Imagination in History: Teodoro Teodoro Agoncillo -Imagination is as important and necessary in the writing of history as it is in the writing of ction, drama, or poetry. -George Bernard Shaw: “Imagination in history is something to be deplored since history deals primarily and supremely with facts. -!istory is not a matter of compiling and reciting facts, or marshaling them in a time- se"uence, and of allowing them to spea# for themsel$es. -It should pro$ide not only the bones, but also the %esh and blood of those moments which once were here but are now only memories. -!istory re"uires a disciplined imagination. -!istory thus concei$ed is a creati$e endea$or. -Imagination is conditioned by the facts. &he two are inseparable. -Interpretation is an aspect of historical imagination. -Imagination not based on facts is wild. -&here is no such thing as complete history. !istory as actuality is partially recaptured by the historian through a careful and 'udicious use of data. It is a recreation of the past. -!istorians study facts thoroughly and intensely in order to go into or to participate in the e$ents or in the li$es of men he intends to write about. -(ithout this imaginati$e understanding, it would be impossible for any historian to communicate with his sub'ects and, ultimately, to re-li$e the past. imperative. &he imagination -It should ha$e basis in the logical imperative. &he imagination is anchored upon reasoning that issues from the nature of the sub'ect under study. ). *o two historians confronted with the same set of facts, would arri$e at e+actly the same interpretation . Interpretations $ary in proportion to their ability to write eecti$ely and clearly.
&hus, each generation generation writes writes its own history history and contribut contributes es its own interpretations. -R.G. Collingwood coined the term interpolation it is the insertion of statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources. -/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by ctionists, poets, dramatists, and historical no$elists. no$elists. -&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the part of the historian. -1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is needed. -&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of what the historian belie$es to be signicant. -!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow. -&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after Darwin led to the positivistic doctrine of the scientic method in history. -&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the e"ually important element of art in history. -3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities. -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it. Nascent Philippine Nationalism
&hus, each generation generation writes writes its own history history and contribut contributes es its own interpretations. -R.G. Collingwood coined the term interpolation it is the insertion of statements between those made by a historians authorities or sources. -/ny interpolation that is not necessitated by the e$idence is not historical imagination but a literary one such as that employed by ctionists, poets, dramatists, and historical no$elists. no$elists. -&he di0culty of employing historical imagination lies not so much in the absence of documentary e$idence as in the lac# of restraint on the part of the historian. -1rior #nowledge of that particular time and of the subse"uent times is needed. -&he use of this aspect of historical imagination is important not only in literature , but also in history. 2or history is not a mere compilation of cut-and-dried facts and puled one on top of another, but a recreation of what the historian belie$es to be signicant. -!istory, to be worthy of its name, must be written with imagination, with $er$e and color as primary sources would allow. -&he ad$ance of the scientic spirit after Darwin led to the positivistic doctrine of the scientic method in history. -&he obsession of the academic historians was the mechanics of history, and thus, obsessed they forget or deliberately submerged the e"ually important element of art in history. -3anger of o$eremphasi4ing the $alue of accuracy is that it tends to: sti%e the creati$e spirit of the student whose minds are drowned by facts without being allowed to wea$e them into an artistic whole. -&he only scientic part of history is that which deals with spade wor# and the sifting of facts, the rest belongs to the humanities. -Soul is necessary to it as to a poem or wor# of art, and the indi$iduality of the writer should be re%ected in it. Nascent Philippine Nationalism
!"# $!%& 1olitical Ideas of : ). Sanciano y Goson of 5anila . 67pe4 8aena of Iloilo 9. 5arcelo 3el 1ilar of Bulacan . ;i4al of 6aguna -&he conse"uence of the Cavite '(tiny of !"# and the demonstration against the friars of !!! was the proscription or deportation of prominent 2ilipinos. -&hey tried to call attention to the shortcomings and buses of the administration of the 1hilippines and to get the go$ernment to adopt what they considered to be the necessary reforms. Goson was one the earliest propagandists. ). Gregorio )anciano y Goson was -!e compiled a series of studies on the re$enue laws of the 1hilippines into a boo# the, *l progreso de +ilipinas, 'adrid !!. -!e pointed out that the o0cial practice e+empted Spaniards and Spanish mesti4os in the 1hilippines from the tribute and forced labor imposed on 2ilipinos and
days to )? days a year and also made Spaniards liable to it e"ually with 2ilipinos. . Graciano -pe/ 0aena was a nati$e of Iloilo and came to Spain originally to study medicine.
-!e de$oted almost all his attention and energies to the propaganda for reforms. -2irst editor of the La Solidaridad. -Says that the Spanish go$ernment was far more interested in repression than in stimulation. -&he go$ernment allowed the disastrous monetary situation which allowed foreign merchants to drain good money out of the country and replace it with 5e+ican dollars. -!e pointed out that popular education and the use of common language was neglected. -@pper ran#s of the colonial ci$il ser$ice were ta#en by Spanish o0cials. -Anly at the lowest le$el of local go$ernment was any initiati$e or scope gi$en to nati$es. -!e motioned that the remedy to this situation was to allow the 2ilipinos the capacity to thin# and act for themsel$es, let the freedoms championed by liberalism be e+tended to them: freedom of spec# and the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of trade. -ssential that the 2ilipinos be permitted to trade with each other and tra$el from any part of the islands to any other part. -*otes the right of the 2ilipinos to possess and de$elop the natural resources of their land is a right conceded by *ature. -67pe4 is ta#ing a stand on what he concei$es to be the natural rights of 2ilipinos as 2ilipinos. 9. 'arcelo H. Del Pilar studied law in the @ni$ersity of Santo &omas. -Belie$ed that the principal obstacle to the 1hilippine progress was the Spanish regular clergy, who used their position of dominance. -&he clergy used their in%uence to pre$ent the introduction of liberal reforms. -!e could see no way but to e+pel the friars from the colony altogether.
-!e belie$ed that 2ilipinos should see# to better their condition by peaceful rather than $iolent means. -&he reforms he wanted were substantially those proposed by Sanciano and 6ope4. -&he disappointing results of the propaganda campaign were turning his thoughts more and more toward re$olution. . 0ose Ri/al was the principal protagonist of the mo$ement. -!is father and elder brother were well-to-do inquilinos of the 3ominican estate of
-Spanish were opposed to any change in the colonial administration. -!ow did Spain propose to stop progress in the 1hilippinesC ). Deep the 2ilipinos ignorant -Imparted ignorance rather than #nowledge . Deeping them poor -It produced what it was designed to pre$ent -;iches ma#e men cautious and conser$ati$e, while po$erty breeds, radical ideas, a desire to change the e+isting order of things. -(here there is wealth and abundance there is less unrest and fewer grie$ances. 9. *ot allowing them to increase in numbers -2ilipinos were actually increasing in number.
. By di$iding them against themsel$es. -&he $ery attempt to create regional di$ision strengthened national unity, for it meant sending nati$e troops from one island to another, and this intermingling of 2ilipinos. -$ery increase of pressure built up a greater counter-pressure. -It reached a point where change was ine$itable. -&he choice was no longer whether change would occur but merely what #ind of change it was to be. -&he 1hilippines would be compelled to see# by force of arms its complete independence. -&his was one direction impending change could ta#e: separation from Spain. -It would se$er a historic bond between Spain and the 1hilippines, which had been forged by 9 centuries of coe+istence. -&he only way to #eep 2ilipinos loyal to Spain was to grant them e"ual citi4enship with Spaniards. -;i4al proposed that it to be set up as an ultimate goal to be achie$ed by a series of reforms.
-2ilipinos, he said, do not ha$e the Spaniards alone to blame for their state of sub'ection. “&here would be no masters if there were no sla$es. -2ilipinos must be willing to accept its responsibilities. -2reedom means undergoing a slow and painful process of selfdiscipline. -&hey should de$ote some time and eort to culti$ating in themsel$es the $irtues that enable a people to go$ern themsel$es. -Ane of these $irtues was economia: the prudent husbanding of limited resources. -transigencia: the spirit of gi$e and ta#e, the willingness to compromise. -Democracy is go$ernment by discussion: the people or their representati$es meet to debate se$eral dierent courses of action and decide on one. It is a series of mutual concessions and compromises. -Spanish people destroyed the indigenous culture and substituted an alien culture in its stead. -An the other hand, Spanish colonial rule de$eloped the 2ilipino nationalism by supplying the mo$ement for reforms and the subse"uent separatist mo$ement with their frame of reference and their principles. -&he ideas of human e"uality, ci$ic freedom and the rule of law, ideas !ellenic and
. ncouragement of instruction, agriculture, and commerce ?. Study and application of reforms. -Andres 1oni2acio was acti$e in recruiting members. Bonifacio was gi$ing out that the 6igas ob'ect was re$olution. -&he 6iga dissol$ed and before ;i4als departure, Bonifacio organi4ed a new society, the 3atip(nan. $Dr. Pio 4alen/(ela was dispatched to 3apitan to as# ;i4al to head the re$olution. -;i4al refused because he belie$ed that the re$olution was premature. -!e $olunteered as a surgeon for
Ri/al In the Conte8t o2 Nineteenth$Cent(ry Philippines -ssays purpose to single out some ma'or economic, political, cultural, and religious de$elopments that in%uenced ;i4als growth as a nationalist. *conomic Development -Growth of the e+port economy brought increasing prosperity to the 2ilipino middle classes, as well as the British and /merican merchants who organi4ed it. -Brought in machinery and consumer goods to the 1hilippines. -/gricultural products: ;ice, sugar, abaca from
-;i4als hectares of land -It was not the 9asama who would challenge for friar ownership, but the prosperous in"uilinos. -&heir moti$e would be as much political as economic- to wea#en the friars in%uence in 1hilippine political life. Political Developments -In Spain, liberals and conser$ati$es succeeded each other at irregular inter$als. -Both parties used the 1hilippines as a handy dumping ground to reward party hangers-on with 'obs. -ach new go$ernment brought another whole new mob of 'ob-see#ers to the 1hilippines, ready to line their poc#ets with 2ilipino money before being replaced. -2ilipinos were depri$ed of those few positions. -(ith the opening of the Sue4 .
-&he propagation of the liberal and progressi$e ideas written about from urope by ;i4al or 3el 1ilar. -Anly ?J of the 2ilipinos could communicate in Spanish. -&he return of the 8esuits was a ma'or in%uence to educational de$elopment. -&hey were e+pelled in "&! and returned !%. -&hey returned to the 1hilippines with and ideas and methods new to the educational system. -&oo# o$er the /yuntamiento in !% and renamed in Ateneo '(nicipal. -@nder the new educational institution the *sc(ela Normal de 'aestros to pro$ide Spanish-spea#ing teachers. -It represented a hope of progress in the minds of many 2ilipinos. -8esuit sources fre"uently complained about the opposition that the graduates of the *ormal School met from many parish priests. -+ranciscan +r. 'ig(el -(cio y 1(stmante proclaimed the danger of studying and learning Spanish. -2ilipino nationalists were much less appreciati$e of the other educational institutions run by the 3ominicans. -*ationalist leaders +r. 0ose 1(rgos and +r. 'ariano )evilla came from the uni$ersity of Santo &omas without e$er ha$ing studied abroad. -'arcelo H. Del Pilar, *milio 0acinto, and Apolinario 'a5ini obtained their education in )an 0ose, )an 0(an de -etran , and )anto Tomas. $Spanish o0cial 0(an de la 'atta had proposed the closing of these institutions as being “nurseriesKof sub$ersi$e ideas. -Seeing the liberties en'oyed in the 1eninsula, they became more conscious of the ser$itude which their people suered. -2r. 8ose Burgos emphasi4ed the need for 2ilipinos to loo# to their heritage.
-;i4al 'oined a historical consciousness formed by German histiography. $In his edition of /ntonio de 5orgas Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas he outlines the process by which he had to come to see# a foundation for his nationalism in the historical past. Religio(s Developments -ducation produced an ilustrado class. &his ilustrado were increasingly antifriar at times e$en anticlerical or anti- years.
-It was under Pedro Pelae/ that they were attempting to dispro$e the age-old accusation against them by showing that they were e"ual in ability to the friars. -1elae4 died in the earth"ua#e of !&6. -/ year later, 8ose Burgos defended the memory of 1elae4 and calling for 'ustice to the 2ilipino clergy. -(ith Burgos we see the rst articulation of national feeling, of a sense of national identity. -(e nd numerous close connections between the acti$ist 2ilipino clergy led by Burgos and the ne+t generation of 2ilipinos who led the 1ropaganda of the )EE>s and )EF>s. -1aciano was li$ing in the house of Burgos in )EM. -&oribio !. 3el 1ilar and 2r. 5ariano Se$illa were e+iled to Guam. 5arcelo li$ed with them as a student. -&he 1ropagandists were also heirs to the li5eral re2ormists of the !&7s. -&hey were the moderni4ers who desired to bring to the 1hilippines economic progress, a modern legal system, and the “modern liberties N freedom of the press, of association, of speech, and of worship. -5ost of the men who appear prominently among the liberal reformists were criollos Spaniards born in the 1hilippines. -(ished to see the liberties that had been introduced to the 1hilippines to be e+tended to Spanish 1hilippines. 5en li#e 0oa;(in Pardo de Tavera, Antonio Regidor, 1(rgos. -Generally antifriar, these reformists saw in the friars obstacles to progressi$e reforms and modern liberties. -It was with enthusias that they welcomed the new go$erner, Carlos 'a. De la Torre with enthusiasm. -!e was appointed by the anti-clerical liberals who had made the ;e$olution of )EHE in Spain. !e introduced some liberal reforms.
-Both the clergy and the reformists were decei$ed. !e was suspicious of both groups and had put them under secret police sur$eillance. -!e was succeeded by Gen. Ra2ael I/;(ierdo who ended e$en the appearances of liberty of e+pression allowed by 3e la &orre. -&he local mutiny o$er local grie$ances happened in
-(hen Spanish regime fell under the onslaught of the ;e$olution, conser$ati$e moderni4ers had no regrets. -T.H. Pardo de Tavera was among the rst to accept a position in the /merican go$ernment. Secretaty of 2oreign /airs - 0ose 'a. 1asa was among the rst to petition the /merican consul in !ong Dong for an /merican protectorate o$er the 1hilippines. -&he kalayaan they loo#ed for might not be the same concept as the independencia concei$ed by ;i4al, Bonifacio, and 5abini. But the freedom they longed for was far nearer to the nationalists idea of independence. C The Historian
-=illiam Henry )cott entitled one of his wor#s the Crac9s in the Parchment C(rtain. -!e says, that a documentary curtain of parchment, at rst sight, a documentary conceals from modern $iew the acticities and thought of 2ilipinos and re$eals only the acti$ities of Spaniards. -But many crac#s in that parchment allow the percepti$e in$estigator to glimpse 2ilipinos acting in their own world. -;esearch on 1hilippine history is disproportionate. -;e$olution too# place in all of the 1hilippines, such a history will show the dierent degrees and #inds of nationalist response in dierent regions. 'ethod in History -3ocuments are not self-interpreting, and therefore, need a human interpreterOthe historian. -!e brings with him his biases and pre'udices. -&he method in its simplest terms re"uires the historian to base himself on documentation and to draw the e$idence for his assertions or interpretations from the facts found in documents. -!istorian should demonstrate in detail how he bridges the gap between the documentation and the conclusions he draws from it. &hese include literary wor#s, boo#s of prayers, e$en fol# art. -/ historians nationalist commitment, if not too narrowly concei$ed, ought to ma#e him put new "uestions to the past. -&his historians "uestions may shed new light on his peoples problems of the past. -1edro 1aterno supposed pre-hispanic past and 8ose 5arcos false documents on history
-5arco also wrote a series of supposed wor#s of 2r. 8ose Burgos. /mong these was a pseudono$el La Loba Negra. an alleged account of Burgos trial and other do4en pseudowor#s. -Such attempts to ma#e history “nationalist as those of 1aterno and 5arco, and their perpetuators, are clearly futile. -;econstructing a 2ilipino past, howe$er glorious in appearance, on false pretenses can do nothing to build a sense of national identity. -/ truly 2ilipino history, it is said, cannot but be a history of the 2ilipino masses and their struggles. -/llows only a one-dimensional consideration of such real and comple+ issues as Spanish obscurantism and /merican imperialism. -&he historian needs a preliminary hypothesis from which to in$estigate the past. -&he hypothesis must ha$e su0cient breadth of $ision to encompass all the facts. -/ true peoples history, therefore, must see the 2ilipino people as the primary agents in their historyOnot 'ust as ob'ects repressed by theocracy or oppressed by e+ploitati$e colonial policies. -;eligious $alues ha$e not simply led to docility and submission but also to resistance to in'ustice and to the struggle for a better society. -It will ta#e seriously peoples mo$ements that articulate their goals in religious terms and not merely in 5ar+ist accents. -It will be able to recogni4e and critici4e when needed, the role religion Oboth o0cial and fol# $arieties of
-By depicting the whole of reality, history will ma#e it possible to reform and reshape that society toward a better future. &he historian as nationalist can do no less. The Philippines in 'aritime Asia to the +o(rteenth Cent(ry -1hilippines did not e+ist in the tenth century. It only recei$ed its name during the coloni4ation of Spain. -Social features: 2amily ties, body tattooing, and sla$e raiding. -It contained elements of social organi4ation, material life, and interisland contacts. -ocalities and -eadership -Belong to the A(stronesian family of languages. -6inguistic a0nity stems from )o(thern China, ancestors of most Southeast /sians. -1ractice of cognatic 9inship in which families trace descent through both the male and female lines. Both sons and daughters may ha$e inheritance rights. -1eople who were not biologically related can ma#e new claims on each other through >ctive 9inship which creates ritual brothers, godmothers, and godfathers. -;eligion was animistic seeing and worshipping di$inity in the surrounding en$ironment. -/ncestor worship was a spiritual e+pression of #inship ties that were relied upon and imposed duties in daily. -6ow population density, yielded a patchwor# of human settlements, often along ri$ers and initially isolated from each other. -5indset: 1eople felt strongly attached to their own locality and didnt feel it to be less important than other larger or more powerful settlements.
-!istorian ?liver =olters describes it as “$ery center was a center in its own right as far as its inhabitants were concerned, and it was surrounded by its own groups of neighbors. -&he person capable of mobili4ing people to achie$e these goals was described as chie2 or 5ig man. / person who e+hibited unusual achie$ement in warfare and trade. -Dat( the power con$eyed by ancestors could be claimed by anyone with talent. -(omen were central to community life as well. &hey were li#ely to become prominent in ritual specialists with power to access and in%uence the spirits e+isting in nature. -Gender regimes were $itally important to the states relationship with and control of society. -Busy harbors enriched and empowered the coastal datu. !e demanded tribute from $isiting merchants and enforced his authority through armed force. -/llowed datus to style themsel$es as royalty, maintaining a court and richly rewarding followers. -&here were networ#s of personal loyalties, marriage alliances held together by personal achie$ement and diplomatic s#ill. -(arfare was a fre"uent part of this 'oc#eying for position but it usually too# the form of raids to sei4e people, who were in short supply, not the con"uest of land that was plentiful. -
-Some people felt the crossroads characteri4ation implied a lac# of identity, suggesting that Southeast /sians were easily shaped by foreign in%uence. -/ll societies change through contact with outsiders: Southeast /sias geography simply e+posed it to much more contact than most other places. -1erhaps as a result, %uidity continued to characteri4e local polities, and outsiders relati$ely easily became insiders through marriage, commerce, or possession of useful e+pertise. -2oreign ideas and practices adopted by Southeast /sians were precisely those that enhanced their e+isting $alues and institutions. -&he rst transformati$e locali4ation in Southeast /sian statecraft occurred when indian merchants and Brahmans priests fre"uented /sian ports. -!indu religious beliefs and political practices that enabled local rulers to enhance bother their spiritual power and political authority. -(e adopted !indu modes of worship by association with a particular god and participation in his di$inity. -&itles adopted from Sans#rit enabled the most powerful datus to distinguish themsel$es and their #in groups as royalty no nobilityO classes with an enhanced capacity to transfer political power to their descendants. -&he di$ine ruler made his stature clear to the populace by building religious monuments and temples proclaiming his de$otion to deities. -&he locali4ation of Indian beliefs and practices did not replace the old culture, but added new meaning and utilities to it. -Sta#es became higher in the endless datu competition as !indu, and later Buddhist, religio-political practices made possible large-scale polities. -8a$a and
-3i$ine #inship enabled the growth of wider networ#s of personal loyalities called mandalas. +ample: /ng#or in
-2easting fullls both societys duty to its di$inities and the datus obligation to share his wealth with the community. -&he spirit ritualist baylan in Qisayan and catalonan in &agalog was typically an elderly woman of high status or a male trans$estite. )ocial )tarti>cation: A =e5 o2 Interdependence -3atus were part of a hereditaty class that married endogamously. -3atuship included military, 'udicial, religious, entrepreneurial roles. -Success and power always depended on an indi$iduals charisma and $alor. -Antonio Piga2etta, a chronicler noted that, “Dings #now more languages than other people. Sta: tubang sa datu the chiefs minister or pri$y counselor. &he steward was called paragahin N one who collected tribute and crops. !ilanggo N the sheri "ata#ag N town crier $opok N charmed which causes the one who recei$es it to obey "anlus N a spear which causes leg pains to the $ictim who steps on it. !osong N causes intestinal swelling %okhok & to kill #ith a breath or touch o' hand (aykay) to pierce through somebody by pointing at him -3atus were self-made men: “&here is no superior who gi$es him authority or title, beyond his own eorts and power. -3atus added a tattoo with each military $ictory. $'aharli9a N li#ely to do military ser$ice
$-ower stat(s Timawa who did labor in the datus elds -&imawa could not be"ueath wealth to their children because e$erything formally belonged to the datu. -/ man of timawa birth might rise to datuship if he had the right "ualities and opportunities. -Tao the mass of society, who owed tribute to the datu and ser$ice in general to the upper classes. -Sla$es R escla$o -&he 'udicial system consisted solely of the datu. 5ost crimes were also in%icted on the family. -1eople could also be purchasedOthere was a large regional trade in human labor -&here was a system of interdependence mar#ed by mutual obligations up and down the social ladder. Trade, Tri5(te, and =ar2are in A Regional Conte8t -/t the beginning of the tilling season, no strangers were allowed in a $illage while ceremonies were conducted for a producti$e har$est. -@pon pain of death, strangers were warned away during the funeral of a datu. -Sla$es born within a household were considered part of the family and were rarely sold. -/ sla$e is also to be sacriced during the burial of a datu. -3atus who controlled harbors, collected trade duties, and imported goods grew in material wealth and status. -Increased commerce attracted more people to the settlement and stimulated cottage industries to supply and e"uip the traders. -/lliances were made, often through marriage, for friendship and help against mutual enemies.
-/ datu was liable to fall to an e+ternally sponsored ri$al if unsuccessful in war. Connections within and 5eyond the Archipelago -(e could see the communities of the archipelago participating according to their economic and geographical opportunities and priorities as did all local centers in the region. -1hilippine contact with >). -(hen > <.. and is the oldest 2ilipino document. -Is a document that records Namwran
-Small barangays were often lin#ed through networ#s of datus, while retaining a high sense of locality and resolute independence. -(e see a state formation in #inship practices, religious beliefs, and systems of socio-economic status and dependency. -Increasing trade from the ) th century which resulted to growing populations, social stratication, political inno$ation and the concentration of political power. The Noli 'e Tangere as Catalyst o2 Revol(tion -1urpose of *oli: &o pro$ide a catalyst for a re$olution, to start the process that would lead to the emancipation of the 1hilippines. -;i4al had already concluded to the futility of the goals sought by many of his fellow-2ilipinos, who hoped to obtain from Spain reforms. -By the time he brought the no$el into its nal form, he had already opted for ultimate separation from Spain. -&here remained no choice e+cept a re$olution, and the *oli was the rst step toward that goal. -/mado Guerrero: “;i4al failed to state categorically the need for re$olutionary armed struggle to eect separation from Spain. -(illiam &aft and (.
Noli as Charter o2 Nationalism -In )EE his speech at the 5adrid ban"uet, ;i4al still e+presses hope for reforms from Spain. -In *oli, he does see# for reforms, demands e$en, but from 2ilipinos rather than from Spaniards. -It calls on the 2ilipino to regain his self-condence, to appreciate his own worth, to return to the heritage of his ancestors, to assert himself as the e"ual of the Spaniards. -&he 2ilipinos should be aware of what was wrong with 1hilippine society, not only Spanish abuses, but 2iipino failures as well. But his purpose went beyond that. -In a letter to Blumentritt, ;i4al registers a glimmer of hope that the separation of the 1hilippines from Spain might come about by a peaceful and gradual de$elopment. -Pa5lo +eced and 4icente 1arrantes critici4ed the *oli 5e &angere. -*oli does not ha$e as its goal the glorication of the race any more than it does the mere condemnation of Spanish oppression. -/ sound nationalism had to be based on an accurate and unsparing analysis and understanding of the contemporary situation. Noli and +ili: Action with 4ision -*oli was not meant to stand alone. ;i4al had in mind a se"uel. -S#etch of the present state of our country. -I must rst ma#e #nown the past, so that it may be possible to 'udge better the present and to measure the path which has been tra$ersed during three centuries. -!e would publish instead a scholarly analysis of the 1hilippines at the Spanish contact, using 5orgas boo# as a base. -*oli had shown the 2ilipinos their present condition under Spain. -5orga would show them their roots as a nation. -;i4al would chart the 2ilipino course for the future in l 2ilibusterismo.
-!e shows two possible courses remaining ). &he solution of 1adre 2lorentino . &he solution of Simoun -;i4al cannot $e detailed instructions. ;ather, he gi$es the $ision and ma#es his act of faith in the 2ilipino and in the God of history. -Ibarra the idealist, wor#ing for reforms under Spanish auspices and representing the mind of ;i4al. -lias, the man of action, represents Bonifacio. --eon 'a. G(errero points out that “Ibarra fails in his reform program and opts for $iolence, it is lias who tried to dissuade him, urging that he will lead his countrymen into a bloodbath, and that it will be the defenseless and innocent who will most suer. -!e had decided on separation from Spain when he published the *oli. -!e originally intended to propose the solution in his second no$el, but then reali4ed that he could only do so after ha$ing laid further groundwor#. ). /wa#en national consciousness . @ndergird solid historical foundation 9. ;emained the course of action to be e+plored -&he 2ilipino people, he says, must endure and wor#. It is not a passi$e endurance, but an acti$e resistance. “But it is true that we must win it by deser$ing it, e+alting reason and the dignity of the indi$idual, lo$ing what is 'ust, what is good, what is great, e$ent to the point of dying for it. -&he point is not to shed other peoples blood, but to be ready enough to shed ones own for the people that one will ha$e the courage to resist any attac# on human dignity, on the freedom that belongs to e$ery man and woman. Re2ormist o2 Revol(tionary@
2alse dilemmas: ). &o be reformist meant to engage in futile tin#ering with the political and economic structures of society through parliamentary means, political bargaining and intrigue. . &o be re$olutionary was to ta#e up arms against the go$ernment, the establishment, those in power. -/s e+pressed in the mouth of 1adre 2lorentino: ;e$olution is not primarily an armed struggle to shed other peoples blood, but a willingness to ris# shedding ones own blood for the sa#e of the people. -&here was con%ict between 5arcelo !. 3el 1ilar and ;i4al in )EF). “&he fact is that my man has been formed in libraries, and in libraries no account is ta#en of the atmosphere in which one must wor#. -But it was not enough to ha$e his ideals proposed to his countrymen in writing it was necessary to put them into action there in the 1hilippines. -!e returns to the 1hilippines in )EF to acti$ate the 6a 6iga 2ilipina. -&he call of the 6iga was for national unity, dedication to economic, educational, and other reformsOnot begging them from the Spaniards, but the 2ilipinos underta#ing them themsel$es on the other, the 2ilipinos must defend one another against all $iolence and in'ustice. Concl(sion: -;i4al retained the ideals of long-range preparation. -Spanish 8udge comments that ;i4al “limits himself to condemning the present rebellious mo$ement as premature and because he considers its success impossible at this time. -2or ;i4al, it was a "uestion of opportunity, not of principles or ob'ecti$es. -!e maintained to the end that the re$olutionary goal was to create a nation of 2ilipinos conscious of their human and national dignity and ready to sacrice themsel$es to defend it. 4eneration =itho(t nderstanding
-;i4al repudiated the re$olution. -&he 1hilippine re$olution has always been o$ershadowed by the omnipresent gure and the towering reputation of ;i4al. -;i4al repudiated the one act which really synthesi4ed out nationalist aspirations, and yet we consider him a nationalist leader. An American$)ponsored Hero -It was Gov. =.H. Ta2t who in )F>) suggested to the 1hilippine
-&here was a need for a superhero to bolster the national ego. -Arthodo+ historians ha$e presented history as a succession of e+ploits of eminent personalities, leading many of us to regard history as the product of gifted indi$iduals. The Role o2 Heroes -(ith or without these specic indi$iduals the social relations engendered by Spanish colonialism and the subse"uent economic de$elopment of the country would ha$e produced the nationalist mo$ement. -;i4als e+ecution only added more drama to the e$ents of the period. -5ass action is not the utterances of a leader rather these leaders ha$e been impelled to action by the historical forces unleashed by social de$elopment. -&he creati$e energies of the people who are the true ma#ers of their own history. -But he is not a hero in the sense that he could$e stopped and altered the course of e$ents. -&he re$olution bro#e out despite his refusal to lead it and continued despite his condemnation of it. -!istory is made by men. Innovation and Change -;i4al li$ed in a period of great economic changes. *ational awa#ening caused by the nglish occupation of the country, the end of the galleon trade, and the 6atin-/merican re$olutions. -In addition, non-Spanish houses monopoli4ed the import-e+port trade. &hese non-Spanish interests increased cosmopolitan penetration. -uropean and /merican nancing were $ital agents in the emerging e+port economy. -/baca and sugar production increased. 2rom 9,>>> piculs a year to ,>>>,>>> in decades.
-Impro$ed communication T road systems T railroad lines Tstreet cars T postal ser$ices during the same period. -&his has set the stage for cultural and social change. &he culti$ation of cosmopolitan attitudes and heightened opposition to clerical control. The Ideological +ramewor9 -conomic prosperity spawned discontent when the nati$e beneciaries saw a new world of aUuence opening for themsel$es and their class. -&hey attained a new consciousness, a new goalOthat of e"uality with the peninsulares. -5anifestation of the desire to reali4ed the potentialities oered by the period of e+pansion and progress. -/nti-clericalism became the ideological style of the period. -;i4al e+pressed its demands in terms of human liberty and human dignity and thus encompassed the wider aspirations of the people. -!e could$e not ha$e transcended his class limitations, for his cultural upbringing was such that aection for Spain and Spanish ci$ili4ation precluded the idea of brea#ing the chains of colonialism. -!e had to become a Spaniard rst before becoming a 2ilipino. Concept o2 +ilipino Nationhood -&he de$elopment of the concept of national consciousness stopped short of real decoloni4ation -Social conditions demand that the true 2ilipino be one who is consciously stri$ing for the decoloni4ation and independence. -2ilipino originally referred to the creoles or the Spaniards born in the 1hilippines. -&he nati$es were called indios. -In the end of the )F th century, hispani4ed and urbani4ed indios along with Spanish mesti4os and sangley mesti4os began to call themsel$es 2ilipinos.
-&he original Circ(lo Hispano$+ilipino was dominated by creoles and peninsulares. -&he community came out with an organ called Espa*a en Filipinas which sought to ta#e the place of $e+ista ,irculo Filipino- which was founded by 0(an Atayde a creole. -&he only non-Spaniard was 1aldomero Ro8as. --ope/$0aena critici4ed their writing, which he belie$ed showed more sympathy for the peninsulares. !e was referring to the /4carrga brothers, by which Claro '. Recto street got its name. -&hus the formal beginning of the La Solidaridad. Its leaders were indios with -ope/$0aena as its rst editor and later 'arcelo Del Pilar. -&he reformists could not sha#e o their Spanish orientation. &hey wanted accommodation within the ruling system. The -imited +ilipinos -;i4al was not really of the people based on education and property. -&he recognition of the masses as the real nation and their transformation into real 2ilipinos. -2ilipino must undergo a process of decoloni4ation before he can become a true 2ilipino. -/s an ilustrado, ;i4al was spea#ing in behalf of all the indios though he was separated by culture and by property from the masses. -!is ilustrado orientation manifests itself in no$els. -/ll the protagnoists belonged to the principalia. -;i4als class position, upbringing, and his foreign education were profound in%uences which constituted a limitation on his understanding of his countrymen. -!e condemned the ;e$olution because as an ilustrado he instincti$ely underestimated the power and the talents of the people. -!e belie$ed in freedom not so much as national right but as something to be deser$ed.
-!e did not e"uate liberty with independence. ;i4al did not consider political independence as a prere"uisite to freedom. !e wrote on 3ec. ), )EFH: “/ people can be free without being independent, and a people can be independent without being free.
/lso in l 2ili: “(e must secure it by ma#ing oursel$es worthy of it, by e+alting the intelligence and the dignity of the indi$idual, by lo$ing 'ustice, right, and greatness, e$en to the e+tent of dying for them. -;i4als preoccupation with education ser$ed to further the impression that the ma'ority of the 2ilipinos were unlettered and therefore, needed tutelage, before they could be ready for independence. -“5a#e itself worthy of these liberties. -1eople should learn and educate themsel$es in the process of struggling for freedom and liberty. -
-&hey are no dierent from the modern-day mendicants who try to pro$e that they are /mercani4ed. Il(strados and Indios -Bonifacio, not as !ispani4ed as the ilustrados, saw in peoples actions the only road to liberation. -&he Datipunan was a peoples mo$ement based on condence in the peoples capacity to act in its own behalf. -It was Bonifacio and the Datipunan that embodied the unity of re$olutionary consciousness and re$olutionary practice. -&he indio as 2ilipino rose in arms while the ilustrado was still waiting for Spain to dispense 'ustice and reforms. -&he re$olutionary masses proclaimed their separatist goal through the Datipuan. -;i4al should occupy his proper place in our pantheon of great 2ilipinos. 1lind Adoration -(e must always be conscious of the historical conditions and circumstances that made an indi$idual a hero. -(e must $iew ;i4al as an e$ol$ing personality within an e$ol$ing historical period. -imitations o2 Ri/al -@nless we ha$e an ulterior moti$e, there is really no need to e+tend ;i4als meaning so that he may ha$e contemporary $alue. -&he nature of the ;i4al cult is such that he is being transformed into an authority to sanction the status "uo by a con%uence of blind adoration and widespread ignorance of his most telling ideas. The Negation o2 Ri/al -(e cannot rely on ;i4al alone. (e must discard the belief that we are incapable of producing the heroes of our epoch. -&he true hero is one with the masses, he does not e+ist abo$e them.
