Mula sa Kinaroroonan: Kapwa, Kapatiran and Bayan in Philippine Social Science 1 Clemen C. Aquino Department Departm ent of Sociology Sociol ogy University of the Philippines From the pioneering works of Enriquez, Covar and Salazar, which paved the way for the production of social science knowledge that is particularly meaningful and sensitive to Philippine culture and society, this paper explores the social signications of kapwa, kapatiran and bayan. In the context of the dominant inuence of Western perspectives in Philippine social science, the understanding, appreciation and evaluation of their contributions continue to be an important undertaking. As a preliminary attempt to contribute to o V ered as an approach or an outline for this discourse, a panlipunang pagbabanghay is V the analysis of Philippine social organization.
It was in the 1970s that the academic paths of Professor Virgilio G. Enriquez of the Department of Psychology, Professor Prospero R. Covar of the Department of Anthropology, Anthropology, and Professor Zeus A. Salazar S alazar of the DepartDe partment ment of History History — social social science science scholar scholarss at the Universit University y of the Philippines Philippines — converged. Through training in their respective elds, these three professors collectively cultivated scholarship on Philippine culture, diwa (spirit) and society. In the context of the pervasive inuence of Western education in the country, and on social science in particular, they set out to formulate perspectives that are rooted in and signicant to their own society. During that particular period, a crucial factor was the imposition of martial law in the country, especially in the task of confronting questions and problems problems that may be unique to Philippine Philippine political political and social life. The professors fessors provided provided one another academic academic support, support, and the 1970s saw saw the instiinstitution of the course Sikolohiyang Pilipino (Filipino Psychology) in the Department of Psychology and the establishment of the Pambansang Samahan sa Sikolohiyang Pilipino (National Confederation on Filipino Psychology), as well as the strengthening strengthening of o f the Pantayong Pananaw ( Pantayo Pantayo perspective) in the Department of History. Moreover, in the latter part of the 1980s, Pilipinolohiya (Filipinology) was established in the graduate programme of the College of Social Sciences Sciences and Philosophy. Now that almost three decades have passed since they crossed academic paths, it may be said that, in various ways, their intellectual endeavours have been developed and advanced. Even though there is no formal institution or academic organization that nurtures their common cause, there continues the assiduous cultivation of perspectives, concepts, and
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methods of research that are relevant and meaningful to Philippine society. Many students and junior faculty members have contributed substantially to their eld and through ongoing ongo ing clarication clarication and debate, d ebate, they have added vibrancy and meaning to their cause. Over the years, these studies collectively serve to further explore, understand and articulate the multidimensional character of Philippine culture and society. It is equally signicant to note that from conventional reactions to Western ideas, the co-sojourners have been able to transcend the habitual responses to and struggles with what are perceived to be colonial perspectives and foreign inuences. The aim of o f this paper is to provide an exploratory analysis analysis of selected selected concepts cultivated by Enriquez, Covar, and Salazar that have particular relevance to the study of Philippine social organization. Written from the perspective perspective of sociology that looks at the individual in society and the indi vidual’s linkages with the broader broa der social structure, structure , this paper focuses on three concepts: kapwa , one of the concepts rst examined by Enriquez in his time; kapatiran , which sums up the broad eld of studies cultivated by Covar; and bayan, a concept that Salazar considers integral to the understanding of Philippine history and cultural life.
Kapwa in Sikolohiyang Pilipino Integral to the work of Enriquez is the concept of kapwa . In 1978, in the article article “Kapwa: “Kapwa: A Core Concept Concept in Filipin Filipino o Social Psyc Psychology hology”” — one of the rst seminal presentations of the concept concept — Enriquez recognized the centrality of kapwa to the study of social interaction among Filipinos. 2 Corollary attention was also given to Filipino society’s deep regard for pakikipagkapwa or pakikipagkapwa-tao , or having good and sincere relations with one’s brethren. It is important to note that Enriquez’s study of the concept of kapwa is inextricably linked with the Sikolohiyang Pilipino’s cultivation of methods of data collection that are meaningful in the Philippine context. In fact, one of the initial research activities of Sikolohiyang Pilipino that was prioritized and instituted by Enriquez in the early 1970s focused on the study of makaPilipinong pamamaraan ng pananaliksik (Filipino methods of research) which involves pakapa-k pakapa-kapa apa (groping), pagtatan pagtatanon ong-ta g-tanong nong (querying), and pakikipa pakikipaggkuwentuhan (sharing stories) (Santiago and Enriquez, 1982; Santiago, 1982). These methods of collecting data were considered integral to the understanding and articulation of social science knowledge that is sensitive to the nuances and dynamics of Philippine society. Enriquez’s examination of the concept of kapwa is based on Santiago’s earlier study about various kinds and levels of interaction in a Tagalog village. Santiago had looked at the social interaction related to the o V ering of food to ibang-tao (outsider) and hindi-ibang-tao (one of us) in a Bulacan municipality (1976:135). It is this study that, in turn, became b ecame the basis for Santiago
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methods of research that are relevant and meaningful to Philippine society. Many students and junior faculty members have contributed substantially to their eld and through ongoing ongo ing clarication clarication and debate, d ebate, they have added vibrancy and meaning to their cause. Over the years, these studies collectively serve to further explore, understand and articulate the multidimensional character of Philippine culture and society. It is equally signicant to note that from conventional reactions to Western ideas, the co-sojourners have been able to transcend the habitual responses to and struggles with what are perceived to be colonial perspectives and foreign inuences. The aim of o f this paper is to provide an exploratory analysis analysis of selected selected concepts cultivated by Enriquez, Covar, and Salazar that have particular relevance to the study of Philippine social organization. Written from the perspective perspective of sociology that looks at the individual in society and the indi vidual’s linkages with the broader broa der social structure, structure , this paper focuses on three concepts: kapwa , one of the concepts rst examined by Enriquez in his time; kapatiran , which sums up the broad eld of studies cultivated by Covar; and bayan, a concept that Salazar considers integral to the understanding of Philippine history and cultural life.
Kapwa in Sikolohiyang Pilipino Integral to the work of Enriquez is the concept of kapwa . In 1978, in the article article “Kapwa: “Kapwa: A Core Concept Concept in Filipin Filipino o Social Psyc Psychology hology”” — one of the rst seminal presentations of the concept concept — Enriquez recognized the centrality of kapwa to the study of social interaction among Filipinos. 2 Corollary attention was also given to Filipino society’s deep regard for pakikipagkapwa or pakikipagkapwa-tao , or having good and sincere relations with one’s brethren. It is important to note that Enriquez’s study of the concept of kapwa is inextricably linked with the Sikolohiyang Pilipino’s cultivation of methods of data collection that are meaningful in the Philippine context. In fact, one of the initial research activities of Sikolohiyang Pilipino that was prioritized and instituted by Enriquez in the early 1970s focused on the study of makaPilipinong pamamaraan ng pananaliksik (Filipino methods of research) which involves pakapa-k pakapa-kapa apa (groping), pagtatan pagtatanon ong-ta g-tanong nong (querying), and pakikipa pakikipaggkuwentuhan (sharing stories) (Santiago and Enriquez, 1982; Santiago, 1982). These methods of collecting data were considered integral to the understanding and articulation of social science knowledge that is sensitive to the nuances and dynamics of Philippine society. Enriquez’s examination of the concept of kapwa is based on Santiago’s earlier study about various kinds and levels of interaction in a Tagalog village. Santiago had looked at the social interaction related to the o V ering of food to ibang-tao (outsider) and hindi-ibang-tao (one of us) in a Bulacan municipality (1976:135). It is this study that, in turn, became b ecame the basis for Santiago
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and Enriquez (1982) in their formulation of a scale of pagtutunguhan (interaction) between the researcher and the participant in the study. Santiago and Enriquez (1982) developed eight categories of pagtutunguhan (interaction) between the researcher and the participant, and Enriquez used these same categories in his exploration of the concept of kapwa . It is important to emphasize that the authors also considered these categories of interaction as methods of data gathering that the researcher may very well use to discover and understand participants’ kalooban (inner self/inner feelings). The following are the categories, structured according to “the closeness of kalooban of the researcher and the participant”:
pakik akikit ituungo ngo (transaction/civility with) 3 paki pakiki kisa sala lamu muha ha (interaction with) joining/parti participat cipating ing with) with) pakik akikil ilah ahook ( joining/ pakik akikib ibaagay gay (in conformity with/in accord with) pakiki ikisam sama (being along with) rapport/understanding/ pakikipa pakikipagpa gpalag lagayan ayan/pakik /pakikipag ipagpala palagay gayang ang-loo -loobb (being in rapport/understanding/ accepta acceptance nce of ) paki pakiki kisa sang ngkot kot (getting involved with) pakiki ikiisa isa (being one with)
Santiago and Enriquez assume that the level of pagtutunguhan (interaction) between the researcher and the participant is also an indication of the level or depth of the information that may be gathered. ga thered. That is why the authors suggest that the pagtutunguhan be brought to the level of pakikipagpalagayang pakikipagpalagaya ngrapport/understanding/acceptance eptance with) with) because b ecause it is only o nly at loob (being in rapport/understanding/acc this level that the true kalooban of the participant may be understood. 4 At this level, each one is at ease with one’s kapwa . “There is no more shyness and the trust is almost absolute and unconditional” (Enriquez and Santiago, 1982:158, 159). For Enriquez, the conceptual richness of the pagtutunguhan between the researcher and the participant, which has di V erent erent kinds and levels of categories of pag-uugnayan pag-uugnayan that may be applied, only mirrors the richness and value of pakikipag-ugnay or social interaction in Philippine society. That is why although Santiago in her earlier study considered pakikipagkapwa an ideal in the eld of pagtutunguhan Enriquez viewed pakikipagkapwa pagtutunguhan (1976:133), Enriquez not as an ideal as such, but as a fundamental core concept that is actually the basis of any kind or level of pakikipag-ugnay in the Filipino context (1978:103). In Enriquez’s conception, the eight categories or kinds of pagtutunguhan pagtutunguhan mentioned above are subsumed within the sense of kapwa and/or pakikipagkapwa . For example, pakikitungo is considered “obedience to the precepts of mabuting asal (good behaviour) according to the kaugalian (custom) of pakikipagkapwa ” while pakikiisa is seen as “the acts, will, and speech of a person that intimate a complete and absolute love, understanding, and
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acceptance of what is aspired for as one’s own aspiration” (p. 159). 5 As implied here and as will be further explained below, viewing the self and others as one is the fundamental essence integral to kapwa . The categories of interaction associated with the “one of us” or “not others” ( hindi iba ) or “not other people” ( hindi-ibang-tao ) (that is, pakikipag palagayang-loob [being in rapport/understanding/acceptance with] and pakikiisa [being one with]) and the categories associated with the “outsiders” or “others” ( ibang-tao ) (that is, pakikitungo, pakikibagay , and pakikisama ) are components of the general concept of kapwa .6 Hence, every level of pagtutun guhan (interaction) between the researcher and the participant is either an indication of or subsumed within the spirit of pakikipagkapwa (Enriquez, 1978:103). Similarly, every method of data gathering used in the research is an indication of the pakikipagkapwa of the researcher with the participant. This implies that the conduct of genuine Filipino research needs to be sensitive to the sense of pakikipagkapwa . From this perspective, pakikipagkapwa is the guiding spirit of truly Filipino research. The implication of such a view is important to social research in the country — especially in the eld of ethics – for relations between the researcher and the participant, and even to the overall objectives and orientation of the research undertaking.
Kapwa and Pakikipagkapwa as Social SigniWcation The common translations of kapwa into English are “both” (Panganiban, 1972:253), “fellow being” (Panganiban, 1972:253; Vicassan, 1978:316), or “others” (Enriquez, 1978:103). However, as has been articulated earlier, for Enriquez, the social signication or meaning of kapwa is actually the unity of the “self ” and “others.” The English term “others” is commonly used in opposition to “self,” which implies their separate identities, while kapwa means the unied identity of the “self ” and “others.” If an individual supposes the “self ” to be “other than” the kapwa , it will mean the loss of the treatment of “others” as kapwa . It is, therefore, recognized that at the root of the concept of kapwa is the unied single identity of the “self,” of the “not other” ( hindi-ibang-tao ) and even of the “other” ( ibang-tao ) (Enriquez, 1978:104; 1997:46).7 As has been mentioned, for Enriquez, pakikipagkapwa is the embodying spirit that encompasses various kinds or categories of pagtutunguhan in society. In this view, pakikisama (being along with) is seen not as a social value per se but as one of the levels or kinds of pagtutunguhan that normally takes place between an individual and an “other”. Thus, pakikisama (being along with) and even pakikibaka (to struggle with) are inherent parts of the embodying spirit of pakikipagkapwa (1978:106). As noted earlier, for Santiago, pakikipagkapwa or pakikipagkapwa-tao means
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“humaneness at its highest level” (1976:133). In relation to the scale of social interaction in Philippine society, and as noted earlier, she considers pakikipagkapwa or pakikipagkapwa-tao as a primary value, that is, the loftiest aspiration of pagtutunguhan in society. Enriquez’s view of pakikipagkapwa as an overarching primary value may be seen in the supposition that it is still possible for Filipinos to understand a person who is “without pakikisama ,” or one who is “walanghiya” (shameless) or “walang utang na loob” (no sense of gratitude), while the same may be diYcult to say of an individual who has “no kapwa tao” (1978:106). As a paninindigan or a conviction, the concept of pakikipagkapwa consists of the recognition of the humanity and dignity of the kapwa as an equal. Even in one of Enriquez’s last works before he passed on in 1994, Pagbabagong Dangal: Indigenous Psychology and Cultural Empowerment , there is still the appreciation for the kind of pakikitungo (interaction) of the Filipino toward his or her kapwa , whatever the gender or social status may be (1994:75). The collective orientation of Philippine culture in which there is a high valuation of pakikipag-ugnay (interacting with), pakikitungo (relating with), and pakikipagkapwa (relating with kapwa ) may be implied from the preceding discussion. It seems that there is a close link, or perhaps a unity, between the social signication of pakikipagkapwa (relating with kapwa ) on the one hand, and pagpapakatao (aspiring for humaneness) on the other.
Kapatiran in Pilipinolohiya Known as the foremost advocate of Pilipinolohiya (Filipinology), Covar has developed anthropological studies that are based on concerns integral to his roots in Laguna. Among these studies are the cultures of rice planting, the organization of messianic communities or kapatiran, in particular, the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi as well as groups worshipping Mount Banahaw. From these rst studies, it may be seen in his book Larangan (1998a) — a collection of seminal essays on Philippine culture — that Covar has woven together four signicant interrelated concepts: pagkatao (personhood/humaneness), kapatiran (sodality), paniniwala (belief ), and wika (language), the last being a primary basis for examining the rst three (cf. Covar, 1998b). In this paper, the focus will be on the concept of kapatiran in the context of Covar’s studies on paniniwala (belief ) and of the perspective of Pilipinolohiya he developed. Covar presented the scope of his eld of study in ‘Balangkas ng Pambansang Kaisipan, Kultura at Lipunang Pilipino,’ (An outline of national thought, culture and society) in the article “Pilipinolohiya”8 (1991:42) (Figure 1). The concept of pagkatao was what he developed in relation to the national kaisipan (thought) where Covar used the metaphor of the banga (earthen jar) to illustrate the externality, interiority, and depth of Filipino personhood.
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Person
Pagkatao Personhood/Being Humane
Externality
Body Face Chest Stomach Gut
Personhood
Labas
Loob Interiority
Katawan Mukha Dibdib Tiyan Sikmura
Kaluluwa/Budhi Isip Puso Bituka Atay
Pagkatao
Soul/Conscience Mind Heart Intestines Liver
Pagkatao Personhood
Pakikipagkapwa
Pag-anib sa lipunan
Pagtuturo at paniniwala
Social Participation
Education and Beliefs
Relating with kapwa
Pangkabuhayan
Pampulitika
Livelihood
Politics
Istrukturang Panlipunan Social Structure
Kamag-anakan/Angkan/Sambahayan Kingship/Lineage/Household
(Kinship) Samahan/Kapisanan/Simulain Association/Organization/Cause
(Interest) Pamayanan Community
(Territoriality) Sambayanan People/Nation
(Citizenship) “Pilipinolohiya”, P.R. Covar Pilipinolohiya: Kasaysayan, Pilosopiya at Pananaliksik Bautista and Pe-Pua (editors), 1991, p. 42
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In his view, corollary to the concept of pagkatao (personhood) is the concept of pakikipagkapwa (relating with kapwa ) where, as had been shared by Enriquez, the treatment of others as kapwa is considered integral to pagpa pakatao (aspiring for humaneness). For the Filipinos, all of humanity is kapwa , and pakikitungo (interaction) with anyone is guided by the consciousness of pakikipagkapwa (1998:24). Furthermore, Covar also emphasized the elements of soul and conscience that are at the heart of Filipino personhood and are the fundamental bases of an individual’s view of his/her own life and of his/her pakikitungo with kapwa (1998a:23). Regarding the concept of social structure as the third and last dimension of Pilipinolohiya , in accordance with “Balangkas” (1991), Covar views it at four institutional levels or categories found in Philippine society: kamaganakan (kinship)/angkan (lineage)/sambahayan (household); samahan (association)/kapisanan (organization)/ simulain (cause); pamayanan (community); and sambayanan (people/nation; see Figure 1). Guided by the structural-functionalist perspective in sociology, Covar believes that the role of these institutions is geared towards the recruitment of members, enculturation, distribution of goods and services, and the allocation of power and authority (1998a:23). Yet in the Filipino context, Covar — in analyzing social structure — emphasized not only the structure and its attendant activities but also, and more importantly, the prevalent and intense pag-uugnayan (interrelationships) of the people. “In the area of social organization, we classify our relationships with other people” (1998a:68). For Covar and other specialists in Philippine society, the family is the foundation of that society (1998a:22). Viewing the family as a group living in a house or a household, he presupposes that the stability of the entire sambayanan (people/nation/citizenship) is based on the stability of families in Philippine society. It may be worth noting that in the use of the sambahayan (household) as family, Covar implies that all who live in one house, that is, the sambahayan (household), are ordinarily considered also as members of a family, although not all who live there are bound by kinship ties. In accordance with the aforementioned, in the Philippine context, there is signicant appreciation for the nature of relations between and among the members of what is considered a family. In the Tagalog family, for instance, these relations are presented according to the various levels of a “mag-anak ”: spouse, siblings, parents, and children 9 (cf. Salazar, 1999:78). Moreover, another concept that is included in the structure of the Filipino family is the extended family, which broadens and makes richer said relations at the level of the family (1991:39). In this context, Covar emphasized the important position of multiple in-law relations: magbalae or abalayan (in-laws, at the level of parents), manugang (son/daughter-in-law), biyenan (father/mother-in-law), bayaw (brother-in-law), hipag (sister-in-law),
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and bilas (wife/husband of sister/brother-in-law). In comparison with the American family system, these are all subsumed under “in-laws.” In the Tagalog context, there is a particular term for every category or level of familial relations that indicates the various categories and levels of relating. As will be discussed towards the end of this paper, even though not all of these relations are commonly linked to the category of the mag-anak (nuclear family), these are usually considered part of the category of the pamilya (extended family) and, therefore, “not others.” It is still an indication of the rich and broad relations of relatives that there are, moreover, diV erences in references according to generation: pinsang buo (rst cousin), ikalawa (second cousin), ikatlo (third cousin), and at iba pa (and others). Also prevalent are categories according to relations by blood, baptism, marriage, and other rituals. Therefore, even those who are not members of the same blood-family or nuclear family are granted titles that make them part of the family (1991:39). For example, it may be said that those who are magkumpare (co-godparents) through baptism or marriage may also consider their kumpare ’s (co-godparent’s) siblings their own kumare (co-godparent) or kumpare (co-godparent). Even the siblings of the kumare or kumpare are also considered hindi iba (not others/one-of-us). The same may be said of relations with close friends; “We are already like siblings.” As for the elders, “They are already like my own parents.” These do not only prove the Filipino culture’s rich appreciation for social relationships but also imply the unique and high regard for familial relations, especially of parents and siblings as the primary kind of relationship. In studying communities as one of the vital aspects of Filipino social structure, Covar used the ethnographic approach in his study of farmers in Coralan, a rural village in the province of Laguna (1998:79) and in the city, “Panulukan ng Quezon Avenue AR West 4th” (Corner of Quezon Avenue and West 4th) (1998a:39). It may be said that in studying communities in the countryside and in the city, Covar is looking for the overarching culture that links the various groups in the archipelago. Moreover, in considering the physical relation of the household to the community, Covar recognized not only the ethnic communities in the country but also the ancient communities that existed before the arrival of the foreign colonizers. These inquiries on Philippine communities may be considered contributions to the ongoing discovery and understanding of the breadth of Filipinohood: Our experience is the formulation of a Filipino culture from the various ows and streams that possess a characteristic order. We shall call this ‘national culture of the Pilipino’ — not the sum total of all the ows and streams but the likeness and form of an enriched philosophy, culture, and society — thus, civilization (Covar, 1998a:32).
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At this point, focus will be directed to Covar’s views on kapatiran, a concept he developed and which has signicant bearing on Filipino social organization. Ostensibly, corollary to the study of kapatiran is Covar’s analysis of belief systems, so it is proper to use as an introduction to Covar’s writings on kapatiran his views on the Filipino’s mode of knowing, which he presented in the article “Indigenization of an Ideational System” (1998a). According to Covar, this mode of knowing consists of three dimensions: divine knowing, human knowing, and articial knowing. For him, the various traditions of belief and faith in the Philippines are based on the Filipinos’ recognition of the absolute supremacy of divine knowing (1998a:119). Divine knowing remains a mystery, although it is sometimes expressed through healers, mediums, baglan and others. Human knowing is considered a natural knowing that may be acquired by studying nature and one’s physical environment. Finally, what is called articial knowing is “the human creation of various forms of knowledge, especially technological ones” that can alter the ow of nature. Covar cited the production of “miracle rice” or of nuclear arms as examples of this kind of knowing (1998a:119). According to Covar, the rst two traditions of searching for wisdom in the Philippines are widespread, that is, the search for the mysterious divine knowing that is freely bestowed and the search for the natural knowing that may be gleaned from nature. From this viewpoint, it may be said that the activities and goals of the many kapatiran and of the worshippers in Mount Banahaw form part of the tradition of searching for divine wisdom. Corollary to these beliefs is the understanding of human wisdom about nature.
The Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi Written at the outset of the 1960s, Covar’s master’s thesis on the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi was guided by the standards current at the time in the eld of sociology in the Philippines. He examined the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi of Calamba, Laguna as a social organization and as a social movement, focusing on the concept of “messianic social movement” considered as “collective enterprises designed to establish a new social order” (1961:152). He discussed the organization’s history, structure, and leadership, as well as events such as the Japanese Occupation, which furthered the cause of the organization’s sodality. In the collective quest for meaning in everyday life and in the continuous e V orts to understand divine wisdom, the thesis found the role of the bayani (heroes) of the country important, in particular, Dr. Jose P. Rizal. Revered by members of the organization as the “new Christ,” Dr. Rizal had views and aspirations that contributed much to the formation of the character and goal of the organization.
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For his doctoral dissertation in the allied eld of anthropology, Covar re-examined the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi . This time, the study focused on the structural development of the organization, that is, its evolution — from being a cause at the outset in the mid-1930s, through becoming a sodality when the Samahang Watawat ng Lahi was established circa 1939–40, to its change in title from Samahan to Iglesia (Church) Watawat ng Lahi in 1944. The latter was brought about by the need to protect the organization in the face of danger at the hands of the Japanese forces (1975:109). In relation to the process of the organization’s development, the study also showed three important forces attendant to the various changes herein: traditional beliefs, Christianity, and Protestantism. It is assumed that there is a signicant link between the traditional faith in Bathala and in nature spirits, and the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi ’s unique relationship to the spirit of Dr. Rizal, which they consider their mentor and guide. The dissertation showed how the sodality accepted and advocated the causes of their bayani not only as a specialist in the study of society, but more importantly, as the “new Christ.” On the other hand, the inuence of Protestantism may be seen in the structure of the leadership and general organization of the sodality; for instance, in the use of phrases and positions like “presiding elder” and “second presiding elder”, and in the conduct of the ceremonies and rituals of the mass, baptisms, and weddings that were similar to the conventions of what Covar referred to as Orthodox Christianity (1975:110). From these primary inuences arose the “three golden causes” of the sodality: the aspiration to become maka-Dios (godly), maka-tao (humane), and makabayan (patriotic) (1975:95). In accordance with this, the three causes served as the regulatory ethics in the daily life of the members and as the basis of one’s own salvation. It seems that the concept of simulain (cause), from the point of the view of the members themselves, is a key to the understanding of the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi . As Covar had said, Epistemologically, the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi imputes two usages to the term simulain (cause). On the one hand, it refers to a set of objectives, aims, or purposes. On the other hand, it refers to a voluntary organization (sodality) with a special mission or cause (1975:48).10
It is important to note that although Covar had noted the reference to kapatid (brother/sister/brethren) in his master’s thesis in sociology (1961:156), it was in his later study of the groups worshipping in Mount Banahaw that he became deeply interested in exploring the spirit of kapatiran. It may be said that it was the perspective set by Pilipinolohiya that intensied this particular view of his subject matter.
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The Devotee Kapatiran in Mount Banahaw Through the ethnographic approach, Covar closely examined the groups worshipping in Mount Banahaw since the 1970s. In particular, this may be seen in such works as “Liham ng Isang Antropologista sa Kanyang Kaibigang Kristyano” (An anthropologist’s letter to a Christian friend) (1998a:83) and “Prayer in Mt. Banahaw Context” (1998a:89). In his view, even though there are divergences in the beliefs of the various worshipping groups, they all accept the mystical transfer of the holy sites from Ancient Palestine to Mount Banahaw. In the article “Kapahayagan ng Iba’t Ibang Paniniwalang Pilipino” (Manifestations of di V erent Philippine beliefs), Covar supposed that this belief was actually based on what he referred to as isang alamat (a legend) (1998a:97). Now home to many worshippers, Mount Banahaw is believed to have been rst inhabited by Hermano Pule and his companions as early as 1849. Given that the worship is centred on sacred sites, it is believed that there are about 100 such sites in Mount Banahaw, 20 of which are considered traditional sites (1998a:89). To Covar, the beliefs in Mount Banahaw are eclectic, where three intertwined dimensions of belief may be observed. Highly signicant are the role of animism, the Christian element, and the acceptance of the role of their bayani , especially of Dr. Rizal. Covar shares the view of Isabelo de los Reyes that the primordial belief of the Filipinos is animism, the term originating from the word “anima.” Covar calls them “nature spirits” that are to be found in natural sites such as rivers, rocks, anthill and caves (1998a:95). In Mount Banahaw, one may observe, through candles and icons, the regard and relationship of the worshipper to such forms of nature as rocks, waterfalls, rivers, caves, and peaks. According to Covar, The animist tradition is based on the belief that the world is full of spirits. These spirits possess power, knowledge, or amulets about various things. These are bestowed on select people. Mountains, caves, swamps, rivers, waterfalls, plants, animals, even humans have their very own powers. The power may be obtained through the cultivation of a clean heart, conscience, and spirit and through the meticulous adherence to ritual, such as fervent praying (1980:77).
Apparently, sites in nature are also named according to Christian tradition: Tubig ng Jordan (Water of Jordan), Kuweba ni San Pedro (Cave of St. Peter), San Pablo (St. Paul), Santisima Trinidad (Holy Trinity), Kuweba ng Diyos Ama (Cave of God the Father), and others (1998:97). On the other hand, while Christianity eschews belief in anting-anting (amulets) and potensiya at bisa (mystical powers) as superstition, the worshippers of Mount Banahaw as well as of many other places throughout the archipelago openly accept such beliefs. Covar added:
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Clemen C. Aquino Many sacrices, vows, missions, spirit-worship, and prayers are performed in nurturing and testing the amulet. Every Lent, there are people who carry the cross. This is solidarity with Christ in his su V ering. They do not perform the sacrice for the forgiveness of their sin. Their aim is to nurture their amulet in life. In like manner, agellation is not an exorcism of evil spirits. It is done to cleanse the body so that it becomes a temple worthy of the amulet. The Filipino’s attendance at mass seems like the enactment of ritual in the cave to nurture one’s native powers (1980:78).
What may also be seen is the connection of Christianity with the traditional belief in the acceptance of the Holy Trinity in Mount Banahaw. However, the Holy Trinity — the mystery of God the Father, God the Son, and God the Holy Spirit — is a fundamental aspect of Roman Catholic belief that is accepted and appropriated in Mount Banahaw as the Holy Family that consists of God the Father, God the Mother, and God the Son. Apparently, God the Mother descended to earth, became incarnate, and assumed the form of such blessed women as Maria Bernarda Balitaan, Victoria Piedad, and Josena Lopez, who played signicant roles in the various kapatiran in Mount Banahaw (1998a:101). For Covar, Although the doctrine of the Holy Trinity remains, the retablo’s text is linked to the concept of the holy family so as to quell the anxiety about why there are God the Son and God the Father without a God the Mother. The role of the Holy Spirit has just become a part of the three as soul. Moreover, the mat of the retablo is adorned with ornamental stories from Sacred Scripture and other streams of belief and Filipino imagination, thus creating a new order as a fruit of traditional experience (1998a:101).
Apparent here is the high regard for women and for the family. In Pesigan’s study (1992) of the Ciudad Mistica de Dios presided over by Suprema Isabel Suarez, it is evident that such a tradition remains up to the present in Mount Banahaw. The importance placed on relationships within a model family is markedly reected in the general reference to sodalities worshipping Mount Banahaw as kapatiran (Pesigan, 1992:171; Alaras, 1988). A vital support to what Covar had already expressed, the spirit of pakikipagkapatiran (promoting sodality) is what guides worship activities and everyday life in Mount Banahaw. As has been said, in Covar’s study of the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi and the millenarian groups in Mount Banahaw, it is evident that Dr. Jose Rizal is revered. According to these groups’ beliefs, there is a poignant parallelism or analogy between the lives of Jesus Christ and Dr. Rizal: from their birth, name, ministry, and death; to their foundation of a new kingdom. For the Rizalists, it follows from this that, indeed, Dr. Rizal is the “new Christ”. The regard that these kapatiran have for their bayani and the role that these are performing or will perform in Philippine society is an indi-
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cation that their faith or spiritual world includes a broad and marked political dimension (Covar, 1989). In relation to this, Covar’s clarication about kasarinlan (independence/self-reliance) and kalayaan (freedom) as the primary aspiration of every kapatiran and every social movement is important. Looking back into history, Covar examined the Katipunan and the dovetailing of its goals according to independence and freedom. Covar considered the aspiration to freedom as a part of the political sphere (which could benet only a few people), while the aspiration to independence/self-reliance is part of the cultural sphere, which has more meaning and relevance to the people (1992:9). Many millenarian kapatiran , like the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi , actually aspired for absolute independence/self-reliance. For Covar, the quest for independence/self-reliance remains current among the worshipping kapatiran in Mount Banahaw. At a gathering at the University of the Philippines during the early 1990s, Suprema Isabel Suarez of Ciudad Mistica de Dios reiterated: “we abide by the teachings of our ancestors” (1992:10). As has been mentioned, the belief of all the kapatiran is not only oriented to the advancement of spirituality on the level of the self and of the kapatiran . It is also geared towards the well-being of society in general, as in the aspiration for independence. In connection with this, in his “Ang Pananaw sa Kasaysayan ng Pilipinas ng mga Kapatiran at Kilusang Milinaryan” (The Kapatiran and millenarian movement’s views on Philippine history), Covar emphasized on viewing these organizations as organisms, that is, as movements that have life as well as a broad cause. Covar supposed that such groups are the ones that truly make history (1989:2). In said article, Covar presented the interrelated concepts that he used in his study of the worship groups, from the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi to Mount Banahaw: cause, sodality, kapatiran , and movement. Covar assumes that each of these has its respective structure, that is, leadership, membership, ideology, code of ethics, and rituals. He added: “the development and prospering of a cause to the status of a movement depends on the meshing together of the said structure” (1989:2). At the personal level in Filipino society, cleansing of the kalooban (inner self ) in the context of belief is inextricably linked to pagpapakatao (aspiring for humaneness). For Covar, Filipino spirituality is a result of the melding of one’s beliefs and personhood. The rituals performed by the kapatiran, however, are not only a sign of personal faith but also a way of achieving the fullness of one’s potential. For Covar, this is geared toward being not only a noble person but also a true Filipino (1998a:100). As in the causes of the Iglesia Watawat ng Lahi , it is not enough to become God-fearing and humane; it is just as important to be patriotic. In Covar’s presentation, it is clear that the tradition of the search for divine wisdom, which is assumed to be the foundation of the quest for knowledge in Philippine society, is inextricably linked with the spirit of the kapatiran and with aspirations for the greater good of Philippine society.
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Bayan from the Pantayo Perspective Salazar’s analysis of the dalumat (social signication) of bayan and its importance to Filipino society has broad and deep roots. It needs to be contextualized within Salazar’s view (1993a) of the history of the Philippines since many thousands of years ago in the Austronesian world, and its forms not only in the Philippines but also in Southeast Asia. For Salazar (1997a; 1998b), the Austronesians who rst arrived in the archipelago, circa 7000/5000 BC, possessed the three important community ( pamayanan ) concepts: banua, ili , and bayan .11 These are considered to be the most important elements in the traditional social structure of the archipelago from the initial arrival of the Austronesians to circa 300 AD. In the context of Austronesian civilization, Salazar examines the history of the archipelago according to three broad dimensions: the sociopolitical organization, concerned with concepts pertaining to leadership and state; the integration of society as a whole, with focus on community-related concepts; and culture, which encompasses belief systems, burial practices, ethno-linguistic concerns, and others (Figure 2). From a broad perspective, for example, from a sociological one, it may be said that the three dimensions are closely interrelated and may be viewed within an overarching framework of social organization. In any case, in relation to the outline and purpose of this study, this section of the paper will be devoted to the conception of society according to Salazar’s views. In his study of history, Salazar examined the two di V ering traditions of looking at the past: the tradition of historia , which expresses the Spaniards’ perspective on the events during their stay in the country; and the tradition of kasaysayan as a narrative that has sense, meaning, signicance, and relevance to the people who are the very subject of the narrative (Navarro et al., 1997:70–71). That is why it is the pantayo perspective that is used in studying the history of the Filipino people, that is, from our own point of view.12 As noted earlier, integral to the pantayo perspective is the analysis of the dalumat of bayan in Philippine history and society (cf. Salazar in Veneracion (1986:xvi); Alaras, 1988:xii). For Navarro et al., local constructs related to the pamayanan (community), bayan, and bansa (nation) “are what gave substance to the alternative outline of history that is laid out by the pantayo perspective” (1997:129). Table 1 (Salazar, 1998b) gives a summary of the forms assumed by the bayan from the Austronesian period and various other eras in history: from the primordial banua /ili/bayan, the bayan; the ethnic state to which the kingdom, rajahood and sultanate (circa 300 AD–1588) belonged; the revolutionary bayan (1588–1892); and the building up of a single, unied bayan on the level of the entire archipelago (1892–1913). It is important to note that one of the aims of examining bayan is to establish the links between the nacíon of the elite and the bayan of the people
