David Warren Kirsch HIST 4373 Mongols and Mamluks 1250-1520 Tuesday, November 16, 2004 Bosworth, Clifford Edmund, 1976. The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld: The Banu Sasan In Arabic Society and Literature. Leiden. Netherlands: E.J. Brill. And; Rosenthal, Franz. 1971. The Herb: Hashish Versus Medieval Muslim Society. Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill. The work of Clifford Edmund Bosworth titled The Mediaeval Islamic
Underworld:
The
Banu
Sasan
In
Arabic
Literature and the work of Franz Rosenthal
Society
titled
and
The Herb:
Hashish Versus Medieval Muslim Society are curious books in that the subject of these works examine the underbelly of Islamic society that is rarely, if ever, discussed in academic courses dealing with the Islamic world.
Typically, the Middle East is
presented to students a succession of military elite regimes that are bound together with a religion of Arabic origin to form an
inseparable
symbiotic
relationship
of
complex
theocracy.
Certainly by the period of the Mongol (Hsiung Nu) invasions, the world of Islam is under the rule of another military elite. However, this elite is an alien one and this has the effect of viewing
Islamic
society
through
a
filter
of
conquest.
As
“correct” as these historical outlines are, they present only a partial picture.
Usually, the rationale for studying any work dealing with criminals or criminal acts is that these criminals and their actions are inherently interesting to people. This statement is almost obvious when one considers that there is a whole separate discipline, Criminal Justice. However, for the historians there is another rationale to consider. In Joshua B. Feder’s book titled Gangsters: Portraits in Crime he implies that crime has a way
of
integrating
with
legitimate
interests
within
the
societies that it inhabits.1 In the case of Feder’s book it is western
society.
Why
should
we
believe
that
criminals
and
criminal acts are only endemic to western societies? If studying criminals and their acts gives us a more complete picture of western societies, why should we not believe the same is true of the Islamic societies of the Middle East? This is the rationale behind the reading of Bosworth’s and Rosenthal’s books. These authors provide their readers with an additional perspective to consider regarding Islamic societies in general. It is important to note here that the period of time of the Mongol invasions is not a specific topic in either of these books. The Mongol hegemony over the Middle East is mentioned in passing in both works and in the case of Rosenthal’s book the
Feder, Joshua B. 1992. Gangsters: Portraits in Crime. Pg. 7, New York: Mallard Press. 1
2
Mongols
are
Therefore
blamed
if
one
for is
the
looking
use to
of
intoxicating
these
works
as
substances.2 a
specific
reference to the Mongol period one will be sorely disappointed. However,
both
books
provide
an
entertaining
and
enlightening
read. Furthermore, if one looks to them as outlining general themes underlying Islamic societies one will find them to be important works that shed light on an often overlooked aspect of those societies. The first issue of note that the reader of Clifford Edmund Bosworth’s book The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld: The Banu Sasan In Arabic Society and Literature is made aware of is that there is a general interest in the “low life” of Islamic society that first appears in the 9th Century.3 At least this is where we find the first references to the underworld in literature.4 The author points out that this strand of literature remains a subordinated subject and yet it is also a persistent theme for this century onward.5 Furthermore, the Banu Sasan (The Sons of Sasan), as the underworld is generally referred to, is comprised of not only thieves and brigands but also an entire class of beggars of Rosenthal, Franz. 1971. The Herb: Hashish Versus Medieval Muslim Society. Pg. 54, Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill. 2
Bosworth, Clifford Edmund. 1976. The Mediaeval Islamic Underworld: The Banu Sasan In Arabic Society and Literature. Pg. IX, 2 vols. Vol. 1. Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill. 3
4
Bosworth at IX.
5
Bosworth at IX.
3
varied types.6 As with almost any sub cultural grouping these individuals
developed
their
own
jargon,
which
of
interest
when
is
explained
throughout the text. There
are
a
few
items
attempting
to
understand the phenomena of the Banu Sasan. The first is that Islamic society was predicated upon charity. Indeed one of the five pillars of the faith is Zakat or the giving of alms to the poor.7 allowed
This
being
for
a
the
class
case, of
Bosworth
beggars
to
attributes develop
that
and
Islam
become
an
established portion of the society at large.8 The author goes on to state that this was not the original intent of almsgiving, but it developed in this manner. Furthermore, the author states that there were parallels to this in western societies most notably in the Jewish communities of Eastern Europe.9 Simply put begging, as an alternative to the normative societal response was not endemic to the Muslim lands. Students of Islamic societies know that one of the features of Islamic history is that the religion of Islam is an urban phenomenon. The cultural, religious and commercial life of Islam is
centered
in
6
Bosworth at IX.
7
Bosworth at 2.
8
Bosworth at 4.
9
Bosworth at 3.
cities.
The
important
4
artifices
within
these
cities
are
the
Mosques
and
the
marketplaces.
This
is
where
begging takes place, professional or otherwise.10 The official that was charged with dealing with the beggars who congregated in the most frequented of public places was the muhtasib.11 The muhtasib can be described as the market inspector. It is he who is also charged with inspecting weights and measures to ensure that
there
is
no
economic
fraud.
The
author
is
much
more
specific about the duties of the muhtasib: “The supervision of the beggars was one of the duties of the muhtasib, the official concerned with hisba, the oversight of markets and trading and the general maintenance of moral standards and security within the open and public parts of the town.”12 While at first glance it may seem awkward to have what amounts to a “customs official” doing what would more likely be akin to police work, it is important to remember that we are discussing the medieval period in the Islamic world. The first professionalized police force did not appear in the western world until the British parliament under the auspices of Sir Robert Peel created the London Metropolitan Police, nicknamed “Bobbies”
for
10
Bosworth at 14.
11
Bosworth at 13.
12
Bosworth at 13.
their
founder
in
1829.13
In
this
manner,
Walker, Samuel. 1999. The Police in America: An Introduction. Pg. 21, Boston: McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. 13
5
the
Islamic communities were far in advance of anything in medieval Europe. Despite the presence of the muhtasib the beggars were left to their own devices, for the most part.14 The author attributes this to two intertwined notions. The first is that there was no Weberian
“Protestant
communities.15
work
Essentially
ethic” there
present
was
no
in
the
punitive
Muslim
community
reaction towards idleness.16 The second of these notions was that the Muslim outlook on life was one of constant change. This meant that those within the community were prepared extreme changes of personal fortune. Bosworth points out the fate of three Abbasid Caliphs: “Al-Qahir, Al-Muttaaqi and Al-Mustakfi… could subsequently be seen in the streets of Baghdad begging for bread, an object lesson in the fragility of worldly power.”17 In cases such as this, it is no wonder why the position of beggar
was
Apparently
integrated in
the
into
medieval
the
prevailing
Islamic
guarantees of social and class stability.
14
Bosworth at 16.
15
Bosworth at 16.
16
Bosworth at 16.
17
Bosworth at 17.
6
world
social there
structure. were
no
At this point the subject of the text shifts to explain the origin of the Banu Sasan. The term Banu Sasan means the sons of Sasan. According to this work, Shaikh Sasan was a son of a Persian Emperor who was displaced in the line of succession. Once displaced, Sasan fled his homeland, wandering and gathered unto himself similar wanderers.18 Sasan himself is a legendary figure
and
is
of
importance
as
a
focal
point
for
these
marginalized groups to form a centralized identity. However, what is more important than the origin of the term Banu Sasan is what is actually carried out by those who consider themselves a part of this grouping.19 The Banu Sasan, as an association, is a “catch-all” term used for those who, while not necessarily “outlaws” as we would conceptualize
in
the
west,
live
outside
the
normative
designations of society. There are a plethora of beggars each with differing styles and means that belong to this group and this also includes storytellers such as the qass. The qass are storytellers.
The
function
that
they
fulfill
is
to
relate
stories that have a type of religious knowledge as their base to the majority of the community that is mostly illiterate.20 At first glance it may seem odd that a mere storyteller should be 18
Bosworth at 22.
19
Bosworth at 23 & 24.
20
Bosworth at 26.
7
able to accumulate societal power, but in a pre-modern age when there are not newspapers or other types of mass-communication the storyteller can garner some importance.21 After all people do seem to want to transmit and receive information even if it is not from a television network. This is true even in cases where the storyteller in question is part of the Banu Sasan, which means that he is engaging in questionable activities. Consider the following: “The great Tabari had his house in Baghdad besieged and pelted with stones by the city mob, because he had protested at the heretic Quranic exegesis of a popular storyteller.”22 And; “The practices of the innovations bida’,… heard in Damascus and of consignment to the
wa’z and qasas are reprehensible the popular preachers whom he elsewhere as mere qussas, worthy lowest level in hell.”23
The aforementioned examples show an interesting facet of Islamic society. It seems that religion is split along class lines and that there is a rift between the perspectives of what is
bida’
or
innovation
between
the
rich
who
would
follow
a
tradition of high Islam and those who are the commoners who would follow more popular version of Islam that would include 21
Bosworth at 27.
22
Bosworth at 27.
23
Bosworth at 27.
8
innovations
such
as
some
colorful
or
even
lurid
stories
pertaining to religious figures. As in more modern western venues, most of the information that is garnered about the underworld and its denizens comes from literary works. For example, the character known as Meyer Wolfsheim from F. Scott Fitzgerald’s book The Great Gatsby was based upon a non-fictional gangster who was able to “fix” the 1919 World Series, Arnold Rothstein.24 We see the same type of fascination with the low life in Islamic literature beginning in the 9th Century. According to Bosworth, there are two notable literary works concerning the subject of the Banu Sanan, Abu Dulaf’s (10th Century) Qasida sasaniyya and Safi d-Din’s (12781349) Qasida sasaniyya. Upon examination of these two works of prose the reader finds himself introduced to various types of beggars who, incidentally, go to great lengths to ensure that their endeavors are profitable. For example, we are told that the
Kaghani
is
one
who
pretends
to
be
mad
or
suffers
from
epileptic fits.25 The Arsi is a self-mutilator who applies a tourniquet to his limbs for an extended period of time so the limb
swells.26
A
mutilator
of
children
is
the
Musha”ib.
Schwartzman, Paul. 1992. New York Notorious. Pg. 90, New York: Crown Publisher's, Inc. 24
25
Bosworth at 36.
26
Bosworth at 37.
9
Apparently, children are brought to him to have their limbs contorted or for their eyes to be blinded.27 All of this is done in the name of garnering more profit from begging. The following is a list of other beggars and charlatans: The Awwa, the Istil, the Mazdi, the Mustarid, the Muqaddis, the Makki, the Sahari, the Shajawi, the Dhararihi, the Hajur, the Zukaim al-Mughalata, the Kan, the Mufalfil, the Zukaim al-Habasha, the Zukaim alMarhuma al-Makafif and the Mutayyin.28 Each of these rogues has a different
style
for
garnering
profit.
These
can
range
from
singing to feigning various illnesses or outright trickery. The next portion of Bosworth’s book focuses on Abu Dulaf Al-Khazraji. According to the author, Abu Dulaf is a figure that “flits across the stage of the 10th century” but little is really known about him.29 Therefore, we do not even know the dates of his birth or death.30 Abu Dulaf’s works seem to date from the 940s or 950s, but what is interesting about this is that even at this early date we begin to see a focus on the Turcoman Uighur Qaghan and the Qara Khitai.31 These are peoples that are, more or less, identified with the Mongol period two hundred to three
27
Bosworth at 37 & 38.
28
Bosworth at 38-47.
29
Bosworth at 48.
30
Bosworth at 48.
31
Bosworth at 50.
10
hundred years later. The author Abu Dulaf we are told gained some
notoriety
as
a
physician
and
he
had
an
interest
in
mineralogy and pharmacology.32 He also enjoyed the patronage of officials in the Abbasid Caliphate.33 This particular time period is one of political fragmentation due to the waning power of the Abbasid Caliphate. During this period we begin to see Turcoman tribes being hired as the military muscle for the Caliphate. This will eventually lead to the bifurcation of power in the caliphate, which is one of the leading factors in the demise of the caliphate.34 Also during this time period in Baghdad the populace is suffering from droughts and lower crop yields. This is partially due to ill maintenance of the qanat irrigation systems.35
This
in
turn
leads
to
economic
destabilization
of
Iraq.36 The reason for mentioning the socio-economic conditions of the area is that these are bad conditions for centralized control of the populace by the governmental structure, but they are good conditions for the rise of underworld figures. This reminds me of Cultural
32
Bosworth at 52.
33
Bosworth at 53.
Deviance Theory of Clifford Shaw and
Waines, David. 1974. Caliph and Amir: A Study of the Socio-Economic Background of Medieval Political Power. Ph. D. Dissertation, McGill University, Ottowa. 34
35
See Waines.
36
See Waines.
11
Henry
McKay.
According
to
Shaw
and
McKay’s
theory,
social
disorganization takes place when there is economic dislocation. This in turn, leads to ineffective controls which gives rise to criminal
activities.37
In
any
case,
Bosworth
introduces
the
reader to a host of shady personages that are written about by various authors including Abu Dulaf. The most interesting of these shady personalities is one Ibn al-Hajjaj (d. 1001). Hajjaj wrote poetry however, he used the jargon of the streets and slums and Bosworth tells states the following: “He appears to us as a pure pornographer, delighting in his filth and his ability to shock; his poems are acres of dreary obscenity, eulogies of unnatural vice, unredeemed by what would appear to us as stylishness or wit.”38 Furthermore, Bosworth tells us that in later times, early in the 14th century authorities did censor al-Hajjaj’s poetry by forbidding its purchase.39 The example of al-Hajjaj’s poetry, if one
can
call
it
that,
is
poignant
in
that
it
shows
the
dissonance between the Islam that scholars usually study and the Islam that exists in the streets of Baghdad or Khurusan. Simply put, in a game of word association, pornography is not generally Empey, Lamar T. 1999. American Delinquency: Its Meaning and Construction. Pg. 144-145, 4th ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing Company. 37
38
Bosworth at 64.
39
Bosworth at 65.
12
the first word that comes to mind when someone utters the word Islam. We begin to see a shift in focus between the time that Abu Dulaf writes his Qasida sasaniyya in the 10th century and the time of the second author Safi d-Din writes his Qasida sasaniyya in the 14th century. In this interim period, the crimes that are related
to
us
through
literature
seem
to
have
become
more
intrusive in nature.40 The maqama of Rusafa focuses on a skilled thief named Uthman al-Khayyat.41 Al-Khayyat relates that there are
five
strategy
classes but
does
of not
thieves: kill),
the the
al-muhtal sahib
(one
al-lail
who
uses
(night-time
burglar), the mukabir (one who commits violent robbery), the sahib at-tariq (highwayman) and the nabbash (grave robber).42 There is also a sub category called the khannaq, which is an assassin who specializes in strangling. It is obvious by this time period we are not merely discussing beggars who mutilate themselves
and
others
for
purposes
of
monetary
gain,
but
straightforward “cut-throats.” Bosworth points out early in his work that some writers write about the Banu Sasan out of curiosity and some write to inform the public at large that would otherwise be victimized by 40
Bosworth at 103.
41
Bosworth at 103.
42
Bosworth at 104.
13
these prideful tricksters. The writer al-Jaubari in the 13th century is of this second category. He wrote for his patrons of the Artuqid dynasty (1222-1232).43 Jaubari’s work titled Kashf al-asrar
is,
more
or
less
a
general
sourcebook
of
thieves,
beggars and quacks.44 Bosworth further states that this work is an essential piece for those who study the social history of Islam,
however,
it
has
never
been
properly
used
in
this
manner.45 Juabari is especially effective when he describing the activities of those that seek to defraud people while in the guise of religious personages.46 Consider the following: “He witnessed the episode of an Alid claimant, one Shaikh Hasan at Qalhat in Yemen in 1224. This man raised a rebellion, and even claimed sainthood on the basis of a staff which miraculously sprouted twigs and leaves- the leaves in fact made of paper dyed green and the sprouting twigs being concealed in slits in the side of the staff.”47 One notable difference between Jaubari and Abu Dulaf is that Abu Dulaf focuses on the urban nature of criminals and their crimes, but Jaubari actually describes crimes committed in
43
Bosworth at 107.
44
Bosworth at 108.
45
Bosworth at 109.
46
Bosworth at 111.
47
Bosworth at 113.
14
the rural areas of the countryside.48 The mudawirin are thieves that accompany Bedouins, Turcomen and Kurds in order to wait for prime opportunities to commit theft.49 The second major work discussed in Bosworth’s book comes from author Safi d-Din al-Hilli (1278-1349). It is important to note that the account Safi d-Din that is central to our studies of the Middle East under the yoke of the Mongols. One might think that with the rampaging impulses of the Ilkhanid rulers of the Middle East that anyone who was left after the massacres would not want to commit any crimes for fear of Mongol punitive actions, which tended to be original and extreme in nature. However, Bosworth informs us that the town of Hilla had freely submitted to Mongol rule and like other regions in southern Iraq was therefore spared of the brunt of Mongol atrocities.50 Since Hilla was left in tact certain factions of Kurds and the Ahl alJami’ain (Men of the two Mosques) consistently vied for control of the town.51 Bosworth further describes these conditions in Hilla as “an atmosphere of assassination and vendetta.” This is an interesting choice of words that reminds one of New York under the strain of the Castellammarese War during the early 20th 48
Bosworth at 118.
49
Bosworth at 118.
50
Bosworth at 134.
51
Bosworth at 134.
15
century.52 Apparently the Mongols had little to no interest in quelling
such
conflicts
as
long
as
those
conflicts
did
not
interfere with their own interests. Thus Safi d-Din left Hilla for
Mardin
and
found
his
way
into
service
for
Najm
ad-Din
Ghazi.53 Bosworth states that there is a forced quality about Safi d-Din’s Qasida Sasaniyya.54 He further states that it would be nearly impossible for Safi d-Din not to know about the work of Abu Dulaf and others.55 Since this is the case the work of Safi d-Din has familiar themes of pimps, whores and brigands plying their trades.56 The difference between Abu Dalaf’s work and Safi d-Din’s
work
is
the
spirit
of
the
work
itself.
Abu
Dulaf
portrays the Banu Sasan as a proud and prideful class of people who are thankful that they owe no one of the benefit of their existence. It is true that they may at times express weariness over their lifestyle, but there is no regret.57 Safi d-Din on the other hand shows much regret. He protests the self-mutilations
52
Schwartzman at 82 & 83.
53
Bosworth at 136.
54
Bosworth at 142.
55
Bosworth at 142.
56
Bosworth at 146.
57
Bosworth at 148.
16
and
the
indignities
of
this
lifestyle
stating:
“if
fate
is
against you, no amount of wit or eloquences can avail you.”58 Critique: Clifford
Edmund
Bosworth’s
The
Mediaeval
Islamic
Underworld: The Banu Sasan In Arabic Society and Literature is a two-volume work of great importance to anyone who is interested in the social aspect of Islamic history. Rarely does a student of Islamic history have an opportunity to delve into subjects such as theft, brigandage and begging when most courses spend their time in the more traditional subjects of high Islamic tradition of religion, law and the rule of military elites. Therefore, Bosworth’s work is somewhat unique in that it shows a rift between the traditions of high Islam practiced by elites and the more accessible popular Islam practiced by commoners. The
practicalities
of
popular
Islam,
as
shown
by
the
exploitation of people by the Banu Sasan, sometimes involves some
acts
distasteful begging
that
are
such
as
which
were
considered
by
self-mutilation co-opted
into
western and
Islamic
viewpoints
varied
methods
society
as of
en-masse
because of a general world view that anyone from the highest rungs of society may find themselves without fortune the next day.
58
Bosworth at 148.
17
In one interesting aspect the world of medieval Islam is shown to mirror the modern western world and that is that the fascination with the personalities that comprise the underworld manifests itself by way of literary works. Bosworth does an excellent job of transmitting the histories behind the Qasida Sasaniyyas and their authors. He also provides the reader with a second volume of the work which are the Qasidas translated into English with notes on jargon and language. In this manner the reader reads a history and then an analysis of the literature. The main problems with Bosworth’s work is that it is an extremely difficult read, even for a graduate student with a good background in history. Bosworth’s use of full Arabic names at times has an annoying effect of breaking the flow of the read of the material. Furthermore, the author shows some problems with
organization
of
material
within
his
argument.
During
a
chapter discussing Abu Dulaf he will occasionally digress once or
twice
within
the
same
chapter
to
discuss
an
entirely
different author. His treatment of Safi d-Din’s work is not as thorough
as
that
somewhat
abruptly.
of
Abu
Dulaf
Despite
or
these
Jaubari
and
shortcomings
seems this
to
end
work
is
absolutely essential for a student wishing to know more about Islamic society as a whole. As to the applicability to the course at hand, this work falls short because it does not really focus on the time period
18
of the Mongol invasions of the Middle East. Although there is treatment of Safi d-Din al-Hilli during the Mongol period of the 14th century it is a very small portion of the work and not centered on the relationship between the Banu Sasan and the Ilkhanate. The second work discussed here is Franz Rosenthal's book titled The Herb: Hashish Versus Medieval Muslim Society. It has a somewhat misleading title. One might think that with Islam's harsh proscription against wine drinking that the use of hashish would necessarily and somewhat obviously follow. However, this is not necessarily the case. The first thing of note that we learn from Rosenthal is that there is more than one designation for the drug known as hashish or the shortened name which is now more commonly used, hash.59 The most commonly used term to denote the drug, as far as this study is concerned, is banj or afyun, which is opium.60 It is important to note that banj is, more or less, a general term for drug.61 The more specific nicknames for the drug hashish, which, we are further informed by the author, is itself is a nickname, are listed on pages 35 to page 40.62 There are two 59
Rosenthal at 19.
60
Rosenthal at 19.
61
Rosenthal at 19.
62
Rosenthal at 21.
19
lists
of
nicknames.
The
first
of
these
lists
has
seventy
separate names with corresponding countries next to those names. The first covers a geographic area spanning the distance from China to Egypt.63 The second list is shorter containing only twenty-one names and spanning a distance from Isfahan to Egypt.64 Despite all this specificity, one point is very clear, and that is that there are many references to the phenomena and that in itself is an indicator of commonality of use within the Muslim community, at least after the Muslim conquests. The next topic of discussion is the history of the use of hashish. What is especially of interest here is that there is no mention of the drug within the Quranic text.65 Rosenthal comes to the
conclusion
that
the
early
Muslim
community
did
not
use
hashish.66 The proscriptions that are found in the 9th and 10th centuries mention the more general term banj, meaning in this case hemp.67 The first time we find an actual designation for hashish is around the 12th century, or more specifically, 1123.68 It is also during this time period that the use of hashish is
63
Rosenthal 35-38.
64
Rosenthal 39 & 40.
65
Rosenthal at 41.
66
Rosenthal at 41.
67
Rosenthal at 41.
68
Rosenthal at 43.
20
connected with the Nizari assassins. However, the author seems to be very skeptical on this point stating that the properties of hashish are not performance enhancing and the connection of the
use
of
the
drug
at
Alamut,
the
headquarters
of
the
assassins, is somewhat dubious.69 Rosenthal relates to his readers that the origin of the drug was probably India. As hashish was being used in increasing frequency
there
was
also
the
increased
curiosity
about
its
origins.70 It was known through medical writings that the drug was in existence since the time of the Greeks and some sources repute its use in the Muslim world as early as the 9th Century but Rosenthal does not see the use of hashish during that early period as being likely.71 What we can take from this is that the actual origins and spread of the substance is clouded at best. Apparently what is of more importance is as the effects of the drug on its human users became more widely described and known,
it
began
to
clash
with
the
proscriptions
against
intoxication that were consolidated within the Muslim religion. As has been stated previously the use of the term hashish first appears in the 12th century. There are two events that coincide with this century and the one that follows it, one external to 69
Rosenthal at 43.
70
Rosenthal at 44.
71
Rosenthal at 43.
21
the Muslim community and one within and yet both are blamed for the increased use of drugs for purposes of intoxication. The external event that is blamed for the increased use of hashish is the Mongol invasions. The source provided for this account is Ibn Taymiyah. Consider the following: "It made its appearance no earlier than roughly about the time the appearance of the Tatars (Mongols); hashish went forth, and with it, there went forth the sword of the Tatars. It was with the Tatars that it originated among the people."72 It is somewhat difficult to believe this account wholeheartedly. The rationale being that it is easy to blame a nonMuslim conquering force for all of the evils and ills of the world. This is not to say that it was not possible that the Mongol invasions spread the use of hashish. Rosenthal makes this point by stating the following: “Nor can we discount the possibility that in the wake of the disastrous happenings at the time, the resulting climate of fear and unrest caused an upsurge in the use of narcotics.”73 The internal event as to the Muslim community’s increased us of narcotics could also the rise of Sufi brotherhoods. In their zealousness to have a mystical communion with Allah they imbibed hashish in order to achieve that end.74 Of course the
72
Rosenthal at 54.
73
Rosenthal at 55.
74
Rosenthal at 53.
22
presence of the Sufi brotherhoods denoted a rift between the traditions of high Islam and the more popular Islam that was practiced by commoners who were more open to bida (innovations) than their elite contemporaries. Despite
the
prohibition
against
intoxication
it
appears
that many areas within the caliphate had their own methods for preparation
of
hashish.
For
example,
it
may
be
smoked
or
swallowed in the method of a pill. It can also be toasted or roasted.75 The Syrians make pills that mix the drug with honey or date syrup.76 The Anatolians mix leaves, cow dung and urine and allow the mixture to ferment it is then formed into pills.77 Nasty! The
effects
of
hashish
on
their
human
abusers
were
of
interest to Muslim jurists.78 According to the author they seemed to be interested in both temporary and long term effects of intoxication.79 The author admits to his readers that there is a lack
of
first
hand
evidence,
however,
there
are
secondary
accounts such as that of az-Zarkashi who states: “It causes headache,
cuts
75
Rosenthal 63-65.
76
Rosenthal at 58.
77
Rosenthal at 59.
78
Rosenthal at 72.
79
Rosenthal at 72.
off
and
dries
23
up
the
semen
and
generates
pensiveness.”80 It also seems that the drug causes a stimulation of appetite and especially a craving of sweet foods such as fruit or sugar cane.81 The issue of paramount concern was the social
effects
of
the
drug,
namely
its
use
for
purposes
of
seduction.82 The Author states that the mixture of hashish and wine was a particularly potent combination that was used to lower a person’s inhibitions and then seduce them.83 The legal argument concerning the use of hashish as an intoxicating substance surprisingly is inconclusive. al-Ukbari states clearly that the prophet did not indicate that it could not be used and the Sharia has no proscription against hashish specifically.84 However, it is know that there is a definite proscription against wine as an intoxicating substance (khamr).85 Nevertheless jurists were split on the matter. For instance even the sternest jurist Ibn Taymiyah had to recognize the absence of proscription supposedly going back to Alam ad-din Ibn Shukr.86 The most commonly used argument against the use of hashish is the analogy of the use of wine as to the use of hashish, both 80
Rosenthal at 74.
81
Rosenthal at 79.
82
Rosenthal at 82.
83
Rosenthal at 82-83.
84
Rosenthal at 101.
85
Rosenthal at 105.
86
Rosenthal at 101.
24
being intoxicants.87 The author states this argument very clearly and succinctly: “every intoxicant is wine and every intoxicant is forbidden.”88 Because of this rationale, we find that the argument
hinges
on
whether
or
not
hashish
is
truly
an
intoxicant. The Malikite jurist al-Qarafi (d. 1285) was not sure of this. He stated that the effects of hashish were not those of wine, which had the effect of emboldening men and inciting them to conflict.89 This was much more individualistic: Consider the following: “Hashish is found to stir the juice hidden in the body, whichever it is. Thereby it creates, for each temper according to the individual’s particular condition, acuteness in people dominated by yellow bile, somnolence and silence for the phlegmatic, weeping and restlessness for the melancholy, and cheerfulness for the sanguine.”90 The
Shafii
jurist
adh-Dhahabi
followed
Ibn
Taymiyah’s
version of the argument. However, there is no definitive answer on
the
degrees
issue of
because
the
intoxication.91
jurists
then
Essentially
begin Hanafite
to
argue
and
over
Malikite
arguments tended to be more lenient on the issue while Shafii 87
Rosenthal at 105.
88
Rosenthal at 106.
89
Rosenthal at 109.
90
Rosenthal at 109.
91
Rosenthal at 111.
25
and Hanbali arguments tended to be more stringent.92 The use of the drug in medical procedures was also at issue. Az Zarkashi sums up the findings on the issue of medical use: “Hashish could be considered lawful and permissible if it is the question of a small quantity, if the user is immune to the intoxicating effects of hashish; if it is consumed for medical purposes; if it is consumed to produce anesthesia in connection with amputation; and if it is consumed to still great hunger.”93 Despite
these
exceptions
to
the
rule
the
prevailing
argument was that the sharia would not permit self-destruction of the body in any manner.94 destruction
of
the
mind
is
Also anything leading to the forbidden.95
The
two
arguments
provided a basis for obstructing the use of hashish within the community. However, the arguments were not settled issues there were exceptions and ultimately differing legal opinions. As an extension to the legal arguments, the use of hashish was also considered within the venues of ritual cleanliness and divorce. The rationale here is that a substance that can alter the mind can also alter the judgment. As to ritual cleanliness hashish, as in the aforementioned legal arguments, is outside the parameters established by the prophet. Again one must look 92
Rosenthal at 113.
93
Rosenthal at 116.
94
Rosenthal at 116.
95
Rosenthal at 116.
26
to the intoxicating properties of the drug and to the degree of its ingestion. As with the legal arguments we find exceptions: “Ibn al-Attar says: Hesitation has been shown with respect to declaring it unclean if it is in its solid state. If it is mixed with water and drunk, it is more properly called unclean in the view of those who pronounce wine unclean.”96 In
regards
division
of
to
the
opinions.
issue The
of
divorce,
Hanafis
we
consider
find the
the
same
divorce
declaration to be binding if one is not intoxicated. However, other jurists consider the declaration of divorce to not be binding if one is intoxicated because their mind was impaired. This controversy also leads to a question of punishment. What is to be done with those within the community that use hashish? Can they, or rather should they be by the hadd, which is fixed by religious law, or should they be reserved tazir, which left to those that have judicial authority?97 Yet again we find
disagreement.
The
Malikite
jurist
al-Qarafi
considers
hashish corruptive but not intoxicating obviously finds that the hadd
is
not
applicable
96
Rosenthal at 119.
97
Rosenthal at 123.
98
Rosenthal at 124.
to
these
27
cases.98
However,
Rosenthal
points out overtime, that the hadd is applicable to hashish use.99 It is important to note that the ambiguity over the use of hashish
as
an
intoxicating
substance
is
due
to
an
economic
aspect. The proscription against wine, the author tells us, was because it was an expensive substance that only the elite of society could afford.100 On the other hand, the price of hashish was cheap and therefore the lower economic rungs of society easily obtained it and it was also cheaply produced, thereby owing a larger distribution.101 Because hashish was obtainable by people in those lower classes the public opinion of those who used the drug came to be associated with being lower class either by nature or because of circumstances caused by use of the drug over time.102 Simply put, those that used hash were seen as having a patina of filth upon themselves. It also follows that the elites of society would look down upon those who used this lower class substance: “These people are unable to remain for one day without eating hashish. When they eat it, their minds become confused, and they do everything evil. For hashish is one of the strongest intoxicants. Everything intoxicating is forbidden, and those who eat what is 99
Rosenthal at 124.
100
Rosenthal at 131.
101
Rosenthal at 131-132.
102
Rosenthal at 140.
28
forbidden do everything evil. Iblis gains control over their brains.”103 Since this is the case the social standing of those who imbibed of this substance was not high (No pun intended). What we are left with essentially is a controversy between the status of wine-drinkers and its equivalency to that of the hashish user. In conclusion, one can see that what would appear to be a very simple argument, perhaps even prima facia, is actually a very complex argument due to history, and economic factors. It does not simply follow that because that there is a proscription against wine in the religion of Islam that this simply was applicable to other intoxicating substances such as hashish. Critique: As
with
the
previous
work
by
Bosworth,
Rosenthal’s
The
Herb: Hashish Versus Medieval Muslim Society is an essential work for those who study social history in the Islamic world. The book itself is 161 pages, with additional notes and it is well written so it is a fast read. The chapter on the origin of hashish
is
a
little
problematic
in
that
it
is
somewhat
redundant. The reader can at times find himself stating over and over
103
again:
“banj
is
not
hash
Rosenthal at 158.
29
and
hash
is
not
banj.”
Nevertheless it is an important distinction and one that comes up later in the author’s argument. The legal argument is probably the most important part of the work because it shows the fallacy that the ordinary consumer of modern Islamic society would be wrong in simply extending the proscription against wine in Islamic societies to a proscription against hashish use. The legal argument is very complex because of matters of time. The Prophet is basically silent on the use of hashish in the 7th century. The author points out that the term hashish did not come about until the year 1123 in the 12th century. This left many issues open to legal interpretation such as: whether or not hashish was truly “intoxicating,” what is the proper legal punishment for use of the drug and what is the degree and definition of the word “intoxicated.” In this we find that
there
is
no
real
consensus
among
jurists
from
varying
schools of legal thought. The evidence presented to us suggests that Hanafite and Malikite arguments tended to be more lenient on the issue while Shafii and Hanbali arguments tended to be more stringent. So the legal issue is not a settled one during the medieval period. As I have previously stated the book was very readable and informative. There is no real weakness with the information that is related to the reader. However, as with Bosworth’s book this work is not really applicable to a course in Mongol conquest of
30
the Middle East, unless, of course, you are Ibn Taymiyah who blamed the spread of the use of hashish upon the Mongols. Other references
to
them
are
notably
absent
in
this
work.
So,
essentially if you are looking for a book about hashish use among
the
Mongols
you
are
out
of
luck.
Nevertheless,
Franz
Rosenthal’s book is essential for understanding this particular phenomena and the reaction of the society in which it was used.
31
