 With gerunds: aspectual nuances of contrast or exclusiveness 2.3.2 Causative with -jgut form 2.3.3 Negation 2.4 Summary of auxiliaries in analytic constructions top of page
1. Negation 1.1 With nouns Negative affix(es) form a type of privative case (I:287f). Morphology: circumfix -e-...-ke/a-...-ka (with vowel initial word, just suffix ...-ke/ka) - I:290 For nouns in the first declension, number is neutralized in the negative form: e-titi-ke
'without a needle/needles'
(
a-jatjol-ka
'without a fox/foxes'
(
e-pipiqylg-y-ke
'without a mouse/mice'
(
a-cakett-y-ke
'without a sister/sisters'
(
ococ-ka
'without a leader/leaders'
(
utt-y-ke
'without wood'
(
Nouns of the second declension and optionally third declension distinguish singular and plural: e-mewet-ke
'without Mewet'
e-mewet.y-r.y-ke
'without the Mewet family'
yn?e-ke
'without the elder brother'
yn?e-r.y-ke
'without the elder brothers'
a-ñotqena-ka
'without this'
a-ñotqeny-r.y-ka
'without these'
e-nirke-ke
'without whats-his-name'
e-nirker.y-ke
'without whats-their-names'
e-ñinqej-ke
'without the boy(s)'
e-ñinqej.y-r.y-ke
'without the boys'
The privative form of the noun can be strengthened with the negative particle ujñe. This requires the copula in non-present tenses (I:287-8): (1)
ynqory ynpynacgy-ka myttejkyg?en ?ytw?et then old.man-NEG we-made boat 'Then we made the boat without the old man'
(2a)
gymnin ekyk ujñe e-milger-ke My son not NEG-rifle-NEG 'My son has no rifle'
(3)
ynqen nymnym ujñe ?orawetl?a-ka that village not people-NEG 'That village has no people'
(4)
ergatyk gym ujñe orw.y-ka tritg?e
tomorrow I not sledge-NEG I.will.be 'Tomorrow, I shall be without a sledge' (5)
ynky ytlon ujñe e-ñew?en-ke gitlin then he not NEG-wife-NEG was 'At that time he wasn't married'
Negative forms of pronouns: (6)
e-gynyk-ke wec?ym ?atkewma myn?ynymytwarkyn NEG-you-NEG probably badly we.would.be.living 'Without you we would probably be living badly'
(7)
jawrena wec?ym e-turyk-ke mytrajalgytyrkyn Next.year probably NEG-you-NEG we.will.travel (as nomads) 'Next year we will probably travel without you'
Note also (I:289): (8)
ñotqen-ym jarañy ujñe e-mik-ke that-EMPH house NEG NEG-who-NEG 'Who does this house not have?' 'Who is missing from this house?'
Note the use of the negated form of the wh- root req- 'what', mik- 'who' to convey 'nothing', 'nobody' (I:288): (9a)
gymyk utkuc?yk wec?ym ujñe e-reqy-ke ritg?e my trap.LOC probably NEG NEG-what-NEG will.be 'There probably won't be anything in my trap'
(9b)
gyt-ym e-mik-ke igyr riwinig?e you-EMPH NEG-who-NEG today will.hunt 'Who are you not going to hunt with today?'
'Impersonal' usage (10)
igyr añqa-k ujñe a-ryrka-ka
today sea-LOC completely NEG-walrus-NEG 'Today there were no walruses in the sea' It's also possible to find ujñe with a noun in the Absolutive case, though there has to be a locative adverbial (I:289, fn. 217): (2b)
Ekke-k ujñe milger son-LOC NEG gun 'The son hasn't got a gun'
(Cf. (2a) above). top of page
1.2 Clause negation strategies There are two ways of negating a clause: (a) analytic construction with non-finite form (b) negative particle + finite (imperative) form (a) Two non-finite negative affixes are used: (i)
the 'privative case' e-...-ke
(ii)
luñ-...-(t)e. [-te after vowel, -e after consonant].
(i)
e-...-ke (cf nouns above)
The basic pattern can be seen in purely 'gerundive' or absolute uses, 'without doing/having done'. Gerundive examples (II:129): (11)
in?e qlawyl a-qametwa-ka megcerymgog?e morning man NEG-eat-NEG began.work 'In the morning the man began to work without having eaten'
(12)
ilgytwy-ke ?ytt?yt ?aacek resqikw?i jara-cyko-gty untie-NEG dog youth entered house-INSIDE-ALL 'Having untied the dogs, the youth went into the house'
(13)
lun-teñejmew-e gytg-ety ynpynacgyn pelqyntetg?i NEG-arrive-NEG lake-ALL old.man returned 'The old man returned before he reached the lake'
'Absolute' uses (in which negative clause has subj. different from main clause): (14)
ynpynacgyn jep e-wiri-ke enmec ymyl?oryk n?atcaqen old.man still NEG-come.down-NEG already all were.waiting 'The old man still hadn't come down and everyone was already waiting'
(15)
turi a-pelat-ka enmec jarak muri myn?ytwarkyn you NEG-lag-NEG already at.home we would.be 'If you hadn't lagged behind we would have been home by now'
Negative forms in main clauses (II:129) e-...-ke is usually found with jep 'still', ' n„e 'not/don't' (16)
gym igyr jep a-nto-ka (<ñyto-) I today still NEG-go-NEG 'I haven't been out yet today'
(17)
?ytt?yt jep e-reñet-ke dogs still NEG-fed-NEG 'They still haven't fed the dogs', 'The dogs still haven't been fed'
Negative commands (prohibitions) use ujñe: (18)
turi wiin ynñe e-jylqet-ke you yet not NEG-sleep-NEG 'Don't sleep just yet'
(19)
ynñe ?aaceka a-mñylo-ka ynpyñew not youth NEG-ask-NEG old.woman 'Let the youth not ask the old woman' 'The lad shouldn't ask the old woman'
The circumfix luñ.-(t)e is used without these negative particles (usually) (II:130):
(20)
naqam memyl luñ-piwre-te but seal NEG-dived-NEG 'But the seal didn't dive'
(21)
gymnan luñ-y-ntejkew-e ytr?ec gynin ekyk I NEG-fought-NEG only your son 'It was only your son I didn't fight'
(22)
igyr morgynan epy lyn-jopat-a today we grandfather NEG-visited-NEG 'We didn't visit grandfather today'
Analytic constructions with negation: (23)
qyrym gym e-qutyne-ke myragtyg?ak NEG I NEG-other-NEG will.go.home 'I won't go home without the other one' top of page
2. Auxiliaries and light verbs 2.1 General comments Skorik (II:245f) identifies six 'auxiliary verbs' ('vspomogatel'nye glagoly'): (see also Bogoras, 1922:75-81) 'Special' aux:
General aux:
wak 'to be'
ityk 'to be' (intr.)
n?elyk 'to become' (intr.)
rityk 'to have' (tr.)
lyñyk 'to consider' rytcyk 'to make' (tr.) The 'general auxiliaries' behave like genuine auxiliary verbs, in that they have a purely grammatical function, while the 'special auxiliaries' are perhaps best thought of as (aspectual) 'light verbs', rather similar to the light verbs of, say, Indo-Iranian languages.
Morphology: wak
wa- word initial allomorph -twa- medial allomorph wal?yn, wagyrgyn, wag?e etc. ny-twa-qen, ga-twa-len, ty-twa-rkyn, etc.
lyñyk
lyñ-/lg- depending on syllable structure,
-lg-
e.g. lyñyrkynin vs. qy-lg-ygyn
rytcyk
rytc- word initial allomorph -tc- medial allomorph rytc-yrkyn vs. myny-tc-yn, t?y-tc-ynet
rytyk
ryt- word initial allomorph -nt- medial allomorph ryt-yn, ryt-ytkog?e vs. ine-nt-yg?i, ne-nt-ymyk
NB. transitive verbs take the -tko- suffix when forming abstract nominalization in -gyrgyn. ('Special' auxiliaries are occasionally used as main verbs). Auxiliary use: serve to carry P/N and T/A marking on otherwise non-finite (or non-verbal) forms. Auxiliaries themselves have full conjugation pattern (including non-finite forms). top of page
2.2 Use of light verbs ('special' auxiliaries) (See also Nedjalkov and Inenliqej, 1981). The special auxiliaries are used to create inchoative and causative complex predicates from simplex predicates lacking specification for event structure. top of page
2.2.1 With adverbial elements E.g. alwañ 'otherwise', ujñe 'not' + n?elyk, wak, rytcyk:
alwañ n?elyk 'to change (intr.) (= 'to become otherwise') alwañ n?elyl?yn 'changing (participle)' alwañ n?algyrgyn 'a change, transformation (nominalization)' alwañ wak 'to be different' alwañ wal?yn 'different' (= adjectival use) alwañ rytcyk 'to change (tr.)' alwañ rytcytkul?yn 'changing, transforming (tr.); changer' alwañ rytcyjo 'changed, transformed (pass. part.)' alwañ rytcykogyrgyn 'change, transformation (nom.)' ujñe n?elyk 'to disappear' ujñe wak 'to be lacking, absent' ujñe rytcyk 'to remove, destroy' Examples (II:246f) (24)
ergatyk murginet tyñec?yt ymy alwañ ren?elñyt tomorrow our flowers too other FUT-AUX-FUT/PL 'Tomorrow our flowers too will change.'
(25)
kitaqun qynl?uñetgyn alwañ wal?yn menig well show-IMPER other AUX-PRES PT material 'Well then, show me some different material.'
(26)
ewyr gyt alwañ ratwarkyn opopy mytrenñiwygyt jaragty if you other FUT II-AUX necessary we-send-you home 'If you behave differently we'll have to send you home.'
(27)
ñotenrak enmec ymyl?o ujñe n?elg?et from-this-house already all not AUX-PAST-3pl 'Everyone disappeared from this house.'
(28)
ñutku ganymytwalen ujñe n?elyl?yn remkyn
Here lived not AUX-PRES PT people 'Here there lived a lost race.' (29)
ymy gymnan lunl?ute ujñe n?algyrgyn ewiccyku taq?at Also I-ERG NEG-saw not AUX-NOM luggage provisions 'I too failed to notice the loss of the provisions from the luggage.'
Other examples of analytic constructions (II:247f): 'To know': lygi wak 'to be known', lygi lyñyk 'to know', lygi rytcyk 'to recognise' (30)
ñinqeje lygi lyñyrkyninet nynnyt ymyl?orgen ?ytt?in murygnymyk boy-ERG known AUX-PRES I-3sg/3pl names all dog in-our-village 'The boy knows the names of all the dogs in our village.'
(31)
ñotqen ?aacek gymnan kytortagnepy lygi lynjo this youth I-ERG from-last-year known AUX-PAST PT 'This youth is known to me from last year.'
(32)
ymyl?oryk enmec lygi ynin lygi lyñytkogyrgyn imyreqyk everyone already known his known AUX-NOM of-everything 'Everyone already knows of his omniscience'
(33)
ynpynacga nenanjaqen murgin lygi rytcytkogyrgin qoragynretyk old man praises our known AUX-NOM-POSS deer-herding 'The old man praises our knowledge of deer-herding'
(34)
ynpyñewe ninenygjulewqinet lygi rytcytkul?yt kalewañyk old woman she-teaches-them known AUX-PRES PT-PL to sew 'The old woman teaches those who are learning to sew'
(35)
Qejwe ymyl?oryk lygi netcyn alwañ rytcytkogyrgyn muryk migciryk Q all know AUX. other AUX-NOM our work 'Does everyone know about the transformation of our work?'
B.
With -u/-o form of adverb/noun/adjective + ly„yk (simple aspect), rytcyk (inchoative). Found with 'affect' verbs, expressing emotions (including
desiderative forms of non-affect verbs). The -u/o adverbial form occurs only in the analytic construction (II:249f). Examples: ny-wenne-qin 'envious', wenn-u lyñyk 'to envy', wenn-u rytcyk 'to begin to envy'. n-?ylg-y-qin 'loving, affectionate', ?ylg-u lyñyk 'to love' ?ylg-u rytcyk 'to fall in love (with someone)'. (36)
wennu ninelgymuri ekwetyl?yt qoragty ?aacekyt Envy AUX-PRES II-1pl/(3pl) leaving-for deer youths 'We envy the youths who are setting off for the herd.'
(37)
caketta ?ylgu rytcynin cinitkin ?ywequcilqyl wytku giwiñyt galak sister-ERG love AUX-3sg/3sg her fiance only year after 'My sister fell in love with her fiance only after a year.'
Other forms: ?ylgu lyñ-y-tku-l?yn 'lover' ?ylgu rytc-y-tku-l?yn 'one who has started to love (someone)' ?ylgu lynjo 'loved one' ?ylgu rytcyjo 'one whom someone has fallen in love with' ?ylgu lyñ-y-tko-gyrgyn 'love, state of loving' ?ylgu rytc-y-tko-gyrgyn 'love, act of falling in love' Further examples: re-l?u-ñ-u lyñyk (from re-l?u-ñ-yk = desiderative) 'to seek, to want to find' ajylgo lyñyk
'fear'
wejmenu lyñyk
'respect'
gajmo lyñyk
'be amused'
giiwu lyñyk
'be ignorant'
gytamo lyñyk
'look after'
inicgytu lyñyk
'be surprised'
iwyjenu lyñyk
'blame'
lymalo lyñyk
'believe'
mycwyno lyñyk
'hope'
pegciñu lyñyk
'be interested'
tegjeñu lyñyk
'want'
tenñu lyñyk
'laugh at'
tergo lyñyk
'cry'
cimg?u lyñyk
'think' top of page
2.2.2 With negative form of noun ('privative case') (II:248) e-Noun-ke + rytcyk (38)
wajyñqen ?aacek mytylwawyn e-milger-ke rytcyk That youth we-could not without-gun AUX 'We couldn't disarm that youth.'
(39)
ewyr rel?uñytky emilgerke rytcytkul?yn, ... If you-see-FUT without-gun AUX-PRES PT 'If you see anyone without a gun, ...'
(40)
emilgerke rytcyjo ?aacek opopy nylqytyn jaragty without-gun AUX-PASS PT youth necessary he-returns to-home 'The unarmed youth has to go home.' top of page
2.3 Analytic constructions with 'general ('true') auxiliaries' ityk, rytyk (II:254f) Used only in analytic constructions, i.e. have only grammatical function (not lexical meaning), therefore function as genuine auxiliaries. Choice of ityk (intr.) or rytyk (tr.) depends on transitivity of original verb.
Found with three verb forms: gerunds, causatives, negatives. 2.3.1 With gerunds: aspectual nuances of contrast or exclusiveness V-te/ta + ityk/rytyk contrast em/am-V-te/ta + ityk/rytyk exclusiveness II:255f (41a)
ñutinqeglik-ym ñinqegti nytip?ejñeqinet this-room-EMPH children sing 'And in this room the children sing'
(41b)
gymnin yneel?yn ajwe ynk?am igyr tip?ejñe-te n-it-qin my elder-brother yesterday & today sing-GER he-AUX-PRES II 'My elder brother yesterday and today has been (specifically) singing'
(41c)
ytlygyn ymy-ym ytla wulqytwik em-tip?ejñe-te n-it-qinet father also-EMPH mother evening GER-sing-GER they-AUX PRES II 'Father, and indeed mother, do nothing but sing in the evening' top of page
2.3.2 Causative with -jgut form (II:257). [For form and syntax of causative see chapter six 'Transitivity alternations'] Gives complete set of finite and non-finite forms, e.g. ekwetyk 'to depart' ekwetyjgut rytytkul?yn 'ordering/one who orders to depart' ekwetyjgut rytytkogyrgyn 'an order(ing) to depart' ekwetyjgut rytjo 'one ordered to depart' pelak 'to leave (tr.)' pelajgot rytytkul?yn 'ordering/one who orders to leave (sthg.)'
pelajgot rytytkogyrgyn 'an order(ing) to leave (sthg.)' pelajgot rytjo 'that which/who one has ordered to be left' NB: There are no examples in Skorik's data of causatives being formed from transitives, though Nedjalkov cites a number of cases. See chapter 6). top of page
2.3.3 Negation (II:256) e-...-ke + ityk (intr.)/rytyk (tr.) - imperfective aspect luñ-...-te + ityk (itr.)/rytyk (tr.) - perfective aspect (42)
gymninet ekket igyr e-tejkew-ke r-in-ñet my sons today NEG-fight-NEG FUT-AUX-3pl 'My sons will not fight today'
(43)
ytr?ec ñireq ?aacekyt lun-tejkew-e g-it-linet only two youths NEG-fight-NEG PAST II-AUX-3pl 'Only two youths didn't fight'
(44)
etejkewke etyl?ety qlawyl?ety nejmewqinet ytr?ec ñinqegti NEG-fight AUX-PRES PT-ALL man-ALL approached only children 'Only children came near the man who wasn't fighting'
(45)
luntejkewke ityl?yn ?aacek nengiwyg?en ñalwyl?ety NEG-fight AUX-PRES youth they-sent to-herd 'They sent the youth who hadn't fought to the herd'
(46)
ymy ergatyk ñinqeje a-ket?o-ka rynninet even next-day boy-erg NEG-remember-NEG AUX-3sg/3pl pelajotte lilit left gloves 'Even the following day the boy didn't remember the gloves which had been left behind'
(47)
aket?oka rytytkul?yn gymyky ñeekkeqej qyrymen gymnin ñeekyk
NEG-recall AUX-PRES PT me girl not my daughter 'The girl who didn't recall me isn't my daughter' (48)
aket?oka rytjo milger pelatg?e qole?orawetlak NEG-remember AUX-PASS rifle remained another-person-LOC. 'The rifle which he hadn't remembered about remained with another person'
(49)
wenlygi lyñ-ket?o-ta tyntynet ymyl?o gymnin kelitkutumgyt Nonetheless NEG-recall-NEG AUX-1sg/3pl all my classmates 'Nonetheless, I couldn't recall all my classmates'
(50)
loñket?oka rytytkul?yn gynyky qlawyl nemyqej luñpiril?yn NEG-recall AUX-PRES PT you man also NEG-take-PRES PT ewenenwety hunt-ALL 'The man who couldn't remember you was also not taken on the hunt'
(51)
loñket?ota rytjo utkuc?yn pelatg?e ymalañet emnuñky NEG-recall AUX-PASS trap remained all-summer in-tundra 'The trap which was forgotten remained in the tundra the whole summer' top of page
2.4 Summary of auxiliaries in analytic constructions Auxiliaries mark grammatical information otherwise lacking in nonfinite forms, P/N agreement, tense; also participles/ nominalizations. In particular, they serve as transitivity markers, e.g choice of ityk or rytyk depending on transitivity of dependent verb. Further examples: (i) Passive participle with causative form renders embedded verb passive, i.e. we get CAUSE (PASS (leave)) = 'cause to be left', not PASS (CAUSE (leave)) = 'be caused to leave'. (52)
gynan pelajgot rytjo kojñyn tynlejwyg?en by-you leave-CAUS AUX-PASS mug I-took-it 'I took the mug which you told (me) to leave' (lit.: '...the mug, which you ordered to be left.') (II:258)
(ii) Main verb agrees in transitivity with embedded verb, hence takes transitive agreements when embedded verb is transitive. This can be done using -u lyñyk construction because this is itself transitive. (53a)
ytlygyn ajylg-at-y-rkyn marawyk (ekkek reen) father-ABS fears to-fight son with 'The father is afraid of fighting (with the son)'
(53b)
ytlyg-e ajylgo lyñ-y-rkyn-in ry-maraw-at-yk ekyk father-ERG fear-U AUX-PRES I-3sg/3sg TR-fight-TR-INF son-ABS 'The father is afraid of fighting the son'
[cf. (53c)
ytlyge rymarawannen ekyk 'The father fights the son']
This is comparable to 'agreement climbing' constructions with mook 'begin', lywawyk 'be unable', gjuletyk 'to learn how to', qitpewyk 'begin to do intensively', lygañyk 'fail', mycek 'forget how to', ñyrkylatyk 'be shy of doing', plytkuk 'finish', tegjeñyk 'want', ?eleryk 'be bored'. Cf. also alternatiions with paak 'stop', torymgok 'begin'. [See Agreement Climbing in chapter six] (54a)
ytlygyn lywawyrkyn marawyk ekkek reen father-ABS can't-3sg fight son with 'The father can't fight with the son'
(54b)
ytlyge lywaw-y-rkyn-en ry-maraw-at-yk ekyk father-ERG can't-3sg/3sg TR-fight-TR-INF son-ABS 'The father can't fight the son'
(55a)
cakyget lygañe-rkyn uwintetyk sister-ABS failed-3sg to-stoke (intr.) 'Sister failed to stoke (the fire)'
(55b)
caketta lygañe-rkyn-en uwintyk penjolgyn sister-ERG failed-3sg/3sg to-stoke fire-ABS 'Sister failed to stoke the fire'
(56a)
ytlon moo-g?e kelitkuk he-ABS began-3sg to-study (intr.) 'He began to study'
(56b)
ynan moo-nen ry-gjul-ew-yk ekyk iwinik he-ERG began-3sg/3sg TR-learn-TR-INF son-ABS to-hunt 'He began to teach his son to hunt'
(57)
ymto, memyl tym-yn? - ty-lwaw-yn well seal you-killed - not-able-1sg/3sg 'Well, did you kill the seal?' 'I wasn't able to'
(58a)
ytlon paa-g?e tip?ejñyk he-ABS stopped-3sg sing-INF 'He stopped singing.'
(58b)
ynan ry-paa-w-nen jaak ir?yn he-ERG TR-stop-TR-3sg/3sg to-wear jacket-ABS 'He stopped wearing his jacket.'
(59a)
ytlon torymgo-g?e kelitkuk he-ABS resumed-3sg to-study 'He resumed studying.'
(59b)
ynan ry-torymgo-w-nen rygjulewyk ñinqej he-ERG TR-resumed-TR-3sg/3sg to-teach boy-ABS 'He started teaching the boy again'
(iii)
'qol' construction: qol ityk/rytyk + VP = 'once, one day, sometimes'
(60)
qol it-g?i ytlon ekwet-g?i amnoñety one AUX-3sg he-ABS set off-3sg tundra-ALL 'Once, he set off for the tundra'
(61)
qol rinñytyk ymy turi relqyñytyk ñalwyl?ety one AUX-FUT-2pl also you will-go herd-ALL 'One day, you too will go to the herd'
(62)
turi-ym qol n?-it-yrkyn-ityk wolqytwegty n?ypelqyntetyrkynityk you-EMPH ONE AUX-COND-IMPF-2pl by-evening you-would-return
'You too would be returning towards evening occasionally' (63)
qol ryn-nin ynan tym-nen ryrky one AUX-3sg/3sg he-ERG killed-3sg/3sg walrus-ABS 'Once he killed a walrus'
(64)
qol myt-ynty-net nymkyqin ryrkat myt-l?u-net one AUX-1pl/3pl many walruses we-saw 'Once we saw many walruses'
(65)
qol t-re-nt-y-gyt ymy t-re-wiri-ñ-gyt one AUX-FUT-1sg/2sg also I-shall-defend-you' 'One day I'll stand up for you, too'
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 9: VERB DERIVATION 1. Introduction 2. Deverbal verb formation 2.1 Transitive/causative r2.2 Detransitivizing affixes 2.3 Other suffixal derivations 2.4 Other prefixes 3. Denominal derivation 3.1 Derivation from Nouns 3.1.1 Specific affixes 3.2 Predominantly deadjectival derivation 3.3 Derivation from numerals 4. Aktionsarten 4.1 Basic types 4.1.1 Combinatorial possibilities with Aktionsart affixes 4.2 Related verb forms 4.2.1 Combinatorial possibilities 5. Summary of affixes 5.1 Denominal 5.2 From numerals 5.3 Aktionsarten 5.4 Related verb forms 6. Concluding remarks
top of page
1. Introduction Chukchee has a wealth of word formation resources, with a particularly rich system of denominal verb forming affixes, and a very elaborated system of Aktionsart marking. In this chapter I present a summary of the processes discussed in Skorik's grammar. A number of affixes occur with nouns and with verbs, but with different functions or meanings.
2. Deverbal verb formation 2.1 Transitive/causative r(II:211f) This is one of the commonest verb affixes. Note that it has the allomorph n- in noninitial position. Usually together with suffix, r-...ew/aw, r-...-et/at, and more rarely r-...-ñet/ñat r- alone: ejmewyk 'approach' rejmewyk 'bring nearer' r-...-ew: ekwetyk 'set off' rekwetewyk 'dispatch', piñkuk 'be extinguished' rypiñkuwyk 'extinguish' r-...-et: untemewyk 'become calm' runtemewetyk 'calm s.o. down', jalgytyk 'move house' ryjalgytatyk 'rehouse' Doublets with slight meaning differences: rygelyk 'enter': ryrgeletyk 'introduce, lead in'; ryrgylewyk 'attract (into)' r-...-ñet: paak 'cease' rypaañatyk 'stop sthg.' top of page
2.2 Detransitivizing affixes Less productive than transitivizing (II:214). It isn't always possible to assign a lexical value to the detransitivizing affix other than to say that it creates a 'corresponding' intransitive verb (e.g. yr?untetyk, or, with greater semantic shift, taañytkok). 1. -et/at myngykwyk 'to pay' ~ myngykwetyk 'to receive payment, be paid off'
pelak 'to leave (s.o./sthg.) ~ pelatyk (>pela-at-yk) 'to stay' yr?untyk 'to deceive' ~ yr?untetyk 'to lie' May be accompanied by ine- prefixation: rynryk 'to hold (sthg.)' ~ ine-nr-et-yk 'to hold onto (sthg.)' rytemmawyk 'prepare (for)' ~ ena-netenmaw-at-yk 'make preparations 'for)' 2. -tku wiriñyk 'to defend (s.o.)' ~ wiriñ-y-tku-k 'to defend oneself' taañyk 'to try' ~ taañ-y-tko-k 'to imitate' 3. inerimetyk 'cut (hair)' ~ ine-nimet-yk 'do hair cutting' rywalotyk 'to explain' ~ ena-nwalot-yk 'to give an explanation' Skorik (II:215, n.8) points out that the ine- and -tku derivations are distinct from the (homophonous) antipassive forms. Only the antipassive is capable of 're-transitivization' in the applicative-like constructions discussed in chapter six, 1.3.2. Also, in the antipassive there is no change in lexical meaning, whereas the truly derivational cases often introduce significant meaning shifts. (Skorik likens the situation to the use of the -sja reflexive in Russian, which on the one hand creates idiosyncratic intransitive forms and on the other hand creates regular reflexives and/or imperfective passives.) 4. -wylg 'reciprocal' Mainly formed from transitives: l?u-wylg-yk 'to see each other'; ket?o-wylg-yk 'to remember each other' Can be formed occasionally from intransitives, e.g. ejmewyk 'to come closer' ~ ejmekwylgyk 'to approach each other' ( -ww- kw-) (1)
yrgynan n-ukwet-yrkynet
ytri ukwet-wylg-yrkynet
they.ERG PRES.II-kiss-3sg/3pl
they.ABS kiss-RECIP-3pl
'They kiss them'
'They kiss each other' top of page
2.3 Other suffixal derivations 1. -sqiw 'purposive' gite-sqiw-yk 'to go and look'; kur-y-sqiw-yk 'to go and buy' 2. -twa 'stative resultative' See Nedjalkov et al. (1983/1988) for detailed discussion. qutyk 'to stand up' qot-y-twa-k 'to stand, be standing' 3. -turew 'reversitive' Only from verbs derived from r-...-et/r-...-ew. Suffix -turew replaces -et/-ew suffix. ry-jylg-et-yk 'to unite' ~ ry-jylgy-turew-yk 'to disunite' ry-cymk-et-yk 'to twist, screw in' ~ ry-cymk-y-turew-yk 'to untwist, unscrew' ry-tewiminñ-ew-yk 'to oppress' ~ ry-tewiminñ-y-turew-yk 'to liberate' 2.4 Other prefixes Skorik (II:218) points out that there are very few other verb prefixes. He mentions a handful of cases involving the prefix *kyt-, which he associates with an adjective root: ny-gty-qen (regularly from n-kt-qin). This seems to be the same prefix as is found with adjectives, see chapter four, 3.1.3. top of page
3. Denominal derivation [(II:218ff). See also the list in Beard 1995:399 (though there are a number of inconsistencies of transcription there).] Nominal here means either 'Noun' or 'Adjective' (or both) 3.1 Derivation from Nouns 1. -et/at 'general verbalizer' reñreñ (root reñ) 'fodder', reñ-et-yk 'feed (animals)' qewjac 'steam' qewjac-at-yk 'evaporate'
2. -ew/-aw 'general verbalizer' (less frequent than -et/at) tumgytum (root tumg) 'friend' tumg-ew-yk 'make friends with, become friends' ny-korg-yqen (root korg) 'happy' korg-aw-yk 'rejoice, be happy' Note difference between -et/ew: ny-gjul-qin (root gjul) 'knowledgeable' gyjul-et-yk 'study (=be engaged in study)', gyjul-ewyk 'study (=acquire knowledge)' 3. -twa 'general verbalizer (for statives)' (see Nedjalkov et al. 1983/88 for detailed discussion) nymnym (root nym) 'village' nym-y-twa-k 'live (somewhere)' n-untym-qin 'peaceful' ontym-y-twa-k 'be peaceful' 4. -tku 'activity with given object' rype-ñy 'hammer' rype-tku-k 'to hammer' With idiosyncratic lexical extension: kelikel 'book' (from root keli 'speckled') keli-tku-k 'to study' wilwil 'payment, price' wil-y-tku-k 'to trade' 3.1.1 Specific affixes 5. -l?et/-l?at 'travel by ñ ?ytt?yn (root ?ytt) ?ytt-y-l?et-yk 'travel by dogs' 6. -r?u 'developing event (of meteorological phenomena)' piñepiñ (root piñe) 'snow' piñe-r?u-k 'fall (snow)' 7. -*jp (after vowels)/-ep (after consonants) 'donning clothing' ewir?yn 'clothes' awer?-ep-yk 'put on clothing' 8. -tw 'removing clothing' plek-yt 'boots' plek-y-tw-yk 'take off boots' 9. -u (a) 'hunt, catch (game)' r?ew-u-k 'catch whales'
(b) 'eat (food)' qora-t?ol-o-k 'eat reindeer meat' mutl-u-k 'drink blood' (c) 'removal' caat-o-k 'remove lassos' 10. -ñit 'spend period of time' l?ele-ñit-yk 'spend the winter' 11. te/ta-...-ñ 'creation of ñ te-lili-ñ-yk 'sew gloves' ta-pojg-y-ñ-yk 'make spears' top of page
3.2 Predominantly deadjectival derivation 12. r-...-ew/aw 'causative' (from Adj, some Nouns) (II:224) ny-quw-qin 'narrow' ry-quw-ew-yk 'make narrow(er)' acgyt 'row' r-acgyt-aw-yk 'place in a row' 13. r-...-et/at 'causative' (from Adj, some Nouns) ny-gjiw-qin 'experienced' ry-gjiw-et-yk 'explain, supervise' gagcaw 'haste' ry-gagcaw-at-yk 'to hurry someone' 14. r-...-twet/twat 'causative' (from Adj only) ny-tur-qin 'new' ry-tur-twet-yk 'renew' 15. -twi 'inchoative' (from Adj) ny-ciwm-y-qin 'short' ciwm-y-twi-k 'become short(er)' top of page
3.3 Derivation from numerals (II:225f) These translate 'do something for the nth time' in combination with infinitive form of lexical verb. -qew/qaw (i.e. ordinal suffix) intransitive verbalizer 'act n times' r-...-qew/aw transitive verbalizer 'act on s.o./sthg. n times' Examples: (1)
ajwe gym ge-ñire-qew-igym ñutinJ?ilgyk iwini-k yesterday I PAST.II-two-ORD-1sg this.month.LOC hunt-INF 'Yesterday I hunted for the second time this month'
(2)
enmec na-n-mytlyñ-qaw-yrkyn-at tyñiwy-k ynñen-nym-ety already 3pl.SUBJ-R-five-ORD-PROG-3pl.OBJ send-INF this-village-ALL 'They are sending them to this village for the fifth time already' top of page
4. Aktionsarten 4.1 Basic types Below are examples of the fifteen aspectual (or Aktionsart) affixes described for Chukchee by Skorik (II:179-202). Note that the prefixes appear to the immediate left of the verb root (i.e. they follow all the inflectional prefixes of tense, mood, aspect and voice). Note also that a number of these suffixes are used for denominal verb formation. 1. -l?et/-l?at prolonged continuous action: (3)
?ytt?e ninepiñku-l?et-qin ottylgyn dog jump-l?et-3/3 stick 'The dog jumped over the stick over and over again'
2. -cir prolonged interrupted action: (4)
...ñinqejmuri n?ejñew-cir-muri jaral?a us.children called-cir-1plOBJ people.at.home
'The people at home kept calling us children' 3. -c?et/-c?at occasional action: (5)
moryky ymy nypkiry-c?et-qinet remkyl?yt to.us also come-c?et-3pl guests 'Guests occasionally visit us too'
4. -cit alternating action: (6)
...natcy-cet-qenat... hide-cet-3plSUBJ 'They played at hide-and-seek'
5. -r?u distributive. This suffix takes the subject of intransitives and the object of transitives in its scope, though this doesn't seem to be organized on an unaccusative basis (Skorik II: 186-7). The suffix can be reinforced by explicit noun or adverbial quantifiers or it can be the sole marker of quantification: (7)
kako, raj ?ejñe-r?u-rkyt ?ytt?yt oh there howl-r?u-3pl dogs 'Oh, there were a whole lot of dogs howling there'
(8)
qeeqyn wak wak?o-r?o-ñño-g?at ?itut some.time being sit-r?u-begin-3pl geese 'After some time a whole lot of geese started sitting down'
(9)
ryrkat macymyl?o pylqet-r?u-g?et qunylqegnewyk walruses almost.all sank-r?u-3pl at.first.shot 'The walruses almost all dived at the first shot'
(10)
ergyk luur tyl?u-r?u-net nylginymkyqin p?oñp?oñyt in.field suddenly I.find-r?u-3pl very.many mushrooms 'I suddenly found an enormous number of mushrooms in the field'
6. -sqycet/-sqycat accelerated action (11)
qynwer ñyto-sqycat-g?e gymnin tyletumgin
at last come.out-sq' cat-3sgSUBJ my companion 'At last my companion sprang out' 7. tyle-/tyla- gradual action (12)
ekwetyl?yt ?ytt?yjol qlawylte ty-tyla-j?onat set.out earlier men I-tyla-caught.up 'I gradually caught up the men who had set out earlier'
(13)
ynan tyle-nintyninet ymyl?o itcyqewyt tylek he tyle-threw.away all hindering to.move 'He gradually threw off all the things that hindered him from moving'
(14)
ytlyge ge-tyle-plytkulin ytw?et father PAST.II-tyle-finish boat 'Father gradually finished the boat'
This prefix also has an analytic use with the 'be/have' auxiliaries (II:189-90): (15)
?igyt, muri el?uke, tyle-(e)jmew-e nitqinet ylwagty wolves us not.seeing tyle-approach-GER IT.3PL wild.deer 'The wolves, not having seen us, gradually approached the grazing wild reindeer'
(16)
tyle-l?u-te tyntynet ymyl?o atcyl?yt ñinqegtumgyt tyle-find-GER RyT.1SG/3PL all hiding friends 'I gradually found all the friends who were hiding' top of page
8. -jiwy/-iwy intensity (transitive only) (This seems to have a distributive meaning of 'acting on many objects' in a number of examples). [Note: Skorik II:190 gives the form of the affix as -jw/jiw/iw, after vowel final, single consonant final and double consonant final stems respectively. However, from the examples given it appears that the suffix ends in schwa. Cf. gantymñewylenat, where the syllable structure principles would predict gantymñewlenat.] (17)
ynqo ytlyge tiñu-jwy-nin kupren then father pull-jwy-3/3 net
'Then father pulled tightly on the net' (18)
yrgynan ym?yloñet nineriwl-iwy-qinet jaraken jaajolqylte they all.day transported-iwy-3pl household goods 'All day they strenuously transported their household goods' ('usilenno perevozili')
(19)
rocyñky nymyqin p?oñp?oñyt mytl?u-jwy-net on.other.bank many mushrooms we.found-jwy-3pl 'On the other bank we found a mass of mushrooms'
(20)
qynni-jwy-net ymyml?o ir?ykinet patgyryt sew-jwy-3pl all clothes.ADJ holes 'Sew up all the holes in the clothes'
(21)
ym?yloñet ninelqyrir-jiwy-muri tymñewyl?yt ?ytt?yqeqegti all.day we.looked.for-jiwy-1pl lost puppies 'All day we searched and searched for the lost puppies'
(22)
jyñecyku morgynan qaat gantymñew-jewy-lenat in.fog we deer lost-jiwy-3pl 'We lost (all) the reindeer in the fog' (cf. Russian 'porasterjali')
(23)
?ytt?e genm-iwy-linet rynajotte ?ytt?ymyt dog drag.off-iwy-3pl brought.out bones 'The dogs dragged off (in all directions) (all) the bones that had been brought out' ('porastashchili')
Cf. also (II:191): (24)
ytl?ata enmec genumkewlinet ymyl?o cajkojñyt mother already has.hidden all cups 'Mother has already put away all the cups'
(25)
ymyl?o rytriir?yt genumkew-jiwy-linet ynnentyjucgyk all threads has.hidden-jiwy-3pl in.one.bag 'She has put all the threads away into one bag'
It's not clear whether the force of the affix in the following example is quantificational or intensive: (26)
t?ytl?et awetywak ganyntoñat-jewy-lenat ñylatrajpy sick.pl immediately carried.out-jiwy-3pl from.burning.house 'They immediately carried out the sick from the burning house'
Skorik glosses the affix as 'energetically' ('energichno') in the following example, though there is also a universal quantifier in the sentence: (27)
q?eñew-jiwy-net ymyl?o ñinqegti call.out-jiwy-3pl all boys 'Call out all the boys (energetically)' top of page
9. -tku weakened sporadic action. Usually found with the Present.II form: (28)
qygite ñan, melatolgyn piñku-tku-rkyn omkytagnyjekwe look there hare jump-tku-impf. on.forest.edge 'Look over there, a hare is hopping around on the edge of the forest'
(29)
añqacormyk ym?yloñet morgynan ninegici-tku-muri myrgot on.seashore all.day we collected-tku-1pl seaweed (occasionally, a little) We spent the day on the seashore collecting a bit of seaweed now and then'
In the following example (II:193) (assuming it is genuine) we see a quantifier 'only' effectively taking the suffix in its scope: (30)
ñotqenat ñeekkeqegti ytr?ec nywinrety-tku-qinet moryky those girls only helped-tku-3pl us 'Those little girls only helped us a little'
May also have just a frequentative meaning ('mnogokratnost'') (31)
qynmy-tko-gytky jugytwil?yt ?ytt?yt kill-tku-2pl mad dogs
'Kill (all) the mad dogs' Note stem allomorphy in verb (II:193), indicating that -tku- here is a 'palatalizing' morpheme (see ch. 2:2): kypl- 'knock' - kypc-y-tkomle- 'break' - mce-tku(32)
ymqory ermec?e anñenajpy gemce-tku-linet ymyl?o pojgyt then strong.man from.anger broke-tku-3pl all spears 'Then the strong man in a rage broke all the spears'
10. -ñño inceptive (cf. verb stem ñoo-/-mgo 'begin' + infinitive) (33)
wytku waamrogcyk pañ?ewñyto-ñño-g?at cejwyl?yt only on.river.bank rest-ñño-3pl walkers' 'It was only on that bank of the river that the walkers began to rest'
(34)
ralona jep akawraka gala-ñño-nenat qutti racwyñyl?yt Ralo still before.turn overtake-ñño-3pl other contestants 'Ralo began to overtake the other contestants before even reaching the turn'
11. -plytku 'terminative, completive' (cf. verb plytku- 'finish' + infinitive) (35)
gym jawrena trekelitku-plytku-g?e I next.year will.study-plytku-1sg 'I will finish my studies next year'
(36)
tite any retejky-plytku-ñyn gymnin ir?yn When then will.sew-plytku-2sg/3sg my coat 'When are you finally going to finish sewing my coatÖ '
12. teñ-/tañ- extreme completion (cf. adjective nyteñqin 'good', though the 'good' component is lost from the prefix): (37)
gymnin tyletumgyn teñ-kemcicekw?i my fellow.traveller teñ-got.lost
'My fellow traveller got completely lost' (38)
gynin l?ulqyl tañ-amecatg?e k?elik your face teñ-lost in.hat 'Your face has got completely lost in your hat'
(39)
ñewmirge teñ-ynpelquwnin gymnin ytla grandmother teñ-out.argued my mother 'Grandmother completely out.argued my mother'
13. mec-/mac- incomplete action (tends to cooccur with perfective tense/aspect forms) (40)
ytr?ec-ym mec-itkyjekw?i gymnin ewycañer?yn only-EMPH mec-got.wet my lower.coat 'My lower coat has only got a little wet'
[Notice that 'only' seems to take the prefix in its scope here.] (41)
weler qy-mec-ejpygytky tytyl at.least IMPER-mec-close door 'At least close the door a bit' ('prikrojte')
(42)
kita-qun lymñe myn-mac-?atcanat pelatyl?yt well, still we-mec-wait.for those.left 'Well, let's still wait a bit for those who are left behind'
With adverbial strengthening: (43)
lymñe qeeqyn qy-mec-ylqyrirgytky, ynqo-ym wytku qyragtytyk still a.little IMPER-mec-search then-EMPH already go.home 'Search for them a little longer and only then go home' top of page
14. cik-/cek- partial action (44)
cek-ajylgawyrkyt ñinqegti amyrgynan ñytok
cik-fear children alone go.out 'The children are still a little afraid of going out alone' (45)
neneny ytl?ata enmec cig-nilginnin child mother already cik-lifted 'The mother lifted the child slightly' ('pripodnjala')
(46)
alymy ytr?ec ty-cek-yrkyplyg?an after.all only I-cik-knocked 'After all, I only knocked a little'
[Note: 'only' takes prefix in its scope] 15. em-/am- 'delimitative'. Exact interpretation depends on tense/aspect of verb. With perfective T/A forms, em- delimits the time course of the action ('only for time t'), i.e. it takes the aspectual component of the verb in its scope (II:200): (47)
gynr?am q-am-yntog?e now 2sg-em-come.out 'Now just come out (for a minute)'
(48)
ew-ew m-em-pirinet lilit wait, 1sg.IMPER-em-take gloves 'Wait a minute, I'll just get my gloves'
With adverbial strengthening: (49)
ymy gym trekwetg?e, ytr?ec waj m-em-tejkyg?en keñuneñ and I will.set.off only look 1sg.IMPER-em-make (shepherd's ) crook 'And I'm setting off, let me just make a crook'
With slightly shifted meaning: (50)
t-em-winretyn gynin ekyk, ytt?ykylgetyl?yn 1sg-em-helped your son dog.harnessing 'I only helped your son a little to harness the dogs'
With imperfective verb forms, em- means 'this action and no others', i.e. em- takes the lexical content of the verb phrase in its scope and not the aspectual component. Note that this in general means that em- takes verb complements in its scope along with the verb itself: (51)
tr-am-walompelyrkyn gynin epeqej 1sg.FUT-em-listen.to your grandmother 'All I will do is to listen to your grandmother' ('Tol'ko i budu delat', chto slushat' tvoju babushku')
(52)
nine-em-tiñujgym ?ytw?et añqacormyk PRES-em-pull boat from.sea.shore 'All I am doing is pulling the boat from the seashore' ('Tol'ko i delaju, chto...')
With imperfective aspect verbs there is also an analytic construction with the gerund: (53)
ñewysqetqeje em-gici-te nyntyqinet uun?yt girls em-pick-GER AUX.3pl/3pl berries 'The girls are just picking berries'
(54)
ynpynacgyn qonpyñ em-jylqe-te nitqin old.man all.time em-sleep AUX.3sg 'The old man just sleeps all the time' top of page
4.1.1 Combinatorial possibilities with Aktionsart affixes (II:201f) (55)
lymynky ny-piwre-sqycet-y-l?et-qinet nylginymkyqin memylte everywhere PRES.II-dive-sqycet-y-l?et-3pl very.many seals 'Everywhere a large number of seals were continually rapidly diving for a long time'
(56)
lymynqory nymnymety n-ejmewy-sqycet-cir-qinet gekeñyl?yt from.everywhere to.village PRES.II-approach-sqycet-cir-3pl reindeer.riders
'From everywhere reindeer riders quickly came from time to time to the village' (57)
ñyto-r?o-l?at-yrkyt ynnyt koprajpy come.out-r?u-l?et-3pl fish from.net 'For a long time many fish keep coming out of the net'
(58)
qynwer, ymy wecowtyt tyña-l?at-y-ñño-g?at at.last and sorrel grow-lÖ et-y-ñño-3pl 'At last the sorrel began to grow rapidly'
(59)
petle myt-ra-tyla-tenmawy-plytko-ñño-g?a soon 1pl-FUT-tyla-prepare-plytko-ñño-FUT 'We will soon begin to gradually finish the preparations' top of page
4.2 Related verb forms There are a number of affixes which Skorik discuss separately from the 'aspectual' (Aktionsart) affixes, but which have related aspectual or modal functions (II:202f). 1. lygi 'genuine action' (also found with other parts of speech). On its own this is mainly found with intransitive verbs: (60)
kako, ynr?am lygi-rucekw?i gymnin ekwew yes, indeed lygi-weakened my left.reindeer 'Yes, my left reindeer really has grown weaker'
Skorik (II:203) finds only the following two examples with transitives: (61)
t-ra-lge-rkypcewyñyn juutkul?yn ?ytt?yn 1sg.-FUT-lygi-stab biting dog 'Right, I'm going to stab the dog that bites'
(62)
t-ra-lge-nmarawatgyt, ewyr lymñe ynñin ritg?e 1sg-FUT-lygi-scold.you if again thus you.will.be 'I'll give you a proper scolding if you do that again'
2. tymñe- 'in vain, not seriously' (63)
tymñe-?atc' g?e ?elerel?yn uwicwetyk ñinqej tymñe-hid bored to.play boy 'The boy who had grown bored of playing, hid in a perfunctory manner'
(64)
yneelÖ e tymñe-?atcanen cinitkin ytleñi elder.brother tymñe-waited.for self's younger brother 'The elder brother waited in vain for his younger brother'
3. -ca 'scattered distributive' (cf. -r?u). Applies to subject of intransitive, object of transitive (II:205) [Probably cognate with Koryak plural marker -la-, note 19, p.206]: (65)
gymnin tumgyt korgaw-ca-g?at ermeltetyk my comrades rejoiced-ca-3pl at.victory 'My comrades were delighted at the victory'
(66)
ynqo emryngiite were-ca-g?at ymy qutti then one.by.one came.down-ca-3pl also others 'Then, one by one the others (all) came down too'
(67)
lymynky ñejyk yrgynan gantywat-ca-lenat utkuc?yt [misprint corrected] everwhere on.hill they set-ca-3pl traps 'Everywhere on the hill they set up (many) traps'
(68)
nenenete gapere-ca-lenat ymyl?o uwicwineñet children took-ca-3pl all toys 'The children picked up all their toys'
All Skorik's intransitive examples can be regarded as (semantically) unaccusative: amecat-ca 'disappear', akwat-ca- 'set out', qot-ca- 'stand up' 4. -qeet/-qaat 'diminutive'. Seems to have unaccusative syntax. (II:206). Often cooccurs with diminutive marked noun (i-iii), but not always (iv-v): (69)
melotalgy-qaj lygen ewyr pirqy-qeet-g?i hare-young/little immediately if lay.down-qeet-3sg 'The (little) levret immediately lay down'
(70)
ewyr re-l?u-qeen-ñyn gymnin ?ytt?y-qej, qinikwi if FUT-see-qeet-3sg my dog-young/little tell.me 'If you see my little puppy, tell me'
(71)
ekkete ommacajpy-qaan-nen cinitkin ytl?a-qaj son embraced-qeet-3/3 self's mother-DIM 'The son embraced his dear mother'
(72)
metkiit jylqet-qeet-g?i neneny somehow sleep-qeet-3sg child 'The child fell asleep somehow'
(73)
ytl?ata male-qaan-nen ekyk lawtepy mother stroked-qeet-3/3 son head.ABL 'The mother stroked her son's head' top of page
5. -cgat 'augmentative'. Same syntax as diminutive in 4. Three nuances: (i) respect (74)
gymnin tumgytum jylqat-y-cgat-g?e my friend sleep-cgat-3sg 'My (respected) friend fell asleep'
(75)
?aaceka janot n?y-kyn?o-cgan-nen cymñy youth first COND-catch-cgat-3/3 old.bull 'The youth wanted first to catch the big old bull'
(76)
ñinqeje amqyn?yco nenanelgety-cgat-qen wykwylgyn boy every.day lift-cgat-3sg rock 'Every day the boy lifts a huge rock' (ii) censure
(77)
?eqel?yn peqetaty-cgat-g?e
enemy fell-cgat-3sg 'The enemy fell...' (iii) fearfulness (78)
luur tyl?o-cgat-ynat ñyraq kejñyt suddenly I.saw-cgat-3pl three bears 'Suddenly I saw three (terrifying) bears
6. re-/ra-...-ñ desiderative. Has essentially the same form as the future marker. (79)
ñeekkeqej toryky re-winren-ñ-yrkyn little.girl you re-help-ñ-PRES.I 'The little girl wants to help you'
4.2.1 Combinatorial possibilities Various affixes combine, examples are given in II:210, e.g. (80)
lyge-tymñe-talk-ca-3pl meeting old.men at.neighbours 'The old men who have met at the neighbours' house really shouldn't be talking so much' top of page
5. Summary of affixes 5.1 Denominal 1. -et/at 'general verbalizer' 2. -ew/-aw 'general verbalizer' 3. -twa 'general verbalizer (for statives)' 4. -tku 'activity with given object' 5. -l?et/-l?at 'travel by ñ 6. -r?u 'developing event (of meteorological phenomena)' 7. -*jp/-ep 'donning clothing' 8. -tw 'removing clothing' 9. -u 'hunt', 'eat', 'remove' 10. -ñit 'spend period of time' 11. te/ta-...-ñ 'creation of ñ
12. r-...-ew/aw 'causative' 13. r-...-et/at 'causative' 14. r-...-twet/twat 'causative' 15. -twi 'inchoative' 5.2 From numerals -qew/qaw (i.e. ordinal suffix) intransitive verbalizer 'act n times' r-...-qew/aw transitive verbalizer 'act on s.o./sthg. n times' 5.3 Aktionsarten 1. -l?et/-l?at prolonged continuous action 2. -cir prolonged interrupted action 3. -c?et/-c?at occasional action 4. -cit alternating action 5. -r?u distributive 6. -sqycet/-sqycat accelerated action 7. tyle-/tyla- gradual action 8. -jiwy/-iwy intensity 9. -tku weakened sporadic action 10. -ñño inceptive 11. -plytku terminative, completive 12. teñ-/tañ- extreme completion 13. mec-/mac- incomplete action 14. cik-/cek- partial action 15. em-/am- delimitative 5.4 Related verb forms 1. lygi genuine action 2. tymñe- in vain, not seriously 3. -ca scattered distributive 4. -qeet/-qaat diminutive 5. -cgat augmentative 6. re-/ra-...-ñ desiderative top of page
6. Concluding remarks It's very noticeable that several of these affixes appear with more than one meaning/function (an illustration of Beardian separationism). These include: cig/cik
-l?et/l?at
tymñe
e-...-ke
mec/mac-
-tku
em-/am-
-r?u
-twa
et/at, ew/aw; Note that -tku- in its use as antipassive marker and 'activity with given object' meaning is distinct morphophonologically from its use an iterative Aktionsart marker (weakened sporadic action), in that it is only in its latter function that it triggers 'palatalization' of /l/. In addition some Aktionsart suffixes are also used to form verbs from nouns: l?et/l?at, -r?u, tku. The affixes ine- and -tku are particularly polyfunctional. In addition to their use as antipassive markers (and even as parts of the transitive agreement paradigms), and their use as Aktionsart markers and in denominal verb formation they are often found as more or less meaningless derivational formatives. There has been no special study of this aspect of word formation in Chukchee as far as I am aware, so I will just cite a handful of examples from Moll and Inenlikej's dictionary. (The Russian glosses generally give very little information about what the Chukchee word actually means or how it is actually used. I give the Russian translations because it's virtually impossible to translate individual Russian words outside any context.) ry-tyleweyk 'move sthg. from one place to another; continue' [peredvigat'; prodolzhat'] ine-n-tylewyk 'lead, carry' [vodit', vozit'] ine-n-tylewy-tku-yk 'lead, guide; govern, manage' [vesti, provodit'; pravit', upravljat'] ry-citkuk 'govern, manage' [pravit', upravljat'] ine-n-citkuk 'govern, manage; rectify, touch up; touch' [pravit', upravljat'; podpravit'; trogat'] ry-jegtelewyk 'save; leave alive' [spasat'; ostavljat' v zhivyx] ine-n-jegtelewyk 'save; preserve life' [spasti; soxranit' zhizn']
CHUKCHEE CHAPTER 10: NOUN DERIVATION 1. Introduction 1.1 Limitative form 1.2 Quantifiers 1.3 Evaluatives 1.3.1 Augmentative 1.3.2 Augmentative pejorative 1.3.3 Diminutive 1.3.4 Derivatives of evaluatives 2. Denominal derivation 2.1 Suffixes 2.2 Prefixes 3. Deverbal nominals 4. Noun formation from multiple categories of base 5. Compounding 6. Conversion 7. Summary of noun affixation
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1. Introduction This chapter discusses the wealth of noun forming derivational morphology. (See also the discussion in Beard, 1995). Not dealt with here is the Negative form of nouns discussed in chapter eight. Of interest are the quantificational prefixes which act somewhat like D-type quantifiers (see sections 1.1, 1.2). In addition, a number of affixes take nominal or adjectival bases, and a few
take nouns, adjectives and verbs as bases. There is also an interesting comparison to be drawn between affixation and conversion (section 6.) 1.1 Limitative form Skorik (I:291f) identifies a 'category of restriction' which is essentially the prefix em-/ammeaning 'only'. titi-t 'needles' em-titit 'just needles' Essentially the same as the verbal prefix (chapter nine xxx) Appears with any case form: (1)
jep am-ñotqena-r-gypy gekwetlinet still ONLY-these-ABL they.went 'They only left these (people)'
(2)
ynpynacgyn nynnyñyttyqin em-kupre-te old.man catches.fish ONLY-net-INSTR 'The old man uses only a net to catch fish with'
Noun can inflect for person/number: (3)
ynky (em-mikynti?) em-mutcynti nynymytwaqenat there (only-who.PL) only-Mutchiny.PL live 'Only the Mutchiny family live there'
(4)
em-mik-y-muri igyr myt-r-oon?-y-nta-g?a ONLY-who-1pl today 1pl-FUT-berry-set.out-1pl 'It is only which of us who will go berry picking today?'
Strengthened with teñ-/tañ-: teñ-em-ñinqegti 'the boys exclusively' Prefix pyc- strengthens force of 'only': (5)
pyc-em-ñewysqetti jarak pelatg?at EMPH-ONLY-women at.home stayed 'After all, only the women stayed at home' (Skorik translates pyc- as 'ved' tol'ko')
ONLY - NEG: (6)
em-e-ñinqej-ke wak ONLY-NEG-boy-NEG being 'Because they had no boys...' top of page
1.2 Quantifiers (I: 296) Universal quantifiers can be expressed as prefixes on the noun. emqyn-/amqyn- 'each' gemge-/gamga- 'every' *ym- 'all' (I:325) [Cf. ymyl?o, ymyl?ety 'all'] (7)
muryk amqyn-ñawysqat-ety gejytlin wañenañ us.LOC EACH-woman-ALL they.gave sewing.machine 'They gave a sewing machine to each of our women'
(8)
igyr gemge-ñewysqet-y-k warkyn wañenañ today EVERY-woman-LOC is sewing.machine 'Today, every woman has a sewing machine'
(9)
ym-geweñet 'all year', ym-ñalwyl 'the whole herd', ym-omokatgyrgyn 'the whole meeting'
Note gamga-qora-k 'at all the reindeer', gemge-nymyk 'in all the villages' vs. *amqy-qora-k, *amqy-nymyk. [NB. Bogoraz's dictionary includes a prefix imy- with the meaning 'each, any' [Rus.: 'kazhdyj, vsjakij'. Ex.: (10)
imy-r?ynut (r?enut?)
'whatever' ['chto ugodno']
(11)
emy-notajpy tylejwyg?ek
I travelled through every country'
This prefix doesn't seem to be mentioned anywhere by Skorik. It's possible that Bogoraz has mistranslated the im- 'small' prefix given below, section 2.2.]
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1.3 Evaluatives Evaluative morphology can be added to pretty well any type of noun (including proper nouns, substantivized pronominals, wh-words). They take predicative person/number affixes like any other noun (I:304). 1.3.1 Augmentative -*jñ wywy-jñ-yn 'big rock'; ?aacek-y-jñ-yn 'big strapping lad'; ragt-y-jñ-yn 'Ragtyn (aug.)' (proper name); raq-y-jñ-yn 'what? (aug.)', neka-jñ-yn 'whatsitname (aug.)'; ñotqena-jñ-yn 'this (one) (aug.)'. 1.3.2 Augmentative pejorative -*cg/cyñ pojg-y-cg-yn 'spear'; ytlywjo-cg-yn 'grandson'; r?anota-cg-yk qaca 'near what?'; neka-cg-yn 'whatitsname'; mekyna-cg-ynte 'who (pl.)?'; 1.3.3 Diminutive -qej/qaj ñilg-y-qej 'little strap'; cakett-y-qaj 'little sister'; req-y-qej 'what?' 1.3.4 Derivatives of evaluatives Person/number inflection: jelo-jñ-y-tore 'you are (my) uncles (aug.)'; qlawol-y-cg-e-gyt 'you(sg.) man (aug.-pej.)'; meñine-qej-i-gyt 'who are you (dim.)?' Possessives and relative adjectives: ?aacek-y-jñ-en 'of the big strapping lad' umk-y-qej-qin uttyt 'the trees of the little forest' (12)
qytlygi ynky enmec ujñe a-qapar-cyñ-y-ka apparently here already not NEG-wolverine-AUG.PEJ-NEG 'Apparently, there are no longer any wolverines here' top of page
2. Denominal derivation 2.1 Suffixes -jocg 'container' kale-jocg-yn 'school satchel' (kelikel 'book') -t?ul a)
part of (whole, non-articulated) object
menig-y-t?ul 'piece of material'
b)
meat of
qora-t?ol 'venison' (qora- 'reindeer')
-lqyl 'material intended for making given object' ewir?-y-lqyl 'material for making clothing' (ewir?yn 'clothes') 'preordained function of person' ?uwequci-lqyl 'fiancé' (?uwequc 'husband') 'one destined to become a husband' -tkyn 'upper part, top of' rylg-y-tkyn 'finger tip' (rylgylgyn, root rylg 'finger') -curm 'edge' weem-curm-yn 'river bank', añqa-corm-yn 'sea shore' -tegyn 'place in front of' umk-y-tegyn 'place in front of forest' -jikwi 'length of geophysical feature' añqa-corm-y-jekwe-n 'coastal extent, seaboard' -giñ 'place at base of' ñej-giñ 'foothills' (ñej- 'hill') -ret 'complex of objects' lili-ret 'pair of gloves' (lelelgyn 'glove', lili-t 'gloves'); ?ytt?y-ret 'dog team' -cyku 'interior of'
kuke-cyku-n 'inside of cooking pot' -lyku 'place amongst objects' utt-y-lyku-n 'place between trees' -nleñ/nlañ 'place lacking ñ iml-y-nleñ 'place without water' (mimyl 'water', combining form iml-); -giniw 'multitude of objects' ?ytw-y-giniw 'large number of boats'; ?aaceggenew 'crowd of young men' -mk 'small group of objects' ?itu-mk-yn 'small flock of geese' (?it?it 'goose') -lq 'place abounding in ñ wykw-y-lq-yn 'rocky place'; miml-y-lq-yn 'watery place' (formed from basic form of root, not combining form, contrast with iml-y-nleñ) -sq 'surface' nute-sq-yn 'soil' (nute-nut 'earth, country'); miml-y-sq-yn 'water surface' -*kw 'wrapping, container of ñ rylg-y-kw-yn 'ring' (rylg- 'finger'); kyr-y-kw-yn 'head-scarf' (kyrwir 'hair', root kyr). Unproductive. -ril 'complex of articulated objects' ?ytw-y-ril 'framework of boat'; ?ym-ril 'skeleton' (?ytt?ym 'bone' root ?ym) -tku 'small number of spread out objects' jara-tko-n 'group of houses'; gil-y-tku-n 'group of ice floes' -qaca 'place near' jara-qaca-n 'place near house'; gytg-y-qaca-n 'place near lake' top of page
2.2 Prefixes
lygi- 'genuine' (usually in the sense of 'Chukchee' as opposed to 'foreign') [productive] lygi-ewir?-yn 'genuine-clothing-ABS' 'Chukchee clothing' Also without 'Chukchee' nuance: lygi-kejñyn 'real bear' (as opposed to mythological bear). tymñe 'simple, ordinary' [productive] tymñe-waly 'ordinary knife' ewyn-/awyn- 'main, chief' awyn-qor 'main reindeer (harnessed)' [NB. not *awynqorañy] ewyn-nym 'main village' (> nymnym 'village') mel-/mal- 'supposition' [productive] mel-umqy 'apparently, a polar bear' This is a puzzling entry. It's given the form mil-/mel- at the beginning of the section (I:325) but all the examples show it to be mel-/mal-. Bogoraz's dictionary has mæl-/mal- (where æ indicates recessive e1). He labels it as a conjunction but desribes it as a particle taking individual clause constituents in its scope. He cites the following examples (I have retranscribed these): (13)melgymnin qorañy! apparently-my reindeer [Rus.: 'Kak budto moj olen''] (14)
mal-am-wykwylgyn apparently-only-rock 'nothing but rocks, apparently'
(15)
mal-jaal apparently-far.away
(16)
mel-uwequc apparently-husband
From these examples it seems that mel- is a clitic (NB vowel harmony) attaching either phrase initially or word initially (depending on whether we take the focus of (xx) to be gymnin qorañy or just gymnin). im- 'small'
im-ynnyt 'small fry' ynnyt 'fish' em-y-?orawetlat 'small people, dwarves' [Note also im-y-r?enut 'any old trifle' r?enut 'what?'. Cf. Bogoraz imy- 'every' section 1.2] qej/qaj- 'young of' qej-?ytt?yn 'puppy'; qej-rewymrew 'partridge chick' [NB reduplication preserved after qej- prefixation]; by metaphorical extension: qej-milger 'pistol' (milger 'rifle') ynan- 'the very' (with deadjectival nouns in -c?-, q.v.) ynan-tañyc?yn 'the finest fellow', teñ-y-c?-yn 'good fellow' (teñ 'good') ynan-ynpyc?yn 'the oldest (man)' pl- 'spare' Usually occur in person-marked Comitative II (occasionally Com. I) form: ga-pl-y-qora-ma 'with a spare reindeer' ga-pl-y-qora-ma-j-gym 'I have a spare reindeer' top of page
3. Deverbal nominals (I:327) -gyrgyn see Action nominalizations -*n(w) 'place of permanent activity' wak?otwa-n, pl. wak?otwanwyt 'seat, place for sitting' megceratyn, pl. megceratynwyt 'work place' (migciretyk 'to work') Word final suffix allomorphy: usually -n (word medial -nw-), but also: -nw: omakaty-nw-yn 'meeting place' (umeketyk 'to meet') (not *omakatyn) -ny: wany 'place of existence' (wak 'to be') (not *wan) May also denote time of event, e.g. omakatynw-yk 'at the meeting place'/ 'at the meeting (as event)', megceratynw-yk 'at the work place'/ 'during work'
-ineñ(e)/enañ(a) 'instrument' [productive] tew-enañ 'oar', pl. tewenaña-t (tewyk 'to row') Some recent coinages: riñ-ineñ 'aeroplane' (riñek 'fly') inenygjiwetytkuneñ 'pointer' (inenygjiwetytkuk 'to point') wañenañ 'sewing machine' (wañek 'sew') -icg 'object associated with action' inenret-icg-yn 'handle' (inenretyk 'to hold') inenejmysqew-icg-yn 'glue' (inenejmysqewyk 'to glue (to)') Less productive than -ineñ but still gives rise to new formations: enanjynraw-ecg-yn 'cigarette lighter', inenwent-icg-yn 'key', enanwajñat-ecgyn 'fire extinguisher', enankawraw-ecg-yn 'screwdriver' (enankawrawyk 'twist (off)'), inenmelewet-icg-yn 'medicine' (inenmelewetyk 'cure, treat'), inentyñew-icg-yn 'fertilizer' (inentyñewyk 'grow, cultivate') -icg and -ineñ tend to suffix different verbs, but occasionally give synonyms: inett?-icg-yn, inett?-ineñ 'funnel' (inett?yk 'pour') enarkel-ecg-yn, enarkelenañ 'paint brush' (enarkelek 'paint') top of page
4. Noun formation from multiple categories of base (I:334f) -jan(w) 'place abounding in Noun', 'collective (animates) with property of Adj', 'place where action of Verb_of_Motion occurs' From noun oon?-y-jan, pl. oon?yjanwyt 'place with lots of berries' (uun?yt 'berries') From adjective majñ-y-jan 'group of adults' (ny-mejñ-y-qin 'big') kynta-jan 'group of successful people' (ny-kynte-qin 'successful, lucky'
Can be used in the plural as both noun and modifier: (17a)
kynta-janw-yt enmec pelqyntetg?et 'The successful ones have already arrived'
(17b)
kynta-janw-yt ?aacekyt enmec pelqyntetg?et 'The successful youths have already arrived'
With reference to non-humans only the modifier use is possible [this suggests that the nominal use involves modification of a null head with default interpretation as 'human'] en?yjanwyt qaat 'fast reindeer', majñyjanwyt ynnyt 'large fish' [It isn't clear what the difference is between majñyjanwyt ynnyt, nymejñyqin(et) ynnyt and mejñ-ynnyt] Skorik mentions interesting quantificational properties of this suffix. When quantified the noun appears in the plural: ymyl?ety ñenjanwyt 'all the young people' cymqyk ñenjanwyt 'part of the young people' macymyl?o majñyjanwyt 'almost all the adults' (cf. murgin majñyjan 'the adults in our community') From verb ñyto-jan 'exit', rasqew-jan 'exit' (resqewyk), ?et-jan 'crossing' (?eryk). Exceptional formation ew-jan 'conspiracy' (iwyk 'say') -c? 'name of Numeral', [productive] 'result/instrument of Verb', 'person/thing with property of Adjective' From numeral (no direct translation into English; translates the same idea as Russian edinica, trojka, sedmjorka, etc.) ynnen-y-c?-yn 'one, unity', mytlyñ-y-c?-yn 'five', kylgyn-y-c?-yn 'fifteen' From verb tyñe-c?-yn 'plant' (tyñ-ek 'grow') tyke-c?-yn 'bait' (tykek 'smell') Some recent formations from verbs which already have instrumentals in -ineñ, e.g: tyle-c?-yn 'outboard motor' (tylek 'move') cf. tyle-neñ 'sail' utku-c?-yn 'trap' (utkuk 'strike') cf. utku-neñ 'stick (for striking game with)'
[The trap consists of a springed armature which strikes the trapped animal.] From adjectives teñ-y-c?-yn 'good fellow' [See above on ynan-] -jolg 'result/instrument' [fairly unproductive] wetgaw-jolg-yn 'telephone' (wetgawyk 'talk') tyttat-jolg-yn 'stairs, staircase' (tyttettyk 'climb up') enatret-jolg-yn 'shelf' (inetriletyk 'lay out') jylq-y-jolg-yn 'bed' (jylqyjyl 'sleep') e-/a-...-ki/ke 'thing without Noun, without property of Adjective, non-result of Verb' (cf. e-/a...-ke/ka negative circumfix) From noun e-puc?e-ki 'sleeveless shirt/jacket' (poc?a-lgyn 'sleeve') a-jara-ke 'homeless person' (jara-ñy 'house') From verb ?enqet-ki 'one who does not refuse' (?enqetyk 'refuse') e-migciret-ki 'layabout' (migciretyk 'work') ine-piri-ki 'one who does not receive a prize' (inepirik 'receive a prize') From adjective a-lymal-ke 'distrustful person' (ny-lymal-qen 'trustful') ?eqeliñ-ki 'fearless person' (n-?eqeliñ-qin 'fearful') a-caca-ke 'tasteless thing' (ny-caca-qen 'tasty') top of page
5. Compounding (I:340). It isn't always easy to distinguish compounding from productive incorporation. Examples of compound noun stems: wiil-gite-neñ 'mirror' (wiilwiil 'shadow', gitek 'to look', giteneñ 'thing for looking with')
kelinñiw 'letter' (kelikel 'paper', tyñiwyk 'to send') ynpy-ñew 'old woman' (n-ynpy-qin 'old', ñewysqet 'woman') rojyr?-yn 'family' (joro-ñy, root /ro/, 'inner part of house', jyr?-y-jyr 'contents') piñ-wytryn 'flour' (piñpiñ 'ash', wytretyk 'to appear, look like') top of page
6. Conversion (I:341f) Straight conversion - Absolutive form of noun = verb stem: inejunret 'choice, selection' (inejunretyk 'select') keñet 'bend' (keñetyk) uwicwet 'game' (uwicwetyk 'play') winret 'help' (winretyk) tejñet 'food' (tejñetyk) tergat 'weeping' (tergatyk) gacgaw 'haste' (gacgawyk) wetgaw 'conversation' (wetgawyk) tatlyñ 'answer' (tatlyñyk) Affixed conversion: Absolutive = verb stem + -n: kyplyn 'blow' (kyplyk 'strike') anjan 'praise' (anjak) cimg?un 'thought' (cimg?uk) ?ejñen 'animal cry' (?ejñek) wyjenton 'exhalation' (wyjentok 'breathe out') (this is itself a compound of 'breath' and 'go out') qiwjen 'cold' (qiwjek 'freeze')
lygañen 'mistake' (lygañek 'be mistaken') mitiwren 'lunch' (mitiwrek 'have lunch') kyltyn 'sheaf, tied bundle' (kyltyk 'tie up') Some are instrumentals or result nouns: kupren 'net' (kuprek 'catch with a net') ricit 'belt' (ricityk 'put a belt on') caat 'lasso' (caatyk 'to lasso') wiluptyn 'brand mark (on ear)' (wiluptyk 'to brand') anñelon 'sea wave' (anNelok 'be rough (sea)') Evidence that this is verb-to-noun conversion: many of the converted nouns retain verbforming suffixes: -ñet: eleñet 'summer' eleñetyk 'spend summer period' -twi: tenñytkun 'laughter' tenñytkuk 'laugh' [cf. also tenñu lyñyk 'make fun of'] -l?et: ilul?et 'dance' ilul?etyk 'to dance' (I:343) Conversion generally produces concrete result or event nominals, as opposed to the action (process) nominals in -gyrgyn. E.g.: tip?ejñen 'song' vs. tep?ajñagyrgyn 'singing' wiwril?et 'vibration' vs. wewral?atgyrgyn 'vibrating' qeet 'squeak' vs. qaatgyrgyn 'squeaking' weqet 'step, pace' vs. wawatgyrgyn 'stepping, pacing' top of page
7. Summary of noun affixation -*cg/cyñ Augmentative pejorative -c? 'name of Numeral'; 'result/instrument of Verb'; 'person/thing with property of Adjective' -curm 'edge'
-cyku 'interior of' e-/a-...-ki/ke 'thing without Noun, without property of Adjective, non-result of Verb' em-/am- 'only' emqyn-/amqyn- 'each' ewyn-/awyn- 'main, chief' gemge-/gamga- 'every' -giñ 'place at base of' -giniw 'multitude of objects' -gyrgyn Action nominalizations -icg 'object associated with action' im- 'small' -ineñ(e)/enañ(a) 'instrument' -jan(w) 'place abounding in Noun'; 'collective (animates) with property of Adj'; 'place where action of Verb_of_Motion occurs' -jikwi 'length of geophysical feature' -*jñ Augmentative -jocg 'container' -jolg 'result/instrument' -*kw 'wrapping, container of ñ -lq 'place abounding in ñ -lqyl 'material intended for making given object' lygi- 'genuine' -lyku 'place amongst objects' mel-/mal- 'supposition' -mk 'small group of objects' -nleñ/nlañ 'place lacking ñ
-*n(w) 'place of permanent activity' pl- 'spare' pyc- 'emphasis' -qaca 'place near' qej/qaj- 'young of' -qej/qaj Diminutive -ret 'complex of objects' -ril 'complex of articulated objects' -sq 'surface' -t?ul part of (whole, non-articulated) object; meat of -tegyn 'place in front of' teñ-em 'absolutely only' -tku 'small number of spread out objects' -tkyn 'upper part, top of' tymñe 'simple, ordinary' *ym- 'all' ynan- 'the very' A number of affixes occur with both nouns and verbs with similar meanings. These are: em -, lygi-, mec- (cf mel-), tymñe-, teñ-, -tku
CHUKCHEE This is a select bibliography containing details of works referred to in the grammatical outline as well as a number of other works (especially those in English) which discuss Chukchee and related languages. It is not exhaustive. Please send me information about any other works which discuss Chukchee but which are not mentioned here, especially those written in English.
[email protected] Bibliography Asinovskij, Aleksandr Semenovich 1991. Konsonantizm chukotskogo jazyka. Leningrad: Nauka. Bogoraz, Vladimir G. 1900. Materialy po izucheniju chukotskogo jazyka i fol'klora, sobrannye v Kolymskom okruge. Sankt Peterburg: Izd. Akademii Nauk. Bogoras, Waldemar. 1910. Chukchee mythology. (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. VIII, Part 1). Leiden: E. J. Brill. Bogoraz, Waldemar. 1917. Koryak Texts. Publications of the American ethnological Society, vol. v. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Bogoraz, Waldemar. 1922. Chukchee. Handbook of American Indian languages, ed. by Franz Boas. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Bogoraz, Vladimir G. 1937. Luoravetlansko-russkij (chukotsko-russkij) slovar'. MoscowLeningrad: Gosudarstvennoe uchebo-pedagogicheskoe izdatel'stvo. Comrie, Bernard 1979. Degrees of ergativity: some Chukchee evidence. In Plank, Frans (ed.) Ergativity: Towards a Theory of Grammatical Relations. London: Academic Press, 219-240. Comrie, Bernard 1980. Inverse verb forms in Siberia: Evidence from Chukchee, Koryak, and Kamchadal. Folia Linguistica I: 61-74. Comrie, Bernard. 1985. Derivation, inflectionl and semantic change in the development of the Chukchi verb paradigm. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.) Historical Semantics. Historical WordFormation. Berlin: Mouton Publishers, 85-96. Fortescue, Michael 1996. Tense, mood & aspect: grammaticalization in West Greenlandic and Chukchi. In: Nocole Tersis and Michele Therrien (eds) La dynamique dans la langue et la culture Inuit. Paris: Editions Peeters. Fortescue, Michael 1997. Eskimo influence in the formation of the Chukotkan ergative clause. Studies in Language 21: 369-409. Fortescue, Michael 1998. Language Relations across Bering Strait. Reappraising the archaeological and linguistic evidence. London: Cassell. Ikavav, M. F., Popov, M. I., and Agin', I. S. 1987. Chawchywajelyjel. ["Koryak". In Koryak]. Leningrad: Prosveshchenie.
Inenlikej, Pjotr, I. 1982. Slovar' chukotsko-russkij i russko-chukotskij: Posobie dlja uchashchixsja nachal'noj shkoly. Leningrad: Prosveshchenie. Inenlikej, Pjotr, I. and Vladimir P.Nedjalkov. 1967. Iz nabljudenij nad èrgativnoj konstrukcij v chukotskom jazyke. Ergativnaja konstrukcija predlozhenija v jazykax razlichnyx tipov, 246-60. Leningrad: Nauka. Inenliqej, P. I. and Nedjalkov, V. P. 1981. . O svjazjax posessivnogo i 'komparativnogo' kauzativnogo i affektivnogo znachenij glagola. (na materiale konstrukcij s glagolom lyngyk v chukotskom jazyke).[ In: E. I. Ubrjatov (ed.) 1981. Jazyki i fol'klor narodov severa. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 133-146. Kenstowicz, M. 1979. Chukchee vowel harmony and epenthesis. Chicago Linguistic Society 15, 402-412. Kenstowicz, M. 1994. Syllabification in Chukchee: a Constraints-based Analysis. (ROA-301094). [Available from the Rutgers Optimality Archive, http://www.webslingerz.com/cgibin/oa_find.cgi] Kodzasov, S. and Muravyova, I. 1980. Slog i ritmika slova v aljutorskom jazyke. In: Aktual'nye voprosy strukturnoj i prikladnoj lingvistiki. Publikatsii otdelenija strukturnoj i prikladnoj lingvistiki filologiceskogo fakul'teta MGU, vyp. 9, Moscow, 103Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria 1995. Possessive and relational forms in Chukchi. In: Frans Plank (ed.) Double Case. Agreement by Suffixaufnahme. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 301-321. Koptjevskaja-Tamm, Maria and Muravjova, Irina, A. 1993. Aljutor causatives, noun incorporation and the Mirror Principle. In: Bernard Comrie, and Maria, S. Polinsky (eds.) Causatives and Transitivity. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 287-313. Korsakov, G. M. 1939. Nymylansko (korjaksko)-russkij slovar'. Moscow: Gosudarstvennoe Izdatel'stvo Inostrannyx i Nacional'nyx slovarej. Korsakov, G. M. 1940. Samouchitel' nymylanskogo (korjakskogo) jazyka. Leningrad: Gosudarstvennoe Uchebno-pedagogicheskoe Izdatel'stvo. Kozinsky, Ivan. S., Vladimir, P. Nedjalkov, and Maria S. Polinskaja. 1988. Antipassive in Chukchee: oblique object, object incorporation, zero object. In: Masayoshi Shibatani (ed.) Passive and Voice. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins, 651-706. Krause, Scott 1979. Topics in Chukchee Phonology and Morphology. PhD dissertation, University of Illinois. Leontiev, V. V. and M. V. Ajnewtegin. 1957. Uchebnik lyog?orawetl?ajelymel. ["Textbook of Chukchee". In Chukchee]. Leningrad: Gossudarstvennoe uchebno-pedagogiccheskoe izdatel'stvo. Mel'chuk, Igor A. and Elena N. Savvina 1978 Towards a Formal Model of Alutor Surface Structure: Predicative and Completive Constructions. Linguistics, Special Issue: 5-39.
Mel'cuk, Igor A. 1972 Model' sprjazhenija v alutorskom jazyke 2 vols. Institut russkogo jazyka AN SSSR, Problemnaja gruppa po eksperimental'noj i prikladnoj lingvistike, Predvaritel'ye publikacii, 45-6. Moscow. Moll, T. A. and P. I. Inenliqej 1957. Chukotsko-russkij slovar'. Leningrad: Nauka. Muravyova, Irina, A. 1976. Sopostavitel'noe issledovanie morfologii chukotskogo, korjakskogo i aljutorskogo jazykov. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Moskovskij Gosudarstvennij Universitet. Muravyova, Irina, A. 1978. Korjakskaja garmonija glasnyx v sravnenii s chukotskoj. Predvaritel'nye publikacii problemnoj gruppy po eksperimental'noj i prikladnoj lingvistike, Instituta russkogo jazyka AN SSSR, Vypusk 115, 27-45. Muravyova, Irina, A. 1986. Rekonstrukcija fonologicheskoj sistemy prachukotskokorjakskogo jazyka. In J. I Ubrjatova (ed.) Foneticheskie struktury v sibirskix jazykax. Novosibirsk: Akademija Nauk SSR, Sibirskoe otdelenie. Muravyova, I. A. 1988. O morfonologicheskix osobennostjax kompozitov. In: Jazyki narodov SSSR. Novosibirsk: Novosibirskij gosudarstvennyj universitet. Muravyova, Irina, A. 1998. Chukchee (Paleo-Siberian). In Spencer, Andrew and Zwicky, Arnold (eds.) Handbook of Morphology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 521-538. Nedjalkov, Vladimir P 1976. Diathesen und Satzstruktur im Tschuktschischen. In: Lötsch, R. and Ruzicka, R (eds.), Satzstruktur und Genus Verbi. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. 1979. Degrees of ergativity in Chukchee. In: Frans Plank (ed.) Ergativity, 238-62. New York: Academic Press. Nedjalkov, Vladimir P., Petr I. Inenlikej, & Vladimir G. Raxtilin 1983. Rezul'tativ i perfekt v chukotskom jazyke. In: V. P. Nedjalkov (ed.) Tipologija rezul'tativnyx konstrukcij. Leningrad: Nauka. Nedjalkov, Vladimir P., Petr I. Inenlikej, Igor V. Nedjalkov, & Vladimir G. Raxtilin 1984. Znachenie i upotreblenie chukotskix vido-vremmenyx form. In: A. V. Bondarko (ed.) Teorija grammaticheskogo znachenija i aspektologicheskie issledovanija. Leningrad: Nauka, 200259. Nedjalkov, Vladimir P., Petr I. Inenlikej, & Vladimir G. Raxtilin 1988. Resultative and perfect in Chukchee. In: V. P. Nedjalkov (ed.) Typology of Resultative Constructions. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 153-166. [English translation of Nedjalkov et al. 1983] Payne, John 1993. The headedness of noun phrases: slaying the nominal hydra. In: Greville Corbett, Norman Fraser, and Scott McGlashan (eds.) 1993. Heads in grammatical theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 114-139. Polinskaja, Maria S. 1991. Inkorporirovannoe slovo v chukotskom jazyke. In: I. F. Vardul' (ed.) Morfema i Problemy Tipologii. Moscow: Nauka, 357-393.
Polinskaja, Maria S. and Nedjalkov, Vladimir P. 1987. Contrasting the absolutive in Chukchee. Lingua 71.239-69. Polinsky, Maria S. 1990. Subject incorporation: evidence from Chukchee. In: Dziwirek, Katarzyna, Farrell, Patrick, and Mej" ä as-Bikandi, Errapel (eds.) (1990). Grammatical Relations. A Cross-Theoretical Perspective. Stanford: Stanford Linguistics Association, CSLI. 349-364. Polinsky, Maria S. 1993. Subject inversion and intransitive subject incorporation. Chicago Linguistics Society 29 Polinsky, Maria S. 1994. Relativization in Chukchi. In: Howard Aronson (ed.) Papers from the 7th Conference on the Non-Slavic Languages of the USSR. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Skorik, Pjotr Ja. 1948. Ocherk po sintaksis chukotskogo jazyka: inkorporacija. Leningrad: Uchpedgiz. Skorik, P., Ja. 1960. O kategorii zaloga v chukotskom jazyke. Voprosy grammatiki, 128-50. Moscow-Leningrad: Academy of Sciences. Skorik, P., Ja. 1961. Grammatika chukotskogo jazyka, tom 1. Leningrad: Nauka. Skorik, Petr, Ja. 1977. Grammatika chukotskogo jazyka, tom 2. Leningrad: Nauka. Spencer, Andrew 1994. Syllabification in Chukchee. In: R. Wiese (ed.), Theorie des Lexikons #56: Recent Developments in Lexical Phonology (Duesseldorf, H. Heine Universitaet,), 205226. Spencer, Andrew 1995. Incorporation in Chukchi. Language 71, 439-89. Spencer, Andrew 1999. Chukchee and Polysynthesis. In: Jakov G. Testelets & Ekaterina V. Rakhilina (eds.) Tipologija i teorija jazyka. Ot opisanija k objasneniju. K 60-letiju Aleksandra Evgen'evicha Kibrika (Typology and Linguistic Theory. From Description to Explanation. For the 60th Birthday of Aleksandr E. Kibrik). Moskva: Jazyki russkoj kul'tury, 106-113, 1999. Spencer, Andrew 1999. Agreement morphology in Chukotkan. In: Markus Pöchtrager and Wolfgang Dressler (eds.) Morphologica 1996, 191-222. Vdovin, I. S. and N. M. Tereshchenko 1959. Ocherki istorii izuchenija paleoaziatskix i samodijskix jazykov. Leningrad: Uchpedgiz. Volodin, A. P. 1976. Itel'menskij Jazyk. Leningrad: Nauka. Volodin, A. P. 1991. Prospekt opisanija grammatiki kerekskogo jazyka (chukotskokamchatskaja gruppa). In: Ubrjatova, E. I. and Cheremisina, M. I. (eds.) Jazyki narodov sibiri. grammaticheskie issledovanija. Novosibirsk: Nauka, 200-214. Zhukova, A. N. 1967. Russko-korjakskij slovar'. Moscow: Izd. Sovetskaja Enciklopedia.
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