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Este capítulo examina el papel que desempeñan las creencias acerca de la inteligencia y del conocimiento en el pensamiento y la resolución de problemas. A menudo, no somos conscientes de poseer estas opiniones, aunque nos predisponen a reaccionar o pensar de una forma determinada. La investigación sugiere que las personas que reflexionan sobre sus creencias son más capaces de cambiadas. Las creencias que poseemos, ya sean implícitas o explícitas, afectan a nuestra conducta de muchas maneras. En el Capítulo 6, descubrimos que las personas con gran autoeficacia están más dispuestas a intentar tareas difíciles. Asimismo, las personas que tienen ciertas creencias sobre la modificabilidad de la inteligencia suelen insistir cuando se enfrentan a dificultades, y aquéllos que ven el conocimiento como cierto sólo dentro de un contexto determinado, es más probable que se impliquen en procesos de razonamiento más hábiles, que los que ven el conocimiento como algo absolutamente cierto. Antes de examinar las creencias acerca de la inteligencia y del conocimiento, fijémonos en las creencias implícitas. COMPRENDIENDO LAS CREENCIAS IMPLÍCITAS
¿Qué nos hace pensar y actuar como lo hacemos? De alguna forma, la mayoría de nosotros nos encontramos opinando acerca de lo que en otras ocasiones, y tras una reflexión, no estamos de acuerdo. A veces, nos damos cuenta casi inesperadamente de que no estamos seguros de lo que creemos sobre una cuestión controvertida otras, podemos tener creencias muy sólidas sobre temas sociales importantes, sin ser conscientes de dónde vienen esas creencias o por qué las tenemos. Los investigadores han empezado a comprender que gran parte de nuestra conducta está formada por creencias inconscientes sobre aspectos clave del aprendizaje, como la inteligencia y el conocimiento. Las creencias de este tipo a menudo las denominamos creencias implícitas, porque representan creencias personales e inconscientes sobre cómo es el mundo que evoluciona lentamente a través del tiempo (ver Capítulo 3 para un estudio sobre la memoria implícita). Nadie está seguro de cómo o de cuándo estas creencias comienzan a desarrollarse. Sin embargo, hay una gran coincidencia en que las creencias implícitas tienen un efecto significativo sobre la forma en que nos vemos como alumnos y cómo trabajamos en clase (Dweck, 1999; Hofer, 2001; Rhodewalt, 1994; Schraw, 2000 Sinatra, 2001). Las creencias implícitas a menudo dan paso a una teoría implícita; es decir, un conjunto de suposiciones tácitas sobre cómo funcionan algunas cosas. Para mostrarlo, comparemos a dos alumnos en una clase de introducción al álgebra. Imagine que
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en gran parte, a la genética; si no, las habilidades matemáticas de su familia no tendrían nada que ver con su propio éxito o fracaso. Ahora compare a Akira con Alonso, que contesta: <
>. Alonso parece creer que su éxito en la clase de matemáticas se puede atribuir más al esfuerzo que a la habilidad. En comparación con su compañero, Alonso Alonso adopta implícitamente la perspectiva de que su habilidad para aprender matemáticas puede cambiar. Alonso parece tener una un a perspectiva sobre su habilidad muy diferente a la que tiene Akira sobre la suya. Sus creencias sobre las habilidades forman la base de las <>. Estas teorías son casi seguramente implícitas. Si se les pidiera a Akira y a Alonso exponer de forma explícita sus <>, no les resultaría nada fácil (Schraw y Moshman, 1995). Además, la teoría que les caracteriza, puede que no coincida con las creencias implícitas manifestadas en su conversación. Aunque a primera vista, el estudio de las teorías implícitas puede parecer que no tenga nada que ver con el aprendizaje y la enseñanza eficaz, un buen argumento es que la comprensión y la aclaración de las teorías implícitas a los estudiantes, puede ser igual de importante que proporcionar un conocimiento básico o la enseñanza de estrategias. Una de las razones de esta afirmación es que la investigación ha demostrado que los estudiantes con distintas creencias implícitas difieren en cuanto a su voluntad para utilizar estrategias durante el aprendizaje (Ames y Archer, 1988; Schraw, Horn, Thorndike-Christ y Bruning, 1994). Otra es que los estudiantes con distintas creencias implícitas parecen pensar y razonar de formas muy diferentes, algunas de las cuales coinciden más que otras, con un aprendizaje eficaz (Kardash y Scholes, 1996 Kuhn y Weinstock, 2002 Ryan, 1984). En este punto, puede que se esté preguntando qué tipo de teorías implícitas tiene y cómo afectan a su aprendizaje. La respuesta a esta pregunta es que todos nosotros tenemos muchas creencias implícitas; o en algunos casos explícitas, sobre todos los tipos de actividades intelectuales diarias. Piense en su opinión sobre la inteligencia. ¿Qué es inteligente? ¿Cree que su aptitud intelectual es concreta y que el esfuerzo, el uso de estrategias o la conciencia metacognitiva no la van a mejorar? ¿O cree, al igual que lo cree Sternberg (1999a), que la inteligencia se puede modificar mejorando las habilidades intelectuales necesarias para el éxito académico? Ahora, piense opiniones sobre la creatividad. ¿Algunas
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que sí, es concreta y cierta? Estos ejemplos demuestran la importancia de las creencias implícitas sobre el pensamiento y el aprendizaje. La probabilidad de que le haya resultado difícil contestar a estas preguntas es alta. La probabilidad de que haya pasado poco tiempo intentando alcanzar respuestas definitivas a estas preguntas también es alta. Sin embargo, las «suposiciones escondidas», que subyacen en nuestro pensamiento y conducta, ejercen una influencia muy fuerte. Entender las creencias implícitas es un importante primer paso para convertirse en autorregulado. Comencemos por examinar algunas creencias implícitas específicas con más profundidad. CREENCIAS ACERCA DE LA INTELIGENCIA
Dweck y sus colegas (Dweck, 1999; Dweck y Leggett, 1988) propusieron un modelo sociocognitivo de la motivación de gran influencia, basado, en gran parte, en el tipo de teorías implícitas que tienen las personas acerca de la inteligencia. Dentro de este marco propusieron dos tipos de teorías implícitas. La primera teoría, denominada teoría del incremento, se basa en la suposición de que la inteligencia se puede cambiar a más. Al contrario de esta teoría, las personas que poseen una teoría de la entidad tienden a creer que la inteligencia es estable y no modificable. Según Dweck y Leggett, la mayoría de las personas pueden encuadrarse en una de estas dos orientaciones básicas. Las personas que creen en la mejoría y las que creen en la estabilidad, ven el mundo de forma tan distinta que afecta a cómo reaccionan ante las situaciones desafiantes. Un aspecto interesante del modelo de Dweck y Leggett es que las perspectivas de incremento y de entidad sobre la inteligencia parecen ser independientes de la capacidad intelectual real de la persona (Dweck, 1999; Pintrich, 2000a). Varios estudios apoyan esta perspectiva, indicando que los estudiantes más capaces adoptan teorías de incremento al igual que lo hacen los estudiantes menos capaces (Miller, Bebrens,
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investigación indica que los niños y los adolescentes que adoptan metas de aprendizaje persisten más frente a las dificultades; suelen atribuir el éxito a causas internas y controlables, como el uso de estrategias y el esfuerzo; y tienen una preocupación absoluta por el dominio personal (Greene y Miller, 1996; Harackiewicz, Barron Tauer, Carter y Elliot, 2000; Kaplan y Maehr, 1999). Los niños que adoptan metas de aprendizaje también demuestran una preferencia por el desafío y el riesgo (Ames, 1992) y pasan más tiempo con la tarea (Butler, 1987; Midgley, Kaplan y Middleton, 2001). Sin embargo, las personas que adoptan metas de ejecución están más predispuestas a frustrarse, desesperarse y ponerse a la defensiva cuando tienen que realizar una tarea desafiante; tienden a atribuir el fracaso a causas externas e incontrolables, como la suerte o los profesores, o a causas internas e incontrolables, como la falta de habilidad y demuestran una preocupación excesiva por demostrar que saben realizar la tarea, en comparación con los demás (Blumenfeld, 1992 Dweck, 1986). Recientemente ha habido un debate sobre la especificidad de las metas de ejecución. Los investigadores han distinguido entre metas de acercamiento a la ejecución y metas de evitación de la ejecución (Midgley y otros, 2001; Pintrich, 2000a). Las metas de acercamiento a la ejecución son aquéllas en las que los estudiantes se acercan voluntariamente a una tarea para demostrar su competencia y habilidad. Las metas de evitación de la ejecución son aquéllas en las que los estudiantes intentan evitar una tarea con la que van a parecer incompetentes. Pintrich (2000) sugiere que las metas de acercamiento a la ejecución pueden facilitar las conductas adaptativas, como el uso de estrategias y las sensaciones positivas, por encima y por debajo de los efectos de las metas de dominio. Sin embargo, Midgley y otros, (2001) sugieren que las metas de acercamiento a la ejecución no facilitan el aprendizaje ni el logro académico. Aunque el debate sigue abierto, todas las investigaciones relevantes sobre la orientación a la meta están de acuerdo en que las metas de aprendizaje facilitan el aprendizaje y el éxito académico, y que las metas de evitación de la ejecución
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material desafiante. Cuando los estudiantes con objetivos de aprendizaje suspenden un examen, reconocen correctamente que hay muchas causas posibles del fracaso y que éstas son modificables. No tienden a atribuir el fracaso a una menor capacidad, como lo hacen los estudiantes con grandes metas de ejecución. Esta característica, más que cualquier otra, puede proporcionar a los estudiantes orientados al aprendizaje una ventaja específica, porque el desafío académico o, incluso el fracaso, pueden aumentar su motivación. TABLA 7.1. CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LOS ESTUDIANTES ORIENTADOS AL APRENDIZAJE APRENDIZAJE Y A LA EJECUCIÓN.
Orientación al aprendizaje
Orientación a la ejecución
Mejoran la competencia Buscan desafíos Persisten en la tarea Atribuyen el éxito al al esfuerzo Reaccionan positivamente frente al fracaso
Proporcionan competencia Evitan desafíos Abandonan la tarea Atribuyen el éxito a la habilidad habilidad Reaccionan negativamente ante el fracaso Utilizan estrategias inadecuadas Indefensos
Utilizan estrategias eficientemente Autoregulados Autoregulados
Fuente: tomado de «A Sodal-Cognitive Approach to Motivation and Personality>., de C. S. Dweck y E. S. Leggett, Psychological Review, 1988, 95, 256-273. Copyright 1988 de American Psychological Assodation. Adaptado Adaptado con permiso.
Los estudiantes con metas de aprendizaje se diferencian también de los que tienen metas de ejecución en otras importantes características. La primera diferencia está en que es más probable que los estudiantes orientados al aprendizaje adopten estrategias más complejas una vez hayan comenzado a fallar en una tarea, mientras que los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución suelen utilizar directamente, estrategias
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Sin embargo, los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución, a menudo, adoptan un patrón de ajuste deficiente frente al fracaso. Un tipo de respuesta inadecuada se produce cuando los estudiantes suponen que no tienen la capacidad suficiente para alcanzar el éxito y se niegan a seguir trabajando en una tarea en la que han empezado a fracasar (Solmon, 1996; Urdan, 1997). Una segunda respuesta inadecuada se produce cuando los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución se ponen verbalmente a la defensiva después de experimentar con una tarea difícil: pueden cambiar el tema de conversación inesperadamente y describir en detalle su competencia en habilidades que no están relacionadas con la tarea actual. Por ejemplo, tras suspender una prueba de matemáticas, un estudiante de orientación a la ejecución puede que presuma de sus habilidades en solfeo. Una tercera conducta ocurre cuando las personas se niegan a comprometerse en una tarea porque creen que van a hacerla mal. En algunos casos, la indefensión aprendida es una defensa frente a la incompetencia percibida (Dweck, 1975). En general, las personas con orientación a la ejecución, a menudo, parecen demasiado preocupadas por realizar mejor la tarea que los demás, y puede que muestren una mayor preocupación por la nota que reciben que por la cantidad de información que han aprendido. Estos estudiantes consideran su éxito o su fracaso como la consecuencia directa de su capacidad intelectual, a pesar de que no ven su capacidad como algo controlable. Los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución no disfrutan del desafío de la misma forma que sus compañeros orientados al dominio. Por esta razón, es menos probable que muestren interés por temas sobre los que saben poco o que creen que van a suspender. También es menos probable que intenten estrategias novedosas o investiguen nuevas soluciones a un problema. Una preocupación concreta es que los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución suelen abandonar la tarea cuando ven que es difícil. Como podemos imaginarnos, los estudiantes con metas de aprendizaje y de ejecución también se diferencian en cuanto al tipo de atribuciones que hacen al éxito y al fracaso académico. Los resultados de un estudio correlacional realizado por Ames y
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TABLA 7.2 ATRIBUCIONES AL ÉXITO Y AL FRACASO EN CLASE DE LOS ESTUDIANTES CON ORIENTACIÓN AL APRENDIZAJE Y A LA EJECUCIÓN. Orientación al aprendizaje Orientación a la ejecución Razones del éxito
Razones del fracaso
Esfuerzo (.37) Uso de estrategias (.22) Ayuda del profesor (.47) Profesores (-.29)
Esfuerzo (.14) Uso de estrategias (.24) Poca capacidad (.21) Dificultad de la Tarea(.29) No usar estrategias (.16)
Nota: los números entre paréntesis indican correlaciones estadísticamente significativas. Fuente: tomado de << Achievement in the Clasroom: Student Learning Strategies and Motivational Proscesses>> de C. Ames y J. Archer. J our ournal of Educa Educattion ional Psych Psycholog ology y,1988, 80, 260-267. Copyright 1988 de American Psychological Association. Adaptado con permiso.
Los estudiantes con metas de aprendizaje y metas de ejecución también se diferencian con respecto a la autoeficacia y la autorregulación (Midgley, Anderman y Hicks, 1995). Schunk (1996) y Roeser, Midgley y Urdan (1996) descubrieron que los estudiantes con elevadas metas de aprendizaje son más eficientes. Archer (1994) y Schraw y otros, (1994) hicieron descubrimientos similares con estudiantes universitarios. Bouffard, Boisvert, Vezeau y Larouche (1995) descubrieron que los estudiantes universitarios que mantenían elevadas metas de aprendizaje y de ejecución conseguían los mayores niveles de autorregulación académica. Los estudiantes orientados al aprendizaje también parecían tener mejor relación con los profesores en comparación con los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución. De hecho, de todas las variables consideradas en el estudio de Ames y Archer (1988), los estudiantes orientados al aprendizaje consideraban a los profesores como esenciales para el éxito académico, incluso les concedían más importancia que a la habilidad, al esfuerzo o al uso de estrategias. Sin embargo, los estudiantes orientados a la ejecución no veían relación ninguna entre la ayuda de los profesores y el éxito académico. Una importante consecuencia de estas diferencias es que los estudiantes orientados al
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la misma que los estudiantes con metas de aprendizaje. LIMITACIONES SOBRE LAS CONDUCTAS EN CLASE
Uno puede preguntarse qué factores académicos, si es que hay alguno, afectan a las orientaciones de las metas de los estudiantes. El trabajo de Dweck (1999) y otros investigadores (Church, ElIiot y Gable, 2000; Harackiewicz y otros, 2000; Midgley y otros, 2001; Pintrich, 2000a; Urdan y otros, 1998) sugieren dos importantes componentes: factores situacionales, como el ambiente de la clase o el entorno del hogar, y factores disposicionales, como el carácter de la persona. Por desgracia, no se sabe mucho acerca de la contribución relativa de estos factores, aunque muchos investigadores, que trabajan en este campo, creen que el tipo de orientación que adopta un estudiante depende de una compleja interacción entre los dos (Cain y Dweck, 1989). El trabajo realizado por Dweck y sus colegas generalmente pone más énfasis en los factores disposicionales que los estudiantes traen a clase. Sin embargo, Ames y Archer (1988) han defendido que las orientaciones al aprendizaje y a la ejecución son básicamente el resultado de la estructura de la clase. Las clases en las que se pone mucho énfasis en la habilidad y en el rendimiento parecen fomentar una orientación a la ejecución entre la mayoría de los estudiantes, mientras que las clases en las que se da más valor a la mejora, al uso de estrategias, a la perseverancia a
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como Weiner (1986) y Graham (1991), sugieren que la inteligencia se define como una característica interna, estable e incontrolable; una perspectiva bastante consistente con las creencias de los teóricos de la entidad (ver Capítulo 6). Por el contrario, otros teóricos creen que la capacidad intelectual es modificable y, por ello, parcialmente bajo el control del alumno (Lohman, 1993; Perkins, 1995). La idea de que la propia inteligencia puede controlarse puede parecerle extraña a algunos lectores. Que la inteligencia sea modificable, y si lo fuera hasta qué punto, sigue debatiéndose. Algunos expertos que trabajan en el campo de la inteligencia humana apoyan la perspectiva de la entidad (Jensen, 1992); otros, como Robert Sternberg (1986), han propuesto teorías consistentes con la teoría de incremento. Según Sternberg, las personas pueden mejorar su rendimiento intelectual en cualquier situación, al adaptarse lo más estratégicamente posible a las exigencias de ésta. Por último, si la inteligencia es fija o modificable depende de cómo definimos la inteligencia. Si inteligencia significa «la capacidad de adaptarse con éxito a un entorno», entonces, seguramente es modificable. Por ejemplo, en el Capítulo 4, describimos estrategias de aprendizaje útiles que son conocidas por mejorar el aprendizaje, ayudando a las personas a utilizar sus recursos de forma más eficiente. En el Capítulo 6, describimos muchas formas con las que se podía mejorar el rendimiento académico y la capacidad de razonamiento, a través de un cambio en la autoeficacia (Bandura, 1993, para una discusión sobre la capacidad de cambio).
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2. Recompensar el esfuerzo y la mejora dejando de enfatizar la capacidad innata. Los estudiantes difieren claramente en cuanto a la capacidad. Sin embargo, basar las notas de clase en la capacidad puede fomentar una orientación a la ejecución, sobre todo si se lleva al extremo. Al contrario, recompensar el esfuerzo y la mejora robustece la naturaleza incrementista del aprendizaje. 3. Enfatizar el proceso, en vez de los productos. del aprendizaje. Centrarse en el proceso de aprendizaje destaca su naturaleza incrementista, mientras que centrarse en los productos enfatiza el resultado de ese proceso. La investigación sugiere que la retroalimentación percibida sobre el proceso de aprendizaje es especialmente importante para los alumnos. 4. Destacar que los errores son una parte normal (y sana) del aprendizaje. Todos cometemos errores cuando aprendemos una nueva habilidad. La forma que tienen los profesores de reaccionar ante estos errores envía un mensaje muy influyente a los alumnos. Cuando los errores se consideran como algo positivo, reciben una atención correctiva y se utilizan para proporcionar retroalimentación a los alumnos; éstos aprenden más que cuando
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que las creencias de los estudiantes sobre el origen del conocimiento tienen importantes consecuencias para el rendimiento académico y el pensamiento crítico (DeJong y Ferguson Hessler, 1996; Farnham-Diggory, 1994). Históricamente, las creencias sobre el origen y la naturaleza del conocimiento, o creencias epistemológicas, han generado gran interés desde la época de los filósofos griegos. Recientes estudios sobre las creencias epistemológicas han intentado aislar con más precisión las consecuencias de tener ciertas creencias (para publicaciones recientes ver Cunningham y Fitzgerald, 1996; Hofer, 2001; Hofer y Pintrich, 1997). Estos estudios han investigado la secuencia de desarrollo por la que pasan las personas en su camino hacia el razonamiento maduro sobre el conocimiento. Uno de los primeros educadores en investigar este fenómeno fue Perry (1970), que propuso un modelo en el cual los estudiantes pasaban por varias fases distintas y ordenadas en el desarrollo de creencias sobre el conocimiento. En las primeras fases, los estudiantes adoptan lo que Perry llama una perspectiva dualista, en la que se considera el conocimiento como correcto o incorrecto. Los estudiantes en esta fase tienden a ver el conocimiento como algo absoluto, universalmente cierto y accesible sólo a las autoridades. Las personas en este nivel de razonamiento pueden suponer, por ejemplo, que sólo los teólogos prominentes tienen un auténtico entendimiento de las verdades básicas de la vida. En vez de cuestionarse la realidad, los dualistas
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contexto. Los dualistas, normalmente, se apoyan en recordar la información explícita del texto, mientras los relativistas suelen construir significado a partir del texto, parafrasean, o crean un marco general que recoja las ideas principales presentadas en el tema. Sorprendentemente, estas diferencias se descubrieron incluso cuando se consideraron su experiencia y aptitud académica (las notas del Scholastic Assessment Test [N. del T.: prueba de nivel académico en Estados Unidos]). Estos últimos descubrimientos sugieren que las diferencias de rendimiento observadas entre dualistas y relativistas se pueden atribuir a las creencias sobre el conocimiento, y a cómo estas creencias afectan a las estrategias de estudio.
Sin embargo, las reacciones al trabajo de Ryan han sido diversas. Schornmer (1984) ha defendido que la perspectiva dicotómica de Ryan es demasiado simple para describir con exactitud la complejidad de las creencias epistemológicas. Para probar esta perspectiva, Schommer desarrolló un cuestionario en el que los estudiantes respondían a 62 preguntas de verdadero-falso, sobre sus creencias acerca de la naturaleza del conocimiento. Tres de estas cuestiones fueron: «La verdad es irrefutable», «Los científicos pueden dar con la verdad» y «Los estudiantes con éxito aprenden las cosas rápidamente».
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Por ejemplo, si no se es capaz de resolver un problema en 10 minutos, nunca se podrá resolver. Una serie de estudios recientes han replicado estas dimensiones (Hofer, 2000; Schraw, Bendixen y Dunkle, 2002). El trabajo de Schommer es único en cuanto a que es uno de los primeros en examinar de cerca la complejidad subyacente a las creencias acerca del conocimiento. Pero la investigación de Schommer no terminó aquí. Tras identificar esas cuatro creencias descritas arriba, investigó su relación con variables socioeconómicas y con habilidades de procesamiento de la información (para revisiones: Schommer, 1994; Schommer-Aikins, 2002). Uno de los descubrimientos más interesantes es que el volumen de educación superior que reciben los estudiantes está inversamente relacionado con su creencia acerca de cierto conocimiento. Siendo iguales todas las
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Un análisis de la relación entre las creencias acerca del conocimiento y las estrategias de procesamiento de la información demostró que el aprendizaje rápido predecía conclusiones excesivamente simplificadas, cuando se solicitó a los alumnos hacer una redacción sobre sus conclusiones acerca de un capítulo de teorías de la agresión. El conocimiento previo también se relacionó con el tipo de conclusiones que sacaban los estudiantes, de forma que a más conocimiento sobre el tema, conclusiones más amplias. La creencia en el aprendizaje rápido también condujo a un rendimiento más flojo en un examen final del mismo material, así como una mayor sobreestimación de la comprensión del texto.
Más recientemente, Schornmer, Crouse y Rhodes (1992) descubrieron que las
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Además, en comparación con los absolutistas, los teóricos evaluadores creaban un mayor número de alternativas teóricas posibles, y proporcionaban mejores contrargumentos.
Por otra parte, Schoenfeld (1983) investigó las consecuencias del aprendizaje rápido. Schoenfeld descubrió que, incluso los estudiantes con más experiencia, a los que se les pedía que resolvieran problemas matemáticos, abandonaban tras 5-10 minutos porque pensaban que si no habían conseguido resolverlos durante ese tiempo, el problema no se podía resolver. Una cuestión interesante, que surgió de esta investigación, es si los estudiantes que suelen abandonar las tareas después de un breve periodo de tiempo, están más predispuestos a mantener teorías de la entidad del
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cada una de estas etapas. El juicio reflexivo es un término utilizado por Kitchener y King (1981) para referirse a la capacidad de una persona para analizar críticamente múltiples facetas de un mismo problema, para llegar a una conclusión informada y justificar la reacción que se tiene de la forma más sistemática posible. Investigaciones previas sugieren que los juicios reflexivos dependen de una serie de suposiciones epistemológicas que se desarrollan lentamente en una secuencia predecible (Kitchener y King, 1981; Kitchener y otros, 1989). Por ejemplo, abandonar la creencia de que el conocimiento se puede alcanzar con certeza absoluta parece mejorar la calidad del razonamiento de la persona (Kitchener y Fischer, 1990). Otros estudios revelan que los juicios reflexivos se desarrollan hasta la edad adulta (Kitchener y King, 1981; Kitchener y otros, 1989),
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TABLA 7.3. NIVELES DEL MODELO DE JUICIO REFLEXIVO DE KlTCHENER y KING 1
Etapa 1: - El conocimiento es modificable, absoluto y accesible; - las creencias están basadas en la observación personal; - el conocimiento existe absoluta y concretamente. Etapa 2: - El conocimiento es cierto pero puede no ser accesible a todos; - el conocimiento es cierto; - el conocimiento es accesible sólo a las autoridades. Etapa 3:
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El tercer criterio es la clase de pruebas que se utiliza para justificar las perspectivas acerca del mundo. Las personas en la etapa 1 normalmente ven la justificación como algo evidente. Por eso, una persona de la etapa 1 puede afirmar que las pruebas de que Dios existe están «a nuestro alrededor». Las personas de las etapas 2 y 3, son por
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Cada etapa está asociada con un único conjunto de suposiciones sobre el razonamiento. Estas suposiciones pertenecen a la certeza del conocimiento, a los procesos mediante los cuales una persona adquiere conocimiento, y al tipo de pruebas utilizadas para evaluar el conocimiento. Estos criterios están reflejados en la Tabla 7.4.
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TABLA 7.4. CRITERIOS DE EVALUACIÓN PARA CADA UNA DE LAS SIETE ETAPAS DEL JUICIO REFLEXIVO
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Las personas del nivel 5 poseen un mayor sentido de incertidumbre epistemológica, en lo que se refiere a que el conocimiento objetivo supuestamente no existe. El conocimiento dentro de este contexto se convierte en algo completamente relativo puesto que la verdad o la falsedad de un argumento se puede evaluar sólo dentro del
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JUICIO REFLEXIVO Y EDUCACIÓN
El trabajo de Kitchener y King plantea importantes cuestiones acerca de la naturaleza de la enseñanza y del aprendizaje. Una cuestión es cómo el entorno de la
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