Exploring the Childs Personality.pdf

329

The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test

multicontextual. There is no single “original” or “authentic” oral text. As in the Grimm collection, only a single text was entitled “Snow White,” while it was also original (both in primacy and uniqueness) in the use of the word Snow White; in designing the study we settled for the Grimm version as the authentic variant of SW (excluding oral sources).

are not fundamental to the central theme but rather are specific to the culture from which each variant story stems. According to Bettelheim (1976), the story of SW deals with the Oedipal conflicts between mother and daughter and warns of the disastrous effects of narcissism. The queen is said to be fixated on a primitive narcissism and arrested at the oral incorporative stage. She is envious of SW’s beauty and youth and wants to incorporate her, as symbolized Interpretations by her intention to eat SW’s internal organs. Jones (1986) identifies a series of distinctive, for- Bettelheim interprets SW’s temporary death as a malistic elements that provide the unique pattern of period of preparation before entering a more SW: the heroine’s initial expulsion from home, the mature stage, of adolescence. various threats on her life culminating with apparHe also refers to the dwarfs as being eminently ent death, the rescue, and the reawakening. male, stunted in their development, although their Although the texture varies from story to story, way of living suggests a pre-Oedipal existence: they Jones finds this elemental narrative pattern in all are satisfied with a monotonous round of activities, variants of the SW texts and relevant surveys. and because of this lack of change or of any desire For example, despite cultural variations, the their existence parallels that of prepubescent chilGreek version of Snow White and the Dwarfs, titled dren. Moreover, he argues that the dwarfs stand as “Myrsina” (Megas, 1962), and the Russian version, symbols of moral values, such as hard work and titled “The Magic Mirror” (Afanasiev, 1998), denote cleverness in their trades. They appear to know a central theme of narcissistic antagonism among nothing of leisure or recreation. family members. The antagonistic mother-child relationship in the Grimm version appears in Children’s Responses to SW in the FTT Myrsina as an antagonistic relationship between the heroine and her sisters. Similarly, the dwarfs are a. The Dwarfs and Snow White instead the twelve months in the Greek version and the two knights in the Russian version. Therefore, it The examiner posed the following questions to appears that individual elements such as the queen each child when presenting the dwarf cards (see stepmother, the magic mirror, the hunter, the seven Figure 14.3): “What does each one think/feel? dwarfs, and the various gifts offered to the heroine Why?” “Which of the three is the one in the story?

1

2 Figure 14.3. Cards of the Dwarf.

3

330

Exploring the Child’s Personality

Why?” and “Which one would Snow White choose to marry? Why?” The responses of FTT protocols to the cards showing dwarfs seem to complement Bettelheim’s interpretation of these figures; the children, apart from referring to the dwarfs alone, often refer to the relationship the dwarfs built between with SW.

b. Sibling Rivalry and Protective Parental Figures Responses to the dwarf pictures reveal mainly sibling rivalry, which usually appears in the form of competition to gain SW’s attention. In these cases, SW serves as a protective and caring mother figure. In some instances, SW is perceived as the sibling, who has arrived unexpectedly with the family and may win the others’ attention. In cases of the child’s identification with SW, the dwarfs serve a protective parental role. Example 1: SW as the mother (boy, 11 years,

with two male siblings: a 1-year-old and a 13-yearold)

What does each dwarf think/feel? Q: Card 2: He’s feeling sad because he thinks that SW loves all the other dwarfs and not him, (?) because he is grumpy and nobody wants him. (?) SW will play with the other dwarfs.

Card 2: He likes SW and he wants to buy chocolate and ice cream for her. (?) She’s like a small child; he wants to take care of her. Example 4: Dwarfs as protective parental figures

What does each dwarf think/feel? Q: Card 2: He is thinking of killing someone. (?) The stepmother. (?) To save SW because her stepmother wanted to kill her.

c. Fear and Anxiety Apart from the projections of mother-child relationships, the identification with the dwarf figure revealed fears and anxieties, such as the fear of SW’s “giant” size in comparison to the dwarfs’, of the misfortune that she carries, and, consequently, of the vengeful witch. Example 1: Fear in connection to SW’s size

What does each dwarf think/feel? Q: Card 2: He is thinking, What will happen now that a giant girl is sleeping in our house? (?) He’s afraid that SW will gobble them up when she wakes up. Example 2: Fear of the Witch

Example 2: SW as the sibling (girl, 10 years, with an 8-year-old brother)

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 3: Getting scared. (?) He’s thinking, What if the witch comes and kills us? (?) We have SW with us. (?) He’s trying to figure out how to escape from the witch when she comes.

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 1: He is not thinking of something nice. He is mean. (?) He wants to help the witch to harm SW. (?) He doesn’t want her with them. (?) The dwarfs pay more attention to her instead of him. d. Self-Concepts Example 3: Dwarfs as protective parental figures

Q:

What does each dwarf think/feel?

These cards also reveal self-concepts, more frequently in relation to low self-esteem and resulting anxiety.

331

The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test Example 1: Self-concept/anxiety annihilation

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 2: Maybe he’s thinking, Why are all men big and dwarfs are so small? (?) When he sees SW, he realizes that people are big. (?) He’s feeling strange and worried. (?) He thought he was as big as others and after seeing SW he started becoming smaller and smaller, and when he becomes invisibly small people will kick him.

a. Oedipal F eelings Consistent with Bettelheim’s assertions are the findings that the witch cards often reveal an antagonistic relation between mother and daughter, mainly because of Oedipal feelings. In the FTT responses, the child tends to identify with the witch, while assigning SW the role of mother and the king or prince the role of father. The response in the following example reveals the antagonism between the witch and SW over winning the prince’s love. Example 1

Example 2: Low self-esteem

What does each dwarf think/feel? Q: Card 1: He is sad because he is too short. (?) He is called “dwarf” by everybody. (?) If I could become taller it would be much better because my friends wouldn’t tease me.

The Witch, Snow White, and the Dwarfs The examiner posed the following questions to each child when presenting the witch figures (see Figure 14.4): “What does each one think/feel? Why?” “Which of the three is the one in fairy tales? Why?” “Which of the three scares you the most? Why?” “Which is the most wicked witch? Why?” “What can a wicked witch do?” The examiner also asked the child to name the witches.

1

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 3: She will transform SW into a frog so that she will not marry the prince. (?) The witch likes the prince and wants to marry him. b. Narcissistic Feelings The witch figure reveals children’s narcissistic feelings, reflected in the witch’s desire for appreciation, the approval of others, and the acquisition of superior status. Example 2

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She wants to achieve everything in life. (?) She feels that she is the best. She has a devil’s look that tells that she cannot

2 Figure 14.4. Cards of the Witch.

3

ABOUT THE EDITOR Doctor Carina Coulacoglou (born in 1956 in Athens, Greece) is a child psychologist and test developer. She studied psychology at the University of London and later obtained a Master of Sciences (MSc) in Child Development from the same university. Her interest gradually moved towards the psychology of fairy tales and she embarked on a Master of Philosophy (MPhil) at the University of Sussex (UK), followed by a Ph.D., which concerned the development development of the Fairy Tale Test Test (FTT). The test has been standardized in Greece and is currently published in many languages. She is also the author of several papers on the FTT as well as two textbooks (in Greek) about psychometrics and personality assessment. Over the years, Doctor Coulacoglou has taught courses in Psychometrics Psychometrics and Psychological Assessment Assessment in various educational institutions in Greece.

332


let anyone else succeed beyond her. She is a show-off. Card 2: She tries beyond her limits to achieve her goals, (?) [of] destroying SW and trying to win the hearts of people.

c. Sibling Rivalry Supplementary to Bettelheim’s assumption are the observations that SW may also adopt the role of the sibling and, occasionally, that the dwarfs may represent the parents. These responses reveal sibling rivalry and express aggression as envy.

d. Anxiety Projection Whereas Greek children commonly project onto the witch different types of aggression, non-Western children (e.g., those from India) perceive the witch as a weak and helpless figure, thus expressing different types of anxiety (rejection, deprivation, punishment, illness, inability). Example 1: Anxiety deprivation

What does each witch think/feel? Q: Card 3: She is a beggar who has no one in the world; she is begging in the streets.

Example 1 Example 2: Anxiety inability/death

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 2: She wants to transform as a nurse and visit the dwarf’s cottage in order to take care of SW and then kill her. (?) She thinks that SW will take away her place in the kingdom. Q: What can a wicked witch do? She wants to transform someone into a frog so that her relatives will not recognize him and they will kill him. Example 2: dwarfs perceived as parents

What does each witch think/feel? Q: Card 2: She wants to kill SW, because she’s younger than her. She wants to torture her, to take her away from the dwarfs. And because SW loves the dwarfs, they will be sad, and it will be worst for both SW and the dwarfs. (?) She will kidnap her. (?) Deep inside her she feels bad for what she’s going to do but she can’t stand her feelings of jealousy. (?) SW has some qualities that she can’t have. It is worth noting that the majority of children project onto the witch aspects of themselves, rather than parental qualities.

What does each witch think/feel? Q: Card 3: She is thinking, I’ve grown old so I’ll not be able to use any magical powers any more. (?) So she is very pale and sad. (?) She’ll remain in her room all alone.

The Psychoanalytic Significance of the Witch and the Giant According to Bettelheim (1976), the mother object is most often seen as the all-giving protector who can be transformed into a cruel stepmother or an evil witch when she denies the child something he/she wants. Young children sometimes need to split the image of the parent into benevolent and threatening aspects, to help keep the good image of the parent intact and thus cope with a difficult relationship. Bettelheim observes that “The typical fairy tale splitting of the mother into a good (usually dead) and an evil stepmother serves the child well. It is not only a means of preserving an internal allgood mother when the real mother is not all-good, but it also permits anger at this bad ‘stepmother’ without endangering the goodwill of the true mother, who is viewed as a different person” (1976, p. 69).


Children’s responses to questions concerning images of the witch and the giant, as well as scenes of LRRH, revealed the splitting of the mother and/or the father into a kind, protective figure as well as a rejecting, threatening object.

333

Example 4

Q:

What can a wicked witch do? She can be transformed into a mother to harm a little girl and hide away the girl’s real mother.

a. Splitting of the Mother or Father Example 5 Example 1

What does each giant think? Q: Card 1: He thinks of how to kill SW because the queen told him to. Card 2: He thinks how to save SW from the evil queen. Card 3: He wants to kill Giant number 2 because he loves and wants to save SW.

What does each witch think? Q: Card 1: She is nice. She wants to advise SW not to eat the poisoned apple. Card 2: She wants to go to the dwarfs and tell them to go away and leave SW alone in the house; she wants to change their good opinion of Snow White, to stop loving and taking care of her. Example 6 Example 2

What does each witch think? Q: Card 3: She wants to bring Cinderella to her castle, put her inside the boiler, and turn her into a cat. Card 2: She wants to tell Cinderella to do all the housework, and she also wants to lock her in the cellar on her birthday. Card 1: She wants to take Cinderella away from the castle and give her back her human appearance. Example 3

What does each witch think? Q: Card 1: She is a nice witch. She will transform Cinderella into a beautiful girl, so that she can go to the prince’s ball. Card 2: She is a wicked stepmother. She tells her child to not go near her father because the father loved the little girl more than the stepmother.

Q:

Which of the three giants scares you most? Why? Card 3, because I think that I am standing in front of him, and he wants to kill me with his club or take me to his wife and make me their child.

Example 7

Describe what is going on in each scene. (Scenes from LRRH) Card 1: It’s the evil stepmother of LRRH who scolds her continuously, and she does not allow her to visit her grandmother because her real mother is dead, but this is a lie. Card 2: LRRH went to a stream in the wood, and she is crying so that she will not be scolded anymore by her mother, her aunt, or whoever this woman is. Card 3: Later she saw her mother outside, and she thought that it was an illusion and called out ‘mummy,’ and she told her about her adventure with this woman who scolded her continuously.

Q:

334


Bettelheim adds that the child can create this division (into separate beings representing all-good Q: Describe what is going on in each pic- and all-bad) within him or herself. Thus, “the child ture.” (scenes from LRRH) exteriorizes and projects on to another all the bad Card 1: LRRH must have done something things that are scaring for him so that he can see in wrong. Her stepmother ordered her to them a part of himself” (1976, p. 110). The witch work and did not allow her to make a cards of the FTT reveal the mechanism of splitting mistake. If she made a mistake, the by which the individual tries to control the anxiety stepmother would criticize her. generated by two simultaneous and opposite reacCard 2: She went outside to cry after her step- tions. mother criticized her. Card 3: One day her stepmother was not at Example 1 home. Her godmother took the opportunity to come and see her. She promQ: What does the witch think/feel? ised to bring her a gift, and LRRH was Card 1: I have to kill SW. She only wants to be very happy. the most beautiful. She wants to go to a Q: With which card does the story end? country where people are beautiful and Why? wants to kill them because she hates Card 3, because her godmother told her them. that this gift would be very useful to Card 2: She thinks that she has to wear nice LRRH. The box will bring her happiclothes. She wants to please other peoness when she opens it. She can open it ple. She wants to be kind so that other anytime she feels unhappy. people like her. She doesn’t want to With which card would you like the hate others. Q: story to end? Why? Card 2: Card 3, because her godmother came Example 2 and sent her stepmother away angrily. Then they lived together with her aunt. What does the witch think/feel? Q: Card 1: She wants to transform all the bad guys Example 9 in kind humans. (?) She is feeling very nice. (?) It’s nice to do good things for Prompt: Describe each scene” from LRRH. people. Card 1: She wants to tell the evil stepmother Card 3: She has a big weapon in every pocket of that she wants to go to her grandmothhers. She helps the bad people win the er, but the stepmother does not allow others so that the whole world is being her, and so she begs her. controlled by the bad ones. (?) She is Card 2: She wishes to have a mother who very irritating. would take care of her and who would be rich. The qualitative analysis of responses to the FTT Card 3: Her prayers are heard, and she finds a cards supplements psychoanalytic notions of the nice mother who will take care of her. significance of the witch and the giant figures. It is an important finding that the majority of children project onto the witches/giants aspects of themb. Splitting of Self selves rather than parental qualities. Example 8

335


In particular, the witch figures stimulate feelings of omnipotence and narcissism, while the giant pictures motivate responses of self-esteem, oral needs, and feelings of omnipotence and aggression. Occasionally the dwarf cards inspire feelings of omnipotence and self-esteem.

c. Omnipotence and Superego Restrictions

Example 4

Q: What does each wolf think/feel? Card 1: He wants to eat LRRH because he likes to eat human flesh. (?) He likes to eat humans because they have killed many wolves, friends of his. Card 2: He does not want to eat LRRH; this thought has not even crossed his mind. He is afraid of humans, (?) because if he eats them they might kill his family, or his children.

As desire for omnipotence or strong aggressive impulses can create feelings of guilt, we observe superego restrictions, either through punishment or the employment of mechanisms such as undoing or reaction formation. This is especially true in responses to the second card of any set presented to a child.

The above is an example of superego restrictions in the form of undoing of her first response, which reflects aggression.

Example 1

Example 5

What does each witch think/feel? Q: Card 1: She thinks that she is the queen of the witches and that she will conquer all the witches. Card 2: She thinks that she will be the richest of the witches and that she will be able to destroy all the other witches and be the only witch in the world.

What does each LRRH think? Q: Card 1: She wants to visit her grandmother because she is ill. (?) She feels sorry for her grandmother. Card 2: She wants to kill her grandmother because she does not love her. Card 3: She wants to help her grandmother get well, she wants to take her home and help her to get well.

Example 2

What does each giant think/feel? Q: Card 1: He thinks that I am the only one in the world; I am the king of the giants, and there is nobody like me. Card 3: He thinks that he will destroy the world and be the strongest and become their king. Example 3

Q: Card 1: Card 2: Card 3:

What does each dwarf think/feel? He wants to become famous. He wants to become a king. He wants to become God.

The above example illustrates the mechanism of reaction formation as a result of guilt that emerged following her aggressive response to Card 2. CONCLUSIONS The scope of this study seeks to provide experimental validation of psychoanalytic theories of fairy tales. As a projective personality test with material derived from classic fairy tales, The Fairy Tale Test (FTT) is an extremely suitable instrument for this endeavor. This discussion builds on Bettelheim’s psychoanalytic interpretation of fairy tales because it is the

336


most common within this field. Beginning with Little Red Riding Hood, a story considered to reflect Oedipal conflicts as well as the heroine’s sexual “provocations,” this chapter examined responses to questions relating to cards representing LRRH and the Wolf. Responses to the questions “Which of the three LRRHs would you eat had you been the wolf? Why?” often reflected the personality variable sexual preoccupation (SP). That is, many children justified their choice of Card 2 with the reasoning that “she is pretty/shy.” An innovation with regards to Bettelheim’s theory of LRRH is the role of the wolf as superego. Responses to the questions “Which of the three LRRHs would you eat had you been the wolf? Why?” often reveal that the wolf “eats” the picture that the child has described as disobedient, provocative, or sly. With regards to the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, responses related to the witch cards reveal Oedipal feelings and conflicts. Such feelings are presented as an antagonism between the witch and SW, one of whom the prince will choose to marry. An advance of Bettelheim’s interpretation of Snow White is the issue of sibling rivalry, which appears frequently in responses to questions related to the witches and the dwarfs. The personality variable reflected in such responses is aggression motivated by envy (AGR ENVY). That is, the witch represents the child being interviewed, while SW symbolizes the sibling. Feelings of envy among family members does not exist exclusively between the (step)mother and daughter, but can also exist between siblings. Accordingly, in the Greek version of SW—“Myrsina”—instead of being mother and daughter, the protagonists are sisters. Sibling rivalry is observed in responses to the dwarf pictures whereby sibling rivalry occurs with SW’s unexpected arrival or as a competition or antagonism among the dwarfs. Interestingly, the children more frequently see the witches as representing aspects of themselves than of a parental role. Children project onto witches or giants narcissistic desires or vulnerabilities and

feelings of omnipotence or aggression. For children from non-Western cultures, the witch often represents a helpless, ill, or deprived figure. The splitting of the parents into a stepmother/ witch or a giant supports Bettelheim’s assumptions about the symbolic significance of these supernatural characters. Overall, children’s responses to the FTT support basic psychoanalytic assumptions and address a series of relevant issues. However, results indicate that some of these issues have been underevaluated or misperceived. One such issue concerns the wolf’s role as a very strict superego in LRRH’s tale. Indeed, children’s responses often revealed LRRH’s excessive and irrational fears when entering the wood as the outcome of separation anxiety, having left the security of the parental nest. Finally, sibling rivalry was the most common issue observed through children’s responses to the dwarfs and the witches. Bettelheim and other theorists appear to have underestimated the impact of SW’s arrival and presence in the lives of the seven “brothers” or “bachelors.” In conclusion, the rich and elaborate material expressed by children in response to the FTT supplements and verifies psychoanalytic interpretations of fairy tales. REFERENCES Afanasiev, A. (1998). Russian folk tales . Moscow: Raduga. Bettelheim, B. (1976). The uses of enchantment: The meaning and importance of fairy tales . New York: Vintage. Dundes, A. (1989). Little Red Riding Hood: A case book . Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. Dundes, A. (1964). Texture, text, and context. Southern Folklore Quarterly, 28, pp. 251–265 Ferenczi, S. (1970). La psychologie du conte [The psychology of fairy tales]. In Psychanalyse II: Oeuvres Completes, 1913–1919 . Paris: Payot. Freud, S. (1900/1953). The interpretation of dreams. In J. Strachey (ed.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, Vols 4–5. London: Hogarth Press. Freud, S. (1918/1953). From the history of an infantile neurosis. In J. Strachey (ed.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud, Vol 17, (pp.

The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test 3–122). London: Hogarth Press. Fromm, E. (1951). The forgotten language: An introduction to the understanding of dreams, fairy tales and myths . New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Jones, S. S. (1986). The structure of Snow White. In R. B. Bottigheimer (Ed.), Fairy tales and society: Illusion, allu- sion, and paradigm (pp. 165–186). Philadelphia: Univerity of Pennsylvania Press. Kaes, R., Perrot, J., Hochmann, J., Guerin, C., Mery, J., & Reumaux, F. (1984). Contes et divans [Fairy tales and couches]. Paris: Dunod.

337

Megas, G. (1970). Folktales of Greece . Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press. Roheim, G. (1953). The gates of the dream . New York: International Universities Press. Schwartz, K. E. (1956). A psychoanalytic study of the fairy tale. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 10, 740–762. Shapiro, R., & Katz, C. L. (1978). Fairy tales, splitting, and development. Contemporary Psychoanalysis, 14 (4), 591– 602. Zipes, J. (1993). The trials and tribulations of Little Red Riding Hood . London: Routledge.

EPILOGUE

T

he Fairy Tale Test (FTT) has been in existence for a little over a decade. It was first published in Spanish, in December 1995. Since then, it was published in eight languages and has been standardized in various cultures such as Russia, China, India, and Turkey; while data collection in Indonesia, Germany, Japan, Brazil, Mexico, and Ukraine is still under way. The present book attempts to present to the reader the way developmental and clinical aspects of personality can be observed and carefully studied through the FTT, as well as some initial efforts to show the way the FTT has been applied on clinical groups. The most significant and striking observation of the FTT’s cross-cultural application is the variety of children’s responses to the FTT interview, revealing their anxieties, conflicts, emotions, desires, and aspirations. Some of these are very realistic, stemming from the child’s negative and/or traumatic real-life experiences and everyday disappointments. Others are expressed more implicitly, in a symbolic way, but they never cease to astonish or enchant the examiners who evaluate them. It is in fact rare to find dull protocols. Every protocol reveals intricacies of the child’s inner world and personality which unfolds gradually through his/her responses. The administration of the FTT is fairly straightforward and despite the fact that it is somewhat long, children feel at ease while taking the test. This is basically due to the variability of the illustrations (some are in color, others in black and white, some are drawn in ink, others in watercolors or pencils, etc.), to the fact that the characters are familiar to most children, but also to the interviewing process—a combination of open-ended and choice questions—turning the administration procedure less threatening and thus more entertaining. Another salient finding in analyzing the respons-

es of such a large number of children is their way of twisting the story plot or the reality of the tale to suit their personal needs. Occasional overinvolvement confirms that children are captivated by the tales and become part of what Tolkien refers to as the Secondary World (Tolkien, 1937). Quantitative interpretation should always be supplemented by the qualitative evaluation of variables. The study of children’s idiosyncratic responses (Bizarres), constitutes such a striking example. This category of responses allows the evaluation of imagination and creativity as well as the degree of psychopathology. Indeed, a combination of a high percentage of Bizarres, high levels of anxiety, depression or aggression may signify some form of disturbance. The FTT is above all a personality test, assessing the personality as a whole, and not only some of its dimensions. This way, the FTT can be used for evaluating the personality of a mentally “intact” child, as well as that of a more or less-adjusted child. Another advantage of the FTT is that it also assesses different types of motivational aggression as well as personality dimensions which have not been rated or assessed in other personality measures, such as sense of privacy, sense of property, ambivalence, desire for superiority and desire to help. Although, the theoretical background is mostly psychodynamic, referring to ego psychology, the examiner should also be familiar with theories of child development. However, attempts to interpret FTT responses from other theoretical perspectives such as Rogerian, systemic, Jungian, or cognitive approaches would be most welcome. A significant part of qualitative analysis concerns the study of defense mechanisms. The structure of the test material facilitates the emergence of defense mechanisms. In that sense, the FTT offers the possi-

339

340


bility to study thirteen (13) defense mechanisms in a systematic way, but also across a 6-year-long developmental span. The cross-cultural application of the FTT has revealed the importance of a two-level factor analysis. Personality factors derived from first-order factor analysis correspond to a more universal matrix characterized by a common group of factors such as self-concept, instrumental aggression, assertiveness, moral consciousness and so on. By contrast, secondorder factor analysis unveiled factors that appear to be more culture specific, and constitute the core personality structure of the child. Considering these data, it is worth reflecting upon the way culture influences the shaping of personality, the extent to which basic personality features are present across different cultures, and how these features blend together differently for each culture. Personality cannot exist outside a broader sociocultural context. This constitutes FTT’s strength: the universal nature of fairy tales, as well as children’s continuous fascination by those, makes this instrument potentially applicable to many different cultures, allowing for a broader investigation of personality development. Thorough test validation typically involves more

than one line of evidence in support of the validity of an instrument. For instance, the external validity of the FTT can be examined through the use of other psychological measures, such as questionnaires and behavioral scales that evaluate similar concepts or dimensions as the FTT. However, one should bear in mind that such measures and in particular self-report inventories and response sets often reveal faking. On the other hand, the FTT’s internal validity can be assessed through the use of factor analyses. In addition, construct validity may also be studied through the application of the FTT onto clinical populations that would potentially reveal which personality factors are involved in a variety of pathologies. In order to maximize the effectiveness of testing, most psychologists use a battery of tests, of which the FTT could become a useful component. REFERENCES Tolkien, J. R. R. (1937). Beowulf: The Monsters and the Critics . London, UK: Humphrey Milford.

Preface

xiii

CONTENTS The present book is divided in six sections. The first section entitled “New Developments in Projective Techniques for Children,” provides a basis for understanding the function and nature of projective tests in general (chapter 1), and the Fairy Tale Test in particular (Chapter 2). Most specifically, in Chapter 1 the authors review the recent developments in projective techniques in children, by discussing two major tests, the Rorschach and the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), while setting apart the contribution of the Fairy Tale Test as a novel instrument in the field of personality assessment in children. In Chapter 2 the author presents in an elaborative way the association between fairy tales and unconscious processes. More specifically, she describes the origins and function of fairy tales, their main characteristics, the children’s interest in fairy tales in terms of their psychological development and coping with inner conflicts, the roles of aggression and violence in fairy tales and, finally, their clinical applications. The second section of the book “Empirical Research” includes two chapters. Chapter 3 presents an elaborative study of the various types of aggression as assessed in the FTT, and contributes towards a better understanding of the construct of aggression. The fourth chapter investigates idiosyncratic responses of children according to their responses to the Fairy Tale Test. It aims at exploring the nature of the bizarre response and attempts to form a preliminary guide to differentiating bizarre responses that indicate some form of psychopathology from those that indicate imagination and creativity. The third section of the book, “The Study of Defense Mechanisms,” consists of a single chapter (Chapter 5) that deals with the development and cross-cultural significance of defense mechanisms. More specifically, the author describes the origins and theories of defense mechanisms and their classification. In addition, she concentrates on how defense mechanisms appear in the Fairy Tale Test and their development through childhood, while discus discussing sing each each one separat separately ely.. Particula Particularr reference reference is made made to the the cross-cultural significance of defense mechanisms. In the fourth section of the book, “Clinical Applications of the Fairy Tale Test,” the emphasis is given on the clinical application of the test in three distinct groups of children with mental disorders: children with learning disabilities (Chapter 6); children with mild mental retardation (Chapter 7); and children with psychotic symptoms (Chapter 8). All three chapters highlight the way the Fairy Tale Test contributes to the understanding of underlying personality structures in relation to specific disorders.

INDEX A

Acting out, 41, 65, 89, 114, 115, 116, 141, 273, 279, 295, 329, 330, 332 Adaptation to fairy tale content, 20, 64, 78, 88, 91, 148, 224, 227, 228, 230, 234, 246, 247, 248, 269, 270, 271, 302 Aggression, 12, 17, 19, 20, 36, 37, 41, 46, 49, 55, 56, 60, 63, 64, 65, 76, 77, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 99, 100, 102, 104, 105, 106, 107, 108, 114, 115, 118, 119, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 140, 143, 144, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 153, 156, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 170, 179, 182, 184, 185, 186, 225, 226, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, 257, 258, 260, 269, 270, 271, 273, 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 287, 290, 294, 295, 296, 297, 300, 301, 302, 303, 304, 305, 306, 308, 309, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 317, 320, 321, 327, 328, 329, 330, 332, 333, 335, 336, 338, 339, 344, 348, 352, 355, 356, 359, 360 as defense, 19, 64, 76, 77, 84, 86, 88, 89, 146, 147, 163, 164, 165, 226, 228, 232, 246, 248, 250, 276, 300, 302, 306, 327 as dominance, 19, 63, 64, 76, 84, 86, 88, 89, 91, 92, 93, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 164, 165, 226, 228, 230, 235, 250, 278, 300, 302, 303, 328, 329, 330, 332 as envy, 19, 63, 64, 76, 77, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 146, 147, 163, 164, 165, 168, 182, 226, 228, 229, 230, 234, 246, 248, 251, 301, 302, 308, 309, 313, 328, 329, 330, 352 as retaliation, 19, 64, 76, 77, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 93, 146, 147, 148, 149, 164, 165, 226, 228, 229, 230, 232, 234, 236, 247, 248, 255, 300, 302, 306, 328, 330 turned inwards, 119 type A, 19, 63, 64, 76, 84, 86, 88, 89, 93, 104, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 163, 164, 165, 225, 226, 228, 229, 232, 234, 246, 247, 248, 270, 271,

300, 302, 304, 329, 330 Ambivalence, 13, 19, 64, 77, 88, 106, 108, 128, 141, 146, 147, 160, 163, 164, 165, 166, 169, 170, 171, 172, 182, 185, 186, 227, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 246, 248, 251, 269, 271, 275, 301, 302, 310, 329, 330, 334, 336, 344, 345, 359 Anxiety, 20, 32, 35, 36, 43, 44, 46, 52, 53, 56, 57, 63, 64, 65, 77, 88, 91, 92, 95, 97, 98, 99, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 113, 115, 118, 120, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 148, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 157, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 175, 178, 179, 181, 182, 186, 219, 222, 223, 225, 228, 229, 230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237, 246, 248, 249, 255, 256, 258, 259, 269, 271, 272, 274, 275, 279, 283, 296, 299, 302, 303, 306, 308, 309, 312, 313, 314, 317, 318, 321, 328, 329, 330, 332, 333, 334, 337, 338, 347, 348, 350, 351, 352, 354, 356, 359 B

Bizarres, 20, 64, 76, 88, 91, 100, 101, 102, 104, 106, 107, 108, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 154, 163, 164, 165, 170, 171, 227, 228, 246, 248, 270, 299, 300, 301, 302, 305, 308, 309, 359 C

China, 8, 11, 13, 18, 126, 127, 129, 132, 134, 217, 239, 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 247, 249, 250, 251, 252, 253, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 278, 279, 280, 281, 315, 332, 333, 344, 359 Compensation, 65, 115, 116, 117, 119, 181, 203, 235, 330, 335 D

Defense mechanism, 12, 13, 17, 19, 27, 35, 43, 46, 57, 58, 65, 79, 88, 104, 108, 111, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 135, 140, 145, 150, 154, 156, 157, 341

342


161, 163, 166, 167, 172, 178, 184, 185, 188, 201, 248, 250, 251, 252, 256, 258, 273, 275, 279, 281, 303, 311, 312, 314, 330, 331, 332, 333, 338, 359, 360 Denial, 30, 35, 57, 65, 104, 105, 106, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 133, 134, 150, 151, 153, 154, 166, 167, 170, 179, 184, 188, 189, 190, 193, 203, 204, 258, 314, 331 Depression, 20, 28, 29, 36, 43, 46, 63, 64, 77, 88, 91, 94, 104, 105, 106, 107, 115, 128, 131, 133, 134, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145, 146, 147, 151, 155, 158, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 169, 172, 175, 182, 184, 186, 213, 219, 225, 229, 230, 233, 235, 236, 237, 246, 248, 249, 250, 256, 258, 269, 271, 272, 274, 277, 287, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 302, 303, 312, 313, 314, 320, 328, 329, 330, 331, 332, 334, 336, 337, 339, 348, 359 Desire for material things, 19, 64, 76, 88, 146, 147, 164, 165, 227, 229, 230, 235, 236, 246, 248, 252, 269, 271, 300, 302, 304, 329, 330 for superiority, 19, 64, 76, 88, 91, 92, 93, 102, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 164, 165, 227, 228, 229, 230, 235, 236, 246, 248, 250, 269, 271, 300, 302, 303, 328, 329, 330, 332, 359 to help, 19, 64, 76, 88, 91, 108, 120, 146, 147, 164, 165, 227, 228, 230, 231, 234, 236, 247, 248, 252, 270, 271, 275, 279, 281, 301, 302, 307, 328, 329, 330, 359 Displacement, 57, 65, 96, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 150, 204, 343 F

Fear of aggression, 19, 64, 77, 88, 91, 92, 104, 105, 106, 119, 130, 146, 147, 148, 151, 153, 163, 164, 225, 228, 229, 233, 235, 236, 246, 248, 252, 270, 271, 300, 302, 304, 305, 306, 314, 328, 329, 330, 333 Fairy Tale Test, 2, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 19, 41, 42, 43, 49, 61, 62, 63, 83, 85, 86, 87, 89, 91, 93, 94, 95, 109 ,137, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153, 155, 156, 157, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 172, 173, 177, 188, 201, 215, 217, 219, 221, 223, 225, 227, 229, 230, 231, 233, 235, 236, 237, 239, 241, 242, 243, 245, 247, 249, 251, 253, 255, 257, 259, 261, 263, 265, 267, 268, 269, 271, 273, 275, 277, 279, 281, 282, 283, 284, 285, 287, 289, 291, 293, 295, 297, 299, 301, 303, 305, 307, 309,

311, 313, 315, 316, 317, 319, 321, 323, 325, 327, 329, 331, 333, 335, 337, 339, 343, 345, 347, 349, 351, 353, 355, 357, 359 G

Greece, 2, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 18, 61, 79, 86, 126, 127, 132, 133, 156, 159, 172, 173, 177, 217, 250, 251, 258, 259, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 271, 273, 274, 275, 277, 279, 281, 282, 283, 332, 333, 357 I

Idiosyncratic responses, 12, 17, 76, 95, 97, 99, 100, 101, 103, 105, 107, 109, 143, 281, 308, 359 Incorporation, 55, 65, 107, 113, 181, 304, 309, 314 India, 7, 8, 11, 13, 18, 50, 58, 59, 79, 126, 127, 131, 132, 134, 157, 217, 238, 250, 255, 258, 259, 278, 279, 280, 281, 284, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 291, 292, 293, 294, 295, 297, 298, 299, 301, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 332, 338, 339, 352, 359 Instrumental aggression, 20, 64, 76, 246, 247, 248, 252, 255, 256, 269, 271, 273, 279, 300, 302, 304, 305, 311, 312, 313, 327, 360 Introjection, 113, 116, 117, 118, 311 L

Learning disabilities, 13, 19, 39, 147, 148, 155, 156, 157, 158, 159, 172 Little red riding hood, 11, 19, 41, 42, 50, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 79, 87, 88, 89, 92, 101, 119, 122, 125, 178, 188, 192, 201, 202, 205, 217, 225, 226, 227, 232, 235, 245, 253, 299, 305, 314, 332, 336, 344, 345, 356, 357 M

Mean, 19, 26, 28, 31, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 46, 57, 59, 64, 76, 78, 79, 86, 88, 89, 90, 93, 96, 97, 100, 101, 103, 105, 106, 120, 123, 126, 129, 139, 143, 147, 148, 150, 160, 161, 163, 165, 166, 167, 179, 184, 185, 186, 195, 220, 221, 224, 232, 235, 263, 265, 266, 278, 279, 281, 283, 285, 286, 288, 289, 307, 308, 312, 334, 336, 338, 343, 350, 352, 356 Mild mental retardation, 13, 17, 19, 157, 159, 162, 165, 166, 172

343

Index Morality, 4, 20, 38, 53, 64, 78, 88, 91, 93, 106, 107, 108, 146, 147, 164, 165, 170, 218, 225, 226, 228, 230, 232, 233, 234, 243, 247, 248, 253, 259, 270, 271, 278, 301, 302, 307, 308, 310, 313, 314, 318, 329, 330, 333

192, 218, 248, 249, 251, 256, 258, 273, 274, 279, 286, 303, 313, 314, 344, 345, 350, 352 Projective identification, 30, 65, 114, 115, 117, 119, 279 Psychosis, 43, 174, 175, 176, 213 Q

N

Need for affection, 19, 64, 76, 88, 91, 143, 146, 147, 148, 149, 151, 152, 161, 163, 164, 165, 171, 182, 226, 228, 230, 233, 234, 236, 246, 248, 249, 300, 301, 302, 304, 305, 307, 328, 329, 330 Need for affiliation, 19, 64, 76, 88, 91, 143, 146, 147, 148, 151, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 184, 186, 220, 226, 227, 229, 230, 232, 233, 235, 247, 248, 252, 270, 274, 275, 299, 301, 302, 307, 309, 328, 329, 330 Need for approval, 20, 64, 76, 140, 246, 248, 251, 269, 270, 271, 300, 302, 303, 313, 328, 330, 332 Need for protection, 19, 64, 76, 88, 91, 143, 146, 147, 151, 153, 161, 163, 164, 165, 167, 169, 227, 229, 230, 246, 248, 250, 269, 271, 300, 302, 305, 328, 330, 333 Negation, 34, 115, 119, 121, 126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 133, 134, 150, 151, 154, 166, 179, 189, 192, 275, 314, 331 Number of participants, 19, 162 O

Oral aggression, 19, 55, 56, 60, 64, 76, 84, 88, 104, 105, 132, 146, 147, 163, 164, 165, 168, 169, 226, 228, 246, 148, 252, 270, 271, 275, 279, 300, 302, 304, 312, 313, 328, 329, 330, 332, 344 Oral needs, 19, 60, 63, 64, 76, 88, 91, 104, 106, 146, 147, 151, 152, 164, 168, 169, 227, 228, 229, 230, 234, 247, 248, 253, 255, 269, 271, 300, 301, 302, 304, 309, 328, 329, 330, 333, 355 Overinvolvement, 179, 189, 314, 359 P

Personality Assessment, 2, 12, 17, 26, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 93, 94, 135, 139, 141, 143, 145, 147, 149, 151, 153, 155, 156, 157, 159, 161, 163, 165, 167, 169, 171, 172, 173, 213, 217, 224, 241, 242, 260, 267, 282, 285, 321, 327, 338 Projection, 26, 35, 39, 41, 42, 45, 52, 56, 57, 58, 65, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 122, 126, 127, 131, 132, 133, 134, 150, 151, 154, 166, 170, 179, 184,

Question, 11, 19, 25, 26, 34, 42, 53, 54, 55, 56, 62, 63, 65, 77, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 98, 100, 101, 102, 109, 116, 118, 119, 120, 121, 123, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 168, 182, 189, 217, 222, 223, 235, 241, 242, 244, 260, 261, 267, 273, 276, 280, 281, 285, 286, 308, 310, 312, 314, 318, 324, 325, 326, 327, 332, 338, 345, 346, 347, 348, 349, 351, 353, 356, 359, 360 R

Rationalization, 65, 115, 116, 119, 123, 150, 151, 154, 166, 167, 171, 202, 206, 256, 258, 307, 313, 320, 331 Reaction Formation, 65, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 126, 133, 150, 151, 166, 248, 249, 256, 258, 275, 279, 281, 307, 312, 333, 355 Regression, 31, 34, 56, 58, 65, 96, 101, 113, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 150, 285, 320, 344 Relationship with father, 20, 145, 163 with mother, 64, 88, 91, 92, 146, 147, 149, 152, 161, 163, 164, 165, 234, 330 Repetitions, 20, 64, 78, 88, 104, 146, 147, 151, 154, 163, 164, 165, 170, 171, 227, 228, 247, 255, 269, 271, 301, 302, 307, 308 Repression, 65, 66, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 126, 127, 128, 134, 150, 166, 189, 331, 335, 338 Reversal, 65, 115, 116, 121, 131, 189, 206, 331 Rorschach, 12, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 37, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 59, 93, 96, 97, 99, 109, 110, 117, 118, 134, 135, 143, 155, 156, 157, 158, 172, 177, 181, 184, 185, 186, 187, 195, 208, 213, 222, 241, 261, 262, 286, 315, 321, 326, 327 Russia, 8, 11, 13, 18, 51, 190, 217, 219, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226, 227, 229, 230, 231, 233, 235, 236, 237, 238, 332, 349, 356, 359 S

Self esteem, 19, 37, 64, 77, 88, 91, 94, 104, 105, 107, 114,

344


119, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 160, 161, 163, 164, 165, 168, 171, 179, 182, 184, 185, 186, 224, 226, 229, 230, 235, 247, 248, 249, 253, 269, 271, 274, 282, 293, 294, 295, 298, 299, 301, 302, 306, 307, 308, 309, 311, 319, 321, 328, 330, 332, 333, 350, 351, 355 Sense of privacy, 13, 19, 64, 78, 247, 248, 253, 270, 271, 301, 302, 309, 327, 359 Sense of property, 13, 19, 64, 78, 88, 90, 146, 147, 148, 149, 153, 164, 165, 227, 228, 246, 248, 250, 270, 271, 275, 300, 302, 306, 328, 330, 359 Sexual preoccupation, 20, 64, 76, 88, 104, 105, 106, 107, 146, 147, 151, 152, 163, 164, 165, 167, 182, 185, 186, 227, 229, 230, 232, 247, 248, 253, 270, 271, 301, 302, 307, 309, 310, 329, 330, 334, 356 Snow White, 11, 19, 41, 42, 52, 54, 55, 56, 58, 62, 63, 87, 88, 89, 92, 101, 103, 104, 108, 120, 124, 125, 178, 190, 193, 202, 203, 206, 217, 225, 226, 227, 234, 235, 245, 299, 308, 314, 332, 335, 344, 348, 349, 350, 351, 353, 356, 357 Splitting, 30, 65, 104, 105, 113, 114, 115, 117, 119, 123, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 130, 132, 134, 179, 186,

189, 192, 250, 251, 252, 253, 254, 256, 258, 274, 275, 279, 306, 307, 311, 314, 331, 332, 333, 336, 338, 345, 352, 353, 354, 356, 357 Standard deviation, 19, 64, 90, 139, 147, 148, 150, 159, 163, 165, 167 Socioeconomic status, 19, 32, 249, 268, 293, 297, 298, 305, 314, 317, 320, 322, 324, 325, 326, 327, 331, 339 T

Thematic Apperception Test, 12, 34, 35, 42, 45, 46, 47, 99, 117, 156, 161, 222, 250, 285, 316, 319, 326 Turkey, 7, 9, 11, 13, 18, 126, 127, 128, 129, 134, 250, 251, 259, 278, 323, 324, 325, 326, 327, 329, 331, 332, 333, 335, 337, 338, 339, 340, 359 U

Undoing, 65, 104, 105, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 119, 123, 126, 127, 128, 129, 131, 133, 134, 150, 151, 154, 166, 170, 189, 258, 175, 303, 314, 331, 332, 355

xviii


PART IV: CLINICAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST 6. The Fairy Tale Test in the Personality Assessment of Children with Learning Disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Marilena Souyouldzoglou 7. The Fairy Tale Test in the Personality Assessment of Children with Mild Mental Retardation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Marilena Souyouldzoglou 8. Children with Psychotic Symptoms: Two Case Studies . . . . . . . . . . 154 Ioanna Giannopoulou, Anastasia Atsarou, and Dafne Stamatoyanni PART V: CROSS-CULTURAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 9. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Elena Savina 10. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Yuhui Li and Jianxin Zhang 11. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Carina Coulacoglou and Eleni Kotsoni 12. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 Nilanjana Sanyal and Manisha Dasgupta 13. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Tevfika Tunaboylu-Ikiz, Hayriye Ertem-Vehid, Bengi Pirim Düsgör, and Ay¸se Elif Yavu PART VI: PSYCHOANALYTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF FAIRY TALES 14. The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test in the Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Fairy Tales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 Carina Coulacoglou and Marilena Souyouldzoglou Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

ABBREVIATIONS (?) DM FTT LD LRRH M MM R N Q SD SES SW

An in-parenthesis question mark indicates probing made by the examiner/administrator to the child during administration of the FTT in order to clarify his/her response. Defense mechanism Fairy Tale Test Learning disabilities Little Red Riding Hood Mean Mild mental retardation Number of participants Question Standard deviation Socioeconomic status Snow White (from the tale Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs )

FTT Variables AMB DMT DSUP SE SPRO SPRIV AGRDOM OA ON AGRA AGRRET AGRENVY AGRDEF

Ambivalence Desire for Material Things Desire for Superiority Self-Esteem Sense of Property Sense of Privacy Aggression as Dominance Oral Aggression Oral Needs Aggression Type A Aggression as Retaliation Aggression as Envy Aggression as Defense xix

xx FA NAFCT NAFIL DH NPRO ANX D AFTC B SEXPREO MOR REL/MO REL/FA REP NAPPRO AGRINSTR


Fear of Aggression Need for Affection Need for Affiliation Desire to Help Need for Protection Anxiety Depression Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content Bizarres Sexual Preoccupation Morality Relation with Mother Relation with Father Repetitions Need for Approval Instrumental Aggression

EXPLORING THE CHILD’S PERSONALITY

PART I NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN PROJECTIVE TECHNIQUES FOR CHILDREN

Chapter 1 A REVIEW OF PROJECTIVE TESTS FOR CHILDREN: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS STEVEN TUBER , NORA GOUDSMIT, ALISON FERST, SIMON SHAGRIN, AND R ACHEL WOLITZKY on children’s play has shown that fantasy play is a domain where cognitive and affective processes erhaps the primary reason projective tests have interact and develop (Russ, 1998). Seja and Russ been so useful in work with children is because (1999), for example, demonstrated that children they provide a standardized arena in which to cap- who had the capacity to play and were able to ture a child’s play and imagination. Play and imag- organize their fantasy play around emotional ination for children are valid equivalents to dreams themes were more adept at both describing emofor an adult in that they are where a child’s con- tional experiences and understanding the emotions scious and unconscious mental phenomena come of others, not accounted for by verbal ability. While together, so that in play a child can be most men- this research does not make claims about causation, tally alive and present. “ By putting experiences and it highlights the importance of play as a medium feelings into play rather than words, the child is creating through which one can observe and assess a child’s structure . . . Adults figure out how they feel by talk- cognitive and emotional life. Children’s ability to ing it through; very young children figure it out by “play” with projective measures thus takes the playing about it” (Slade, 1994, original emphasis). important step of placing their idiosyncratic expresChildren use play and imagination to rehearse and sion and development in a standardized format for repeat aspects of their experience they are coming nomothetic comparison. to terms with, exploring, or working towards masA good place to start a discussion of projective tery in their development. Projective tests allow the tests is with the difference between projective and imaginative and playful expression of children to be nonprojective tests, and the question of why one captured and transformed into a standardized for- should use projective tests at all. Rapaport (1950) mat, rather than remain within the utterly idio- addressed this distinction in a manner that is still graphic domain of the playground or the clinician- pertinent and useful today. The “apparent” distincpatient relationship. tion between the two types of tests is due to whether Children use play to process their experience, the questions or tasks are “structured” (nonprojecand through play they practice taking the perspective) or “unstructured” (projective). Nonprojective tives of others, rehearse emotional experiences and tests consist of tasks that have a “unique and verifisituations, and consider multiple perspectives on able answer” whereas projective tests do not have reality. For Winnicott (1971) the capacity to play is a an objective or a single correct answer (Rapaport, critical developmental achievement, and it is not 1950, p. 347). The principle behind projective tests only a sign of adaptation, it is an indicator of a is that the subject’s answers are determined by capacity for attaining fully human status. Research choices and principles that can be both intrapsychic INTRODUCTION

P

5

6


and external to the subject. Rapaport argued that organization and creativity. the distinction between projective and nonprojecIn a recent paper, Meyer and Kurtz (2006) argue tive tests is arbitrary because each shares qualities of that the opposing terms “projective” and “objecthe other. Projective test stimuli have objective and tive” used to describe measures of personality verifiable features to them as evidenced by popular assessment are misleading and inaccurate for a responses on the Rorschach or common themes in number of reasons. The authors argue that “objecresponses to TAT cards. Similarly, nonprojective tive” tests, referring to “patient-rated questiontests elicit features of the subject’s personality and naires,” (inventories with true vs. false or Likertinternal life, evident in verbal responses, or the scat- scale answers) place the burden of objectivity and ter of test scores on intelligence tests, that reveals expertise on the subject filling out the questionnaire the subject’s unique development and personality rather than the examiner, in addition to suggesting organization in his/her array of aptitudes across dif- that the well-documented presence of response ferent domains. Rapaport stated that the distinction styles and biases does affect the “objectivity” of the between projective and nonprojective tests does not results. The term “projective” is also misleading, the hold because a subject’s answers are always deter- authors suggest, because the mechanism guiding the mined by a combination of the external features of subject’s responses may not always be “projection” the test stimulus and the internal qualities of the in the classic Freudian sense of the term, meaning subject. So the same diagnostic principle behind attributing distressing internal phenomena to the projective tests may be applied when analyzing external world. Projective tests do not merely capeither type of test results: “It is assumed that these ture the private world of the subject irregardless of behavior segments bear the imprint of the organi- the test stimuli; rather the nature of the projective zation of the subject’s personality, and therefore it is task does impact responses. The authors argue that expected that the test performance will be revealing individual tests should be named or referred to of that personality” (Rapaport, 1950, p. 340). more specifically, rather than lumping different Projective tests are designed to present the sub- assessment measures and techniques into abstract, ject with a lesser degree of external structure “in misrepresentative categories. Nevertheless, the term order to allow maximal expression of the structur- “projective test” will still be used in this chapter and ing principles of the individual personality” throughout this book, acknowledging that a sub(Rapaport, 1950, p. 342). Diagnostic testing is most ject’s responses to a projective test are always a clinically useful when a battery of tests is used, product of the interaction between the subject’s perincluding both projective and nonprojective tests, in sonality and the test stimulus as no method of obserorder to see how the subject’s performance varies in vation captures the subject without some alteration the context of greater and lesser ambiguity. A dis- in his/her state. “Projective tests,” as we use the crepancy in performance on projective versus non- term, merely refer to a test with a relatively smaller projective methods can have important implica- degree of external structure, and a task that does not tions for both diagnosis and treatment. For instance, have a single answer or prescribed options from test results showing intact test performance on struc- which the subject chooses. tured tasks compared to more regressed, low funcProjective tests have proved to be particularly tioning responses on unstructured tasks have been useful when viewed through a psychodynamic lens found to be more typical of people with a border- because they operationalize and provide a database line level of organization (Knight, 1953; Gunderson for many of the theoretical concepts underlying dif& Singer, 1975). Both projective and nonprojective ferent psychodynamic schools of thought. Common tests are needed in order to assess a subject’s to all psychodynamic schools, or models, is the conresponse to greater and lesser degrees of external ception of the mind and present behavior as being structure, which bears uniquely on personality determined by both conscious and unconscious

A Review of Projective Tests for Children

thoughts, affects, wishes and representations. This common conception of personality and mental life having both conscious and unconscious aspects that interact has both commonalities and differences across the three major paradigms of psychodynamic thought. The models of drive, ego psychology and self-object representations are different yet overlapping in the way they frame this interaction between conscious and unconscious components of mental life within the individual. The “drive” model is based on the view that people are motivated by biologically-based urges or “drives,” and each person varies in their ability to manage, comprehend and transform them at each stage in their development (Freud, 1923). It is therefore normative for all children to experience certain wishes and desires as unacceptable to some extent, and the internal conflict that results is often related to the tasks and preoccupations of particular (psychosexual) stages of development. The ego psychological model looks at the person’s ability to adapt to the demands of reality in the external world, to manage their internal urges, wishes and emotions, and their capacity to psychologically self-regulate (e.g., a focus on the capacity for reality-testing and the quality of defense mechanisms) (Anna Freud, 1936; Hartmann, 1939; Mahler, Pine, & Bergman 1975). From the ego psychological perspective, ego capacities, both strengths and deficits, are developed slowly over the course of development, through both conscious and unconscious learning. Last, the self/object representational model focuses on a person’s internal representations of self and others, based on conscious and unconscious memories of childhood experiences (Klein, 1932; Fairbairn, 1952; Winnicott; 1958; Kernberg, 1976). These representations significantly contribute to the person’s experience of self and others, and psychopathology may be seen as the extent to which the present is incapable of being perceived and experienced as separate from internal representations from the past. These different models encompass various theoretical perspectives on personality organization, in addition to methods of treatment. Projective tech-

7

niques, in turn, provide an empirical format for concepts from these different psychodynamic models to be used in research. An example of research informed by the drive model is Sprohge, Handler, Plant and Wicker’s (2002) examination of oral dependence in alcoholics and depressives using the Rorschach. Two examples of research from the ego psychological perspective include Russ and Grossman-McKee’s (1990) look at the relationship between primary process thinking on the Rorschach and affect expressed in fantasy play and divergent thinking, and Smith’s (1981) look at the relationship between children’s Whole responses on the Rorschach and Piagetian stages of cognitive development. A prime example of research from a combination of the ego psychological and object relational perspectives is Lerner’s (1990) review of research using the Lerner and Lerner (1980) scale for assessing primitive defenses on the Rorschach. These studies identified patterns of defenses used by specific clinical populations (e.g., anorexics, gender disturbed children) and patients with different levels of psychopathology (neurotic, borderline, schizophrenia). Examples of research using projective tests from an object relational perspective can be found in two literature reviews: Tuber (1992) reviewed studies using the Mutual Autonomy Scale applied to the Rorschach to assess the quality of children’s object relations, and Stricker and Healey (1990) reviewed empirical literature assessing object relations with various projective techniques, including the Rorschach, TAT, dream-based measures, early memories and others. The rise of object relations theory over the past 30 years has led to relatively more object-representational-based uses of projective tests. This mirrors the notion that as theoretical paradigms have changed over time, so too have the ways projective tests been interpreted and utilized to predict aspects of psychodynamic assessment and treatment (Lerner, 1998). The usefulness of psychodynamic theoretical concepts lies in large part in their application to the process of psychodynamic treatment. Projective tests provide a snapshot at a given time of central aspects of a person’s personality organization. By

8


translating theoretical concepts into limited behavior segments, projective tests provide a vital link between an isolated measurement of personality and theories of treatment (given the pathological or adaptive presence of certain drives, defenses, or object relations). Projective tests can be used to assess and predict treatment outcome by linking patterns of test scores to patterns in the treatment process, or changes in test performance to changes in treatment (Tuber, 2000; Fowler, Hilsenroth, & Handler, 2000). In summary, projective tests are particularly useful for tapping into the emotional lives of children. They provide a substantive assessment of personality in a standardized format, and they serve as a connective bridge between a measurement of individual personality, psychodynamic theory and the treatment process. We now turn to a discussion of the most eminent projective test, the Rorschach, and the ways it has been used in empirical research in the areas of object relations, child development, psychopathology and treatment. THE RORSCHACH

The Rorschach Test as a Measure of Object Relations There is a rich history of operationalizing psychodynamic concepts with children and applying these principles to the Rorschach. Research with children’s Rorschach protocols has confirmed many key tenets of the psychoanalytically informed concepts of object relations, affect maturity and defense organization. Russ and Grossman-McKee (1990), for example, investigated the relationships among expression of primary process thinking on the Rorschach, emotional expression in children’s fantasy play, and divergent thinking in first and second grade children. Their results suggest that the ability to think imaginatively in a style similar to an adult’s free-association and the ability to tap into affectladen material are related processes. The Rorschach gives us access to this arena, and allows the clinician

a snapshot of a child’s inner life with its capacities and limitations. In their 1994 review, Ornberg and Zalewski, for example, critically examined fortyeight studies that use the Rorschach in adolescent populations. Notwithstanding several methodological concerns, they found evidence that the Rorschach provides useful and valid measures of reality testing, cognitive complexity, disordered/ psychotic thinking, general psychological distress, disturbance in object relations and depression in specific adolescent groups (Ornberg & Zalewski, 1994). A number of scales are currently available which assess the quality of Object Relations in projective test responses including: the Mutuality of Autonomy Scale (MOA) developed by Urist (1977); the Krohn Scale of Object Representations (1974) for Rorschach responses as well as dreams and early memories; and the Rorschach Separation Individuation Scale (Coonerty, 1986). These scales have been widely used in clinical research with children and have proven to be reliable measures of different aspects and qualitative dimensions of object representations. Additionally, each individual measure cited above espouses a developmental framework, and has proven to be sensitive in measuring change in the nature of an individual’s representations of self and other over time when used as a repeated measure. Thus, each has demonstrated its heuristic value in documenting important qualitative changes in object representations over the course of long-term, psychodynamically-oriented treatment. The focus on the relationship of self and other in interaction has been a particularly investigated means of examining a child’s phenomenological experience. Assessments of the manner in which children internalize early interactions between “self” and significant others have also become increasingly viewed as a pivotal means of discerning both cognitive development and later interpersonal relations (Tuber, 1992). An object representation scale developed by Urist (1977), the Mutuality of Autonomy (MOA) scale, rates Rorschach object representational responses on a 7-point continuum.


Scale points range from adaptive, mutual and reciprocal respect for others in interaction, to the loss of autonomy in interaction through the need for external support; mirroring echoes of one’s self; threat or control of another; physical assault destroying autonomy and last, to calamitous engulfment or destruction. Reliability has been excellent (Tuber, 1992) for the scale and it has been used in a number of studies relating to treatment efficacy. Tuber (1983) used the MOA scale to effectively predict later rehospitalization in young children who had spent at least six-months in residential treatment during their childhood. Children without the benefit of benign object representations at admission were far more likely to be rehospitalized later than a group of matched cohorts at the same treatment facility. Tuber (1992) has also used the scale in idiographic assessments of children who were tested and then later began psychodynamic psychotherapy. Treatment paradigms closely matched Rorschach MOA patterns, suggesting that this measure may be a useful component of empirical efforts to capture object relations status, both before, during, and after the child treatment process. Krohn and Mayman (1974) developed an object representational scale that they and others have applied successfully to Rorschach protocols as well as dream reports and early memories. The scale assesses object relational qualities slightly different from the MOA scale, in that the focus is on the degree of emptiness, wholeness, differentiation, aliveness and psychological mindedness of the percepts, memories and dreams. It has been scored reliably and showed promising construct validity (Stricker & Healey, 1990). Gluckman and Tuber (1996), have demonstrated that the Krohn scale can be used effectively in rating children’s Rorschach responses and dream reports, suggesting that it may also be a useful component in analyzing aspects of children’s treatment content. According to Diamond et al. (1990), psychoanalytic theory has increasingly focused on the ways in which object relations are internalized in the course of early development and transformed into

9

intrapsychic representational structures. The authors defined object representations as conscious and unconscious mental schemata which are established on the basis of interactions with significant others, and which bear the imprint not only of actual interactions, but also of the individual’s developmental level and intrapsychic life (e.g., impulses, affects, drives, and fantasies). The authors cite previous research which has indicated that essential features of the individual’s mental representations, along with their developmental antecedents, are encoded in projective test responses that can be assessed systematically. Exner’s Egocentricity Index on the Rorschach (Exner, 1974, 1978) rates the degree and level of egocentricity by providing an index of the subject’s self-concern, self-focusing and egocentricity. Exner’s scale is based on the premise that excessively high or low index scores may accompany psychopathological states and that improvement as an outcome of treatment would be characterized by level of egocentricity scores becoming more consistent with nonpatient records. Its negative correlation with the Beck Depression Inventory (BDI) supports the interpretation of a low index score as a reflection of low self-concept and dysphoric mood (Duricko et al., 1988). A measure of Rorschach Developmental Level (DL) first developed by Friedman (1953) and later modified by Becker (1956) has shown promise as a predictor of change in children. Tuber (1983) used Rorschach DL scores in conjunction with object relational assessments to best predict children’s later adjustment after longterm residential treatment. This index has been used to assess the quality and level of ego functioning in both children and adults.

The Rorschach Test as a Measure of the Developmental Process It is commonly acknowledged among mental health professionals that personality develops along multiple lines. Physical, neurological, cognitive and intellectual development, as well as the progression of human relationships, coping strategies, and gen-

10


eral styles of organizing and differentiating thoughts, wishes and feelings are all viewed as proceeding along specific patterns of progressive sophistication. The rate and substance of these progressions, in turn, contribute to the ways an individual organizes and creates his or her unique experience. Examining multiple lines of development and understanding their dynamic interplay in overall personality functioning is a necessary part of clinical work. Several core personality and therapy process constructs are particularly relevant to psychodynamically-oriented treatment. These include: quality of object relations and level of separationindividuation; quality of affective life; ego functioning; effectiveness of defensive operations and reality testing. Additionally, measures of psychosocial functioning such as self-concept/identity formation, nature and severity of symptomatology, cognitive and academic functioning are important domains to assess in order to generate a comprehensive clinical profile of a child’s adaptive and maladaptive functioning before beginning psychodynamically-oriented treatment. The Rorschach has been used to assess the nature and rate of development across all these domains. Leichtman (1996a), for example, posits the importance of exploring the Rorschach responses of preschoolers to understand both process and content, and to witness the pathways by which children become capable of taking on the task as it is intended. Understanding this developmental progression can allow us to better understand both normal child development, and also pathology in children and adults. In the same vein, Meyer and Tuber (1989) found that preschoolers with imaginary companions had this vivid inner life mirrored by a far greater number of human movement responses than comparably aged children without such companions. Between the ages of 2 and 10, children progressively become much less dominated by egocentric thought. We see increasing sophistication across affective, cognitive, and identity realms on both conscious and unconscious levels. Children’s affective lives move from global moods with no nuance,

to states that demonstrate the ability to experience multiple and complex feelings within themselves and in relation to others. Ames and colleagues (1974) showed that chronological age and specific developmental achievements have correlates in comparable Rorschach variables. By comparing empirically derived chronological milestones of children with extensive Rorschach data, they effectively cross-validated both fields of study and made a convincing case for linking Rorschach responses to a developmental framework. The greatest value of their study was that it demonstrated that expected Rorschach variables that are associated with maturity grow and develop over time whereas those that are associated with immaturity decrease over time. Wulach (1977) hypothesized that as children develop from the preoperational to the concrete level of operations, there would be a corresponding increase in the effective control of primary process ideation. His analysis of variance demonstrated significant primary process differences between preoperational, transitional and concrete operational groups, thereby linking key aspects of Piaget’s theories of cognitive development with psychodynamically-informed constructions about the nature of emotional development. Defenses also change and become more sophisticated as development proceeds. Avoidance in infancy gives way to higher levels of defense. Lerner and Lerner’s (1980) scale is relevant to the assessment of children’s defensive functioning and assessing primitive defenses, specifically splitting, idealization and devaluation, denial and projective identification, which have been hypothesized to be the hallmark of developmentally immature individuals. In a host of studies (Lerner & Lerner, 1980; Lerner, Sugarman & Gaughran, 1981; Van-Der Keshet, 1988; Gacono, 1988a; Kolers, 1986), the Lerner Defense Scale was found to be valid in distinguishing borderline patients from other types of patients, eating disordered patients from normal controls, and gender disturbed children from normal controls.


The Rorschach Test as a Measure of Psychopathology Once children are developmentally capable of attending to the task of the Rorschach within the structure of the typical administration, researchers have demonstrated a number of psychodynamic principles as they present themselves in the Rorschach of children with various disorders. The Rorschach has had a long history within various research applications, ranging from schizophreniaspectrum disorders to being used within populations looking at learning disorders and attentional issues. Holaday, Moak, and Shipley (2001) studied Rorschach protocols from 24 boys with Asperger’s Disorder matched by age to a contrast group of 24 boys with other emotional or behavioral disorders. Between group differences were assessed and compared to Exner’s (1995) normative data. They predicted that eight variables based on Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed. [DSM-IV]; American Psychiatric Association, 1994) criteria and a review of the literature for Asperger’s Disorder would discriminate between the groups, with the Asperger’s group having more extreme scores. In their findings, five variables (COP, CDI, H, M, and EA) were significantly different from the contrast group and T and WSumC were significantly different from the normative data in both the Asperger’s group and the contrast group. Holaday (2000), compared Rorschach protocols from thirty-five children and adolescents with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and thirty-five with oppositional defiant disorder (ODD). Both groups revealed significant differences from the normative tables on the same twelve variables: SCZI, DEPI, CDI, X+%, EgoC, Afr, T, EA, P, WSumC, RawSumSS, and WgtSumSS. “When young victims cannot comprehend or make sense of what has happened to them, life becomes irrational, illogical, and confusing. Exner’s SCZI does what it was designed to do: identify individuals with disordered thinking and inaccurate perception”

11

(Holaday, 2000, abstract). Acklin (1990) compared a nonclinical group of children, to a group of learning disabled children referred for psychoeducational assessment. He found that the LD group exhibited several distinct Rorschach characteristics—including problems in perceptual accuracy, inefficient visual scanning and problem-solving strategies, and avoidance of affectladen stimuli—all of which posed distinct problems for successful socio emotional adaptation. Spigelman and Spigelman (1991a) studied the relationship between parental divorce and body boundary definiteness in a group of 90 Swedish children. Nondivorce children were found to have firmer body boundaries (i.e., higher barrier and lower penetration scores) than children of divorced parents. Their findings suggest that the vulnerability of body boundaries appears to persist even years after the family breakup, indicating that for children of either sex the effects of divorce on children’s intrapsychic experience are long-term. Donahue and Tuber (1993) measured the relationship between the capacity of a group of innercity, homeless children to produce adaptive fantasy images, as assessed by the Rorschach M+ score and their performance on the Fruit Distraction Test of selective attention and Rorschach measures of reality testing (extended F+ percentage) and object relations (Mutuality of Autonomy [MOA] Scale, Urist, 1977). The sample included forty-six Black and Hispanic children (24 boys and 22 girls) who ranged in age from 5 to 13 years. The results suggest that children’s capacity to withstand severe environmental stressors is linked to their ability to produce adaptive fantasy images on the Rorschach. In a case study that utilized the Rorschach, Murray (1994) noted that the diagnosis of neurotic disturbance in children and adolescents can be an exceedingly complex decision given the impact of developmental and situational factors on aspects of personality organization and personality style. He stated that the potential for rapid regression, rapid development, and incomplete structuralization of personality organization and style, complicates our understanding of the meaning of particular symp-

12


toms or behavior. His research relied on the Rorschach and the help that it offers in sorting through these issues because of its unique ability to assess aspects of personality organization, personality style, and the impact of developmental or situational factors. Goddard and Tuber (1989) used Rorschach scales to examine the quality of thought disturbance and object relations in boys meeting the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, third edition (DSM-III; American Psychiatric Association, 1980) criteria for separation anxiety disorder (SAD). Nineteen urban, middle and low socioeconomic status (SES), SAD boys were compared to a group of fourteen male control subjects. The hypotheses of the study were that SAD boys as compared to controls would: (a) have significantly more thought disordered responses as measured by a Rorschach Thought Disorder Scale (Blatt & Ritzler, 1974), and (b) evidence significantly less adaptive object relations scale scores as measured by the Mutuality of Autonomy Scale. Results confirmed both hypotheses. The SAD group had more thought disordered responses and more disrupted object relations scores than the controls. Ideas and images of these boys were found to generally be more unstable, boundary compromised, fluid, idiosyncratic, tangential, and psychotic-like than the controls. It was concluded that these boys possess a significant potential to have thinking abnormalities that will interfere with their independent functioning. Concerning their object relations scores, the SAD subjects were found to have significantly fewer benign, adaptive object interactional percepts, and a greater number of dependent and/or clinging interactional object representations (imagery) than the controls. This study supported the viewpoint that SAD boys studied were deeply psychologically troubled. Harris and Tuber (2007) studied the Rorschach protocols of children with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) both nomothetically and idiographically. Nomothetic study revealed results which are consistent with the idea that children with ADHD symptomatology have difficulty accessing internal resources in the face of

high stimulus demand in order to recognize, process, and represent their experience. In comparison with children who had other learning and behavioral difficulties, the Rorschach protocols of children with a high number of ADHD symptoms revealed a paucity in the production of fully human percepts and human movement, and a limited access to internal ego strengths important for selfregulation. They suggest that Rorschach data interpreted within a psychodynamic framework has the potential to go beyond merely identifying the commonly understood behavioral picture of ADHD (impulsivity and restlessness), to a more nuanced understanding of these children’s ego strengths and resources. Idiographic study linked impairments specific to two children with ADHD to both their Rorschach protocols and a detailed examination of their progress in psychotherapy. Understanding the dynamics underlying ADHD children’s self-regulatory difficulties, and discerning ways in which impairments affect ADHD children’s abilities to contain affect and negotiate relationships at home and at school, give clinicians a clearer clinical picture and provides more avenues for therapeutic intervention. Leifer, Shapiro, Martone and Kassem (1991) compared sexually abused females between the ages of 5 and 16 with a comparison group of nonabused girls using the Rorschach. In addition to Exner’s (1985) Comprehensive System, the Elizur (1949) Rorschach Content Test Scale (RCT), the MOA Scale and the Barrier and Penetration Scales (Fisher & Cleveland, 1968) were used. Their findings showed that sexually abused girls demonstrate more disturbed thinking, experience higher levels of stress relative to their adaptive abilities, describe human relationships more negatively, and show increased preoccupation with sexuality than the nonabused comparison group. They additionally found that the distress experienced by the victimized children was more related to internal mediating variables then to abuse characteristics and that sexually abused girls who are cognitively and emotionally active also experienced high levels of distress compared to abused girls who are psychologi-


cally constricted (Leifer et al., 1991). A number of researchers have been able to distinguish clinical from nonclinical patients and different clinical populations from one another using Rorschach data. For example, Billingsley (1985) compared the Rorschach protocols of 18 preadolescent, sexually abused children to protocols of eighteen clinical controls. Dependent variables included responses with overt sexual contents, sexual symbols and near-sexual contents, and the results suggested that these dependent variables in combination could differentiate sexually abused children from other clinical groups. Tuber and Coates (1985) studied the Rorschach protocols of fourteen boys with gender identity disorder. Relative to the records of normal subjects, feminine boys displayed an inordinate investment in quasi-human at the expense of fully human responses. When percepts contained individuals in interaction, the preponderance of these interactions was malevolent. Boundary disturbances, as indicated by lapses of thought organization, were commonplace. Females were frequently represented in idealized, stereotypical, or caricatured ways. Last, overt gender confusion was seen in single percepts of humans. It is proposed that these results provide evidence of severely disturbed internalized object representations. As such, boyhood gender identity disorder is inextricably linked to psychopathology and not a secondary consequence of peer rejection, as has been argued by others. As described earlier, Tuber (1983) hypothesized that Rorschach measures of object relations and thought organization could help predict later adjustment. Former patients (N=70) at a child residential treatment center were followed up as adults. Object relations measures were found to be effective discriminators and predictors of later rehospitalization for boys.

The Rorschach Test as a Measure of Change During Psychotherapy The Rorschach has often been used to assess the nature of change in psychotherapy. The ability of

13

Rorschach test data to take a heuristically helpful “snapshot” of personality organization at a given point in time and to integrate this snapshot into an overall assessment of personality functioning is intrinsic to the projective hypothesis from which projective testing was first developed (Tuber, 2000). “Linking change in psychodynamic treatment to shifts in test performance or using test performance as a predictor of psychotherapeutic change may thus provide confirmation from two overlapping arenas of personality organization and growth” (Tuber, 2000 p. 286). Tuber (1992) used the MOA scale in four cases of children tested before beginning psychodynamic psychotherapy. Findings supported the use of projective test data as a method of assessing treatment progress. Key treatment paradigms were found to closely pair up with Rorschach MOA patterns. In another study looking to use the Rorschach as a measure of ego function in relation to treatment outcome, Stokes, Pogge, Powell-Lunder, Ward, Bilginer, and DeLuca (2003) investigated the treatment utility of the revision of Perry and Viglione’s (1991) Rorschach Ego Impairment Index (EII-2) in a sample of fifty-three child psychiatric inpatients. Along with the EII-2, the authors obtained parent ratings of symptomatic functioning on the Devereux Scales of Mental Disorders (DSMD; Naglieri, LeBuffe, & Pfeiffer, 1994) at admission, 30 days post-discharge, and 120 days post-discharge. The authors report that EII-2 scores correlated with initial symptom elevations on the Critical Pathology at admission, and EII-2 scores did not predict shortterm response to treatment. However, EII-2 scores demonstrated moderate correlations with long-term outcome and relapse. EII-2 was related to prediction of worsening of symptoms between 30-day and 120-day follow-up as measured by Reliable Change Index scores that were computed for the Externalizing, Internalizing, Critical Pathology, and Total DSMD scales (Stokes et al., 2003). Russ (1980) investigated the relationship between primary process integration (PPI) and achievement in second graders. Russ utilized the Rorschach protocols of fifty-one 7 and 8-year-olds,

14


scored using Holt’s Primary Process Scoring System and the Primary Reading Profile Test and academic grade average as criteria of achievement. Her hypothesis, based on psychodynamic theory, that PPI would be positively related to achievement was confirmed, and her findings showed that both PPI measures, Defense Effectiveness and Adaptive Regression, significantly related to achievement, independent of IQ. The strongest relationship was the correlation between Adaptive Regression and reading (Russ, 1980). A complete review of all Rorschach studies is beyond the scope of the present chapter. The following section discusses the use of Thematic Apperception tests in the projective assessment of children. THEMATIC APPERCEPTION TEST The Thematic Apperception Test (TAT; Morgan & Murray, 1935) has been one of the most commonly-used projective tests for both children and adults. The TAT consists of a series of picture cards, each one representing various evocative circumstances with a certain element of ambiguity. The images are in black and white and given the action of the card, the expressions of the characters or the mood of the card, a wide variety of different feelings and thoughts can be stirred in the respondent. The TAT presents the respondent with the basic requirements to tell a story, created from five questions: (1) what is happening currently, (2) what led up to the current situation, (3) what will happen in the future, (4) what the characters are thinking, and (5) what they are feeling. The story that is created by the participant is ideally considered both from the perspective of content, the “what” of the story and from the “structure” or the organization of the story. Unlike the Rorschach, which, as noted above, has an extensive and commonly-used methodology for scoring each card, the TAT does not have a universally recognized scoring system. Tomkins (1947) wrote about the history of the TAT from Morgan and Murray’s original conception (1935), and in

their original contribution, each story was to be evaluated based on four main categories: Vectors, Levels, Conditions, and Qualifiers. The vectors represented the direction that the story takes, understood as the respondent’s own wishes, feelings and strivings. The vectors were broken into subcategories, each one relating to an object of human interest. The levels were considered to be the psychological surface of function (i.e., the object description, events occurring, perceptions, intentions, thoughts, memories, feelings etc.). The conditions corresponded to the psychological, social or physical state given by the respondent. Finally, the qualifiers were the more detailed aspects of the vectors, levels or conditions, based, for example, on temporal characteristics, intensity, negation, causality, and so forth. The paradigm behind the scoring schemes was to understand the production of the responses from dimensions that captured the respondent’s own internal experiences and themes that were relevant and important in the individual’s life. As the implementation of the TAT grew over time, interpretation of the stories, either based on any given respondent or taken across many different groups of respondents, intrigued examiners as it provided access to imagination and private fantasies. As Rapaport et al. (1967) write, “. . . the organization of sufficiently large segments of communication ideational content always bears some traces of the organization of motivating forces—that is, of the personality. But as segments of communicated ideational content range from the commonplace to the idiosyncratic, the testing of ideational content can be efficacious only if it differentiates between conscious and unconscious ideational contents, motivations and attitudes” (p. 469). With this in mind, clinicians, especially when psychodynamically informed, became interested in the narratives of the TAT from the vantage point of how an individual unconsciously protects against arousing material and moves away from this content, how an individual internally forms and then engages in relationships with others and how an individual integrates and processes different emotions.


Research Investigations and the TAT While the TAT has perhaps been used most commonly as an idiographic measure of health and pathology, there has been a good deal of nomothetic research specifically aimed at studying defensive organization and the use of affect among particular populations. Cramer and her colleagues have been at the forefront of research examining the use of defenses among children, adolescents and adults, as well as the implications of defenses among particular pathologies such as Conduct Disorder, Adjustment Reaction and Adjustment Disorder (Sandstrom & Cramer, 2003; 2004). Cramer and Blatt have used her Defense Scale to measure the change of defenses such as, “Denial,” “Projection” and “Identification” following intensive psychotherapy (Cramer & Blatt, 1990). Defending against unwanted internal experiences is an unconscious process through which the unwelcome conflict or elements of distress are kept from the individual’s awareness and in turn anxiety is reduced. Many theorists who examine the use of defense mechanisms in adults have wondered about the development of such mechanisms in children. After charting children’s defensive patterns from ages 6 to 9, Cramer (1997) found that the use of denial decreased significantly at age 7 and projection increased significantly at age 8. These findings are based on research using the Cramer Defense Mechanism Manual, which indicates that there are three primary defenses in operation—Denial, Projection and Identification, with Denial being viewed as the most primitive of the defenses and Identification being the most mature. These defenses then become the umbrella concepts for more nuanced defenses within each category. Based on this scale, seven subcategories account for other defenses within each larger group. Cramer et al. have applied this measure of defense maturity to the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) across many studies to capture the state and progression of defenses among children (1987; 1988; 1990; 1997; 1998). Cramer and Brilliant (2001) also note that the shifts in the development and utilization of defens-

15

es in children depend heavily on the child’s understanding of the defense in operation. Elkind (1976) conjectured that the maturity of the defense used was based on developmental periods that the child experienced, specifically related to egocentric thinking for younger children. More specifically he posited that younger children approach the world from a development point-of-view that is an extension of their self-experience such that their egocentric structures are cast onto other’s intentions, feeling states and beliefs. From Elkind’s perspective, once a child progresses past this place on the developmental continuum, their defensive structures will advance in tandem with their cognitive prowess. Thus if defenses are considered to function on an unconscious level, then once a child were to understand that he/she was using a given defense, the defense would no longer work successfully in reducing their anxiety because of this understanding. Therefore, the more cognitively advanced the child is, the more complex a defensive structure should be in order to maintain the unconscious operation and usefulness of the defense. In a similar manner, the experience and expression of affect is also connected to both conscious and unconscious experience. Affect tolerance and expression are integral in our understanding of self and other. Much like defense operation, affective experience matures along a developmental and cognitive continuum. Thompson (1985) posits that affective life develops along developmental lines and may be manifested at different levels of maturity, from the most primitive to the most mature. Affect maturity can be understood as one’s relative capacities in experiencing and expressing feelingstates. Using the TAT, Thompson (1985) created a scale to better understand the overlap between cognition and affect. TAT responses were rated on a one to five scale, with a score of one depicting responses where affects are experienced as separate, fragmented events, a score of three describing stories that reveal unintegrated, yet simultaneous, mixed emotions and a score of five portraying fully “reversible,” enduring inner dispositions that reflect integrated emotional responsiveness.

16


In an effort to bridge the domains of psychoanalytic practice and research, Wilson et al. developed the Epigenetic Assessment Rating System (EARS; 1989) as “an empirical method that can be employed by researchers in a manner similar to how psychoanalysts listen and then respond to their patients.” The EARS system was designed in order to provide empirical referents for psychoanalytic concepts defined according to epigenetic principles, which tend to emphasize the progressive and regressive movement of clinical phenomena within a particular theoretical hierarchy of personality organization (Wilson et al., 1989). The EARS was developed for empirically identifying different levels of key dimensions of psychic structure, and to date it has been applied to three specific types of databases, all of which are narrative speech samples: TAT narratives; 5-minute speech monologues; and anecdotal relationship paradigms. The EARS is one of the few measures available that specifically looks at qualitative dimensions of affect including the capacity for affect tolerance and affect expression within narratives. Feldman and Wilson (1997) used two cards from the TAT that were defined by the authors as low arousal or high arousal (Cards 1 & 13MF) respectively, and applied the EARS along with the Children’s Depression Inventory (CDI) and the Separation Anxiety Test (SAT) to determine if mediating factors such as aggression and disorders of conduct, depression, and separation anxiety impact suicidal behavior in psychiatrically hospitalized urban minority adolescents (Feldman & Wilson, 1997). The authors note that a different subset of suicidal adolescents could be identified with the EARS and the CDI. Adolescents with lower modal EARS scores exhibited greater reactivity to separation experiences on the SAT. Specifically that, “. . . the impairment in the toleration and expression of affects, including a tendency to discharge intolerable affects through aggressive/impulsive behavior, is related to both suicidal and conduct disordered behavior. Lower psychological functioning in these areas was greater when a conduct disorder presented concurrently with suicidality” (Feldman & Wilson, 1997, p. 87). The authors

conclude that relying on depressive symptomatology alone to identify suicidality overlooks a majority of at-risk adolescents. Rather than just looking for depressive symptoms, structural personality variables as measured by the EARS identify and distinguish subsets of suicidal adolescents (Feldman & Wilson, 1997).

Syndromes/Pathology and the TAT Many researchers have also used the content of TAT narratives to better understand clinical phenomena and explore psychopathological syndromes. More specifically, the TAT has been used to determine if differences in story content could be noted amongst different diagnostic groups. Bellak (1950), in a chapter devoted to the clinical use of the TAT, outlines commonly told themes for each card that may be stirred within the subject and created in their story, as a window into their experience. McGrew and Teglasi (1990) looked specifically at the structure and the content of TAT responses in the evaluation of emotionally disturbed boys in comparison to boys who were considered welladjusted. The authors indicate that the boys who were considered emotionally disturbed had a more difficult time in telling a complete and logically consistent story and found that general characteristics such as inadequate judgment in relation to cause and effect relations, inappropriate verbal expressions and difficulty in the modulation of affective expression, as indicated by extremely violent or morbid content, were more often attributed to the emotionally disturbed group (McGrew & Teglasi, 1990). In a similar design, researchers analyzed data from the TAT to explore whether aspects of object relations could identify differences between abused and nonabused groups (Ornduff et al., 1996; Rosenberg et al., 1994). These authors (see also Westen et al., 1990), found significant group differences in overall object relations assessing the TAT protocols with the Social Cognition and Object Relations Scales (SCORS; Westen et al., 1985). To examine character pathology, more specifically narcissistic character pathology among children, Weise


and Tuber (2004) used TAT protocols of elementary school-aged children and assessed the stories with the SCORS. With the TAT and SCORS, these authors found that the children struggling with narcissistic issues were also lacking in empathy, grappling with self-esteem regulation, and in poor control of their impulses or aggression. Often in the literature the TAT is paired with the SCORS to explore the connection between internal representations and level of functioning. Niec and Russ (2002) applied the SCORS-Q (Westen, 1995) to TAT responses from children between the ages of 8 and 10 years to better understand the relationship among internal representation, empathy and affective and cognitive processes in fantasy play. The authors’ findings supported a relationship between internal representations as related to empathy, helpfulness, and quality of fantasy play (Niec & Russ, 2002). With a similar projective measure, Constantino et al. (1991) looked at children and adolescent outpatients diagnosed with Attention Deficit-Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) with the Tell Me A Story test (TEMAS, 1988) in order to understand children’s responses to perceptual details and to evaluate if children with ADHD omit more details of the stimuli presented. The TEMAS, like the TAT, is a task where the respondent is asked to create a story from visual stimuli. There are twenty-three cards and scores were based on tallying omissions related to the main character, secondary character, event and setting. The relationship between omission and diagnostic group was understood by the authors to be specific to the ADHD group.

Therapy Themes and the TAT Linking projective test assessment of the multiple lines of the developmental process via the TAT with potential themes for treatment has also been a longstanding tradition in the field of psychotherapy. Assessing a single patient’s protocol and looking to TAT responses for themes from a psychodynamic perspective can inform treatment and provide the clinician with very useful data. In his case write-up

17

of “Lisa,” Tuber (2004), for example, demonstrated how the major themes from the patient’s Children’s Apperception Test protocol had broad and telling implications for her treatment as both a child and an adult. The author found consistency in Lisa’s object relations across both her testing protocol and her transferential paradigms within the analytic process during both of her analytic treatments (Tuber, 2004). OTHER PROJECTIVE TESTS Although the Rorschach and TAT are the most widely known and well-developed projective measures with children, many others exist that are considered by practitioners to be of significant clinical utility. The difficulty inherent in translating this clinical utility to a form that can be shared and applied nomothetically may be one reason that these tests so often stay under the empirical radar. This is reflected in the large discrepancy between the frequency of other projective test use being reported by clinicians and the relative dearth of their appearance in the psychological literature. A computer search using the database PsycInfo (abstracts from 1872–2007) revealed 1120 articles for the Rorschach, 263 for the TAT, and merely a handful that spoke of any other type of projective measure with children. This is in contrast to a study published in 1995 surveying clinical psychologists about their usage of various assessment measures, which found that 69 percent of respondents used the WISC-III, while 84 percent used Sentence Completion Methods, 82 percent used the Rorschach and TAT, and 80 percent used Projective Drawings (Watkins et al., 1995).

The Sentence Completion Test The projective technique of sentence completion is just what it sounds like: children are presented with a list of “stems” (the beginnings of sentences), and asked to complete each sentence using whatever words they choose, whatever comes to mind.

18


“Stems” can be just one word, such as “Girls . . .” but tend to be a few words in length, for example, “I am happiest when . . .” or “Other boys think . . .” Depending on the age of the child, and the preference of the practitioner, these items are either read aloud to the child, or the child is asked to complete a paper and pencil version of the test. Predictably, the younger the child the more likely it is that the tester will read the words aloud (Holaday et al., 2000), however some practitioners also read the test aloud with adults, so as to take note of some additional aspects of the person’s response (e.g., how long they pause before completing the sentence). While many different authors have published versions of the sentence completion test, these tests are often lumped together, and viewed by the psychological community in a generic fashion. In other words, it is the method of “sentence completion,” and not any one particular set of stems, that is valued most by the psychological community. In a survey by Holaday et al. (2000) published in the Journal of Personality Assessment, 25 percent of respondents indicated that they did not know the name of the test they use, and no one test captured more than 46 percent of the total usage. Given this, and the preponderance of sentence completion instruments available, we will just present a selection of the versions currently in use.

Incomplete Sentences Blank

Loevinger’s Sentence Completion Test/ Washington University Sentence Completion Test This 36-item test was developed specifically to measure the level of ego development based on Loevinger’s theory of personality, however, results have been found to correlate well with other measures of personality constructs. The comprehensive scoring system involves classifying each response to one of seven categories, and also yields a total rating. The test was originally designed for use with persons of 12 years of age and over, and has two slightly different versions for use with women and men. The most recent volume (Loevinger, 1998) includes, for the first time, chapters on cross-cultural assessment, along with a version of the test for children and adolescents. The test has been used to look at such concepts as family dynamics (Bell & Bell, 1982), object relations and cognitive and social functioning (Avery & Ryan, 1988), and self-reported fears (Westenberg et al., 2004). Specifically, Westenberg et al. have developed a revised version of the measure and its affiliated levels of early ego development that they believe are better suited for use with children. (Westenberg et al., 1998; Westenberg, 2001). The test has also been adapted and used with children in Japan (Watanabe & Yamamoto, 1989; Ohno, 1997) and Chile (Serrano et al., 2001).

Rotter (1951) is credited with the development of Miale-Holsopple Sentence this instrument, initially to be used as a means of Completion Test screening maladjusted high school and college students. As far as can be determined, this is the senDeveloped in 1950 (Holsopple & Miale) this 73tence completion measure most frequently used item test is bent towards measuring cultural attiwith children and adolescents. According to the test tudes, priming people with stems relating to parusage survey done by Holaday et al. (2000) the per- ents, children, sex, alcohol, achievement, authority, centages are 39 and 51 percent respectively for chil- and morality (Potash et al., 1990). It is more likely dren and adolescents. There is a scoring system that that this test is used with adolescents than with yields an overall value, based on coding the forty young children. When administered to groups of responses as positive, neutral, or containing conflict. students (aged 17–23 years) in the United States and The manual is published by the Psychological Brazil, this test detected differences with regard to Corporation, most recently in 1992. work ethic, expectations for the future, and interracial marriages (Potash et al., 1990).


Drawings Another projective technique, particularly relevant to children, involves using semi-structured art or drawing tasks for assessment. Hammer (1958) describes the basic premise—that a child’s thoughts and feelings “float into his drawings unwittingly and/or unwillingly.” One major advantage of using drawings is the nonverbal nature of the activity, which is particularly useful for young children and children with poor verbal skills. Yet the intuitive sense that these drawings are useful means of understanding children, has struggled in the quest for empirical validation. What to pay attention to— how to code drawings—has remained elusive, notwithstanding some efforts of this sort. Many clinicians describe being guided in their interpretation by the child’s associations to his own pictures, rather than by some consistent external criteria, which makes trying to develop a scoring system all the more difficult. In some ways the use of projective drawings is analogous to dream interpretation. Dream analysis is undoubtedly a worthy and robust technique used in psychodynamic psychotherapy, but the criteria a clinician uses to understand a given dream is not of the sort that can be standardized or used in a mechanistic way. At best there can be a set of guidelines for interpreting dreams. Meaning unfolds as a process between patient and therapist, through the patient’s own associations to the dream material, and within the context of each particular patient’s life. Within academic psychology, the notion of having universal meanings for particular dream content has long been discarded, and similarly linking specific aspects of drawings to unique meanings is likely unattainable. Nonetheless, attempts to empirically “prove” the value of drawings as an assessment tool has met some success, despite ongoing debate. Historically, projective drawings have most commonly been considered in relation to intelligence, learning disabilities, medical disorders, and various forms of childhood maltreatment (Psychology Info search 1872–2007).

19

Human Figure Drawings The usefulness of human figure drawings in clinical assessment is still debated, yet it remains a frequently used projective technique for those in practice. Machover was one of the first to write about the use of human figure drawing as a projective test in her seminal book, Personality Projection in the Drawing of a Human Figure, published in 1949. Since then, human figure drawings have been incorporated into more formalized projective drawing assessment techniques, some of which are described below. Human figure drawings in particular, have been found to be reliable as a measure of learning disabilities and as a predictor of the performance of learning-related behaviors (Neale & Rosal, 1993).

The House-Tree-Person The House-Tree-Person (HTP; Buck, 1948) was one of the first formalized projective drawing techniques, conceived of by Buck, who published a 120page qualitative and quantitative scoring guide in 1948 in the Journal of Clinical Psychology . In addition to the topics of investigation mentioned above, the HTP has been particularly useful in cross-cultural research, as it has been found to be free of cultural bias (Neale & Rosal, 1993). At minimum, it has been used in such countries as Ireland, Korea, France, Spain, Brazil, Mexico, and Thailand.

The Kinetic Family Drawing The Kinetic Family Drawing (KFD; Burns & Kaufman, 1970, 1972), in which the child is asked to draw a picture of everyone in his or her family doing something, is another technique used by psychologists. Understandably, the KFD is particularly relevant in studies looking at various aspects of family dynamics, for example looking at children of substance abusing parents (Holt & Kaiser, 2001; Reinert, 1999) or to understand the experience of internationally adopted children (Freidlander et al., 2000). The kinetic family drawings have been found to have solid test-retest and concurrent reliability

20


(Neale & Rosal, 1993).

The Draw-A-Person Test More recently, The Draw-A-Person: Screening Procedure for Emotional Disturbance (DAP: SPED; Naglieri, McNeish, & Bardos, 1991) has been shown to be useful as a screening measure for global psychopathology, and one with sound psychometric development (Naglieri & Pfeiffer, 1992; Trevisan, 1996; Matto, 2002). The DAP: SPED involves a child drawing three pictures: a man, a woman and a picture of him/herself. It can be administered to children individually or in groups, and there are separate directions in the manual for each type of administration. The drawings are scored along fifty-five variables, eight of which assess the structural characteristics of the drawings (e.g., size) and forty-seven which evaluate content features (e.g., facial expression). The DAP:SPED has been normed on 2,622 children in the U.S., ages 5–17, stratified along a number of demographic variables (Naglieri, McNeish, & Bardos, 1991; Garb et al., 2002). Trevisan’s (1996) review concluded that the DAP:SPED is a good initial assessment for determining whether a child may be suffering from emotional problems, to then be followed up with a much more comprehensive assessment. Similarly, Matto (2002) found it to be a significant predictor of variation in internalizing behavior disturbance.

Animal Preference The Animal Preference Test, first introduced by Van Krevelen in 1955, is another projective measure that is used more frequently in practice than the literature would suggest. Administration is very simple: Begin by asking the child, “If you could no longer be a person, what animal would you most like to be?” Follow this by asking for her second and third choice of animal she’d most like to be. Do the same for the three animals she’d least like to be. After the child has given her answers, it is illustrative for the tester to go back and inquire, one by

one, about her choices, asking why she chose this animal, and recording the verbatim response (Rojas & Tuber, 1991). Conceptually, animals are an easy target onto which children can project their emotional needs and psychological conflicts. Animals have long been used metaphorically to communicate with children. Children are used to seeing animals with human characteristics; they are in their stories, cartoons, literature and movies. They are human-like, but not human, and this distance makes it a safer forum for the child to explore their wishes and fears. This test also has the advantage of being quick, easy to administer and responded to favorably by children (Rojas & Tuber, 1991). There has been little empirical research on the Animal Preference Test, although Rojas and Tuber suggest a way of coding the responses, which they have found to be reliable, and, in conjunction with the use of the Achenbach Child Behavior Checklist (Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1986), they have demonstrated construct validity with regard to depressed and aggressive behavior (Rojas & Tuber, 1991).

Hand Test The format of the Hand Test is somewhat similar to that of TAT. The child is shown a series of cards, except in this case the cards are drawings of hands in various ambiguous positions and the child is asked to “tell what the hand might be doing.” There is also one completely blank card, for which the child is asked to “imagine a hand and tell what it might be doing.” Including the blank card, a total of ten cards are presented. The Hand Test has the advantages of being brief (rarely more than 10 minutes), and being nonthreatening, which makes it particularly suitable for use with children (Hilsenroth & Sivec, 1990). Wagner (1962) advocated using hand positions as the basis for a projective test because he saw, “hand movement and attitude as being a basic means of orientation in one’s immediate psychosocial environment” (Hoover, 1978, p. 129). Hands are a crucial way of interacting with both the social and


physical world, and they help establish and maintain contact with reality (Hoover, 1978). The Hand Test has been suggested to represent a cross between the Rorschach and TAT. It employs an intermediate level of ambiguity, with responses perhaps closer to those of the Rorschach, but which, like the TAT, are less dependent on a formal scoring system for interpretation. Wagner’s published Hand Test manual (1962; 1983; 1986; 1991) contains fifteen quantitative scores and seven summary scores. Based on this scoring system, the Hand Test has been used to study children across a variety of different settings and of varying clinical characteristics. Smith et al. (2005) conclude that the Hand Test has been found to be useful in the assessment of personality, behavioral problems and aggression in children and adolescent psychiatric and nonpatient populations. In particular, the Pathology and Acting Out Score summary variables and the Aggression score have been able to differentiate between children with and without significant behavioral and emotional concerns (Smith et al., 2005). The Hand Test has also been used to assess pediatric medical patients, and a recent study by Smith et al. (2005) found the Aggression, Withdrawal and Pathological scores, but not the Crippled variable, distinguished medically ill children from those with psychological disturbance. NEW DIRECTIONS There is a primary reason projective tests are still widely used today, in spite of all the psychometric criticism they have endured; a reason they are still used in schools, in hospitals, and in private psychotherapy offices. And it is this: although the measures may be imperfect, the theoretical basis for the projective approach is solid and has a rich history. Deeply grounded in psychodynamic theory is the idea that when presented with ambiguous stimuli we project onto them parts of our inner and perhaps unconscious worlds. Practitioners continue to use projective measures in the context of assess-

21

ment due to the clinical wisdom and insight the material provides. That there are not yet many sufficiently valid ways of quantifying the information these tests provide, does not mean that they do not provide valid information. As Hammer (1958) writes, “every act, expression, or response of an individual—his gestures, perceptions, feelings, selections, verbalizations, or motor acts—in some way bears the stamp of his personality.” (p. 5) The implication of this is that projective material is everywhere, and that our challenge is to capture this material in a way that allows for meaningful comparisons and generalizable findings. The road is open for new projective measures that will help to operationalize core tenets of psychodynamic theory and aid in the assessment of personality and psychopathology. Coulacoglou’s Fairy Tale Test holds much promise in this regard.

The Fairy Tale Test The Fairy Tale Test (Coulacoglou, 2003) is a novel way of accessing the inner lives of children through structured fantasy and storytelling. It follows in the tradition of the thematic tests, as in the TAT children’s responses to questions reflect psychological themes. The characters and events of the story provide a palette for the child’s projection of feelings, conflicts and wishes, and thus a framework through which personality dynamics can be viewed. The FTT has the advantage of using stories that many children are familiar with (Little Red Riding Hood, Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs) and the child need only reflect on an already-existing story, rather than make up his or her own. By their nature, fairy tales, and particularly the ones included in the FTT, contain such themes as, “affection, envy, aggression and violence, orality, sexuality, narcissism, mother-child relationship, oedipal feelings, rejection, death, and resurrection and rebirth,” all central players in psychodynamic theory (Coulacoglou, 2003, p. 4). The FTT was designed for, and has been normed on, school-aged children between 6 and 12 years of age, based on the idea during this age range fairy

22


tales figure most prominently into children’s lives and memory. Because the FTT depends on prior knowledge of the content of the fairy tales, the child’s first task is to narrate the stories of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White and the Seven Drawfs . If the child does not demonstrate familiarity with the fairy tales, the test is rescheduled, and the child is given at least a week to read and learn the fairy tales. The FTT consists of seven sets of stimulus cards, with three cards per set. Each card in the set depicts a different version of a fairy tale character or scene. The three pictures differ just enough to vary in emotional flavor and valence, usually by alteration in facial expressions or body postures of the character(s). For each set, the child is presented with all three cards at once, and then asked questions which require him or her to make choices based on the different portrayals of a certain aspect of the fairy tale. The FTT includes an interview guide—a form used to administer the test—complete with both the questions and space to record responses. The comprehensive FTT manual encourages, and provides detailed instructions for the interviewer to follow-up original questions with queries, when further clarification or completion of a child’s response is necessary. The FTT provides a means for interpreting the protocol based on twenty-nine standardized quantitative subscales, as well as across many qualitative dimensions. The manual is complete with examples of common responses, case studies, and reports on the psychometric properties of the FTT. The FTT is estimated to take, on average, 45 minutes to administer, 30 minutes to score fully, and 15 minutes for interpretation. Like the TAT, many of the questions ask about the thoughts and feelings of the characters. The child is first asked how each version of the character thinks and feels. Unlike the TAT, the Fairy Tale test asks more directive follow-up questions that provide additional, more easily quantifiable, material for comparison. For example, after asking about the thoughts and feelings of the three versions of Snow White’s wicked witch, the child is asked “which of the three is the one in the fairy tale?” and

to explain why. This is followed by the series of, “Which of the three scares you most, Why?” “Which is the most wicked, Why?” and “What can a wicked witch do?” The last question for the set even asks the child to make up a name for each witch. Similar to the logic behind the Animal Preference Test, the fantastical nature of the characters—that they are human-like but not human— makes them easy targets for projection. This may prove to be of particular benefit with children, who may more freely project onto these human-like characters than onto pictures of actual humans. For the child, the underlying rationale and desired content may be more disguised in the FTT than in other thematic projective tests. This is always a desired quality for a projective test, and in fact is one of the general advantages of using projective measures. The guiding principle is, the less the child is aware of and able to monitor what he is revealing about himself, the more he will reveal. REFERENCES Achenbach, T. M., & Edelbrock, C. (1986). Manual for the Child Behavior Checklist and Revised Child Behavior Profile . Burlington, VT: University of Vermont, Department of Psychiatry. Acklin, M. A., (1990). Personality dimensions in two types of learning-disabled children: A Rorschach study. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54 (1-2), 67–77. Ames, L. B. (1974). Calibration of aging. Journal of Personality Assessment, 38, 504–519. Avery, R. R., & Ryan, R. M. (1988). Object relations and ego development: Comparison and correlates in middle childhood. Journal of Personality, 56 (3), 547–569. Bell, L. G., & Bell, D. C. (1982). Family climate and the role of the female adolescent: Determinants of adolescent functioning. Family Relations: Journal of Applied Family & Child Studies, 31 (4), 519–527. Bellak, L. (1950). The Thematic Apperception Test in clinical use. In L. E. Abt & L. Bellak (Eds.), Projective tests in clinical psychology . New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Billingsley, R. C. (1995). Indicators of sexual abuse in children’s Rorschach responses: An exploratory study. Journal of Sexual Abuse, 4, 83–98.

A Review of Projective Tests for Children Blatt, S., & Ritzler, B. (1974). Thought disorder and boundary disturbances in psychosis. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 42, 370–381. Blatt, S., & Tuber, S. (1990). Representation of interpersonal interactions on the Rorschach and level of psychopathology. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54, 711–728. Buck, J. N. (1948). The H-T-P technique: A qualitative and quantitative scoring manual. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 4, 317–396. Burns, R. C., & Kaufman, S. (1970). Kinetic family drawings (K-F-D): An introduction to understanding children through kinetic drawings . Harvard; Oxford, England: Brunner/Mazel. Burns, R. C., & Kaufman, S. (1972). Actions, styles and symbols in kinetic family drawings (K-F-D): An interpretative manual . Harvard; Oxford, England: Brunner/Mazel. Coates, S., & Tuber, S. (1988). The representation of object relations in the Rorschachs of extremely feminine boys. In: H. Lerner & P. Lerner (Eds.), Primitive mental states and the Rorschach . Madison, CT: International Universities Press, Inc, 647–664. Constantino, G., Colon-Malgady, G., Malgady, R. G., & Perez, A. (1991). Assessment of attention deficit disorder using a thematic apperception technique. Journal of Personality Assessment, 57 (1), 87–95. Constantino, G., Malgady, R., & Rogler, L.H. (1988). Tell- Me-A-Story TEMAS manual . Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Coonerty, S. (1986), An exploration of separation-individuation themes in the borderline personality disorder. Journal of Personality Assessment, 50, 501–511. Coulacoglou, C. (2003). Fairy Tale Test (FTT) . New York: Multi-Health Systems Inc. Cramer, P. (1987). The development of defense mechanisms. Journal of Personality, 55, 597–614. Cramer, P. (1997). Evidence for change in children’s use of defense mechanisms. Journal of Personality, 65, 233–247. Cramer, P., & Blatt, S. J. (1990). Use of the TAT to measure change in defense mechanisms following intensive psychotherapy. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54, 236–251. Cramer, P., & Block, J. (1998). Preschool antecedents of defense mechanism use in young adults. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 74, 159–169. Cramer, P., & Brilliant, M. A. (2001). Defense use and defense understanding in children. Journal of Personality, 69, 297–322.

23

Cramer, P., & Gaul, R. (1988). The effects of success and failure on children’s use of defense mechanisms. Journal of Personality, 56, 729–742. Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, fourth edition (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, third edition (DSM-III; American Psychiatric Association, 1980). Diamond, D., Kaslow, N., Coonerty, S. & Blatt, S. J. (1990). Changes in separation-individuation and intersubjectivity in long term treatment. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 7 (3), 363–397. Donahue, P., & Tuber, S. (1993). Rorschach adaptive fantasy images and coping in children under severe environmental stress. Journal of Personality Assessment, 60, 421–434. Donahue, P., & Tuber, S. (1995). The impact of homelessness on children’s levels of aspiration. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, 59, 249–255. Duricko, A. J., Norcross, J. C., & Buskirk, R. D. (1989). Correlates of the Egocentricity Index in child and adolescent outpatients. Journal of Personality Assessment, 53, 184–187. Elkind, D. (1976). Cognitive development and psychopathology: Observations on egocentrism and ego defense. In E. Shopler & R. J. Reichler (Eds.), Psychopathology and child development . New York: Plenum Press. Exner, J. E., Jr. (1978). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system: Vol. 2 . Current research and advanced interpretation. New York: Wiley. Exner, J. (1974). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system, Vol. 1. New York: Wiley. Exner, J. E., Jr., Thomas, E. A., & Mason, B. A., (1985). Children’s Rorschach’s: Description and prediction. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49, 13–20. Exner, J. (1995). A Rorschach workbook for the comprehensive system (4th ed.). Asheville, NC: Rorschach Workshops. Fairbairn, W. R. D. (1952). An object-relations theory of the personality . New York: Basic Books. Feldman, M., & Wilson A. (1997). Adolescent suicidality in urban minorities and its relationship to conduct disorders, depression, and separation anxiety. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 36 (1), 75–84. Fisher, S., & Cleveland, S. E. (1968). Body image and personality . Princeton, NJ: Van Nostrand. Fowler, J. C., Hilsenroth, M. J., & Handler, L. (2000).

24


Martin Mayman’s Early Memories Technique: Bridging the gap between personality assessment and psychotherapy. Journal of Personality Assessment, 75 (1), 18–32. Freidlander, M. L., Larney, L. C., & Skau, M. (2000). Bicultural identification: Experiences of internationally adopted children and their parents. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 47 (2), 187–198. Freud, A. (1936). The Ego and the Mechanisms of Defense . London: Hogarth. Freud, S. (1923). Jenseits des Lustprinzips (Beyond the Pleasure Principle). Vienna, Austria: Internationaler Psychoanalytischer Verlag. Gacono, C. & Meloy, J. R. (1988a). Comments on the relationship between cognitive style and defensive process in the psychopath. E.D.I.T. Newsletter . Minnetonka, MN. Gacono, C. (1988b). A Rorschach analysis of object relations and defensive structure and their relationship to narcissism and psychopathy in a group of antisocial offenders . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, United States International University. Garb, H. N., Wood, J. M., Lilienfeld, S. O., & Nezworski, M. T. (2002). Effective use of projective techniques in clinical practice: Let the data help with selection and interpretation. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 33 (5), 454–463. Gluckman, E., & Tuber, S. (1996). Object representations, interpersonal behavior and their relation to the dream reports of latency-aged girls. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, 60, 102–118. Goddard, R., & Tuber, S. (1989). Boyhood separation anxiety disorder: Thought disorder and object relations psychopathology as manifested in Rorschach imagery. Journal of Personality Assessment, 53, 239–252. Gunderson, J. G., and Singer, M. T. (1975). Defining borderline patients: An overview. American Journal of Psychiatry, 132, 1–10. Hammer, E. F. (1958). The clinical application of projective drawings . Springfield: Thomas. Harris, B. & Tuber, S. (submitted for publication, Journal of Personality Assessment ). Affect regulation in children with ADHD: A Rorschach Investigation. Harris, B., Reynoso, J., Meehan, K., Ueng-McHale, J. and Tuber, S. A child with ADHD: Convergences of Rorschach and case material (in press, Journal of Infant, Child and Adolescent Psychotherapy ). Hartmann, H. (1939). Ego psychology and the problem of adaptation . New York: International Universities Press.

Hilsenroth, M. J., & Sivec, H. J. (1990). Relationships between Hand Test variables and maladjustment in school children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 55 (1&2), 344–349. Holaday, M., (2000). Rorschach protocols from children and adolescents diagnosed with posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Personality Assessment, 75, 143–157. Holaday, M., Moak, J., Shipley, M. A., (2001). Rorschach protocols from children and adolescents with Asperger’s Disorder. Journal of Personality Assessment, 76, 482–495. Holaday, M., Smith, D. A., & Sherry, A. (2000). Sentence completion tests: A review of the literature and results of a survey of members of the Society for Personality Assessment. Journal of Personality Assessment, 74 (3), 371–383. Holsopple, J. Q., & Miale, F. R. (1950). Sentence completion: A projective method for the study of personality . Springfield, IL: Thomas. Holt, E. S., & Kaiser, D. H. (2001). Indicators of familial alcoholism in children’s kinetic family drawings. Art Therapy, 18 (2), 89–95. Hoover, T. O. (1978). The Hand Test: fifteen years later. Journal of Personality Assessment, 42 (2), 128–138. Kernberg, O. (1976). Object relations theory and clinical psychoanalysis . New York: Jason Aronson. Klein, M. (1932). The psycho-analysis of children . London: Hogarth. Knight, R. (1953). Borderline States. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, 17, 1–12. Kolers, N. (1986). Some ego functions in boys with gender identity disturbance . Unpublished doctoral dissertation. York University. Krohn, A. & Mayman, M. (1974). Object-representations in dreams & projective tests. Bulletin of the Menninger Clinic, 38, 445–446. Krohn, A. (1974). Borderline empathy and differentiation of object representations: A contribution to the psychology of object relations. International Journal of Psychoanalytic Psychotherapy, 3, 142–165. Leichtman, M. (1996a). The nature of the Rorschach task. Journal of Personality Assessment, 67, 478–493. Leichtman, M. (1996b). The Rorschach: A developmental perspective . Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press. Leifer, M., Shapiro, J. P., Martone, M. W., & Kassem, L. (1991). Rorschach assessment of psychological functioning in sexually abused girls. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56, 14–28. Lerner H. D., Sugarman A., & Gaughran J. (1981).

A Review of Projective Tests for Children Borderline and schizophrenic patients. A comparative study of defensive structure. Journal Nervous Mental Disorders, 169, 705–711. Lerner, P. & Lerner, H. (1980). Rorschach assessment of primitive defenses in borderline personality structure. In: J. Kwawer, H. Lerner, P. Lerner & A. (Eds.), Borderline Phenomena and the Rorschach Test . Lerner, P. M. (1990). Rorschach assessment of primitive defenses: A review. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54 (1&2), 30–46. Lerner, P. M. (1998). Psychoanalytic perspectives on the Rorschach . Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press, Inc. Lerner, P. M., (1981). Cognitive aspects of the (c) response in the Rorschach records of patients with severe character pathology . Paper presented to the International Rorschach Congress, Washington, D.C. Loevinger, J. (1998). Technical foundations for measuring ego development: The Washington University Sentence Completion Test . Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers. Machover, K. (1949). Personality projection in the drawing of a human figure . Springfield: Thomas. Mahler, M., Pine, F. & Bergman, A. (1975). The psychological birth of the human infant . New York: Basic Books. Matto, H. C. (2002). Investigating the validity of the Draw-A-Person: Screening Procedure for Emotional Disturbance: A measurement validity study with highrisk youth. Psychological Assessment, 14 (2), 221–225. McGrew, M. W., Teglasi, H. (1990). Formal characteristics of Thematic Apperception Test stories as indices of emotional disturbance in children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54 (3-4), 639–55. Meyer, G., & Kurtz, J. (2006). Advancing personality assessment terminology: Time to retire “objective” and “projective” As personality test descriptors. Journal of Personality Assessment, 87 (3), 223–225. Meyer, J. & Tuber, S. (1989). Intrapsychic and behavioral correlates to the phenomenon of imaginary companions in young children. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 6, 151–168. Morgan, C. D., & Murray, H. A. (1935). A method for investigating fantasies: The Thematic Apperception Test. Archives of Neurology and Psychiatry, 34, 289–306. Murray, J. F. (1992). Toward a synthetic approach to the Rorschach: The case of a psychotic child. Journal of Personality Assessment, 58, 494–505. Murray, J. F. (1994). The Rorschach and diagnosis of neurotic conditions in children and adolescents: A case study. Journal of Personality Assessment, 63, 39–58.

25

Naglieri, J. A., & Pfeiffer, S. I. (1992). Performance of disruptive behavior disordered and normal samples on the Draw A Person: Screening procedure for emotional disturbance. Psychological Assessment, 4 (2), 156–159. Naglieri, J. A., McNeish, T. J., & Bardos, A. N. (1991). Draw-A-Person: Screening procedure for emotional disturbance . Austin, TX: ProEd. Neale, E. L., & Rosal, M. L. What can art therapists learn from the research on projective drawing techniques for children? A review of the literature. Arts in Psychotherapy, 20 (1), Special issue: Research in the creative arts therapies, 37–49. Niec, L. N., & Russ S. W. (2002). Children’s internal representations, empathy, and fantasy play: A validity study of the SCORS-Q. Psychological Assessment, 14 (3), 331–338. Ohno, K. (1997). What children think about their growth: The sense of growth and Loevinger’s ego developmental level. Japanese Journal of Psychology, 68 (2), 95–102. Ornberg, B., & Zalewski, C. (1994). Assessment of adolescents with the Rorschach: A critical review. Assessment, 1, 209–217. Ornduff, S. R., & Kelsey, R. M. (1996). Object relations of sexually and physically abused female children: A TAT analysis. Journal of Personality Assessment, 66, 91–105. Perry, W., & Viglione, D. (1991). The Ego Impairment Index as a predictor of outcome in melancholic depressed patients treated with tricyclic antidepressants. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56, 487–501. Potash, H. M., de Fileo Crespo, A., Patel, S., & Ceravolo A. (1990). Cross-cultural attitude assessment with the Miale-Holsopple Sentence Completion Test. Journal of Personality Assessment, 53 (3&4), 657–662. Rapaport, D. (1950/1967). Theoretical implications of diagnostic testing procedures. In M. Gill, (Ed.), The Collected Papers of David Rapaport . New York: Basic Books, 334–356. Rapaport, D., Gill, M., & Schafer, R. (1946). Diagnostic psychological testing (Vol. 2). Chicago: Year Book Publishers. Reinert, D. F. (1999). Group intervention for children of recovering alcoholic parents. Alcoholism Treatment Quarterly, 17 (4), 15–27. Reynoso, J. Meehan, K. Ueng-McHale, J., Harris, B., & Tuber, S. (in preparation for Journal of Personality Assessment ). Ego deficits, self-regulation and object relations in children with ADHD .

26


Rojas, E. B., & Tuber, S. (1991). The Animal Preference Test and its relationship to behavioral problems in young children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 57 (1), 141–148. Rosenberg, S., Batt. S., Oxman, T., McHuge, G., & Ford, R. (1994). Assessment of object relatedness through a lexical content analysis of the TAT. Journal of Personality Assessment, 63, 345–562. Rotter, J. B. (1951). Word association and sentence completion methods. In A. I. Rabin & M. R. Haworth (Eds.), Projective techniques with children (pp. 279–310). New York: Prentice Hall. Russ, S. W. (1980). Primary process integration on the Rorschach and achievements in children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 44, 338–344. Russ, S. W. (1981). Primary process integration on the Rorschach and achievement in children: A follow-up study. Journal of Personality Assessment, 45, 473–477. Russ, S. W. (1988). Primary process thinking, divergent thinking, and coping in children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 52, 539–548. Russ, S. W. (1998). Play, creativity, and adaptive functioning: Implications for play interventions. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 27 (4), 469–480. Russ, S. W., & Grossman-McKee, A. (1990). Affective expression in children’s fantasy play, primary process thinking on the Rorschach, and divergent thinking. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54 (3&4), 756–771. Sandstrom, M. J., & Cramer, P. (2003). Defense mechanisms and psychological adjustment in childhood. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 191(8), 487–495. Sandstrom, M.J., & Cramer, P. (2004). Defense mechanisms in adolescent conduct disorder and adjustment reaction. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 192, 139–145. Seja, A. L., & Russ, S. W. (1999). Children’s fantasy play and emotional understanding. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 28 (2), 267–277. Serrano, T., Florenzano, R., Ben-Dov, P. (2001). A Chilean adaptation of Jane Loevinger’s test to measure ego development (WUSCT Washington University Sentence Completion Test). Psykhe: Revista de la Escuela de Psicología, 10 (2), 117–128. Shapiro, J. P., Leifer, M., Martone, M. W., & Kassem, L. (1990). Multimethod assessment of depression in sexually abused girls. Journal of Personality Assessment, 55, 234–248 Slade, A. (1994). Making meaning and making believe: Their role in the clinical process. In Slade, A. and

Wolf, D. P., (Eds.), Children at Play (pp. 81–107). New York: Oxford University Press. Smith, N. M. (1981). The relationship between the Rorschach whole response and level of cognitive functioning. Journal of Personality Assessment, 45 (1), 13–19. Smith, S. R., Blais, M. A., Vangala, M., & Masek, B. J. (2005). Exploring the Hand Test with medically ill children and adolescents. Journal of Personality Assessment, 85 (1), 82–91. Spigelman, A., & Spigelman, G. (1991a). The relationship between parental divorce and the child’s body boundary definiteness. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56, 96–106. Spigelman, A., & Spigelman, G. (1991b). Indications of depression and distress in divorce and nondivorce children reflected by the Rorschach Test. Journal of Personality Assessment, 57, 120–129. Spigelman, G., Spigelman, A., & Englesson, I. (1991). Hostility, aggression, and anxiety levels of divorce and nondivorce children as manifested in their responses to projective tests. Journal of Personality Assessment, 56, 438–452. Sprohge, E., Handler, L., Plant, D. D., & Wicker, D. (2002). A Rorschach study of oral dependence in alcoholics and depressives. Journal of Personality Assessment, 79 (1), 142–160. Stern, D. (1985). The interpersonal world of the infant . New York: Basic Books. Stokes, J. M., Pogge, D. L., Powell-Lunder, J., Ward, A. W., Bilginer, L., & DeLuca, V. A. (2003). The Rorschach Ego Impairment Index: prediction of treatment outcome in a child psychiatric population. Journal of Personality Assessment, 81(1), 11–19. Stricker, G., & Healey, B. J. (1990). Projective assessment of object relations: A review of the empirical literature. Psychological Assessment, 2 (3), 219–230. Thompson, A. E. (1985). An object relational theory of affect maturity: Applications to the Thematic Apperception Test . Tomkins, S. (1947). The Thematic Apperception Test. The theory and technique of interpretation . New York: Grune & Stratton. Trevisan, M. S. (1996). Review of the Draw a Person: Screening procedure for emotional disturbance. Measurement & Evaluation in Counseling & Development, 28 (4), 225–228. Tuber, S. (1983). Children’s Rorschach scores as predictors of later adjustment. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 51, 379–385. Tuber, S. (1988). An extension of the Mutuality of

A Review of Projective Tests for Children Autonomy Scale in the assessment of children’s Rorschachs. In: H. Lerner & P. Lerner, (Eds.), Primitive Mental States on the Rorschach (pp. 655–666). New York: International Universities Press. Tuber, S. (1989). Children’s Rorschach object representations: Findings for a nonclinical sample. Psychological Assessment, 1, 149–149. Tuber, S. (1989). Empirical and clinical considerations in the assessment of children’s Rorschach object representations. Bulletin of The Menninger Clinic, 53, 432–441. Tuber, S. (1992). Empirical and clinical assessments of children’s object relations and object representations. Journal of Personality Assessment, 58, 179–191. Tuber, S. (2000). Projective testing as a post-hoc predictor of change in psychoanalysis: The case of Jim. In J. Cohen, & Cohler, B. J. (Eds.), The psychoanalytic study of lives over time: Clinical and research perspectives on children who return to treatment in adulthood (pp. 283–308). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Tuber, S. (2004). Projective testing as a heuristic “snapshot” of themes in child and adult psychoanalysis: The case of Lisa. Journal of Infant, Child and Adolescent Psyc hotherapy, 3, 486–508. Tuber, S., & Coates, S. (1985). Interpersonal phenomenon in the Rorschachs of feminine boys. Psychoanalytic psychology, 2, 251–261. Tuber, S., & Coates, S. (1989). Indices of psychopathology in the Rorschachs of boys with severe gender identity disorders: A comparison with normal control sub jects. Journal of Personality Assessment, 53, 100–112. Tuber, S., Harris, B., Meehan, K., Reynoso, J., & UengMchale, J. (2006). Rorschach configurations of children with ADHD. In S. Smith & L. Handler, (Eds.), The clinical assessment of children and adolescents: A practitioner’s guide (pp. 451–468). New Jersey: Erlbaum Publishers. Tuber, S., Santosetefano, S., & Frank, M. (1989). The anticipation of impending surgery: Shifts in object representational paradigms. Bulletin of The Menninger Clinic, 53, 501–511. Urist, J. (1977). The Rorschach test and assessment of object relations. Journal of Personality Assessment, 41, 3–9. Urist, J., & Shill, M. (1982). Validity of the Rorschach Mutuality of Autonomy Scale: A replication using excerpted responses. Journal of Personality Assessment, 46, 451–454. Van Krevelen, D. A. (1995). The use of Pigem’s test with

27

children. Journal of Projective Techniques, 19, 292–300. Van-Der Keshet, Y. (1988). Anorexic patients and ballet students: A Rorschach analysis . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Toronto. Wagner, E. E. (1962). Hand Test: Manual for administration, scoring, and interpretation . Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Wagner, E. E. (1983). The Hand Test manual (Rev. ed.). Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Wagner, E. E. (1986). Hand Test interpretation for children and adolescents. In A. I. Rabin (Ed.), Projective techniques for adolescents and children (pp. 279–305). New York: Springer. Wagner, E. E. (1991). Hand Test manual supplement: Interpreting child and adolescent responses . Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Watanabe, M., & Yamamoto, R. (1989). Making a test of ego development using Sentence Completion Method: Translating and simplifying the Loevinger’s WU-SCT. Japanese Journal of Educational Psychology, 37 (3), 286–292. Watkins, C. E., Jr., Campbell, V. L., Nieberding, R., & Hallmark, R. (1995). Contemporary practice of psychological assessment by clinical psychologists. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 26 (1), 54–60. Weise, K., & Tuber, S. (2004). The self and object representations of narcissistically disturbed children: An empirical investigation. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 21, 244–258. Westen, D. (1995). Revision of Social Cognition and Objects Relations Scale: Q-Sort for projective stories (SCORS-Q) . Unpublished manuscript, Department of Psychiatry, Cambridge Hospital and Harvard Medical School, Cambridge, MA. Westen, D., Lohr, N. E., Silk, K., Gold, L., & Kerber, K. (1990). Object relations and social cognition in borderlines, major depressives, and normals: A Thematic Apperception Test analysis. Psychological Assessment, 2, 355–364. Westen. D., Lohr, N., Silk, K., Kerber, K., & Goodrich, S. (1985). Object relations and social cognition TAT scoring manual . Ann Arbor. University of Michigan. Westenberg, P. M., Drewes, M. J., & Goedhart, A. W. (2004). A developmental analysis of self-reported fears in late childhood through mid-adolescence: Socialevaluative fears on the rise? Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 45 (3), 481–495. Westenberg, P. M., Jonckheer, J, & Treffers, P. D. (1998).

28


A ego development in children and adolescents: Another side of the impulsive, self-protective, and conformist ego levels. In: P. M. Westenberg, A. Blasi, & L. D. (Eds.), Personality development: Theoretical, empirical, and clinical investigations of Loevinger’s conception of ego development (pp. 89–112). Mahwah, NJ, US: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Publishers. Westenberg, P. M., van Strien, S. D., & Drewes, M. J. (2001). Revised description and measurement of ego development in early adolescence: An artifact of the written procedure? Journal of Early Adolescence, 21(4), 470–493.

Wilson, A., Passik, S., Kuras, M. (1989). An epigenetic approach to the assessment of personality: The study of instability in stable personality organizations. In: C. Spielberger & J. Butcher, (Eds.), Advances in Personality Assessment . Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Winnicott, D. W. (1958). Through paediatrics to psychoanalysis . London: Hogarth. Winnicott, D. W. (1971). Playing and reality . Middlesex, England: Penguin. Wulach, J. S. (1977). Piagetian cognitive development and primary process thinking in children. Journal of Personality Assessment, 41, 230–237.0

Chapter 2 FAIRY TALES AS BUILDING BLOCKS: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST CARINA COULACOGLOU formations and retellings of fairy tales.

INTRODUCTION

T

he development of the Fairy Tale Projective Test for children (1989–1993) is the outcome of my doctoral dissertation at the University of Exeter, which followed laborious research on the relationship between fairy tales and child development issues (Coulacoglou, 1987). This research study led me to seek more practical and specific ways to employ fairy tales within the field of personality assessment. My main source of inspiration, however, was Bettelheim’s The Uses of Enchantment (1976), which made me search for ways to study empirically his notions about the ways fairy tales affect children and the extent to which children identify with characters and plot. Consequently, I decided to develop a projective personality test for children. Two people played a crucial role in concretizing this idea: the artist and illustrator of the test cards, Anthony Glykos, and the supervisor of my thesis, renowned psychometrician Professor Paul Kline. The construction of the test rests mainly on the association between fairy tales and unconscious processes. This association was deduced from various sources, including the origins and the evolution of the tales, the relationship between fairy tales and unconscious processes, the specific characteristics of fairy tales, the relationship between fairy tales and child development, the aggression and violence in fairy tales, the use of fairy tales in psychotherapy, nostalgic thoughts about fairy tales, and the trans-

Origins and Functions of the Fairy Tale This chapter requires definitions of the three main oral genres of folklore—namely, the myth, the legend, and the fairy tale. Myths are narratives that are considered true and are about gods or supernatural beings, from whose experiences humans can draw moral lessons. Legends generally recount extraordinary events in the lives of ordinary humans. These events frequently follow an encounter with the supernatural. In contrast to myths and legends, fairy tales are narratives of magic and fantasy and are understood as works of fiction (Zipes, 2000). Where do fairy tales come from? What inspired the tellers to create these stories? When did they first appear? Fairy tales began as oral folktales, although it is almost impossible to determine their precise chronology and origins. In his Folk Psychology (1900–1909), Wundt (1908) points out that the fairy tale is the oldest of all narrative genres and reveals fundamental aspects of the primitive mind. The term “folktale” refers to any tale deriving from or existing in oral tradition. Zipes (1999) claims that oral folktales have existed for thousand of years. They have been conveyed in various ways, such as by slaves traveling from Africa to America, by soldiers returning from the Crusades, by pil29

30


grims returning from the Holy Land or Mecca, and by travelers and through commercial exchange between Europe and the East. During the Renaissance, the tales were finally written down, and therefore they became the “literary” fairy tales with which most of us are familiar. Yolen (1981/2000) explains that “once writing was established, the written word worked its own magic on the world of story” (p. 23). Famous fairy tale collections include the One Thousand and One Nights (1548), which consists of stories from India, Egypt, Arabia, and Persia; Straparola’s Pleasant Nights (1550); Basile’s The Tale of Tales (1637), also known as the Pentamerone; Charles Perrault’s Stories or Tales of Passed Times (or Tales of Mother Goose ) (1697), the title of which is considered almost synonymous with the literary fairy tale in France; and finally the tales of the Brothers Grimm, who dominated the literary world in Germany during the nineteenth century. Their famous fairy tale collection, Children’s and Household Tales, was published in two volumes in 1812 and 1815 and became a world classic. One of the major criticisms regarding the recorded texts has to do with the extent of subjectivity that interfered or altered the oral versions. Zipes (1988) argues that Perrault, during the reign of Louis XIV and the glory of Versailles, sought to make an important contribution to French culture by demonstrating, with remarkable expertise, the role of manners, sexuality, and civilité in fairy tales. Like Perrault, the Grimms imposed their own value system on the oral tradition. More specifically, they made their texts more didactic, sentimental, and moralistic. Once their printed texts were published in Germany and in other countries, the tales were reabsorbed by the oral tradition and thereby served as the basis for new oral versions that, in turn, inspired new literary works. The Grimms were criticized for revising the original texts to make them more suitable for children. For example, they changed cruel mother figures into stepmothers. Zipes (1988) notes that “the Grimms as collectors and revisers of the tales toned down or omitted some of the more cruel episodes,

but kept enough within the frame of the happy-end narratives to allow insight into real conditions” (p. 121). American folklorist and psychoanalyst A. Dundes (1989) notes that although Perrault and the Grimms modified the tales, they could not destroy them. He claims that the projective nature of famous tales, such as that of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH), has survived literary reworkings. There are various postulates regarding the origins of fairy tales and oral tales; the most popular are: 1. Fairy tales are remnants of solar or lunar myths or initiation rites (the sun-myth theory or the Aryan theory advocated by Max Muller and the Brothers Grimm). The story of LRRH is one of the most popular fairy tales and has received considerable attention from scholars. It has been considered a myth of sunset and sunrise and a seasonal ritual in which spring conquers winter. Calvetti (1980) understands LRRH’s departure from home as a rite of separation, her time in the woods as a marginal period, her being eaten by the wolf as a test of initiation, and her salvation by the hunter as her birth or admission into adult society. 2. Fairy tales are the distillate of dreams. Transformations occurring in dreams are just as plausible in fairy tales. Like the folktale, dreams usually revolve around a single person, a single problem, or a single characteristic. In tribal societies, dreams, like fairy tales, are commonly reported as real experiences. The genre of the fairy tale is manifold: fairy tales vary from culture to culture, place to place, and time to time. Jane Yolen (1981/2000) explains: “The oldest stories were transmitted and transmuted, the kaleidoscope patterns of motif changed by time and by the times, by the tellers and by the listeners, by the country in which they arose, the countries to which they were carried. The oral tales were changed by the way culture itself changes, the way

Fairy Tales as Building Blocks

traditions change” (p. 23). The nature of the fairy tales is promiscuous, omnivorous, and anarchically heterogeneous, absorbing high and low elements and tragic and comic tones into its usually simple form of narrative. Motifs and plotlines are nomadic, traversing the globe and the millennia, turning up on parchment in medieval Persia, in oral form in the Pyrenees, in a ballad in the Highlands, and in a fairy tale in the Caribbean (Warner, 1994). Many of the central plots and themes of fairy tales can be found throughout the world; the many variants of the tale of Cinderella are a typical example. The similarity between the various themes and plots may be explained by the fact that the tales express universal truths and values as well as problems and challenges faced by people throughout the world and during different periods. According to Heuscher (1974) the Grimms’ tales are the most authentic and moving portrayals of the multileveled vicissitudes of human beings. Similarly, Von Franz (1982) argues that “because the fairy tale is beyond cultural and racial differences it can migrate so easily. Fairy tale language seems to be the international language of all mankind—of all ages and of all races and cultures” (p. 18). Seifert (1996) claims that fairy tales correspond to immediate, almost universal, cultural references that reveal in succinct form some of the most significant psychic and social phenomena. Folktales were closely connected with the rituals, customs, and beliefs of tribes, communities, and trades. The tales fostered a sense of belonging and of hope that miracles were possible. They were to be shared and exchanged, used and modified, according to the needs of the individuals involved. Folktales instructed, amused, warned, initiated, and enlightened. They were the result of common experiences and beliefs. Warner (1994) writes: Fairy tales exchange knowledge between the older voice of experience and a younger audience, they present pictures of perils and possibilities that lie ahead, they use terror to set limits on choice and offer

31

consolation to the wronged, they draw social outlines around boys and girls, fathers and mothers, the rich and the poor, the rulers and the ruled, they point out the evildoers and garland the virtuous, they stand up to adversity with dreams of vengeance, power and vindication. (p. 21)

Fairy tales disregard logic and encompass a mixture of feelings and reflect universal values including hatred, envy, kindness, and forgiveness, which the tales’ originators integrated delicately. Their characters soon outlive shivering agony and suspense with conflict resolution and cherished outcomes. “The double vision of the tales, on the one hand charting perennial drives and terrors and on the other mapping actual volatile experience, gives the genre its fascination and power to satisfy” (Warner, 1994, p. XVII).

Fairy Tale Characteristics The Swiss folklorist Max Luthi (1987) considered the folktale as a particular art form. Luthi characterized the folktale by the following criteria: onedimensionality (the unproblematic movement between the real and the enchanted world); depthlessness (absence of psychological feelings or motivation on the part of the characters); abstraction (lack of realistic detail and a tendency toward extremes, contrasts, or fixed formulas); and isolation and universal connection (abstract character types with no sustained relationships to other characters). The Russian folklorist Vladimir Propp (1968) in the Morphology of the Folktale analyzed the basic plot components of Russian folktales to identify their simplest narrative units. Propp concluded that all tales have a common structure. He identified thirtyone distinct functions, which he argued dictate the structure of the folktale and can be fulfilled by the character’s actions or motives. Finally, he noted that these functions always occur in the same sequence. For the sake of brevity, I present here a simplified list of five of these functions:

32


1. There is a lack of something. 2. This lack forces the hero to go on a quest to eliminate the lack. 3. During the quest, the hero encounters a magical agent or helper. 4. The hero is subjected to one or more tests . 5. After passing the test, the hero earns a reward and the villain is punished . Fairy tales bear distinct characteristics that set them apart from myths or legends. These characteristics facilitate identification with the story and the characters, and they concern the setting, characters, plot, style, themes, and motifs. The structure of the fairy tale is characterized by clarity, compactness, and precision. Moreover, it is characterized by formulas, the expression of extremes and polarities, and the absence of distracting details. The setting includes both time and place. The time is always the far-distant past and is usually introduced by some version of “once upon a time.” The place involves castles or forests; such settings prepare children for a fascinating experience. According to Von Franz (1982), “once upon a time” or a similar opening denotes timelessness and spacelessness—the “nowhere” of the collective unconscious. The forest is quite often a special place in which anything can happen; it allows for a change in the protagonist’s destiny, an opportunity for self-discovery and transformation. It symbolizes the dark, impenetrable world of the unconscious, where all types of anxiety take form. Fairy tale characters are essentially symbolic and are usually described as flat—that is, they do not change over the course of time. In accordance with the oral tradition, the Grimms described their characters in terms of their social class, family status, or profession. Occasionally they used descriptive names such as Little Red Cap (or Riding Hood) or Snow White, or common names such as Elsa, Hansel, Gretel, or Hans to facilitate projection. Three major characteristics of fairy tale protagonists include humbleness, humility, and naiveté. Brewer (2003) refers to two additional features that

characterize fairy tale heroes: (a) kindness, in combination with humility, to the poor, the ugly, and the old, and to animals, and (b) passivity (e.g., of heroines such as Cinderella and Snow White), which often proves ultimately to be a kind of strength. Plot development is simple and lacks unnecessary scenes descriptions. Fairy tale plots raise problems of general human significance; they represent universal values, emotions, or concerns allegorically and symbolically. One reason for the worldwide appeal of fairy tales is likely their capacity to reflect everyday actualities, in particular the intricacies of social and familial relationships. The themes of fairy tales reflect universal truths and the values—many of which are still preserved today—of the people and cultures from which they originated. Most themes refer to moral and material achievements, such as the triumph of good over evil, that justice prevails, that intelligence and humility are more important than physical strength, and that kindness and hard work are rewarded. Some fairy tale themes exist in several stories from different parts of the world. For example, the theme of overcoming adversaries with cunning and bravery is present in many tales, such as “Jack the Giant Killer” (or Jack and the Beanstalk ). Similarly, the theme of being maltreated or abused by elders exists in many versions of the tale of Cinderella . Researchers use motifs to identify and analyze the similarities in tales from various cultures. Some motifs, such as supernatural beings, magical transformations, and extraordinary animals, appear to be almost universal, suggesting similar thought processes in people around the world. The Aarne-Thompson Index is a classification system for folktales. Initially developed by the Finnish folklorist Antti Aarne in 1910, the system was broadened with the collaboration of the American folklorist Stith Thompson in 1928 and revised in 1961. The principal value of the index lies in the creation of a single classification system by which culturally distinct variants are grouped together according to a common reference number. The index aims to help researchers identify the


types of tales, isolate motifs, and locate cultural variants. It is an important and long-lasting contribution to the study of folktales. Warner (1994) writes:

33

tales and attempts to explain why these magical stories continue to fascinate and enchant readers. Children identify with fairy tale characters and project upon them their feelings, wishes, or conflicts, and through this process they gradually find soluFairy tales use the story of something in the remote tions to their problems and cope with feelings of past to look towards the future, their happy endings do rejection, loneliness, or insecurity. Cashdan (1999) not bring about total closure, but make promises, maintains that fairy tales resolve inner struggles by prophesies. . . . More so than the presence of fairies, providing children a context in which to act them the moral function, the imagined antiquity and oral out. By identifying with fairy tale characters, chilanonymity of the ultimate source and the happy enddren can resolve tensions and find solutions to coning, metamorphoses, define the fairy tale. The folktale has a moral and a clearly symbolic underlying struc- flicts. “Fairy tales are the psychodramas of childhood. Beneath the surface of these fanciful excurture. (p. 35) sions into fantasy are real-life dramas that mirror Brewer (2003) maintains that fairy tales have real-life struggles” (p. 17). According to Favat (1977), children’s interest in stereotyped characters and a certain predictability of events. They embody the social wisdom of their fairy tales emerges and then declines between the community and an implicit morality or didacticism. ages of 5 to 10 years, peaking between 6 to 8 years. There is little scene description. The protagonists He examined the relationship and parallelism of commit some kind of transgression, but recover children’s interest in fairy tales and their moral and through a magical event; occasionally, there is a cognitive development. More specifically, the magical beliefs of children can take the form of wishes “happy ending.” (as in the tales of Cinderella and the Seven Ravens). Animist beliefs are evident in stories that include Fairy Tales and Children talking objects or animals. Retributive justice that is The traditional fairy tales, especially those achieved via expiatory punishment (morality of recorded by Perrault and the Brothers Grimm, constraint) abounds in fairy tales, just as harsh pun“either in their translated literal editions, or in mul- ishment awaits wrongdoers. tifarious adaptations, play a crucial role in the Children between the ages of 6 and 12 years socialization of children over much of the modern believe that others understand and share their world” (Zipes, 1988, p. 110). thoughts, aims, and desires. Just as children perAlthough fairy tales were not initially intended ceive themselves to be at the center of the universe, for children, nowadays, children’s fascination con- so does the hero of the fairy tale exist at the center firms the interplay between fairy tales and their lis- of his/her world, the events of which, however teners or readers. Fairy tales appear to leave a last- adverse initially, consistently convene to enable the ing impression on the path of the developing child. fulfillment of his/her deepest desires. What makes them so captivating and enduring? My MPhil thesis (Coulacoglou, 1987) examined Peller (1959) observed that as children grow up the way fairy tales can be employed as a means to they read fairy tales that best reflect their own psy- evaluate children’s developmental abilities. Chilchological conflicts. The opportunity to externalize dren were questioned with regards to the actions them and to identify with fairy tale characters may and behaviors of popular fairy tale protagonists. help reduce anxiety. The responses reflected issues associated with Bettelheim’s The Uses of Enc hantment (1976) is a moral, cognitive, and social cognitive development. landmark in the psychoanalytic history of fairy Specifically, the questions aimed to discover: tales. The author interprets a large number of fairy

34


1. Children’s approval or disapproval of punishment (e.g., Should Cinderella forgive her stepmother and sisters, or should she punish them?). 2. Children’s need for a motive to judge the consequences of an act (e.g., Did the queen wish to kill Snow White because she was prettier or because the queen was evil?). 3. Whether children can differentiate between what is desirable and what actually occurs in the story (e.g., Who did the father love more, Cinderella or the stepmother?). 4. How children explain a course of action that did not take place (e.g., Why didn’t Cinderella tell her father about her maltreatment by the stepmother? or Why didn’t Snow White marry one of the dwarfs?). 5. How children explain the behavior of a character in the story (e.g., Why did Snow White disobey the dwarfs and open the door?). 6. The reasons underlying the identification with specific fairy tale characters. 7. Which fairy tales themes children prefer and how they justify these preferences in relation to moral and social cognitive development (e.g., What part of the story did you like most/least?). Children’s responses to questions revealed several interesting developmental differences among the age groups and between boys and girls. For example, while 6-year-olds preferred the scene in which the hunter punishes the wolf, 11-year-olds favored the scene in which the hunter saves LRRH and her grandmother. In response to whether Cinderella should forgive or punish her stepmother and stepsisters, the majority of 6-year-olds (71%) said that she should have punished them, whereas the majority of 11-year-olds felt that Cinderella was right to forgive them. In addition, while younger children chose the most severe punishments for the victims (i.e., death), the majority of older children chose a punishment similar to what the offenders had done (e.g., make the victim sleep in the ashes), thus demonstrating their preference for punishment by

reciprocity. To explain why Cinderella hadn’t informed her father about her maltreatment by the stepmother, the majority of children responded that Cinderella was nice and did not want to indict the stepmother. Older children more frequently provided responses such as, “She did not want to upset her father” or “She was afraid of her stepmother.” The first response reflects concern for another’s feelings; older children are more able to empathize with the emotional states of others. One might explain the latter answer in terms of the ability of older children to recognize that others behave in predictable and consistent ways. When asked whom they would like to be in the story of Cinderella, 6-year-olds said the prince or Cinderella, whereas the majority of 11-year-olds identified with the doves. Although the majority of girls identified with Cinderella and the majority of boys with the prince, there were no sex differences in regard to the doves. Similar findings were observed when children were asked whom they would like to be in the story of Snow White. While the majority of children between ages 6 to 9 identified with Snow White, as children grow older, the percentage that identified with the heroine and with the prince decreases considerably. As a result, the majority of 11-year-olds identified with the dwarfs mainly because they supported and helped Snow White. Researchers have also studied the close relationship between fairy tales and children from a psychoanalytic perspective. One psychoanalytic notion that applies to pubertal children is the fantasy of “family romance.” This fantasy relates to the idea that one’s parents are not really one’s own but instead have replaced “real” parents who are of nobler origins. Such fantasies find parallels in many fairy tale plots, in which poor children discover that they are actually the sons or daughters of kings or other nobility. Protagonists in fairy tales frequently encounter and deal symbolically with Oedipal fantasies. Characteristic stories often include a young boy who has been challenged by his father “the king” to


complete difficult, seemingly insurmountable tasks and therefore is sent away, out into the world. The boy accepts the challenge, as it offers him the opportunity for great success in life. Success is the outcome of an adventurous and often hazardous journey during which the young hero faces many dangers. Primarily, he deals with them by using his wits and by accepting the assistance of friendly animals or supernatural creatures. His reward tends to be marriage to the beautiful and kind princess. When Oedipal fantasy is applied to girls, the mother is split into a pre-Oedipal good mother and an Oedipal evil stepmother or witch.

35

form of cannibalism, is represented by the wolf devouring the young heroine and her grandmother. The reason the wolf eating the young heroine is considered cannibalistic is that the wolf in fairy tales is somewhat anthropomorphic. The cannibalistic elements found in an Italian version of the tale (The Wolf and the Three Girls) are quite shocking. Here, the wolf kills LRRH’s mother, crafts a door-latch cord from her tendons, chops up her body to make a meat pie, and pours her blood into a wine bottle. The heroine then greedily, though unknowingly, consumes both the meat pie and the blood. In the fairy tale “The Juniper Tree” (a fairy tale collected by the brothers Grimm, see Tatar, 2003), “the stepmother pushed the little boy from one Aggression and Violence place to the next, slapped him here and cuffed him in Fairy Tales there so that the poor child lived in constant fear. Tatar (1992) poses the important question, “What When the unsuspected boy reaches into a chest to makes a tale about being devoured seem so attrac- get an apple, the stepmother decapitates him.” tive when in fact it is dreadful?” (p. 192). It is hard to In the tale of Hansel and Gretel, the old witch, think of a well-known traditional fairy tale that does presented as carnivorous and a child-eater, appears not contain some form of violence. Aggression and dreadful: “The old woman only pretended to be violence abound in tales, but in most cases, there is kind. Actually, she was a wicked witch, who waylaid a motive. The motives of privation or retaliation— children and she built her house out of bread to especially as a form of punishment—are conveyed as entice them. She killed, cooked, and ate any child justifiable causes for the most atrocious acts. who fell into her hands and that to her was a feast Two types of aggression tend to exist in fairy tales: day” (Tatar, 2003, page 75). In the tale of Snow White, the evil queen desires 1. Aggression—oral aggression being the most to exterminate her stepdaughter because she is commonly expressed—derives from parental more beautiful than the queen. The queen’s cannifigures, supernatural beings, or wild animals. balistic instincts are revealed when she orders the It is generally directed toward the protagonist, huntsman to kill Snow White: “Get that child out of usually a child or a weak person or animal. my sight. Take her into the forest to kill her and “Stepmothers stand as an abiding source of bring me her lungs and liver to prove you’ve done evil in countless fairy tales, and it is no acci- it” (Tatar, 1992). (Although not made explicit, it is dent that they rank among the most memo- implied that the queen hopes to become more rable villains in those tales” (Tatar, 1987, p. beautiful by consuming the organs of her beautiful 141). stepdaughter.) This primitive fantasy of incorpora2. Retaliatory aggression is most commonly tion—taking something into one’s body in order to observed in the form of punishment of wrong- appropriate aspects or qualities of the object— doers. This type of aggression is preposterous, appears latent in many fairy tales. often reaching the limits of sadism. Cruel punishments also characterize fairy tales. The villain often receives no mercy but rather radiThe story of LRRH provides a striking example cal annihilation by the hero(ine) or a third party. of the first category. In this tale, violence, in the Sadistic torture of villains occurs in several fairy

36


tales. In the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, the evil queen faces her death sentence terrified and speechless: “The moment she entered the hall she recognized Snow White and she was so terrified that she just stood there and couldn’t move. But two iron slippers had already been put into glowing coals. Someone took them out with a pair of tongs and set them down in front of her. She was forced to step into the red-hot shoes and dance till she fell to the floor dead.” The punishment that befalls the stepmother in “The Juniper Tree” is brought on by the victim, who has been transformed into a bird, when “Bam! The bird dropped a millstone on her head and crushed her to death” (Tatar, 2003). While these cruel forms of execution correspond to real punishments that have been enacted throughout history, this alone cannot account for the extent of brutality found in fairy tales. The Freudian interpretation of the myth of Cronus describes the father as the victim and the children as the perpetrators, thus implying the projection of their murderous hostility onto the father. Klein (1975) pursued and further elaborated on the role of hostility and oral aggression in the mother-child relationship. While the mother’s breast begins as a source of pleasure and gratification, it gradually becomes the target of destructive, oral-aggressive fantasies. The child later projects these fantasies onto the mother, and the child simultaneously develops the fear of being devoured. According to Róheim (1953/1992), the witch, as “bad mother,” represents the talio aspect of the child’s bodydestruction fantasies. “Aggression is combined with regression and it follows that the idea of being swallowed, being eaten, is the talio aspect of this aggression. The cannibal child creates a cannibal mother” (p. 394). In his first attempt to analyze fairy tales, Róheim (1940) draws attention to their cannibalistic components. He believes that tales such as LRRH and “The Wolf and the Seven Kids” reflect oral aggression on the part of the victims. Róheim notes that the heroine-as-wolf in LRRH first eats her grandmother and is then devoured by her grandmother-

wolf in the phase of talio-anxiety. Miller (1981) has a different approach to the interpretation of aggression in fairy tales. She claims that the origins of aggression can be found in the mechanism of identification with the aggressor and that adults take advantage of or abuse children, intentionally or unintentionally. Miller argues that the origins of perversions, addictions, and selfdestructive behaviors can be found in the abuse that the perpetrators experienced as children. She illustrates her point with the fairy tales of “The Virgin Mary’s Child” and “Rumpelstiltskin.” Returning to Tatar’s question that opened this section—“What makes a tale about being devoured seem so attractive when in fact it is dreadful?” (p. 192)—one must consider the aggression that exists within the child him- or herself, as aggression constitutes an inevitable part of human nature. Parents often try to protect their children from “external” violence; some believe that banishing fairy tales will dissolve violent behavior in their children. In playing certain games children easily alternate between the roles of aggressor and victim. Scherf (1982) cites games that employ fairy tale characters, which he believes help children control their anxieties and master their fears. In one such game, a child is designated as the witch, while the other children chant, “Old wench, why are you sleeping such a long time?” As the game continues: The witch pretends to awaken: “What time is it?” she asks. “Half goat’s tail,” they answer. “Why are the bells ringing so sweetly?” she asks. “Because your husband is dead,” shout the children with satisfaction. “Who has done this?” howls the witch. And the children scream “Me!,” “Me!,” and they rush away, the witch in hot pursuit. The child that the witch captures at the end not only is the victim, but also becomes the witch’s successor. Thus, the child-as-victim quickly transforms into the child-aspredator.


Fairy Tales and the Unconscious Freud (1900/1953) was the first to refer to the symbolic nature of fairy tales, and he often employed fairy tales to advance the analysis of dreams. According to Freud, both fairy tales and dreams reveal unconscious processes in a symbolic way. In his analysis of the Wolf Man (1918/1995), Freud indicated that the sexual anxiety expressed in his patients’ dreams shared symbolism with those observed in the tales “The Wolf and the Seven Kids” and LRRH. Ricklin (1915) further elaborated Freud’s notion that fairy tales function as a form of wish fulfillment to express repressed sexual desires. Rank (1919) proposed that fairy tales are adult projections of childhood fantasies. He examined mythological and fairy tale heroes in light of Freud’s theories on the Oedipal conflict and family romance. In the years following Rank’s research, interest in the study of fairy tales increased, and renowned analysts devoted time to studying their symbolism. Róheim (1953) claims that fairy tales are dreams that have been retold and reformulated by the dreamer. Fairy tales resemble dreams in several aspects: they deal in opposites or contrasts, they are irrational, they have manifest and latent meaning, they rely on symbolism, they expand the concept of reality, they are dramatized forms of expression, they contain sexual and cultural elements, they express wishes, and they reflect defense mechanisms such as displacement, devaluation, and overevaluation. Schwartz (1964/1994) suggests that an analytic examination of the content of a fairy tale might uncover the tale’s latent meaning and integrate it with our knowledge of psychodynamics, the development of culture, and the lifestyles in which the tale arises. As in other areas (for instance, art) containing symbols, fairy tales deal with deep perceptions, anticipations, longings, and fears. Sensations, intuitions, feelings, and thoughts are combined to provide the child with symbols in the form of concrete images. The child therefore finds the tales more understandable than other forms of commu-

37

nication. Furthermore, fairy tales contain symbols and use them in an exhortatory and instructional fashion, which makes it likely that the child will incorporate them into the developing ego. Jung’s approach to the analysis of fairy tales had a significant influence on their reception and scholarship of the genre. Freud viewed psychopathology as manifestations of the individual unconscious, yet Jung posited the existence of an impersonal collective unconscious that individuals in turn expresses in various symbolic forms such as dreams and artistic creations. Archetypes, the symbolic language of the collective unconscious, help the individual achieve self-realization or individuation. Von Franz (1982), the prominent Jungian analyst and fairy tale scholar, notes that these stories form the simplest and purest expression of collective unconscious psychic processes. One can often identify in fairy tales—as in dreams—the archetypes that serve as the structural components of the collective unconscious: birth and rebirth, death, power, magic, unity, the hero, the child, God, the demon, the wise old man, the earth mother, and the animal. All fairy tales attempt to describe one psychic reality—the self. For example, many fairy tales feature a king who has fallen ill or grown old to symbolize the initial stage in the process of individuation. A significant number of fairy tales also include motifs that represent the shadow, the anima (animus), and the persona. Heuscher’s (1974) position on the interpretation of fairy tales is a mixture of Jungian and existential psychology. He cites the usefulness of myths and fairy tales in activating the potential for healthy growth, and argues that there is no human condition, problem, or hope that these stories do not meaningfully mirror. Different types of defense mechanisms have been observed in various fairy tales, including denial in fantasy (e.g., Cramer, 1991). The tale of Hansel and Gretel features projection, whereby the children’s fear of being devoured by the witch may represent their desire to return to an early existence in which they were one with the mother (Heuscher, 1974). Therefore, the struggle between the children

38


and the witch signifies the struggle between the child and what the projection of his wish has made out of the mother. In the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, regression seems to occur when the heroine arrives at the dwarfs’ small cottage. According to Heuscher (1974), this arrival signifies the return to the oral stage of development. Dieckmann (1971) has studied extensively the relationship between fairy tales and psychoneuroses, from both a theoretical and a clinical perspective. He maintains that fairy tales can be used as a diagnostic tool to determine the neurotic-archetypal fixation.

one might establish a preliminary rapport and communication with borderline and schizophrenic patients. By considering fairy tales as metaphors, he uses fairy tale characters to communicate with his patients. The threats the child might be experiencing within the family environment, as well as to his/her ego organization, are depicted through the symbolism in the fairy tales; the child in turn is able to work through these by “maintaining a distance of the fantasy through the conscious awareness of the child” (p. 115). Furthermore, Ekstein maintains that a unique characteristic of the symbolic language used in therapy is that the therapist and the patient enter a state of “communion” that resembles the primitive mother-child fusion, in which overt verbal content is not always necessary for communication. Clinical Applications of Fairy Tales Brun, Pedersen, and Runberg (1993) employed Fairy tales have been employed in psychothera- fairy tales in psychotherapy with emotionally dispy with both children and adults. Child psychiatrist turbed children and adolescents. and analyst Lafforgue (1995) has created the “fairy Clinicians following a Jungian approach have tale workshop,” as he calls it, at a children’s hospi- also employed fairy tales in psychotherapy. tal in southern France. His aim was to apply fairy Dieckmann (1986) observed the ways that some of tales in practical ways to the therapy of psychotic his patients acted out fairy tales in their lives. More and autistic children. He uses a number of popular specifically, he studied the connections between a fairy tales, such as LRRH, the Three Little Pigs, child’s favorite fairy tale and his/her fate later in life. Hansel and Gretel, and Tom Thumb, which he Fairy tale motifs influence one’s view of self and rotates according to the stage of the therapeutic one’s environment and can dominate one’s mental process. Staff members read fairy tales to the chil- life. dren, who then act them out through role-playing, which provides the opportunity to project conflicts Nostalgic Thoughts in Fairy Tales and feelings onto specific characters. Inner or interAs people age, tender childhood memories that personal conflicts, as well as oral or anal conflicts are manifested symbolically through the role-play- are tinged with nostalgia often resurface. Below are ing and the holding environment of the institution. excerpts of two texts, by a Greek and an Indian Lafforgue reports that, in general, children are writer (respectively), which are characteristic of this inclined to employ helpful and organized experi- kind of nostalgia. ences (e.g., the appearance of the police or the Right in the midst of summer, the ancient Zeus sulked hunter to control the wolf) to manage their confuand the sad rain gathered a herd of clouds and nailed sion and restrain the aggressors. Identification with them on us. Time to go home. The thirsty earth longed the aggressor was the most commonly employed for the rain just like our hearts longed for the fairy tale. defense mechanism. Lafforgue claims that the “fairy Behind the misty glass shivering dreams are passing. tale workshop” helps psychotic children transition Sad Cinderella missing her slipper removed the curfrom the incoherence of thought to the symbolizatain: where is my treasure hiding? tion of experience. Little Red Riding Hood nests in the corner. All of a sudden the forest turns to winter. The wolf is spying Ekstein (1983) suggests that by fusing metaphors

39

Fairy Tales as Building Blocks through aging logs. We hear his howling in the stillness. Where is he coming from? The broken branches gasp under his foot. Well, dear Little red Riding Hood, it seems the weather has turned cold, snow is falling up on the mountains. Right here we shall light the ancient fire and wake up grandmother who sleeps for ageless times inside her shabby coffin and plead her to start the tale once again. Around the fire we shall relive the great moment. The pale apple hangs from the bean along the winter quince. Dear Little Red Riding Hood, the house is sweet on such a magic night. (Panayotopoulos, 1991, p. 87)

In his poems collection, The Elephants of Reckoning the Indian poet Amirthanayagam (1993) expresses his longing for fairy tales in quite a different way: Mother, You never told me any fairy tale About Cinderellas with golden dresses About grandmothers that cook cakes on the moon But you’ve taught me How to walk on a muddy path How to eat bread without butter You never hit me once maybe because you thought that life will offer me many things you never let me cry maybe because I’ll have to do it in the years to come. But mother, I need your fairy tales at least now After 32 years I need angels to save the poor Magic wands to give them food I need your fairy tales Mother.

Transformations and Retellings of Fairy Tales Many authors and book illustrators have rewritten and illustrated fairy tales to express their own feelings or experiences about the stories. These creative productions could be wish fulfillments or the result of the lingering effect the tales have had upon these authors, or they may be attempts to grasp the “true meaning” of the stories. These creations are essentially interpretations of the fairy tales to which

they refer. Von Franz (1982) writes that attempting to interpret the same fairy tale is similar to making a confession and taking a Rorschach test. How Little Red Riding Hood Came to Be Eaten

Most worthy of praise Were the virtuous ways Of Little Red Riding Hood’s Ma, And no one was ever More cautious and clever Than Little Red Riding Hood’s Pa. They never mislead For they meant what they said, And would frequently say what they meant: And the way she should go They were careful to show, And the way that they showed her, she went. For obedience she was effusively thanked, And for anything else she was carefully spanked. ... She expected to find Her decrepit but kind Old grandmother waiting her call, But the visage that met her Completely upset her: It wasn’t familiar at all! With a whitening cheek She started to speak, But her peril she instantly saw: Her Grandma had fled, And she has tackled instead Four merciless Paws and a Maw! When the neighbors came running, the wolf to subdue, He was licking his chops (and Red Riding Hood’s too!) Guy Wetmore Carryl, 1902 The Snow Child

They came to a bush of roses, all in flower “Pick me one” said the Countess to the girl. The girl picks a rose, pricks her finger on the thorn; bleeds; screams; falls. Weeping the Count got off his horse, unfastened his breaches and thrust his virile member into the dead girl. The Countess reined in her stamping mare and watched him narrowly. Then the girl began to melt. Soon there was nothing left of her but a feather a bird might have dropped; a blood stain, like the trace of a fox’s kill on the snow; and the rose she had pulled off

40

Exploring the Child’s Personality the bush. Now the Countess had all her clothes on again. With her long hand, she stroked her furs. The Count picked up the rose, bowed and handed to his wife; when she touched it, she dropped it. “It bites!” she said. Angela Carter, 1979/1995 The Company of Wolves

him. She will lay his fearful head on her lap and she will pick out the lice from his pelt and perhaps she will put the lice into her mouth and eat them, as he will bid her, as she would do in a savage marriage ceremony. Angela Carter, 1979/1995 Red Riding Hood

It is midwinter and the robin, the friend of man, sits on He appeared to be in his ninth month the gardener’s spade and sings. It is the worst time in and Little Red Riding Hood and her grandmother all the year for wolves but this strong-minded child rode like two Jonahs up and down with insists she will go off through the wood. She is quite his every breath. One pigeon. One partridge. sure the wild beasts cannot harm her although, wellwarned, she lays a carving knife in the basket. There is He was fast asleep, a bottle of hard liquor distilled from brambles; a batch dreaming of his cup and gown of flat oatcakes baked on the hearthstone; a pot or two wolfless. of jam. The flaxen-haired girl will take these delicious gifts to a reclusive grandmother so old the burden of The huntsman and the grandmother and Little Red her years is crushing her to death. Granny lives two Riding Hood hours’ trudge through the winter woods; the child sat down by his corpse and had a meal of wraps herself in her thick shawl, draws it over her wine and cake. head. She steps into her stout wooden shoes; she is Those two remembering dressed and ready and it is Christmas Eve. The malign nothing naked and brutal from that little death door of the solstice still swings upon its hinges but she has been too much loved ever to feel scared. that little birth, ... from their going down When she heard the freezing howl of a distant wolf, and their lifting up. her practiced hand sprang to the handle of her knife, Anne Sexton, 1971, pp. 110–118 but she saw no sign of a wolf at all, nor of a naked man neither. . . . she’d never seen such a fine fellow before, The transformation of either LRRH or the not among the rustic clowns of her native village. Soon grandmother into the wolf is especially interesting they were laughing and joking like old friends. from a psychodynamic/psychoanalytic perspective. ... That is, the transformation reflects the loose boundWhat big arms you have. aries between the aggressor and the victim. In the All the better to hug you with. Every wolf in the world now howled a prothalamion Japanese story that follows, one may note the conoutside the window as she freely gave the kiss she fusion between oral needs and oral aggression as well as the role of the superego. owed him. What big teeth you have! The Gourmand Little Red Riding Hood She saw how his jaw began to slaver and the room was full of the clamour of the forest’s Liebestod but the Once upon a time there was a beautiful girl who lived wise child never flinched, even when he answered: All in a village. She would never take off her hood that her the better to eat you with. grandmother made for her, and that is why everybody The girl burst out laughing; she new she was nobody’s called her Little Red Riding Hood. meat. She laughed at him full in the face, she ripped One day her mother cooked a lot of cookies and asked off his shirt for him and flung it into the fire, in the Little Red Riding Hood to take them to her grandfiery wake of her own discarded clothing. mother who lived in a near village. Carnivore incarnate, only immaculate flesh appeases

41

Fairy Tales as Building Blocks Listen, daughter, you should not even think of eating any of the cookies on your way, as they are for your grandma-her mother said. Little Red Riding Hood went on her way carrying the heavy basket full of cookies. The sweet smell of the cookies tempted her nose. BRUUUMM BRUUUMM When she got into the wood her stomach produced a strong sound. —There are so many cookies that it doesn’t matter if I take one-she thought. —How tasty! Let me see another one. . . only one more . . . MMMMM! Good, let me take one last. When she reached the grandma’s house the basket was empty. —What am I going to do now? Should I tell granny that mom has not given me anything for her? While she was making such reflections, a tasty smell came to her from the house. BRUUUMM BRUUUMM Little Red Riding Hood’s stomach produced a sound once more. When she opened the door Little Red Riding Hood discovered a table full of various things for eating, all of them delicious. It was the breakfast that grandmother had prepared for both of them. But grandmother was not around. —How tasty is everything! It doesn’t matter if I try a piece of something-Little Red Riding Hood thought, tasting the food. —A little bit more . . . MMM! And more . . . -she said, eating one piece after another. Her mouth was getting more and more open. At the same time her ears suddenly raised, while her whole body was covered with fur. After a while her appearance was similar more to a wolf than to a little girl. When grandmother returned home and saw her she was surprised. —Ay, a wolf! Get out of here! Out! Out! The girl wanted to explain to her grandma that it was her, Little Red Riding Hood, but she couldn’t because her mouth was full of food. After obtaining a good series of strikes with the broom Little Red Riding Hood, crying, escaped to the wood. Afterwards, the mother and the grandmother searched for Little Red Riding Hood for days and months but never found her. The rumor says that from that day on when a kid goes

through the forest, a wolf with a red hood appears and says: —Don’t eat secretly! If someday you meet a wolf with a hood, remember that it may not be a wolf but a little girl. Yukari Miyazawa, 2006

THE FAIRY TALE TEST The Fairy Tale Test (FTT) is an associative but also thematic projective test for children aged 6 to 12 years. It relies on the association between fairy tales and unconscious processes and between fairy tales and child development. The theoretical background is psychodynamic, mostly based on the theories of the ego and of object relations. The FTT was originally standardized on a Greek sample of 800 children aged 7 to 12 years. In 2001 to 2003, it was restandardized on a new sample (N = 873) of Greek children aged 6 to12 years. The details about data collection and validity studies are presented in the chapter referring to the application of the FTT in Greece (Chapter 11). It is also worth noting that prior to the standardization a pilot was conducted in order to ensure variability of responses. The FTT was administered to approximately 100 children and the results indicated that their responses varied both in terms of its material (21 cards, see below for details), but also across children. The ingenuity with which the children twisted the tale’s plot to suit their own needs was fascinating. The FTT may be considered as a thematic test as various themes such as feelings of deprivation, rejection, sexual issues, and so on, are revealed through children’s responses; but also, as an associative test where the child associates a character to a particular story.

Rationale The FTT was developed to provide clinical, school, and child psychologists with a psychometrically sound instrument to assess a large number of

42


personality functions.

Stimulus Cards and Administration The stimulus material of the Fairy Tale Test consists of twenty-one cards that are presented to the child in sets of three. The cards depict popular fairy tale characters primarily derived from the stories of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH) and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, such as Little Red Riding Hood, the wolf, the dwarf, the witch, but also the giants derived from other popular fairy tales (such as Jack and the Beanstalk). These tales were specifically selected in part because they are among the most popular and widely translated ones, they have been interpreted from a variety of perspectives, but also they have been used in psychotherapy. The administration of all seven sets of cards takes approximately 50 minutes. Before the administration of the FTT, the examiner makes sure that the child is familiar with the fairy tales of Little Red Riding Hood, Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs, as well as with one story involving a giant, e.g., Jack and the Beanstalk, Tom Thumb, and so forth. However, it is not imperative that the child is familiar with a giant story, as long as she/he has a notion of the giants as being tall, strong and so on. The FTT is not a memory test; the purpose of testing is not to check the accuracy of the child’s recall of the story, but rather to see how the child has assimilated the fairy tales and uses them in order to put forward his/her experiences, feelings, fears, etc. Accordingly, when the child is not familiar with any of these stories then the examiner narrates the stories to the child and reschedules the test. Setting a new date for the test makes it possible for the child to read the stories (or listen to them) and allows time for the fairy tales to sink into the unconscious. During administration, and once good rapport has been established between the examiner and the child, the examiner introduces the FTT to the child as follows:

“We are going to play a game with popular fairy tale heroes. I am going to ask you some questions about them and I would like to hear your opinion.” Before proceeding with the questioning the examiner asks the child to narrate the stories of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. The child’s version of the stories is recorded in the FTT’s interview guide. The examiner then starts presenting the cards to the child in sets of three at a time in a standard order, as indicated at the back side of each card. During the card presentation, the child is asked to respond to specific questions that relate to the set of cards presented to him/her (see Appendix A for a complete Interview Guide). The child needs to be reassured that there are no right or wrong answers, as this is not a test, and can express him/herself freely. Any behavioral signs on behalf of the child occurring during test administration should also be noted, as they may constitute additional clues for qualitative analysis of results. Such behaviors include an inability to stay seated or still, fidgeting with the cards, gestures or facial expressions, and so on. The aim of probing is to record a complete response given by the child, including feelings and thoughts of the figure presented, as well as motives behind actions that the character (always according to the child) might engage in. Children do not frequently provide full or complete responses voluntarily; therefore probing (indicated by (?) throughout this book) is almost an indispensable part of the test’s administration.

Themes and Conflicts Elicited Little Red Riding Hood 1. Conflict between autonomy (LRRH strays from the path; she wishes to meet the wolf or to go and play) and compliance to authority (LRRH obeys her mother) 2. Self-image (doubts about whether LRRH will make it on time or whether she can beat the wolf; she does not like certain features about


herself) 3. Sexual feelings (LRRH feels shy or excited when she meets the wolf; she thinks about her boyfriend; her skirt is short) 4. Separation anxiety (LRRH worries that something bad may happen to her mother or to herself) 5. Ways of coping with danger (LRRH will deceive the wolf, she will strike him, she will return home)

43

Aggression as Envy) 7. Dominance or ambition 8. Self-image (the witch is getting old; her magic power is diminishing, nobody loves her; she is ugly)

Giant 1. Aggression (more frequently observed as Aggression Type A and Aggression as Dominance) 2. Oral needs Wolf 3. Self-image (the giant is ugly, too tall, fat, or dif1. Conflict between controlling or letting free ferent; nobody wants him) one’s impulses (devouring or not devouring 4. Sexual feelings (the giant wants to find a girlLRRH) friend) 2. Conflict between aggression and superego (if 5. Father-child relationship (observed rarely) the wolf eats LRRH the hunter will punish or kill him) Scenes From the Story of Little Red Riding Hood 3. Oral needs 1. Mother image 4. Dominance 2. Severity of superego (LRRH begs her mother to forgive her; she wants the story to end at Card 1 because she deserved her mother’s Dwarf 1. Insecurity or fear of possible dangers (SW punishment) might be a thief, the witch will kill both SW 3. Conflict between pleasure (playing, cutting and the dwarfs) flowers) and moral restrictions (LRRH must 2. Affective needs (SW will take care of the visit her sick grandmother) dwarfs) 4. Separation anxiety 3. Coping with danger (the dwarfs will kill the 5. Depression witch; they have ways to deceive her; they can hide Scenes From the Story of Snow White and the 4. Self-image (the dwarfs question whether they Seven Dwarfs can help SW; they are concerned about their 1. Male-female relationship small stature or their appearance) 2. Father-child relationship 3. Separation anxiety (the prince may die; SW’s father is old; the prince may leave her) Witch 1. Mother-child relationship 4. Conflict between autonomy (getting married 2. Narcissistic feelings (the witch wants everyone because she desires to) and compliance (her to admire her; she wants to become a queen) father forbids her from getting married) 3. Sibling rivalry (the witch feels rivalry toward 5. Conflict between growing old (getting married) SW) and remaining a child (staying with the dwarfs) 4. Oedipal feelings (the witch wants to exterminate SW so the father will love only the witch) Scoring and Interpretation 5. Superego (the witch fears being punished for The Fairy Tale Test accounts for twenty-nine (29) wrongdoing) 6. Aggression (more frequently observed as personality variables. These variables (see Ap-

44


pendix B for a brief description of each of them) can be classified under five major personality components:

tions (R) are scored as 1. When a variable does not occur in a response, the rating corresponds to 0. Despite the many personality variables, the average number of variables observed in a single child’s 1. DESIRES AND NEEDS: Desire for Material protocol ranges from approximately 8 to 15. Things (DMT), Desire for Superiority It is strongly suggested that the administrator (DSUP), Desire to Help (DH), Oral Needs review all of the child’s responses before rating the (ON), Need for Affiliation (NAFIL), Need for variables. It is important to distinguish the character Affection (NAFCT), Need for Approval with which the child identifies, so that the rating is (NAPRO), Need for Protection (NPRO) correct. Correct recognition of the identification figure is crucial as it will determine whether the child 2. Impulses: Sexual Preoccupation (SEX- identifies with either the aggressor or the victim, PREO), Bizarres (B), Oral Aggression (OA), and thus establish if a response expresses AggresAggression Type A (AGR A), Aggression as sion (AGGR) (any type) and Fear of Aggression Dominance (AGRDOM), Instrumental Ag- (FA), and/or Desire to Help (DH) and Need for gression (AGRINSTR), Aggression as De- Protection (NPRO). Key words or expressions, the fense (AGRDEF), Aggression as Retaliation child’s age and sex are also helpful to determine (AGRRET), Aggression as Envy (AGREN- with which character the child identifies. VY) Only a number of feelings are rated, such as fear, depression, and anxiety. Feelings of hatred and 3. OBJ ECT RELATION S: Relationship with envy are rated only in combination with an action. Mother (REL/MO), Relationship with Father When rating responses it is of paramount impor(REL/FA) tance to investigate the underlying intentions of the characters, as the motive determines the type of 4. EMOTIONAL STATES: Fear of Aggression (FA), aggression. Anxiety (ANX), Depression (D) Raw scores of all variables are converted into normalized T-scores (M=50, SD=10) in order to 5. EGO FUNCTIONS: Ambivalence (AMB), Self- compare the personality variables as measured by Esteem (SE), Morality (MO), Adaptation to the FTT and to correct for any irregularities in the Fairy Tale Content (AFTC), Repetitions distribution of the scales. Significant deviations on (REP), Sense of Property (SPRO), Sense of the FTT profile are operationally defined as one Privacy (SPRIV) standard deviation above or below the mean. Deviations falling two standard deviations above or The majority of the variables are rated on a 1- to below the mean are considered highly significant. 3-point scale, whereby 1 is low and 3 is high in This way scores ranging between 40 and 60 (in Tintensity. For example, a response such as “the giant scores units) are interpreted as being within normal wants to exterminate the whole world because nobody limits. loves him” is rated as Aggression (Retaliation) 3, whereas “the giant wants to send away another giant Qualitative Interpretation who threatens him” is rated as Aggression (Defense) 1. Certain variables, such as Relationship with Mother Qualitative interpretation is usually richer than (REL/MO), Relationship with Father (REL/FA) the quantitative one since the clinician can analyze and Self-Esteem (SE) are rated as either positive any material that cannot be otherwise rated. (+1) or negative (-1) depending on the nature of the However, this type of analysis always comprises the response. Occurrences of Bizarres (B) and Repeti- risk of being more subjective, as one’s theoretical


45

background and clinical experience may interfere The evaluation of ego functioning is related to with the test’s interpretation. This analysis also the: (a) analysis of thought process, which is reflected includes behavioral observations during testing, as a in the Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content (AFTC). child’s responses during administration of the FTT Responses to the questions “What does each Witch may be influenced by external factors (i.e., transito- (or LRRH, Wolf and so on) think/feel?” and ry mood fluctuations, recent events, or the person- “Describe what is going on in each scene” may be ality of the examiner, etc). Such observations should stereotyped, or original; (b) resolution of conflicts, also take into consideration the manner of response reflected in responses to “With which card does the (comments about the drawings on the cards, rejec- story end? Why?” and “With which card would you tion of cards, changing the order of the cards’ pres- like the story to end? Why?”; (c) nature of anxieties; entation etc), the child’s level of concentration (dif- (d) conflicts between main drives and the superego; (e) ficulty remaining seated, fidgeting, showing impa- fantasy of incorporation; incorporation; and (f) quality of bizarre tience about completing the test), and verbal ability responses . (grammar, syntax, vocabulary, idiosyncratic expresThe analysis of defense mechanisms includes the sions or words). As previously explained, a careful evaluation of a large number of these mechanisms attention to the child’s behavior during testing con- including Undoing, Denial, Rationalization, stitutes an important source of information. Projection, Reaction Formation, Splitting, Within a qualitative analysis the examiner should Projective Identification, Repression, Compensaalso take into consideration a series of properties tion, Reversal, Displacement, Regression, Aggresthat may be present or not in a child’s responses. sion Turned Inward, and Acting Out. These include: • Continui Continuity ty of of respon responses ses across across a card set revealing the unfolding of a conflict or the gradual increase in the intensity of the underlying variable. • Respons Responses es expre expressed ssed in the the first first person person,, as these may reflect more reliably unconscious processes, especially so when accompanied by gestures or facial expressions. • Interacti Interactions ons betwe between en the the three three figures figures of a set, set, as this type of phenomenon may correspond to expressing different different facets facets of the self. • Contam Contaminati ination on across across response responses, s, whereb wherebyy the child brings a theme from one fairy tale to an unrelated set of drawings. Moreover, qualitative analysis of the responses includes the analysis of defense mechanisms, the integration of ego functioning, and the quality of family dynamics. The evaluation of family dynamics considers the quality of the relationship with the parents, sibling rivalry, and the emergence of Oedipal conflicts, including castration and separation anxiety.

Advantages of the FTT 1. The test allows for the evaluation evaluation of a large number of personality variables, which provides a global picture of the child’s personality. ty. 2. The test format involves involves an interview session session about specific fairy tale heroes. The testing situation is game-like and thus more appropriate for children, especially for those who may be inhibited. 3. The test can be applied applied to children children with fairly fairly limited verbal skills, as the child must only respond to specific questions. 4. Because of the nature nature of the the stimulus materimaterials, the test can be employed with children from diverse social and cultural backgrounds. 5. A huge number of responses were meticumeticulously recorded, evaluated and rated accordingly, generating a thorough scoring system. 6. Responses reflect a large number number of defense defense mechanisms.

46


Disadvantages of the FTT 1. Some children children are uninterested in or dislike fairy tales, which may result in dull or stereotyped responses. 2. Test administration administration must be carried out with care and may take as long as an hour. Probing is required, but too much may result in selfdisclosure or repression. 3. The examiners examiners who interpret interpret the FTT results results need to be familiar with psychodynamic

developmental theories and principles and with psychoanalytic interpretations of fairy tales. 4. Before a child can be administered administered the test, test, it is important (but not necessary) for him or her to be familiar with fairy tales, in particular the stories of LRRH and SW. 5. Determining Determining the identification figure, espeespecially in regard to the cards that depict the witch and the giant, may prove difficult and strenuous.


47

Appendix A FTT—INTERVIEW FTT—INTERVIEW GUIDE GUI DE Name:

Age:

Gender: M F School:

Mother’s Name:

Father’s Name:

Family Situation*:

Favorite Fairy Tale:

Referring Practitioner:

*(e.g., divorced, single parent, adopted child”

Instructions: Please use this booklet for the FTT Interview and refer to the FTT Manual for the complete FTT protocol. Raw Scores Desire for Material Things (DMT) Desire for Superiority (DSUP) Desire to Help (DH) Oral Needs (ON) Need for Affiliation (NAFIL) Need for Affection (NAFCT) Need for Approval (NAPRO) Need for Protection (NP) Sexual Preoccupation (SP) Bizarre Response (B) Oral Aggression (OA) Aggression as Dominance (AGRDOM) Instrumental Aggression (AGRINS) Aggression Type A (AGRA) Aggression as Defense (AGRDEF) Aggresstion as Retaliation(AGREET) Aggression as Envy (AGRENV) Relationship with Mother (REL/MO) Relationship with Father (REL/FA) Fear of Aggression (FA) Anxiety (ANX) Depression (D) Ambivalence (AMB) Self-Esteem (SE) Morality (M) Sense of Property or Ownership (SPRO) Sense of Privacy (SPRIV) Adaptation to Fairy Tale Tale Content (AFTC) Repetitions (R) General Comments:

Total T -sco - score re

Chil Child’ d’ss inter intervi view ew beha behavi vior or

48

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix A—Continued

Fairy Tales as Building Blocks Appendix A—Continued

49

50



51

52



53

54



55

56


Appendix B BRIEF DESCRIPTION OF FTT VARIABLES The 29 FTT personality variables can be classified under 5 major personality components: A. Desires and Needs 1. DESIRE FOR MATERIAL THINGS (DMT) is associated with the desire to acquire material

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

things including money, toys, clothes, cars, or jewelry, or material pleasures such as leading a wealthy life. DESIRE FOR SUPERIORITY (DSUP) reveals feelings of omnipotence and the desire for great achievements or for the attainment of higher positions or social status. DESIRE TO HELP (DH) corresponds to a desire to offer assistance to others in need. It is similar to pro-social reasoning and altruistic behavior. ORAL NEEDS (ON) reflect actual deprivation of food or symbolic deprivation of love and affection. NEED FOR AFFILIATION (NAFIL) refers to one’s need to engage in friendly behaviors, acquire friends, or be part of a social milieu. NEE D FOR AFF ECTION (NAFCT) is expressed as a need to offer and receive love and affection. NEED FOR APPROVAL (NAPRO) is one of children’s most fundamental needs. Children require systematic appreciation or praise of their behavior from others to maintain or improve their self-image. NEE D FOR PROTECTION (NPRO) is the need to seek security or assistance from others who are perceived as stronger or more powerful.

B. Impulses 1. SEXUAL PREOCCUPATION (SEXPREO). Responses that demonstrate SEXPREO reflect

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

interest in or concern about sexual matters either in a socially disguised form (marriage, falling in love) or in a more impulsive way. BIZARRES (B) refers to unique, idiosyncratic responses that may reflect the child’s level of imagination and fantasy but can also be indicative of deep personal conflicts or psychopathology. ORAL AGGRESSION (OA) is the most primitive or infantile form of aggression. Common expressions of OA include biting, chewing, tearing to pieces, swearing, cursing, spitting at someone, and gritting one’s teeth. AGGRESSION TYPE A (AGRA) is primarily interpersonal and hostile. The major motives for this type of aggression are hatred and pleasure. Sadistic expressions are often part of AGRA. AGGRESSION AS DOMINANCE (AGRDOM) is a means to master one’s environment in order to impose one’s self or one’s will and to satisfy one’s ambitions. INSTRUMENTAL AGGRESSION (AGRINSTR) is a way to acquire possessions primarily for survival or for self-serving outcomes. AGGRESSION TYPE B, which comprises Aggression as Defense, Aggression as Retaliation, and Aggression as Envy, only occurs as a reaction to an external source of frustration (reactive aggression). The reaction is directed at someone who is assumed to cause harm (envy), to have


57

Appendix B—Continued

caused harm (retaliation), or to be about to cause harm (defense) to oneself or to others. i. AGGRESSION AS DEFENSE (AGRDEF) primarily focuses on defending or protecting oneself or someone else when threatened or attacked. ii. AGGRESSION AS RETALIATION (AGRRET) may be the first type of aggression children learn, experiencing it in the form of punishment. This type of aggression is motivated by a negative or traumatic event that occurred in the past. iii. AGGRESSION AS ENVY (AGRENVY) arises when one compares unfavorably to others and is characterized by feelings of inferiority, hostility, and resentment. In the FTT, AGRENVY is perceived as the need to cause harm to others who are superior somehow to the aggressor. C. Object Relations 1. RELATIONSHIP WITH THE MOTHER (REL/MO) is widely thought to have significance

for the child’s personality development and mental health. In the FTT, RE L/MO is demonstrated in responses that reflect the quality of the perceived relationship with the mother. 2. RELATIONSHIP WITH THE FATHER (REL/FA) has particular significance during the Oedipal stage during which gender and sexual identities develop. Reactivation of Oedipal fantasies occurs during early adolescence. In the FTT, REL/FA is represented in responses that reflect the quality of the perceived relationship with the father. D. Emotional States 1. FEAR OF AGGRESSION (FA) is evoked by impending danger or threat. In the FTT, FA

reflects fear of eminent attack, threat, or danger. 2. ANXIETY (ANX) is expressed in the FTT through thoughts about impending dangers or distressing events. ANX is distinguished from FA by the time of the occurrence: FA refers to current events that are taking place at present, whereas ANX refers to events that either have occurred already or will occur. The most frequently observed types of ANX are harm, death, selfimage, insecurity, disapproval, punishment, concern for others, deprivation, and helplessness. 3. DEPRESSION (D) refers to a pattern of affects and affective-cognitive interactions. The phenomenology of depression involves emotions such as sadness, which is the key emotion, anger, disgust, contempt, fear, guilt, and shyness. Responses that demonstrate this variable in the FTT commonly express feelings of unhappiness, rejection, or loneliness. E. Ego Functions 1. AMBIVALENCE (AMB) appears in different forms such as indecision, hesitation, doubt, alter-

native responses, and emotional conflict in the FTT. i. Indecision occurs when the child has difficulty making a choice or decision. ii. Hesitation refers to the child’s reluctance to express a definite statement or to commit. iii. Doubt refers to uncertainty or disbelief in opinion or belief. iv. Alternative responses occur when the child offers more than one response to a question. x. Emotional conflict is demonstrated when the child describes two opposite emotions or two conflicting actions, which in turn reflect opposite emotions. 2. SELF-ESTEEM (SE) connotes the value that one places on oneself. SE is reflected in responses

58

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix B—Continued

3.

4.

5. 6.

7.

that concern appearance (e.g., clothing, looks) or personal qualities (e.g., stupid, unable to do something). MORALITY (MOR) is examined from both a psychoanalytic and cognitive/developmental approach. Responses rated for MOR reveal issues such as moral judgments in regard to obedience and fear of punishment, moral actions motivated by the desire for reward or benefit, guilt, self-blame, dilemmas between what is right and what is wrong, and moral actions motivated by the anticipation of the disapproval of others. SENSE OF PROPERTY (SPRO) involves the determination of boundaries between “what is mine” and “what is not mine.” In the FTT, SPRO refers to the child’s need to control his “territory” and to things of emotional or material value (e.g., food, personal belongings). Possessiveness is implied when this variable is applied to people. SEN SE OF PRIVACY (SPRIV) refers to the individual’s need for isolation or seclusion. SPRIV is often expressed as a desire to be alone, away from crowds and noises. ADAPTATION TO FAIRY TALE CONTENT (AFTC) is the child’s ability to confine his response to the fairy tale content (according to the version he is familiar with). AFTC reflects the child’s level of reality testing—i.e., the capacity to distinguish between mental images and external precepts and between fantasy and external reality, and to correct subjective impressions against external facts (the reality of the text in this case). REPETITIONS (REP) involves a response that is similar (i.e., if the meaning is the same) to the previous one. REP may be the result of lack of imagination, boredom, or preoccupation with a particular theme.


REFERENCES Aarne, A. (1961). The types of the fairy tales: A classification and bibliography . Rev. and enlarged by Stith Thompson (2nd ed.). FF Communications Nr. 3. Helsinki: Suuomalainen Tiedeakatemia. Amirthanayagam, I. (1993). The elephants of reckoning . Brooklyn, NY: Hanging Loose, Press. Bettelheim. B. (1976). The uses of enchantment: The meaning and importance of fairy tales . New York:Knopf. Brewer, D. (2003). The interpretation of fairy tales. In H. E. Davidson & A. Chaudrhi (Eds.), A companion to the fairy tale (pp. 15–37). Cambridge: D. S. Brewer. Brun, B., Pedersen, E. W., & Runberg, M. (1993). Symbols of the soul: Therapy and guidance through fairy tales . London: Jessica Kingsley Publications. Calvetti, A. (1980). Tracce di riti di iniziazione nelle fiabe di Cappuccetto Rosso e delle tre ochine, [Evidence of initialization rites in the tales of Little Red Riding Hood and the three little gooses] Lares, 46, 487–496. Carryl, G. W. (1902). Grimm tales made gay . Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Retrieved May 19, 2007, from http://www.poetry-archive.com/c/how_little_red_ riding_hood_came_to_be_eaten.html Carter, A. (1995). The bloody chamber . London: Vintage. (Original work published 1979). Cashdan, S. (1999). The witch must die: How fairy tales shape our lives . New York: Basic Books. Coulacoglou, C. (1987). Fairy tales as a means for investigating developmental issues as revealed in children’s verbal responses . Unpublished master of philosophy thesis, University of Sussex. Cramer, P. (1991). The development of defense mechanisms: Theory, research and assessment . New York: SpringerVerlag. Dieckmann, H. (1971). The favorite fairy tale of childhood. Journal of Analytic Psychology, 14, 474–482. Dieckmann, H. (1986). Twice-told tales: The psychological use of fairy tales . Wilmette, IL: Chiron Publications. Dundes, A. (1989). Little Red Riding Hood: A case book . Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. Ekstein, R. (1983). Children from time and space of action and impulse . London: Jason Aronson. Favat, A. (1977). Child and tale: The origin of interest . Urbana, IL: The National Council of Teachers of English. Freud, S. (1900/1953). The interpretation of dreams . (Vols. 4–5). London: Hogarth Press. Freud, S. (1918/1995). From the history of an infantile

59

neurosis (1918), reprinted in Peter Gay, The Freud reader . London: Vintage. Heuscher, J. (1974). A psychiatric study of myths and fairy tales: Their origin, meaning, and usefulness . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Klein, M. (1975). The psychoanalysis of children . London: Virago Press. Lafforgue, P. (1995). Petit poucet deviendra grand [Tom Thumb will grow older]. Bordeaux: Mollät. Luthi, M. (1987). The fairy tale as art form and portrait of man . Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Miller, A. (1981). The drama of the gifted child . (R. Ward, Trans.). New York: Basic Books. Miyazawa, Y. (2006). Caperucita la tragona. [The gourmand Little Red Riding Hood] Chapter 16 in V. Ferrer (Ed.), Érase 21 veces caperucita roja . Valencia: España. Panayotopoulos, I. M. (1991). X ειρογραφα της µονα ζι ας . [Manuscript of loneliness]. Athens (Greece): Ekdoseis ton Filon. Peller, L. (1959). Daydreams and children’s favorite books. Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 14, 414–433. Propp, V. (1968). Morphology of the folktale . (L. Scott, Trans., 2nd rev. ed.). Austin: University of Texas Press. Rank, O. (1919). Psychoanalytische Beiträge zur Mythenforschung, (Chap. 7). Vienna: Internationale Psychoanalytische Bibliothek. Ricklin, F. (1915). Wish fulfillment and symbolism in fairy tales . New York: Nervous and Mental Disease Publishing Company. Róheim, G. (1940). Magic and theft in European folklore. Journal of Criminal Psychopathology, 2, 54–61. Róheim, G. (1953). Fairy tale and dream. Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 8, 394–403. Róheim, G. (1992). Fire in the dragon and other psychoanalytic essays on folklore . New Jersey: Princeton University Press. (Original work published 1953) Scherf, W. (1982). Lexikon der Zaubermärchen . [Dictionary of the magic tale]. Stuttgart: Kröner. Schwartz, E. K. (1964/1994). A psychoanalytic study of the fairy tale. In M. R. Haworth (Ed.), Child psychotherapy: Practice and theory, (pp. 383–395). Northvale, NJ: Jason Aronson. (Original work published 1964). Seifert, L. C. (1996). Fairy tales, sexuality and gender in France, 1690–1715: Nostalgic utopias . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sexton, A. (1971). Transformations . Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Tatar, M. (1987). The hard facts of the Grimm’s fairy tales . Princeton: Princeton University Press.

60


Tatar, M. (1992). Off with their heads! Fairy tales and the culture of childhood . Princeton: Princeton University Press. Tatar, M. (2003). Hard facts of the Grimm’s fairy tales . Expanded Second Edition. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Von Franz, M. L. (1982). Interpretation of fairy tales . Dallas, TX: Spring Publications. Warner, M. (1994). From the beast to the blonde: On fairy tales and their tellers . London: Chatto & Windus. Wundt, W. (1900–1909). Volkerpsychologie . [Folk psychology]. Vol. 3, Die Kunst (1908), 369. F. von Der Leyen,

Das Märchen, 1911. 81. Yolen, J. (1981/2000). Touch magic: Fantasy, faerie and folklore in the literature of childhood . Little Rock, AR: August House. (Original work published 1981). Zipes, J. (1988). The brothers Grimm: From enchanted forests to the modern world . New York: Routledge. Zipes, J. (1999). When dreams came true: Classical fairy tales and their tradition . London: Routledge. Zipes, J. (Ed.). (2000). The Oxford companion to fairy tales: The Western fairy tale tradition from medieval to modern . Oxford: Oxford University Press.

PART II EMPIRICAL RESEARCH

Chapter 3 A STUDY OF AGGRESSION IN CHILDREN THROUGH THE FAIRY TALE TEST CARINA COULACOGLOU , MARILENA SOUYOULDZOGLOU, AND ANASTASIA ATSAROU changes. It starts as gross, disorganized affective discharge, and gradually becomes structured, differentiated and cognitively organized. The individual’s reaction to this ongoing experience will determine whether aggression will constitute an overwhelming threat, or whether it will be integrated into the psychic economy and become available for purposes of mastery, self-assertion and ambition. (p. 178)

INTRODUCTION

W

hat makes aggression such a popular and widely studied concept in child development? Aggression is closely related to healthy personality development such as mastery or assertiveness (e.g., Storr, 1968), to interpersonal relations and family functioning (e.g., Morton, 1987), to punishment and child abuse (e.g., Belsky & Vondra, 1987), to maladaptive functioning such as conduct disorders (e.g., Wells & Forehand, 1985), to delinquency and antisocial behaviors (e.g., Menard & Elliot, 1994), to bullying (e.g., Coie et al., 1991), and to hyperactivity (e.g., Millich et al., 1982). Some of the most common manifestations of aggression include destruction of objects, physical attack or assault, killing, torturing, sexual abuse, threatening gestures or verbalizations, humiliating or insulting others, stealing, and lying. Although aggression is often associated with behaviors such as the above, lack of aggression, sometimes called passivity, may also signify maladjustment. Furst (1998) emphasizes the negative effects of the inhibition of aggression: “the early inhibition of the normal developmental potential for aggressive discharge results in an ego distortion that carries far-reaching consequences” (p. 174). Signs of aggression appear very early in life and gradually become integrated into the developing personality. Furst (1998) explains:

Aggression is one of the few concepts that has been explored from multiple theoretical backgrounds including (a) the Freudian psychoanalyticdeath instinct hypothesis; (b) the frustration-aggression theory (Dollard et al., 1939; Dodge & Coie, 1987); (c) as a modeling reaction pertaining to social learning theory (Bandura & Walters, 1963); (d) as a response to imperfect mothering (Bowlby, 1944); (e) as a biological phenomenon (Lorenz, 1966); and (f) as part of gene preservation (Wilson, 1978). Furst (1998) writes “aggression is multiply determined by a number of developmental, genetic and dynamic variables. Each metapsychologic cluster of variables affects the nature, intensity and expression of aggression in a rather specific way” (p. 160). Aggression has been classified either according to its consequences (benign or malignant, constructive or destructive) or according to its functions or outcomes: hostile, emotional, or angry versus instrumental (Averill, 1982; Feshbach, 1964; Hartup, 1974; Lorenz, 1966). In a report about a violent crime, the first aspect mentioned is the possible motive that led to the act. Frequently reported motives include envy (in cases

Aggression undergoes significant developmental 63

64


of theft or burglary), retaliation (when the victim has in some way been hurt by the aggressor in the past), dominance (when one attacks weaker individuals or animals), and self-defense. In some cases no apparent motive is presented. In The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness (1973), Erich Fromm refers to the motives behind a destructive act. He mentions “vengeful destructiveness” as “the spontaneous reaction to intense and unjustified suffering inflicted upon a person” (p. 363). He maintains that all forms of punishment include the element of vengeance, which he distinguishes from defensive aggression in terms of time, as vengeance occurs after the damage has been done, and in terms of intensity, as it is of much greater intensity. Kohut (1972) describes narcissistic rage characterized by the need for revenge: the injured self seeks restitution that—at least temporarily—empowers the self “by blotting out the offense which was perpetrated against the grandiose self” (pp. 386– 387). Anna Freud (1981) explains that some aggressive behavior, such as defensive aggression, serves ego purposes, as opposed to that which is the direct result of genuinely aggressive fantasies or impulses. Furst (1998) maintains that early object loss and abandonment may generate feelings of mistrust and a sense of disillusion. In this case, aggression serves as a defense against the repetition of the traumatic experience. Envy may be another motive of aggression. Fosshage (1998) notes that “envy” refers to discontent over another’s possession of what one would like for oneself. Envy’s fertile field is negative and devitalized self-feeling. As the experience of envy intensifies, anger and aversiveness will intensify” (p. 50). Aggression motivated by dominance is related to the concepts of narcissism and personal power. Furst (1998) contends that traumatic early experiences may cause a shift from object orientation toward narcissism. Narcissism is associated with a low tolerance for frustration, which in turn triggers

aggression. Ornstein (1997) maintains that the sense of personal power is acquired through age-appropriate validation of the young child’s grandiosity; destructive aggression arises when the child’s grandiosity is questioned, rather than affirmed. In their study of elementary school boys, Dodge and Coie (1987) define aggression in terms of antecedents and outcomes. Aggression that appears to be a response to antecedent conditions, such as goal-blocking and provocation, and responses that are primarily interpersonal and hostile in nature are called reactive. Aggression that is the result of the accomplishment of a self-serving outcome is called proactive. The study of aggression and of the validity of various aggression variables in projective techniques has been the focus of attention of several researchers (e.g., Baity & Hilsenroth, 1999; Clemence, Hilsenroth, Silvec, & Rasch, 1999; Baity, McDaniel, & Hilsenroth, 2000). The scoring scheme of the FTT classifies aggression according to its motives: aggression as dominance, oral aggression, aggression type A, and aggression type B (which includes aggression as retaliation, aggression as envy, and aggression as defense). During the standardization procedure of the Greek sample, researchers examined the validity of aggression (a) through factor analysis of the FTT variables, and (b) through the comparison of FTT factor scores with the Children’s Personality Questionnaire (CPQ) (Porter & Cattell, 1975) and with the Rutter Behavior Scales for Parents and Teachers (Rutter, 1967). The results of these studies confirmed the initial differentiation of the aggression types (see Tables 3.1 and 3.2). The present investigation aims to advance the validity of these different types of motivational aggression by comparing the personality profiles of children with high ratings on each of these aggression types to the profiles of a control group. In addition to the aggression groups, a no-aggression group was formed; this group comprised children who received zero (0) ratings on all aggression variables.

65

A Study of Aggression in Children Through the Fairy Tale Test TABLE 3.1. COMPARISON BETWEEN HIGH AND LOW SCORERS ON FTT FACTOR 6 (AGGRESSION) AND CHILDREN’S PERSONALITY QUESTIONNAIRE (CPQ) Low Scorers

Middle Scorers

High Scorers

CPQ Parameters

N = 216 M ± SD

N = 322 M ± SD

N = 241 M ± SD

Low vs. Middle

High vs. Middle

FA: Warmhearted

7.86 ± 1.55

7.84 ± 1.43

7.77 ± 1.70

.931

.560

FB: Bright

7.10 ± 1.99

7.39 ± 1.94

7.43 ± 1.93

.095

.837

FC: Emotionally stable

7.28 ± 1.77

7.14 ± 1.93

7.13 ± 2.10

.400

.966

FD: Phlegmatic

2.31 ± 1.99

2.21 ± 1.80

2.51 ± 1.94

.554

.062 JNS

FE: Obedient

2.37 ± 1.49

2.47 ± 1.47

2.71 ± 1.58

.473

.059 JNS

FF: Sober

3.28 ± 1.82

3.33 ± 2.02

3.51 ± 1.87

.719

.282

FG: Conscientious

7.65 ± 1.77

7.58 ± 1.74

7.19 ± 2.06

.671

.013*

FH: Venturesome

5.78 ± 1.91

5.73 ± 1.95

5.80 ± 1.83

.740

.663

FI: Tenderminded

5.61 ± 2.73

5.53 ± 2.62

5.49 ± 2.57

.719

.848

FJ: Jestful

3.02 ± 1.88

3.04 ± 1.80

3.13 ± 1.77

.876

.562

FN Forthright

2.19 ± 1.84

2.23 ± 1.70

2.67 ± 1.90

.782

.004**

FO: Confident

2.41 ± 1.64

2.52 ± 1.64

2.56 ± 1.62

.448

.769

FQ 3: Controlled

7.54 ± 1.71

7.59 ± 1.70

7.24 ± 1.87

.744

.018*

FQ 4: Relaxed

3.04 ± 2.09

3.17 ± 2.05

3.60 ± 2.22

.472

.017*

Note: Children who have type B aggression perceive themselves as less conscientious, less forthright, less self-con-

trolled, and less relaxed. Highly significant differences were found only in FN.

66

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 3.2. TOTAL SCORE AND SUBSCORES OF RUTTER A2 AND B2 SCALES ACCORDING TO GROUPS BY FTT FACTOR 6 (AGGRESSION) Low Scorers Mean (SE)

Middle Scorers Mean (SE)

High Scorers Mean (SE)

Low vs. Middle P

High vs. Middle P

Total

8.19 (.43)

7.32 (.30)

8.26 (.41)

.096

.063

Emotional

1.40 (.09)

1.27 (.08)

1.52 (.09)

.276

.029*

Conduct

1.30 (.11)

1.08 (.07)

1.23 (.10)

.081

.216

Hyperactivity

1.52 (.13)

1.20 (.09)

1.52 (.11)

.031*

.029*

Total

6.10 (.44)

4.62 (.27)

4.78 (.33)

.002**

.722

Emotional

1.16 (.08)

1.10 (.06)

0.99 (.07)

.562

.305

Conduct

1.28 (.14)

0.86 (.09)

0.87 (.10)

.007**

.962

Hyperactivity

1.62 (.14)

1.15 (.09)

1.24 (.11)

.003*

.531

A2 Scales

B2 Scale

Note: Parents and teachers describe children with type A aggression as hyperactive. Teachers also describe them as dis-

turbed and as having conduct disorders. Parents describe children with type B aggression as emotionally disturbed and hyperactive.

METHOD

Participants The FTT was administered to 803 nonclinical Greek children (405 boys and 398 girls) who attended public schools in the Athens area. 1 The children were divided into three age groups: 7 to 8 years old (117 boys and 112 girls), 9 to 10 years old (119 boys and 143 girls), and 11 to 12 years old (169 boys and 143 girls). The majority of the children came from middle-class sociocultural backgrounds. Five groups were created from this sample: aggression type A, aggression as dominance, aggression as retaliation, aggression as envy, and no aggression. Only a few children received high rat-

ings in aggression as defense, and thus it was not possible to form a separate group. The aggression type A group had raw scores above the 90th percentile in aggression type A (> = 9, M = 12.27) and values below the 90th percentile in the remaining aggression variables. Of the fiftyone children in this group, 53 percent were boys and 47 percent were girls, and 39.2 percent were 7 to 8 years old, 35.3 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 25.5 percent were 11 to 12 years old. The aggression as dominance group had raw scores above the 90th percentile in aggression as dominance (> = 4, M = 7.51) and values below the 90th percentile in the remaining aggression variables. Of the sixty-eight children in this group, 41 percent were boys and 59 percent were girls, and 25

1. The sample of the present study was based on the first standardization of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece.

A Study of Aggression in Children Through the Fairy Tale Test

percent were 7 to 8 years old, 32.4 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 42.6 percent were 11 to 12 years old. The aggression as retaliation group had raw scores above the ninetieth percentile in aggression as retaliation (> = 6, M = 8.78) and values below the ninetieth percentile in the remaining aggression variables. Of the fifty-five children in this group, 40 percent were boys and 60 percent were girls, and 20 percent were 7 to 8 years old, 21.8 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 58.2 percent were 11 to 12 years old. The aggression as envy group had raw scores above the 90th percentile in aggression as envy (> = 4, M = 6.90) and values below the 90th percentile in the remaining aggression variables. Of the fiftyeight children in this group, 50 percent were boys and 50 percent were girls, and 29.3 percent were 7 to 8 years old, 27.6 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 43.1 percent were 11 to 12 years old. Fifty (50) children received a score of zero (0) on all four aggression variables and thus formed the no-aggression group. Of the fifty children in this group, 44 percent were boys and 56 percent were girls, and 52 percent were 7 to 8 years olds, 32 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 16 percent were 11 to 12 years old. Of the remaining cases, only sixteen had high scores on more than one of the aggression variables; these children were excluded from the sample. A random sample of 70 cases was selected among the rest of the children and served as a control group. This group was divided evenly among boys (35) and girls (35); 34.3 percent of the children

67

were 7 to 8 years old, 32.9 percent were 9 to 10 years old, and 32.9 percent were 11 to 12 years old.

Material The Fairy Tale Test (FTT) was used to assess aggression in this sample of children. The FTT (Coulacoglou & Kline, 1995; Coulacoglou, 1995/2002) is a projective test for children aged seven to twelve years; it is based on the association between fairy tales and unconscious processes (e.g., Bettelheim, 1976; Kaes et al., 1989). The test consists of twenty-one cards that depict popular fairy-tale characters and scenes from the stories of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. Some of the cards are in color (e.g., those depicting Little Red Riding Hood and the Dwarfs), and others are illustrated in blackand-white ink (wolves, witches, and giants) or pencil (scenes from the tales of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White). The child is presented with sets of three cards at a time; the three cards in each set differ in terms of the character’s expression, posture, or clothing (see Figure 3.1). The first set consists of three different depictions of Little Red Riding Hood; the second consists of three depictions of the wolf; the third consists of three depictions of the dwarf; the fourth consists of three depictions of the witch; the fifth consists of three depictions of the giant; the sixth consists of three scenes from the story of Little Red Riding Hood; and the final set consists of three scenes from the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs.

Figure 3.1. The three FTT cards depicting the witches.

68


Before administering the test, the examiner asks the child to narrate the stories of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White; the child’s version of each story is recorded, as his account is integral to the results analysis. In contrast to other projective tests, the child is not asked to describe what he sees or to construct a story. Instead, the child responds to a series of questions that concern the characters illustrated on the cards. Some questions are common to most sets of images, such as “What does each . . . think/feel?” The FTT assesses the following twenty-six personality variables derived from responses to the questions posed: self-esteem, ambivalence, desire for material things, sense of property, desire for superiority, aggression type A (hostile aggression), aggression as retaliation, aggression as defense, aggression as envy, aggression as dominance, oral aggression, fear of aggression, oral needs, need for affiliation, need for affection, need for protection, desire to help, anxiety, depression, morality, sexual preoccupation, relationship with mother, relationship with father, adaptation to fairy tale content (AFTC), bizarres, and repetitions. Most of the variables are rated on a 1- to 3-point scale, where 1 signifies low intensity and 3 high intensity; the variables self-esteem, relationship with mother, and relationship with father are rated as positive (+1) or negative (-1), and the variables bizarres and repetitions are scored as 1 (present) or 0 (not present). The sum of the ratings provides a total raw score for each of the 26 variables, and these raw scores can later be converted into normalized T-scores (M = 50, SD = 10). The FTT was standardized on a sample of 803 nonreferred Greek children aged 7 to 12 years from the greater Athens area. Concerning the examination of the FTT’s psychometric properties, interscorer (N = 49) (aggression type A, r = .843; aggression as dominance, r = .886; aggression as retaliation, r = .907; aggression as envy, r = .922) and retest (N = 58) reliability (aggression type A, r = .656; aggression as dominance, r = .595; aggression as retaliation, r = .538; aggression as envy, r = .638) for the various aggression variables were examined.

The construct validity of the FTT was examined through the application of factor analysis of the FTT variables and the comparison of FTT factor scores with other measures such as the Rutter Behavior Scales for Parents and Teachers and the Children’s Personality Questionnaire (CPQ). Factor analysis of variables led to the formation of eight factors: reality testing, mother image, assertiveness, orality, possessiveness, aggression, helpfulness, and depression. Qualitative analysis focuses primarily on the examination of conflicts, the nature of anxieties, the study of defense mechanisms, and the integration of the ego. Because the FTT was the only test used to assess the different types of aggression and other personality variables, the possibility of shared method variance should be considered.

The Assessment of Aggression in the FTT The majority of projective tests examine aggression in relation to its major expressions (e.g., physical or verbal, social or asocial) or with reference to its directions (e.g., extraggression or intraggression); the FTT, however, assesses aggression in relation to its motives (motivational aggression). Although the various manifestations of aggression can be observed directly, the motives that underlie such actions are not always obvious. The FTT is a projective measure that studies a number of motives that impel a child to respond aggressively: Against whom, or under what conditions, does the child retaliate? Why is the child envious? What is the particular meaning of the other’s possessions? Why does the child attack younger or weaker children? What lies beneath the child’s passivity? The answers to these important questions can clarify issues that relate to personality development, interpersonal relations, or family functioning. In the FTT, questions that concern the pictures of the witch and the giant most commonly receive aggressive responses. Sample questions include “What does each (of the witches/giants) think?”; “Which of the three is the most wicked, and why?”;


and “What can a wicked witch/giant do?” The FTT quantitatively assesses the types of aggression classified according to specific motives or antecedent conditions (e.g., aggression type B), or as a result of self-serving outcomes (e.g., dominance). Aggression type A is a discharge, or angry, type of aggression: the aggressive act of aggression type A (AGR A) is justified in terms of internal motives. The most common justifications for the aggressive act include that it was done “out of spite” or “because he is mean” or “to have fun.” Less frequently, AGR A appears as rage, or “acting out.” For example, “The witch got so angry that Snow White was still alive that she broke her mirror.” The following are examples of AGR A responses to the question “What does each witch/giant think?”

69

aggressive response that is justified by retaliation. In such responses, the victim has hurt the aggressor in the past. The following are examples of AGRRET responses to the question “What does each witch/giant think?” • The witch wants to strike a person because he has stolen her magic wand. • The witch wants to transform someone into a frog because she used to be a queen and this person took away her throne.

Aggression as defense (AGRDEF) is the aggressive response that is justified by defense. In such responses, the victim is simultaneously the aggressor. For example, an AGRDEF response to the question “What does each witch/giant think?” • This giant is enraged. He wants to murder includes “The giant wants to strike another giant someone because he feels enraged. who is throwing him stones.” • This giant wants to kill people; he does not Aggression as dominance (AGRDOM) forms a like them. separate category of aggression. In such responses, • This witch has a cane and whomever she finds the aggressor wants to harm others to prove him or she kicks and hits him. to demonstrate his abilities and strength. The fol• The giant is having fun with people by tortur- lowing are examples of AGRDOM responses to the ing them (?) he throws them down, he locks question “What does each witch/giant think?” them somewhere and they scream. • This giant wants to grab a plane and smash it. • This witch wants to extinguish the other witches so that she can be the most beautiful Aggression type B consists of aggression as envy, in the kingdom. aggression as retaliation, and aggression as defense. • This giant wants to kill whomever resists his Aggression as envy (AGRENVY) is the aggressive power. response that is justified by envy. In such responses, the victim is in various ways better or more qualiProcedure fied than the aggressor (e.g., more beautiful, more Four trained graduate students of psychology clever, more loved). The following are examples of AGRENVY responses to the question “What does examined each child individually in an empty classeach witch/giant think?” room during school hours. Before administering the test, the examiner asked each child if she knows any • The witch wants to kill a small child, she does fairy tales and if so, which is her favorite tale. Next, not love children(?) she is jealous of them the examiner then instructed the child to narrate the because they are prettier and happier than her. stories of Little Red Riding Hood and Snow White • The witch wants to kill Snow White because and the dwarfs to demonstrate the child’s familiarishe is younger, prettier and healthier than her. ty with these stories. The child’s version of each story was recorded on the FTT form. Aggression as retaliation (AGRRET) is the The examiner then read the child instructions

70


about the game to be played: “We are going to play a game with popular fairy tale heroes. I am going to ask you some questions about them and I would like to hear your opinion.” After the child is assured that there are no right or wrong answers, the examiner presents the cards in standard order, one set at a time, keeping the rest of the cards out of the child’s sight.

RESULTS An analysis of variance (ANOVA) was used to determine if there were any differences among the groups in relation to fifteen variables of the FTT (see Table 3.3). These particular variables were selected because most have been reported to be associated with aggression: sense of property (e.g.,

TABLE 3.3. ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE (ANOVA) FOR THE FIVE AGGRESSION GROUPS (M = means, SD = standard deviation)

Aggression A

Envy

Retaliation

Dominance

No aggression

Control

N + 51

N = 58

N = 55

N = 68

N = 50

N = 70

Variables

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

M

SD

P

SPRO

.31

1.3

.40

.94

.64

1.3

.63

1.6

.18

.63

.41

1.1

.292

FA

.54

2.9

6.3

3.5

5.5

3.1

5.0

3.2

10.5

5.9

6.6

4.1

.000

ON

5.2

4.3

5.7

3.8

4.5

2.8

4.9

3.3

4.00

3.6

4.4

3.3

.159

DH

.90

1.5

1.1

1.7

1.3

2.6

1.1

2.0

.56

1.6

.77

1.68

.325

NPRO

1.69

1.9

2.0

2.5

2.3

2.8

1.6

2.3

3.3

5.0

2.0

2.4

.046

NFCT

.65

1.6

1.0

2.1

.82

1.7

.60

1.4

.66

1.1

.86

1.5

.690

ANX

3.7

3.3

4.3

3.1

5.7

3.9

5.5

3.6

6.0

4.3

4.6

3.6

.007

D

2.8

3.0

2.8

2.7

2.0

2.1

2.3

2.1

2.9

2.9

2.6

2.4

.343

MOR

2.0

3.2

1.4

2.0

1.7

2.3

2.8

2.8

1.4

2.6

1.5

2.0

.007

NAFIL

.90

1.7

1.3

1.8

1.4

1.6

1.3

1.9

.72

1.1

.97

1.4

.225

SE

-.39

1.33

-.79

1.02

-.73

1.1

-.68

1.06

-.66

1.2

-.43

.84

.168

REL/MO

-.18

1.0

-.38

1.0

-.15

.87

-.43

.98

-.88

1.0

-.50

1.05

.003

DSUP

.92

1.9

1.2

2.3

1.3

2.4

3.5

3.5

1.4

4.3

.84

1.68

.000

AFTC

46.6

5.4

47.7

4.4

45.9

4.8

46.4

5.4

44.1

6.3

46.7

3.9

.009

B

.61

1.3

.83

1.6

.60

1.3

1.2

2.0

1.76

2.5

.60

1.01

.001

71


Freud, 1989); fear of aggression; oral needs; desire to help, usually called altruism (e.g., Freud, 1966; Zahn-Waxler et al., 1991); need for protection; need for affection; anxiety; depression (e.g., Kazdin, 1988); morality (e.g., Turiel, 1987); need for affiliation; self-esteem (e.g., Ornstein, 1997; Kohut, 1972; Hartup, 1974); relationship with mother (e.g., Ornstein, 1997); desire for superiority (e.g., Furst, 1998; Kohut, 1972; Freud, 1971); adaptation to fairy tale content; bizarres. Three of these variables—oral needs, need for protection, and need for affection— reflect emotional needs that may motivate aggression when inhibited or frustrated (e.g., Furst, 1998). The analyses demonstrate that only two out of the five groups significantly differ from the control group (see Table 3.4)—i.e., the no-aggression and aggression as dominance groups. Children with no aggression appear to be more fearful and more anxious, and have poorer reality contact (lower AFTC, higher bizarres) and a worse relationship with their mother. Children with high ratings in aggression as

dominance have higher moral consciences and higher desire for superiority, and are less fearful. DISCUSSION The results demonstrate that the children with no aggression appear to form a disturbed group, which differs from the control group in three personality variables that are related to disturbance: anxiety, AFTC, and bizarres (reality testing). However, the majority of these children (52%) were from the younger group (i.e., aged 7 to 8 years), and it has been found that AFTC increases with age and bizarres decrease (Coulacoglou, 1993). Yet, it must be noted that in general children with no aggression produced more incomplete and inappropriate responses than children in the other aggression groups. This may be related to intellectual immaturity, which may in turn be attributed to age or to genetic or developmental factors. For example, a

TABLE 3.4. COMPARISON BETWEEN THE FIVE GROUP S AND THE CONTROL (2-TAILED) Aggression A

Envy

Retaliation

Dominance

No aggression

p

p

p

p

p

FA

.071

.588

.091

.012

.000

ANX

.183

.572

.101

.149

.046

MOR

.312

.849

.502

.001

.855

REL/MO

.080

.498

.085

.667

.041

NPRO

.297

.954

.579

.309

.110

DSUP

.816

.324

.232

.000

.342

AFTC

.983

.155

.370

.734

.011

B

.971

.351

1.000

.070

.003

Variables

Note: This table demonstrates that only 8out of the 15 variables generated significant differences among the aggression

groups.

72


child in the no aggression group provided the following responses to the question “What does each witch/giant think?” • WITCH

Card 1: Maybe she forgot the spells to ask her mirror and she thinks with what spells she will ask her mirror. Card 2: What to do in order to become old (that is, how the witch will transform herself into an old woman). • GIANT

Card 1: How to find some money because from the way he touches his pocket it’s as if he says, Ah, I wish I had some money. Card 2: He is greedy—‘I wish I had a sandwich.’ Card 3: It’s as if he wants to kill Snow White (identification with Snow White, i.e., the victim). Intellectual immaturity of the no-aggression group is also confirmed by these children’s scores on the CPQ, whereby children with high scores on Factor 2 (indicating a very negative mother image) are less bright than children with low scores. Because they are less aggressive, these children are more fearful of the aggression of others and consequently more anxious. Their responses to the question “What does each witch/giant think?” usually reveal identification with the victim, rather than the aggressor (see response to Card 3, page 21). The relationship with their mother is worse than that of the control group. At this point, it must be noted that the variable relationship with mother is rated as either positive (+1) or negative (-1). The relationship is considered negative if the response reveals a strict, punishing, or rejecting mother figure. For example, in describing each scene from the Little Red Riding Hood story, the child provides the following response to Card 2: “Here is Little Red Riding Hood all alone in the woods, her mother sent her away because she disobeyed and spoke to the wolf.” Such a response

is rated as negative in terms of the relationship with mother. We may assume that such mothers inhibit their children’s aggressive outbursts, possibly through scolding or punishment. Furst (1998) emphasizes the negative effects of the inhibition of aggression: “the early inhibition of the normal developmental potential for aggressive discharge results in an ego distortion that carries far-reaching consequences” (p. 174). The findings from the no-aggression group support the loadings of FTT factor 2, mother image. Factor 2 loads on negative relationship with mother, fear of aggression, and anxiety. Therefore, it appears that a negative relationship with mother intensifies passivity, fearfulness, and anxiety. A child’s relationship with his mother is of foremost importance, and this explains why mother image is second in terms of variance percentage. It would be worth investigating the significance of this factor in other cultures. The aggression as dominance group also differs from the control group. In contrast to the children in the no-aggression group, these children are less fearful of the aggression of others. This probably signifies that the wish to dominate and surpass others is so intense in these children that this desire overcomes the fear of what others can do to them. Aggression as dominance correlates highly with desire for superiority, and this finding supports the results from factor analysis in relation to Factor 3, assertiveness. (This factor loads on the FTT variables of aggression as dominance and desire for superiority.) The responses of children in the assertive group suggest the desire to eliminate competitors and antagonists, to enforce their own rules, and to do as they please. These children have probably suffered narcissistic wounds, and the expression of assertiveness and self-aggrandizement has been limited or precluded. As Anna Freud (1971) notes, “When the narcissistic cathexis of the self is increased unduly, the corresponding symptoms may be egotism, self-centeredness, overevaluation of the self, and in extreme cases, megalomania” (p. 168).


These children also have stronger moral consciences. Turiel (1987) observes that aggression is directly related to morality in that it involves inflicting harm and violating rights. While the various forms of aggression type B (envy, retaliation, and defense) are externally justifiable (external sources of frustration) and thus more acceptable, the motives for aggression as dominance are more complicated and thus less acceptable. Therefore, the child’s desire to achieve a higher status, to dominate his environment, and to enforce his own rules is perceived as socially unacceptable and therefore morally wrong. For example, in response to the question “What does each witch think?” a 10-yearold girl provided the following answers, which characteristically reflect aggression as dominance, desire for superiority, and morality (superego):

Card 1: This witch wants to kill the other witches and rule the world. Card 2: If I rule the world God will punish me. Card 3: “God punished her and she became ugly. Finally, it may be worth noting that no other aggression group differed statistically from the control group. Therefore, it appears that high scores in the specific aggression variables are not enough to set these children apart. More specifically, high scores on aggression type A, aggression as retaliation, and aggression as envy do not seem to form indices of disturbance. CONCLUSIONS Aggression is one of the most significant personality variables. The construct validity of aggression as assessed in projective techniques has produced controversial results (e.g., Mormont, 1988). However, the findings from the studies of construct validity of aggression as assessed in the FTT have been encouraging. The present study has added further information regarding the psychological nature of aggression as dominance and has supported the factor analytic results concerning Factor 2 (mother

73

image) and Factor 3 (assertiveness). The most important finding of this study, however, is that—at least for the Greek children—the role of the mother in the development of aggression is substantial. A mother who is perceived as extremely rejecting, critical, or punishing may foster passivity and fearfulness in her child. Such passivity and fearfulness may be detrimental, as the beneficiary role of all types of aggression in the development of a healthy personality is indisputable. As is true for the majority of psychological tests and in particular projective techniques, the study of validity should never cease. Further validity studies may include the application of more specific personality instruments such as aggression questionnaires and the application of the FTT in different cultures, wherein the significance of aggression may be different from the Greek, or other Western, culture. Moreover, the role of the quality of attachment in the mother-child relationship and aggression development necessitate further research including observational studies. REFERENCES Averill, J. R. (1982). Anger and aggression: An essay on emotion . New York: Springer-Verlag. Baity, M. R., & Hilsenroth, M. J. (1999). Rorschach aggression variables: A study of reliability and validity. Journal of Personality A ssessment, 72, 93–110. Baity, M. R., McDaniel, P. S, & Hilsenroth, M. J. (2000). Further exploration of the Rorschach Aggressive Content (AgC) variable. Journal of Personality Assessment, 74, 231–241. Bandura, A., & Walters, R. H. (1963). Social learning and personality development . New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Belsky, J., & Vondra, J. (1987). Child maltreatment: Prevalence, consequences, causes, and interventions. In D. H. Crowel, I. M. Evans, & C. R. O’Donnell (Eds.), Childhood aggression and violence (pp. xx–xx). New York: Plenum Press. Bettelheim, B. (1976) The uses of enchantment: The meaning and importance of fairy tales . New York, NY: John Wiley. Bowlby, J. (1944). Forty-four juvenile thieves. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 25, 1–57.

74


Clemence, A. J., Hilsenroth, M. J., Silvec, H. J., & Rasch, M. A. (1999). Hand test AGG and AOS variables: Relation with teacher ratings of aggressiveness. Journal of Personality Assessment, 73, 334–344. Coie, J. D., Dodge, K. A., Terry, R., & Wright, V. (1991). The role of aggression in peer relations: An analysis of aggression episodes in boys’ play groups. Child Development, 62 (4), 812–826. Coulacoglou, C. (1993). The development of the Fairy Tale Projective Test in the personality assessment of children. Unpublished dissertation. University of Exeter. Coulacoglou, C., & Kline, P. (1995). The Fairy Tale Test: A novel approach in projective assessment. British Journal of Projective Psychology, 40, 10–32. Coulacoglou, C. (1995/2002). Test de los cuentos de hadas (Fairy Tale Test). Manual . Madrid: TEA Ediciones. Dodge, K. A., & Coie, J. D. (1987). Social information processing factors in reactive and proactive aggression in children’s peer groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53, 1146–1158. Dollard, J., Doob, L. W., Miller, N. E., Mowrer, O. H., & Sears, R. R. (1939). Frustration and aggression . New Haven: Yale University Press. Feshbach, S. (1964). The function of aggression and the regulation of aggressive drive. Psychological Review, 71, 257–272. Fosshage, J. L. (1998). On aggression: Its forms and functions. Psychoanalytic Inquiry, 18, 45–54. Freud, A. (1966). The ego and the mechanisms of defense (2nd ed.). New York: International Universities Press. Freud, A. (1971). The writings of Anna Freud (Vol. 7). New York: International Universities Press. Freud, A. (1981). The writings of Anna Freud (Vol. 8). New York: International Universities Press. Freud, A. (1989). Normality and pathology in childhood . London: Karnac Books. Fromm, E. (1973). The anatomy of human destructiveness . London: Penguin Books. Furst, S. (1998). A psychoanalytic study of aggression. The Psychoanalytic Study of the Child, 53, 159–180. Hartup, W. W. (1974). Aggression in childhood: Developmental perspectives. American Psychologist, 29, 336–341. Kaes, R., [AU: List all authors here]. (1989). Contes et divans . Paris: Dunod.

Kazdin, A. E. (1988). Childhood depression. In E. J. Mash & L. G. Terdal (Eds.), Behavioral assessment of childhood disorders (2nd ed., pp. 157–195). New York: The Guilford Press. Kohut, H. (1972). Thoughts on narcissism and narcissistic rage. In P. Ornstein (Ed.), The search for the self (Vol. 2). New York: International Universities Press. Lorenz, K. (1966). On aggression . London: Methuen. Menard, S., & Elliott, D. S. (1994). Delinquent bonding, moral beliefs, and illegal behavior: A three-wave panel model. Justice Quarterly, 11, 173–188. Milich, R., Landau, S., Kilby, G., & Whitten, P. (1982). Preschool peer perceptions of the behavior of hyperactive and aggressive children. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 10, 497–510. Mormont, D. (1988). Méthodes projectives et dangerosité (Projective methods and dangerousness). Acta Psychi- atrica Belgica, 88, 52–59. Morton, T. (1987). Childhood aggression in the context of family interaction. In D. H. Crowel, I. M. Evans, & C. R. O’Donnell (Eds.), Childhood aggression and violence (pp. 117–158). New York: Plenum Press. Ornstein, A. (1997). A developmental perspective on the sense of power, self-esteem, and destructive aggression. Annual of Psychoanalysis, 25, 145–154. Porter, R. B., & Cattell, R. B. (1975). Edición española: CPQ cuestionario de personalidad para niños . Madrid: TEA Ediciones. Rutter, M. (1967). A children’s behaviour questionnaire, for completion by teachers: Preliminary findings. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 8, 1–11. Storr, A. (1968). Human aggression . New York: Atheneum. Turiel, E. (1987). Potential relations between the development of social reasoning and childhood aggression. In T. H. Crowell, I. M. Evans, & C. R. O’Donnell (Eds.), Childhood aggression and violence (pp. 95–114). New York: Plenum Press. Wells, K. C., & Forehand, R. (1985). Conduct and oppositional disorders. In P. H. Bornstein & A. E. Kazdin (Eds.), Handbook of clinical behavior therapy with children (pp. 218–265). Homewood, IL: Dorsey. Wilson, E. O. (1978). On human nature . Boston: Harvard University Press. Zahn-Waxler, C., Cumming, M., & Iannoti, R. J. (1991). Altruism and aggression . London: Cambridge University Press.

Chapter 4 A STUDY ON THE IDIOSYNCRATIC RESPONSES OF CHILDREN NIOVI MICHALOPOULOU and writers” (Post, 1994, p. 24). “The prevalence of seriously disabling and disruptive personality deviations was higher than in the general population samples only in the case of artists, writers and marginally, intellectuals” (Post, 1994, p. 32). However, other diagnostic categories, such as anxiety disorders and psychoses, were found to be within the general population range. Bipolar disorder, on the other hand (Jamison, 1989, 1993), and specifically its hypomanic phase have been correlated to creativity. What is relevant to this discussion is that there is an ongoing conversation in the fields of psychology and creativity research on the relationship between creativity and psychopathology. The current literature on creativity focuses on both the creative product and the creative process and the creative person. Given the topic of this chapter, the attributes of the creative act and product are the focus here. Originality, complexity, unconventionality, divergent and/or oppositional thinking, novelty, unusualness in thematic content or in the expressive process: these are all characteristics of the commonly perceived creative product and/or process. However necessary, these characteristics do not suffice for the act/product to be considered creative per se. “Works that are disorganized, lacking in technique or incomprehensible are unlikely to have any redeeming social value. There must be a genius behind the vision, a disciplined intelligence capable of transforming these private, primitive, idiosyncratic or extraordinary perceptions into a language

INTRODUCTION

F

ew children’s personality tests—and mostly pro jective ones—identify the bizarre response as one to be measured and interpreted. This is, despite the fact that a projective situation offers numerous opportunities for different, unique, strange, original, unusual, or inappropriate ways of responding, given the freedom involved and the use of fantasy often required. This chapter researches idiosyncratic responses of children (Bizarre variable) in their responses to the Fairy Tale Test (FTT). It aims at exploring the nature of the bizarre response and attempts to form a preliminary guide to differentiating bizarre responses that indicate some form of pathology from those that indicate a rich and vivid childhood imagination. Numerous scholars have researched the relationship between creativity and psychopathology, genius and madness (Juda, 1949; Kessel, 1989; Jamison, 1993; Andreasen, 1987; Sandblom, 1982; Prentsky, 1980), yet most suffer from methodological shortcomings. The question remains to be answered conclusively. Nevertheless, the results of the literature review point to an undeniable relationship between mental illness and creativity, with a higher prevalence of mental problems among well-known creative people. “Severe psychopathology, in the sense of interrupting work, requiring periods of rest and sometimes treatment, exceeded the incidence of less disabling disorders in the case of artists, composers 75

76


that is accessible and coherent for others” (Ludwig, 1989, p. 11). Furthermore, a response can be judged as creative or not in terms of its appropriateness and usefulness in relation to the demands of the situation, in addition to its “heuristic” (nonlinear, illogical) nature (Ludwig, 1989). One often judges what is creative and what is not within a specific context. At a micro level, the context is the task at hand, and at a broader level, the context is the society, history, and culture in which the task takes place. A testing situation is a particular context, and a response to an external demand such as a projective personality test requires certain abilities, a main one being a particular level of ego control . This requires adequate control to maintain one’s attention, concentration, and motivation regarding the task at hand without rambling incoherently in the act of responding, but also being able to tap into hidden and unexpected parts of oneself to produce an original and imaginative response. Thus, the ability to regress in the service of the ego, while at the same time maintaining a hold on reality (in this instance the testing situation and the fairy tale wherein the projected fantasy takes place) is perhaps a characteristic of the creative process and product in the FTT situation. More specifically, a lowering of one’s defenses results in the regressive use of primary process thinking, which is nonlinear, illogical, and inconsiderate of realistic factors such as time and space. Dreams, jokes, wit and humor, art and the creative process, mythology, and psychotic processes share this form of thought. “The mode of thinking is inferred from a person’s verbalizations or visual-motor productions, and primary process thinking may be identified either by illogical and unrealistic organization or by drive dominated thinking. Drive-dominated thinking is a form of primary process thinking with libidinal or aggressive content” (Lazar & Harrow, 1980, pp. 497–498). It is characterized by its level of inappropriateness, bluntness, and intensity in content. Examples of libidinal drive content include cannibalism, biting, excretory and reproductive organs, nudity, and exhibitionism, and examples of

aggressive drive content include murder, torture, mutilation, and illness. Primitive process ideation can be characterized as absurd, autistic, loose in associations, and magical (Dudek, 1980). Holt (1977, as cited in Lazar & Harrow, 1980) has created a scoring system to measure primary process thinking in the Rorschach. The system has two broad categories: the content of the response expressing libidinal and aggressive drives and the formal aspects (deviation or adherence to the rules of logical thought) of the response, such as its organization and reality-based logical coherence. However, this system has yet to differentiate primary process thinking among various diagnostic categories; nor has the research been conclusive about whether primary process thinking can distinguish creative from noncreative persons. Dudek (1980) cites contradictory research findings on the correlation of creativity scores with children’s ability to regress in the service of the ego and their primary process thinking. However, the research on the relationship between primitive drive-dominated thinking and the schizophrenic and sociopathic population is confirmatory and conclusive (Harrow et al., 1976, as cited in Dudek, 1980). Fairy tales indulge in primary process thinking and—based on such mechanisms as displacement, condensation, and symbolism—help their readers follow suit and enter that realm. The projective testing situation and the FTT specifically are tools that “value” a regression into primary process thinking but in a controlled manner that disregards neither the demands of the testing reality (time constraints, appropriateness of the response to the question asked, etc.), the social conventions defining the social aspect (tester-testee relationship), nor the logical and meaningful coherence of the test response. Tapping into the resource of the unconscious under ego control is advantageous and adaptive, but its key characteristic is that it is a mindful decision, which the individual can conclude at will. It is difficult to define what is normal or abnormal, creative or pathological, and even more difficult to determine a particular potential—especially in children—of the presence (or absence) of primary

A Study on the Idiosyncratic Responses of Children

process thinking alone. It is clear that the relatively mindful use of one’s unconscious resources, both in content and process, along with the maintenance of good reality testing are essential. One must, however, also take other factors into account. A standard clinical assessment entails an assessment of both thought content and thought process, in order to determine the presence or absence of disturbed thinking. The latter, also known as the formal or structural aspects of thought plays an important role in the assessment of pathological thought. As with all abnormal behavior, thus a disturbance in thought, can range from “fallacious, erroneous, illogical thinking (usually exhibited by nonpsychiatric patients) to mildly disturbed thinking—(typically displayed by neurotics or individuals experiencing situational stress) to severely disturbed thinking (usually characteristic of schizophrenics)” (Loro, 1980, p. 492). Characteristic of some degree of disturbance in thought are unusual, nonconforming, bizarre, concrete, personally overinvolved, inferred, tangential, stereotypical, illogical, and persevering thoughts. On the pathological extreme, illogical thought is reflected in peculiar and bizarre expressions (word salad, neologisms, and clang associations) that hinder meaningful communication, in autistic ideas and explanations, and in disorganized, incongruous, and fragmented condensations influenced by primary process thinking. The FTT is one of the few personality tests that identify a response as bizarre and potentially indicative of severe pathology. Other tests include the Word Association Test, the Separation-Anxiety Test, the Rorschach, the Holtzman Inkblot Technique, and the Hand Test. A brief review of their determining factors of psychopathology sets the context for the FTT’s investigations. The Word Association Test categorizes responses in terms of the affective reaction they evoke. Research has shown that psychotic protocols contain strong affective reactions, while impulsive, uninhibited, and poorly educated men often give vulgar reactions (Rapaport, Gill, & Schafer, 1991). The Separation Anxiety Test scores inconceiv-

77

able and strange reactions as inappropriate-absurd responses. More than three of such responses are considered pathological and, together with high levels of defensiveness, are potential predictors of a psychotic process (Hansburg, 1986). In the Rorschach, the percentage of good form responses indicates the degree to which the subject can conform to the demands of the testing situation, without being overly influenced by unconscious processes. Adjustment is the balance between inhibition of impulses and adequate freedom of thought to provide spontaneous unique and (reality-based) conforming responses. Here, the appearance of a common response, scored as popular (P), or the appearance of an unusual response—which may be scored either as original (O) or absurd depending on the form quality (i.e., the degree to which the percept seeing is appropriate to the form of the image)—are interpreted in relation to the totality of the test protocol. Thus no single score can be used interpretively, as is the case for any test in and of itself. The P responses in moderation correspond to one’s ability for mainstream and conventional thinking. To an extreme, they may signify a lack of individuality, poor intelligence, rigidity, and depressive apathy. The O responses are statistically rare (2%) and involve an idiosyncratic and original perceptual synthesis of the inkblot. Such responses are based upon active perceptual work in the chosen area. What makes the response original is a new perceptual organization of the image. Such responses denote enough autonomy in thinking that the inkblot becomes important in that it provides and shapes the perceptual response, but at the same time it also becomes irrelevant to the actual response. In moderation and in conjunction with good form quality, original responses indicate a creative ability in the subject. Too many O responses or O responses with poor form quality may suggest poor judgment and a disregard for reality. Generally, a high number of originals are found among acute schizophrenics (usually of poor form quality), neurotics, obsessive-compulsives, and

78


paranoid patients (Rapaport, Gill, & Schafer, 1991). An absurd response results when the associative process to the inkblot occurs irrespective of the percept and the subject’s internal processes (wishes, fantasies, fears and anxieties, hallucinatory and delusional processes) determine the response. An absurd response is never original, as it is not grounded in the reality of the percept. Fabulized combinations (correctly perceived percepts that are unrealistically/impossibly related), confabulations (impossible generalizations made from a detail of the blot), and contaminations (spatial relationship of percepts that creates an impossible conceptual link through fusion of images) may potentially represent a loss of reality testing and psychopathology. Apart from the percept produced to the inkblot, the manner in which the subject gives response can also indicate pathology. Peculiar, queer verbalizations, vague responses, confusion, and incoherence may fail to articulate a clear percept or render the response incomprehensible and communication unsuccessful. The manner in which the subject tries to prove his/her reasoning behind the percept may also hide some pathology. Any absolute conviction of a response’s validity despite its obvious illogicality is a form of autistic logic (e.g., it’s short because it’s at the bottom). This kind of reasoning is not influenced by the common rules of logic but rather by the demands of the individual’s wishes. Responses that contain some sort of emotional or personalized verbalizations (e.g., I am scared of card or this is my bat at home) signify some sort of loss of boundary with the card. Finally, the content of the response can prove to indicate some form of pathology, as one’s emotional dysphoria intrudes into the cognitive processes. The MORBID content score was created based on the quality of the object perceived: dead, destroyed, hurt, broken, ill, damaged, or characterized by a depressive feeling (Exner, 1993). The Holtzman Inkblot Technique (Holtzman, 1986) contains the Pathognomic Verbalization (PV) variable, both a predictor of pathology and a common factor found in highly creative and prominent artists (Holtzman, Swartz, & Thorpe, 1971, as cited

in Holtzman, 1986). Fabulations, fabulized combinations, strange, illogical, and incoherent answers, and contaminated or self-referential responses determine the PV factor. Due to the immaturity of their thought processes and their natural inclination towards the world of fantasy, children who score moderately on the PV are not necessarily considered problematic. In fact, this may be a sign of a creative process, especially if the response is bizarre because of how the child synthesizes the percept and not because of how the child perceives it. A PV score in conjunction with anxiety and hostility in a protocol tends to reveal some kind of psychopathology. Again, children scoring moderately high on these three factors have been found to have a creative and imaginative capacity. However, high scores on these factors are also a prognostic sign for some form of disturbance. The Hand Test determines a response as bizarre (BIZ) or not based on two factors: the ability to respond to the test question of “what is the hand doing?” without “seeing” something else, and the level of morbidity in the content of the answer that also deforms the hand percept (e.g., a hand smashed into little bones). A response such as “it’s a laughing skull” combines both the hallucinatory percept and the morbid content. According to Young and Wagner (1999), “BIZ has stood the test of time and has consistently been found to be associated with severe psychopathology” (p. 7). The BIZ response is further categorized into the highly pathological HYPO response, in which the subject disregards the hand completely and produces a percept completely out of his/her internal processes; the less-pathological HYPER response, in which the subject, having used the hand as a stimulus for his/her response, nevertheless produces a percept that has nothing to do with the hand, e.g., a flying ball; and the MOR (morbid) response, in which the subject describes the hand as having undergone some sort of deformity worse than that afforded to the cripple (CRIP) response and linked with harm, death, and destruction (Young and Wagner, 1999). Here, too, reality testing becomes the distin-


guishing factor between a bizarre response and an original one, the latter being unusual and creative yet maintaining the percept of the hand intact, while being appropriate to the task at hand. The integrated response includes the following characteristics: “(1) It is appropriate, (i.e., the match between the drawn hand and the elicited response is reasonable); (2) it is differential, (i.e., it narrows the response down to a specific action or set of actions which differs appreciably from the vast array of behaviors which could have been given); and (3) as already implied, it is behavioral—the hand is seen as ‘doing something,’ thus, complying with the administrators request” (Young & Wagner, 1999, p. 14). The TAT (Thematic Apperception Test) is one of the projective tests that does not have a bizarre factor, yet it can generate valuable information on the possible contents of a pathological fantasy. Rapaport, Gill, and Schafer (1991) shy away from making clear-cut distinctions between psychopathology and creative fantasy “until the whole continuum of production of ideational contents ranging from everyday conversation to poetic creation has been explored” (p. 480). Nevertheless, signs of pathology can be found in a variety of places: in the content of the story (socially inappropriate, delusional, and contradictory), in the manner in which it is told (disorganized, disjointed), and in the examinee’s reaction to the card, the examiner, or the testing situation (Rapaport, Gill, & Schafer, 1991). The use of these tests with children raises more complex diagnostic dilemmas. Adolescents are naturally characterized by volatile emotions, unstable defensive functioning, and irregular impulse control, which give rise to emotional outbursts and seemingly “disturbed” protocols. With children, furthermore, reality testing becomes an issue not of impulse control or mature defensive functioning but of the child’s need both to adapt to external reality and to express the needs, wishes, and fears of its internal reality. Play and fantasy are a child’s natural modes of accommodating these two realities, and a child’s response taps into both, making it

79

much harder to distinguish what is pathological fantasy from what is adaptive (Rausch de De Traubenberg, 1986). CAT (Children’s Apperception Test) responses make possible a more detailed exploration of the content of pathological responses in children. According to Haworth (1986), “the prepsychotics’ stories were characterized by a rich fantasy of an archaic type; fantasies of being devoured at the oralsadistic level; and expressions of fear of annihilation or abandonment. There were many regressive themes of eating, drinking, and sleeping and of escaping into an imaginary, magical world. Little distinction was made between the aggressor and the one aggressed against” (p. 67). Research on the Rorschach with adolescents has shown that indications of a thought disturbance (fabulized combinations, autistic logic, deviant verbalizations, perseverations, etc.) occur as often as one in every protocol in 11-year-olds, and while they do decrease by 16 years of age, they still occur twice as often as in adults (Exner & Weiner, 1982; Exner, 1978). According to Exner and Weiner (1982), marks of schizophrenia are also found in normal adolescents, making differential diagnoses more difficult with this age group. Likewise, the content of normal adolescent protocols may include crudeness of emotions (aggression, fear, and isolation) that would normally suggest psychotic disintegration (Rychlak & O’Leary, 1965). Adolescent borderlines similarly produce records that “seethe with indications of barely contained aggression, particularly in the form of oral destructiveness and explosions” and “images depicting deprivation and anxiety over abandonment,” along with representations of merged objects (Berg, 1986, p. 126). Nevertheless, adolescents with schizophrenia do exhibit a wealth of primary process responses and cognitive slippages. Exner and Weiner (1982) have found protocols of normal children under the age of 12 with enough self-centered, poor impulse control and poor form quality responses to indicate a personality disorder. In summary, projective testing with children poses a variety of concerns when we are asked to determine the level of pathology in any

80


given protocol. Based on the existing research on the bizarre response and the signs of pathology in the aforementioned tests, it is possible to make a preliminary distinction, to be further researched, on what constitutes a pathological bizarre response as opposed to an imaginative one. Numerous examples from FTT protocols of normal/undiagnosed children and psychotic children are used in this endeavor. Responses that rate as “bizarre” refer to “unique, idiosyncratic responses that may reflect the child’s level of imagination and fantasy but can also be indicative of deep personal conflicts or psychopathology” (Coulacoglou, 2003). In an effort to understand and discriminate between the various bizarre responses and place them along the pathology-creative-imagination continuum, the analysis focuses on both the content and the production process of a bizarre response. Childhood is a period of life in which fantasy is accepted and even reinforced as a form of play and a natural phase that allows the child to come to terms with his/her reality; accordingly, one must search for other determinants of pathology. Yet one can speculate on the types and themes of a fantasy life that may be associated with pathology. In addition, one must also take into account the difficulty in diagnosing schizophrenia in children due to their emotional and cognitive development. Before proceeding with the differentiation of bizarre responses, it is important to take into account certain aspects of the process. ASSESSMENT OF BIZARRES No single response can be judged out of context as meaningful. As with any single score or personality test alone, one cannot make a decision based on a single response but must examine the response in the context of the entire protocol. The kinds of factors one seeks in the protocol for confirmation are as follows:

The Total Number of Bizarres Protocols of psychotic children tend to contain more bizarres than do protocols of “normal” undiagnosed children, but this is not a fixed rule. There are protocols of normal children with more than three bizarres as well as protocols of psychotic children with few (if any) bizarre responses. The more disturbed child does not necessarily generate a higher rate of bizarre responses. The number of bizarre responses alone is a determining factor, but must be considered among other factors. Imagination is the result of a sublimation of needs, fears, and wishes, including the creative and pathological potential of each person. In fantasy, one exaggerates and elaborates on experiences and pursues unresolved issues, conflicts, and struggles. Pleasurable emotions are repeated and painful events reconstructed. One’s personal past in addition to one’s collective unconscious provide fantasy’s material. Thus the determining factor is not the presence or the content of the fantasy in the response, but rather the absence of more mature, reality-based, secondary process material, along with the lack of sufficient control over the response, so that it does not intrude, blur, or distort the reality of the fairy tale or the reality of the FTT process itself.

Behavioral Observations During the Administration An example of this is when, in response to the question, “Who is the meanest?” an 8-year-old boy turns the card over because he is scared of the witch and the giant. In response to the question, “What does each giant think?” a 7-year-old girl expresses her aggression by imitating the giant of the third card. She says, “grrrr . . . I hope I could kill everyone, so that nor God nor furniture exists! [prompt (hereafter indicated by “(?)”)]. This is an irritated giant. He doesn’t take care of himself. He is holding a club with which he wants to kill everyone but he can’t (?) God took his club so he decided to kill him with his


foot for revenge.” In response to the question, “Who do you think is the real wolf in Little Red Riding Hood [LRRH]?” a 10-year-old boy sticks his tongue out, imitating the wolf in Card 1. In response to the question, “What does each wolf think?” a 7-year-old girl imitates the wolf on Card 3 by growling and says, “‘I am going to eat this LRRH.’ He’s running. (?) He starts eating her shoulder first by putting her bones down and ties her hand. (?) LRRH recovers and the wolf growls ‘grrrr; I am going to kill both people and doctors.’”

Categorizing the Bizarre Response Based on the review of what constitutes a bizarre response in other projective tests along with the findings of this researcher, the following guidelines were developed to determine the presence and level of pathology of a bizarre response in terms of process and product: • the appropriateness of ego control and regression to primary process thinking. • the extent of reality distortion. • the primitiveness and strength of the affects expressed. • the level of logical coherence of the response. • the ability of the subject to maintain a distance from the task at hand and the percept. Based on these guidelines, bizarre responses were categorized as severely disturbed, neurotic, or creative. A number of responses that were rated as bizarre and yet void of any fantasy or obvious psychotic process were categorized as concrete/descriptive/nonsense bizarres. The first question one must ask in order to categorize a bizarre response as disturbed, neurotic, or creative is: to what extent does the response hold on to, distort, or ignore the reality of the fairy tale? Note: Cards that invite a reality-based response are those that ask for a version of the specific fairy tale. Responses to questions that ask the child to imagine what a wicked witch can do, or to explain who is the

81

meanest and why, cannot be rated according to their level of reality testing. A bizarre response rated as Creative is characterized by a firm grasp of the actual and possible realities of the fairy tale, while at the same time introducing an original, idiosyncratic, and rare narrative. The response contains the basic story, but there is a possible twist to it—an imaginative turn of events that appears smart, humorous, and yet still realistic. Creative Examples

1. Ten-year-old girl, re: Witch 3: [She is] thinking of going and telling the dwarfs that Snow White [SW] is an evil witch in disguise and out to harm them. 2. Ten-year-old girl, re: Witch 2: [She wants] to take SW to a castle and capture her there. She will pretend that she’s SW and then go as SW to the dwarfs. 3. Ten-year-old girl, Q: What can a wicked witch do?: She can make ink come out of tap water, put cockroaches in toys, cast spells on dolls, have it rain frogs for a whole month, have snakes come out of the gutter and turn a giraffe into a lizard. 4. Eight-year-old boy, re: Giant 1: [He is thinking of] going to the sky because the earth is too small for him. A bizarre response rated as Neurotic is characterized by the child’s own projected conflicts that do not distort the reality of the card, yet make it personal to reflect his/her main concerns. Neurotic Examples

1. Ten-year-old girl, Q: Which is the real wolf?: “The third, because he’s ugly, mean, and is very jealous of LRRH because she eats what he can’t, because he lives in the woods and can’t find food. 2. Ten-year-old girl, re: Wolf 2: He sees a rich dog with his master and he thinks that he too would like to be that rich, have the love of his

82


master and the grace of a dog. 3. Ten-year-old girl, re: LRRH in scene 1: She’s crying because something happened to her mom. She’s in the hospital and LRRH is worried. 4. Ten-year-old girl, re: LRRH in scene 2: She looks sly. She’s thinking of fooling other children. (?) She will say to them, come outside I have good food, have a candy bar . . . so they will like her and believe she is good when she is not. A bizarre response rated as Disturbed contains one or more of the following characteristics: a clear distortion of the fairy tale content, primitive material usually kept from consciousness, thought disturbances (rambling, incoherent response, loose associations, idiosyncratic language), clear loss of boundaries from the card (personal involvement/ over involvement), strong affective reactions, and a contamination and/or perseveration in the responses. The following question makes a helpful distinction: How evident is the disturbance in the content of the response and how evident in the process? Each aspect of the response entails different characteristics. A disturbance in process signifies a loss of thought control with incoherent, rambling answers, personal reactions observed during the test administration and/or in response to a card, and an inability to conform to the demands of the testing situation due to the press of internal needs.

3.

4.

5.

6.

Disturbed Examples

1. Ten-year-old girl, re: LRRH 2: She hates her grandmother. Thinking of not taking her any food, and instead giving her something poisonous (distortion of the fairy tale’s content, strong affect). 2. Ten-year-old boy, re: Witch 3: Where is SW? She must be in the woods, without her clothes, she had an old dress of her mothers. The dress was fake. The Dwarf thought that the witches

7.

must have been here when we were at work and harmed SW. Let’s go to work and get our tools. We won’t go to work tomorrow; you will stay home because the evil witch will come. The fake Dwarfs went to work and the real ones stayed home . . . [interrupted by examiner] (rambling speech, loose associations). Ten-year-old boy, re: Giant 3: He will eat the person and he will pierce him with his stick. (?) He will break his ribs and maybe eat them. And he starts to break them. I will put him inside of me. The other giant who didn’t eat him is stupid, my brother will eat half and I will eat the other half but he doesn’t give him anything, he eats it all (raw material). Eight-year-old girl, re: Giant 1: [He is thinking of] killing SW because the Wicked Witch had 3 giants and she told one to grab her and kill her because the witch didn’t like that the Dwarf came and saw SW dead, and to bring her back to life because SW went for the first time at their home and they shouldn’t have killed her (content and process distortion, contamination, confusion). Eight-year-old boy, re: Giant 3: He’s very violent and he wants to step on everyone and kill them with his club. I am taller than him, come on lets measure ourselves [puts card on floor and measures himself] (personal, loss of boundaries). Eight-year-old boy, re: Witch 3: I have such hard nails that I can stab SW, I can cut her head in two and then with my cane I will hit her in the belly and she will die. (?) Because she hates her because she wants to be the most beautiful in the world (remains within story, crudeness, desire for superiority, aggression dominance). Eight-year-old boy, re: Witch 3: I must become the devil; I must kill more mothers, brothers and sisters with my stick. She loves to kill. (morbid content).

A fourth category of bizarres, Descriptive/nonsense/concrete, was created to contain answers


that appear “off,” without necessarily implying a disturbance. These responses are also clearly void of any imaginative quality. Descriptive/Nonsense/Concrete Examples

1. Nine-year-old boy, prompt: The Wicked Witch can . . . : make trees disappear. (?) She doesn’t like them.” 2. Thirteen-year-old boy, re: preferred ending to LRRH: second scene so that I can tape it and watch it. 3. Nine-year-old girl: Which of the dwarfs would SW wish to marry? Why?: Card 3 because his moustache is very long and his eyes are black.

Special Issues There are instances in which it is extremely difficult to differentiate between a disturbed and a creative response, especially when the child keeps the reality of the fairy tale fairly intact. 1. Nine-year-old boy, re: LRRH 3: To take something to her grandmother, honey, onions, chestnuts, because she’s ill (?) A gift of a battery operated LRRH that goes ding dong. (Note: although this response contains elements of depersonalization, it nevertheless remains within the possible confines of the fairy tale. However, a careful evaluation of the rest of the child’s responses reveals such a level of disturbance that puts a potentially creative answer in the disturbed range.) (Note: In an effort to substantiate a response, a child with enough prompting might produce a bizarre response. Thus in the scoring of a response as bizarre or not, one must consider how much the response is prompted by the examiner.) In other instances, it is the sequence of the responses to a set of cards, rather than the separate response, that makes the response bizarre:

83

1. Eight-year-old girl, re: Dwarf 2: [He wants] to eat a mushroom and not humans (?) People don’t hate him; they help him because he is huge. (?) [He] feels strange because other dwarfs hate humans and he loves them. Re: Dwarf 3: to find something (a human) to eat because he is hungry. (?) He’s hungry and he hates humans. (?) He feels uncomfortable because they are small and he is big. 2. Eight-year-old boy, re: Dwarf 1: [He] wants to help LRRH in case anybody tries to hurt her [big bad wolf]. Re: Dwarf 2: [He] doesn’t want to help LRRH and [wants to] bring the wolf himself to eat her. Re: Dwarf 3: [He wants] to help LRRH through the forest protecting her from anyone hurting her. When classifying a response that reveals a contamination, one should consider whether the response indicates that the child is overwhelmed by his/her emotions and reactions to the story or to his/her internal world, or whether it indicates a lack of fantasy: 1. Nine-year-old boy, re: LRRH scenes: The child is crying because the giant will break her head. 2. Eight-year-old boy, re: Giant 3: He is an old giant and he has a club with which he wants to kill SW and drink her blood because he lives off of blood like Dracula. He’s mean. 3. Eight-year-old girl, re: Giant 3: [He wants] to go and whack SW with this stick. He’s jealous because she’s so pretty and his wife is very ugly and jealous. 4. Seven-year-old boy, re: Dwarf 1: [He is] thinking of killing the wolf so that he saves LRRH. He looks down and senses the wolf. He’s not afraid of him because he’s a good hunter. (Note: Sometimes a theme perseverates and “intrudes” in or contaminates a child’s fantasy. A large number of contaminations occur between the giants and Snow White. A logical explanation is that the giants follow the dwarfs and the witches, both of which are in Snow

84


White’s tale. Thus this kind of contamination between giants and Snow White should be interpreted with caution. The aforementioned example, however, is a perseveration of the LRRH theme in the dwarfs.) Perseveration of themes and repetitions may occur within a set of cards or between them. These may signify either a press of internal demands, a rigidity in ego control and an inability for imaginative responding, and/or a state induced by performance anxiety (in response to the testing situation) that blocks the child’s creative potential. Examples of Perseveration Across Cards

1. Nine-year-old boy, re: Giant 3: He wants to kill her [the princess] himself, on the head so that she bleeds, because he wanted to sell her and there was nobody to sell her to and he wants to break her head. Re: SW scene 3: The mother who drinks blood and the children that drink blood. 2. Eleven-year-old girl, re. Wolf 3, Q: How will he get up? He can’t. (?) He has hurt his leg on the rocks. Re: Dwarf 1, Q: How will he get up?: “He can’t because he has sprained his ankle as he was walking. 3. Twelve-year-old girl, re: LRRH 1: She’s a doll that can’t think or feel because only humans can. Re: Wolf 2: He’s a doll and he can’t show his teeth or tongue, he has no feelings, because he’s just a doll. (Note: An answer such as this, which could otherwise indicate imagination, can also be so repetitive as to be considered unimaginative. An unusual response, possibly related to feelings of depersonalization and depression, can be considered both creative due to its originality and noncreative due to its concreteness [in this instance, LRRH is a lifeless picture rather than a depiction of a fantasy character]. The perseveration of the theme and the repetition of the narrative lead to categorization of the above as a noncreative bizarre.)

Examples of Perseveration within a Card Set

1. Eight-year-old girl, re: Dwarf 1: [He is hoping] that his pants don’t drop, they are wide. Re: Dwarf 2: Because he has large shoes, he’s worried he might trip over them. Re: Dwarf 3: He’s worried that the mushroom might grow and bury [cover] him (self-consciousness, anxiety, self-esteem). 2. Nine-year-old boy, re: LRRH scene 1: The child is crying because the giant will break her head. Re: LRRH scene 2: She’s crying because she’s scared. (?) The giant wants to kill her with his club in the rain, because it’s better. Re: LRRH scene 3: The child is happy with Grandmother [GM], but even so the giant will break her head (depression, anxiety, crudeness, fear of aggression).

The Content of the Bizarre Responses One can draw tentative conclusions researching the thematic content of bizarre responses. Within the disturbed bizarres, a large number of themes include fear of aggression, anxiety, and sexual preoccupation. Substantial self-esteem and abandonment issues appear alongside depression, aggression type A responses, oral aggression, and oral needs. Splitting, denial, and undoing seem to be the primary defense mechanisms. They also include a significant number of morbid content responses. 1. Twelve-year-old boy, re: LRRH scene 2: When she was young she was very poor, an orphan, she lived in an orphanage and was tortured. Everybody teased her and threw pillows, dirty sheets and ripped shoes. She put a sheet over her so that she’s not cold (content distortion, morbid content, depression). 2. Eight-year-old girl, re: LRRH scene 1: She is with her stepmother, who is punishing her and beating her and LRRH is crying. She’s not loved (there is no way that this is her mother, there are no bad mothers). Re: LRRH scene 2: She’s crying, she lost some-


3.

4.

5. 6.

7.

8.

9.

one. (?) Her mother, she died. Ending: her mother returns. (?) She may have died or got killed somewhere and she returned (perseveration, content distortion, splitting, undoing, denial, fear of loss/abandonment, depression). Eight-year-old girl, re: SW scene 1: During the night while she was sleeping a prince came and asked her to marry him. He was nice and handsome and he didn’t pick on her like the second one. Re: SW scene 2: A man wants to marry her and she doesn’t, she pleads with him, tells him she hates him—he picks on her, pushes, pulls her hair (content distortion, fear of aggression). Eight-year-old girl, re: Dwarf 1: He wants to eat SW because she’s prettier than him (content distortion, perseveration, crude material, oral aggression, self-esteem). Nine-year-old boy, re: LRRH’s ending: The story ends with her as a bride (content distortion, sexual preoccupation). Nine-year-old boy, re: Dwarf 2: [He is thinking of] not playing with SW but of eating all the mushrooms and of killing people. (?) He’s bad and he has a moustache. (?) He would hit them with a gun and a knife (oral need, aggression A, undoing). Thirteen-year-old boy, prompt: A Wicked Giant can . . . : Sat [on] people if he gets angry, and put them put them in jail and let them starve and if necessary burn their bones (fear of aggression, crudeness, oral need). Eleven-year-old boy, prompt: A Wicked Giant can . . . : Kill so that SW becomes his, and he can rape a girl (sexual preoccupation, aggression A). Eight-year-old girl, re: LRRH scene 1: [She’s] crying to her stepmother. She’s mean because she punishes her for no reason. Re: LRRH scene 2: LRRH [is] sad (you can see it from her hands). Because her stepmother curses at her, spanks her. Re: LRRH scene 3: LRRH is with the normal mother, the good one and is happy. They are talking and LRRH is telling her of what went on in the other cards (con-

85

tamination from SW, splitting, fear of aggression, depression). Examples of Morbid Content (death, blood, devil)

1. Six-year-old girl, re: Giant 1: He wants to eat 300 people a day. He likes blood and scary movies with ghosts. Blood is like water to him, humans are his food, he squeezes their blood in a hole and then drinks it. 2. Nine-year-old boy, re: SW scene 2: He is bad and his wife is bad and they both drink the blood from the child’s stomach. 3. Nine-year-old boy, re: LRRH 1: She saw something she was scared of. (?) A dead animal. (?) Thinking of burying it. 4. Eight-year-old boy, re: Wolf 2: He wonders what will happen when he grows old, will it be the end of the world? He’s afraid of death. (?) He’s worried that a hunter will throw him over a cliff and split his head in two. 5. Eight-year-old girl, re: Giant 3: [He wants] to go somewhere and when he sees SW to kill her so that she bleeds, so that they eat her liver, so that they can hypnotize her so that she sleeps and he takes his club and butchers her so they can eat her liver. 6. Eight-year-old boy, re: Witch 3: She looks like a vampire, angry. Someone might have killed her so she became a ghost and wants to kill him. The issue of the “real” and the “fake” hero emerged in only a few responses of the test protocols but merits further investigation. The following responses are examples of this theme, along with the “lifeless doll” theme (see perseverations example). A possible interpretation is feelings of depersonalization. 1. Twelve-year-old boy, re: Who the Wolf eats: “I would eat the second one because she is not the real LRRH, just dressed like her. Re: SW scenes: This isn’t the real king. (?) It’s another

86


one and he’s watching TV. 2. Twelve-year-old girl, re: Dwarf 2: He is definitely a doll; he is neither smiling nor moving his hands. He doesn’t look human, he’s not feeling or thinking anything, he’s a doll. 3. Eight-year-old boy, re: Witch 2: She looks like a doll. She is a mother who wants to do magic with her hands not a stick. She wants to have an alternative. If she doesn’t succeed with the hand she will use the stick. She’s feeling very well. Apart from the thematic content of the disturbed bizarres, the process/form of the response contains certain key elements: Examples of Idiosyncratic Language

1. Seven-year-old boy, re: Giant 2: He is laughing because he’s not thinking. A laugh fell on him and he laughed. The witches left so he’s laughing. He’s going to get the hiccups [demonstrates]. Examples of Personal/Loss of Boundaries/Over Involvement

1. Seven-year-old boy, Q: Who is the Scariest Wolf?: When he gets really angry I am scared of him. He’s salivating and he’s after me. When he is running after me I feel that I must call the hunter to come and kill him. Tell me his number so that I know. 2. Eleven-year-old boy, prompt: The Wicked Witch can . . . : She can go to hell! [angrily]. 3. Six-year-old boy, Q: Who is the Scariest Witch?: [The] first because she can turn me into a car. Do you know I was two people when I was born? Examples of Concrete Responses

1. Twelve-year-old boy, Q: Who is the Real Giant? The third; he is the tallest king and if we measure him with the pencil, he’s the king and he has flat shoes.

2. Nine-year-old girl, re: Wolf 3: He’s mean. He has come to eat me. He has eaten the three LRRHs and wants to eat the fourth as well. He’s thirsty now. He’s thinking of drinking some water at the river and come back so as to eat me. 3. Eight-year-old girl, re: SW scene 2: Another prince sits with her and tells SW about himself. Re: wished-for ending: [The] first scene because the prince has a feather in his hat, is normally dressed while the other prince has nothing on his head. Examples of Rambling/Incoherent Responses

1. Seven-year-old boy, re: LRRH 1: The child is crying because she lost her father and her mother is saying shush. Re: LRRH 2: She’s thinking of her father. She’s alone and sad because her father died; but he didn’t really die, he’s in the woods. Re: LRRH 3: The little girl is happy and her mom too because she told her that her father hasn’t died. Both are happy because daddy is coming back to see them. He had gone for wood. Her brother is the one who died, they had handcuffed him. He is sad with the baby that mommy gave birth to from the pipi, and they killed it (distortion of content and form, depression, anxiety, loss, denial). Within the neurotic bizarres, anxiety and depression predominate strikingly in most responses. Selfesteem issues, oral needs, fears of rejection and abandonment, morality and sexual preoccupation also emerge. An interesting finding is that, among these responses, aggression is no longer Aggression A, as in the disturbed range, but mostly retaliative. 1. Twelve-year-old girl, re: Wolf 2: He’s thinking of whether it’s right or wrong to eat LRRH because she has a basket and he doesn’t know whether or not she has anything in there that can kill him (ambivalence, fear of aggression, morality).


2. Twelve-year-old girl, re: Dwarf 3: He might be evil even though it doesn’t show and he wants SW to die, and he might be happy she got poisoned. (?) He might be in love with her stepmother and they both want to kill her (sexual preoccupation). 3. Eight-year-old boy, prompt: LRRH ends with . . . : Second scene, the author would then write and LRRH was caught in a storm and died of cold. (depression). 4. Eight-year-old girl, re: Wolf 1: They have done something to him, people have beaten him and he’s crying. He’s thinking of hurting those that beat on him. Re: Wolf 2: [He] wishes he wasn’t an animal so they wouldn’t beat on him (aggression retaliation, depression). 5. Eight-year-old girl, prompt: The Wolf eats . . . : The ugliest so that I don’t eat the pretty one and nobody marries her (sexual preoccupation, self esteem). 6. Eight-year-old girl, prompt: The Wicked Witch can . . . : Destroy a happy person/kill a friend of another who will be sad/ kill the sister of someone who will be sad (anxiety/ harm-loss). 7. Eight-year-old girl, re: Witch 3: I must make this little girl not exist in the world. She will turn her into a witch that does bad things to people so that they won’t want her either (anxiety/ rejection). 8. Seven-year-old girl, prompt: Who is the Scariest Witch?: Third, because I harmed her when I shouldn’t have. (?) I hit her. (?) Because she was bad and wanted to kill SW (aggression retaliation, morality, over involvement). A recurring theme among Neurotic bizarres is children’s indirect expression of depressive feelings in their choice of which LRRH the wolf would eat: 1. Ten-year-old girl: Second LRRH because she thinks of good things that may happen and he doesn’t want them to happen. He wants to eat her so she doesn’t feel joy.

87

2. Ten-year-old girl: First LRRH because she is happy. (?) I like eating happy children. The happy ones are always smiling (incorporation). 3. Ten-year-old boy: Third LRRH because all wolves are sad and she is happy (incorporation). 4. Twelve-year-old boy: Third LRRH because I would not want her to take food to her GM and I would eat her because she’s a good girl. I don’t want good people to exist (aggression envy). 5. Ten-year-old boy: Third because she looks sad. I would eat her to save her from her sorrow. This theme occurred in a creative manner in the following protocol: 1. Eleven-year-old girl, re: Witch 1: I don’t like this, it’s too joyful. (?) Witches usually dislike happy things. (?) She wants to remove the rainbow, call the clouds from the sky. (?) She feels hatred for the rainbow because she hates nature when it’s happy. 2. Ten-year-old boy, re: Giant 1: He is going to bring the sun down, he likes darkness. (?) The witch made him wicked and sent him to bring the sun down. 3. Seven-year-old boy, prompt: The Wicked Witch can . . . : Make the sky not shine anymore and that there be no daytime. (Note: The difference in this response that renders the rating bizarre creative rather than bizarre neurotic is the level of the depressive feeling expressed and the poetic manner in which it is articulated. Nature enters once again, a common theme in creative responses.) Thus a preliminary analysis reveals bizarre pathological (disturbed and neurotic range) responses that reflect unresolved conflicts, intolerable and unmanageable affects/needs, unfulfilled wishes, primary process thinking and signs of

88


thought disturbance.

Creative Bizarres Among the creative bizarres, we find unusual responses that remain within the confines of the fairy tale reality, yet twist it in an original way, or responses that express in a sublimated (also indirect, socially acceptable) manner personal concerns that are usually existential or “humanitarian” in nature. Altruism and humor emerge as the main defense mechanisms. Anxiety, too, fuels many such responses, while aggression appears in a wish-fulfilling capacity. Most aggressive themes have to do with a desire rather than an act of aggression, and the type of aggression is usually aggression dominance. Overall, normal protocols contain responses that, on the one hand, stick to the story with few personalizations and, on the other, contain an increased number of altruistic themes, such as the desire to help, morality, and ambivalence. Examples of Aggression (Wish)

Examples of Nature/Environmental/ Humanitarian Concern

1. Eleven-year-old girl, re: Wolf 2: He’s watching a strange sunset and he has never seen such a thing. (?) He feels something unique, since he has never seen such a thing. 2. Ten-year-old boy, prompt: A Wicked Giant can . . . : Destroy the environment with what he eats, like giant soda cans. 3. Ten-year-old girl, prompt: A Wicked Giant can . . . : Destroy the Amazon forests so that they can’t breathe. He may carry all the sand from Africa, throw it over the cities so we drown in it; can melt with his hands the icebergs so that the earth floods and becomes a vast sea; can take then Earth and throw it in space where there is no time or space and get in there himself and destroy it completely. 4. Ten-year-old girl, prompt: A Wicked Witch can . . . : Do something bad to humanity. (?) Wreck a building with archeological things, which are valuable for people, to take away a technological advance that helps them and then it will take them a long time to recreate it.

1. Ten-year-old girl, re: Witch 3: [She is] thinking of a way to incriminate SW for something she has done. (?) She killed the hunter so they Examples of Humor would put SW in jail and she would no longer 1. Ten-year-old girl, re: Wolf 1: Should he eat her be the prettiest (aggression envy). [LRRH] raw or roasted? 2. Twelve-year-old girl, re: Witch 3: [She] wants 2. Eight-year-old boy, re: LRRH 2: [She is] to rule the world but she can’t because she’s thinking of pretending she is the wolf to her old. She would want grandchildren so she grandmother as a joke. could abuse them, order them around like servants. She would also want a young husband Original Examples who would do all the work, and when she 1. Eight-year-old boy, prompt: The Wicked would die she would give him her name and Giant can . . . : Break a printing press. (?) They turn him into a magician that would rule the want to make a copy of him and print it in the world (aggression dominance). newspapers. 2. Nine-year-old girl, prompt: Snow White Example of Morbidity wants to marry . . . : [Card 1] because the oth1. Ten-year-old boy, prompt: Which wolf scares ers’ clothes have a lot of patches. SW is white as snow, if she marries a dirty one he will dirty you?: Third; he has large teeth, a wild look and his fur looks dirty, as if it stinks of other her clothes. dead animals-wolves eat dead animals.


89

American Journal of Psychiatry, 144, 1288–1292. Berg, M. (1986). Diagnostic use of the Rorschach with adolescents. In A. I. Rabin (Ed.), Projective techniques for Investigating idiosyncratic responses in terms of adolescents and children (pp. 111–141). New York: their creativity or their pathology is an arduous task, Springer. especially when the level of pathology is not clearly Coulacoglou, C. (2003). Fairy tale test manual . Toronto: severe. A bizarre response within an otherwise Multi-Health Systems. “normal” protocol is rarely strictly problematic, yet Dudek, S. Z. (1980). Primary process ideation. In R. H. it may contain the seeds for a latent or a yet-to-beWoody (Ed.), Encyclopedia of clinical assessment (pp. diagnosed issue within a child’s psyche. Thus, it is 520–539). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. helpful to make the distinction between a creative Exner, J. E. (1978). The Rorschach: Current research and advanced interpretation (Vol. 2). New York: John Wiley. bizarre and a neurotic/disturbed bizarre. These preliminary investigations of bizarre Exner, J. E. (1993). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system (Vol. 1). New York: John Wiley & Sons. responses lead to a categorization of each response in terms of its hold on reality, its originality, and its Exner, J. E., & Weiner, I. (1982). The Rorschach: Current research and advanced interpretation (Vol. 2). New York: level of ego control over the press of internal needs. John Wiley. How much is the response an appropriate expres- Hansburg, H. G. (1986). The separation anxiety test. In sion of unconscious strivings, sublimated in an A. I. Rabin (Ed.), Projective techniques for adolescents and acceptable, articulate, and imaginative manner? children (pp. 85–108). New York: Springer. How much is the response a direct, unmodulated, Haworth, M. R. (1986). Children’s apperception test. In and inappropriate expression of these strivings, A. I. Rabin (Ed.), Projective techniques for adolescents and stimulated more by the child’s anxieties rather than children (pp. 37–72). New York: Springer. Holtzman, W. H. (1986). The Holztman Inkblot its coping abilities? Technique with children and adolescents. In A. I. Pathology and creativity often appear to be interRabin (Ed.), Projective techniques for adolescents and chil- twined, yet one clear distinguishing feature is the dren (pp. 168–192). New York: Springer. child’s mindfulness over his/her activity and ability Jamison, K. R. (1989). Mood disorders and patterns of to perform within the boundaries of the testing situcreativity in British writers and artists. Psychiatry, 32, ation, respecting the question and the rules of lan125–134. guage and communication. Observations of the Jamison, K. R. (1993). Touched with fire . New York: Free child’s attempts to formulate and articulate his/her Press. responses are as important as the content of the Juda, A. (1949). The relationship between highest mental response itself. capacity and psychic abnormalities. American Journal of Further research on the bizarre response would Psychiatry, 106, 296–304. provide more information on these initial catego- Kessel, N. (1989). Genius and mental disorder: A history of ideas concerning their conjunction. In P. Murray rizations and help particularize the distinguishing (Ed.), Genius: The history of an idea . Oxford, England: features of each category. Moreover, cross-cultural Basil Blackwell. investigation of protocols with bizarre responses may point to some “universal” features of normali- Lazar, B. S., & Harrow, M. (1980). Primitive drive-dominated thinking. In R. H. Woody (Ed.), Encyclopedia of ty and pathology alongside specific cultural trends clinical assessment (pp. 497–511). San Francisco: Josseyin the “deviant” response. Bass. Loro, A. D. (1980). Disturbed thinking. In R. H. Woody (Ed.), Encyclopedia of clinical assessment (pp. 490–496). REFERENCES San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Ludwig, A. M. (1989). Reflections of creativity and madness. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 43 (1), 4–14. Andreasen, N. C. (1987). Creativity and mental illness: Prevalence rates in writers and first-degree relatives. Post, F. (1994). Creativity and psychopathology: A study

CONCLUSION

90


of 291 world-famous men. British Journal of Psychiatry, 165, 22–34. Prentsky, R. A. (1980). Creativity and psychopathology: A neurocognitive perspective . New York: Praeger. Rapaport, D., Gill, M. M., & Schafer, R. (1991). Diagnostic psychological testing . Connecticut: International Universities Press. Rausch de Traubenberg, N. (1986). Le Rorschach, espace d’interactions. [The Rorschach: Interaction space.] Bulletin de Psychologie, 39 (11–15), 659–661.

Rychlak, J., & O’Leary, L. (1965). Unhealthy content in the Rorschach responses of children and adolescents. Journal of Projective Techniques, 29, 354–368. Sandblom, P. (1982). Creativity and disease: How illness affects literature, art, and music . Philadelphia: G. F. Stickley. Young, G. R., & Wagner, E. E. (Eds.). (1999). The hand test: Advances in application and research . Malabar, FL: Krieger.

PART III THE STUDY OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS

Chapter 5 THE DEVELOPMENT AND CROSS-CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS CARINA COULACOGLOU anxiety (e.g., superego, instincts, external pressures) that gives rise to them. One significant revision in classical Freudian defense theory was proposed by Brenner (1982), who emphasized a “functional approach” (Cooper, 1989) to defense interpretation. According to this approach, anything is usefully regarded as defensive when it functions to reduce anxiety and tensions. Brenner focused on the ego’s breadth in accomplishing the reduction of anxiety or depressive affect. Brenner’s approach is influenced by the work of Hartmann, Kris, and Loewenstein (1964), who emphasized the ego as an organ of adaptation and accommodation that has access to the use of defense, among a variety of ego functions, to cope with both external and internal pressures. Schaffer (1968) attempted to delineate the dynamic properties of the ego. He argued that defenses always attempt to block the expression of undesirable content, while at the same time they express undesirable impulses. Defense has intrafamilial and sociocultural dimensions and implications. Anna Freud pointedly noted that “all defense mechanisms serve simultaneously internal drive restriction and external adaptation, which are merely two sides of the same picture” (1965, p. 177). Winnicott (1965) differentiated between defense organized against impulses, on the one hand, and defense organized against more traumatic environmental failure leading to defensive efforts such as “false self” adaptations. Along similar lines, Modell

INTRODUCTION

The Origin and Theories of Defense Mechanisms

T

he origin of some defenses may be traced to as early as the first few months of life. Although only a handful of references discuss the origins and development of defense mechanisms, the theories of Melanie Klein, Margaret Mahler, and Anna Freud have shown that the mechanisms of denial, splitting, and introjection (oral incorporation) appear during the first twelve months of life and are closely related to the child’s relationship with the mother figure. While the earliest theories of defenses focused more on maintaining internal equilibrium, contemporary theories of defense are seen as part of a set of relational and cognitive patterns that develop in the context of close relationships. Sigmund Freud’s first paper on the subject of defense describes defense mechanisms as “the cornerstone on which the whole structure of psychoanalysis rests” (Freud, 1894/1962, p. 209). Over the course of his writing, Freud moved from the use of the term “defense” as synonymous with repression, to the articulation of defenses such as projection, isolation, reaction formation, regression, and undoing and splitting of the ego. Anna Freud (1936) subdivided the larger concept of defense even further, citing a number of examples of other defenses depending on the source of 93

94


(1984) proposed a “two-persons” theory of defense. According to this model, defensive organization involves a falling back on the self and the avoidance of expressed needs toward others. Modell calls this response “self-sufficiency as a defense against affect.” Kohut (1984) defined defensive structures as attempts to safeguard an enfeebled self. Kernberg (1975) emphasized that a particular type of defensive organization is characteristic of borderline personality. In his view, the mechanism of splitting in particular and other defenses such as projective identification, denial, primitive idealization, and devaluation are usually indicative of borderline personality. Interpersonal psychoanalysis and “relationalconflict” theory (e.g., Mitchell, 1988) have contributed to the understanding of the differences between defense and resistance in the therapy situation. Within contemporary psychoanalytic theory defense is no longer conceptualized as a strictly intrapsychic outcome. Instead, defense and resistance are conceptualized as constantly being affected and shaped by interactions with significant others.

Classification of Defense Mechanisms

1. High-adaptive level. These defenses allow optimal adaptation to stress factors, increase gratification, and permit conscious perception of feelings, ideas, and their consequences, thereby creating the best balance among conflicting motivations. Such mechanisms include, humor, suppression, sublimation, self-assertion, self-observation, affiliation, and altruism. 2. Mental-inhibitions level (compromise formation). These defenses exclude from consciousness threatening ideas, feelings, memories, or wishes. These mechanisms include displacement, dissociation, isolation, intellectualization, reaction formation, undoing, and repression. 3. Minor image-distorting level. These defenses, including depreciation, idealization, and omnipotence, operate to regulate self-esteem. 4. Disavowal level. These defenses keep out of awareness stress factors, thoughts, impulses, or unacceptable feelings of responsibility, each of which has been wrongly attributed to external causes. 5. Major image-distorting level. These defenses produce a major distortion or a faulty attribution of the self-image or that of others. 6. Action level. These defenses are characterized by the use of action or withdrawal in the face of internal or external danger. Such mechanisms are acting out, passive aggression, and splitting. 7. Level of defensive disregulation. These defenses, including delirious projection, psychotic denial, and psychotic distortion, testify to the failure of defensive regulation in the face of stressful factors. This causes a breakdown that is associated with reality testing.

George Vaillant’s classification of defense mechanisms (1976, 1993) is among the most widely used. Vaillant categorized defenses according to their adaptive functioning in adulthood as mature, neurotic, immature, and psychotic. Mature defenses include anticipation, suppression, altruism, sublimation, and humor. Neurotic defenses include isolation of affect, repression, reaction formation, and displacement. Immature defenses include projection, schizoid fantasy, hyponchodriasis, passiveaggressive behavior, acting out, and dissociation. Psychotic defenses include delusional projection, psychotic denial, and distortion. Perry (1990b) proposed another classification The American Psychiatric Association’s Diag- system for defenses: nostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV) (1994) presents another classification, 1. Action defenses (e.g., passive aggression) whereby defenses are categorized into seven levels 2. Borderline defenses (e.g., splitting) according to their functions: 3. Disavowal defenses (e.g., denial)

The Development and Cross-Cultural Significance of Defense Mechanisms

4. 5. 6. 7.

Narcissistic defenses (e.g., omnipotence) Other neurotic defenses (e.g., repression) Obsessional defenses (e.g., undoing) Mature defenses (e.g., sublimation)

Defenses can also be classified as “other-oriented,” e.g., projection, and as “self-oriented,” e.g., aggression turned inward (Laor, Wolmer, & Cicchetti, 2001).

Classification of Defenses Based on Children’s Responses to the FTT I have attempted to classify defenses according to how they respond to conflicts and stressors: • Immature or childish maneuvers to deal with conflicts or unacceptable feelings . This category includes defenses that characterize earlier stages of development (e.g., regression) and defenses that manifest themselves as impulsive actions and are characterized by a lack of control (e.g., acting out). • Refusal to accept conflicts or threats . These defenses choose to ignore, misperceive, or refuse painful or anxiety-producing situations or objects. Such defenses include negation, denial, splitting, and repression. • Turning a negative situation into a neutral or positive one . Such defenses allow children to refuse to accept reality or to turn a threatening situation into a neutral or positive one. These defenses include undoing, reversal, compensation, and reaction formation. • Redirection or projection of impulses or conflicts . These defenses are used against aggressive impulses or unacceptable self-feelings by pro jecting them onto others or directing them toward less threatening targets. They include projection, projective identification, aggression turned inward, and displacement. • Cognitive justifications to control impulses, conflicts, or threats . These defenses include rationalization and intellectualization.

95

Another way to classify defenses in children is according to the way children employ them against specific threats: • Aggression, which is among the most prominent personality dimensions, can be understood as a response to frustration and is triggered by internal or external stimuli. Common consequences of aggression in children include feelings of guilt or punishment. Aggression is perhaps the sole developmental conflict that can activate such a wide variety of defense mechanisms. In children the defense mechanisms employed against aggression include displacement, reaction formation, undoing, negation, denial, projective identification, aggression turned inward, and rationalization. • Narcissistic desires or low self-concept . Defenses commonly used against such feelings are negation, undoing, and compensation. • Anxiety, fear, or depression . Defenses employed against these feelings include undoing, denial, negation, reversal, and repression. • Sexual concerns or wishes . The defenses of regression and repression commonly are used against concerns such as these. • Negative mother image . When children perceive the mother as rejecting, depriving, harsh, or abusive, they often apply the mechanism of splitting or denial.

Assessment of Defense Mechanisms Assessment methods of defenses include selfreport measures, projective techniques, and clinical interviews. Of the many measures, only three selfreport measures (for adults) will be presented, primarily because of their popularity: The Defense Mechanisms Inventory (DMI) (Gleser & Ihillevich, 1969) is based on the assumption that defense mechanisms resolve conflicts between internal and external reality using one of the following methods: attacking, distorting, or becoming selectively unaware of aspects of either

96


the internal or external world. The DMI assesses five theoretically distinct defensive styles: turning against the self (TAS), turning against the object (TAO), projection (PRO), reversal (REV), and principalization (PRN). The DMI consists of ten stories that describe situations assumed to capture commonly encountered conflictual situations, such as competition, authority, independence, and sexual identity. Normative data exists for adolescents, adults, college students, and different groups of psychiatric patients. The Life Style Index (LSI) (Plutchik, Kellerman, & Conte, 1979) attempts to provide a theoretical framework for the assessment of defense mechanisms. The index presents a circumplex model of defense mechanisms, and their relation to affect, personality disorders, and each other is specified (Conte & Plutchik, 1993). The LSI, which was developed through a series of face-validity and factor-analytic studies with undergraduate students, consists of ninety-seven items with a “usually true” or “usually not true” response format. The LSI offers scores for eight defense mechanisms: compensation (including identification and fantasy), denial, displacement, intellectualization (including sublimation, undoing, and rationalization), projection, reaction formation, regression (including acting out), and repression (including isolation and introjection). Norms for 147 normal adults are presented in the form of percentiles and T-scores. The original version of the Defense Style Questionnaire (DSQ) consisted of 97 items. It was later reduced to eighty-one items (Bond et al., 1983) and then increased to eighty-eight items (Bond, 1986) and a four-factor solution labeled Defense Style 1 through Defense Style 4. The four factors are maladaptive action patterns, distorting defenses, self-sacrificing defenses, and adaptive defenses (Bond & Vaillant, 1986). The DSQ has been rescored by Andrews, Pollock, and Stewart (1989) into a three-factor solution and twenty defense scales, which is more consistent with the glossary of defense mechanisms listed in the third edition of the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-III-R) (APA, 1987).

Clinical Data Interview and Observation Methods DEFENSE AND COPING M ECHANISMS: Haan (1963) made the first systematic attempt to examine defenses. She used written summaries of an average of twelve hours of individual interviews for rating ten defense mechanisms and ten coping mechanisms. This method introduced a distinction between largely maladaptive defenses versus adaptive defenses. Haan (1963) found that IQ is generally positively related to coping mechanisms (mature defenses) and negatively related to use of nonmature defenses. The Ego Profile Scale (Semrad, Grinspoon, & Frienberg, 1973) consists of forty-five items that yield scores for nine defenses that clinicians rate on the basis of clinical observation. The instrument was designed for use on inpatients for whom prolonged behavioral observation was feasible. Research showed that two-thirds of the patients demonstrated a shift away from using distortion, denial, and projection as they improved clinically. Vaillant’s Clinical Vignette Method (Vaillant, 1971, 1976, 1977) is a glossary of eighteen defense mechanisms derived from vignettes about life from interviews with subjects. In their examination of personality disorders, Vaillant and Drake (1985) reported that 66 percent of men with Axis II diagnoses used mostly immature defenses, as compared to 10 percent of those without Axis II disorders. Conversely, the use of mature defenses such as sublimation, humor, and suppression correlated negatively with the presence of a personality disorder. The Defense Mechanisms Rating Scales (DMRS) (Perry, 1990a) identify the use of twenty-seven defenses. Each defense has a definition, a description of its intrapsychic function, a list of near neighbor defenses and how to differentiate them, and a rating three-point scale. This rating scale concerns the qualitative observation regarding whether the subject does not use, probably uses, or definitely uses defense mechanisms. The Comprehensive Assessment of Defense Style (CADS) (Laor et al., 2001) is a fifty-item


97

observer report that evaluates children’s use of Rorschach test: the first relies on formal Rorschach defense-related behaviors. The twenty-eight defens- scores, the second on thematic interpretation of the es derived from this assessment were factor ana- content of responses, and the third on a combinalyzed, which resulted in a three-factor solution. The tion of the first two. defining factor of the first factor (i.e., other-oriented) The Lerner Defense Scales (LDS) (Lerner & is projection; the defining factor of the second fac- Lerner, 1982) assess five defense mechanisms relattor (i.e., self-oriented) is reaction formation; and the ed to borderline personality organization (splitting, defining factor of the third factor (i.e., mature) is devaluation, idealization, projective identification, humor. and denial), as described by Kernberg (1975). The Ego-Defense Scale (Pfeffer, 1986) is one of The Rorschach Defense Scales (RDS) (Cooper, the Child Suicide Potential Scales and relies on rat- Perry, & Arnow, 1988) measure fifteen defenses ings from semi-structured interviews. The defenses across a range of psychotic, borderline, and neurotassessed include compensation, denial, displace- ic defenses. The RDS method specifies six to fourment, intellectualization, introjection, projection, teen manifestations per defense, relying primarily reaction formation, regression, repression, sublima- on verbal content. tion, and undoing. Defenses are rated for frequency The Defense Mechanisms Manual (DMM) of use on a three-point scale. A total defense score (Cramer, 1991) provides a method for coding three is based on the sum of scores from the individual defenses (denial, projection, and identification) that defenses. may surface in the stories told in response to TAT The Adolescent Ego Defense Mechanism cards. A defense is scored each time it occurs in a Ratings (Jacobson et al., 1986) studies defense single story, and the scores are summed over all the mechanisms among three groups of adolescents: cards to result in a total “denial” score, a total “prodiabetics, nonpsychotic psychiatric patients, and jection” score, and a total “identification” score. healthy high-school students. They assessed 12 defenses and produced a measure of overall defense Developmental and Empirical success from transcripts of unstructured interviews. Studies of Defense Mechanisms Defense mechanisms can be observed during psychotherapy and in children’s drawings. Specialists began to focus on the evolution of According to Benveniste (2005), games like tag defense mechanisms in the early 1970s. There are (“you’re it”) and cops and robbers are based on the two different approaches to the study of the chronodefensive operations of projection and identifica- logical evolution of defense mechanisms. The “hortion with the “bad object.” Contests and trials of izontal” approach examines the emergence of strength provide examples of oedipal rivalry and an defense mechanisms in relation to age or the psyopportunity for identification with the aggressor, chosexual stages of development, and the “vertical” thereby turning passive into active. Dress up is approach proposes a hierarchy of defenses in terms another game of identification. of their degree of complexity or the distortion of reality that they operate upon.

Projective Techniques Defense mechanisms have been examined through various projective techniques. We will focus on the Rorschach and the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), which explore defenses in a more systematic and consistent way. There are three general strategies for rating defenses in the

Among the most important studies of the developmental progression of defense mechanisms are the ones by Ames et al. (1974); Blum (1985); Brody, Rozek, and Muten (1985); Chandler, Paget, and Koch (1978); Cramer (1991); Engel (1962); Haan (1977); Lichtenberg and Slap (1972); Semrad (1967); Semrad et al. (1973); Smith and Danielsson (1977); Stolorow and Lachmann (1978); and Swanson (1988).

98


Chandler et al. (1978) identified the cognitive development level of ten preoperational, concrete operational, and formal operational children, and their success or failure in explaining eight commonly described defense mechanisms. The results indicated that preoperational children fail to decode any defenses. Subjects at the concrete operational stage could explain defenses involving simple reversions (e.g., repression and denial) and reciprocal operations (e.g., displacement and reaction formation). Formal operational children were able to decode defenses involving second-order propositions (e.g., projection and introjection). Brody et al. (1985) found that 6-year-olds are more defensive than 4-year-olds in terms of attributing less-frequent negative emotions and less-intense emotions to themselves and others. Haan (1963) originally described a set of twenty adaptive styles with explicit definitions. She divided these styles into two groups: ten were described as coping (healthy), and ten were described as defending (pathological). The value of Haan’s work was that it (1) explicitly defined a hierarchy of defenses according to pathological significance, (2) provided mutually exclusive definitions, and (3) demonstrated validity by correlating the assessment of defenses with important measures of mental health. Stolorow and Lachmann (1978) asserted that a developmental line corresponds with each mechanism, and that the specific defense represents the success of a series of developmental achievements. Defense mechanisms have commonly been assessed through the application of projective techniques or psychotherapy (e.g., Benveniste, 2005). In Rorschach responses, Ames et al. (1974) found that denial decreased with age in 2- to 10-year-old children. Cramer (1987, 1991) studied age differences in the use of denial, projection, and identification in children’s responses to the TAT. She found that denial was used more frequently by the youngest children (preschoolers) and decreased steadily thereafter. Children in the middle-age (from 8 to 12 years) groups most frequently employed projection, whereas adolescents more frequently employed

identification. The stress resulting from maltreatment in childhood has been found to affect the use of defense mechanisms (Finzi, Har-Even, & Weizman, 2003). The researchers compared forty-one physically abused children and 38 neglected children aged 6 to 12 years with children who were not maltreated. Researchers employed the Ego Defense Scale to assess the use of defense mechanisms. The abused children used regression, denial, projection, repression, and introjection more frequently than the neglected children, who in turn, used these immature defenses more frequently than the control group. In another study (Sandstrom & Cramer, 2003), ninety-five children aged 9 to 10 years were evaluated by their parents on the Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL). The scores, derived from measures such as anxiety, aggression, withdrawal, and internalizing and externalizing problems, were compared to DMM coding of the children’s TAT stories. The results indicated that the use of denial was greater among children with psychological difficulties. The relationship between defense use and psychological problems was demonstrated on a sample of 7- to 10-year-old children. The children completed the Response Evaluation Measure–Youth (REMY) (Yasnovsky et al., 2003), a modified version of the Defense Style Questionnaire (DSQ-78) for use with children. The self-report questionnaire was later compared with a self-report instrument of anxiety. The results showed that both mature and immature defense factors were positively correlated with levels of anxiety.

The Study of Defense Mechanisms in the FTT I examined the defense mechanisms in 873 protocols of nonreferred Greek children aged 6 to 12 years. The mechanisms received a score of one each time they appeared in a child’s protocol. The total defense corresponds to the sum of scores for each defense mechanism. The results indicated that 68 percent of children presented at least one type of


defense mechanism. Most children presented just one type of defense mechanism; fewer than 5 percent of children presented more than two different types. The defense mechanisms that have appeared in Greek protocols are: undoing, reaction formation, repression, regression, compensation, aggression turned inwards, denial, projection, projective identification, rationalization, displacement, splitting, and identification with the aggressor. Unfortunately, a full review of all of these mechanisms is beyond the scope of the present chapter. Consequently, the following discussion is limited to those mechanisms most commonly found in at least 5 percent of Greek protocols; these include undoing, reaction formation, splitting, rationalization, projection, negation, denial, and repression. The majority of defenses are reflected in the children’s responses to the question, “What does each one think and feel?” and to the instruction “Describe what is going on in each scene.” Negation is commonly expressed in responses to the questions, “Who scares you most? Why?” Occasionally, defense mechanisms are observed in responses to “What can a wicked witch (or giant) do?” and “Name the witches (or giants).” (In the examples throughout this chapter, “(?)” indicates that the researcher probed the child to exemplify his/her answer.) UNDOING: In undoing, the individual amends or

negates, in a verbal or a physical manner, unacceptable thoughts, feelings, or actions. In the FTT, undoing is employed as a defense against superego violations, narcissistic desires, low self-esteem, fear of aggression, and aggression. The sections A through E illustrate examples of undoing:

i. Section A: Against Superego Violations Example

Q: What does each wolf think/feel? Card 1: He is angry (?) he wants to eat Little Red Riding Hood right away (?) he is very hungry, hasn’t eaten for days.

99

Card 2: He will not eat LRRH (?) because he is a very good wolf and he feels pity for LRRH.

ii. Section B: Against Narcissistic Desires Example

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 2: He’s thinking that he wants everything his own way (?) he wants to have an easy living without him making any effort. Card 3: He is reasonable. He wants to live a good life but he knows that he has to work hard for it (?) he’s thinking that the more he works, the more will be the gains later on.

iii. Section C: Against Low Self-Esteem Example

Q: What does each giant think/feel? Card 1: He is isolated, nobody approaches him, they are scared of him (?) he’s thinking, It’s no use, no one will ever get closer. Card 2: He looks satisfied, it seems that everybody loves him and approaches him (?) he is thinking, Come and keep me company.

iv. Section D: Against Aggression Example 1

Q: What does each giant think/feel? Card 1: He wants to strike people, he does not love them, he breaks down houses, does bad things, he steals food. Card 2: He is happy, he is nice, smiling, he is not wicked, he does not break down houses, he thinks that it is not right to break down houses, trees, castles. He loves people.

100


mother (?) she wants to take her home and make her well.

Example 2

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She wants to turn someone into an animal (?) maybe Snow White(?) because she hates her. Card 2: She might be good and might want to turn everybody back into normal (?) the other witches had turned them into animals. R EACTION FORMATION: In reaction formation,

unacceptable feelings and impulses are substituted by their extreme opposites. High scores on the variables desire to help and anxiety (concern for others) may signify reaction formation. Reaction formation can be detected in responses to the question, “What does each one think?” Example 1

Q: What does each dwarf think? Card 2: He’s thinking, ‘I’m happy that the witch gave SW a poisonous apple because she was taller than we are and our friends disapproved’ (?) he’s happy that SW ate the apple, he had wished for that (?) because she was taller. Card 3: He’s thinking, ‘oh! Poor girl, what has happened to you! And now where will we get a prince to kiss her? I wish the witch would had given the apple to me instead of her’ (?) he’s very sad because he lost SW.

Example 3

Q: What can a wicked giant do? Card 3: He can destroy the whole planet but if he is nice he can help people build their houses. R EPRESSION: Repression, a derivative of denial,

consists of purposefully forgetting or failure to acknowledge forbidden or disturbing wishes, thoughts, or experiences.

i. Section A Repression can appear in protocols in the form of “I don’t know” or “I can’t think of anything” in response to the question, “What does each character think/feel?” Example 1

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She’s doing magic but I can’t figure out why (?) to some lady who took her beloved husband away (?) She is going to stop her with magic; she’ll freeze her. Example 2

Q: What does each wolf think? Card 3: He wants to devour LRRH, but he has no idea as to how to deceive her.

Example 2

Q: What does each LRRH think? Card 1: She wants to visit her grandmother because she is ill (?) she feels sorry for her grandmother. Card 2: She wants to harm her grandmother because LRRH is mean (?) she wants to kill her and she feels angry. Card 3: She wants to help her grandmother to get well (?) she feels sorry for her grand-

ii. Section B Repression can be revealed in vague and elusive responses to the question, “What does each character think/feel?” Example

Q: What does each LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She looks as if she is ashamed of some-


one (?) of an adult who maybe asked her a question that she could not answer.

iii. Section C Repression can also appear when the child focuses her attention on card details or describes the character with adjectives, rather than offering a specific response to the question, “What does each character think/feel?” Example

101

wolves (?) he’s a very nice wolf and he doesn’t want to eat little girls but make friends with them.

ii. Section B Denial may also appear in the form of negation in which the individual negates painful or frightening thoughts and feelings and/or the implications of events. Negation is frequently observed in responses to the question, “Who scares you the most?” Example 1

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 1: He is looking at his nose, he is the most Q: Which of the three giants scares you most? stupid of the three, he looks puzzled, as Why? if he does not know what a nose is. He is Card 3: I am not afraid of any of the three. They thoughtful, he looks a bit happy, but not are only pictures. too happy. DENIAL: The mechanism of denial refers to the

need to deny threatening or unpleasant parts of reality as well as one’s own aggressive impulses. In the FTT denial can occur in many ways, as demonstrated by the examples in sections A through F below.

i. Section A When the child changes the negative features of the threatening figure to their opposite, we observe the mechanism of reversal, a subcategory of denial. Example 1

Q: What does each LRRH think/feel? Card 1: She sees the wolf and thinks how nice he is and how helpful he could prove to her. Example 2

Q: What does each wolf think/feel? Card 2: He is thinking that he made a new friendship with a little girl. Thank God he’s not the same as the other two

Example 2

Q: What does each giant think/feel? Card 2: He wants to change his clothes because they are torn. He is not bad, he doesn’t want to kill anybody.

iii. Section C Another type of denial is minimization, whereby the child minimizes an aggressive or threatening action. Example

Q: What does each witch think? Card 2: She wants to do something bad to SW. She does not want to kill her, only put her in danger.

iv. Section D When the child employs the mechanism of denial, he sometimes may reverse the reality of the fairy-tale plot.

102


Example

i. Section A

Q: Describe each scene (from Little Red Riding The child attributes to others unacceptable per- Hood). sonality characteristics and/or feelings (e.g., “Others Card 3: She is happy, she went to grandmother’s are bad/afraid, not me”). cottage, she did not follow the wrong path and she returned home safely.” Example 1

v. Section E Denial may be revealed in misperceptions of the picture’s threatening features or in distorted interpretations of the content that a picture usually evokes. Example 1

Q: What does each giant think? Card 3: He wonders where he can find a job. Example 2

Q: What does each giant think? Card 3: He holds a brush and wants to brush his hair.

vi. Section F Through denial, the child may refuse the reality of her statements. Example

Q: What can a wicked witch do? Card 3: She can pretend to kill a woman (?) today we shall play theatre (?) she will pretend to kill. P ROJECTION : In projection, feelings, impulses, or thoughts that cannot be tolerated in oneself are attributed to another object. To detect projection in the FTT, the examiner should first determine with which character the child identifies. A response that reflects projection may match one or more (in combination) of the types of projection described below. No significant age or gender effect was observed.

Q: Which wolf scares you most? Why? Card 3: If a baby sees him on television, she will become scared and leave. Example 2

Q: Which giant scares you most? Why? Card 1: I’m not afraid of giants but my brothers are. Example 3

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She is angry (?) the other witches had a party and they didn’t invite her (?) they don’t want her, she might be better than them and so they are jealous of her (?) she’s trying to figure out a way to go to the party.

ii. Section B The child attributes to others responsibility for forbidden thoughts and/or impulses (e.g., It’s the other’s fault, not mine). Example 1

Q: What does each witch think? Card 1: She is thinking of killing SW (?) because the mirror said, Kill anyone who is more beautiful than you, (?) so she is angry and ready to kill SW. Example 2

Q: Which is the most wicked giant? Why? Card 3: This is the most wicked giant. He does not want to be bad, but a wicked witch


cast a spell on him, when he was a little child.

iii. Section C The child projects onto others personal needs or insecurities to avoid feeling insecure or inferior (e.g., It’s the others who need help, not me). Example 1

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 2: He is going to take food for the other dwarfs to eat (?) so that they won’t die out of hunger (?) feels happy (?) he will eat.”

103

and by any means (?) she wants to harm people. Example 3

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: He is thinking of killing Jack (?) because he stole his money and he wants it back. Card 2: He decided not to kill for money since money doesn’t bring happiness . (This response also demonstrates the defense mechanism of undoing.) SPLITTING: Splitting is often referred to as a

“primitive” defense (Kernberg, 1975). The goal of splitting is to control anxiety with two simultaneous, opposing reactions: one is searching for satisfaction, Example 2 and the other is aware of the frustrating reality. In splitting the individual conceives herself or others Q: What does each wolf think/feel? as either all good or all bad, and therefore she fails Card 2: He wants to help the other two wolves to integrate the positive and negative aspects into (?) they could get themselves killed (?) if cohesive object representations. According to Klein grandma tries to chase them with a (1946) the origins of splitting can be found in the broom. early months of life, during which the infant divides the maternal imago into good and bad. R ATIONALIZATION: In rationalization, the indiAs a defense mechanism, splitting can be very vidual offers socially acceptable and apparently log- effective in reducing anxiety and maintaining selfical explanations for anxiety-producing acts or deci- esteem. Depending on the circumstance, splitting sions. can have either a structuring (positive) or a dissociative (negative) role in development. Example 1 Splitting of the self or the object (usually the mother) can sometimes be observed in the FTT Q: What does each wolf think/feel? Card 2: He has already eaten and looks kind of responses, as demonstrated by the following exampuzzled (?) he’s wondering if it was right ples: to eat that animal (?) maybe he was a kind and naïve wolf so he didn’t realize what he i. Section A: Splitting of Self was doing (?) he was hungry. In response to the question, “What does each witch/giant think?” a child may provide a positive Example 2 response that is followed by a negative response or Q: What does each witch think/feel? vice versa. This type of splitting is demonstrated in Card 2: She is a woman that used to be very nice the description of the characters’ interactions, girl but she was unfortunate and so she reflecting fight or antagonism between positive and became tough and cruel and now she is negative aspects of the self. trying to take revenge for everything

104


Example 1

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 2: She is good, she’s neither wicked nor angry and most probably she wants to save somebody (?) she will take care of people and if they get killed she would take the blame. Card 1: She is fighting with witch no. 2, she’s wicked, young and looks like a queen (?) she wants to kill the second witch and then, in turn, kill everybody. Another way to express splitting occurs when a child splits positive and negative aspects of self within the same figure. One of the most common examples concerns splitting between positive external appearance and a negative inner self (character) or when splitting occurs between different parts of the body or clothing. Example 1

Q: What does each witch think? Card 1: She is thinking only of her beauty and how to make others bad, but maybe she hides compassion inside her heart (?) she feels better than others and wants everybody to bow in her presence. Example 2

Card 2: She wants to do magic (?) in order to take Snow White to the castle. When she takes her there, she will give her sleeping pills (?) because she will operate on her, she will take out the goodness from inside her and replace it with the badness (?) She is angry (?) because it’s been years she has been looking for Snow White and she wasn’t able to find her. Now it’s the first time she found her and she wants to take her.” A third form of splitting of self occurs—commonly in the witch cards—where the witch performs different types of magic spells (positive vs. negative) onto two different victims or at different times of the day. Example 1

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She is a nice witch (?) she thinks to be nice during the morning and bad during the night. Example 2

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 2: The witch wants to help animals and harm human beings.

Q: Which is the giant in fairy tales? Why? ii. Section B: Splitting between Card 1, because he looks bad from the waist Id and Superego downward and nice from the waist upward. This type of splitting is often observed in the Example 3 form of interaction among the three figures, whereby one figure wants to act in an aggressive, impulQ: What does each dwarf think/feel? Card 2: He’s got a good hunch and a bad one (?) sive way and the others are trying to control he is thinking, I’m too bored, or How him/her, impose penalties or even act in the opponice would it be if I would go for a walk, site way, i.e., in a helpful/affiliative way. (?) half of his sweater looks good and half of Example 1 it looks bad . Example 4

Q: What does each dwarf think/feel?

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She wants to separate Snow White from the prince (?) she wants the prince to


love her and not Snow White (?) she is sad (?) because the prince loves Snow White. Card 3: She is angry with the first witch (?) Don’t do it! Don’t separate them because they love each other she’s telling her. Example 2

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She wants to do something bad, she is wondering to whom. She thinks that she is very angry and evil (?) because she is a bad person (?) someone did something bad, but she didn’t like it, she would prefer to do something bad, this is why she is angry with that person. Card 2: She too thinks bad things as the other ones because she is a witch. Someone is in front of her: Go and harm him! She thinks that she is bad and the she must do bad things. She is very angry (?) Maybe the person in front of her has told her something like: stop being evil, do something good. Card 3: There is someone in front of her with whom she is very angry. (?) Maybe this person has told her to become nicer and she is angry (?) or maybe she is very bad and has never done something good. Example 3

Q: What does each giant think/feel? Card 2: This giant has always some sweets on him, he is always eating some sweet, he doesn’t want the sweets to end (?) he is happy (?) because he is eating sweets. Card 3: This giant is angry with the second giant. He is telling him: Don’t eat so many sweets, your teeth will rot! Example 4

Q: What does each wolf think/feel? Card 1: He saw Little Red Riding Hood and he

105

is drooling. He is too hungry to eat Little Red Riding Hood. He is happy he has found a pray. Card 2: His good side told him not to eat Little Red Riding Hood because she is an innocent child. He is confused on whether to eat her or not. Card 3: His good side told him don’t bother!. He thinks that he won’t be able to hold back and that he must eat Little Red Riding Hood. He is angry with his good side (?) because it is pushing him to do something good.

iii. Section C: Splitting of Object (mother/father) In response to the instruction to describe the scenes from the story of Little Red Riding Hood, a child may provide opposite descriptions of the mother, depending on the card that portrays her. For example, the child may describe the mother depicted on one card as a wicked stepmother or witch, while he may present the mother on another card as a kind woman or fairy. Moreover, the child may describe the mother as dead in one card and as alive in another. Example 1

Card 1: LRRH begs the wicked stepmother to let her visit her grandmother. Card 2: LRRH wished for a mother who would love her and who is rich. Card 3: Her prayers are fulfilled and she finds a nice mother who takes care of her. Example 2

Card 1: She’s the LRRH’s evil stepmother who is always scolding her and prevents her from visiting her grandmother (?) her mother had died but this was not actually true. Card 2: LRRH left home and is crying at the

106


riverbank in the forest (?) so that she won’t be scolded again by her mother, aunt, whoever that may be. Card 3: She saw her mother outside and at first she thought that it was her imagination, but then she yelled, mom! and she talked to her about her adventure with the woman who scolded her all the time.

Comparison between Second-Order FTT Factor Scores and Defense Mechanisms We examined associations between FTT factor scores and defense mechanisms. This type of study concerns the meaningfulness and nature of the specific defense mechanisms. Each type of defense mechanism was evaluated by comparing children who presented a certain mechanism with children who did not, with respect to the factors of the second-order factor analysis. We have noted significant effects of age and gender. The findings are presented in order, from the most to the least frequently expressed defense mechanisms:

between 6- to 7-year-old girls and between 8to 9-year-old girls, while it is 26 percent between 10- to 12-year-old girls. There was no significant gender effect in any of these age groups. 4. Projection: Projection was significantly associated to factor 1 (impulsivity, p < .003), factor 3 (dominance and guilt, p < .008), and factor 5 (possessiveness and anxiety, p < .001). There was no significant age or gender effect. 5. Reaction Formation: Reaction formation associated significantly with factor 1 (impulsivity, p < .006) and factor 3 (dominance and guilt, p < .001). Although there was a linear trend with age in boys (x 2 = 4.460, df = 1, p < .035), the usual Chi-square test did not attain significance. There was no significant gender effect.

Cross-Cultural Comparisons of Defenses between Turkey, China, India, and Greece

The FTT has been standardized in several cultures, providing the opportunity to study in depth the occurrence and the development of defense mechanisms across several cultures, including 1. Undoing: Children using undoing showed Turkey, China, India, and Greece. Although it is not higher scores in factor 3 (dominance and guilt, the forum to discuss each culture in detail, it is p < .001). There was no significant age or gen- worth noting that religion plays a significant role in der effect. the formation of a culture and each of these cultures 2. Denial: Denial was not significantly associated observes a different religion. with any of the factors. No age or gender The defense mechanisms that appear most often effect was detected. in all four cultures are undoing, denial, negation, 3. Negation: Children expressing negation projection, repression, and splitting (present in over showed significantly high scores in factor 3 7% of the protocols for each culture). Undoing is the (dominance and guilt, p < .001). There was no most popular defense and has the highest frequensignificant age effect in boys. In girls, negation cy in all four cultures (see Tables 5.1, 5.2, and 5.3). appeared to be rising with age (linear trend, p The following sections discuss the three most com= 0.019). The percentage is about 15 percent monly employed defenses in all four cultures.

107

The Development and Cross-Cultural Significance of Defense Mechanisms TABLE 5.1. PERCENTAGE OF PROTOCOLS THAT REVEALED DEFENSE MECHANISMS IN EACHCOUNTRY % Revealing DMs

N

Turkey

77.6

500

China

60

500

India

60

1100

Greece

68

873

TABLE 5.2. PERCENTAGE OF F IVE MOST COMMON DEFENSE MECHANISMS IN EACH COUNTRY Turkey

China

India

Greece

Undoing 27.2%

Undoing 14%

Undoing 19%

Undoing 17.3%

Repression 26.8%

Splitting 11.6%

Denial 10.4%

Denial 15.8%

Splitting 23.2%

Denial 9.2%

Negation 7.8%

Negation 14.5%

Negation 22%

Negation 8.8%

Projection 7.3%

Projection 7.2%

Denial 16%

Projection 8.2%

Splitting 7%

React. Form. 7%

TABLE 5.3. FREQUENCY OF TYPES OF ANXIETY IN EACH COUNTRY Turkey

China

India

Greece

Deprivation 51.6%

Deprivation 52%

Deprivation 53.6%

Insecurity 47%

Insecurity 49%

Insecurity 51.5%

Harm 45.4%

Harm 44%

Rejection 42.7%

Punishment 46%

Punishment 41.5%

Rejection 34%

Harm 39%

Harm 43.7%

Insecurity 41.3%

Deprivation 29%

Concern 34.6%

Self 39%

Rejction 34.5%

Concern 25%

Inability 32.2%

Rejection 38.4%

Self 23.8%

Punishment 22%

Punishment 31.3%

Death 21%

Concern 23.2%

Self 21%

Self 30%

108


TURKEY Interestingly, nearly 80 percent of Turkish children demonstrated at least one defense mechanism in their responses to the FTT. Generally, Turkish children responded to questions in a relatively stereotypical manner, which allowed for little fantasy or creativity. The primary theme displayed throughout the Turkish sample was ambivalence (mostly, type conflict ambivalence) between goodness and badness and between happiness and sadness. The ways personality development and personality dynamics are intertwined with culture in Turkey are thoroughly discussed in Chapter 13, by Dr. Tevfika Ikiz. Undoing is the most common type of defense mechanism observed in responses to the FTT, although the underlying causes for using this specific defense may differ from one country to another. In Turkey, undoing is primarily used against aggression, anxiety, and depression. For example:

Giant 1: He feels miserable (?) because he wanted something that did not finally happen. Giant 2: He feels happy (?) someone made him laugh and he liked that. Repression is the second most common defense mechanism among Turkish protocols. It appeared mostly in the form of “I don’t know” or other vague and general responses, and it was employed as a defense against aggression, depression, or anxiety, and sexual concerns. It negatively associated with Factor 3 (materialistic and social attainments as coping strategies to insecurity, p < 0.01) in the secondorder factor analysis. Turkish children appear to use repression against insecurity when the specific strategies (e.g., gaining wealth or finding a spouse) are not effectively fantasized. For example: “This wolf is sad (?) I can’t think of anything on this issue” (here repression is used against depression). In response to the LRRH depicted on Card 2, the child stated, “She looks happy (?) maybe she saw someone she loves or a strange-looking animal.” Here, the child represses the sexual feeling by

providing a neutral response. Splitting is encountered frequently in Turkish protocols. Splitting of self appears more often than splitting of object (mother) and was observed in responses to the question, “What does each character think/feel?” As depicted on one card, the character appears good, friendly, and helpful, but as illustrated on the other card, the same character seems bad, destructive, and merciless. Splitting may also appear in the names of witches or giants or in responses to other questions. Splitting of object (and in particularly the mother) is often observed as an interaction among the witch figures. Finally splitting between id and superego is relatively frequent. In summary, observations regarding the appearance of splitting in Turkish protocols led to the following: 1. Splitting and undoing often occur in response to a single character. 2. Aggression, as it appears in the giant cards, is frequently motivated by lack of love or feelings of loneliness or rejection. 3. Regarding splitting of self, the nice character helps those who are good to him, and the bad one harms those who hurt or reject him. 4. Occurrences of splitting of self often have to do with the dissociation between external and internal aspects of self. 5. In most instances of splitting of self, indecision and conflict exist in regard to whether one is good or bad. 6. With regard to splitting of object, particularly splitting of the mother, the bad figure maltreats the heroine while the nice one loves and takes good care of her. Example 1

Q: Who is the most wicked giant? Card 1: He has a good looking face but underneath it there is a devil hiding.

The Development and Cross-Cultural Significance of Defense Mechanisms Example 2

Q: What does each giant think? Card 1: He is thinking about nice things. He does not have bad aspects (?) everybody is jealous of him in his neighborhood because he has done good to everyone. Card 2: His neighbors love him very much; for example, they call him every time there is a thief around. Card 3: He always wants to do bad things. He wants to destroy the trees (?) because he is a bad person and nobody loves him.

109

impulses), and as misperceptions of the threatening features of a figure (usually the giant). Example 1

This witch wants to beat SW because she hates her because SW is younger. She feels angry because she can’t beat her because she is old. Example 2

In response to the giant depicted on Card 3, He wants to shave his beard with his club.

Example 3

Q: What does each witch think/feel? Card 1: She wants to do something bad; she wonders what to do and to whom (?) because someone did something nice she didn’t like that, she would have preferred that the person did something bad and that is why she is angry at him/her. Card 2: She also wants to do bad things like the other two because she is a witch. Someone is standing opposite her and is telling the other witches, Go and hurt him! She thinks that she is bad and is very angry (?) maybe the person opposite her told her something like, do something good, stop being mean. Negation in Turkey, as in other countries, is generally applied against fear and insecurity or against aggression. For example, negation against aggressive impulses is often observed in response to the questions, “Which LRRH would you eat, had you been the wolf? Why?” Here, children answer by saying, “No one because I am not a bad wolf.” Negation is also used against fear in response to the questions, “Who scares you most? Why?” Rather than selecting a specific figure, children will declare, “No one scares me.” Denial appears in Turkish protocols in two common ways: as anxiety inability (against aggressive

CHINA

Undoing is the most frequently utilized mechanism among Chinese protocols. It is primarily employed against negative self-image, superego violations, feelings of rejection or loneliness, feelings of insecurity or fear, aggression, and sad or unfortunate events. If we look at the nature of the anxieties expressed by Chinese children, we can observe that insecurity anxiety and anxiety self-image rank among the top five types of anxiety (from a total of 13). The following are examples of this mechanism in responses to the cards depicting the dwarf and LRRH: Example 1 Dwarf

Card 1: He thinks that he can’t help SW, and he wants to run away(?) he is afraid to be transformed by the witch; he is trembling. Card 2: He is thinking, I can help SW . He wants to kill the witch. Example 2 LRRH

Card 1: She is thinking whether she can pick up

110


the mother figure is commonly described as the some flowers . Card 2: She is thinking that she cannot pick up stepmother who maltreats LRRH; in the second flowers; she should protect nature. card, the (step) mother abandons LRRH, or LRRH thinks about her dead mother; while in the third Splitting is the second-most-common mechanism card, LRRH finds her real mother or is adopted by in Chinese protocols. Splitting correlates signifi- a kind person. cantly with Factor 2 (helpfulness as reaction to aggression) in second-order factor analysis, and it Example occurs as a defense against aggression, whereby the Card 1: She is the stepmother of the girl. She character is divided into a kind, friendly, or helpful wants to drive the girl out of the home. person and into an aggressive, destructive, or ruthShe wants to bear her own son to inherless person. it the family’s possessions. The girl feels By comparing this mechanism in children’s probeing wrong, but she could do nothing. tocols from other cultures, we noted the following: Card 2: The stepmother drove the girl out of the house. She has no place to live. She is 1. Splitting of mother is more frequent than splitsad and wants to find her real parents ting of self (55% vs. 36% respectively). who had been driven away by the step2. Responses that reflect splitting arouse fantasy mother. material. Card 3: She finds her real mother. She is very 3. Several examples of splitting of self were happy. observed in the names children gave to witches or giants. Chinese children appear to have ambivalent Example 1 Witches

Card 1: Hate Queen Card 2: Nice Queen Example 2 Giants

Card 1: Bodyguard Card 3: Atrocity Example 3 Giants

Card 1: Terrorist Card 3: Anti-terrorist An interesting pattern occurred in the respondents’ descriptions of scenes from the tale of LRRH in regard to the splitting of mother. In the first card,

relationships with their mothers, whom they often describe as either rejecting and harsh, or supportive and helpful. Negation is the third most frequent mechanism among Chinese children. As in most cultures, negation is commonly utilized against aggression or fear of aggression. Example

Q: Which of the three witches scare you most? Why? Card 3, because she wants to beat somebody. She is very old and says, I do not want to beat the girl, I want to respect the old and love the children. Denial is the fourth most frequent mechanism in Chinese protocols. It often appears in misperceptions of the threatening features in the cards depicting the witch or the giant. Like negation, denial can be applied against feelings of fear or aggression. For example, an 8-year-old boy provided the following


response to card 3 in the witch series: “She is looking for SW. She wants to wear SW’s dress. She looks happy.” In response to the giant depicted on Card 3, a 10-year-old girl stated: “He wants to play tennis with a friend; he is afraid that he will be defeated.” The fifth most common mechanism, projection, is used commonly as a defense against aggression and less frequently against anxiety and fear. It is positively correlated with Factor 2 (helpfulness as reaction to aggression) of second-order factor analysis. We often observed projection is in response to the question, “What can a wicked witch or giant do?” For example, an 8-year-old girl replied, “A wicked giant tells you to steal something or asks you to beat people.” In response to the depiction of LRRH on Card 2, an 8-year-old boy’s answer provides another characteristic example of this mechanism: “She is not happy, she wants to harm, poison her grandmother(?) because the witch turned herself into LRRH.” INDIA In India, undoing is the most common defense mechanism. It is used against a negative self-image, superego violations, fear, or deprivation. The types of anxiety most often reflected in children’s responses are those of deprivation, harm, punishment, insecurity, and rejection. Undoing is associated with Factor 5 (anxiety and depression versus aggressive impulses) in the second-order factor analysis. Example 1 Giant

Card 1: Thinking Jack took away all my things, I have nothing now. Card 2: He is happy he has magical hen, money. Example 2 Witch

111

Card 1: She is angry, wants to rule the world (?) how to get rid of the nice people who come in her way. Card 2: She is angry with herself (?) she is not able to do whatever she wants. She plans something, but it doesn’t work (?) because her intentions are not good. Denial, the second most frequent mechanism in Indian children, is usually employed against fear, superego violations, or aggression. This mechanism appears in the form of reversals and the inability to perceive the aggressive or threatening aspects of a figure (this is especially applicable to the giant depicted on Card 3), or as the character’s inability to perform an aggressive act. Example 1 LRRH

Card 1: She is thinking whether to give the apple. She is happy to see a big wolf and that it is not a wild animal. Example 2 Witch

Card 3: She looks like a devil and looks like she will hit someone(?) now she is old, has no energy, so why kill people? Example 3 Giant

Card 3: He is sad because he doesn’t have short pants. Negation is the third most commonly applied defense mechanism against fear and anxiety. Example 1 LRRH

Card 2: She is feeling happy that strangers are

112


not there (?) she is thinking that they will not come and kill me.

being bad; it can also manifest as helping the good versus helping the bad (person, giant, etc.). 6. Splitting of self often centers on the theme of stealing or robbery. The child may identify with the victim who robs/steals, while he may identify with the robber’s hunter or police man. 7. Sadistic elements and oral aggression sometimes appear in aggressive expressions.

Projection responses in Indian children-the fourth most common mechanism—when compared to those in children from China and Greece, serve more as a defense against anxiety and distress (e.g., “I am not suffering/worried/afraid; others are,” or “I am OK; others are not”) and to a lesser extent as a defense against aggression. For example, when asked, “Which of the three witches scares you most? Why?” a 7-year-old boy replied, “None, only a Example 1 small child will be scared of her.” In response to the Witch (splitting of mother) dwarf illustrated on Card 2, a 10-year-old boy stated, “He is feeling OK, he has nothing to feel sad or Card 1: Stepmother secretly sends SW to the forhappy; he wants to find something to help in the est. But the news spread around, and well-being of other dwarfs (?) some magical power everybody knows the fact. to increase their height (?) because others laugh at Card 2: Stepmother’s sister is scolding her sister them.” that she should not punish innocent SW. Splitting is fifth most frequent mechanism, and it She is advising her not to repeat this. correlates with Factor 2 (object relations as regulators of primary needs) of second-order factor analy- Example 2 sis. Chapter 12 discusses in detail family functioning and parent-child relations in India, where, as in Giant (splitting of self) most cultures, splitting relates to either the self or Card 1: He is thinking to strangle people’s neck, the object (mother or father). Here, we present and people will die, and he will eat some features of this mechanism that appear to them. characterize the Indian culture: Card 2: He is thinking, I am so big, and they will die, and then he will throw them into the 1. Splitting of the mother can manifest in the water (?) he is killing people because he interactions of the three figures in the cards wanted to be the king of the earth. depicting the witch; for example, the good Card 3: He is good and thinking, I will kill the witch not only saves the heroine LRRH but two bad giants with my club because if I also destroys the evil figure. don’t they will be the king of the earth 2. The good witch is usually a relative, such as an (?) he will be able to kill them, and he aunt. The split may be evident between the will be so big that he will help people to mother and the stepmother. carry heavy things and crush robbers to 3. In her efforts to save the heroine, the nice death; if elephants are sick he will carry witch may seek help from supernatural forces them to their mother. or animals. 4. In regard to the splitting of self and object, the nice character is often assigned the role of Example 3 conscience or superego, to prevent aggressive Giant (splitting of self) actions or transgressions. 5. Splitting is not limited to being good versus Card 1: He is anxious, he is seeing a girl going,


but there is a tiger there, so he is stopping her. He is thinking that if he is not able to stop her, the tiger will eat her. Card 2: He is happy because he has saved the girl from the tiger. He is thinking that it is good to have saved the girl because lots of people are dying in his country because of illness. So at least, he could save a life. Card 3: He is a bad giant. He is unhappy because the other two giants have saved the girl. He is thinking that if all the people in his country die he will be able to rule the country. GREECE In Greece, undoing is employed against a variety of causes and is most commonly used against superego violations, depression and anxiety, negative self-image, or aggression.

113

Example 1 Giant

Card 2: He does not wish to kill anyone, he loves people (?) he wants to earn their confidence. Example 2 LRRH

Card 1: She is happy because her grandmother is very well and she is not scared because there are hunters outside her house. Denial, the third most frequently encountered mechanism, is employed against fear, aggression, and superego violations. It is often expressed in the form of minimization, or as the aggressor’s inability or incapacity to carry out his plans. Example 1 Witch

Example 1 Dwarf

Card 2: He feels sad because the witch killed SW. Card 3: He feels happy because SW revived from the witch’s spells. Example 2 Witch

Card 2: She wants to hit SW. (?) She wants SW to be ugly. Card 3: She must not hit SW because she is old and she will die soon. The Greek protocols used negation, the second most common defense mechanism, almost exclusively to defend against aggressive impulses. To a lesser extent, they used it against feelings of fear and anxiety.

Card 2: She is not sure if she wants to kill SW; she thinks it will be better if she hits her rather than kill her (?) if she resorts to violence she may be imprisoned for ever. Example 2 Witch

Card 3: She is very annoyed because SW is prettier and younger than her and because she cannot perform any magic spells as she does not have her magic wand. Greek protocols used the next most common mechanism, projection, is almost always against aggression and in response to the question, “What can a wicked witch do?” For example, “A wicked witch can transform a good prince into an evil magician.” Reaction formation, employed only to defend

114


against aggressive impulses, is commonly observed in response to the question, “What does a wicked witch or giant think/feel?” DISCUSSION The cross-cultural comparison of the use of defense mechanisms in these four countries revealed a number of interesting findings. First, we observed the universality of certain defense mechanisms including undoing, denial, negation, projection, splitting, and repression. The frequency of these mechanisms varies in each of the four countries. Undoing is the mechanism most frequently revealed in the FTT responses. This is attributable to its ability to help the individual to cope with several unacceptable personality dimensions or superego prohibitions, including aggression, anxiety and fear, depression, and negative selfimage. Second, we noted that although the same defenses occur in all four countries, the underlying causes might differ. For example, in India, primary motives for projection are anxiety and distress, whereas in the other countries children use projection in response to aggression. Third, the defense mechanism of splitting occurs rather distinctly in Chinese, Turkish, and Indian cultures. In China, splitting, more than other defenses, appears to stir up fantasy and primitive material, which is often strikingly idiosyncratic and creative. In Turkey, splitting of self occurs more frequently than splitting of object, stressing almost uniform confusion over being good or being bad. Finally, in India, splitting often occurs in reaction to the interactions of the three depicted figures, as one character adopts the role of conscience or superego and thereby tries to control the impulsive actions of the others. The findings and conclusions discussed in the present chapter should always be considered under a cultural perspective specific to each country presented in this book (see Part V of the book).

REFERENCES American Psychiatric Association. (1987). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd rev. ed.). Washington, DC: Author. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM IV, (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Ames, L., Learned, J., Metreaux, R., & Walker, R. (1974). Child Rorschach responses: Developmental trends from two to ten years . New York: P. B. Hoeber. Andrews, G., Pollock, C., & Stewart, G. (1989). The determination of defense style by questionnaire. American Journal of Psychiatry, 46, 455–460. Benveniste, D. (2005). Recognizing defenses in the drawings and play of children in therapy. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 22 (3), 395–410. Blum, G. S. (1985). Defense and resistance . New York: International Universities Press. Bond, M. P. (1986). Defense Style Questionnaire. In G. E. Vaillant (Ed.), Empirical studies of ego mechanisms of defense (pp. 146–152). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Bond, M., & Vaillant, J. S. (1986). An empirical study of the relationship between diagnosis and defense style. Archives of General Psychiatry, 43, 285–288. Bond, M., Gardner, S., Christian, J., & Sigal, J. (1983). Empirical study of self-rated defense styles. Archives of General Psychiatry, 40, 333–338. Brenner, C. (1982). The mind in conflict . New York: International Universities Press. Brody, L. R., Rozek, M. K., & Muten, E. O. (1985). Age, sex, and individual differences in children’s defensive styles. Journal of Clinical Child Psychology, 14, 132–138. Chandler, M. J., Paget, K. F., & Koch, D. A. (1978). The child’s demystification of psychological defense mechanisms: A structural developmental analysis. Develop- mental Psychology, 14, 197-205. Conte, H. R., & Plutchik, R. (1993). The measurement of ego defenses in clinical research. In U. Henkschel, G. J. W. Smith, W. Ehlers, & J. G. Draguns (Eds.), The concept of defense mechanisms in contemporary psyc hology: Theoretical, research, and clinical perspectives (pp. 275–289). New York: Springer-Verlag. Cooper, S. H. (1989). Recent contributions to the theory of defense mechanisms: A comparative view. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 31, 865–891. Cooper, S. H., Perry, J. C., & Arnow, D. (1988). An

The Development and Cross-Cultural Significance of Defense Mechanisms empirical approach to the study of defense mechanisms: 1. Reliability and preliminary validity of the Rorschach Defense Scales. Journal of Personality Assessment, 52, 187–203. Cramer, P. (1987). The development of defense mechanisms. Journal of Personality, 55, 597–614. Cramer, P. (1991). Development of defense mechanisms: Theory, research, and assessment . New York: SpringerVerlag. Engel, G. (1962). Psychological development in health and disease . Philadelphia: Saunders. Finzi, R., Har-Even, D., & Weizman, A. (2003). Comparison of ego defenses among physically abused children, neglected, and non-maltreated children. Comprehensive Psychiatry, 44, 388–395. Freud, S. (1894/1962). The neuro-psychoses of defense . J. Strachey (ed. & trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud (vol. 5, pp. 45–61). London: Hogarth Press. Freud, A. (1936). The ego and the mechanisms of defense . New York: International Universities Press. Freud, A. (1965). Normality and pathology in childhood . London: Carnac Books. Freud, S. (1962). The neuro-psychoses of defense. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 1, pp. 206–212). London: Hogarth Press. (Original work published 1894.) Gleser, G. C., & Ihilevich, D. (1969). An objective instrument for measuring defense mechanisms. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 33, 51–60. Haan, N. (1963). Proposed model of ego functioning: Coping and defense mechanisms in relationship to IQ change. Psychology Monographs, 77, 1–23. Haan, N. (1977). Coping and defending: Process of self environment organization . San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Hartmann, H., Kris, E., & Loewenstein, R. M. (1964). Papers on psychoanalytic psychology: Psychological issues (Monograph No. 14). New York: International University Press. Jacobson, A. M., Beardslee, W., Hauser, S. T., Noam, G. G., & Powers, S. I. (1986). An approach to evaluating ego defense mechanisms using clinical interviews. In G. E. Vaillant (Ed.), Empirical studies of the ego mechanisms of defense (pp. 181–194). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Kernberg, O. F. (1975). Borderline conditions and pathological narcissism . New York: Jason Aronson. Klein, M. (1946). Some notes on schizoid mechanisms.

115

International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 27, 99–110. Kohut, H. (1984). How does analysis cure? Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Laor, N., Wolmer, L., & Cicchetti, D. C. (2001). The comprehensive assessment of defense style: Measuring defense mechanisms in children and adolescents. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 189, 360–368. Lerner, H. & Lerner, P. (1982). A comparative study of defensive structure in neurotic, borderline, and schizophrenic patients. Psychoanalysis and Contemporary Thought, 5, 77–113. Lichtenberg, J. D., & Slap, J. W. (1972). On the defense mechanism: A survey and synthesis. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 20, 776–792. Mahler, M. S. (1968). On human symbiosis and the vicissitudes of individuation . New York: International University Press. Mitchell, S. (1988). Relational concepts in psychoanalysis . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Modell, A. (1984). Psychoanalysis in a new context . New York: International Perry, J. C. (1990a). Defense mechanisms rating scales (5th ed.). Cambridge, MA: Author. Perry, J. C. (1990b). Psychological defense mechanisms in the study of affective and anxiety disorders. In J. Maser & C. R. Cloninger (Eds.), Co-morbidity in anxiety and mood disorders (pp. 545–562). Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Press. Pfeffer, C. R. (1986). The suicidal child . New York: Guilford Press. Plutchik, R., Kellerman, H., & Conte, H. R. (1979). A structural theory of ego defenses and emotions. In C. E. Izard (Ed.), Emotions in personality and psychopathology (pp. 229–257). New York: Plenum Press. Sandstrom, M., & Cramer, P. (2003). Defense mechanisms and psychological adjustment in childhood. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 191, 487—495. Schaffer, R. (1968). The mechanisms of defense. International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 49, 49–61. Semrad, E. (1967). The organization of ego defenses and object loss. In D. M. Moriarity (Ed.), The loss of loved ones . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Semrad, E., Grinspoon, L., & Freinberg, S. (1973). Development of an ego profile scale. Archives of General Psychiatry, 28, 70–77. Smith, G. J. W., & Danielsson, A. (1977). Anxiety and defense strategies in childhood and adolescence . New York: International Universities Press. Stolorow, R. D., & Lachmann, F. M. (1978). The develop-

116


mental prestages of defenses: Diagnostic and therapeutic implications. Psychoanalytic Quarterly, 47, 73– 102. Swanson, G. E. (1988). Ego defenses and the legitimation of behavior . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vaillant, G. E. (1971). Theoretical hierarchy of adaptive ego mechanisms. Archives of General Psychiatry, 24, 107–118. Vaillant, G. E. (1976). Natural history of male psychological health: The relation of choice of ego mechanisms of defense to adult adjustment. Archives of General Psychiatry, 33, 535–545. Vaillant, G. E. (1977). Adaptation to life . Boston: Little Brown.

Vaillant, G. E. (1993). The wisdom of the ego . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Vaillant, G. E., & Drake, R. E. (1985). Maturity of ego defenses in relation to DSM–III axis II personality disorder. Archives of General Psychiatry, 42, 597–601. Winnicott, D. W. (1965). The maturational processes and the facilitating environment . New York: International University Press Yasnovsky, J., Araujo, K., King, M., Mason, M., Pavelski, R., Shaw, R., et al. (2003). Defenses in school age children: Children’s versus parents’ report. Child Psychiatry and Human Development, 33, 307–323.

PART IV CLINICAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST

Chapter 6 THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN THE PERSONALITY ASSESSMENT OF CHILDREN WITH LEARNING DISORDERS MARILENA SOUYOULDZOGLOU general intelligence; (3) the damage should be developmental and present during the school years his study, which attempts to assess the person- and not later; (4) external factors that could adeality of children with learning disorders (LDs), quately explain the difficulties in school achievehas been the subject of a doctoral dissertation at the ment should be excluded; and (5) the disorders Panteion University of Athens (2001). should not be directly explicable in terms of impaired vision or hearing (World Health Organization, 1992, p. 304). Diagnostic Concept and More specifically, LDs include reading disorPsychological Assessment ders—for which the term dyslexia is also used—as well According to the fourth edition of the Diagnostic as written expression disorders and mathematical and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, the diagno- disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). sis of LDs applies to cases in which an individual’s In the Greek school system, LDs are defined as achievement on standardized tests of reading, math- reading, writing or mathematical disorders in c hilematics, or writing expression is significantly lower dren with no mental retardation and they stem from than what is expected for the particular age, school, perceptive inaccuracies which influence stimulus and mental level. The difference between the encoding. These are usually revealed by difficulties achievement and the intelligence quotient (IQ) is in reading, spelling, comprehension, verbal reasonconsidered significant when it corresponds to more ing, written expression or mathematical reasoning. than two standard deviations below the mean. LDs Dyslexia is considered the main LD as it contains also influence academic achievement and daily elements of all different types of LDs. Initially, activities that demand reading, writing, and mathe- dyslexia appears as a difficulty in possessing and matical skills (American Psychiatric Association, elaborating the written language, but it is actually 1994, p. 47). associated with all the functions of language that The ICD-10: Classification of Mental and Behavioral also extend to mathematical reasoning (Pedagogic Disorders considers five criteria for the diagnosis of Institute, 1996). “specialized developmental disorders of academic A diagnosis of dyslexia requires that the child has skills,” namely that (1) these disorders should be dif- an average level of intelligence (IQ at least 90) and ferent from the normal variations of school achieve- that there is a significant discrepancy between the ment; (2) the damage should be particular and child’s intelligence skills and achievement in readshould not be explicable only by the presence of ing and spelling. Achievement in these two areas mental retardation or from insignificant deficits in must be at least one chronological year lower than INTRODUCTION

T

119

120


that of children of the same age and school class for the first two grades of elementary school, a year and a half lower for the third and fourth grades, and two years lower for the following grades. A child with difficulties in learning is usually referred to a children’s mental health center upon the teacher’s suggestion. The evaluation is mainly psychometric and educational and includes: (a) basic scales of intelligence (Weschler, 1992; Georgas et al., 1998; Raven, 1938) to exclude mental retardation and evaluate the various cognitive skills, and (b) the evaluation of reading, spelling, writing, and mathematics using special tests according to the child’s school level. The evaluation investigates mainly the child’s cognitive skills and weaknesses. It identifies difficulties in visual and auditory perception, memory, concentration, and problem solving; and impairments in reading and reading comprehension and written expression; and suggests remedial techniques. Children with LDs usually indicate emotional problems resulting from a frustrating experience in school—academic failure or rejection by peers and adults. The evaluation of affective characteristics is particularly important in a child with LDs. These factors inhibit one’s ability to learn and succeed, since they determine “the degree to which the individual will try to learn a specialized learning sub ject” (Bloom, 1976, p. 104). For a child to succeed in learning, she must believe that she has the abilities to execute the expected work and that her success is due to her own efforts and abilities (Dweck, 1975; Brookover et al., 1965). According to several studies, the correlation between intelligence tests and school achievement accounts for only twenty to 50 percent of the variance associated with predicting achievement from intelligence quotients alone. The impact of noncognitive factors in academic success accounts for fifty to 70 percent of the variance (Zigler, 1968, as cited in Jones, 1996, p. 239). Children with LDs have a higher risk of developing emotional, social, or behavioral problems than children without LDs (Prior, 1996). More specifically, Prior suggests that the overlap between

behavioral problems and LDs is usually 40 to 50% depending on the kind of problems considered (Prior, 1996, p. 117). Children with LDs share the same basic needs and impulses as other children, such as the need for approval, self-sufficiency, ability, and superiority, but their impairments may impede the fulfillment of these needs (Thompson, 1989). If the needs go unfulfilled, their adjustment is threatened, and emotional and behavioral problems may appear. Children with mild disabilities are considered to be high-risk not only for academic failure and school dropouts, but also for the development of emotional disorders, adjustment and behavioral problems, and difficulties in adult life (Jones, 1996). The present study advocates that, in order to plan appropriate therapeutic intervention, psychological assessment is required to evaluate a child’s negative affects associated with LDs. The use of the projective Fairy Tale Test (FTT) allows the study of the personality as a whole. More specifically, it evaluates twenty-six personality variables that encompass needs and desires, fears and anxieties, motivational aggression, depression, and self-esteem. It also evaluates ego functions such as thought process, defense mechanisms, and reality testing.

Personality Characteristics of Learning Disorders Children with LDs are usually described as more anxious and unwilling to pursue new endeavors. They tend to give up easily, and they readily experience frustration. They believe that successes and failures result from external factors, such as luck (external locus of control), and thus they rely more on external help than on their own abilities (Meyen, 1990). The lack of motivation and persistence negatively influences these children’s academic and social abilities. This long-lasting experience of failure may result in the development of learned helplessness (Licht, 1983) and the belief that failure is unavoidable. Thus, these children may feel incompetent, even if they are able to succeed (Thomas, 1979).

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Learning Disorders

Children with LDs are also described as impulsive, aggressive, and difficult to approach. Many of them have the tendency to alienate others. They provoke hostile and competitive comments, and they are less capable of accepting tenderness (Meyen, 1990). The failure in school and the frustrations of dyslectic children are known to create emotional difficulties, which in turn affect performance in school (Polychronopoulou, 1995). The psychological repercussions of LDs have been systematically examined. As mentioned above, children with LDs have a higher risk of having affective or behavioral problems than normal children do. Prior (1996) suggests that the behavioral problems most frequently related to LDs involve “acting out” and “under controlled” or “externalizing” behaviors that bring the child into conflict with his external environment. These behaviors include provocative, aggressive, disturbing, impulsive, and antisocial acts such as fighting, bullying, disobedience, and uncooperative behavior. Usually, this results in a diagnosis of conduct disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, or antisocial disorder. Prior (1996) writes that the prevalence of these kinds of behavior problems is estimated at about 9 percent of boys and 2 percent of girls. Behavioral problems that concern “internalizing” or “overcontrolled” behaviors or emotional problems are less frequently studied in LDs. These behaviors include social withdrawal, anxiety, fearfulness, sadness, and depression, which are rarely recognized because the problem lies within the individual; not in his relationship with the environment. Girls with LDs are more likely to present difficulties of this kind, because they behave quietly in the classroom and therefore their learning disorders attract less attention (Prior, 1996). The failure experienced by children with LDs has a significant psychological impact. They receive criticism and comments from their parents and teachers, and their peers often reject them. As they are often left behind, they develop a characteristic self-image that is different, insufficient, and hopeless.

121

Research results have shown that the following emotional and social characteristics are related to LDs. 1. P ROB LE MS CONCE RN ING S ELF-IMAGE AN D SELF-ESTEEM: The problems associated with self-

esteem have been clinically observed and empirically examined (Griffiths, 1970). Searcy (1988) has emphasized that activities that aim to improve children’s self-esteem should be included in the educational programs for children with LDs. Self-esteem develops mainly through interaction with significant others (Wylie, 1974), and parental approval is considered fundamental for the development of positive self-esteem (Coopersmith, 1967). As the child enters school, this new environment plays a significant role in the development of academic self-esteem. During this period, the development of self-esteem is based either on experiences of success and personal pride or on experiences related to feelings of ambivalence and unworthiness (Erickson, 1959). Children with LDs express feelings that are more negative about themselves compared to children without LDs (Prout, Marcal, & Marcal, 1992; Sood, 1994). They also display lower academic self-image than children without LDs (Bryan, 1986; Chapman & Boersma, 1980). The tendency to express negative feelings about themselves affects not only academic skills but also global self-esteem (Black, 1974; Butkowsky & Willow, 1980; Chapman & Boersma, 1979; Rogers & Saklofske, 1985). Moreover, lower self-esteem may result from children acknowledging their differences and/or from their eventual participation in special programs. Leondari (1994) compares self-images of Greek schoolchildren with LDs to those of their peers without LDs. She concludes that children with LDs who participate in special classes regard themselves more negatively, in regard to both academic and general self-esteem, than their peers without LDs and than low-achieving peers who follow a normal school program. 2. EXTE RNAL LOCU S OF CONTROL: At 4 to 5 years of age, children without LDs have an external

122


locus of control for both successes and failures; at 6 to 7 years of age, this locus becomes internal for successes; and at 10 to 11 years of age, it becomes internal for both successes and failures (Lawrence & Winschel, 1975, as cited in Jones, 1996, p. 240). Children with LDs do not follow this trajectory; instead, the orientation of the locus of control remains more external than their peers without LDs (Rogers, 1983, as cited in Jones, 1996, p. 240). The introversion developed by children with LDs concerns failure, commonly considered as the result of their behavior and does not involve successes that are attributed to chance or to others’ actions (Chapman & Boersma, 1979). 3. MOTIVATION FOR WORK : Children with LDs demonstrate lower motivation for work and school than their peers without LDs (Gregory, Shanahan, & Walberg, 1985). This lack of motivation may result in long-lasting academic failure. When students doubt their mental abilities, they consider efforts for success to be in vain (Lerner, 1993). 4. LOWER EXPECTATIONS: Children with learning difficulties have lower self-confidence concerning positive learning results (Bryan, 1986), since they have negative perceptions about their abilities and relatively low expectations regarding future achievements (Chapman, 1988). Poor self-image, the external locus control, and low expectations concerning their achievements appear to negatively influence their level of persistence and their efforts to learn, leading them to failure. In other words, there is a retroactive relationship between experiences of academic failure and negative feelings (Rogers & Saklofske, 1985). 5. ANXIETY: Anxiety is higher in children with LDs than in children without LDs (Stein & Hoover, 1989; Thompson, 1989; Prout et al., 1992; Sood, 1994). Failure in learning leads to low self-esteem and increased anxiety (Lerner, 1993), and high anxiety is associated with low self-esteem (McCandless, 1967) and with reduced effectiveness of cognitive abilities (Tobias, 1979). According to Margalit and Zak (1984), the high rating in anxiety demonstrated by children with LDs as compared to children without LDs is associ-

ated with the feeling that they would not be able to control things that could happen to them. Students with LDs experience a more negative self-image and higher levels of anxiety because of the way they perceive their inadequacies and their low status in school (Jones, 1985). 6. DEPRESSION: Significant levels of depression have been found in 10 to 20 percent of children with LDs (Stevenson & Romney, 1984). Indeed, many studies indicate that a loss of self-esteem and high levels of performance anxiety, and even clinical depression, are further complications of LDs (Levine, 1987). 7. SOCIAL DEFICITS: Deficits in academic selfconcept usually co-exist with poor peer acceptance, rejection, deficits in positive social behavior and excessive negative social interaction patterns (Gresham, 1988). Teachers, parents and peers rate students with LDs as deficient in task-related interpersonal and self-related social skills domains (Gresham and Reschly, 1986). 8. P E ER RELATIONS: Peer relations seem to be difficult for children with LDs, as “children with learning disorders are rejected or ignored by their peers” (Mercer, 1987, p. 449). When children with LDs try to take initiative for social interaction, they may have to face rejection by or the ignorance of others (Jones, 1996). Many believe that children with LDs react negatively to others because they are incapable of comprehending social understanding (Weiss, 1984). 9. P A RENTS AND TEACHERS: Parents and teachers view children with LDs more negatively than they view children without LDs (Lerner, 1993). Parents, teachers, and peers tend to reject children with LDs because of inappropriate social behavior (Bryan, 1986). Chapman and Boersma (1980) have found that mothers of children with LDs respond more negatively to their children’s achievements than mothers of children without LDs. In another study, the same authors suggest that mothers of children with LDs have fewer positive interactions with their children than do mothers of children without LDs (Boersma & Chapman, 1978). Hilliard and Roth (1969) have


also observed that mothers of children who are less successful in school are more rejecting and less accepting. According to another study, parents of children with LDs are less affectionate and put more pressure on their children regarding their achievement in school (Owen et al., 1971). As the above discussion has shown, the emotional difficulties of children with LDs are secondary and are related to failure at school and children’s frustration (Critchley, 1970; Thomson, 1990; Varma, 1997). It is clear that “emotional and learning disorders interact, because development is a dynamic process and children’s growing organism develops as a whole” (_nastassiou, 1998, p. 36). Difficulties in learning create emotional problems (e.g., low selfesteem, anxiety, depression, aggression, withdrawal) and social difficulties (e.g., environmental rejection) that negatively influence the learning process and the development of personal capacities. These results are primarily based on studies that used objective tests. The following section discusses the use of projective tests for the assessment of personality in children with LDs.

The Use of Projective Techniques The main projective technique that has been used with children with LDs is the Rorschach, which differentiates children with LDs from normal children by evaluating their general personality characteristics. Results from these studies have revealed the following personality characteristics for children with LDs: perceptive inaccuracies, unusual responses, limitations to emotional expression, and low self-esteem (Blood, 1984; Champion et al., 1984; Williams & Miles, 1985; Acklin, 1990; Harper & Scott, 1990; Kuchta, 1990; RodriguezSutil, Calonge & Scout, 1992). The majority of relevant studies have used small samples (N < 41), and the comparison of the group samples has been executed with Exner’s norms (1974, 1978, 1984, 1985) in the case of a much larger sample. Although it did not compare the results of children with LDs with those of normal children, a

123

study by Wagner (1980) that required children to draw a person verified that children with LDs create drawings that suggest developmental immaturity and tendencies toward aggression or withdrawal, anxiety, and idiosyncratic responses (bizarres). However, this study does not inform us about the exact number of the sample size, the results were not based on an objective way of scoring, and there was no comparison with a control group. According to a study conducted with Kinetic Family Drawings (Raskin & Bloom, 1979), anxiety and feelings of isolation and rejection that develop as a result of school failure appear early on in a child’s school career and persist into adolescence. However, this study does not provide an objective way of scoring; moreover, there is no comparison with a control group sample (Raskin & Bloom, 1979). The objective of the present study is to underline the need for a global evaluation of the personalities of children with LDs, which would serve to identify the affective variables and the specific characteristics of their personality. The present study also aims to encourage the use of the projective Fairy Tale Test as a diagnostic means.

Experimental Hypotheses The primary hypothesis of this study is that children with LDs would have the same basic needs, desires, and impulses as normal children. However, children with LDs experience frustrations because of repetitive failures and their inability to meet the demands of a rejecting environment. As a result they develop a negative self-image, and they experience lower motivation for work and learning, accompanied by higher levels of anxiety and depression. Their frustrations lead to high aggression and low self-esteem, while rejection from their social environment increases their emotional needs (Souyouldzoglou, Atsarou & Coulacoglou, 1999). More specifically it is expected that children with LDs will obtain higher scores on the variables of Need for Affection, Need for Affiliation, Need for Protection, Anxiety, Depression and Aggression.

124


However, in regards to Aggression, no research data exist on the type(s) of aggression on which children with LDs may score higher. Furthermore, children with LDs will have a more negative relationship with their parents and, finally, their self-esteem will be lower in comparison to the control participants. METHOD AND DESIGN

Participants The sample of children with LDs consists of 100 children, between 7 and 12 years of age (M = 10.31 years, SD = 1.82). Diagnosis of LDs was provided by the guidance centers. This was the first time that these children had been referred for evaluation. Selection of children of the present sample complies with the exclusion criteria of LDs. More specifical-

ly, the sample did not include children whose difficulties in learning are due to mental retardation, affective disorders, and environmental deficiencies, sensory or physical handicaps. Children with LDs who were not acquainted with the content of the fairy tales were also excluded. The control group (CG) consisted of 110 children, between 7 to 12 years of age, selected from public schools in the Athens area (M = 10.14 years, SD = 1.69). The CG was selected from the Fairy Tale Test’s (FTT) original sample (N = 800), in order to match the LDs group with regard to sex, age, and social class. According to the teachers’ evaluations, which were completed with the Rutter Behavior Evaluation Scale for teachers and parents, children in the CG do not have any learning or behavioral problems (Coulacoglou, 1993). The demographic characteristics of the children with LDs are presented in tables 6.1, 6.2, and 6.3.

TABLE 6.1. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO AGE OF CHILDREN WITH LEARNING DISORDERS (LDs) AND OF THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) LDs

CG

AGES (in years)

frequency

%

frequency

%

7–8

24

24.00

28

25.46

9–10

26

26.00

30

27.27

11–12

50

50.00

52

47.27

Total

100

100

110

100

TABLE 6.2. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO SEX OF CHILDREN WITH LEARNING DISORDERS (LDs) AND OF THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) LDs

CG

AGES (in years)

frequency

%

frequency

%

Boys

69

69.00

62

56.40

Girls

31

31.00

48

43.60

Total

100

100

110

100

125

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Learning Disorders TABLE 6.3. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO SOCIAL CLASS OF CHILDREN WITH LEARNING DISORDERS (LDs) AND OF THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) LDs

CG

SOCIAL CLASS

frequency

%

frequency

Low

35

35.00

23

20.90

Middle

55

55.00

65

59.10

Upper

10

10.00

22

20.00

Total

100

100

110

100

The average intelligence quotient for children with LDs is 98.6 (90–110) according to the intelligence scale for children (WISC-III) (Georgas et al., 1998).

Procedure The FTT was administered during the regular procedure of the psychological assessment within the guidance center by a group of psychologists. The group included the researcher and two psychologists trained in the administration of the test. The scoring of the protocols was done separately by the researcher and the author of the FTT. The interrater reliability coefficients (r), along with the corresponding p -values ( p ) are presented in Table IV. Defense mechanisms were scored 1 for every time they appeared in a protocol. The group also compiled a report consisting of: (1) demographic characteristics of each child’s family (SES, education level, family situation, etc.); and (2) the synthesis of the family and the members’ names, which may be useful with regards to the evaluation of certain responses. Information concerning family relationships, diagnosis, current medical problems, language disorders, and IQ were also noted. The variable Relation with Father is not included into the data analysis due to its low variability across the sample (< 5%).

%

RESULTS

Personality Variables Analysis of variance (ANOVA) was applied to compare the control and clinical groups (see Tables 6.5 and 6.6). Principal component analysis was used to group the variables into principal personality components. From the analysis of the main components of the FTT variables, four factors were extracted (see Table 6.7).

Discussion of Factors 1. R E LATIONSHIP WITH THE MOTHER : A positive relationship with the mother, as well as maternal affection and support, help the child develop a better relationship with the environment and reduce his anxiety and fear. Furthermore, both the support and the approval reinforce self-esteem and form a safe basis for development. On the other hand, separation anxiety obstructs the child’s self-confidence and trust in others, and leads to a lack of selfesteem, anxiety, and depression (Bowlby, 1979). Children, whose parents and caregivers are emotionally available, affectionate, and supportive, will develop a competent and lovable self-working model. However, children who experience their

126

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 6.4. INTERRATER RELIABILITY OF FTT VARIABLES, PEARSON’S COEFFICIE NT (r) (N = 30)

FTT VARIABLES

r

p

Ambivalence

0.988

0.000**

Desire for Material Things

0.990

0.000**

Desire for Superiority

0.984

0.000**

Sense of Property

0.961

0.000**

Aggression as Dominance

0.984

0.000**

Aggression Type A

0.976

0.000**

Aggression as Defense

0.907

0.000**

Aggression as Envy

0.952

0.000**

Aggression as Retaliation

0.982

0.000**

Oral Aggression

0.998

0.000**

Fear of Aggression

0.450

0.013**

Oral Needs

0.964

0.000**

Desire to Help

0.974

0.000**

Need for Affiliation

0.124

0.514**

Need for Affection

0.931

0.000**

Anxiety

0.988

0.000**

Depression

0.976

0.000**

Relationship with Mother

0.925

0.000**

Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content

0.539

0.002**

Bizarres

0.867

0.000**

Repetitions

1.000

0.000**

Morality

0.950

0.000**

Need for Protection

0.988

0.000**

Self-Esteem

0.934

0.000**

Sexual Preoccupation

0.980

0.000**

•• p <0.01 * p <0.05

127


TABLE 6.5. MEANS (M), STANDARD DEVIATIONS (DS), AND CRITERIA OF STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FTT VARIABLES IN THE LEARNING DISABILITIES (LDs) AND CONTROL GROUPS (CG)

LDs

CG

FTT VARIABLES

M

SD

M

SD

F

p

Ambivalence

4.93

4.54

5.49

4.43

0.889

0.347


0.76

2.16

0.72

1.28

0.700

0.792


2.12

3.99

0.87

1.52

8.492

0.004**

Sense of Property

0.33

1.18

0.28

0.92

0.176

0.674


1.59

2.83

0.80

1.70

5.145

0.024*

Aggression Type A

3.43

3.61

2.44

2.38

4.319

0.039*


0.30

1.32

0.10

0.42

2.460

0.118

Aggression as Envy

1.33

2.10

0.95

2.03

2.220

0.138


1.17

2.08

1.23

1.86

0.005

0.942

Oral Aggression

0.69

1.46

0.59

1.05

0.188

0.664

Fear of Aggression

3.63

2.39

5.01

2.09

23.071

0.000**

Oral Needs

5.74

3.43

4.40

2.40

10.737

0.001**

Desire to Help

0.77

1.60

0.78

1.42

0.006

0.935


2.08

2.19

1.60

1.54

3.538

0.061

Need for Affection

0.92

1.82

0.47

1.00

4.420

0.037*

Anxiety

5.96

4.00

3.85

2.48

20.851

0.000**

Depression

2.08

2.14

1.48

1.43

3.592

0.059


-0.35

0.86

0.20

0.83

18.966

0.000**


44.67

8.41

47.39

4.52

5.767

0.017*

Bizarres

0.88

1.37

0.20

0.52

19.458

0.000**

Repetitions

1.36

1.61

0.71

1.02

11.930

0.001**

Morality

1.75

2.08

1.40

1.77

1.514

0.220

Need for Protection

0.80

1.85

0.47

0.94

3.149

0.077

Self-Esteem

-0.87

1.17

-0.04

0.78

35.942

0.000**


1.13

1.64

0.72

1.18

4.026

0.046*

128


TABLE 6.6. MEANS (M), STANDARD DEVIATIONS AND CRITERIA OF STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE IN THE CATEGORIES OF ANXIETY IN THE LEARNING DISABILITIES (LDs) AND CONTROL GROUPS (CG)

ANXIETY CATEGORIES Anxiety Harm/Death Anxiety Disapproval/Rejection/ Punishment/Prohibition Anxiety Deprivation Anxiety Inability Anxiety Illness Anxiety Loneliness Anxiety Helplessness Anxiety Self-Image Anxiety Insecurity/Confusion Anxiety Concern for Others Anxiety Hard Work

LDs M 1.09

SD 1.89

CG M 0.55

0.53

1.21

0.83 0.28 0.12 0.13 0.23 0.27 0.73 0.44 0.25

1.23 0.72 0.62 0.66 0.77 0.61 1.18 0.93 0.90

SD 1.22

F 5.945

p 0.016*

0.20

0.53

7.344

0.007**

0.25 0.17 010 0.14 0.37 0.29 0.56 0.55 0.09

0.58 0.48 0.40 0.44 0.91 0.68 0.87 1.18 0.31

18.937 1.341 0.121 0.015 1.219 0.046 1.321 0.599 3.292

0.000** 0.248 0.728 0.901 0.271 0.830 0.259 0.440 0.71

* p < .05 ** p < .01 TABLE 6.7. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Relationship with the Mother

Relation with Mother Aggression Type A Anxiety Fear of Aggression

-0.690 -0.0484 -0.591 -0.619

Emotional Frustration

Need for Affection Need for Affiliation Aggression as Retaliation

-0.798 -0.707 -0.494

Assertiveness

Aggression as Dominance Desire for Superiority Sense of Property

-0.742 -0.631 -0.579

Reality Testing

Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content Bizarres

-0.501 -0.716


attachment figures as avoidant, emotionally unavailable, and unsupportive will develop a selfworking model unworthy of love and without any abilities (Bowlby, 1969). For children with LDs, secure attachment with the mother seems to be the most important factor, as it is the first factor extracted in the analysis. In normal children the mother-image factor appears to be the second most important in the factor analysis sequence (Coulacoglou, 1993). 2. E MOTIONAL FRUSTRATION: Frustration, rejection, and isolation in children with learning disorders seem to increase their emotional needs and the needs for maternal affection, approval, and friendly relationships with their environment. Children with LDs require social contacts, as they may otherwise prefer isolation to avoid negative experiences in interpersonal relations (Kuchta, 1990). Frustration, lack of satisfaction, and displeasure provoked by internal or external negative stimuli may inspire aggression as retaliation and counterattacks aimed at the environment, which the child may consider responsible for the frustration. According to the FTT study, there is no such factor among normal children (Coulacoglou, 1993). 3. ASSERTIVENESS: To compensate for feelings of inferiority and to increase self-esteem, children with LDs desire dominance and superiority. Not only they want to overcome others, but they also wish to exceed, dominate, assert, and defend whatever belongs to them, including objects or feelings. The children’s assertiveness regarding the desired objects appears to be some kind of competition or dominance that develops in children 2 to 3 years old. Some children succeed better in asserting the desired objects in relation to place or time (Bee, 1995). Assertiveness appears in FTT factors in normal children but does not include the variable sense of property. Assertiveness is also an important characteristic in children without learning disorders, as it appears in the same place in the factor analysis sequence (Coulacoglou, 1993). 4. R EALITY TESTING: This factor demonstrates

129

the ability of children with LDs to adapt their answers to the fairy tale content. In cases where the adaptation to the fairy tale content is high, the number of bizarres is reduced. Responses that are considered to be relevant to the fairy tale content are those related to the story, those that are completed, those that reflect specific elements of the story’s narrative, and those in which the children do not insert personal fantasies. High adaptation to the fairy tale content and reduced number of bizarres suggests a tendency toward controlling reality that secures ego control. The bizarres of children with LDs reflect personal fantasies that do not always signify psychopathology. In the FTT factor analysis for normal children, the variable Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content or reality testing hold the first place (Coulacoglou, 1993). In sum, according to the factor analysis, the basic personality components for children with LDs include affective frustration, the need for affection and support, relation with others, and most importantly, attachment to a caring and supportive mother. Furthermore, assertiveness in relation to the child’s self-esteem reinforcement and adaptation to reality reflect an efficient ego control. Relationship with the mother, approximate to mother image in children (Coulacoglou, 1993), assertiveness and reality testing are also principal components opf normal children’s personality. On the other hand, emotional frustration, the second factor in children with LDs, is associated with frustrations brought about by rejection and isolation from the subject’s environment, and emphasizes the importance of a positive and secure relationship with mother. Children need this kind of relationship to form a safe base for the development of their self-esteem. Furthermore, they need approval, support, and protection to avoid intensification of their anxieties and fears. Finally, children need supportive and available parents who will help them develop high self-esteem and a solid relationship model for other relationships.

130


1. Frequencies and percentages of DMs in children’s protocols for both children with LDs and the CG (see Table 6.8).

Defense Mechanisms (DMs) in Children With LDs Quantitative Analysis

2. Means and standard deviations of DMs for children with LDs and the CG (see Table 6.9).

Quantitative analysis of the Defense Mechanisms (DMs) included the following measures:

TABLE 6.8. FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS IN CHILDREN WITH LEARNING DISORDERS (LDs) AND OF THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) LDs N = 100

DEFENSE MECHANISMS

CG N = 110

frequency

%

frequency

%

Undoing

31

31.00

15

13.63

Negation

21

21.00

15

13.63

Rationalization

21

21.00

14

12.72

Denial

10

10.00

2

1.81

Repression

10

10.00

2

1.81

Projection

8

8.00

9

8.18

Displacement

7

7.00

3

2.72

Reaction formation

7

7.00

11

10.00

Regression

3

3.00

1

0.90

Intellectualization

2

2.00

2

1.81

TABLE 6.9. MEANS (M) AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS (SD) FOR DEFENSE M ECHANISMS

LDs N = 100 Defense Mechanisms

CG N = 110

M

SD

M

SD

F

p

1.48

1.73

0.70

1.02

16.009

0.000**

** p < 0.01


Children with LDs and the CG employ the DMs that are commonly used by 7- to 12-year-old children and that are presented in most of the projective tests. Children in both groups appear to prefer undoing (against aggression, fear of aggression, or narcissistic vulnerabilities), negation (against aggression, fear of aggression, or anxiety), denial (against aggression, fear of aggression, anxiety, or frustration), and rationalization (against aggression, anxiety, or negative effects). Undoing, negation and denial share common characteristics: denial of the reality (denial) or denial of a part of the reality (undoing). In undoing, time is reversed in order to deny an idea or an action (Brusset, 1994). In negation, an idea is simultaneously proposed and denied or cancelled. Concerning the developmental phases, denial, undoing and reaction formation first appear in the anal phase (1.5 to 5 years of age), whereas rationalization appears later in latency period (6 to 11 years of age). In particular, denial is a primitive defense used in earlier stages and based on less complicated cognitive processes. Later in life, DMs lose effectiveness once the subject is able to perceive that an unacceptable emotion or idea has been covered from as a defense. The development of more complex cognitive abilities allows the use of more complex defenses (Cramer, 1990). Rationalization corresponds to the adoption of rational principles in order to help one cope with conflicts or external stressors. The illusion of understanding provides the child a sense of dominance or dissociation from the external threat. As a result, anxiety decreases and self-esteem increases (Ihilevich & Gleser, 1986). The above table illustrates that children with LDs use significantly more (p < 0.01) DMs in their FTT protocols (children with LDs, M = 1.48, SD = 1.73; CG, M = 0.70, SD = 1.02). In addition, the use of DMs not only increases because of stress and anxiety, but also because of anger at being criticized and the threat to selfesteem (Cramer, 1999). Furthermore, children experiencing feelings of failure are more likely to use DMs—in particular the less mature, but ageappropriate, defenses of denial and projection—as

131

compared to children with no negative feedback (Cramer, 1999). Children with LDs score high in anxiety and low in self-esteem. In such cases, ego mobilizes the DMs in order to cope with stressful situations. DISCUSSION The application of the FTT confirms differences between children with LDs and normal children in regard to certain characteristics (including selfesteem and anxiety) that have already been studied in previous research. Furthermore, some differences are revealed in personality parameters, such as needs, desires, and certain ego functions, which have not been studied previously. Finally, the present study reveals four main personality components exhibited by children with LD. According to the results of the FTT, children with LDs differ from normal children in relation to thirteen personality characteristics. The study’s first hypothesis, concerning important differences in some variables between the two populations, is confirmed: children with LDs exhibit low self-esteem, higher levels of anxiety, extended need for affection, and poor relationships with their mothers. The hypothesis pertaining to aggression is also confirmed: children with LDs score significantly higher than normal children in two aggression types: aggression as dominance and aggression type A. On the other hand, the hypotheses regarding an extended need for protection, need for affiliation, and depression are not confirmed. In addition, the results indicate differences in relation to several variables that had not been included in our hypotheses: children with LDs demonstrate a significantly higher rating in oral needs, desire for superiority, repetitions, bizarres, and sexual preoccupation. Additionally, significantly lower ratings appear in fear of aggression and in adaptation to the fairy tale content. In accordance with previous findings (Prior, 1996; Jones, 1996), the present study suggests that

132


children with LDs have a greater tendency to develop emotional or behavioral problems. The study of personality using the projective FTT reveals that the particular affective difficulties that children with LDs experience can be attributed to frustrations from their extended environment and to the children’s relationships with their mothers that may be unable to offer them with the necessary emotional security. The analysis stresses the intense affective needs of children with LDs, as displayed in high ratings in need for affection and oral needs (express affective frustrations). Furthermore, the high rating in the variable of sexual preoccupation with the other sex also indicates the need for concern, affection, and closeness. The factor emotional frustration concerns one’s intense need for affection, love, and approval from the parental, friendly, and expanded environments. Failure to satisfy these needs arouses feelings of revenge toward the frustrating environment. Additionally, the affective needs are connected to frustrations that the child experiences as a result of a negative relationship with the mother. Provided that the child experiences the mother as rejecting, prohibitive, punishing, and failing to provide him with love, affection, security, and support, the child suffers frustration and searches for satisfaction. Emotional frustration is one of the basic personality components of children with LDs, which is not true for children without learning disorders (Coulacoglou, 1993). The relationship with mother factor emphasizes the importance of a positive mother-child relationship, which is considered to be fundamental for the child’s later development. Moreover, the mother is the central figure with whom the infant develops a relationship. Consequently, any failure in this relationship will have a negative effect on the child’s development (Bowlby, 1969, 1973, 1980). A secure relationship provides the support, approval, trust, and availability the child needs. If parents successfully provide their child a secure attachment, the child will develop high self-esteem and the ability to trust, collaborate with, and help others.

Furthermore, availability, encouragement of communication, and parental support offer the child the right conditions in which he can feel secure. Therefore, the child’s fear and anxiety are reduced. According to Bowlby (1969) a person who develops a secure attachment is less vulnerable, as long as the trust in the attachment figure is maintained. The sense of trust continues to grow during childhood and adolescence and remains stable during adult life. In particular, children and adolescents who have experienced insecure attachments to their significant others tend to feel fear. This may imply that their attachment figures had been unavailable or indifferent during critical times. The main factors leading to insecure relationships and fearfulness are the threat of abandonment and the danger of parental loss. Regardless of whether the secure relationship existed in early childhood, it can be changed with the child’s entry into the school environment. School brings significant change that causes the child and his parents to confront the learning difficulties and frustrations derived from the child’s academic failures. Generally, parents emphasize school success. However, children with LDs and their families frequently have to face academic failure during the first or second years of school, and they have to cope with feelings of frustration despite their expectations (Maccoby, 1984). In Greek culture, the mother is usually the person involved with the child’s homework and school performance, as she is traditionally responsible for child rearing (Presvelou & Teperoglou, 1976). Education remains a basic family value in Greek culture (Georgas, 1988). The frustration that mothers experience derives from their children’s failure and from their inability to help, and this frustration negatively impacts the parent-child relationship (Chapman & Boersma, 1980; Love, 1970). The great emphasis placed on school failure, which leads to the parents’ frustration of their ambitions, is capable of reducing parental capacity to meet their children’s personal needs, interests, and real abilities. Although the child constantly requires a secure


attachment and a safe, supportive, and approving base, she faces parental frustration. In fact, children with LDs negatively experience relationships with their mothers, as the mothers appear to be rejecting and punishing, and this, in turn, causes the children’s anxiety levels to increase. As the qualitative analysis of the results shows, anxiety is primarily connected to corporal damage, as well as disapproval, rejection, punishment, prohibition, and deprivation. However, anxiety as inability, which would be expected because of the experiences of failure, is much less prevalent. The rejecting attitudes of both the mother and the environment reduce self-esteem, which is based not only on success, but also on the value that the child places on himself. The lack of security and protection has a negative effect on self-esteem. The FTT assesses general self-esteem and personal value, but not academic self-esteem. The child’s personal value is affected by parental values and others’ criticisms (Bee, 1995). To compensate for her low self-esteem, the child with LDs has the tendency to develop the desire for superiority. In the FTT’s stories, the child identifies with regal and sovereign characters in order to surpass others and overcome feelings of inferiority. The factor assertiveness suggests the tendency to strengthen self-esteem through dominance, superiority, and the assertiveness of roles, objects, or feelings, even if one has to act aggressively to do so. Assertiveness is an important personality factor for children without LDs; however, in this case assertiveness does not include the variable of sense of property. Children without LDs may appear demanding in order to validate and strengthen their self-esteem, whereas children with LDs demonstrate a need to defend whatever they own because of competition or fear of loss. Children with LDs seem to desire an assertive-aggressive state, rather than a passive state, which would indicate acceptance of their inabilities and lead them to seek the protection of others. Despite our first hypothesis, the variable need for protection is not higher. Frustrations mobilize higher aggression, which is exhibited as two types: (1) Aggression Type A

133

marks a person’s or object’s impairment, which stems from internal motives and cannot be justified from external causes; and (2) aggression as dominance strives for self-confirmation through antagonistic and hostile behavior toward others. To compensate for feelings of inferiority, children with LDs need to acquire strength, even if they must do so in an aggressive way, or to show off their abilities through an aggressive behavior. According to our first hypothesis, no differences were expected between the two samples concerning the variable fear of aggression. However, as maintained by the results of the study, children with LDs demonstrate significantly less fear of aggression compared to the CG. The results show that children with LDs (97%) more often express milder fears when faced with danger and they provide more often ‘common’ answers to the cards that stimulate fear of aggression than do children without LDs (60.9%). Children with LDs use the defense of denial in some cases of external threat (9% of cases), whereas children without LDs do not invoke it. The study shows that children with LDs are more likely to minimize or deny the fear of the aggression of others. Fear may be experienced as uncertainty and insecurity about one’s integrity, as a sense of imminent corporal or psychological damage, or as a life threat. In a situation in which a person is uncertain about her ability to face the imminent threat, she experiences fear (Izard, 1991). The acknowledgment of fear may strengthen the feeling of inadequacy or deteriorate self-esteem. Consequently, to defend themselves, children with LDs either deny and minimize fears or turn the sense of inadequacy into one of strength. For example, when asked, “Who scares you most?” the child replies, “I am brave, I am not scared of anyone.” The extended desire for superiority and strength may reduce the fear of others’ aggression. Results from a study on aggression with normal children indicate that children with high scores on variables such as Aggression Dominance exhibit less Fear of Aggression in conjunction with a higher Desire for Superiority. It may be argued that these children

134


may have suffered a blow on their self-esteem (Coulacoglou et al., 2002). On the other hand, aggressive behavior may also represent a defense against fears (Schulman, 1984). The variable reality testing is constituted not only by answers affiliated with the fairy tale content, but also by the reduced number of bizarres. Children’s abilities to provide adapted responses that are not influenced by emotional factors and conflicts are determined by the sufficiency of ego functioning, logic, structural thinking, and the ability to distinguish between internal and external stimuli. Children with LDs are significantly less able to adapt to the reality of the fairy tale content than their peers without LDs, and they exhibit considerably more repetitions and bizarres. More specifically, qualitative analysis of the data shows that the responses of children with LDs are often incomplete and often need probing from the administrator; the responses are also relatively general in relation to the content of the fairy tale; and finally, although the content of the response may be irrelevant to the fairy tale, the response provided by the child is coherent and rational in itself. The content of the story may be changed by the projection of intense feelings or internal conflicts, and such pro jection is more often displayed by children with LDs. However, despite the alteration of the story, there is a logical coherence in the children’s answers. In that sense, those responses do not reflect a disturbance in the thought process or a detachment from reality of children with LDs. The difficulty experienced by children with LDs to adapt to the fairy tale content may be due to a series of reasons such as: difficulties in focusing or maintaining their attention, a reduced capacity to memorize oral material, difficulties in oral expression. In addition, children’s familiarity with fairy tales may be restricted as fairy tales are currently a relatively marginal variety of story telling. Finally, fear of failure often experienced by children with LDs (Williams, 1985), significantly limits the child’s responses to projective tests that often appear to be simple (Blood, 1984) and stereotypically repeated.

Most of the children with LDs use defense mechanisms (67% compared to 40% of the CG) to avoid anxiety stimulated by fantasies awakened by the stimuli-test images. Moreover, on average, these children use significantly more defense mechanisms in each protocol (M = 1.48 compared to M = .70 of the CG). These findings are consistent with this study’s hypothesis, in which children with LDs were expected to use more DMs because of their heightened anxiety. The defense mechanisms used by both children with LDs and normal children are undoing, negation, denial, and rationalization. These DMs exclude from consciousness ideas, feelings, memories, or fears that may threaten the person. Specifically, denial involves the denial of reality, whereas undoing is used to deny or correct unacceptable actions or feelings. On the other hand, negation suggests that the person refuses to acknowledge thoughts and feelings that have already been expressed. According to Engel (1962), the mechanism of undoing first appears in the fifth year of life and lasts until preadolescence. Undoing seems to be the mechanism favored in the FTT; the three similar images in each set of cards easily stimulates opposite responses. Denial is a cognitively simple mechanism that appears in infancy (Cramer, 1990). As time passes, displays of denial change, and they are followed by other defense mechanisms, such as projection. The results of this study demonstrate a decline in the use of denial. However, the sample is small and relevant research was not expanded. Therefore, it is important to investigate this matter with a larger sample. Rationalization appears later in life (during the latency period) and presupposes the development of cognitive abilities (Lichtenberg & Slap, 1972). CONCLUSIONS The remedial programs created for children with LDs primarily aim to improve cognitive abilities


and to strengthen basic academic skills, such as reading, writing, and mathematics. Children with LDs are placed in integrated classes in mainstream schools. However, even the best educational methods may fail if the children’s emotional needs are not also considered. If the child experiences low self-esteem, feelings of failure, or anxiety, her focus on and motivation for learning will be reduced. Demanding and frustrating family and school environments reinforce feelings of inadequacy, which very often lead to behavioral problems (e.g., aggressive or defiant behavior) or emotional disorders (e.g., anxiety or depression). The goal of the educational process is to advance global personality development. School should not only transmit knowledge and values, but also encourage the development of abilities and support emotional development. Both psychological and educational interventions should provide children with LDs experiences of success within the school environment. Generally, they should focus on the complete evaluation of the child’s personality, so that the psychoeducational intervention (remedial programs, psychological support, and parental counseling) can be examined simultaneously. Remedial interventions should emphasize parental counseling. Because of the child’s failure at school, the parents pressure him to work hard, and often they do not allow the child the opportunity to explore potential talents in other areas. It is important for children with LDs to strengthen their selfefficacy by pursuing innate abilities away from academic learning. The cooperation of schoolteachers is also very important. Teachers should be made aware of the child’s specific deficits, which may not only pertain to reading and writing but also to attention or memory, the language process, and their affective correlates (e.g., low self-esteem, anxiety, deficit in social skills, etc.). Therefore, they should help the child avoid repetitive experiences of failure and offer the child a chance to succeed in areas where he feels more competent, whether inside or outside the

135

classroom. The psychological evaluation performed in guidance centers for children should include personality testing besides the standard intelligence, ability, and achievement tests. Therefore, each child’s special difficulties are recorded, and it is easier to decide whether a psychotherapeutic intervention program is necessary. Specifically, projective testing explained with the psychodynamic theory is a valuable tool for global and in-depth personality evaluation. The Fairy Tale Test is one of the projective tests indicated for children with learning disorders. REFERENCES Acklin, M. W. (1990). Personality dimensions in two types of learning disabled children: A Rorschach study. Journal of Personality Assessment, 54 (1 & 2), 67–77. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM IV (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Anastasiou, D. (1998). ∆υσλεζια , θεωρια και ερευνα . Οψεις πρακτικης [Dyslexia, theory and research ]. Αθηνα: Ατραπος. Bee, H. (1995). The growing child . New York: Harper Collins Publishers. Black, W. F. (1974). Self-concept as related to achievement and age of learning disabled children. Child Develop- ment, 37, 1137–1140. Blood, L. C. (1984). Rorschach responding in children with specific learning disabilities (Doctoral dissertation, University of Houston, 1984). Dissertation Abstr acts International, 45 (9–13), 3061. (UMI No. 8426796) Bloom, B. S. (1976). Human characteristics and school learning . New York: McGraw Hill. Boersma, F. J., & Chapman, J. W. (1978). Perceptions and expectancies: Their influences on cognitive and affective development in learning disabled children . Edmonton: University of Alberta. Bowlby, J. (1969). Attachment and loss (Vol. 1). New York: Basic Books. Bowlby, J. (1973). Attachment and loss (Vol. 2). New York: Basic Books. Bowlby, J. (1979). The making and breaking of affectional bonds . London: Tavistock Publications Limited. Bowlby, J. (1980). Attachment and loss (Vol. 3). New York:

136


Basic Books. Brookover, W. B., Le Pere, J. M., Hamachek, D. E., Thomas, S., & Erikson, E. L. (1965). Self-concept of ability and school achievement II: Improving academic achievement through students’ self-concept enhancement (Cooperative research project, U.S. Office of Education, No. 1636m). East Lansing: Office of Research and Publications, Michigan State University. Brusset, B. (1994). Théorie du développement et paradigme de la névrose. In D. Widlöcher (Ed.), Traité de psychopathologie (pp. 653–680). Paris: PUF. Bryan, T. (1986). Self-concept and attributions of the learning disabled. Learning Disabilities, 1, 82–89. Butkowsky, I. S., & Willow, D. M. (1980). Cognitive motivational characteristics of children varying in reading ability: Evince of learned helplessness in poor readers. Journal of Educational Psychology, 72 (3), 408–422. Champion, L., Doughtie, E. B., Jonson, P. J., & McCreary, J. H. (1984). Preliminary investigation into the Rorschach response patterns of children with documented learning disabilities. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 40, 329–333. Chapman, J. (1988). Cognitive motivational characteristics and academic achievement of learning disabled children: A longitudinal study. Journal of Educational Psychology, 80 (3), 357–368. Chapman, J. W., & Boersma, F. J. (1979). Academic selfconcept in elementary learning disabled children: A study with the Student’s Perception of Ability Scale. Psychology in the Schools, 16 (2), 201–206. Chapman, J. W., & Boersma, F. J. (1980). Affective correlates of learning disabilities . Lisse, Netherlands: Swets & Zeitlinger. Coopersmith, S. (1967). The antecedents of self-esteem . San Francisco: W. H. Freeman. Coulacoglou, C. (1993). The development of the Fairy Tale Projective Test in the personality assessment of children. Unpublished dissertation. University of Exeter. Coulacoglou, C., Souyouldzoglou, M., & Atsarou, A. (2002). Un estudio de la agresividad en los niños mediante el ‘Test de los Cuentos de Hadas’ [A study on aggression in children through the Fairy Tale Test]. Revista oficial de la Asociación Iberoamericana de diagnósti- co y evaluación psicológica (AIDEP), 13 (1), 9–27. Cramer, P. (1990). The development of defense mechanisms, theory, research and assessment . New York: SpringerVerlag. Cramer, P. (1999). Future directions for the Thematic

Apperception Test. Journal of Personality Assessment, 72 (1), 74–92. Critchley, M. (1970). The dyslexic child . London: Heinemann Medical Books. Dweck, C. S. (1975). The role of expectations and attributions in the alleviation of learned helplessness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 31, 674–685. Engel, G. L. (1962). Psychological development in health and disease . Philadelphia: Saunders. Erickson, E. H. (1959). Identity and the life cycle. Psychological Issues, 1, 18–164. Exner, J. E. (1974). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system (Vol. 1). New York: J. Wiley. Exner, J. E. (1978). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system (Vol. 2). New York: J. Wiley. Exner, J. E. (1984). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system (Vol. 3). New York: J. Wiley. Exner, J. E. (1985). A Rorschach workbook for the comprehensive system . Bay Ville, NY: Rorschach Workshops. Georgas, D. D., Paraskeuopoulos, I. N., Bezevegis, H. G., & Giannitsas, N. D. (1998). Το ελληνικο WISC III [The Greek WISC III ]. Αθηνα: Ελληνικα Γραµµατα. Georgas, J. (1988). An ecological and social cross-cultural model: The case of Greece. In J. W. Berry (Ed.), Indigenous cognition: Functioning in cultural context (pp. 105–1213). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. Gregory, J. F., Shanahan, T., & Walberg, H. (1985). Learning disabled tenth graders in mainstreamed settings: A descriptive analysis. RASE, 6 (4), 25–33. Gresham, F. (1988). Social competence and motivational characteristics of learning disabled students, In W. Wang, M. Reynolds, and H. Walberg (Eds.) Handbook of special education: Research and practice, Vol 2, Mildly handicapped conditions . New York: Pergamon. Gresham, F., and Reschly, D. (1986). Social skills and peer acceptance differences between learning disabled and non-handicapped students. Learning Disability Quarterly, 9, 23–32. Griffiths, A. N. (1970). Self-concept in remedial work with dyslexic children. Academic Therapy Quarterly, 6, 125–133. Harper, G., & Scott, R. (1990). Learning disabilities: An appraisal of Rorschach response patterns. Psychological Reports, 67, 691–696. Hilliard, T., & Roth, R. M. (1969). Maternal attitudes and the non-achievement syndrome. Personal and Guidance Journal, 47, 424–428. Ihilevich, D., & Gleser, G. C. (1986). Defense mechanisms:

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Learning Disorders Their classification, correlates and measurement with the defense mechanisms inventory . Owosso, MI: DMI Associates. Ionescu, S., Jaquet, M. M., & Lhotte, C. (1997). Les mécan- ismes de défense, théorie et clinique . Paris: Nathan. Izard, C. E. (1991). The psychology of emotions . New York: Plenum Press. Jones, C. J. (1985). Analysis of the self-concepts of hand icapped children. Remedial and Special Education, 6, 32–36. Jones, C. J. (1996). An introduction to the nature and needs of students with mild disabilities. Mild mental retardation, behaviour disorders and learning disabilities . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Kuchta, S. J. (1990). Factor analysis of the Rorschach and the potential implications of a Rorschach/WISC-R relationship with learning disabled children (Doctoral dissertation, Indiana State University, 1990). Dissertation Abstracts International, 52 (2–B), 1113. (UMI No. 9120992) Leondari, A. (1994). Comparability of self-concept among normal achievers and children with learning difficulties within a Greek context. International Journal of Early Childhood, 2 6, 357–371. Lerner, J. (1993). Theories diagnosis and teaching strategies . Boston: Houghton-Mifflin. Levine, M. (1987). Developmental variations and learning disorders . Cambridge, MA: Educators Publishing Service. Licht, B. G. (1983). Cognitive motivational factors that contribute to the achievement of learning disabled children. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 16, 483–490. Lichtenberg, J. D., & Slap, J. W. (1972). On the defense mechanism: A survey and synthesis. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 20, 776–792. Love, H. D. (1970). Parental attitudes toward exceptional children . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Maccoby, E. E. (1984). Middle childhood in the context of the family. In W. A. Collins (Ed.), Development during middle childhood: The years from six to twelve (pp. 184–239). Washington, DC: National Academy Press. Margalit, M., & Zak, I. (1984). Anxiety and self-concept of learning disabled children. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 17 (9), 537–539. McCandless, B. (1967). Children’s behaviour and development . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Ninston. Mercer, C. (1987). Students with learning disabilities . Columbus, OH: Mevrill. Meyen, E. L. (1990). Exceptional children in today’s schools . Denver: Love Publishing Company.

137

Owen, F. W., Adams, P. A., Forrest, T., Stolz, L. M., & Fisher, S. (1971). Learning disorders in children: Sibling studies. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 36 (4), 144. [AU: ISSUE NO. 4 OK?] Pedagogic Institute (1996). Πλαισιο αναλυτκιου προγραµµατος για τις ειδικες µαθησιακες δυσκολιες

[Analytical program setting for special learning disabilities ]. Αθηνα : Οργανισµος Εκδοσεων ∆ιδακτικων Βιβλιων . Polychronopoulou, S. (1995). Παιδια και εφηβοι µε ειδικες αναγκες και δυνατοτητες [Children and adolescents with special needs and abilities ]. Αθηνα: Αυτοεκδοση. Presvelou, K., & Teperoglou, A. (1976). Κοινωνιολογικη αναλυση του φαινοµενου της εκτρωσεως στον ελλ− ηνικο χωρο [Social analysis of the phenomenon of abortion in the Greek territory ]. Επιθεωρηση Κοινωνικων Ερευνων , 28.

Prior, M. (1996). Understanding specific learning difficulties . East Sussex: Psychology Press. Prout, H. T., Marcal, S. D., & Marcal, D. C. (1992). A meta-analysis of self-reported personality characteristics of children and adolescents with learning disabilities. Journal of Psychoeducational Assessment, 10, 59–64. Raskin, L. M., & Bloom, A. S. (1979). Kinetic Family Drawings by children with learning disabilities. Journal of Pediatric Psychology, 4 (3), 247–251. Raven, J. C. (1938). Progressive matrices . London: Lewis. Rodriguez-Sutil, C., Calonge, I., & Scout, R. (1992). Academic learning problems and Rorschach indices: A Spanish replication. Perceptual and Motor Skills, 74 (3), 771–778. Rogers, H., & Saklofske, D. (1985). Self-concepts, locus of control and performance expectations of learning disabled children. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 18 (5), 273–278. Schulman, S. (1984). Psychotherapeutic issues for the learning disabled adult. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 15 (6), 856–867. Schumaker, J., & Hasel, J. (1984). Social skills assessment and training for the learning disabled: Who’s on first and what is on second? (Part 1). Journal of Learning Disabilities, 17, 422–431. Searcy, S. (1988). Developing self-esteem. Academic Therapy, 23, 453–460. Sood, P. (1994). Personality correlates of learning disabled children. Journal of the Indian Academy of Applied Psychology, 20 (1), 75–81. Souyouldzoglou, M., Atsarou, A., & Coulacoglou, C.

138


(1999). Profil de personnalité d’enfants présentant des troubles d’apprentissage scolaires: Utilisation du Test des Contes de Fées (FTT). Psychologie et Psychométrie, 20 (1), 61–69. Stein, P. A., & Hoover, J. H. (1989). Manifest anxiety in children with learning disabilities. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 22, 66–71. Stevenson, D., & Romney, D. (1984). Depression in learning disabled children. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 17, 579–582. Thomas, A. (1979). Learned helplessness ad expectancy factors: Implications for research in learning disabilities. Review of Education Research, 49, 208–221. Thompson, R. J. (1989). Behavior problems in children with developmental and learning disabilities. International Academy for Research in Learning Disabilities, 3 . Thomson, M. E. (1990). Developmental dyslexia . London: Whurr.

Tobias, S. C. (1979). Anxiety research in educational psychology. Journal of Educational Psychology, 11, 573–582. Varma, V. P. (1997). Τα δυσκολα παιδια [Difficult children ]. Αθηνα: Ελληνικα Γραµµατα. Wagner, R. F. (1980). Human figure drawings of LD children. Academic Therapy, 16 (1), 37–41. Wechsler, D. (1992). Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (3rd ed.). New York: The Psychological Corporation. Weiss, E. (1984). Learning disabled children’s understanding of social interactions of peers. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 17, 612–615. Williams, A. L., & Miles, T. R. (1985). Rorschach responses of dyslexic children. Annals of Dyslexia, 35, 51–66. World Health Organization (1992). The ICD-10: Classification of mental and behavioural disorders . Geneva: Author. Wylie, R. C. (1974). A review of methodological considerations and measuring instruments (Vol. 1). Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Chapter 7 THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN THE PERSONALITY ASSESSMENT OF CHILDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION MARILENA SOUYOULDZOGLOU INTRODUCTION

T

his study which attempts to assess the personality of children with mild mental retardation (MMR), has been the subject of a doctoral thesis at the Panteion University of Athens (2001).

Diagnostic Concept and Psychological Assessment The main characteristic of Mental Retardation (MR) is the significantly sub-average general intellectual functioning (Criterion A) that is associated with significant impairments in adaptive functioning in at least two of the following sectors of ability: communication, self-reliance, survival, social/interpersonal abilities, utility of community’s structures, self-guidance, functional academic abilities, labor, entertainment, health and security (Criterion B). Onset is before the age of 18 years old (Criterion C) (American Psychiatric Association, 1994, p. 39). “General intellectual functioning” is determined by the Intelligence Quotient (IQ), obtained by one or more of the individually administered general intelligence tests, such as the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children or “WISC-III” (Wechsler, 1992), the “Stanford Binet” (Thorndike, Hagen, & Sattler, 1986), or the “Kaufman Assessment Battery for children” (Kaufman & Kaufman, 1983). Significantly sub-average intellectual functioning is defined as an IQ of 70 or below (almost 2 standard deviations below the average).

“Adaptive functioning” refers to the effectiveness with which an individual meets the standards of personal independence and social responsibility expected according to his or her age and cultural group. The adaptive behavior could be influenced by several factors, such as education, motivation, personality characteristics, social and professional opportunities, and psychological disorders or general medical problems that could coexist with mental retardation (American Psychiatric Association, 1994, p. 40). Children with MMR have slower development of motor, social, and language skills than their peers. The corresponding IQ ranges between 50–55 to 70 (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). MMR is often diagnosed as the child begins schooling (Galland & Galland, 1997). Since they rarely present another handicap, children with MMR usually function in an environment that treats them as normal (Reschly, 1988, as cited in Jones, 1996). The first indication for MMR is usually a combination of difficulties in academic matters as well as behavioral problems eventually resulting in school failure. In the U.S., children with MMR represent the 11.5 percent of children with learning disabilities (Jones, 1996) and the largest group of children (85%) with mental retardation (MR). These children study in mainstream or special schools and compose the educational category “educable.” In Greece, the number of children with MR involves 0.3 percent of school population in primary education, or 18 percent of children with spe-

139

140


cial educational needs. No official figures exist for others (outer-directedness) (Turnure & Zigler, 1964; the MMR category, but it most likely represents the Bybee & Zigler, 1998). majority (approximately 85%) of children with MR. Adolescents with MMR often experience a sense The psychological assessment of children with of emptiness and a sense of lack of meaning in life. MR aims at the diagnosis and clarification of the sit- From the moment they notice they are somehow uation at hand and their eventual progress, as well different from their peers, they realize their difficulas the planning of the most appropriate interven- ty in achieving desirable goals, while witnessing the tion. Concerning the “intellectual functioning,” success of their peers (Levy-Schiff, Kedem, & there are IQ scales, such as the Weschler Sevillia, 1990). Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC-III, The acknowledgement of their MR, repetitive failWeschler, 1992; Georgas et al., 1998) and the ures, and stigmatization increases feelings of low selfStanford Binet (Thorndike et al., 1986). Special esteem in children with MR (Zigler & Hodapp, 1986; scales are used to assess “adaptive behavior,” Jones, 1992). Research has revealed that students defined as the ability to acquire autonomy and with MMR view their intelligence negatively, persocial responsibility. Such scales include the ceive their school status as low, and experience high American Association Mental Deficiency Adaptive anxiety levels, low popularity, and low levels of hapBehavior Scale - School edition (AAMD ABS-SE; piness (Jones, 1985). They have difficulties in develLambert et al., 1981), and Vineland Adaptive oping friendly relationships (Luftig, 1988a; Parker et Behavior Scales (Sparrow & Cicchetti, 1989). al., 1995), and they experience rejection from their The evaluation of emotional factors is limited, peers. Thus, their self-esteem remains low and their due to the difficulty of finding an instrument that ability to adjust and develop social skills does not can assess personality variables of individuals with improve, which results in further social isolation. MR who experience difficulties in communication, Consequently, children with MR experience their abstract reasoning ability is impaired, and stronger feelings of loneliness (Luftig, 1988b). their self-knowledge is probably restricted (Clark & Difficulties in communication can be attributed to Clark, 1974). limited cognitive, language, and social skills as well

Personality Characteristics

as behavioral problems that drive away their peers ( Jones, 1996). The emotional adjustment of children with MR depends to a great extent on the family and the social environment. Parents often experience feelings of deception, depression, and ambivalence (Blacher, 1984; Hodapp, 1988), while developing either very low or very high expectations from their child’s progress and achievements (Marfo, Dedrick, & Barbour, 1998). In cases of MMR, a relatively unstructured ego must cope with school failure, failure in relationships with classmates and peers, feelings of insecurity, and serious disappointment to selfesteem (Robinson & Robinson, 1976).

Recognizing the child’s particular emotional difficulties is crucial for the planning of proper special programs aiming at providing a balance between the environment and the children’s strengths and weaknesses. Children with MMR experience more social and behavioral problems than children without MMR (Polloway, Epstein, & Cullinan, 1985; Polloway et al., 1986; Epstein et al., 1989). They often develop behavioral patterns that differentiate them from other children, mainly due to deficits in coping and social skills. They adopt a limited number of probThe Use of Projective Techniques lem-solving strategies due to reduced cognitive abilwith Children with MR ities. A failure to comply with the behaviors and activities of their environment reduces their selfIt is difficult to use projective techniques with confidence and increases their dependence from children with MR, as these techniques require par-

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Mild Mental Retardation

ticular levels of language, cognitive, and motor-perceptive functioning—areas that appear to be deficient in children with MR (Panek & Wagner, 1993). In order to obtain a valid evaluation, the test must be suitable for the particular individual. The researcher must consider the individual’ skills, as well as the requirements of the particular technique, with respect to abstract reasoning ability, cognitive ability, and motor-perceptive ability (Panek, 1997). Most studies have used expressive techniques dating back to 1980 including participants belonging to a large spectrum of MR, but who may no longer meet the DSM IV criteria for the diagnosis of MR. Researchers state that the responses of children with MR are limited and descriptive; their language is short and poor (Panek & Wagner, 1979; Hurley & Sovner, 1982; Bellak & Abrams, 1997). This is due to the children’s general personality features associated with cognitive deficiencies, such as the difficulty of expressing feelings and rigidity of thought (Panek, 1997). Studies on adolescents and adults with MR have not focused on the individual’s needs and motivations; instead, researchers have made speculations on these variables from general personality dimensions derived from the subject’s responses to projective tests. Studies using the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) have shown that the main issues expressed are aggression and feelings of rejection, loneliness, and guilt. Comparative studies of individuals with and without MR are limited (Panek, 1997), while the majority of studies concern participants over 14 years of age. So far, MMR as a distinct category along current diagnostic criteria has not been studied with projective techniques. Panek (1997) suggests that studies should use pro jective techniques in a stable manner of administration and evaluation, without modification according to the child’s mental level. Moreover, he argues that diagnostic criteria should be based on contemporary systems of classification such as the DSM IV . Additionally, we suggest that tests should evaluate personality variables that have not yet been specifically studied, such as needs, desires, impulses, and ego functions, for instance, reality testing and defense mechanisms. Projective techniques can be

141

used effectively with individuals in the mild range of MR, while differentiating them from individuals without MR (Reiss, 1994). The aim of the present study is to underline the necessity of a global evaluation of the personality of children with MMR in order to identify the affective variables and the specific characteristics of their personality. It also aims at encouraging the use of the projective Fairy Tale Test (FTT) as a diagnostic means.

Experimental Hypotheses The general hypothesis of this study is that children with MMR would have the same basic needs, desires, and impulses as normal children. However, in comparison to the control group, they are expected to experience higher levels of frustration due to their repetitive failures, and therefore we expect that they will present lower levels of self-esteem and higher levels of anxiety and depression than children without MMR. Additionally, we hypothesize that the MMR sample will have a more negative Relationship with Mother, stronger Need for affection, Need for Affiliation and Need for Protection. We expect children with MMR to be more aggressive than children in the control group. Finally, due to their poorer intellectual functioning, we assume that children with MMR will have lower Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content. With regards to defense mechanisms we expect that the MMR sample will employ defense mechanisms more frequently than the control group in order to cope with feelings of anxiety. METHOD AND DESIGN

Participants The clinical sample consisted of seventy-three children, ages 9 to 12 years (M=10.94 years, SD=1.12). All children who participated studied in specialized public schools in the greater Athens area. They were diagnosed with MMR, and their

142


IQs ranged from 50 to 70. The causes of MMR were attributed to organic, hereditary, or environmental factors. The control group (CG) consisted of eighty-two children, between 9 to 12 years of age (M=11. 13 years, SD=1.02), all students of public schools in the greater Athens area. The group was chosen from the

original sample of the FTT’s standardization (Coulacoglou, 1993), and it was matched with the clinical group according to age, sex, and social class. The distribution of age, social economic status (SES) and gender of the sample of children with MMR and the control group are presented in Tables 7.1, 7.2, and 7.3 (N = number of participants).

TABLE 7.1. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO THE AGE OF CHI LDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND THE CONTROL GRIP (CG) MMR

S E G A

CG

N

%

N

%

9–10

22

30.14

30

36.58

11–12

51

69.86

52

63.42

Total

73

100

82

100

TABLE 7.2. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO THE SEX OF CHI LDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) MMR R E D N E G

CG

N

%

N

%

Boys

44

60.27

49

59.75

Girls

29

39.73

33

40.25

Total

73

100

82

100

TABLE 7.3. CLASSIFICATION ACCORDING TO THE SOCIOECONMIC STATUS (SES) OF CHILDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) MMR

S E S

CG

N

%

N

%

LOW

46

63.02

48

58.84

MIDDLE

22

30.14

26

31.71

UPPER

5

6.84

8

9.75

TOTAL

73

100

82

100


Procedure The FTT was administered to children with MMR studying in specialized public schools. Information regarding demographic characteristics and personal background of the child was obtained from school records. The administration of the FTT was part of the usual psychological examination procedure, which was conducted by a group of psychologists. The group included the researcher and two psychologists trained in the administration of the test. Administration lasted approximately 45 to 60 minutes. The scoring of the protocols was done separately by the researcher and the author of the FTT. The inter-rater reliability coefficients (r), along with the corresponding p -values ( p ) are presented in Table 7.4. Defense mechanisms were scored one for every time they appeared in a protocol. The variable Relation with Father is not included into the data analysis due to its low variability across the sample (< 5%). The group also compiled a report consisting of: (1) demographic characteristics of each child’s family (SES, education level, family situation, etc.); and (2) the synthesis of the family and the members’ names, which may be useful with regards to the evaluation of certain responses. Information concerning family relationships, diagnosis, current medical problems, language disorders, and IQ were also noted.

143

personality variables. Our hypotheses were confirmed in terms of significantly higher scores for the following variables: Relationship with Mother, Need for Affection, Need for Protection, Anxiety, Depression, and Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content. According to the first hypothesis, children with MMR had significantly higher scores on the variable “aggression” (without differentiating the type of aggression). Children with MMR do not manifest differences between Aggression Type A and Aggression as Defense. However, they do present a significantly higher score in Oral Aggression and a lower one in Aggression as Envy or Aggression Retaliation in comparison with the CG. The hypothesis concerning lower scores on the variable of Self-Esteem was not confirmed. Nor was the hypothesis for a higher Need for Affiliation confirmed. However, we found differences in variables that were not included in our initial hypotheses, including: Ambivalence, Fear of Aggression, Repetitions, Bizarres, and Sexual Preoccupations.

Defense Mechanisms (DMs) in Children With MMR Quantitative Analysis

To control our hypotheses about the DMs in children with MMR, we studied: (1) frequencies and percentages of DMs in children’s protocols (MMR and control group, see Table 7.7); and (2) means and RESULTS standard deviations of DMs in children with MMR and the control group (see Table 7.8). Children with MMR use significantly more DMs Personality Variables (M=1.15, SD=0.98) than the CG (M=0.69, Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) was applied to SD=1.01, p <0.01) (see Table VIII). Children with compare the control group and the clinical group MMR employ DMs more frequently than children for each FTT variable (see Table 7.5). in the CG as they need to cope with higher levels of The control group expressed ambivalence to a anxiety, stress, and frustration. The choice of DMs much stronger degree than the MMR group (see employed depends on their levels of cognitive funcTable 7.6). tioning. The results demonstrated that children with As Table 7.7 presents, seven DMs are detected in MMR differ from the control group on a number of the protocols of our sample of children with MMR.

144

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 7.4. INTERRATER RELIABILITY OF FTT VARIABLES, (N = 30)

FTT VARIABLES

r

p

Ambivalence

0.988

0.000**


0.990

0.000**


0.984

0.000**

Sense of Property

0.961

0.000**


0.984

0.000**

Aggression Type A

0.976

0.000**


0.907

0.000**

Aggression as Envy

0.952

0.000**


0.982

0.000**

Oral Aggression

0.998

0.000**

Fear of Aggression

0.450

0.013**

Oral Needs

0.964

0.000**

Desire to Help

0.974

0.000**


0.124

0.514**

Need for Affection

0.931

0.000**

Anxiety

0.988

0.000**

Depression

0.976

0.000**


0.925

0.000**


0.539

0.002**

Bizarres

0.867

0.000**

Repetitions

1.000

0.000**

Morality

0.950

0.000**

Need for Protection

0.988

0.000**

Self-Esteem

0.934

0.000**


0.980

0.000**

•• p <0.01 * p <0.05

145

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Mild Mental Retardation TABLE 7.5.

MEANS (M), STANDARD DEVIATIONS (DS), AND CRITERIA OF STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FTT VARIABLES IN CHILDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND CONTROL GROUPS (CG)

MMR

CG

FTT VARIABLES

M

SD

M

SD

F

p

Ambivalence

1.91

2.77

6.23

4.55

50.159

0.000**


0.71

1.54

0.86

1.36

0.626

0.430


0.53

1.43

0.98

1.56

3.554

0.061

Sense of Property

0.12

0.62

0.32

1.00

2.210

0.139


0.46

1.48

0.78

1.67

1.575

0.211

Aggression Type A

3.34

4.12

2.37

2.34

3.270

0.073


0.15

0.65

0.09

0.43

0.381

0.538

Aggression as Envy

0.35

1.03

1.18

2.22

8.253

0.005**


0.63

1.91

1.37

1.96

5.946

0.016*

Oral Aggression

1.12

2.27

0.56

1.04

4.223

0.042*

Desire to Help

0.58

1.55

0.97

1.57

2.235

0.137


1.06

1.40

1.75

1.57

7.698

0.006**

Need for Affection

1.87

2.44

0.54

1.07

20.441

0.000**

Anxiety

5.52

5.332

4.08

2.56

4.297

0.040*

Depression

2.28

2.84

1.51

1.47

4.096

0.045*


-0.61

1.06

0.20

0.85

28.762

0.000**


40.28

7.12

47.51

0.53

29.785

0.000**

Bizarres

1.31

1.72

0.19

0.53

29.785

0.000**

Repetitions

1.95

2.34

0.73

1.04

18.153

0.000**

Morality

1.67

2.73

1.43

1.78

0.426

0.515

Need for Protection

1.02

1.78

0.46

0.91

5.106

0.025*

Self-Esteem

-0.23

0.56

-0.04

0.88

2.356

0.127


1.57

2.09

0.86

1.27

7.007

0.009*

* p <0.05 ** p <0.01

146

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 7.6. TYPES OF “AMBIVALENCE” EXPRESSE D BETWEEN CHILDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) MMR Types of Ambivalence

CG

f

%

f

%

Indecision

23

31.50

55

67.07

Doubt

5

6.84

21

25.60

Alternative responses

1

1.36

10

12.04

Emotional conflict

0

0.00

0

0.00

Hesitation

2

2.73

21

25.60

(Percentages overlap because a response can belong to more than one category.) TABLE 7.7. FREQUENCIES (f) AND PERCENTAGES (%) OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS IN CHILDREN WITH MILD MENTAL RETARDATION (MMR) AND THE CONTROL GROUP (CG) MMR Defense Mechanisms

CG

f

%

f

%

Undoing

29

39.72

10

12.19

Denial

22

30.13

9

10.97

Reaction formation

14

19.16

7

8.53

Repression

9

12.32

2

2.43

Projection

7

9.58

8

9.75

Negation

5

6.84

1

1.21

Rationalization

2

2.73

14

17.07

Those children seem to most employ the mechanisms of undoing (39.72%), denial (30.13%), reaction formation (19.16%) and repression (12.32%). Reaction formation is a DM similar to undoing (English & Finch, 1964). Although children with MMR are still in the latency period (mean age: 10.94 years), denial—one of the more primitive DMs—persists as one of the more commonly used

DM (denial and negation: 36.97%) while the percentage for the CG is much lower (denial and negation: 12.18%). The use of a DM is determined by the child’s cognitive stage as well as by the complexity of the specific DM (Cramer, 1990). Miller and Swanson (1960) found a negative correlation between denial and IQ; therefore, denial correlates with lower cognitive ability.

147


TABLE 7.8. MEANS (M), STANDARD DEVIATIONS (SD), AND CRITERIA OF STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE (F, p ) FOR DEFENSE MECHANISMS IN CHILDREN WITH MMR AND THE CONTROL GROUP MMR

Defense Mechanisms

CG

M

SD

M

SD

F

p

1.15

0.98

0.69

1.01

8.030

0.005**

** p <0.01

Despite their age, children with MMR use DMs that are usually found at an earlier developmental stage: the anal phase (1.5 to 5 years of age). They use mainly the mechanism of denial, the use of which—according to the DM’s developmental order—should have already started to decline (Cramer, 1990). Children with MMR rarely (2.73%) employ rationalization that is manifested during the latency period, compared to the CG (17%), for whom this is their preferred DM. Adoption and reference to general ideas and principles require high cognitive abilities, while defenses correlate to perceptual and cognitive levels. The mechanism of rationalization in latency and intellectualization in adolescence are strictly related to cognitive development (Lichtenberg & Slap, 1972).

functioning of the child. According to the present study, a child with MMR appears to manifest stronger affective needs, such as the need for warmth, love, and approval, than children of the control group. The child with MMR experiences his or her relationship with the mother as negative. The majority of children with MMR projected a rejective, rigid, and punishing mother image. This negative relationship with the mother is due to the child’s insecure bond during the infantile period or to insecurity that the mother may have experienced when the diagnosis of MMR was confirmed. Guilt, rejection, and feelings of shame are typical reactions of parents who have children with MMR (Graliker, Parmelle, & Koch, 1959; Papadatos, 1995). Such feelings of deception and associated frustration have in turn a major impact on the parent-child interaction (Marfo et al., 1998). The mother’s negative DISCUSSION experience in the family setting may also be responsible for her rejective or punishing behavior According to Snyder (1966), adolescents with towards the child, since taking care of the child is MMR have a lower level of personal adjustment, considered the mother’s responsibility and therewhich suggests a “different” developmental trajecto- fore the mother’s negative feelings influence her ry of their personality. These differences result from interaction with her child (Lillie, 1993). the cognitive structure and mental level of the child One can interpret the child’s (with MMR) with MMR as well as from the various emotional stronger sexual preoccupation—mainly expressed as experiences the child undergoes in his/her environ- issues concerning marriage and love—as the search ment (Sternlicht & Deutsch, 1972). for affective interaction. The interaction of these factors creates emotionDependence on others, mostly parents, increases al difficulties, plus an idiosyncratic perception and a the child’s need for protection. Often, parents’ overway of responding to reality’s demands, which cre- protective attitude inhibits the child’s ability for perate difficulties in social integration. Affective and sonal development; instead, overprotection results cognitive factors interact to synthesize the global in a reinforced sense of being handicapped as well

148


as the search for security and help from others. Despite our initial hypothesis, according to which children with MMR would have lower selfesteem (because of the failures and frustrations these children experience in their lives), there was no significant difference between children with MMR and the control group. This could be attributed to several factors: first, to the difficulty in following a projective test procedure, as in this type of tests there are no predetermined questions; and second, to the development of the child’s self-image. The self-image of a school-age child with MMR is the same as that of a much younger child with average intelligence. Thus, the child with MMR encounters difficulties in accurately evaluating his abilities and in differentiating the various aspects of his- or herself (Evans, 1998). The confused, exaggerated, and basically unreal self-image forms a cognitive characteristic of pro-operational mental development, independent of age. Low self-esteem in the FTT appears in responses that refer to external features, and responses that provoke feelings of incapacity and/or failure. The body image of adolescents with MMR does not seem to be well determined (Evans, 1998), and the cognitive limitations do not favor the attribution of personal characteristics. A third interpretation for the lack of difference in self-esteem involves the fact that the present sample of children with MMR all study in specialized schools, where the environment is supportive and noncompetitive. As a result, these students do not compare themselves with their peers in a mainstream class neither with students in a specialized class, and therefore they develop fewer feelings of failure. According to the results of certain studies, placing a student with MMR in a mainstream school could create emotional difficulties for the child (Battle, 1979; Schurr, Towne, & Joiner, 1972). Our view is that children with MMR do not experience failure in a specialized school, because the educational curriculum in this particular setting is specialized, based on the abilities of each child, and his or her participation in various activities is scheduled according to his/hers specific needs and

abilities. A reason that explains the significantly low scoring regarding the children’s Need for Affiliation could be the fear of rejection by others. We do not wish to suggest that children with MMR do not need social interaction or friendly relations. However, as they are aware of their reduced communication skills, they might prefer to isolate and avoid failure. The supportive environment of the specialized school does not encourage competition or feelings of jealousy. That may explain why the frequency of Aggression as Envy and Aggression Retaliation is lower in children with MMR. An individual adopts a revengeful attitude when he/she recognizes that another person deliberately acts towards him/her in a hostile manner (Dodge, 1980). Ego abuse appears to be less frequent in a supportive school environment, where the personnel settle any potential conflicts between schoolmates. On the other hand, revenge involves a desire to “get even,” which requires a basic understanding of justice (Fromm, 1977). Comprehension of the notion of justice in children with MMR is probably limited as they may not be able of judging the ethical value of various actions and behaviors. However, children with MMR manifest more oral aggression, a more primitive form of aggression that goes back to the oral stage of development and signifies a lack of satisfaction as well as a demand for satisfaction. Reaction to frustrations and displeasures contains traits of oral aggression (bites, name calling, spitting, etc.) suggesting fixation in this primary oral stage of psychosexual development, in which the infant bites to manifest a lack of satisfaction when deprived of the maternal breast. On the contrary, as is evident from the low percentage in the variable Oral Needs, children with MMR do not manifest their emotional needs through nutrition, which is also typical of the oral stage’s development. In a study by Coulacoglou (1993), the variables Oral Needs and Oral Aggression are negatively correlated in normal children. This study illustrates that orality is one of the main personality character-


istics. Considering that older children manifest more Oral Needs than younger ones, children with MMR resemble normal children of a younger age who manifest oral aggression at a higher degree. Oral aggression could be interpreted as tension that can not be openly manifested. Children scoring higher on Oral Aggression are considered to be less obedient or subordinate and more aggressive (Coulacoglou, 1993). Their inability to respond to the environmental demands, along with their repetitive failures and frustrations, increases their anxiety and fears and stimulates depressive attitudes. Indeed, confirming our first hypothesis, children with MMR present higher levels of anxiety. Anxiety and fear are mainly associated with dangers related to physical harm or death. These types of anxiety are common in children between 7 to 12 years of age. The similarity of this type of fear between normal children and children with MMR led researchers to the conclusion that the processes that incite normal fear (such as fear of snakes) are to a great extent biologically determined (Gullone, 1996). Qualitative analysis of the responses in the FTT suggests that children with MMR express a much stronger anxiety than do children in the control group concerning physical harm as well as death but also loneliness, separation, abandonment and loss of love. These findings support the results of a research from Gullone and King (1993) and Guarnaccia and Weiss (1974) that involved children with MR. Gullone (1996) suggests that children with MR are mostly afraid of animals, darkness, supernatural phenomena and less of human beings and external dangers. These kinds of fear are typical of younger children who have a lower level of cognitive elaboration and are not able of appropriately evaluating possible imminent threats. However, data from the present study indicate that fears of children with MMR are associated with human beings, and in particular with a mother image that is perceived as threatening or punishing. Seventy-six percent (76%) of children with MMR from our sample project onto the mother figure threatening characteristics, expressed by the use of verbs like “hits,” “abuses,”

149

and “kills.” Their responses indicate that the majority of children with MMR are much more intimidated by physical abuse than are children from the control group. Thirty percent (30%) of children with MMR use verbs that reveal corporal punishment, compared to 14 percent of those in the control group. To a certain extent, strong anxiety and fear in children with MMR are due to failure of dominating in their environments because of limited coping abilities (Sternlicht & Deutsch, 1972). In addition, the mother’s negative attitude towards the child does not provide him/her with a secure base that will help him or her develop a trusting relationship with the environment. Consequently, rejection and social isolation increases anxiety, especially when confidence is lacking and the need for protection is intense. Moreover, the parents’ overprotective attitude may increase the child’s fear of the environment, since he or she has not been offered the chance to develop “reality testing” skills and better coping strategies in relation to eventual threats (Gullone, 1996). The child’ sense of rejection and inability to rely on his or her strength create pressure, which in turn increases depression. Findings from other studies confirm the occurrence of high levels of anxiety and depression in children with MMR (Cochran & Cleland, 1963; Rutter et al., 1976). Parental depression represents another strain factor associated with depressive symptoms in children with MMR (Kobe & Hammer, 1994). Children with MMR experience rejection and disapproval, and they almost always fear loss of love, or indicate a weakness to tolerate loneliness. The children participating in the present research were mostly in prepubescent period during which problems of identity crisis become apparent. Adolescents with MR commonly experience an existential sense of emptiness and a lack of interest in life (Levy-Schiff et al., 1990). Some personality variables seem to be influenced mostly by cognitive factors and to constitute distinctive characteristics of children with MMR. Their responses to the test pictures expressed less ambivalence, indecision, or hesitation in terms of

150


their actions, while they do not express conflict between opposing actions or feelings. These characteristics are reflected in the low percentage of the variable ambivalence (indecision, doubt, alternative responses, emotional conflict, and hesitation). The limited expression of ambivalent responses could be interpreted according to the Piagetian stages of cognitive development: children with MMR have not reached the stage of formal operations that would enable them to elaborate different propositions, alternative choices, and disjunctions. This observation is confirmed by research findings with normal children, where stronger ambivalence is observed in children between 11 and 12 years of age who have a higher mental aptitude (Coulacoglou, Souyouldjoglou, & Atsarou, 2003). According to Piaget’s developmental theory, children begin to develop formal reasoning around that age (Piaget, 1964, 1972). The elaboration of alternative choices also presupposes anticipation of an action’s positive and negative consequences. A child’s difficulty in predicting those consequences and his or her limited moral judgment are responsible for the inability to judge actions as either good or bad (Sternlicht & Deutsch, 1972). Low inhibition of children with MMR reduces their hesitation to discharge the impulses, drives, and conflicts between good and bad behavior. In accordance to the results mentioned above, hesitation is associated with a high percentage in morality and appears to be functioning as a defensive process against aggression, in order to preserve ego control against impulse discharge (Coulacoglou et al., 2003). As children with MMR have an inefficiently developed superego (Sternlicht & Deutsch, 1972), they do not hesitate to explicitly convey their impulsive tendencies. According to the analysis of formal characteristics of the FTT, that is, the evaluation of the variables Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content, Repetitions, and Bizarres, we observe the following: the perception of the “typical” features of the story structure, such as the internal logic and verbal aspect of the responses, differ between children with MMR and the CG. Children with MMR

diverge more than children of the CG from the fairy tale content because of their disabilities in reading and comprehension, their limited memory ability, and attention span. The poor Adaptation to the Fairy Tale Content should not be considered as an outcome of a disorder in thought but explained in terms of cognitive limitations. Therefore, whenever this appears in children’s responses, it may be an indication of possible MR and would then necessitate further investigation. Children with MMR also tend to give repetitive responses. Their responses are not very elaborate but are simply descriptive and repetitious; these are typical responses given by children with MR in response to projective tests (Wagner, 1983; Butler, 1961). The use of other projective tests (TAT, Hand Test) has also revealed the poverty of content and the stereotypical aspect of their responses (Scha_e, 1962; Butler, 1961; Wagner, 1983). This type of response could be attributed to cognitive limitations, such as limited imagination and poor memory. Furthermore, inflexibility of thought characterizes children with MR, who prefer repetitions not only because of cognitive inefficiencies but also in order to avoid failure (Sternlicht & Deutsch, 1972). Bizarres responses, more often found in children with MR protocols, can be attributed to limited cognitive abilities but also to the projection of personal conflicts and fantasies. Although they are irrelevant to the story content, these responses do not reflect a disturbance of internal logic and they do not include violent or morbid issues, like those commonly found in children with severe emotional disorders. We believe that they reflect the children’s cognitive disabilities as well as their personal preoccupations and are not signs of psychopathology. With regard to the confrontation of unpleasant feelings, such as anxiety, fear, and rejection that may be provoked by the thematic content of the projective technique, the ego of a child with MMR employs DMs such as undoing and denial. Children mobilize these DMs under conditions of pressure and anxiety, in order to protect the psychic balance and preserve the ego’s coherence. As the qualitative analysis of DM has shown, in terms of frequency,


children with MMR use twice as much DMs than children from the CG. Another interesting finding, possibly indicating the cognitive distinction between the two groups of children, is the frequency with which they use rationalization. Rationalization is the type of DMs mostly used by children in the CG, while it is the least and seldom used type of DM used from children with MMR. Children with MMR employ common DMs, except the mechanism of rationalization, which presupposes the use of abstract reasoning. The majority of children in the sample are also between 10 and 12 years old, and they employ more immature mechanisms than their peers in the control group, who more frequently employ the mechanism of rationalization. CONCLUSIONS Differences in the personality structure of children with MMR, in comparison to children from the CG, seem to result mainly from the cognitive component that differentiates these two groups. As discussed, impairments in adaptive functioning mainly due to a lower intellectual development generate rejective attitudes from both the family and the wider social environment, and it is as a result of the difficulty to cope with this that children with MMR develop low self-esteem, use more DMs, and so forth. For both groups, the structure of personality results from an interaction from both environmental and cognitive factors. It is the difference at the cognitive level first, between those two groups of children that creates a difference regarding their personality structure. Children with MMR manifest their limitations— in thought, fantasy, memory, and the capacity to assimilate information—in the formal characteristics of responses to the FTT. These are characterized by limited verbal expression and inappropriateness concerning the content, along with high percentages of the variables Repetitions and Bizarres and a low percentage in the variable ambivalence, which reveals their lack of formal reasoning development.

151

Children with MMR express a stronger Need for Affection from their family and social environment. Imminent threats of violence or loneliness stimulate anxiety, since they are not self-reliant and experience difficulties in social contacts. The children of the present sample live in supportive school and family settings. In the first setting, the school tends to adjust its demands to their abilities, while in the latter, families may come to terms with their child’s limitations through counseling and supportive programs. In the latter, the parents’ ambitions and expectations regarding their child are realistic. However, these children seek more approval and protection: they depend on others: parents and teachers. They need help with social relationships as well as coping with pressure from everyday life. The results confirm the differences between the two populations and allow us to formulate further hypotheses based on psychological theories, research findings and clinical experience. It is clear that psychologists should emphasize the evaluation of affective variables along with the mental and adaptive functioning in order to plan suitable educational and psychological interventions for children with MMR. Counseling with the parents and the family is also extremely important. Parents should be in touch with their child’s needs and interests, be indulgent of their limitations, be neither overprotective nor authoritarian, have realistic expectations, and provide a secure and supportive environment. REFERENCES American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM IV (4th ed.). Washington, DC: Author. Battle, J. (1979). Self-esteem of students in regular and special classrooms. Psychological Reports, 44, 212–214. Bellak, L., & Abrams, D. M. (1997). The TAT, CAT and SAT in clinical use . Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Blacher, J. (1984). Sequential stages of parental adjustment to the birth of a child with handicaps: Fact or artifact? Mental Retardation, 22, 55–68.

152


Butler, R. (1961). Responses of institutionalized mentally sis of mental retardation. Pediatrics, 23, 819–821. retarded children to human and to animal pictures. Guarnaccia, V., & Weiss, R. (1974). Factor structure of American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 65, 620–622. fears in the mentally retarded. Journal of Clinical Bybee, I., & Zigler, E. (1998). Outerdirectedness in indiPsychology, 30, 540–544. viduals with and without mental retardation: A review. Gullone, E. (1996). Normal fear in people with a physical In J. A. Burack, R. M. Hodapp, & E. Zigler (Eds.), or intellectual disability. Clinical Psychology Review, 16, 689–706. Handbook of mental retardation and development (pp. 434–461). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gullone, E., & King, N. J. (1993). The fears of youth in the Clark, A., & Clark, A. D. (1974). Mental deficiency: The 1990s: Contemporary normative data. Journal of changing outlook . London: Methuen & Co. Genetic Psychology, 154, 137–153. Cochran, U. L., & Cleland, C. C. (1963). Manifest anxiety Hodapp, R. M. (1988). The role of maternal emotions of retardates and normals matched as to academic and perceptions in interactions with young handiachievement. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 67, capped children. In K. Marfo (Ed.), Parent-child interac- 539–542. tion and developmental disabilities (pp. 32–46). New Coulacoglou, C. (1993). The development of the projecYork: Praeger. tive Fairy Tale Test in the personality assessment of Hurley, A. D., & Sovner, R. (1982). Use of the Rorschach children. Unpublished dissertation, University of technique with mentally retarded patients. Psychiatric Exeter. Aspects of Mental Retardation, 1, 5–8. Coulacoglou, C., Souyouldjoglou, M., & Atsarou, A. Jones, C. J. (1985). Analysis of the self-concepts of handi(2003). Étude vers la compréhension et l’évaluation de capped children. Remedial and Special Education, 6, l’ambivalence chez l’enfant. Le Carnet Psy, 80, 25–31. 32–36. Cramer, P. (1990). The development of defense mechanisms, Jones, C. J. (1992). Human figure drawings of mildly handi- theory, research and assessment . New York: Springercapped students . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Verlag. Jones, C. J. (1996). An introduction to the nature and needs of Dodge, K. A. (1980). Social cognition and children’s students with mild disabilities: Mild mental retardation, aggressive behavior. Child Development, 51, 162–170. behavior disorders and learning disabilities . Springfield, English, O. S., & Finch, S. M. (1964). Introduction to psy- IL: Charles C Thomas. Kaufman, A. S., & Kaufman, N. L. (1983). Kaufman chiatry . New York: Norton. Epstein, M., Polloway, E., Patton, J., & Fuley, R. (1989). Assessment Battery for children: Interpretative manual . Mild retardation: Student characteristics and service. Circle Pines, MN: American Guidance Service. Education and Training of the Mentally Retarded, 24 (e), Kobe, F. H., & Hammer, D. (1994). Parenting stress and 7–16. depression in children with mental retardation and Evans, D. W. (1998). Development of the self-concept in developmental disabilities. Research in Developmental children with mental retardation: Organismic and Disabilities, 15 (3), 209–221. contextual factors. In J. A. Burack, R. M. Hodapp, & Lambert, N., Windmiller, M., Tharinger, D., & Cole, L. E. Zigler (Eds.), Handbook of mental retardation and devel- (1981). The AAMD Adaptive Behavior Scale—School edi- opment (pp. 462–480). Cambridge: Cambridge tion . Washington, DC: American Association on University Press. Mental Deficiency. Fromm, E. (1977). The anatomy of human destructiveness . Levy-Schiff, R., Kedem, D., & Sevillia, Z. (1990). Ego Middlesex, England: Penguin Books. identity in mentally retarded adolescents. American Galland, A., & Galland, J. (1997). L’enfant handicapé men- Journal on Mental Retardation, 94 (5), 541–549. Lichtenberg, J. D., & Slap, J. W. (1972). On the defense tal . Paris: Nathan. Georgas, D. D., Paraskeyopoylos, I. N., Bezevegkiw, H. mechanism: A survey and synthesis. Journal of the G., & Giannitsas, N. D. (1998). Το ελληνικο WISC III American Psychoanalytic Association, 20, 776–792. [The Greek WISC III ]. Athens (Greece): Ellinika Lillie, T. (1993). A harder thing than triumph roles of Grammata. fathers of children with disabilities. Mental Retardation, Graliker, B. N., Parmelle, A. H., & Koch, R. (1959). 31, 438–443. Attitude study of parents of mentally retarded children Luftig, R. (1988a). Assessment of learners with special needs . II: Initial reaction and concern of parents to a diagnoBoston: Allyn and Bacon.

The Fairy Tale Test of Children with Mild Mental Retardation Luftig, R. (1988b). Assessment of the perceived school loneliness and isolation of mentally retarded and nonretarded students. American Journal of Mental Retarda- tion, 5, 472–475. Marfo, K., Dedrick, C. F., & Barbour, N. (1998). Motherchild interactions and the development of children with mental retardation. In J. A. Burack, R. M. Hodapp, & E. Zigler (Eds.), Handbook of mental retardation and development (pp. 637–668). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Margalit, M., & Ankonina, D. B. (1991). Positive and negative affect in parenting disabled children, special issue: Disability and the family: Research, theory and practice. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 4 (4), 289–299. Margalit, M., & Amiram, A. (1992). Coping and coherence among parents with disabled children. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 21(3), 202–209. Miller, D. R., & Swanson, G. G. (1960). Inner conflict and defense . New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Panek, P. E. (1997). The use of projective techniques with persons with mental retardation: A guide for assessment instrument selection . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. Panek, P. E., & Wagner, E. E. (1979). Relationships between Hand Test variables and mental retardation: A confirmation and extension. Journal of Personality Assessment, 43, 600–603. Panek, P. E., & Wagner, E. E. (1993). Hand Test characteristics of dual diagnosed mentally retarded older adults. Journal of Personality Assessment, 61, 324–328. Papadatos, G. (1995). Στασεις απεναντι στο παιδι µε ειδικες αναγκες: Ελληνικη Παιδικη Λογοτεχνια της περιοδου, 1975–1992 [Attitudes toward the child with special needs: Hellenic child literature of the period, 1975–1992]. In M. Kaila, M. Polemikou, & F. Filippou (Eds.), Ατοµο µε ειδικες αναγκες , πρακτικα ∆ιεπιστηµονικου Ευρωπαικου Συµποσιυ (pp. 726–735). Athens (Greece): Ellnika Grammata Parker, J. G., Rubin, K. H., Price, J. M., & De Rosier, M. E. (1995). Peer relationships, child development and adjustment: A developmental psychopathology perspective. In D. Cicchetti & D. J. Cohen (_ds.), Developmental psychology (pp. 96–161). New York: Wiley. Piaget, J. (1964). Six études de psychologie . Geneva: Contiez. Piaget, J. (1972). Problèmes de psychologie génétique . Paris: Denoël. Polloway, E., Epstein, D., & Cullinan, D. (1985).

153

Prevalence of behavior problems among educable mentally retarded students. Education and Training of the Mentally Retarded, 20, 3–13. Polloway, E., Epstein, M., Patton, J., Cullinan, D., & Luebke, J. (1986). Demographic, social and behavioral characteristics of students with educable mental retardation. Education and Training of the Mentally Retarded, 21, 27–34. Reiss, S. (1994). Handbook of challenging behavior: Mental health aspects of mental retardation . Worthington, Ottawa: IDS Publishing. Robinson, H., & Robinson, N. (1976). The mentally retarded child: A psychological approach . New York: McGraw Hill. Rutter, M., Tizard, J., Yule, W., Graham, P., & Whitmore, K. (1976). Research report: Isle of Wight studies, 1964–1974. Psychological Medicine, 6, 313–332. Schaïe, K. W. (1962). The performance of mentally defective children on the Color Pyramid Test. Journal of Projective Techniques, 26, 440–464. Schurr, K. T., Towne, R. C., & Joiner, L. M. (1972). Trends in self-concept of ability over two years of special class placement. Journal of Special Education, 6, 161–166. Snyder, R. T. (1966). Personality adjustment, self attitudes and anxiety differences in retarded adolescents. American Journal of Mental Deficiency, 71, 33–41. Sparrow, S. E., & Cicchetti, D. V. (1989). The Vineland Adaptive Behavior Scales. In C. S. Newmark (Ed.), Major psychological assessment instruments (2nd ed., pp. 199–231). Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Sternlicht, M., & Deutsch, M. R. (1972). Personality development and social behavior in the mentally retarded . Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath. Thorndike, R. L., Hagen, E. P., & Sattler, J. M. (1986). The Stanford-Binet Intelligence Scale, fourth edition: Guide for administering and scoring . Chicago: Riverside. Turnure, J., & Zigler, E. (1964). Outer-Directedness in the problem solving of normal and retarded children. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 69, 427–436. Wagner, E. E. (1983). The Hand Test: Manual of administration, scoring and interpretation . Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. (Original work published 1962) Wechsler, D. (1992). Wechsler Intelligence Scale for children (3rd ed.). New York: The Psychological Corporation. Zigler, E., & Hodapp, R. M. (1986). Understanding mental retardation . New York: Cambridge University Press.

Chapter 8 CHILDREN WITH PSYCHOTIC SYMPTOMS: TWO CASE STUDIES IOANNA GIANNOPOULOU, ANASTASIA ATSAROU, AND DAFNE STAMATOYANNI chosis. From the 1930s until the early ‘70s, psychologists invoked the concept of “childhood schizophrenia” Psychosis in Childhood as a distinct clinical entity with specific diagnostic sychosis corresponds to a generic term referring criteria (Potter, 1933). The definition of childhood to a severe mental disorder, with or without schizophrenia was broadened to include all forms of organic damage, characterized by a disturbed per- severe mental disorders in children; autism and sonality and a loss of contact with reality causing a other developmental disorders were seen as childsignificant deterioration of normal social function- hood manifestation of adult schizophrenia. As a ing (Stedman, 2000). Von Feuchtersleben first used result of this broad grouping, the literature regardthe word “psychosis” in 1845 (Beer, 1995), as an ing childhood schizophrenia before 1980 refers to alternative to “insanity” and “mania,” and it stems diagnostically heterogeneous psychopathological from the Greek term “soul” (psyche) and the suffix groups and does not differentiate autism or perva“-osis,” referring to a diseased or abnormal condi- sive developmental disorders from psychotic disortion. ders. Interest in childhood psychosis traces back to the During the 1970s, research findings concerning nineteenth century. Maudsley was first to describe a the phenomenology of various childhood psychoses condition he termed “the insanity of early life” in (course, onset, family history, and associated feahis textbook Physiology and Pathology of the Mind tures) led to the recognition that schizophrenia aris(1867). His view was that insanity in children must ing in childhood and infantile autism were distinct be of the simplest kind, given that mental faculty in clinical syndromes, each with its unique and distinct children is not yet organized. Kraepelin (1919) intro- phenomenology, theories about causes, and longiduced the term “dementia praecox” to distinguish tudinal course (Kolvin, 1971; Rutter, 1972). patients with a psychotic disorder that usually Schizophrenia in childhood was again seen as conbegan in early adult life and ran a progressive and tinuous with the adult form of the disorder, given deteriorating course from the more benign and that young patients presented with essentially the episodic course of manic-depressive disorder. He same clinical picture as adults. The current internasuggested that 3.5 percent of cases of dementia tional classificatory systems of mental disorders, praecox had the onset of their illness before the age ICD-10 (World Health Organization, 1992) and of 10, with a further 2.7 percent arising between the DSM-IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1994), ages of 10 and 15. This led to an increased interest which are categorical and based on descriptions of in understanding the developmental aspects of psy- the pattern of symptoms, do not distinguish in diagINTRODUCTION

P

154

Children with Psychotic Symptoms

nostic criteria between the presentation of psychotic disorders in children and in adolescents.

Phenomenology and Developmental Issues Psychotic disorders—particularly schizophrenia, albeit rare in childhood—are an important clinical entity and present distinctive diagnostic and clinical challenges. Children and adolescents experience the same range and types of psychotic symptoms as do adults, although some evidence suggests developmental and quantitative variations in symptom presentation (Werry & Taylor, 1994). Chronological and developmental age greatly contribute to the clinical picture of psychosis in childhood. Developmental, environmental, and cognitive factors significantly influence the detection, form, and context of psychotic symptoms in children, since there is a significantly more extensive range of normal functioning and of other types of experiences or disorders in children than in adults. The child’s behavior may simply be a result of immaturity rather than a deviation from a normal pathway (Joshi & Towbin, 2002). Recent studies examining child- and adolescentonset psychoses have reported similar patterns of symptom dimensions as in adults (Maziade et al., 1996; Hollis, 1999). The studies also provide evidence that these symptom dimensions are not unique to schizophrenia and can be identified in a broad spectrum of psychotic disorders. The “positive” symptom dimension includes hallucinations and delusions. Hallucinations are perceptions without an external stimulus and can occur in any of the areas of the five senses as well as with somatic sensation. Hallucinations are often delusionally elaborated. Delusions are fixed false beliefs, which are not in keeping with the person’s educational and cultural background, are held with conviction, and are not amenable to logic. Delusions in children are fluid, less complex, and less frequent than in adults. They often are difficult to establish, particularly in younger children, due to the inabili-

155

ty to apply adult rules of logic or notions of reality. It is difficult to differentiate delusions from the bizarre ideas, fears, and fantasies that immature children or adolescents express. Children may experience hallucinations in the absence of evidence of a psychotic or organic brain disorder. Internal localization of hallucinations is more common in younger children and makes it more difficult to differentiate these experiences subjectively from inner speech or thoughts (Garralda, 1984). Developmental immaturity makes children more susceptible to environmental stressors and cognitive distortions; it may be difficult to distinguish hallucinations in young children from sleep-related and other developmental phenomena, such as imaginary friends, fantasy figures, overactive and vivid imaginations, and so forth. Transient hallucinations relating to monsters, pets, or toys can occur in acutely anxious but otherwise normally developing preschool children (Rothstein, 1981). Similarly, older children can experience hallucinations in the absence of other signs of psychosis, associated with other conditions, such as severe anxiety or posttraumatic stress disorder. Prognostically, these hallucinations are benign, as they do not predict later development of a psychotic disorder (Garralda, 1984). The “negative” symptom dimension includes affective blunting (numbing or dulling of affect), abolition (apathy and lack of interest in socializing), and alogia (poverty of thoughts when expressed in words). Negative symptoms can appear very similar to nonpsychotic language and social impairments seen in children with pervasive developmental disorders (PDD) and can also be confused with anhedonia and depression. The “disorganization” dimension includes disorganized speech and bizarre behavior, factors that usually indicate disorganized thinking. The latter is also called “formal thought disorder,” as it relates to the form of the organization of speech rather than to its content. The clinical signs of formal thought disorder include loosening of association, frequent derailment or incoherence (illogical thinking), digressive speech, tangentiality, circumstantiality, echolalia, and perseveration.

156


Two issues, however, merit attention in assessing the presence or absence of form thought disorder. First, the frequency of loosening of associations and irrational thinking significantly decreases after about 6 to 7 years of age in normally developing children (Caplan, 1994). Second, formal thought disorder might appear very similar to the pattern of incoherence and loose of associations seen in children with immature language development (Hollis, 2002). Disorganized speech is an inherent component of many of the developmental disorders, seen particularly in those with good language skills, as for example, in high functioning autistic individuals or those with Asperger syndrome (Dykens, Volkmar, & Glick, 1991). It is not always easy to differentiate the erratic, impulsive, and odd behavior exhibited by immature young people from the bizarre behavior of psychotic children or adolescents. The research evidence to date points to negative symptoms as the best predictor of both diagnosis and outcome. Negative symptoms and an insidious onset are specifically associated with schizophrenia and often have profound effects on social and educational functioning. Positive symptoms (i.e., delusions and hallucinations), however, lack diagnostic specificity, as they are common in patients with psychotic mood disorders, especially adolescents. Similarly, the dimension of disorganization (i.e., bizarre behavior and formal thought disorder) shows less clear-cut associations with any specific diagnostic category and therefore cannot be regarded as pathognomic of schizophrenia. Interestingly, this group of symptoms has not been shown to correlate with the severity of reality distortion. Cognitive impairments—in particular the impaired ability to concentrate, focus, and sustain attention on a task—are usually seen in children presenting with a psychotic disorder. Confusion and disorientation usually denote a psychotic disorder secondary to an organic origin. Atypical mental experiences in children, which are reflected in unusual behaviors and odd beliefs, can be recognized as prodromal or prepsychotic signs only after the manifestation of frank psychotic symptoms.

These cannot be ascribed to psychosis without a concomitant presence of a thought disorder but need to be closely monitored. Although schizophrenia is very rare before the age of 6 years (Werry, 1996), retrospective studies suggest that neurodevelopmental abnormalities, language and motor problems, and unusual personality styles are precursors of this condition. Social withdrawal, shyness, and disturbances in adaptive social behavior constitute the first signs of dysfunctional premorbid development, indicative of a risk for developing a psychotic illness (Eggers, Bunk, & Krause, 2000). However, it is important to recognize that a socially odd child is not necessarily schizophrenic, given that social and cognitive impairments presented by children with PDD overlap closely with the premorbid phenotype of schizophrenia.

Recognition and Assessment of Psychotic Symptoms in Children Most psychotic disorders are relatively rare in childhood, but because they tend to be chronic or relapsing, causing serious distress and disability to the young person, they constitute an important clinical entity that warrants investigation. The problem of differentiating the psychoses from each other but also from nonpsychotic conditions through diagnosis is a common one. The main diagnostic challenges are in differentiating childhood-onset schizophrenia from affective disorders with psychotic symptoms, PDD, and severe personality disorders. Psychologists have described and proposed new labels for children with atypical psychotic features that do not strictly fit the diagnostic criteria for schizophrenia, such as Multiple Complex Developmental Disorder (MCDD; Cohen, Paul, & Volkmar, 1986; Towbin et al., 1993) and Multidimensionally Impaired Disorder (MID; Kumra et al., 1998). The MCDD replaces terms of “borderline psychotic” states and borderline personality disorder, as defined for both the adolescent and adult populations (Ad-Dab’bagh & Greenfield, 2001).


157

Psychologists diagnose schizophrenia in children Although the SCZI appears to be clinically useful, and adolescents using the same criteria as for adults. reliable, and valid among adult populations (e.g., The condition is characterized by greater disorgan- Jorgensen et al., 2000), results have been mixed ization (incoherence of thought and disordered among children and adolescents. Research has indisense of self) and more negative symptoms (Häfner cated that the SCZI may be a nonspecific indicator & Nowotny, 1995). Premorbid developmental and of though disorder (e.g., Holaday, 2000). social impairments are more common in child- and The Perceptual -Thinking Index (PTI) was creatadolescent-onset schizophrenia than in other child- ed to address these problems and to increase and adolescent-onset psychoses. The premorbid Rorschach’s diagnostic accuracy (Exner, 2000). The phenotype of schizophrenia currently is conceived PTI is a five-variable index that draws from in terms of impaired sociability and developmental Rorschach indexes of both perceptual distortion language disorders, attention-deficit hyperactivity and cognitive slippage. Two components of both disorder, and autism-spectrum disorders (Hollis & SCZI and PTI have often been implicated as potenTaylor, 1997). tial indicators of thought disorder: M- (human A comprehensive diagnostic assessment of the movement responses with poor form quality) and child should include: interviews with both the child X-% (the percentage of responses with poor form and the family to elucidate a detailed history of quality) (Exner, 1993). Rorschach indicated that Msymptom presentation and course, a mental state might be one of the most important and efficient examination, a physical examination to exclude variables in differentiating between schizophrenic general medical causes of psychotic symptoms, and and non-schizophrenic patients (Exner, 1993). a cognitive psychometric assessment to elucidate Similarly, X-% has been an effective variable in difspecific cognitive deficits and the cognitive level of ferentiating patients with thought disorder (e.g., the child, which influences his or her ability to Kleiger, 1999). understand and express psychotic symptoms. Although psychological testing, including perCASE STUDIES sonality and projective techniques or tests, are not indicated as a method for diagnosing schizophrenia, they can provide helpful information for detecting This chapter presents case studies of two children thought disorder, particularly in children who are with psychotic personality structure. Both children relatively uncommunicative and difficult to engage have been assessed with the Rorschach and the in formal interview. The two case vignettes present- Fairy Tale Test (FTT). The analysis of results should ed in this chapter illustrate the value of using the help clinicians obtain a better picture of what each FTT in aiding a comprehensive assessment of chil- measure has to offer in terms of the child’s persondren referred to a child psychiatrist for evaluation ality. following an educational psychologist’s concerns that they were presenting psychotic symptoms. Case Study 1: J A common finding in using the Rorschach concerns its accuracy in distinguishing between patients Brief Historical Background with or without psychotic symptoms (e.g., Exner, J is a Greek 12-year-old boy living in Athens 1986, 1993; Hilsenroth, Fowler, & Padawer, 1998; Jorgensen, Anderson, & Dam, 2000). Many of these (Greece), who was referred for evaluation because studies have used the Rorschach Schizophrenia of a three-month exacerbation of chronic behavIndex (SCZI; Exner, 1993), a summary of ioral problems. The behaviors included repeated Rorschach variables, assessing disordered thinking, episodes of cursing, impulse difficulties, difficulties inaccurate perception, and interpersonal ineptness. separating reality from fantasy and in organizing

158


thoughts rationally and sequentially, and diffused jected to verbal and physical bullying. At the age of tension and irritability, causing explosive outbursts 10, he was transferred to a special educational setof anger towards his foster mother for “no specific ting for children with learning difficulties, where he reason.” He was described as being overengaged is doing well. with fantasy figures and was observed carrying on The WISC-III IQ test showed a mild discrepanconversations with himself and his animal toys; he cy between verbal and nonverbal abilities, favoring expressed grandiose fantasies of special powers and nonverbal skills: Full IQ 80, Verbal IQ 78, and exhibited idiosyncratic anxiety reactions, such as Performance IQ 87. These results were believed to sustained periods of uncontrollable giggling, laugh- reflect accurately J’s abilities at the time of testing. ter, and “silly” affect that was inappropriate in the Given the early onset of his difficulties, consiscontext of the situation. tent impairments in his social behavior and sensi J is the youngest of five children in his biological tivity, impaired cognitive processing (which does family. He is tall and thin; he wears glasses, rarely not resemble the formal thought disorder seen in makes eye contact with another person, and speaks childhood-onset schizophrenia), and impaired reguwith a lisp. His voice has a high pitch and sounds lation of affect, he was given a provisional diagnosis almost effeminate. Three of his siblings have been of MCDD (Cohen et al., 1986; Towbin et al., 1993). adopted, and one (who is said to have a moderate learning disability and severe behavioral problems) FTT Report is in foster care. J was received into foster care at the J’s full responses to the FTT are included in age of 3 months because of his biological mother’s inability to care for him. J’s biological mother and Appendix A. The psychologist who administered maternal grandmother are said to have a mild the test to J reported that J introduced himself to her learning difficulty, whereas his biological father is in English. During testing, J was carried away by the said to have an antisocial personality disorder. At test pictures, and while initially the content of his the age of 9 months, J was placed in a long-term response was relevant to the story, he went on by (permanent) foster home, but he has not been told saying totally unrelated (to the test situation) things, that his foster parents are not his biological parents. with an idiosyncratic content (as in his response to His foster parents are separated; as a result J has no the Dwarf in card 3, see Appendix A). As a result, contact with his foster father. J’s relationship with the examiner often tried to “bring him back” to the his foster mother, who is unemployed, is satisfacto- reality of the test situation.Overall, J participation ry and appears securely attached to her. was good, and he seemed involved with the whole A detailed developmental history revealed a per- process. The tone of his voice often changed sistent, stable pattern of developmental deviations, depending on the content of his responses. which were apparent by age 4. This pattern includ J’s narrations of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH) ed disturbances in socialization, cognitive process- and Snow White (SW) and the Seven Dwarfs contain ing, activity and attentional regulation as well as significant distortions and plot changes. His limited affect regulation. Upon entry into primary school, J capability to adapt to the content of the fairy tales, was assessed as having special educational needs in conjunction with a large number of bizarre and received support within the mainstream school. responses and the use of primitive defense mecha J was never able to relate appropriately to peers. nisms, indicate some form of psychopathology. His idiosyncratic, intrusive behavior and inability to J’s bizarre responses seem to have a psychotic empathize caused other children to avoid him and content, as there is severe distortion of the fairy tale sometimes to gang up on him. His socially odd content, magical thinking, and high levels of anximanner, articulation, and rhythm abnormalities ety. According to Michalopoulou’s classification caused further social isolation, and J. was often sub- (see Chapter 4) a bizarre response is rated as dis-

159


turbed or psychotic when it contains, among others, a clear distortion of the fairy tale content, thought disturbances (such as loose associations or idiosyncratic language), and a clear loss of boundaries from the card (personal involvement/overinvolvement). 2 Aggression is either oral—as seen in the Wolf cards and expressed as a means of showing off power and force, gaining in terms of self-esteem—or it is defensive when a situation threatens J’s status and security. J expresses his aggression, and at the same time moral consciousness appears in the form of self-punishment, observed through his anxietytype illness or harm. Through the mechanism of negation, J attempts to cope with the opposing drives of life and death. Anxiety-type death in particular appears to overwhelm J: Dwarf (Card 2): He thinks of eating poisonous

mushrooms. Mostly, he wants to die, to commit suicide but I don’t want to commit suicide, I want to be immortal but there are no immortals[...]. (negation expressed through overinvolvement) J employs splitting in his efforts to identify with the “good” or the “bad” character or to clarify his own potential to be good or bad: LRRH (Card 2): Here she is crying. She is pre-

occupied that her grandmother may have killed the wolf or that the wolf may have bitten the grandmother and got poisoned, alienated, and herself became a wolf, too.

J employs the mechanism of projection to cope with his feelings of aggression: Wolf (Card 2):

His teeth are decayed and he

does not want to eat LRRH so that his teeth will not break. Maybe Satan is inside him and that’s why he feels sad, because he wants to make everything on his own but he doesn’t want anyone to help him, but Satan does. Wolf (Card 3):

He wants to eat LRRH but Satan is not inside him[...].

Finally, J’s negative self-image—reflected in the use of statements such as “he is stupid[...]he feels ugly[...]” as well as his anxiety deprivation and helplessness—suggest that J’s family environment is inadequate in fulfilling J’s basic needs. The following is a summary of the themes reflected in the seven sets of cards based on J’s responses: a. In the LRRH cards, J expresses sexuality and sexual identity issues as a wish to get pregnant and give birth but also as vindictiveness over losing a mate or companion (see Figure 8.1). b. In the Wolf cards, there is a double identification with the wolf and the victim. J expresses aggression as a maneuver to defend the weak ones in Card 1, while in Card 2 he uses psychotic denial as well as projection against his aggressive impulses, whereby he transfers the responsibility of aggressive acts onto a supernatural force, such as Satan. c. In the Dwarf cards, J expresses depressive thoughts in an overt and bizarre way, and his death anxiety appears to be overwhelming. d. In the Witch cards, J’s responses reveal deprivation and anxiety helplessness. He uses the mechanism of denial of fear in the form of the inability of the threatening figure: the witch. e. In the Giant cards, J openly expresses of hatred and defensive aggression though an interaction among giants. His responses to

2. Refer to Chapter 4 for a full discussion on the classification of idiosyncratic (bizarre) responses.

160


Figure 8.1. This drawing was made by J when asked to draw a person or himself. J drew himself as a queen, which indicates part of his issues with his sexual identity.


Card 2A reflect a negative self-image as well as his anxiety over being rejected by others. f. J’s responses to the LRRH cards are very revealing in terms of their psychodynamic connotations; in Card 2 the wolf and the grandmother appear to be one and the boundaries between aggressor and victim loosen up, while incorporation is also evident. It is unclear whether the evil incorporates the good, or vice versa. The quality of the mother-child relationship appears to be positive, but it is of minor importance, as the major theme concerns J’s confusion between the aggressor and the victim. g. In the SW scenes, J’s adaptation to the content of the tale is significantly better than in his responses to the previous cards.

161

adequately function in interpersonal interactions. His relationships are superficial and characterized by emotional distance; thus others may view him as awkward, inept, and insensitive to their needs and interests. As a result J is very socially isolated, inhabiting his inner world without enjoying real contact with others. In relation to himself, J seems to be unaware of his inner experience most of the time; he neither focuses on it nor analyzes it. However, there may be a tendency to experience dysphoric feelings when he compares himself to other children. This comparison may not be made on purpose, but, when it does occur, it may initiate negative feelings. Emotions play an interesting role in his life, since, on the one hand he is easily stimulated by emotionally laden situations, and, on the other, he has a tendency to internalize his feelings. That is, J is attracted by emotionally-tinged situations and becomes Rorschach Report enlivened by them. He tends to internalize his emo J’s full responses to the Rorschach are included tions, but when he is unable to do so, he shows his in Appendix B. J appears to be a socially immature feelings without modulation, and as a result his individual whose thinking and reasoning is often emotional expression may at times seem more awkward, concrete, and inappropriate. As a result, intense and childish than is age appropriate. His he approaches life guardedly, avoiding to thorough- interest in emotional intensity does not lead to satly partake in complex experiences in order to avoid isfactory emotional interactions, since others may dealing—or failing to deal with—life’s demands. feel that he acts immaturely, that his emotional J shows a marked tendency towards approaching reactions are incongruous with the situation at life in an emotionally and intellectually restricted hand, or that his reactions do not correlate with way through minimal analysis and processing of his their own emotions. experience. It seems that his goal is to be exposed It is possible that J is dealing with issues around to as little external stimulation as possible in order his sexuality. However, it appears that he feels to remain organized and under control. The threat uncomfortable expressing such concerns, thus he of overstimulation leading to decompensation is may do so in an indirect way when the situation does ever-present. It is possible however, that in this test- not seem to permit it. Given his difficulties with ing situation—as perhaps in all new situations that appropriate interpersonal interactions, his ability for require him to perform for an outsider—he made indirect, covert expression of such issues is an advaneven more effort to remain guarded in order to tage, portraying that he is at times able to control the function as best he could and to cope with the emo- way in which he thinks and expresses his concerns. tional threat that this situation represented. Overall, J seems to be an emotionally immature Case Study 2: P individual with serious difficulties in his social skills, communicating, understanding others, and express- Brief Historical Background ing himself. He seems unable to grasp people in their real dimensions, to understand them and to P is a Greek 10-year-old boy, who lives in Athens

162


and is in the fifth grade of primary school. He is interpersonal skills, emotional lability, attention thin, his posture is bowing, and he has a slight deficit, and brief, recurrent, and stress-induced psyhump. His father is a Greek cardiologist, and his chotic symptoms, a final diagnosis was made of mother is Spanish and works as a secretary in a for- Multidimensionally Impaired Disorder (MDI) eign Embassy in Athens. P has a younger brother (7 (Kumra et al., 1998). years old) who has been diagnosed with autism The WISC-III IQ test showed a mild discrepanspectrum disorder (ASD). This is the second mar- cy between verbal and nonverbal abilities, favoring riage for both parents. Their relationship is bad; nonverbal skills: Full IQ 96, Verbal IQ 94, and they fight regularly, and they don’t share any emo- Performance IQ 100. These results were believed to tional bond with their children. P’s father has occa- reflect accurately P’s abilities at the time of testing. sional extramarital affairs. P’s early development, up to 3 years of age, is FTT Report reported as normal, and according to parental account, P’s problems started after the birth of his P’s full responses to the FTT are included in brother and were further exacerbated when his Appendix C. The psychologist who administered brother was diagnosed with autism. During his pre- the test reported that, during the administration, P school years, P exhibited difficulties in activity looked distracted and had great difficulty in con(hyperactivity) and attentional regulation (short centrating and thus responding to questions. Every attention span and distractibility) as well as behav- now and then the administration process was interioral problems in the nursery school and at home rupted when P mentioned irrelevant thoughts or (aggression, defiance, oppositionality), which performed actions that were relatively inappropricaused difficulties in his peer relationships. His par- ate to the test situation. For example, he mentioned ents describe P as a loner, socially isolated, and that he likes biting his hands, and that he smokes engaging in repetitive questioning, but also using three cigarettes a day. neologisms. The parental relationship is poor and P’s responses to the FTT reveal his disturbed characterized by chronic tension and high levels of mode of thinking. Overall, his difficulty to adapt to discordance. P has an ongoing experience of being the fairy tale content, along with the large number rejected by his father, who makes derogatory com- of bizarre responses, serve as an index of psyments about his abilities and calls him “crazy” and chopathology. In addition, he revealed an intense “needing to be locked up in a mental hospital.” preoccupation with sexual matters, as well as an Both factors have had undoubtedly a profound obsession with death (an outcome of depression) effect on P’s psychological development in child- (see Figure 8.2). Furthermore, P’s responses demonhood. strated high ambivalence, a strong need for affecAt the age of 6 years, P was diagnosed as suffer- tion, low self-esteem, aggression as envy, and anxiing from childhood-onset schizophrenia. P’s mother ety. More specifically, P’s anxiety refers to the fear declined admission to an in-patient unit, and P was of getting hurt, to be left helpless and deprived. treated on an outpatient basis with antipsychotic He expresses aggressive impulses, feelings of medication (mainly Risperidone) and individual depression, and anxiety in a primal and flagrant psychotherapy. His clinical progress was character- way. ized by periods of slight improvements interspersed Moreover, P’s responses indicate an intense sexwith periods of highly disruptive and disorganized ual preoccupation, along with a lack of inhibition in behavior. Careful history-taking revealed that stress relation to these matters. At some point, he comusually precipitated such episodes. Given that P’s bined sexual insinuations with religious content, premorbid history includes transient features of per- such as hatred expressed indirectly towards Virgin vasive developmental disorder, as well as impaired Mary, Jesus’ mother.


163

Figure 8.2. This drawing was made by P in a free-drawing task. P indicated that his drawing represented the Devil.

164


P also expressed depression in an explicit manness, depression, and the need to make friends ner. More specifically, he demonstrates depression (as particularly expressed in Card 3). through expressing that he feels old, bored with life, e. The Giant cards reveal the theme of sexualempty, and worthless. ized aggression with religious content. His At the same time, P is afraid of getting hurt or response to the third giant reflects denial of that somebody will harm him, and generally, he aggression, through his inability to perceive feels insecure and experiences his environment as the threatening/aggressive aspects of the pichostile, aggressive, threatening, and deprived. As ture. His own loneliness is apparent, and the far as we know, P experiences neglect as well as verhappiness of others is a cause of envy. bal and physical abuse in his family and in particuf. The cards depicting scenes of LRRH reveal, lar by his father. for the majority of children, the quality of the His low self-esteem appears more clearly in the attachment to the mother. In P’s case, this cards of the dwarfs: “he is very short,” “he thinks relationship is of secondary significance. More how small his hands are.” specifically, the mother assumes a protective P uses two defense mechanisms to cope with role, and there is a double identification with aggressive impulses: (a) denial of aggression (in the wolf, as in P’s responses both LRRH and Giant Card 3: “He wonders whether he is going to the wolf share their feelings of loneliness and sell wood or iron or if he is going to open a store affective needs. with motorcycles?”) where his response reflects g. The scenes from SW reveal strong feelings of neutral or nonthreatening, nonaggressive content depression expressed through a desire to die, on an overly aggressive picture; and (b) minimizabut with a light of hope revealed through tion (“He is thinking what to do—whether he will SW’s desire to offer a photograph of her and commit a murder or beat a human being”). the prince to the dwarfs to keep their memory Furthermore, he demonstrates his need for affilialive. ation throughout the FTT. This might reflect the difficulties he encounters in his relationships, as well as Rorschach Report the rejection he experiences from his social environment because of his emotional and mental diffiP’s full responses to the Rorschach are included in Appendix D. P presents as a boy with psychotic culties. P’s responses reflect the following main themes: symptomatology that leads him to a severe distortion of reality and serious difficulties in perceiving a. In the LRRH cards, P interchanges roles things as they really are and in understanding the between LRRH and the wolf or between the correlations among events in the world. He seems aggressor and the victim, as this is the way he to feel alone, cold, and isolated, helpless, and in need for support from others that he fears he will feels about himself. b. In the Wolf cards, P displays anthropomor- not receive, thus is forced to cope with life’s diffiphism and expresses deprivation, sexuality, culties on his own, in a defensively aggressive manand aggression. ner. An undercurrent of sadness runs through his c. In the Dwarf cards, P expresses sexual feel- more pronounced psychotic presentation. ings, as well as a negative self-esteem (which is P seems to pervasively distort reality, perceiving apparent especially in his response for Card events in an idiosyncratic way most of the time. 3). His negative feelings about himself center Even in cases where the meaning of things is blaon the hands, the major “means” for handling tantly obvious, he tends to perceive them in a way a sexual object. that is heavily tinged with his own projections, fears, d. The Witch cards reveal the themes of loneli- and wishes, rendering his understanding of events

165


and his communication with others very peculiar. Some emotional issues seem to be recurrent and to cause him a lot of distress, leading him to further distortions of reality as a way to cope with the dysphoria that they produce. More specifically, P appears to be socially isolated, to feel very different from others, and to respond to this with deep feelings of loneliness. Despite his social difficulties, he is aware of others and shows a distant but usually present interest in them. He strongly feels the need for closeness and support but has difficulty experiencing these needs without ambivalence and the fear that they will not be satisfied. He hopes that relationships can be fulfilling and warm, but he feels unable to freely receive care from significant others. He often experiences his strong need for connectedness and closeness more as a desire for a symbiotic relationship that will help him feel safe rather than as a mutual type of interaction. When “confronted” with closeness, he reacts with discomfort, as closeness (physically and psychologically) feels icy cold; he longs for it but doesn’t know how to be soothed by it. What seems to be of particular interest is P’s view of adult male and female figures, which he views as highly sexualized and threatening. Particularly his perspective on women entails dangerous sexuality, sexuality that hurts, or “bites.” One may wonder how this affects his relationship to women and particularly his primary caretakers. On the one hand he may be seeking care and support, but, on the other, when he does receive affection he may become frozen, too overwhelmed by his sexualized view of women and the threat that they entail. His fear that others will not be able to support him (or that closeness to them is overstimulating and dangerous) leads him to feel that he has to survive on his own. He often responds to this fear by an omnipotent, reality distorting and thus hollow fantasy that he has the means to survive completely on his own. He becomes defensively aggressive, “showing off” his prowess through acting aggressively and probably leading others to feel bothered or even threatened by him with no understanding of the underlying fear and loneliness that spark this

aggression. At times, less often, he attempts to pseudo-intellectualize situations that scare or sadden him, stripping them of their emotional impact by behaving as if he can intellectually process, understand, and contain them. P’s view of himself is that of a torn, ineffective being that differs significantly from his peers, almost as if he were alien to them, an “extraterrestrial.” He seems pained by his social isolation, which he experiences as a massive rejection from his peers, further accentuating his view of himself as peculiar and defective. CONCLUSION The FTT and the Rorschach were administered to two children (J and P) who present psychotic symptoms. Both tests revealed a series of personality characteristics that are central to each child’s personality and psychopathology. However, the Rorschach has a long history of use in the assessment of underlying thought disorder and in differentiating psychotic from nonpsychotic thinking in cases where the patient is reluctant to openly admit to psychotic thinking. Accordingly, this test has mainly been used in clinical samples for diagnostic purposes. By contrast, the FTT is a projective personality test for children that evaluates a large number of personality parameters and their interrelations. In this sense, it appears that the FTT is more analytical in nature than the Rorschach, decomposing a child’s personality in a series of components and defense mechanisms. A comparison between the two reports for each case reveals the extent to which the tests findings overlap between them, as well as further information specific to the FTT or the Rorschach. For instance, in J’s case, both tests revealed J’s poor reality contact. In addition, the tests have uncovered J’s strong sexual preoccupation, his low self-esteem, and feelings of rejection. In addition, when taken separately, each test brings out additional and interesting findings. More

166


specifically, the Rorschach stresses that J often avoids being confronted with complex experiences and situations in order to remain composed and under control. J’s social functioning is significantly affected by his emotional immaturity and thinking, which is often awkward, concrete and inappropriate. J’s responses to the FTT, on the other hand, reveal anxiety related to death, high levels of defensive aggression, and feelings of deprivation. Moreover, it appears that J employs the mechanism of splitting in dealing with his dual identity of both aggressor and victim. Similarly, both the Rorschach and the FTT have shown P’s distortion of reality (leading to a highly idiosyncratic way of perceiving and interpreting it), strong sexual preoccupations, loneliness, need for affiliation, ambivalence, low self-esteem, and aggression. Moreover, the Rorschach seems to be more indicative of how P relates with his peers and significant others. Based on P’s personality, the Rorschach stresses the awkwardness in P’s social functioning and how this leads to social isolation and low self-concept. In addition, according to these findings, it appears that P’s desire for affiliation and affection reflects more a need for a symbiotic relationship than for a reciprocal type of interaction with the others. Interestingly, although both tests detected high levels of aggression in P, his responses to the FTT indicate that feelings of envy trigger aggressiveness. Additionally, the FTT shows that P is experiencing high anxiety, he feels old and tired as if his life has lost its meaning, he is impulsive and finds relief in thoughts about death. A comparison between the FTT profiles of both children reveals some significant similarities: 1. a large number of bizarre responses, usually expressed through fairy tale plot distortions, commonly revealing anxiety, aggression, or sexual concerns; 2. high levels of aggression; 3. high levels of depression; 4. and negative self-image.

Another striking finding from these profiles concerns the dual identification with both the aggressor and the victim and the unique, creative way that the transformation from victim to aggressor (and vice versa) takes place. This is apparent in J’s description of Card 2 from LRRH, in which the grandmother and the wolf take on the roles of both the aggressor and the victim: LRRH (Card 2): She is crying. She is preoccu-

pied that the grandmother might have killed the wolf or that the wolf might have bitten the grandmother and she was poisoned and she was deformed and she became a wolf, too.

Similarly, in P’s responses of what LR RH is thinking or feeling (Card 3), he makes LRRH into the wolf: LRRH (Card 3): She is scared I guess; (?) it’s

difficult; (?) she is scared that a hunter will come and he will shoot her because he will think she is the wolf.

According to Lafforgue (1990), fairy tales could be an effective means for establishing rapport with psychotic and autistic children. When appropriately chosen, a tale conveys a “reservoir,” acting as a container of the child’s aggression. This authentic function filters the aggression according to a simplified representation of real life (the tale’s plot, its characters, etc.). Hence, there is no need of “softening” the harsh or cruel elements of fairy tales in order to make them less threatening to children, as those may be the most relieving ones in terms of liberating their impulses. Despite the differences between P and J, their similarities suggest the necessity for further studies involving children with psychotic symptoms and thought disorder. These studies would allow the establishment of a generic FTT personality profile


typical of children with a psychotic personality structure. The Rorschach and the FTT provide supplementary information specific to what each test assesses. However, the FTT goes beyond any diagnostic purposes, revealing the personality behind

167

the pathology. The study of the personality of a child with some form of psychopathology plays a significant role in choosing an appropriate therapeutic intervention.

168

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix A

J’s Responses on the Fairy Tale Test and Scoring Sheet (Scoring of Variables and/or Defense Mechanisms follow the child’s response in brackets) LITTLE RED RIDING HOOD Here are three pictures of LRRH. What does each one think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

She thinks of food or birth (?) she feels hungry. Maybe she thinks of birth, in case her belly is pumped. She has a great fantasy [AFTC1, B, AMB3 (alternatives), SEXPREO2, ON1] Card 2:

She thinks of the brain . . . of the prince. She thinks of her prince. She is thinking of killing him, in case he found another woman. She is glad, because maybe it is true maybe it’s not. [AFTC1, B, AGRRET3, S EXPRE1, DENIAL] Card 3:

She is afraid of the wolf, in case he eats her. But she doesn’t show that because the others will call her a coward. She feels scared [AFTC2, ANX1 (insecurity), ANX1 (rejection), DENIAL] Which of the three is the one of the story? Why?

This one (Card 3). Because she is not hungry and she is not shy. Which one would you eat had you been the wolf? Why?

This one (Card 1), if he had to choose, because she is the most sensitive. Otherwise, all 3 of them. WOLF Here are three wolves. What does each one think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

He thinks of eating LRRH. I don’t know, he is stupid. He thinks of eating the bad queen because of what she is doing to SW and to LRRH. He feels very hungry because he is foolish. Why does he want to eat the girl? Is he stupid? [AFTC1, SE-1, B, AGRDEF3, ANX2 (helplessness), DOUBLE IDENTIFICATION]


169

Appendix A—Continued Card 2:

His teeth are decayed and he thinks of not eating LRRH so that they don’t break. He feels hungry but he doesn’t show it. He is domesticated. Maybe Satan has been inside him and that’s why he feels sad because he wants to do everything by himself, he doesn’t want anyone else to help him, but Satan is helping him. [AFTC1, B, ANX2 (illness), D1, ON1, DENIAL] Card 3:

He is thinking of eating LRRH but Satan is not inside him (?) because he is hungry. He feels hungry. [AFTC1, B, ON1, UNDOING, SPLITTING] Which is the wolf in the story of Little Red? Why?

This one (Card 3). (He chose the card and he hides it behind a piece of paper). Because he is the most wild. Because he is stupid. Normal wolves must be domesticated. Who scares you most? Why?

(No answer. The examiner repeats the question). [NEGATION] This one (Card 2). Because he is good. I would take him to my place. He mustn’t be sad, he must be savage, to show his wickedness [NEGATION, REVERSAL, B] DWARF Here are three dwarfs. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

I don’t know! I am not in every person’s mind (?) to become young or to become immortal or never die. Because he doesn’t want to see death (?) he wants to be young (?) because he wants to do more things. He feels ugly [AFTC1, ANX3 (death), ANX1 (self), SE-1, B, REPRESSION] Card 2:

He wants to eat poisonous mushrooms. Most of all, he wants to die, he wants to commit suicide, but I don’t want to commit suicide. (?) I want to become immortal, but there are no immortals. He feels better because he might have fever. He might have eaten ice-cream and he has a sour throat. [AFTC1, B, ANX3 (death), D3, AMB3 (conflict), NEGATION, OVERINVOLVEMENT]

170


Card 3:

He is very well. Probably, he fought at Russia’s mountains. It seems to me as if he is Russian or Australian. He thinks of vomiting (?) When I want to relieve myself, this is what I do. He may feel heavy from his activities, the bank, and the debts. He feels better because he can fight the estate agent so that he doesn’t take his land. If he doesn’t have land he won’t be able to work. Without a job, he won’t have money. Without money he won’t have a house. Without a house he will be homeless. If he is homeless, he will die. [AFTC1, B, ANX3 (death), ANX3 (helplessness), LACK OF BOU NDARIES, OVER-INVOLVMENT] Which is the dwarf of the Snow White story? Why?

This one (Card 2) . . . later J chooses Card 1. (?) Because he looks as if he is more wise. Which of the three does Snow White wish to marry? Why?

This one (Card 2). I don’t know, because he is more handsome, the rest of them are old. But she wouldn’t want to marry anybody because they are short. WITCH Here are three witches. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

To do magic, voodoo, tell tales, rotten luck, nagging. Because she is bad. She feels better. Have you seen any witch feeling worse because she does magic? [AFTC2] Card 2:

Nothing, she is a gypsy woman, she is not magic. She thinks of a place to stay, to find food, water etc. She feels worse because she is hungry and she is thirsty [AFTC1, ANX2 (deprivation), NPRO1] Card 3:

To kill all the good persons or to conquer the whole world, but she can’t even catch a Pelican. He thinks of that because Satan too wants to conquer the world. He feels worse because her plans did not go well, because the world might throw her soured tomatoes. [AFTC2, FA2, ANX3 (helplessness), DENIAL] Which is the witch in fairy tales? Why?

This one (Card 1). She is luxurious, she has long nails and she wears make-up


171

Appendix A—Continued Which of the three scares you most? Why?

This one (Card 3). The scarecrow. She is ugly. Which is the most wicked? Why?

This one (Card 2). She is like an old maid, she is ugly. What can a wicked witch do?

Magic, Satan’s staff. Do you do spells? She likes them. Name the witches:

Card 1: Silence [B] Card 2: Small dragonet Card 3: Skull [B] GIANT Here are three giants. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

He expresses contempt to the other two because he hates them (?) I don’t know why he hates them. He feels nice because he says, if I express contempt to them they will attack me so I will kill them or they will fight and they will die in the battle. [AFTC1, B, AGRDEF3] Card 2:

He is thinking of pretending to be stupid so that he goes to a circus to gain lots of money. He is stupid. (?) Puppeteer. He feels nice that he will go to the circus because the whole world will watch him and they will throw him tomatoes. They might call him the circus’ beast. [AFTC1, B, SE-1, DMT2, ANX2 (rejection)] Card 3:

He feels nice. (?) Because . . . nothing . . . nothing . . . nothing (?) He feels nice because he will kill the other two (?) because they might take his place or take his wife too. [AFTC1, B, AGRDEF3] Which is the giant in fairy tales? Why?

172


This one (Card 3) after he had already chosen the other two. I don’t know. He holds a cudgel. Which of the three scares you most? Why?

Nobody. Nobody. (?) I am not scared. This one (Card 3). (?) He holds a cudgel. [NEGATION]. Afterwards, he commented about another child and he said that Card 3 would scare that child a lot. [PROJECTION] Which is the most wicked? Why?

This one (Card 3). He holds a cudgel. What can a wicked giant do?

He can kill people. (?) I am not answering. Read my mind! (?) Because he is older (in low voice). Name the giants

Card 1: Orestis Card 2: Thomas Card 3: Panagiotakis SCENES FROM THE STORY OF LITTLE RED RIDING HOOD Here we have three scenes from the story of Little Red Riding Hood. Please describe what is going on in each picture. Card 1:

Her mother is scolding her because she brought back the basket and the wolf could have attacked her. The mother feels good. She scolded LRRH for her own good. LRRH feels better because the wolf didn’t eat her. [AFTC2, MOR1] Card 2:

She is crying. She is preoccupied that the grandmother might have killed the wolf or that the wolf might have bitten the grandmother and she was poisoned and she was deformed and she became a wolf too. [AFTC1, B, D2, AMB3 (alternatives), OA3, MOR2, SPLITTING OF SELF, PSYCHOTIC SPLITTING]


173

Appendix A—Continued Card 3:

They are both glad (?) LRRH with her grandmother are joyful and happy because the wolf didn’t eat them [AFTC1, DENIAL] With which card does the story end? Why?

This one (Card 3). All of them are happy. With which card would you like it to end? Why?

This one (Card 3). The are all joyful that they escaped from the wolf. SCENES FROM SNOW WHITE AND THE SEVEN DWARFS Here we have three scenes from the story of Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs. Please describe what is going on in each picture. Card 1:

Richard is getting married with SW. They feel good, each one, for the other. They are thinking of having children. [AFTC3, SEXPREO1] Card 2:

SW talks to her father. She is preoccupied with money. Maybe Richard does not have money to get married. She feels worse about that. [AFTC1, ANX2 (deprivation)] Card 3:

They are all glad that SW will marry Richard. SW is thinking of kissing Richard. [AFTC3, SEXPREO1] With which card does the story end? Why?

This one (Card 3 or 1). They are all glad that SW will marry Richard. With which card would you like it to end? Why?

This one (Card 1. Then he chooses card 3. He finally chooses 1). Because they love each other, the queen and the king.

174 Name:

Exploring the Child’s Personality Age:

Gender: M F School:

Mother’s Name:

Father’s Name:

Family Situation*:



*(e.g., divorced, single parent, adopted child)

Instructions: Please use this booklet for the FTT Interview and refer to the FTT Manual for the complete FTT protocol. Raw Scores Ambivalence (AMB) Desire for Material Things (DMT) Desire for Superiority (DSUP) Aggression as Dominance (AGRDOM) Sense of Property or Ownership (SPRO) Aggression as Retaliation (AGRET) Aggression as Defense (AGRDEF) Aggression as Envy (AGRENV) Aggression Type A (AGRA) Fear of Aggression (FA) Oral Aggression (OA) Oral Needs (ON) Desire to Help (DH) Need for Affiliation (NAFIL) Anxiety (ANX) Depression (D) Need for Affection (NAFCT) Relationship with Mother (REL/MO) Relationship with Father (REL/FA) Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content (AFTC) Repetitions (R) Self-Esteem (SE) Need for Protection (NP) Morality (M) Sexual Preoccupation (SP) Bizarre Responses (B) General Comments:

Total T - score

Child’s interview behavior


175

Appendix B

J’s Responses on the Rorschach Card 1:

1. A butterfly. (Further prompting was given. He turns the card upside down). Just that.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a butterfly? The big wings. Card 2:

2. Two little elephants.

Inquiry: What makes it look like elephants? Two elephants rubbing their trunks. I don’t know if they are in the circus. These elephants are small. You said small? Because their trunks are small. An elephant has a long trunk, at least 5–6 meters. You said they may be in the cir cus? Yes, because they look like they may be dancing. Or maybe its just the issue of friendship. What do you mean? Actually it looks more like they are just touching their trunks. Instead of holding hands like friends they are rubbing their trunks. Card 3:

3. (Turns the card upside down and then again .) A monster.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a monster? Hands, head, teeth and the mouth. Giant hands. Giant hands? They are weird. Big. No human has such big hands. Card 4:

4. A fog. Humans usually know what fog is. But it could also form monsters. Or the desert. Some people see reflections in the desert.

Inquiry. What makes it look like fog? Because it is a monster. No human looks like that. And its black. Usually fog is gray. What makes it look like a monster? Big head, weird hands, and no feet.

Further prompting for more answers was given . No, nothing else.

176

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix B—Continued

Card 5:

5. (Turns the card upside down and then in normal position again .) A fog monster. Just fog creating weird shapes. You know what fog is? That’s what it looks like.

Inquiry: What makes it look like fog? It has a weird shape like a monster. Monster? Weird hands and weird feet and a weird head. Weird head? Because it is small. Weird hands? Because they are big. Finito. Card 6:

6. (Turns the card upside down and then again in normal position .) Small pause . Looks like a big thin rod. And this is MOUXLA on it. I don’t know if it is a rod or a monster with a small head. Mouxla? Because it is gray. Everything is gray. Clouds, sky, the road, seals, elephants, mist, butterflies—rarely, but sometimes even butterflies are gray. Or gray paint. The monster is here. Hands, head, weird feet. Card 7:

7. (Turns the card upside down and then again .) It is made by the fog. A lot of fog comes together and it becomes huge. Big head, small feet, no hands.

Inquiry: What makes it look like fog? Because it has a small head, hands and small feet. It is fog. Card 8:

8. 2. . . . No, no, it isn’t. 2 leopards that are going up. Normal feet.

Inquiry . They have a normal head and feet and they are going up. Card 9:

9. A cane deep in the earth.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a cane? It has something normal about it.


177

Appendix B—Continued

You said earth? Yes, it’s green. Card 10:

10. The yellow are fish

Inquiry—repeat answer . Cause they are yellow and small. Card 11:

11. A scorpion.

Inquiry—repeat answer . Cause he has big teeth and a big mouth. They didn’t draw his stomach—it couldn’t fit into the image so they left it out. Card 12:

12. Two elephants.

Inquiry—repeat answer. They are normally big but these ones are very skinny. Elephants are more than 100 kilos. These ones are skinny. Card 13:

13. A crab.

Inquiry—repeat answer . Because he has pincers.

178



179

180



181

Appendix C

P’s Responses on the Fairy Tale Test and Scoring Sheet (Scoring of Variables and/or Defense Mechanisms follow the child’s response in brackets) LITTLE RED RIDING HOOD Here are three pictures of LRRH. What does each one think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

How should I know? She is thinking that a wolf will come and it will hurt her. It will swear at her. [AFTC1, B, ANX1 (harm)] Card 2:

Is she the same? She says “how nice that I am going to grandma to give her the things I brought; tomatoes, carrots, fruit and vegetables!” She is poor. (AFTC2) Card 3:

She is scared, I guess (?) it’s difficult (?) she is scared that a hunter will come and he will shoot her because he will think that she is the wolf. [AFTC1, B, AMB1 (hesitation), ANX3 (harm)] Which of the three is the one of the story? Why?

This one (Card 2). Because she is smiling. Which one would you eat had you been the wolf? Why?

This one (Card 3). Because she looks like a person. WOLF Here are three wolves. What does each one think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

The poor wolf is crying because he has nothing to eat and he says “how am I going to live now” and he feels alone. [AFTC1, ANX3 (deprivation), D2]

182

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix C—Continued

Card 2:

He is thinking about the skyline, that he is going to travel to the skyline. His travel will be in the mountains and the woods. He is thinking of finding a girl, of being loved and get engaged. [AFTC1, B, SEXPREO2, ANTHROPOMORPHISM] Card 3:

He is thinking wicked things, to eat someone with little hunger but a lot of wickedness. He is going to eat a monkey (?) He threw a stone at his back. [AFTC1, OA2, RATIONALIZATION] Which is the wolf in the story of Little Red Riding Hood? Why?

This one (Card 1). Because at the end of LRRH’s fairy tale, he went to eat the grandma and the hunter shot him, and he is crying and says “how am I going to live now?” [D2, ANX2 (helplessness)] Who scares you most? Why?

This one (Card 3). Because he is savage, and he is the stronger, the tallest and very decided. He doesn’t know what he is doing, he is mad; he does whatever comes in his mind. DWARF Here are three dwarfs. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

He is thinking how short he is and he sees the floor near his head. He feels distracted. [AFTC1, SE-1] Card 2:

He is in love with Snow White. He wants to kiss her and he is very decided. Yes, he will kiss her. [AFTC1, SEXPREO2] Card 3:

He is thinking how small his hands are. He is thinking of the other two and whether he is going to love a woman and live. He is dreaming of having bigger hands to catch the woman. [AFTC1, B, SEXPREO3, AMB1 (doubt), SE-1] Which is the dwarf of the Snow White story? Why?


183

Appendix C—Continued

This one (Card 3). Because he is smart, from the eyes and his laugh. [COMPENSATION] Which of the three would Snow White wish to marry? Why?

This one (Card 2 ). He is the most handsome one and nice. WITCH Here are three witches. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

She is thinking that Snow White is very beautiful. She wants to kill her, to hurt her. She is thinking about lying to her husband that she didn’t kill her, and kill her. (?) She hates her (?) she is the most beautiful one in the whole country. [AFTC2, AGRENVY3, ANX1 (disapproval)]. Card 2:

She is thinking that she will die because she is old. She feels good. She wants to go to hell. She has her friends there and she wants to leave life because she is bored (?) Because she is tired. [AFTC1, B, D3, DENIAL] Card 3:

She is thinking how she will sell the apples in the market, because she wants to take the money and go to a hotel to find people that understand her—the hotel’s waiters. She lives alone in a hut, with a rabbit. [AFTC1, B, NAFIL2, D1] Which is the witch in fairy tales? Why?

This one (Card 3). She holds a stick and she is old. Which of the three scares you most? Why?

This one (Card 1 or 3). Card 1 because I am afraid of her voice; Card 2 because I am scared of her eyes, her hair. [FA1] Which is the most wicked? Why?

This one (Card 2). I don’t know (?) she is wearing a straight dress.

184


What can a wicked witch do?

She can make you disappear, take you to hell, get horns, and make you her servant. [ANX2 (helplessness), B] Name the witches:

Card 1: Vasiliki Card 2: Dimitra Card 3: Sofia GIANT Here are three giants. What does each think and feel? (Why?) Card 1:

He is thinking about what to do: murdering or hitting a person. He has been kicked in his wee-wee with high hills. (?) He kissed Mother Mary’s daughter and she didn’t want to. She slapped him and kicked him in his dick. [AFTC1, AMB2 (indecision), B, SEXPREO3, AGRRET3, DISPLACEMENT] Card 2:

He is thinking what he is going to eat, what kind of dirt he is going to take, if he will get full of mud, if he will cut his hair, if he will curse (?) he is thinking what kind of prank this asshole will do. [AFTC1, B, AMB1 (indecision), SE-1] Card 3:

He is wondering whether to sell wood or iron, or opening a store with machines. He is pleased because he is thinking and he likes thinking. [AFTC1, DENIAL] Which is the giant in fairy tales? Why?

This one (Card 3). He looks like he comes from fairy tales—you can understand it when you see him. He is the shortest. Card 1 is the tallest. He wears nice clothes. Which of the three scares you most? Why?”

This one (Card 2 ). He seems crazy and I am afraid of crazy people (?) They might do something bad to me (?) Give me drugs. I am afraid of their face. [ANX3 (insecurity)]


185

Appendix C—Continued Which is the most wicked? Why?

This one (Card 3). He holds a wooden stick, he will kill a human being, or he will kidnap children that ride in the village. He wants to do something. He is bored of his lonely life. He wants to work and he thinks that this is work and of course he likes work a lot. [AGRENVY3, D1] What can a wicked giant do?

He can break the whole earth into pieces and then go away to another planet, a million times bigger than our planet. He can go with a helicopter. [B, AGRA2] Name the giants:

Card 1: Takis Card 2: Giorgos—he is crazy, fool, I am afraid of him. Card 3: Makis SCENES FROM THE STORY OF LITTLE RED RIDING HOOD Here we have three scenes from the story of Little Red Riding Hood. Please describe what is going on in each picture. Card 1:

Her mother is scolding her because she went to the wolf’s house in order to talk about their problems. The wolf does not have anything to eat and LRRH gave him food and talked to him nicely. LRRH has other problems—she can’t go cycling by herself. She wants to go out alone. [AFTC1, B, DH1, NAFIL1] Card 2:

This is after her mother scolded her. She is crying in her room. She loves her mother and she doesn’t want to fight with her because she went to the wolf’s house. [AFTC2, D2, NAFCT1] Card 3: The mother and the child became friends again. She said “sorry, I will not go to the wolf ’s house again, we will go together”; “another time, said mom, together with the gun or with a knife, because we don’t know what he might do.” [AFTC1, B, ANX2 (harm), NPRO1, AGRDEF2] With which card does the story end? Why?

186


This one (Card 3). Because, first, in Card 1, they argued, then she was sad and in Card 3 they became friends again. [NAFIL1] With which card would you like it to end? Why?

This one (Card 2). Because, the fairy tale can continue and keep us in suspense. What will happen with LRRH who is sad? Will they become friends again? [RATIONALIZATION] SCENES FROM SNOW WHITE AND THE DWARFS Here we have three scenes from the story of Snow White and the seven dwarfs. Please describe what is going on in each picture. Card 1:

Now he is saying to her “I love you, I am in love with you, I don’t want to be away from you and I want you to love me forever, and I want to sleep with you tonight.” [AFTC2, SEXP REO1, NAFCT3] Card 2:

Let’s assume he is the same one, but now he has a beard. They got old, and they got married, they have lived many years. Snow White got old and they are discussing how years went by, and they are saying “now we are going to die together.” They are happy because they will die together. [AFTC1, B, D2, NAFCT2, REVERSAL] Card 3:

Before dying, the prince went to his room to sleep while Snow White is playing outside in the balcony with the dwarfs. She says “be quiet, my husband is asleep.” There, she announces that she and her husband will die. “I will give you a photograph to think about me and my husband.” [AFTC1, B, D3] With which card does the story end? Why?

This one (Card 3). Because the prince and Snow White die. [D3] With which card would you like it to end? Why?

This one (Card 3). Because, I preferred this one. They have lived everything with her husband; they got engaged, they got married, years went by. [D1]

187

Children with Psychotic Symptoms Name:

Age:

Gender: M F School:

Mother’s Name:

Father’s Name:

Family Situation*:



*(e.g., divorced, single parent, adopted child)

Instructions: Please use this booklet for the FTT Interview and refer to the FTT Manual for the complete FTT protocol. Raw Scores Ambivalence (AMB) Desire for Material Things (DMT) Desire for Superiority (DSUP) Aggression as Dominance (AGRDOM) Sense of Property or Ownership (SPRO) Aggression as Retaliation (AGRET) Aggression as Defense (AGRDEF) Aggression as Envy (AGRENV) Aggression Type A (AGRA) Fear of Aggression (FA) Oral Aggression (OA) Oral Needs (ON) Desire to Help (DH) Need for Affiliation (NAFIL) Anxiety (ANX) Depression (D) Need for Affection (NAFCT) Relationship with Mother (REL/MO) Relationship with Father (REL/FA) Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content (AFTC) Repetitions (R) Self-Esteem (SE) Need for Protection (NP) Morality (M) Sexual Preoccupation (SP) Bizarre Responses (B) General Comments:

Total T - score

Child’s interview behavior

188

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix D

P’s Responses on the Rorschach Card 1:

1. A bat. A bat and those two are holding her to help her fly. And they are pulling her up. All three are in the air. And these are the bat’s hands that help her fly. Or they can act as pincers, if she is in danger she can use them to fight, or she can eat with them, or hold something. Like hands. And from the waist down she has something like a washing machine that is spinning really fast, like a machine helping her fly on her own.

Inquiry: If you hold the card a little more you may see more things . . . (Pauses for a while, looks out of the window.) No, that’s it.

Inquiry—repetition of answer. Yes.

What makes it look like it is turning? Here, it is gray and this in here (rubs card) makes it look like it is turning. It may even go with 250 kilometers per hour. Begins with wish for help but also admitting helplessness. Also signifying he trusts those two people who are testing him. But he also states he does have the weapons himself to fight for his life if needed. But to the degree of becoming INC2. Card 2:

2. Again, a bat. A bat? Or a vat? She has intense colors. It’s a bat. But with color. Like two people here, two Santa Clauses. They are sleeping and gradually getting inside the bat. She has a house in her body and they are going in and out. And instead of legs they have water. Frozen water.

Inquiry: What makes it look like frozen water? Because it has this lighter color here, like frozen.

Santa Clauses? Because they have these SKOUFOUS. Again need for safety in another’s insides. Fetal. Need for warmth connected with freezing cold. So need for safety while at same time contact with other is so frozen.


189

Appendix D—Continued Card 3:

3. Two women without hair in high heels. And here is a bra that they are holding and lifting up for others to see. And the bra has teeth here. It bites. And here is a bow between them. And in the back there are two guitars drawn on the wall to decorate the room, so that the room seems sexy. Females viewed as showing off their sexuality. Sexuality bites, hurts, dangerous. Or femininity? Or mom? Card 4:

4. Like a rhinoceros with two tusks. Like the teeth that elephants have.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a rhinoceros? Here it is. (Shows the shape of it .) Male characteristics are also more aggressive, distorted, phallic, sexualized. Card 5:

5. Again a bat.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a bat? The wings here. And the legs. Oh, cutie cutie. No one is helping her fly. She has no help. And she defends herself with these. Like hands that she can punch with. These fingers can grab a human, slit his throat. Unless he has a gun. If a man wants to he can conquer anything, right? Here she has ears like a dog’s. Now (after view of parents as sexualized?) you have to stand alone. Be defensive, aggressive, kill, fight to survive. Or at least hope you will, “right”? Card 6:

6. A tiger.

Inquiry: What makes it look like a tiger? Mousouda, and these protrude like hair and these ears. He is standing, he has stopped. His belly is long and narrow. And here are the legs. But with only two fingers. He doesn’t use them. And here are the claws, near his butt, near his waist. The spine is here.

What makes it look like a spine?

190

Exploring the Child’s Personality Appendix D—Continued

It is straight. Holding him together like a zipper.

Zipper? Yes, it is straight like zippers. Then you have to move to a more aggressive, strong animal. But even here he falters, can’t help himself, needs to be held together by a zipper. Card 7:

7. A crab. Here. With 4 meter cheeks. Up and standing with his legs spread. And his thighs here in the middle. Lots of claws everywhere. Even his legs can open and crash an animal like pincers. Eyes here and the nose down here. Very luxurious eyes, like lenses, very strong eyes.

What makes them look luxurious? He can see things when there is light and when it is dark. These eyes are very good eyes. Again small animal, closer to him? But strong, supernatural, powerful, omnipotent. Card 8:

8. A boat. With torn sails.

Inquiry—repetition of answer: And this is the lower part of the boat, where the engine would be. And here is a KAGKELO that connects the sails to the rest of the boat. And here are two panthers hanging from the boat. Body is torn. Or actually your ability to sail, to move, is torn. Card 9:

9. (Upside down .) An extraterrestrial. Like us. But different legs, different eyes, different face. The ears are here. Hands here. Well, actually wings. And his legs. They have poison and they are long. Two feet tall. And here are his thighs. And above the thighs the knees. It is the opposite from us. Better if you just leave this world, be different, accept it, hide there.


191

Appendix D—Continued Card 10:

10. Very hard. I wish you could give me twenty more of these but not this one. I can’t see anything. Like a shark. A fish-shark. Here is the body. Generally it is a fish. In particular it is a shark. And all these other figures are throwing things at him—they’re having a party around him. Ribbons, toys, it is all like the carnival.

192



REFERENCES Ad-Dab’bagh, Y., & Greenfield, B. (2001). Multiple Complex Developmental Disorder: The “Multiple and Complex” evolution of the “Childhood Borderline Syndrome” construct. Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 40 (8), 954—964. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.). Washington, D C: Author. Beer, M. D. (1995). Psychosis: From mental disorder to disease concept. History of Psychiatry, 6 (22(II)), 177— 200. Caplan, R. (1994). Thought disorder in childhood. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 33 (5), 605—615. Cohen, D. J., Paul, R., & Volkmar, F. R. (1986). Issues in the classification of pervasive and other developmental disorders: Toward DSM-IV. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 25, 213–220. Dykens, E., Volkmar, F., & Glick, M. (1991). Thought disorder in high-functioning autistic adults. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 21 , 291–301. Eggers, C., Bunk, D., & Krause, D. (2000). Schizophrenia with onset before the age of eleven: Clinical characteristics of onset and course. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders , 30, 29–40. Exner, J. E., Jr. (1986). Some Rorschach data comparing schizophrenics with borderline and schizotypal personality disorders. Journal of Personality Assessment, 50, 455—471. Exner, J. E., Jr. (1993). The Rorschach: A comprehensive system,: Vol. 1:. Basic foundations (3rd ed.). New York: Wiley. Exner, J. E., Jr. (2000). A primer for Rorschach interpretation . Ashville, NC: Rorschach Workshops. Garralda, M. E. (1984). Psychotic children with hallucinations. British Journal of Psychiatry, 145, pp. 74–77. Häfner, H., & Nowotny, B. (1995). Epidemiology of earlyonset schizophrenia. European Archives of Psychiatry and Clinical Neuroscience, 245 (2). Hilsenroth, M. J., Fowler, C. J., & Padawer, J. R. (1998). The Rorschach Schizophrenia Index (SCZI): An examination of reliability, validity, and diagnostic efficiency. Journal of Personality Assessment, 70, 514—534. Holaday, M. (2000). Rorschach protocols from children and adolescents diagnosed with posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Personality Assessment, 75, 143—157.

193

Hollis, C. & Taylor, E. (1997). Schizophrenia: A critique from the developmental psychopathology perspective. In M. S. Keshavan & R. M. Murray (Eds.), Neurodevelopmental and adult psychopathology (pp. 213–235). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hollis, C. (1999). A study of the course and adult outcomes of child and adolescent-onset psychoses . London: University of London. Jorgensen, K., Anderson, T. J., & Dam, H. (2000). The diagnostic efficiency of the Rorschach depression index and the schizophrenia index: A review. Assessment, 7, 259—280. Joshi, P. T. & Towbin, K. E. (2002). Psychosis in Childhood & Its Management. In K. L. Davis, D. Charney, J. T. Coyle, C. Nemeroff (eds) Neuropsychopharmacology—The Fifth Generation of Progress . pp. 613–624. Baltimore, MD: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins. Kleiger, J. H. (1999). Disordered thinking and the Rorschach: Theory, research, and differential diagnosis . Hillsdale, NJ: The Analytic Press. Kolvin, I. (1971). Studies in the childhood psychoses. British Journal of Psychiatry, 6, 209—234. Kraeplin, E. (1919). Dementia praecox and paraphrenia . Edinburgh: Livingstone. Kumra, S., Jacobsen, L.K., Lenane, M., et al. (1998). “Multidimensionally Iimpaired Ddisorder’’: Is it a variant of very early-onset schizophrenia? Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 37, 91–99. Lafforgue, P. (1990). Une experience clinique autour de la psychose. [A clinical experience on psychosis] Art et therapie, 36–37, 133–144. Maudsley, H. (1867). The physiology and pathology of the mind . London: Macmillan. Maziade, M., Gingras, N., Rodrigue, C., et al. (1996). Long-term stability of diagnosis and symptom dimensions in a systematic sample of patients with onset of schizophrenia in childhood and early adolescence, vol. 1:. I. Nosology, sex and age of onset. British Journal of Psychiatry, 169, 361–370. Potter, H. W. (1933). Schizophrenia in children. American Journal of Psychiatry, 89, 12–53. Rothstein, A. (1981). Hallucinatory phenomena in childhood. A critique of the literature. Journal of the American Academy of Child Psychiatry, 20 (3), pp. 623–635. Rutter, M. (1972). Childhood schizophrenia reconsidered. Journal of Autism and Child Schizophrenia, 2, 315–337. Stedman, T.L. (2000). Stedman’s Medical Dictionary .

194


Philadelphia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins. Towbin, K. E., Dykens, E. D., Pearson, G. S., et al. (1993). Conceptualizing ‘’borderline syndrome of childhood’’ and ‘’childhood schizophrenia’’ as a developmental disorder. Journal of the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 32, 775–782. Werry, J. S., & Taylor, E. (1994). Schizophrenia and allied disorder. In: Rutter, M., Taylor, E., & Hersov, L., (Eds.), Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (3rd ed.), (pp.

594—615). Oxford: Blackwell Science. Werry, J. S. (1996). Childhood schizophrenia. In V. Folkner (Ed.), Psychoses and pervasive developmental disorders in childhood and adolescence (pp. 1–56). Washington DC: American Psychiatric Press. World Health Organization. (1992). The ICD-10 classification of mental and behavioural disorders: Clinical descriptions and diagnostic guidelines (10th rev. ed.). Geneva, Switzerland: Author.

PART V CROSS-CULTURAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST

INTRODUCTION

W

hen I first decided to expand my research on the Fairy Tale Test (FTT) to include standardizations in other countries, I was hesitant and skeptic about the outcome. My hesitation was based on a number of reasons, such as the degree of children’s familiarity with the tales (as most cultures have their own unique folklore), the time-consuming process of training administrators and test administration, the difficulty in convincing parents and schools to collaborate, the large samples required, the necessity of my collaborators to persist through to completion, and, finally, the very nature of the FTT—a projective test that requires individual administration. Now, in 2007, as some standardizations have been completed, while others are underway, I am confident that the FTT can, in fact, satisfactorily be applied as a cross-cultural instrument of children’s personality assessment. As all test-developers are well aware, there are difficulties in every attempt to standardize a test, and these difficulties increase when the test is administered on an individual basis and the target population consists of school-age children. Testing children is a real challenge; for every child tested, one must ensure the parents’ consent and the school’s collaboration. School-aged children are usually tested within school hours, at school, which is also a real challenge for the school, which must accept the presence of an examiner/administrator and provide sufficient time for every pupil to take the test. The collaboration and assistance of our many participating schools have been central to the success of this project. Finally, this project could never have taken place without the children’s willingness to participate and their patience in responding to the FTT questions. One further difficulty that demanded extra effort from the supervisor of the study, as well as the

schools, was ensuring the children’s familiarity with the stories of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH) and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (SW). While most children have heard the stories at least once in their lives, some children—especially those from lower socioeconomic backgrounds—had never heard them before. In those cases, administrators first went to the schools to read the stories to the children, and then went back after at least a week for the testing. This procedure was used in some countries (e.g., India), while in others the sample consisted only of those children who already knew the stories (e.g., China). Sample size varied from country to country, depending on factors such as the size of the population of each country, the availability of schools to participate, getting permission from parents, the feasibility of traveling, etc. The Russian sample was the smallest, consisting of 600 children. For the other countries, the sample size varied between 850 and 1,100 children. However, only the Greek, Russian, and Indian standardizations were fully completed when this book was written. The results of the Chinese and the Turkish standardizations are based on 500 children out of a sample of 814 and 1,000 children, respectively. The Russian standardization is based on the initial standardization of the FTT in Greece, which consisted of twenty-six personality variables instead of the twenty-nine that were derived from the restandardization of the FTT in Greece. One remarkable finding from the FTT’s crosscultural application is how well children from these diverse countries identified with the fairy tale characters presented in the test cards. This confirms the cross-cultural nature of these tales and validates Jung’s theories on the similarities between fairy tales and the collective unconscious. According to

197

198


that view, LRRH is not simply a blond or redhaired young girl from France or Germany with a red outfit; the wolf, a wild animal that lives in the woods; or the witch, a menacing old lady. It is not the external or physical attributes of the figure that initiate identification and projection, but the underlying symbolism. LRRH left the security of her home to find herself alone, crossing a forest, meeting a wild animal, and experiencing the threat of being devoured as well as the relief of being saved, with the triumph of the happy ending. Children— regardless of gender—project onto her all kinds of anxieties and their ways of coping with danger and the unknown. While the majority of children recognized the figures on the cards, the giant was not very well known. The stories of LRRH and SW have been translated into most languages, yet stories with giants, such as Jack and the Beanstalk and Tom Thumb, have not. The figures that stimulated the large majority of uncommon, creative, and original responses are the witch and the giant, possibly because those figures are not linked to a specific story. The FTT is a projective personality test. In that sense, it attempts to describe aspects of a person’s character that remain stable throughout his lifetime—the individual’s character pattern of behavior, thought, and feeling. Our personality is not, howev-

er, static; it corresponds to a dynamic and yet organized set of characteristics that uniquely influences a person’s cognition, motivation, and behavior in various situations (Ryckman, 2004). In that sense, one’s personality is not detached from the time and place where one lives; it is influenced by the culture, which corresponds to the codes of manners, dress, language, religion, rituals, and norms of behavior, such as law and morality, history, and the systems of belief that characterize a society. These components are manifested in the arts—music, literature, painting, theater and film—and influence a society’s values, including those related to family and child rearing. Accordingly, a child’s personality can only be defined and understood within a broader sociocultural context. A full review of the sociohistorical background for each country is beyond the scope of this book; however, the authors include an adequate description of the historical, social, and religious backgrounds of their respective countries to facilitate a better understanding of the interpretation of results.

REFERENCES Ryckman, R. (2004). Theories of personality . Belmont, CA: Thomson/Wadsworth.

Chapter 9 THE APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN RUSSIA ELENA SAVINA INTRODUCTION

National Character, Family, and Child Rearing in Russia

R

Russian population now lives below the recognized poverty level (Volkov & Denenberg, 2005). Economic difficulties have lead to high levels of stress, anxiety, and depression and have diminished people’s perceived control over life choices (Carlson, 2001). Centralization and high state-control were prominent features of the Soviet economy and society; before the reforms all power was concentrated at the federal level. Only recently have new regulations given provincial governments more rights and responsibilities. Under Soviet rule, the state strictly controlled the economy, communications, and travel. The state played a “parental role,” providing its citizens the perquisites of a welfare system that resulted in passivity and a lack of initiative (Althausen, 1996). Paternalistic expectations from the state are still strong in modern Russia. A survey conducted in 2002 (N = 1,264) suggested that 64 percent of young people in Russia believe that the state should take care of all citizens and provide a decent standard of living (Zorkaia & Diuk, 2005).

ussia is located at the intersection of the West and the East and therefore embraces features from both Western and Eastern cultures. The Russian culture combines two opposing mentalities: a rational, “mind-focused” Western approach, based on pragmatism and material relationships, and an irrational, “soul-focused” Eastern spirituality, based on mysticism and emotions (Butler & Kuraeva, 2001). This combination makes Russian culture rich and produces a unique way of thinking, feeling, and living (Butler & Kuraeva, 2001). In 1991, after the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia as well as other former Soviet republics became independent states. 3 Today, Russia is rapidly changing, moving away from totalitarian institutions and values toward a more open, democratic society. The political, economic, and societal transformations in Russia during the past twenty years have been enormous. The introduction of a market economy Russian National Character resulted in the loss of a collective welfare system and job security, unemployment, and periods of Culture plays a formative role in the cognitive economic hardship and stagnation (Monee Project, and socioemotional development of the individual 1999). Many Russians are disappointed with the (Elliot et al., 2001). Markus and Kitayama (1991) direction and pace of economic and political distinguish between two cultural construals of the reforms. Researchers estimate that one-third of the self and of others: independent and interdependent.

3. In the text, references to the Soviet Union are used to describe the time when Russia was a part of the USSR; references to Russia are used when discussing Russia as an independent state that is after 1991.

199

200


The independent construal involves a concept of the self as an autonomous and distinct entity and stresses attending to the self and the appreciation of one’s differences from others. On the contrary, the interdependent self-construal—which Russian culture exemplifies—emphasizes the fundamental connectedness and relatedness to other people and therefore motivates a person to fit in by maintaining harmonious interpersonal relationships (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Foreign observers note that Russians express much more warmth and friendliness in interpersonal relationships than do people from Western Europe and the United States (Smith, 1985). In their extensive study of Russian immigrants, Inkeles, et al. (1979) discovered through projective tests that Russians have a strong need for affiliation. For Russians, intimate relationships with family and friends, which share both sorrow and happiness, serve as vital sources of emotional and intellectual support (Althausen, 1996). Linguistic analysis suggests that communication is very important in Russian culture; for example, the word obsenie (meaning communication or dialog) is widely used in everyday discourse (Wierzbicka, 2003). In their study, Inkeles et al. (1979) found that Russians had a strong need for love, dependence, care, and affection but demonstrate a relative lack of concern for order, regularity, and self-control. Linguistic evidence suggests that Russians put great emphasis on emotions: the Russian language is very rich in linguistic devices for signaling feelings (Wierzbicka, 1992). In Russian culture, strong emotions have positive value (Benedict, 1979), and verbal outpourings of emotions are not only allowed but considered a primary function of speech (Wierzbicka, 1992). Passivity and nonagentivity are also typical cultural traits of Russians (Inkeles et al., 1979; Wierzbicka, 1992). Being sad, unhappy, or tired is not considered inappropriate in Russia; Russians accept negative emotions as a natural part of life and even give these emotions a certain redemptive value (Smith, 1985).

Child Rearing and Family A one-child family is typical for the majority of Russians (Rimashevskaya, 2004). More than 20 percent of families in Russia consist of single-parent households (Rubinsky, 1996). Today, many parents have extra jobs to meet their financial needs, which ultimately decreases time spent with children. In Russia, child rearing is considered a woman’s job, and therefore, fathers are much less involved in the child’s upbringing (Goodwin & Emelyanova, 1995). Because most Russian women work full-time, those raising children are often in a situation of double burden. Traditional gender roles are very strong in Russia; they are not only reinforced but are considered inevitable and even desirable (Buckley, 1992; Butovskaya, Artemova, & Arsenina, 1998). It is a common belief that fathers should educate their sons while mothers take care of their daughters. Often, fathers either display a demanding and authoritarian parenting style, or they withdraw altogether from the child’s upbringing (Boss & Gurko, 1994). Clinical observations suggest that independence is very rare in Russian families, as family members are dependent financially and emotionally on each other (Varga, 2003). Many families do not have strongly defined roles for family members. Therefore, each family member could functionally replace any other member at any given time; for example, grandparents often assume the role of the parents by taking care of the children. Power struggles are a typical problem in many dysfunctional Russian families. Under Soviet rule, people had lack of control in important life domains such as career choice or where to live that appeared to result in the tendency to exercise high control in interpersonal relationships (Varga, 2003). While the normative imperative of Western culture is to become independent from others and to construe oneself as a unique and self-contained person (Markus & Kitayama, 1991), this is not true in Russian culture. Russia’s younger generation is much more tightly and rigidly bound to the family

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia

than are those in Western countries (Varga, 2003). In Soviet Union, children have traditionally received special attention and treatment from both society and family, as they are considered the family’s hope for a better future (Smith, 1985). Because of their privileged position in Soviet society, children were highly supervised and overprotected (Althausen, 1996). In modern Russia, many parents invest a lot of financial, intellectual, and emotional resources in their children’s upbringing. Parents commonly sacrifice their own well-being for that of their children. For example, providing children a good education is considered a priority in many Russian families, and parents devote all necessary financial and psychological resources, often at the expense of their own needs, to ensure their children’s education. In Russian families, child-parent relationships are emotionally loaded, both positively and negatively (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). Russian babies receive a lot of physical contact such as hugging, kissing, and cuddling. At the same time, child-parent relationships are highly restrictive: parents expect children to obey and comply to their rules and orders (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). A survey conducted in 2000 (N = 1,800) revealed that Russians are inclined to use an authoritarian child-rearing style (Zorkaia, 2004). For instance, 66 percent of the respondents believed that adolescents do not have the right to argue with their parents; 70 percent believed that adolescents do not have the right to argue with their teachers; 78 percent answered that adolescents cannot refuse to carry out parental orders; and 53 percent believed that occasional spanking is necessary “for the child’s own good” (Zorkaia, 2004). Russian parents begin to limit their children’s freedom and initiative at a very early age (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). For example, they tightly swaddle their babies for a long period of infancy. Traditionally, this practice was justified for the safety of infants, whom parents believed were in danger of harming themselves (Benedict, 1979). As soon as children begin to crawl or walk, worried parents monitor them very closely, fearing again that their

201

children may hurt themselves or be unsafe. Strong emotional bonds between Russian parents and children often lead to dependent relationships between them (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). The Soviet Union had a well-developed, highly coordinated, and centrally controlled system of socialization and education (Butler & Kuraeva, 2001). Child rearing in school and during after school hours was highly controlled by educators who wanted to reduce the amount of time children spent on unsupervised and wasteful activities (Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Zajda, 1980). The idea that schools should direct children’s socialization in a socially approved way remains a commonly accepted idea. After family, children’s collective—that is, a group united by common goals and activities—was the second major social context of upbringing in the Soviet Union (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). To this day, children’s collective serves as one of the most powerful methods of socioemotional and moral education. A central goal of education in Russia is to teach children moral values. Russian educators consider moral norms to be important means to control and evaluate children’s behavior (Zajda, 1980). Moral education starts early, during preschool, when children easily learn new behaviors by imitating adults and peers. Obedience and self-discipline are considered important outcomes of moral education (Halstead, 1994). It should be noted, that the Russian concept of discipline has a much broader scope than those of Western cultures. It encompasses moral qualities such as conscientiousness, social responsibility, honesty, modesty, and, so called, cultured conduct (Halstead, 1994.) CONCLUSION In Russia today, the personality development of children is shaped by long-established cultural traditions as well as current societal challenges. Many Russian families experience financial struggle and uncertainty about their future; however, they still try to provide a good quality of life for their chil-

202


dren. In turn, Russian children are learning how to live in a changing society.

For many years, Soviet psychology developed in isolation; Soviet psychologists had very limited contact with the outside world and knew little about Russian Psychology: Past and Present world psychology. In turn, Western psychologists were unfamiliar with the psychological research in It is difficult to understand the current status of the Soviet Union, except for the writings of Russian psychology without understanding the Vygotsky and Luria. Although several unique and country’s past. In the twentieth century, psychology fruitful theories were developed, such as Vygotsky’s in Russia was greatly shaped by societal cataclysms cultural-historical theory and Leont’ev’s activity and political upheavals. The beginning of Russian theory, Soviet psychology lagged far behind world psychology was promising: the first psychological psychology. lab opened in 1875, and the first Russian psychoIn the 1960s, the rehabilitation of Soviet psylogical society was established in 1885. Many psychology began. During that time, Western tests chologists had intensive contacts with their including the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale European colleagues. Between 1904 and 1914, (WAIS), the, Wechsler Intelligence Scale for twenty-two works by Freud were translated and Children (WISC), the Minnesota Multiphasic published in Russian; psychoanalysis received great Personality Inventory (MMPI), the Rorschach Test, appreciation among Russian psychiatrists and psy- and the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) were chologists (Vasilyeva, 2000). translated into Russian (Balachova et al., 2002); In the 1920s, after the October Revolution, the however, the use of these tests was very limited. building of a “new society” facilitated interest in the Despite positive changes in Soviet society, psycholstudy of child development (Valsiner, 1988). The ogy still remained an academic science; clinical, interdisciplinary approach, called pedology, was school, and counseling psychology did not exist in developed to provide physical and mental health the Soviet Union until the 1980s. The real developfor children. Pedology integrated information from ment of applied psychology started only when different disciplines, including child psychology, Gorbachev initiated economic and political physiology, and pedagogy, and translated this reforms. These reforms lead to the humanization of knowledge into the practice of working with chil- many aspects of social life, which consequently dren. Various tests were developed and used within raised interest in psychology. The negative consethis approach (Malykh et al., 2005). quences of the reforms, however, were the Unfortunately, when Stalin came to power, the increased levels of stress, anxiety, and interpersonal development of psychology was interrupted. Many tension. For example, researchers documented that psychological journals ceased to exist; psychoanaly- from 1990 to 2000, psychological and emotional sis and other approaches that were not in-line with disorders increased as much as 34 percent in Russia official ideology were condemned and banned. In (Balachova et al., 2002). Worsening mental health, 1936, pedology was banned, and psychological testin turn, sped up the development of mental health ing was prohibited for almost thirty years. Testing professions. was believed to be incompatible with the ideas of Since the early 1990s, Russia has experienced a unlimited developmental potential and environ- boom in psychology. Many classical works written mental modifiability of development (Valsiner, by Freud, Erickson, Fromm, Rogers, and other well1988). Psychology became a pure academic science, known Western psychologists were translated into and only theories based on Marx’s philosophy were and published in Russian. Before perestroika, there allowed to exist. Even all of the Vygotsky’s writings were only two professional psychology journals, were forgotten until the 1960s, when the rehabilita- Questions of Psychology and Psychological Journal . tion of Soviet psychology began. Today, the number continues to grow every year,


and the journals have become more specialized in particular areas of psychology. For example, during the past ten years, journals focusing on school psychology, clinical psychology, psychoanalysis, applied psychology, and family and group therapy have been established. At the same time, financial difficulties have substantially reduced access to current Western literature for Russian psychologists, and therefore libraries do not have money to subscribe to Western psychology periodicals. Changes in Russian society have produced new opportunities that have facilitated the development of psychological practice. Demand for psychologists in business, educational, and clinical settings has significantly increased. School psychology was at the frontline of the development of psychological practice in Russia; in 1988, the position of school psychologist was established in educational settings, and today psychological services for children continue to develop rapidly. For example, the number of school psychologists in Moscow increased from six hundred in 1997 to two thousand in 2002 (Malykh et al., 2005). During the past ten years child clinical and pediatric psychology has to developed. Today, psychologists working with children and adolescents are the largest consumers of psychological tests in the country. In Russia, the most common areas of psychological assessment of children and adolescents are (1) psychological readiness to school; (2) intellectual development and learning problems; (3) emotional problems; and (4) interpersonal problems including those related to the child-parent relationship. Russian psychologists utilize some well-known Western tests such as the WISC, the Bender-Gestalt Test, the Children’s Personality Questionnaire, the Kinetic Family Drawing Test, the Children’s Apperception Test, the Sentence Completion Test for Children, and the Rosenzweig PictureFrustration Study (children’s version). Several indigenous tests have also been developed and widely used, including the School Anxiety Test (Prihogan, 2000), the Survey of Children’s Fears (Zakharov, 1988), the Real-Ideal-Social Self Drawing (Spivakovskaya, 1988), the Readiness to School

203

Battery (Gutkina, 1987), and the Pathocharacterological Questionnaire for Adolescents (Lychko, 1999). Unfortunately, the array of psychological tests Russian psychologists use is much more modest than that of their Western colleagues. A recently conducted survey (N = 1,329) revealed that 70 percent of child psychologists in Russia reported the lack of instruments as one of the major obstacles to successfully completing their work (Malykh et al., 2005). Russian psychologists also face the lack of validity and reliability of the assessment instruments; for example, only the first edition of the WISC is available. Tests very commonly do not include information about their psychometric properties. Many so-called standardized tests are not standardized on a representative Russian sample, and therefore, psychologists mostly rely on qualitative interpretation, while the use of norms is questionable. One of the reasons Russian psychologists lack fully standardized tests is because standardization is very costly. In Russia, research funding is limited, making it difficult to complete studies that require large samples. Another, perhaps more important reason is that many psychologists in Russia lack knowledge about test construction, statistics, and psychometrics. As discussed above, Russian psychology developed for many years as a purely academic science. Although theoretical clarity, logical explication, and elegance are strong facets of Russian psychological studies, the lack of modern statistical analysis, an unclear methodology, and a lack of references to recent studies conducted outside of Russia are obvious weaknesses (Ritsher, 1997). Hopefully, the situation regarding psychological assessment is slowly improving. In the past ten years, a few companies have been established that began to standardize and publish psychological tests. From 2002 to 2003, the projective Fairy Tale Test (FTT) was translated in Russian and standardized on a Russian sample; the test was published in 2003 (Coulacoglou, 2003). The publication of this test was significant for several reasons. First, it was

204


the first projective test to be fully standardized on a Russian sample. Second, the FTT broadened the array of instruments Russian child psychologists can use for the personality assessment of children. Finally, the publication of the FTT in Russia will facilitate research of children’s personalities within both psychoanalytic and ego-psychology frameworks, which will contribute to a greater diversity of Russian psychology. The present study was designed (1) to examine the effects of age, gender, and culture on personality variables measured by the FTT; and (2) to study both the personality organizations and needs system in Russian children.

interviewers how to administer the FTT and how to score the test results. Data were collected in 2002–03.

METHOD

Part I examines the results of the study relevant to the effects of age, gender, and culture on the personal variables measured by the FTT. The present study includes twenty-six dependent variables and three independent variables such as age, gender, and culture. The effect of culture (specifically, Russian and Greek) on personal variables was examined, disregarding age and gender effects. Multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) was conducted to determine the significance of mean group differences between the two samples (Russian and Greek) on the combined dependent variable. One-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was performed as a follow-up test for each dependent variable. Gender and age effects were examined only for the Russian sample. MANOVA was performed with the Russian data to determine the effect of gender and age on the combined dependent variable. After that, two-way ANOVA (age x gender) and Tukey’s Post Hoc test were performed as follow-up tests for each dependent variable. Evaluation of normality led to the natural log transformation of all variables except self-esteem, relationship with the mother, relationship with the father, and adaptation to fairy tale content, which were distributed fairly normally. In the Russian sample, MANOVA results indicate that age (Pillai’s Trace = .249, F [50, 1142] =

Participants The Russian sample consisted of 600 children who were randomly selected from the public schools in Orel, Russia, the capital of Orel province, with a population of 400,000. There were three age groups: 7- to 8-, 9- to 10-, and 11- to 12-year-old children. Each age group was comprised evenly of boys and girls. Regarding the children’s families, 55.7 percent of the children came from intact families, 20.6 percent had divorced parents, and 13.7 percent had single mothers (10% of mothers did not report their marital status). The mother’s education was distributed as follows: 48.6 percent of mothers had university degrees, 37.4 percent had professional-school degrees, and 14 percent had high-school diplomas. Teachers and mothers were required to give an oral consent to conduct the study with their students and children.

Procedure The children were assessed individually in their classrooms after the school day. Six psychology majors from Orel State University performed the interviews. Dr. Carina Coulacoglou trained the

Material The study employed the Fairy Tale projective Test. RESULTS

Part I. Age, Gender, and Cultural Differences in Personality Variables Measured by the FTT


3.24, p < .001), gender (Pillai’s Trace = .105, F [25, 570] = 2.67, p < .001), and gender x age interaction (Pillai’s Trace = .137, F [50, 1142] = 1.68, p = .002) significantly affect the combined dependent variable. MANOVA results for the effect of culture were also significant, Pillai’s Trace = .638, F (25, 1373) = 96.64, p < .001. For the purpose of data description, personal variables measured by the FTT were categorized as follows: emotions, aggression, morality and selfesteem, children’s needs, relationship with parents, and thought processes.

Emotions

205

ated with self-image. Anxiety associated with the feeling of insecurity is decreasing with age, whereas anxiety associated with self-image is increasing from 7-8 years to 9-10- years and then does not change. Concern for others and anxiety harm are highest in 9- to 10-year-olds. Fear of aggression is a variable similar to anxiety; however, fear is associated with a more concrete danger or threat. For example, a 9-year-old boy responded, “Wolf thinks about food, he feels angry, he has sharp teeth, and he is so frightening! I do not want that thirty-meter wolf would walk on our planet!” ANOVA indicates significant age differences in the variable fear of aggression, F (2, 594) = 5.66, p = .004. Tukey’s test reveals that 9- to 10-year-old children scored higher on this variable than 7- to 8and 11- to 12-year-olds. Regarding the depression variable, no gender or age differences were found in the Russian sample. Analysis of the children’s responses indicates that in some cases depression is associated with pessimistic attitudes and negative expectations (9-year-old girl: “This giant is sad because he is sick and never will get better”). In other cases, the cause of depression is low self-efficacy and helplessness (10-year-old girl: “The dwarf is sad and angry because he is the smallest one”; “The giant is sad because he broke the tree and could not do what he wanted to do”). Depression is also associated with a very negative self-image (9-year-old girl: “The giant thinks that he is the worst, the ugliest; he is angry and even wants to kill himself”). Comparison of Russian and Greek samples shows that Russian children scored lower on the variable anxiety (F [1, 1401] = 18.66, p < .001), but higher on the variable fear of aggression (F [1, 1401] = 18.74, p < .001) and on the variable depression (F [1, 1401] = 19.62, p < .001).

This category encompasses such personality variables as anxiety, fear of aggression, and depression. ANOVA results indicate that there are no gender or age differences on the anxiety variable in Russian children. Analysis of the responses to the FTT detected that the children displayed several types of anxiety. Most responses (51.73%) related to anxiety were associated with feelings of insecurity (8-yearold boy: “Wolf feels danger somewhere”). Other types of anxiety were represented as follows: concerns about other people, 14.05 percent (11-yearold boy: “Dwarf is surprised that Snow White has fainted; he worries about her”); fear of being destroyed, 13.02 percent (12-year-old boy: “Wolf feels danger; he is afraid to be crushed by a crowd of antelopes”); fear of being lost, 9.35 percent (10year-old girl: “Little Red Riding Hood is lost and frightened”); and anxiety associated with self-image, 5.89 percent (8-year-old girl: “Giant worries that he smells badly”). Very few responses represented other types of anxiety, such as anxiety disapproval (8-year-old girl: “Little Red Riding Hood is afraid to get a poor grade because her mother and grandmother will reprimand her”). Although gender and age differences were not Aggression detected on total score on the anxiety variable, they appear in the types of anxiety. Based on the freAggression is considered a necessary element of quency of responses, boys demonstrate higher anx- a child’s development (A. Freud, 1968). The FTT iety associated with the feeling of insecurity, while assesses several types of aggression such as aggresgirls show higher anxiety harm and anxiety associ- sion type A (internally motivated or hostile aggres-

206


sion), aggression as dominance, aggression as retaliation, aggression as envy, and oral aggression. As a reminder, age and gender effects were computed only for the Russian sample. ANOVA results yield significant main effect for age category on aggression type A, aggression as retaliation, and aggression as defense (F [2, 594] = 9.03, p< .001; F [2, 594] = 5.27, p = .005; and F [2, 594] = 8.01, p< .001, respectively). Tukey’s test indicates that 7- to 8-yearold children scored higher on the variable aggression type A than older children. Thus, internally motivated aggression decreases with age. On the contrary, aggression as retaliation increases with age. A posteriori comparisons reveal that 9- to 10and 11- to 12-year-old children have higher aggression as retaliation scores than do 7- to 8-year-old children. No differences were detected between 9to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children. Regarding the variable aggression as defense, 7- to 8-year-old children demonstrate higher scores than older children. However, responses related to this variable were very rare: only 7.7 percent of Russian children provided related responses (the same percent of children was in the Greek sample). No gender or age differences were observed on the variables aggression as envy, aggression as dominance, and oral aggression. Oral aggression was also rare in the Russian sample, as only 7 percent of children provided responses related to this variable. Interestingly, in the Greek sample this percentage was much higher—69.1 percent. Except on aggression as defense, for which no cross-cultural differences were detected, Russian children scored lower than Greek children on all types of aggression.

Morality and Self-Esteem The variable of morality is similar to Freud’s concept of the superego. Responses related to morality reflect children’s feelings of guilt or shame associated with their wrongdoings or noncompliance with parental demands, or are statements reflecting acquisition of moral norms. For example, a 12-yearold boy responded, “Little Red Riding Hood came home; she is ashamed that she had not brought

cakes.” ANOVA shows significant age and gender differences in responses on the variable morality in Russian children, F (2, 594) = 4.45, p = .01. Tukey’s test reveals that morality is higher in 7- to 8-year-old boys and 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old girls. Greek children scored higher on morality, F (1, 1401) = 238.39, p < .001. However, one should interpret these results with caution, because only 16.8 percent of Russian children provided responses on the variable morality, compared to 50.1 percent of Greek children. Responses on the variable self-esteem typically reflect children’s concerns about their physical appearance, perceived position in interpersonal relationships, and confidence/nonconfidence in their abilities. ANOVA indicates that in the Russian sample, boys scored higher on the variable selfesteem (F [1, 594] = 5.65, p = .018), and in general, Russian children scored higher on self-esteem than Greek children (F [1, 1401] = 158.50, p < .001).

Children’s Needs The need for affection is a basic need of children and is manifested as a desire to give or receive love, affection, and care. For example, a 7-year-old girl explained, “Dwarf thinks that Snow White could get sick; he wants to take care of Snow White.” ANOVA demonstrates that Russian girls scored higher on the variable affective needs than boys (F [1, 594] = 6.07, p = .01). Comparison of the Russian and Greek samples demonstrates that Russian children have higher affective needs (F [1, 1401] = 111.72, p < .001). Interestingly, 58.2 percent of Russian children provided responses related to the variable need for affection, as compared to 25 percent of Greek children. In the FTT, the need for affiliation is expressed as a desire to have friends, to play, and to interact with children. ANOVA results indicate a significant main effect for age category (F [2, 594] = 4.29, p = .01) in the Russian sample. Tukey’s test reveals that 7- to 8-year-old children have stronger needs for affiliation than 11- to 12-year-old children; however, no difference is observed between 7- to 8- and 9- to


10-year-old children or between 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children. A cross-cultural comparison shows that Russian children scored higher on the variable need for affiliation than did Greek children, F (1, 1401) = 21.80, p < .001. ANOVA demonstrates significant age differences in children’s scores on the variable sexual preoccupation in Russian children, F (2, 594) = 6.66, p = .001. A posteriori comparisons indicate that 11- to 12-year-old children scored higher on this variable than 7- to 8- and 9- to 10-year-old children. Russian children have more pronounced sexual interests than Greek children (F [1, 1401] = 25.20, p < .001). Interestingly, more Russian children (67.7%) provided responses on the variable sexual preoccupation than did Greek children (42.6 %). On the variable oral needs, desire to help, and desire for superiority Russian boys scored higher than girls (F [1, 594] = 6.45, p = .011 ; F [1, 594] = 5.02, p = .025; and F [1, 594] = 4.37, p = .04, respectively) In general, Russian children have higher oral needs than Greek children (F [1, 1401] = 4.45, p = .045); however, they demonstrate lower sense of property and need for protection (F [1, 1401] = 13.54, p < .001; F [1, 1401] = 263.40, p < .001, respectively). No cross-cultural differences were found on the variables desire to help, desire for superiority, and desire for material things.

207

she had a father, who was telling her how to behave in the future in order to be respected and loved.” ANOVA indicates no age or gender differences in Russian children on the variables relationship with the mother and relationship with the father. Crosscultural comparisons reveal that Russian children have more negative relationships with their mothers than Greek children do [(F [1, 1401] = 6.55, p < .001); however, Russian children had more positive relationships with their fathers than Greek children did with their fathers (F [1, 1401] = 9.24, p < .001).

Variables That Reflect Thought Processes

This group of variables includes ambivalence, adaptation to fairy tale content, bizarres, and repetitions. ANOVA indicates significant age differences on the variable ambivalence in the Russian sample, F (2, 594) = 24.71, p < .001. Tukey’s test reveals that 9- to 10-year-old children scored higher than 7- to 8year-old children, and 11- to 12-year-old children scored higher than 9- to 10-year-old children. No cross-cultural differences were detected on this variable. ANOVA shows no gender or age differences on the variable adaptation to fairy tale content. Regarding cross-cultural patterns, Russian children scored lower than Greek children, F (1, 1401) = 449.01, p < .001. ANOVA yields significant age effect for the variable bizarres in the Russian sample, F (2, 594) = 10.53, p < .001. A posteriori com Relationship with Parents parisons reveals that 7- to 8-year-old children scored The FTT measures the variables relationship higher than 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children. with the mother and relationship with the father. Cross-cultural comparisons demonstrate that Regarding the former, children reported negative Russian children exhibit fewer bizarre responses relationships more often than positive relationships. than their Greek counterparts, F (1, 1401) = 51.12, p For example, they often said that the mother repri- < .001. Examples of bizarre responses include a 9mands Little Red Riding Hood because she broke a year-old girl’s statement that “The witch wants to vase, did not obey mother’s order, or talked to the bewitch the fairy tale so that it has a happy ending”, wolf in the forest. One girl exclaimed, “Gosh, moms and a 9-year-old boy saying that “Card 3 giant always scold for no reason!” Regarding relationship scares me most because he holds this thing and he with the father, children sometimes described a will hit me to death; what will be left of me is a red desirable, but not a real situation. For example, a 9- spot and a broken skeleton.” No gender, age, or year-old girl raised by a single mother said, “Snow cross-cultural differences were observed on the variWhite did not have a father, and she dreamt that able repetitions.

208


Part II. Factor Analysis of the FTT Results of Factor Analysis Factor analysis was performed to determine which, if any, underlying structures exist for measures on the personal variables. The variables sense of property, oral aggression, bizarres, repetitions, and aggression as defense were not included in the

factor analysis because of low frequency of relevant responses provided by children (fewer than 8%). Principle component analysis followed by varimax rotation were conducted. Nine components were extracted, which accounted for 56 percent of explained variance. Results are represented in Table 9.1 (variables with loadings less than .300 are not included in the table). The first factor, fearfulness, includes variables

TABLE 9.1. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Fearfulness

Fear of aggression

-.622

Aggression type A

-.576

Anxiety

-.538

Ambivalence

-.479

Agression as retaliation

-.373

Emotional Needs

Need for affection

-.714

Adaptation to fairy tale content

-.650

Aggression as envy

-.491

Oral needs

-.345

Moral Consciousness

Morality

-.726

Desire to help

-.611

Aggression as retaliation

-.353

Relationship with the mother

-.334

Assertiveness

Aggression as dominance

-.832

Desire for superiority

-.498

Continued

209

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia TABLE 9.1—Continued. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Acquisitiveness

Desire for material things

-.768

Ambivalence

-.508


-.420

Father Image

Sexual preoccupation

-.633

Relationship with the father

-.592

Aggression as envy

-.405

Self-Image

Self-esteem

-.719

Depression

-.383


-.339

Affiliation Needs

Need for affiliation

-.726

Oral needs

-.545

Depression

-.348

Need for Protection

Need for protection

-.777

Depression

-.453


-.357

with both positive and negative loadings. The variables fear of aggression, anxiety, ambivalence, and aggression as retaliation have positive loadings, while the variable aggression type A has negative loading. It was assumed that ambivalence may be a manifestation of anxiety. Correlational analysis was performed for each age group to examine age dif-

ferences between these variables. Statistically significant correlations were found in 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children, r (198) = .185, p < .01, and r (198) = .358, p < .01, respectively. These findings suggest that ambivalence may be a manifestation of anxiety in older children. Factor 2, emotional needs, has variables with

210


only positive loadings such as need for affection, adaptation to fairy tale content, aggression as envy, and oral needs. This factor reveals that children who have pronounced affective needs also have high oral needs and demonstrate aggression as envy and a good sense of reality. Moral consciousness, Factor 3, is defined by positive loadings on the variables morality, desire to help, and aggression as retaliation, and negative loading on the variable relationship with the mother. This factor reflects that morality and altruistic behaviors are connected; children with higher levels of morality also demonstrate orientation toward the needs of others. The fourth factor, assertiveness, includes the variables aggression as dominance and desire for superiority, both of which have positive loadings. These two variables reflect a tendency to control the environment. Factor 5, acquisitiveness, comprises the variables desire for material things, ambivalence, and desire for superiority, all with positive loadings. Because ambivalence appears to be a manifestation of anxiety, possessiveness may serve as a protection against anxiety. The sixth factor, father image, is defined by positive loadings on the variables sexual preoccupation, relationship with father, and aggression as envy. Factor 7, self-image, includes variables the variable self-esteem with positive loading and the variables depression and aggression as retaliation with negative loadings. The data suggest that children who have positive self-esteem tend to be less depressed and demonstrate lower aggression as retaliation. Affiliation needs, the eighth factor, includes the variables need for affiliation and depression with positive loadings and the variable oral needs with negative loading. Data suggest that children who demonstrate a high need for affiliation have higher depression, but lower oral needs. Finally, Factor 9, need for protection, includes the variable need for protection with positive loading and the variables depression and relationship

with the mother with negative loadings. MANOVA was conducted to determine gender’s effect on the nine factors, and the results indicate that age significantly affects the combined dependent variable, Pillai’s Trace = .042, F (9, 590) = 2.85, p = .003. One-way ANOVA, performed as a followup test, reveals that girls have significantly higher scores on the factors emotional needs and affiliation needs (F [1, 598] = 7.49, p = .006, and F [1, 598] = 4.22, p = .04, respectively), while boys scored higher on the factor moral consciousness (F [1, 598] = 5.88, p = .02). The nine factors were submitted to the secondorder factor analysis. Because factors were correlated, oblique rotation was utilized. Principal factor analysis yields five second-order factors that account for 44.4 percent of explained variance (see Table 9.2). The second-order Factor 1, conscientiousness, includes two factors with positive loadings, moral consciousness and self-image, and one factor with negative loading, fearfulness. This second-order factor suggests that children who demonstrate higher morality have positive self-image and lower anxiety. The second-order Factor 2, social appraisal, is defined by positive loadings on the factors emotional needs and acquisitiveness, and the secondorder Factor 3, need for affiliation, has positive loadings on the factors affiliation needs and acquisitiveness. Insecurity, the second-order Factor 4, includes two factors with positive loadings, need for protection and fearfulness, and one with negative loading, father image. Finally, the second-order Factor 5, helplessness, is defined by negative loading on the factor assertiveness and positive loading on the factor fearfulness. DISCUSSION The present research is aimed at the study of personality development of latency-age Russian children using the projective Fairy Tale Test. The latency phase of child development is characterized by

211

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia TABLE 9.2. RESULTS OF SECOND-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Conscientiousness

Moral consciousness

-.621

Self-image

-.614

Fearfulness

-.345

Affective Needs

Emotional needs

-.842

Acquisitiveness

-.370

Social Appraisal

Affiliation needs

-.845

Acquisitiveness

-.443

Insecurity

Needs for protection

-.797

Father image

-.369

Fearfulness

-.304

Helplessness

Assertiveness

-.768

Fearfulness

-.531

several major changes and accomplishments, including the strengthening of the child’s superego and the integration of ego and superego functions (Furman, 1991). Children gradually lose their bonds with the family and enter a broader interpersonal context, and relationships with peers become more important (Furman, 1991). Children mature cognitively, advancing to the concrete operations stage; their egocentric position diminishes and gives way to decentration, which is the ability to take into account the position of other people (Piaget, 1950). Latency is characterized as the period when chil-

dren’s interests are directed toward development of mastery and competencies (Erikson, 1950). This research suggests that children’s personality development is significantly affected by gender. In particular, girls have higher affective needs, while boys have more pronounced needs for superiority and the desire to help. These findings resemble results obtained in other studies: Harvey and Retter (2002) found that latency girls have a higher need for love and belonging than boys, while Schroth (1979) indicated that boys scored higher on the need for power. These results reflect the acquisition of

212


gender-related traits: relational and expressive feminine traits, and agentive and instrumental masculine traits (Block, 1972). As previously discussed, a major developmental line in latency is the formation of the superego (Furman, 1991). Data from the present research show that 7- to 8-year-old boys scored higher on the variable morality than girls of the same age, and 9to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old girls scored higher than same-aged boys and 7- to 8-year-old girls. These results suggest that moral development in boys starts earlier than in girls. According to Anna Freud (1959), the superego emerges at the time when children resolve the Oedipus complex. Given that boys resolve the Oedipus complex sooner than girls (Freud, 1959), it is reasonable to assume that the superegos of boys develop earlier than those of girls. The findings from the present research support this assumption. Additional evidence comes from different lines of research. According to Piaget (1966), boys begin to understand the consensual nature of rules earlier than girls do, because they tend to play in large groups. Large-group format requires rules negotiation and coordination of multiple perspectives, both of which facilitate moral development (Piaget, 1966). Another gender-related finding from the present research was that girls and boys display different types of anxiety. Although mean group difference for total score on anxiety was not significant, the frequency of types of anxiety was different for girls and boys. In particular, girls experience higher anxiety related to the fear of being destroyed and to self-image. Therefore, girls may be more concerned about their bodies and appearance than boys. Boys show higher anxiety associated with the feeling of insecurity. The present study shows significant age differences in the development of children’s personality. Unmotivated aggression appears to decrease with age, while aggression as retaliation appears to increase. More specifically, 7- to 8-year-old children have higher aggression type A (unmotivated aggression), and 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children demonstrate stronger aggression as retaliation.

There are several plausible explanations for these findings. Older children have better cognitive skills to explain their behaviors, aggressive and otherwise. Social interactions with peers are more intense and significant for 9- to 12-year-old children than for younger children. Broadened interpersonal relationships with peers lead to both positive experiences and to negative ones such as bullying and unfair sharing. In their responses, children often referred to situations in which they were offended by their peers and wanted to retaliate, such as when a 10-year-old boy responded, “Giant is crushing everything; he is angry. He wants retaliation against other giants because they hurt him when he was a child.” In other responses, aggression as retaliation appeared as a desire to punish someone who deprived a child of an opportunity or privilege, as when an 11-year-old boy observed, “Wolf is angry at another wolf; he wants to tear him apart because another wolf hindered him from catching a rabbit.” Further findings suggest that 7- to 8-year-old children demonstrate higher aggression as defense, which serves as protection against possible threats or danger. This is congruent with the results that 7to 8-year-old children demonstrate higher anxiety associated with the feeling of insecurity. These findings suggest that younger children feel more insecure than older children. As children age, they score higher on the variable ambivalence. With age, children mature cognitively and are better able to tolerate ambiguity and contradictory experiences. Younger children have a higher need for affiliation, while older children demonstrate higher sexual preoccupation. In the FTT, the need for affiliation often appeared as a desire to play with peers and to have friends. For example, a 9-year-old girl stated, “Little Red Riding Hood wants to go home very quickly. She wants to play with children, but there are no children in her grandmother’s house.” A 7-year-old girl explained, “A wolf wants to find a friend, company.” The significance of these activities decreases as children age whereas sexual interests become more pronounced. Culture plays an important role in the cognitive


and socioemotional development of children. Comparison of the Russian and Greek samples shows that Russian children demonstrate lower anxiety but higher fear of aggression. They also appear to be more depressed than their Greek counterparts. The latter results are in-line with findings obtained by Jose et al. (1998), in which Russian adolescents (10 to 14 years old) showed considerably higher depression than American adolescents. In general, pessimism and a tendency for self-criticism and self-depreciation are typical features of Russian culture (Rancour-Laferriere, 1999). Russian children scored lower than Greek children on almost all types of aggression measured by the FTT. This may reflect the characteristics of interpersonal relationships and child-rearing practices in Russia. Because close interpersonal connectedness is highly valued in their culture, Russians negatively evaluate traits that may undermine harmonious relationships with others such as competitiveness, assertiveness, and leadership (Stephan & Abalakina-Paap, 1996). Russian parents monitor very closely their children’s behavior from an early age to ensure that children behave in socially appropriate manners. This may explain why overt expression of aggression is inhibited in Russian culture. Russian children scored lower on the variable morality than did Greek children and only 16.8 percent of Russian children provided responses relevant to this variable as compared to 50.1 percent of Greek children. These results were surprising. Based on linguistic analysis, Weirzbicka (1992 & 2003) has suggested that the emphasis on morality is a particular feature of Russian culture. Russians have a tendency for absolute moral judgments and a preoccupation with truth. As mentioned above, the teaching of moral values is an important part of education in Russia (Halstead, 1994). Moral education is mostly focused on promoting empathy, prosocial behavior, and moral conduct in children. The lower score on the variable Morality obtained in the Russian sample can be explained by the fact that the FTT assesses different aspects of morality associated with feelings of guilt, self-blame, and fear of

213

punishment, which often result from a child’s noncompliance with parental orders. Because the cultivation of dependence and obedience is a common parental practice in Russia, children there may have fewer opportunities to disobey their parents’ rules. Thus, moral feelings and behaviors associated with disobedience were not very prominent in the Russian sample. Another cross-cultural difference apparent in the present research is that Russian children have a higher need for affection than Greek children. The significance of this is evidenced by the fact that 58.2% of Russian children provided responses on this variable compared to 25% of Greek children. Other researchers have also documented that Russians display a strong need for affection, and this need is promoted at a very early age (Bronfenbrenner, 1970; Inkeles et al., 1979). Affection is widely used by Russian parents not only to demonstrate love to their children but also to show disapproval of children’s misbehavior. In fact, the withdrawal of love is a very common parental disciplinary practice (Bronfenbrenner, 1970). Such child-rearing traditions may exaggerate the need for affection in Russian children. The need for affiliation is also higher in the Russian sample, and the importance of close and intense interpersonal relationships in Russian culture has been discussed by many researchers (Althausen, 1996; Inkeles et al., 1979; Stephan & Abalakina-Paap, 1996). The results from the present study suggest that Russian children have lower senses of property or possession than do Greek children. The idea of private property remains a relatively new concept in Russia and has not yet been fully assimilated by the people. For many years, all property in Russia was communal, and therefore, children were strongly encouraged to share their toys, candies, and other things. Factor analysis yields nine factors that reveal personality organization pertaining to latency-age Russian children. The first factor, fearfulness, positively correlates with the variables fear of aggression, anxiety, ambivalence, and aggression as retal-

214


iation, and negatively correlates with the variable tionship-oriented than boys. aggression type A. Children who are prone to anxThe third factor, moral consciousness, reflects iety seem to display fewer aggressive impulses. the moral development of latency children, and Statistically significant correlations between the includes the variables morality, desire to help, and variables anxiety and ambivalence observed in 9- to aggression as retaliation, all with positive loadings, 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children suggest that anx- and the variable relationship with mother with negiety in older children may manifest as indecisive- ative loading. These results suggest that children ness, doubt, and ambivalent feelings or thoughts. with higher levels of morality also have more proThe second factor, emotional needs, includes nounced desires to help—that is, they are more oripositive loadings on the variables need for affection, ented toward the needs of others. Boys scored highadaptation to fairy tale content, aggression as envy, er on the factor moral consciousness than girls. and oral needs. This factor suggests that children Interestingly, the results showed that the variable who demonstrate strong needs for affection also dis- aggression as retaliation was positively associated play aggression as envy. More specifically, the FTT with the factor moral consciousness. This associameasures aggression as envy and aggression as jeal- tion may appear paradoxical; however, it is logical ousy. Envy is based on social comparison, e.g., if one considers the data from the normal developwhen a person becomes aware of the superior ment perspective. In latency, the child’s superego attributes or characteristics of another person judges both the child’s own behavior as well as the (Parrott, 1991). An 8-year-old girl responded, “The behavior of others. Externalization of the superego witch wants to scold Snow White. She does not like is often combined with a need to seek punishment her, because Snow White has superior beauty and (Furman, 1991). Therefore, children may use intelligence.” On the other hand, jealousy is trig- aggression to punish other people for their wronggered by the fear of losing an important relationship doings or to restore justice. For example, a 10-yearwith another person to a rival (Parrott, 1991). For old boy explained, “The witch wants to put a spell example, a 7-year-old boy explained, “The witch on children, they misbehave, steal, and come to her wants to kill Snow White because the prince loves and call her names.” her and the dwarfs love her, but nobody loves the Some researchers refer to retaliation as retribuwitch.” tive justice (Hogan & Emler, 1981). The association As previously stated, aggression as envy is asso- between morality and aggression as retaliation may ciated with the need for affection. Therefore, chil- also reflect children’s beliefs in immanent justice dren whose emotional needs are not satisfied tend (Piaget, 1966). According to Piaget, children at a to act aggressively toward others, who, from their heteronomous stage of moral development (about 5 perspective, are better people or receive more love to 10 years old) believe that punishment should and affection. One may assume that envy and jeal- inevitably follow a person’s wrongdoings. ousy develop from object relationships, specifically Tyson and Tyson (1990) argue that the superego from the early frustration of the need to be loved. in early latency is not an exact internalized copy of The association between oral needs and need for significant others, but often a distorted and unstable affection supports the idea that the former may be version of them. The child oscillates between two considered a substitute for the frustrated need to be opposite poles: at one pole behavior shows no intercared for and loved. According to Mahler (1967), nalized moral standards; at the other pole behavior the oral stage is critical for the formation of inter- is excessively moral and there is a tendency to personal relationships. The quality of oral gratifica- supervise and report the transgressions of others tions is important for later personality development. (Tyson & Tyson, 1990). In the FTT, children reveal Girls scored higher on the factor emotional needs positive aspects of themselves (“good me”) in than boys; as mentioned earlier, girls are more rela- response to one card and negative aspects (“bad


me”) in response to the other. For example, a 9year-old girl gave the following response to the second card depicting Little Red Riding Hood: “Little Red Riding Hood is thinking how to cheat somebody, to lump the blame on somebody.” She gave the opposite response to the third card: “Little Red Riding Hood thinks that she is kind and brave.” Latency children often blame others for their wrongdoings. In response to the second card depicting the witch, the same girl said, “The witch thinks how to find some girl and raise her inappropriately.” In another example, a 7-year-old girl projected her opposing thoughts on the cards that illustrate the dwarf. In response to the first card she said, “This is an industrious dwarf, he takes care of everything. He wants Snow White to live with them.” To the second card, the girl responded, “He is mean and lazy. He wants to live alone. He is bad. I do not like him.” Following the psychoanalytic tradition, positive aspects of the child’s self are considered a representation of the child’s ego-ideal (Tyson & Tyson, 1990). Children believe that those who do not meet the standards of the ego-ideals deserve punishment. This is obvious in their responses to the question, “Which Little Red Riding Hood would the wolf eat?” Children answered that the wolf would eat Little Red Riding Hood because “she is not neat” (9-year-old girl), “she is afraid” (11-year-old boy), or “she is not very beautiful, wanders around, and does not want to go to her grandmother” (9-yearold girl). Returning to the discussion of the results of factor analysis, the factor assertiveness, which includes the variables aggression as dominance and desire for superiority, was extracted. This factor may reflect the child’s desire to establish self-confidence and self-assurance. The next factor, acquisitiveness, comprises the variables desire for material things, ambivalence, and desire for superiority. Because ambivalence may be considered a manifestation of anxiety, one may assume that the need to acquire things or superior status serves as protection against anxiety. Factor analysis reveals that positive self-esteem is

215

associated with low depression, while the need for affiliation is associated with higher depression. These results are congruent with findings from numerous studies documenting that depressed children often feel lonely and worthless and demonstrate a lack of social skills (Hammen & Rudolph, 1996). Girls scored higher on the factor affiliation needs than boys. The second-order factor analysis was performed to obtain a more condensed picture of the personality organization of children. The second-order factor, conscientiousness, evidences that children with strong superegos are more likely to have positive self-image and demonstrate lower fear of aggression and anxiety. One may assume that children who follow moral norms and who have altruistic attitudes feel good about themselves and accepted and, therefore, are less prone to anxiety. The second-order factors named affective needs and social appraisal suggest that children with strong emotional needs or needs for social appraisal demonstrate the need to acquire things and superior status. Acquisitiveness as a personality trait may develop as compensation for the frustrated basic needs for love and affiliation. Another second-order factor, insecurity, demonstrates that children who have high needs for protection also have negative relationships with their fathers. Children’s feelings of insecurity appear to result from unsatisfactory relationships with their fathers. Finally, the second-order factor named helplessness suggests that children who have higher fear of aggression and anxiety are less dominant and have lower desire for superiority and achievement. CONCLUSION The aim of the present research was the study of personality organization in 7- to 12-year-old Russian children and revealed some gender-, age-, and culture-specific traits and needs of the population of interest. It was demonstrated that girls appeared to have more expressive and relational traits, while

216


boys had more agentive and instrumental traits. The results suggested that boys acquire moral standards and norms earlier than girls. These findings were consistent with reports from many other studies. The results indicated that age has a significant impact on the personality development of children. More specifically, it was found that unmotivated aggression decreased with age, while aggression as retaliation became more pronounced; as children get older, they demonstrate more ambivalent responses and have higher interest in the opposite sex. It is assumed that these age differences are associated with the cognitive and social maturation of children. The most interesting findings from this study were culture-specific traits and needs pertaining to latency-age Russian children. It was demonstrated that compared to their Greek counterparts, Russian children had lower anxiety but higher fear of aggression and depression. They appeared to be less aggressive and demonstrated higher interpersonal needs such as the need for affection and affiliation. These results are consistent with the proposition that in collectivistic cultures, which Russia exemplifies, interpersonal relationships are highly valued. At the same time, Russian children demonstrated more negative relationships with their mothers which might reflect authoritarian parental practices in Russia. While some personality traits and needs were strongly affected by culture, others seemed to be universal across Russian and Greek cultures, such as desire to help, desire for superiority, desire for material things, and ambivalence. The results from the present study suggested that personality traits and needs measured by the FFT are not independent, but form particular combinations such as moral consciousness, emotional needs, assertiveness, and others. This information may be helpful in better understanding the personality structure of latency-age children. The findings from the present study provide valuable insights into the personality development of 7- to 12-year-old Russian children. These results can be used to develop educational and therapeutic

strategies which are sensitive to children’s age, gender, and culture. Future research may explore how children’ social environment affect the development of particular personality traits and needs. Additional research may also study the association between the behavioral characteristics of children and their personality organization as measured by the FTT. REFERENCES Althausen, L. (1996). Russian families. In M. McGoldrick, J. Giordano, & J. K. Pearce (Eds.), Ethnicity and family therapy (pp. 680–687). New York: The Guilford Press. Balachova, T. N., Levy, S., Isutina, G., & Wasserman, L. J. (2002). Medical psychology in Russia. Journal of Clinical Psychology in Medical Settings, 8 (1), 61–68. Benedict, R. (1979). Child rearing in eastern European countries. In R. Hunt (Ed.), Personalities and cultures: Readings in psychological anthropology (pp. 340–351). Austin and London: University of Texas Press. Block, J. H. (1972). Conception of sex-roles: Some crosscultural and longitudinal perspectives. American Psychologist, 28, 512–526. Boss, P. G., & Gurko, T. A. (1994). The relationships of men and women in marriage. In J. Maddock, M. Hogan, A. Antonov, & M. Matskovsky (Eds.), Families before and after perestroika: Russian and U.S. perspectives (pp. 36–75). New York: Guilford Press. Bronfenbrenner, U. (1970). Two worlds of childhood: U.S. and U.S.S.R. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Buckley, M. (1992). Perestroika and Soviet women . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Butler, A. C., & Kuraeva, L. G. (2001). Russian family policy in transition: Implication for families and professionals. Social Service Review, 75 (2), 195–225. Butovskaya, M. L., Artemova, O. J., & Arsenina, O. I. (1998). [Gender stereotypes in children from central Russia]. Ethnographic Review, 1, 104–120. Carlson, P. (2001). Risk behaviours and self rated health in Russia 1998. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 55, 806–817. Coulacoglou, C. (2003). [The projective Fairy Tale Test ]. Moscow: Cogito Centre. Elliot, A. J., Chirkov, V. I., Kim, Y., & Sheldon, K. M. (2001). A cross-cultural analysis of avoidance (relative to approach) personal goals. Psychological Science, 12 (6),

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia 505–510. Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society . New York: Norton. Freud, A. (1958). Child observation and prediction of development. W., 5, 102–135. Freud, A. (1968). Aggression in relation to emotional development: Normal and pathological. In The writings of Anna Freud (Vol. 4, pp. 489–497). New York: International University Press. (Original work published 1949.) Freud, S. (1959). Inhibitions, symptoms and anxiety. In J. Strachey (Ed. & Trans.), The standard edition of the complete psychological works of Sigmund Freud (Vol. 20, pp. 77–178). London: Hogarth Press. (Original work published 1926.) Furman, E. (1991). Early latency: Normal and pathological aspects. In S. I. Greenspan & G. H. Goodwin, R., & Emelyanova, T. (1995). The perestroika of the family? Gender and occupational differences in family values in modern-day Russia. Sex Roles, 32, 337–351. Gutkina, N. I. (1987). [Assessment and remediation of readiness to school]. In I.V.Dubrovina (Ed.), [Assessment and remediation in school psychologist’s work ]. (pp. 25–68). Moscow: Pedagogica. Halstead, J. M. (1994). Moral and spiritual education in Russia. Cambridge Journal of Education, 24 (3), 423–439. Hammen, C., & Rudolph, K. D. (1996). Childhood depression. In E. J. Mash & R. A. Barkley (Eds.), Child psychopathology (pp. 153–195). New York: Guilford Press. Harvey, V. S., & Retter, K. (2002). Variations by gender between children and adolescents on the four basic psychological needs. International Journal of Reality Therapy, 21(2), 33–36. Hogan, R., & Emler, N. P. (1981). Retributive justice. In. M. L. Lerner & S. C. Lerner (Eds.), The justice motive in social behavior (pp. 125–143). New York: Plenum Press. Hollis, C. (2002). Schizophrenia and allied disorders. In M. Rutter & E. Taylor (Eds.), Child and adolescent psychiatry (pp. 612–635), 4th edition. Oxford: Blackwell Science. Inkeles, A., Hanfmann, E., & Beier, H. (1979). Modal personality and adjustment to the Soviet socio-political system. In R. Hunt (Ed.), Personalities and cultures: Readings in psychological anthropology (pp. 312–339). Austin and London: University of Texas Press. Jose, P., D’Anna, C. A., Cafasso, L .L., Bryant, F. B., Chiker, V., Gein, N., et al. (1998). Stress and coping

217

among Russian and American early adolescents. Developmental Psychology, 34 (4), 757–769. Landis, D., & Bhagat, R. S. (Eds.), Handbook of intercultural training (pp. 366–382). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Lychko, A. (1999). [Types of accentuations and psychopathology of character in adolescents ]. Moscow: Eksmo-Press. Mahler, M. S. (1967). On human symbiosis and the vicissitudes of individuation. Journal of American Psychoanalytic Association, 15, 740–763. Malykh, S. B., Barsky, P. I., Kutuzova, D. A., & Malykhin, P. A. (2005). School psychological services in Moscow: Current status and perspectives for development. School Psychology International, 26 (3), 259–274. Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98 (2), 224–253. Monee Project (1999). After the fall: The human impact of ten years of transition . Florence: Unicef. Parrott, G. W. (1991). The emotional experiences of envy and jealousy. In P. Salovey (Ed.), The psychology of jealousy and envy (pp. 3–30). New York: The Guilford Press. Piaget, J. (1950). The psychology of intelligence . New York: International Universities Press. Piaget, J. (1966). The moral judgment of the child . New York: Free Press. Pollock (Eds.). The course of life: Vol. III middle and late childhood (pp. 161–203). Madison, CT: International Universities Press. Prihogan, A. M. (2000). [Anxiety in children and adolescents: Psychological causes and age dynamic ]. Moscow-Voronezh: NPO “Modek.” Rancour-Laferriere, D. (1999). Russians react to the idea of Russian masochism. The Journal of Psychohistory, 27 (1), 59–66. Rimashevskaya, N. M. (2004). The situation of Russian children and the quality of the human potential in Russia. Russian Education and Society, 46 (4), 6–20. Ritsher, J. E. B. (1997). Redefining Russian clinical psychology. Journal of Russian and East European Psychology, 35 (5), 6–12. Rubinsky, E. M. (1996). [ Childhood in Russia: Reality and problems ]. Moscow: Russian Research Institute of Childhood of Russian Children Foundation. Schroth, M. L.. (1979). The relationship between motives on the Children’s Apperception Test. The Journal of Genetic Psychology, 134, 219–224. Smith, H. (1985). The Russians . New York: Random

218


House. Spivakovskaya, A. S. (1988). [ Prophylactic of children’s neuroses ]. Moscow: Pedagogica. Stephan, W. G., & Abalakina-Paap, M. (1996). Russian and the West: Intercultural relations. In Tyson, P., & Tyson, R. L. (1990). Psychoanalytic theories of development: An integration . New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Valsiner, J. (1988). Developmental psychology in the Soviet Union . Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press. Varga, A. (2003). Family therapy and family life cycle in Russia. In K. S. Ng (Ed.), Global perspectives in family therapy (pp. 105–114). New York and Hove: BrunnerRoutledge. Vasilyeva, N. (2000). Psychoanalysis in Russia: The past, the present, and the future. American Imago, 57 (1), 5–24. Volkov, V., & Denenberg, J. (2005). Wealth and poverty in

modern Russia . Retrieved March 27, 2005, from http://wsws.org. Wierzbicka, A. (1992). Semantics, culture, and cognition: Universal human concepts in culture-specific configurations . New York: Oxford University Press. Wierzbicka, A. (2003). Russian cultural scripts: The theory of cultural scripts and its applications. Ethos, 30 (4), 401–432. Zajda, J. (1980). Education in the USSR . Oxford: Pergamon Press. Zakharov , A. I. (1988). [ Neuroses in children and adolescents ]. Leningrad: Medicina. Zorkaia, N. & Diuk, N. (2005). The values and attitudes of Russia’s young people. Russian Education and Society, 47 (6), 6–33. Zorkaia, N. (2004). Problems of everyday life in the family: “Poverty” as the focus of perception of everyday problems. Russian Education and Society, 46 (11), 29–56.

Chapter 10 THE APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN CHINA YUHUI LI AND JIANXIN ZHANG lowed the footsteps of Western psychology. The predominant thinking favored experimental approaches and gradually adopted Western theories The Historical Evolution of behaviorism, psychoanalysis, and Gestalt psyof Psychology in China chology. During that time psychology was slow to lthough modern psychology was brought to develop and expand, mainly because of the China from the West only in the late nine- sociopolitical situation. teenth century, both the study and discussion of It was only in the early twentieth century that psychological issues have a long history in ancient psychology diverged from philosophy and acquired China. These were contained in diverse philosoph- status as an independent science. Chinese scholars ical, political, military, and other forms of literature studying abroad played a significant role in laying and were also expressed through various practices the foundation for the development of modern in education, medicine, and human resource man- Chinese psychology, with the establishment of the agement. Psychological Association of China (PAC) in There is evidence of early psychological thought Nanjing, and in 1922 the publication of the first in the writings of the ancient Chinese philosophers, Chinese psychological journal, Psyche . China’s such as Confucius (551–479 B.C.), whose writings Central Research Academy founded the first exerted a profound influence on the development Institute of Psychology in 1929, followed by the creof China’s cultural history. Confucian thinking ation of fifteen psychology departments and seven emphasizes the importance of the human nature, psychological journals in the 1930s. education, human development, and interpersonal Following the foundation of the People’s relationships. Other Chinese philosophies such as Republic in 1949, Chinese psychology was reestabTaoism and Zen Buddhism were also significantly lished under the auspices of the Communist party. influential. Taoist thinking suggests that nature The new psychology science adopted the basic keeps a proper balance in all its workings: If any principles of Marx, Lenin, and Mao. activity moves to an extreme in one direction, soonIn the late 1970s, Chinese economic reform er or later a change occurs to swing it back towards launched an open-door policy to the world, and the the opposite. country reestablished psychology as a scientific disModern Chinese psychology came into existence cipline. Both the Chinese Psychological Society around the mid-nineteenth century, when Western (CPS) and the Institute of Psychology resumed their psychology and other influences were first dissemi- academic activities. The research and application of nated there, as a branch of philosophy. From the psychology began to be carried out all over China, 1920s through the 1940s, Chinese psychology fol- and international exchanges in this field gradually INTRODUCTION

A

219

220


increased. Presently, in addition to the Institute of Psychology at the Chinese Academy of Science in Beijing, there are three other psychology institutes and six psychological departments within Chinese universities. In the field of experimental psychology, the Chinese language, with its ideographic characters, has become a particularly appealing subject for research. In developmental psychology, Chinese scholars have published widely on concept development, language development, personal and moral development, gifted children, and slow learners. Since the implementation of the national family planning and birth control program in the mid1980s, the single-child policy has been an appealing topic for psychological study (H. Chen, 1985; Jing, 1995). Finally, medical and clinical psychology not only introduced Western psychotherapeutic models, but also demonstrated the effectiveness of some traditional Chinese treatments (e.g., acupuncture) and therapies (e.g., qigong and tai chi). Z. Wang (1993) comments that the majority of recent psychological research in China has been closely linked with economic and social reforms, technological developments, and applications of psychology, such as the design of Chinese-language computers and the effects of the aforementioned single-child policy. Yue (1994), on the other hand, reflects on the need for Chinese psychologists to strengthen their theoretical roots and bind their work closely to life in China. In that sense, Chinese psychologists have reached a consensus on building psychology with Chinese characteristics (P. Chen, 1993). Bond (1996) notes that Chinese society is still shaped by Confucian values, such as filial piety and industriousness, the “saving of face,” and networks of personal relationships. According to Higgins and Zheng (2002), the field of psychology in China has not yet fully developed. Its development relies, to a large extent, on social factors and government policies. Despite the contribution of Western psychology, the study of the mental phenomena and behavior of the Chinese people must take into account China’s ancient psychological heritage and culture.

History of Psychological Assessment in China Mental testing has been the most important contribution of Chinese culture to the field of psychology (Higgins & Zheng, 2002). The roots of psychological testing extend back roughly three thousand years to the concepts and practices of ancient China (Anastasi, 1988). Various methods were developed to evaluate talent and behavior, identify intelligence by response speed, elicit personality across situations, and measure mental attributes through interviews (C. D. Lin, 1980). Chinese emperors originally used these methods to assess their officials’ competency. By the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–A.D. 220) the use of test batteries was quite common in the civil service examination system (Zhang, 1988). Tests had been quite well developed by the Ming Dynasty (A.D. 1368–1644), when a national multistage testing program, involving local and regional testing centers, was also established. The modern scientific psychometric approach was introduced into China in the first decade of the twentieth century, shortly after the first standardized psychological test (Binet-Simon Intelligence Test). In 1924, Lu Zhiwei published The Revised Manual of the Binet-Simon Intelligence Scale, and he revised it again in 1936 with the help of Wu Tianmin (Zheng, 1985). In the following decades, scholars translated many other psychological and educational tests into Chinese, such as the Merrill-Palmer Scale in 1936 and the Draw-a-Man test in 1938 (as cited in Gao, Yan, & Yang, 1985). Testing became even more popular in China in the 1930s, with the founding of the Society for Psychological Testing in 1931 and the publication of a periodical entitled Testing . However, psychological assessment, based on the notion of individual differences, was considered “the most anti-socialist branch of psychology” by the Chinese society and was totally abandoned during the years of the Cultural Revolution, around the end of the 1960s (Zhang, 1988). Since the 1980s, several tests were revised, including the Stanford Binnet (Wu, 1982), the

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China

Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC; Lin & Zhang, 1986), the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale (WAIS; Gong, 1983), the Wechsler Preschool and Primary Scale of Intelligence (WPPSI; Zhu, Lu, & Tang, 1984), and the Raven’s Standardized Progressive Matrices (RSPM; Zhang, 1989). In the field of personality assessment, revisions were made to the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI; National MMPI Coordinating Group, 1982), the Eysenk Personality Questionnaire (EPQ; Gong, 1984), the California Personality Inventory (CPI; Dai & Zhu, 1988), and the 16 Personality Factors Questionnaire (16PF; Dai & Zhu, 1988). The use of projective tests, especially with adult patients, is limited in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). Due to relative unpopularity of psychoanalytic theories, Chinese psychologists named none of the projective tests in a survey of the 25 most frequently used psychological tests (X. Dai, Zheng, Ryan, & Paolo, 1993). Moreover, the challenge of obtaining the specialized training required for evaluating and interpreting this category of tests contributes to their limited use. Nevertheless, clinical psychologists in Hong Kong frequently use pro jective tests with children, such as the House-TreePerson and the Make-a-Picture Story Test, since there are only a few objective personality tests available. The Rorschach Inkblot Test was one of the first personality assessment tools studied in China. In the early day of clinical psychology, cross-cultural application of projective techniques was facilitated by the nonverbal nature of these tools and the simplicity with which they can be administered. A normative study of Rorschach responses (N=347) was conducted in Taiwan among the Chinese adults representative of the general Chinese population in terms of gender, age, education, and occupation (Yang, Chen, & Hsu, 1965; Yang, Su, Hsu & Hwang, 1962; Yang, Tsai & Hwang, 1963; Yang, Tzuo, & Wu, 1963). The ten most popular responses collected from this sample were found to be “universally popular” in a series of other cross-cultural studies (Yang, Tzuo, & Wu, 1963). However, the P (popular) response of the turtle in card VI was

221

unique to the Chinese sample and was not observed in other cultural groups. In addition, relative to other cultures, texture responses were scarce among Chinese adults. Other differences between the Chinese sample and different cultural groups include the total number of responses to the test (lower than that reported for normal American adults), the reaction time prior to the first responses, and the average time for giving a response (again, longer than for American adults) (Yang, Tsai, & Hwang, 1963). Finally, scoring systems for the evaluation of psychiatric patients were developed based on small samples of paranoid schizophrenic and other psychotic patients in Taiwan (Ko & Yu, 1966; Yen, 1965; Yen, 1983).

Recent Developments in Psychological Assessment in China Recent work on the adaptation of personality assessment tools in Chinese culture has raised concerns of their cross-cultural significance and validity. A basic disadvantage in the process of such adaptations is the frequent omission of emic constructs that are significant within the Chinese culture. Cheung et al. (1996) stress the importance of including the major culture-specific domains in the construction of an assessment instrument, even more so when a tool aims to address a distinct culture, rather than to investigate cultural universals. Construct validity of these tools is crucial in determining what constitutes Chinese intelligence, personality, or psychopathology, not only in terms of their assessment, but also in terms of their theoretical conceptualization. The indigenization movement in Chinese psychology began in Taiwan in the 1970s. Yang (1996) pioneered the movement with a focus on important personality constructs in Chinese societies, including tradition, modernity, and social orientation. Yang and his colleagues developed a number of scales to measure these indigenous social constructs and studied changes in the personalities of Chinese people under societal modernization. Ko’s Mental

222


Health Questionnaire (KMHQ; Ko, 1978; Ko, 1981)—a Chinese adaptation of the MMPI—was Taiwan’s first attempt to develop a multidimensional personality instrument for clinical assessment in the Chinese cultural context. One of the few examples of indigenous measures that has received international attention is the Chinese Personality Assessment Inventory (CPAI; Cheung et al., 1996). The CPAI consists of personality scales that overlap those covered by Western instruments (etic scales) as well as those that are particularly relevant to Chinese culture (emic scales). The scales of the CPAI-2 include: • Personality Scales - Social Potency - Dependability - Accommodation - Interpersonal Relatedness • Clinical Scales - Emotional Problem - Behavioral Problem • Validity Scales The development of the CPAI represents a significant attempt to expand cross-cultural personality assessment beyond that of test translation and adaptation. Chinese psychologists are currently studying different groups, in clinical and other applied settings, to validate the inventory in full along with all its subscales. Instead of merely applying Western advances in the field of personality assessment, this inventory seeks to develop crosscultural assessment approaches within a culturally relevant framework.

Psychological Assessment of Chinese Children Most children’s psychological tests in mainland China use the Simplified Chinese Character Version of Concise Individual Intelligence Scale (CIIS-SC) and the Generalizing Ability in Classification (GAC, Jin, Feng, & Chen, 2006; Cai & Zhou, 1998) to evaluate and assess intelligence. In

comparison with the wealth of studies on children’s intellectual performance, there are only a few studies that investigate children’s personalities. These studies focus mainly on clinical populations (children who have personality disorders or come from troubled families) and thus cannot be generalized at the population level (Li & Kong, 1997). Furthermore, the majority of studies concerning psychological assessment of children employs behavior scales for parents and teachers and, less frequently, interviews and observations as well. Leung and Wong (2003) review the major psychological instruments used in China for children’s psychological assessment. The most well-known instruments are used for the assessment and evaluation of psychopathology: the Child Behavior Check List (CBCL) with Parents as Informers and its two parallel versions, the Teachers Report Form (RTF) and the Youth Self Report (YSR); the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory—Adolescent (MMPI-A); the Conners Parent Rating Scale (CPRS) and the Conners Teachers Rating Scales (CTRS), used mainly to measure Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD); and the Fear Survey Schedule for Children—Revised (FSSC-R; Leung & Wong, 2003). Personality assessment studies using projective techniques in this field are scarce (Zhong & Jing, 2005). Only a few clinical psychologists in Hong Kong have used in their practice projective tests such as the House-TreePerson and the Make-a-Picture Story Test with children (Dai et al., 1993). It seems that Chinese psychologists tend to be reluctant on either bringing western projective tests in or creating their own. In addition, the Chinese culture is not particularly encouraging of people openly and freely expressing their thoughts or emotions. Children learn from an early age to avoid talking with strangers and to be reserved. Within such a sociocultural setting, objective psychological tests seem somewhat ineffective when used with young children. Based on these considerations, the nature and structure of the Fairy Tale Test made it potentially ideal for children personality assessment in China.


223

gies is crucial to their socialization. Accordingly, Chinese culture promotes interdeCulture and Socialization pendence among people, especially among family The central philosophy of China’s “great tradi- members (Chao, 1995). The existence of an individtion” is Confucianism, the humanist philosophy ual within Chinese culture is realized through relatcentered on ren (the fundamental quality of being ing to one’s significant others and is defined by one’s human, or benevolence), yi (righteousness), and li social responsibilities. Social rules regulate and mon(ritual propriety). According to Confucianism, an itor this interdependent, relational self and define all ideal, highly ordered, and harmonious society relies interpersonal contexts. Moreover, Chinese society on a virtuous ruler, who establishes ritual order, and highly values humility and self-criticism and deems on the individual, who cultivates him- or herself to that these should motivate the individual to better reach the highest spiritual plane ( tianren heyi: the serve the collective (Q. Wang, 2004). According to the Confucian doctrine of filial unity of heaven and man) and become a sage or a piety, children must pledge obedience and respect perfectly realized human (Hwang, 1988; Hwang, 1992; Liou, 1992; Mou, 1985). Self-cultivation, in to parents, who in turn are responsible for “governthis context, refers to a process of self-realization ing” (teaching and disciplining) their children (Ho, through which the individual must actualize both an 1986). The term filial piety carries a set of intrinsic ethical and innate sense of moral self and control. rules that guide children with regards to behavior Confucianism’s highest form of achievement con- towards their parents, living or dead, and ancestors. The Confucian tradition has had a clear impact sists of attaining or establishing virtue ( lide ). This Confucian “great tradition” tends to be ide- on child socialization. While Western cultures teach alized by members of the upper classes, whereas the children to value independence and individualism, “little tradition”—ordinary Chinese customs, habits, Chinese society emphasizes a broader social ideas, and values—represents the aspirations of aver- responsibility as well as socially desirable and culage Chinese people; it is also described as the “tra- turally approved behaviors such that promote social ditional Chinese popular culture” ( Johnson, harmony. Today the state of the Chinese family is Nathan, & Rawski, 1985). These “ordinary” somewhat fluid, ranging from the traditional and achievement values include wealth, official rank conjugal to the relatively isolated nuclear, although and respect, longevity, perpetuation of the family increasingly the latter is becoming the norm. Compared to Western parents, Chinese parents line, integrity, and ethics. Among those, integrity are less likely to use inductive reasoning; they tend and ethics are moral achievements that indicate a high degree of self-cultivation, a noble character to endorse restrictive and authoritarian disciplinary and disposition, as well as moral conscience. The practices and emphasize obedience (Chao, 1994). ultimate concerns and values for most Chinese peo- Chinese parents are not accustomed to being effecple include issues of economy, reputation, biology, tively involved in their children’s upbringing. Early parent-child interactions serve important but culand morality (A. Yu, 1994). China is a collectivist culture whereby the inter- ture-specific functions in the formation of the self. ests of the individual are regarded as subordinate to By operating within a parent-centered, self-critical those of the group. Therefore, children’s socializa- framework, Chinese parents encourage their chiltion aims to help them develop behaviors that pro- dren’s compliance with authority, appropriate conmote the harmony and the welfare of the group or duct, humility, and a sense of belonging (Wang, society. During this process, adults can often neglect 2004). A series of studies investigated parental Chinese or underestimate children’s individual needs or feelings. Helping children to understand collectivist attitudes and child socialization in Shanghai, norms and values and learn group-oriented ideolo- Taiwan, Bangkok, Singapore, Honolulu, and Los

224


Angeles between 1991 and 1993 (Wu, 1996). Research methods included videotaping the daily routines of children from selected families, reflexive ethnography on three central issues using interviews of parents of 5-year-old children, and a survey in the form of a questionnaire. This survey studied parental attitudes towards child-rearing practices and discipline in 600 households in Shanghai (mainland China). When asked, “What is a good child?” the parents most commonly responded that “A child should have good moral character, be intelligent, obedient, and have good health and good personality (lively, active, autonomous, persevering, confident and brave).” When asked, “What is an ideal parent?” parents most often responded, “One who is responsible about his child receiving a good education, conscientious about his child’s school achievements, able to coach his child at home, and responsible in disciplining the child.” The second most common response included elements such as: “One who sets a good behavioral model for the child.” The third most common response was: “One who looks after his family’s needs and keeps its members in harmony.” When asked about the goal of child training in the family, the most frequent responses were: (a) to carry out moral education for the children especially by teaching honesty and bravery; (b) to coach the child to become knowledgeable and intelligent; (c) to enrich the child’s good personality or character; and (d) to compliment and support the school by ensuring that the child does his or her homework. In terms of discipline, mothers tend to be more severe in their treatment of sons than fathers are. This behavior follows traditional thinking that a severe father should not hesitate to use the “rod” to produce a filial son ( xiaozi ) (Ho, 1974). In Taiwan and Hong Kong, it appears that mothers adopt a more active and decisive role in disciplining their children, due to the gradual increase there in nuclear families (Ho & Kang, 1984). New values have emerged with the arrival of a generation of parents of only a single child. For instance, parents of a child of either gender now oppose the idea that when they discipline a child,

the child must simply obey and not talk back to them. This emerging tolerance, lenience, and indulgence seem to be the result of rearing a single child who is more demanding, domineering, and defiant. Ho (1993, 1994) argues that authoritarian moralism is a central characteristic of the Chinese pattern of socialization guided by filial piety. Moralism puts an overriding emphasis on the development of moral characteristics through education. It predisposes parents to be morally rather than psychologically oriented. Children are expected to grow up and have impulse control, behave properly, and fulfill their obligations—above all, their filial obligations. Ho (1987) remarks that filial piety is gradually declining and that the Chinese father-son relationship is often characterized by emotional detachment, which is the outcome of an absolute parental authority. Chinese parental figures consider engaging in intimate communication and direct affective expressions to be inappropriate practices that can undermine their control and authority (X. Chen, Wu, Chen, Wang, & Cen, 2001). This notion is consistent with Confucian philosophy. Research demonstrates that, compared to Western parents, Chinese parents appear less responsive and affectionate with their children (X. Chen et al., 1998). Researchers have offered different views regarding the relationship between parental guidance, power assertion, and the behavior of children in Chinese culture. Because of the emphasis on parental authority, restrictive and controlling parenting does not lead to defiance in Chinese children. In summary, research has consistently shown that Chinese parents differ from their Western counterparts in the level of affective expression, guidance, and power assertion (X. Chen et al., 1998; C. Y. C. Lin & Fu, 1990). METHOD

Participants The Chinese sample consists of 500 children (out

225

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China TABLE 10.1. DEMOGRAPHIC DETAILS OF THE CHINESE SAMPLE Region

N

Age Group

N

Gender

N

Shenzen

171

6–7 years

99

Boys

235

Han Dan

159

8–9 years

206

Girls

265

Beijing

109

10–12 years

194

Dongying

56

of a normative sample of 814). All children who participated were familiar with the tales of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH) and Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs (SW). The sample represents an analysis of 235 boys and 265 girls. Three age groups were formed: 6–7, 8–9, and 10–12 years. Children were selected from four cities in northern, central, and southern areas of China: Beijing, Shenzen, Han Dan, and Dongying (see Table 10.1). Beijing, located in the north, is the capital city of China, the largest economic and political center of the country. The children who participated in this study were recruited from two primary schools: Zhongguancun Primary School and Beijing Jiujianfang Primary School. Children enrolled in the first school come from families of local residents, while children in the second school mostly belong to families in which parents come from the countryside around Beijing and temporally work in the city. Shenzhen is an economically developed city neighboring Hong Kong and located in southern part of China. Handan is a median size city in middle part of China, with a long history and economically developmental level just at national average, while Dongying is a small size city with petroleum industry in Shandong Province, located in eastern part of China, developed economically at national average level. However, in this present study, the four selected

cities (namely, Zhongguancun, Jiujianfang, Han Dan and Dongying) can be compared with each other and the average of national development level. Economically speaking, Beijing rank the highest, and Han Dan lowest among the four cities. Detailed demographic information of the sample is presented in Table 10.1.

Procedure The children were assessed individually in a quiet place at school during school hours.

Material The FTT was employed as a measure to collect data. RESULTS Factor analysis was applied to the twenty-nine personality variables. Principle component analysis was followed by varimax rotation. First-order analysis led to the formation of twelve factors that comprised 58 percent of the total variance (see Table 10.2). Second-order factor analysis led to the formation of a five-factor model comprising 50 percent of the total variance (see Table 10.3).

226

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 10.2. FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Hostile Aggression

Bizarres

-0.621

Aggression type A

-0.553

Adaptation to Fairy Tale content

-0.691

Poor Mother Image and Depression

Depression

-0.650

Need for affection

-0.456

Anxiety

-0.406


-0.402

Assertiveness

Aggression dominance

-0.806


-0.654

Sense of property

-0.603

Insecurity

Need for protection

-0.739

Aggression as defense

-0.692

Envy and Approbation Needs

Need for approval

-0.683

Ambivalence

-0.600

Aggression as envy

-0.538

Primitive Aggression vs. Fearfulness

Oral aggression

-0.727

Fear of aggression

-0.601

Instrumental Aggression

Instrumental aggression

-0.767


-0.734

Continued

227

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China TABLE 10.2—Continued. FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Helpfulness and Sociability

Desire to help

-0.682


-0.523

Self-Sufficiency

Sense of privacy

-0.727

Self-esteem

-0.498


-0.441

Moral Consciousness

Morality

-0.707

Oral needs

-0.462

Retaliatory Aggression


-0.792

Repetitions

-0.534

Father Image


-0.835

Oral needs

-0.462

Discussion of First-Order Factor Analysis Hostile Aggression The factor of hostile aggression consists of the variables bizarres, aggression type A, and adaptation to Fairy Tale content. It appears that the variable of hostile aggression affects the extent of the child’s reality testing and stimulates fantasy. According to Dodge (1991), hostile and instru-

mental aggression correspond to sub-categories of proactive aggression. Proactive aggression, in contrast to reactive aggression, occurs in the absence of any provocation and is coercive in nature. Hostile aggression is internally motivated and often associated with hatred and pleasure. Instrumental aggression, on the other hand, aims at some form of reward or object acquisition. A study by X. Chen, Gen, Li, & He (2005), done in three cohorts (1990, 1998, and 2002), examined the relationship between social functioning and adjustment in elementary school children and indicated that aggressive-disruptive children are likely to express their

228

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 10.3. SECOND-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Instrumental Aggression and Guilt

Instrumental aggression (Instrumental Aggression, Desire for Material Things)

-0.741

Moral consciousness (Morality, Oral Needs)

-0.670

Helpfulness and Sociability as Coping Strategies against Negative Emotions

Poor mother image and depression (Need for Affection, Anxiety, Depression, Relationship with the Mother)

-0.674

Hostile aggression (Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content, Bizarres, Aggression type A)

-0.488

Helpfulness and sociability (Desire to Help, Need for Affiliation)

-0.543

Insecurity (Need for Protection, Aggression as Defense)

-0.396

Father Image as Regulator of Self-Concept and Aggressive Tendencies

Father image (Relationship with Father)

-0.588

Envy and approbation needs (Need for Approval, Ambivalence, Aggression as Envy)

-0.439

Primitive aggression vs. fearfulness (Oral Aggression, Fear of Aggression)

-0.692

Self-Confidence and Achievement Motivation

Self sufficiency (Sense of Privacy, Self-Esteem, Sexual Preoccupation)

-0.725

Assertiveness (Desire for Superiority, Aggression Dominance, Sense of Property)

-0.550

Reactive Aggression vs. Social Approbation

Envy and approbation needs (Need for Approval, Ambivalence, Aggression as Envy)

-0.427

Assertiveness (Desire for Superiority, Aggression Dominance, Sense of Property)

-0.372

Retaliatory aggression (Aggression as Retaliation, Repetition)

-0.800

anger and frustration in an explosive manner. In the FTT, the target of hostile aggression is often the destruction of the environment. The following examples illustrate bizarre hostile aggression responses: What can a wicked giant do?: He can pick

some flowers to smell. If they are more fragrant than him, he will tear them into pieces

and then desert them. Giant (Card 3): He wants to beat someone

and beats flowers, grass, and trees.

The two defense mechanisms associated with this factor are reaction formation ( p < 0.001) and pro jection ( p < 0.001). The following example reflects


the mechanism of reaction formation:

229

low self-esteem, depression has been conceptualized as an internalizing problem (Achenbach & Giant (Card 3): He wants to destroy things, Edlbrock, 1981). Studies reveal that Chinese chilhouses, put trees in a mess, dren tend to feel more depressed than American make holes in the ground, children (Crystal et al., 1994). Chen, Rubin, and Li and break glass. He is violent. (1995a) studied depression in elementary school children in China and identified three potential facGiant (Card 2): He wants to build and install tors for childhood depression: maternal rejection, the damaged things; he wants marital conflict, and family income. They found to help humans. that depressed mood, as an indicator of psychological maladjustment, is associated with social incomThe response to Card 2 illustrates reaction for- petence and externalizing problems. Child depresmation against the desire for destruction, expressed sion is also associated with social difficulties in in response to Card 3. school and peer rejection. The following example illustrates the mechanism FTT results demonstrate that depression is assoof projection: ciated with a negative mother-child relationship. Depressive responses of Chinese children are What can a wicked giant do?: If he is paid expressed as feelings of loneliness or abandonment with a high salary, he can and depressive thoughts in connection with illness, help other giants commit old age, or death. Typically, Chinese depressive crimes. responses in children tend to report that someone “is not happy” instead of saying that he or she “is In this example, the child projects onto others sad.” the desire to commit crimes. It appears that younger children are more likely Data analysis reveals that hostile aggression is to perceive their maternal relationships as problemsignificantly higher in the youngest age group (6 to atic and negative, resulting in, greater feelings of 7 years, p < 0.008) and is also significantly higher in anxiety and depression. No sex differences were Beijing ( p < 0.01). It is assumed that younger chil- found in this factor. dren face significantly more pressure from both Children in Beijing have been found to have a their parents and teachers since they are transfer- more problematic relationship with their mothers, ring from kindergarten to primary school. In addi- reflected in higher scores in anxiety and depression, tion, children in Beijing were recruited from two compared to children from the other Chinese cities primary schools, one of them with a majority of in this study. The following examples in response to children from immigrant families from the country- LRRH illustrate the association between the variside. These children’s parents are mainly blue-collar ables of relationship with the mother, anxiety, and workers or “servants” from a lower socioeconomic depression: status and thus may feel discriminated against. These feelings may generate higher levels of aggresWith which card would you like it to end? sions amongst them. (Card 2): This card shows the miserable condition of LRRH. Her mother never Poor Mother Image and Depression cares for her. She cries in her This factor consists of depression, need for affecdark room for a long time. tion, anxiety, and relation with the mother. Clustering with loneliness, social withdrawal, and (Card 3): Her mum tells a story to

230


LRRH. LRRH is very glad, she thinks that her mum is the only person who cares about her and takes good care of her in the world.

ration are pertinent features of the social and economic reforms in China. Assertiveness in children is a factor that seems to increase with age ( p < 0.02); older children are more assertive than those from the middle age group who, in turn, are more assertive than children in the youngest age group. In addition, boys appear to be significantly more assertive than girls ( p < 0.05).

Splitting of the mother is the defense mechanism associated with this factor (p < 0.01). This type of splitting is usually more common than the splitting of self, and it occurs as a defense against an authoritarian mother image. The following examples are Insecurity in reference to LRRH: Insecurity consists of need for protection and Card 1: LRRH’s father found a stepmother. aggression as defense. The need for protection and Her stepmother found she is beautiful the need to protect alternate among Chinese protoand always scolds her. cols. The need to seek help or protection is similar to what Murray (1938) defines as the need for succo- Card 2: Then her mom died, and no one cares rance, while the need to protect others is defined as for her. She is crying, hiding in a cave. nurturance . Ho (1987) notes that children whose She is quite wretched. mothers are insensitive and unresponsive to their emotions and feelings can develop negative selfCard 3: A warm-hearted man saved LRRH, concept and feelings of insecurity, loneliness, and and the man says, I will look after you depression. from now on. LRRH is very happy. This factor is culturally related, since aggression as defense usually does not correspond to selfdefense (the desire to avoid harm or attack), but Assertiveness rather it represents the defense of the weak and the Assertiveness consists of desire for superiority, good. Children tend to give such responses in reacaggression as dominance, and sense of property. tion to the witch or giant cards, whereby the aggresThis seemingly universal factor was also found in sor wants to harm the wicked persons to defend the Greece, India, and Turkey. A similar personal innocent or good people. dimension called social-oriented achievement motiThe following example reflects both a need for vation was found through analysis of the Thematic protection and aggression as defense: Apperception Test (TAT) data (E. Yu, 1974), as well as children’s stories (Blumenthal, 1977). De Vos Giant (Card 2): He makes a trap for the wolf. (1973) argues that dutiful service to one’s family and He is very happy because the clan constitute Chinese achievement goals. Yang wolf is trapped. The wolf and Yu (1988) assert that what typically motivates always attacks people. He Chinese individuals to achieve is the dynamic tenwants to protect the princess dency to reach an externally determined goal or so he must kill the wolves one standard of excellence in a socially approved fashby one, and the witches. ion. A study by X. Chen et al. (2005) of elementary In this example, the child identifies with the school children indicated that increased require- princess while she perceives the giant as her protecments for assertiveness, self-direction, and explo- tor against threat or harm.

231


Splitting is the one defense mechanism that is significantly correlated with this factor ( p < 0.002). The following example demonstrates the mechanism of splitting of the father through one child’s responses to the Giant cards: Giant (Card 1): SW is in danger, and he is

going to help her. (?) SW is beautiful. The witch is very wicked and she wants to kill SW.

Giant (Card 2): He is happy. He is the man of

the witch. He is going to kill SW.

Giant (Card 3): He wants to kill the witch

because she is very bad. In this example, the child identifies with SW. Furthermore, the child projects the negative side of the father onto Cards 1 and 2 and the positive side onto Card 3.

Envy and Approbation Needs The factor of envy and approbation needs consists of the desire for approval, ambivalence, and aggression as envy. It appears that envy among Chinese protocols propels them to seek the approval or admiration of others. The variable of aggression as envy commonly appears in the witch cards, whereby the child identifies with the witch. The main targets for aggression as envy are physical traits or happiness. The main motives that trigger feelings of envy are Oedipal feelings or sibling rivalry. The percentage of Oedipal feelings among Chinese protocols is relatively small (2%) compared to other cultures (e.g., 5% in Greece and in Turkey), and sibling rivalry is almost nonexistent since the large majority of Chinese children are only children. Thus, in this sample, feelings of envy combined with approval needs seem to be triggered by narcissistic needs and an inflated self. The singlefamily policy implemented in the 1980s has greatly

influenced parental behavior and parental practices, and many Chinese parents and educators are concerned that parents in single-child families are overindulging their children (Jiao, Ji, & Kong, 1986). This parental indulgence would increase a child’s confidence and inflate his or her ego. The following example reflects both a child’s need for approval and aggression as envy: What can a wicked witch do? She is very jeal-

ous. If someone is better than her, she will kill him in order to be praised and accepted. Dwarf (Card 3): He wants to do some scarifi-

cation and then to plant some trees and vegetables. He is a bit happy. Some people have praised him. He has done something for others and himself.

The variable of envy and approbation needs is significantly higher in the oldest age group (10 to 12-years, p < 0.02), and it appears increase with age. This factor is also significantly higher in protocols from the city of Han Dan ( p < 0.01). The defense mechanism associated with this factor is projection ( p < 0.013), as the following responses illustrate: Witch (Card 3): She is the queen’s minister.

She is serving the queen. She can use magic, too. She is thinking that SW is more beautiful than my master. I should change her into a stone, catch her, and dig her heart out.

Who is the most wicked witch, and why? (Card 3): She sends the min-

ister to murder SW. The child projects his aggressive desires onto the minister, who represents the witch and carries out

232


her evil plans.

Primitive Aggression versus Fearfulness Fearfulness Primitive aggression vs. fearfulness includes the variables of oral aggression and fear of aggression. Oral aggression is the most primitive form of aggression. Compared with other types of aggression, oral aggression appears to be more impulsive in nature, since fearfulness cannot restrain it, as the following example illustrates: Witch (Card 1): She wants to eat SW and uses

the stick to order the hunter to kill SW and to eat her. She is happy because eating SW makes one live for ever. The youngest age group (ages 6 to 7) scores significantly higher in this factor than do other age groups ( p Primitive aggression vs. fearfulfearful p < 0.05). Primitive ness appears to be lower among protocols from Dongying ( p p < 0.01). 0.01). This may be due to the the fact that the Province of Shandong (where this city belongs) is the birth place of Confucianism, and therefore people from this province are more respectf respectful ul towards towards values such such as courtesy courtesy and rituritual. Oral aggression is prohibited within educational values of Confucianism. Confucianism.

mental-proactive mental-proactive and hostile-proactive. hostile-proactive. Instrumental-proactive aggression is similar to covert antisocial behavior such as lying and stealing, and it is governed by reinforcement principles such as aggression for object acquisition. Hostile-proactive aggression, on the other hand, overvalues the outcome of aggression, while underestimating its impact on its victims; it involves domination or intimidation of another (e.g., bullying). The following example illustrates the relation between instrumental aggression and the desire for material things: Witch (Card 2): She can kill the princess and

her family, rob all the treasures, and become the richest and most beautiful woman in the world.

This factor appears to be significantly more common in the oldest age group (10 to 12 years, p < 0.00), as well as for boys in comparison to girls ( p p < 0.02).

Helpfulness and Sociability

This factor consists of the variables desire to help and need for affiliation. Chinese society, like other collectivist cultures, highly values and encourages pro-social attitudes and behaviors (Ho, 1986). According to Hsu (1985), the supreme Chinese Instrumental Aggression virtue, jen, implies a person’s ability to interact with The factor of instrumental aggression consists of others in a sincere, polite, and decent fashion. Thus, task of socialization is to help help children children the variables of instrumental aggression and desire a primary task for material things. Recently, researchers have learn how to control cooperative and pro-social attiemphasized the distinction between proactive and tudes and behaviors (X. Chen, 2000). For example, reactive aggression in childhood (Dodge, 1991, part of the school curriculum in China is moral eduDodge & Coie, 1987). While reactive aggression is a cation, in which students learn to cooperate and defensive response to a perceived threat, fear, or help one another within a group setting. The disprovocation, proactive aggression is an unpro- play of caring and concern for others as well as voked, offensive behavior intended to harm, domi- helping behavior are intended to lead to recogninate, or coerce. Proactive aggression is considered a tion, respect, and reciprocal assistance from peers. Helpfulness Helpfulness and sociability is significantly higher learned behavior controlled by external rewards. among children of the oldest age group (ages 10 to Dodge and Coie (1987) further distinguished years; p < 0.01), 0.01), and in the city of Han Han Dan ( p p < between two types of proactive aggression: instru- 12 years;

233


0.01). The defense mechanisms associated with this factor appear to be splitting ( p 0.001) and and reaction reaction p < 0.001) formation ( p p < 0.00 0.001). 1). Giant (Card 3): I will destr destroy oy the the country country.. I

will rule all the people. I am the king. I will kill anyone who defies me. Giant (Card 1): He is kind. He wants to make

is associated with self-esteem: self-esteem: Wolf (Card 2):

He is powerful, and he is posing. He sits on a brae, and there is a group of bitches down looking at him. He is showing himself. He thinks of himself as great. Many bitches court him, and he is delighted. He thinks he is better than others.

others to know, I am a good man. I can help you. I won’t destroy your country. Please Moral Consciousness don’t be frightened by me. He is delighted (?) and says I The factor of moral consciousness consists of the am your new friend. variables of morality and oral needs. Moral consciousness is one of the most frequently expressed These examples, from the same child, reflect personality variables in the FTT responses. splitting of the self, whereby the child projects her Chinese children appear to show greater preocnegative aspects onto Card 3 and her positive cupation with moral correctness than do American aspects onto Card 1 (the order of the cards corre- children. In a study using American and Chinese sponds to the order of the child’s responses). children’s narratives, where children were asked to At the opposite end of helpfulness helpfulness is selfishness. selfishness. finish an incomplete story, Chinese children made When selfishness appears in children’s responses it significantly more didactic statements concerning is commonly punished, as illustrated by the follow- social standards and moral rules, made more references to the story protagonist’s proper behavior and ing example: moral character, and devised more instances of Little Red Riding Hood: Whic Whichh one one woul wouldd reparation and correct future behavior (Q. Wang & you eat had you been the Leichtman, Leichtman, 2000). wolf? Why? There is a negative correlation between moral consciousness and oral needs. Oral needs may Car Card 2: She only cares about her own express either real oral deprivation or emotional safety and neglects her deprivation, and it appears that the stronger the granny’s happy life. child’s emotional needs, the lower her or his moral consciousness. In the FTT Chinese protocols, it is possible to Self-Sufficiency classify expressions of moral consciousness into This factor consists of the variables of sense of seven categories, based on the content of the privacy, self-esteem, and sexual preoccupation. It response (followed here by an example): appears that Chinese children enjoy times of social isolation in order to contemplate. Self-esteem is 1. Self-Improvement associated with confidence in one’s physical appearance (or sexual attractiveness), mental abilities, or Scenes from LRRH: Because the child corrects her bad habits and loves achievements. In the following example, sexual preoccupation studying again, she will be loved by her mom very much

234


when she is a grown-up.

do anything evil.

2. Rejection by Others

5. Good Manners

Witch (Card 2): She is thinking, If I do bad

Scenes from LRRH: LRRH made a big mis-

things again, others will not like me. Because the witch is fierce, others walk the other way to avoid meeting her.

take. Her mom abuses her and is very angry. ‘You do not respect the others so much, and you even killed the most adoring wolf in the forest, which could have helped us by eating the foxes that always do harm to us.

3. Preaching Scenes from SW: SW is next to her father; her

father is explaining the principles to be a person, tells her not to get a rise out of someone. She should help others when she meets them. She is very modest and listens to her father’s preaching. 4. Splitting Between Id and Superego (from the same child) Witch Witch (Car (Card d 1): She is jealous. She wants to

take revenge on the princess. The princess has a happy life, so she envies her very much.

Witch (Card 2): She is scolding the first one

because she envies the others, (?) because the second is the mother of the first. Although she (the second) is a witch, she is upright, and she wants her daughter to be a good person. She wants to make her daughter a kind person.

Witch (Card 3): She is the mother of the sec-

6. Self-Punishment Giant (Card 2): He looks left and right.

Something suddenly falls from above and smashes his leg. His leg is broken and needs stitches. He is angry and wants to avenge himself. He tries tries to destroy houses. houses.

7. Self-Criticism and Sense of Justice Scenes from LRRH: She finds something is lost

when she goes home. Her mother is angry. LRRH is not happy but she doesn’t dare blame her mother because it is her fault. When my mother is angry, she sometimes beats me and sometimes she doesn’t. I do not complain to my mother because it is my fault, but sometimes my mother may treat me unjustly.

The highest incidence of moral consciousness is ond. She is scolding the first in children children from the oldest age group (10 (10 to 12 12 one too. She is saying, Even years, p < 0.01). 0.01). This factor is also significantly significantly highthough my clothes are worn er among protocols from the city of Han Dan ( p < and I have to mend it by hand, poor as I am, I won’t

235


0.01).

ized by affectional distance, perhaps even tension and antagonism. In the FTT, the child commonly reflects his or Retaliatory Aggression her father relationship in responses to the Giant Retaliatory aggression includes the variables of cards or in the second card of the scenes from SW. aggression as retaliation and repetitions. Retaliation The following examples demonstrate a positive and is one of the most common motives for aggressive a negative relationship relationship with the father: father: reactions. The concept of punishment is entailed in Scenes from SW (Card 2): Papa is sitting. She thoughts on vengeance or vindictiveness, as in: asks papa for an article, a “You hurt me, so I’ll hurt you back.” Among happy thing, and gets a toy. toy. Chinese children, retaliatory aggression appears to She is happy because her be a reaction against feelings of rejection, as in the mouth is laughing. It seems following example: that papa buys it for her. She doesn’t need to ask him. Papa What can a wicked witch do?: She can kill knows what she likes. people. (?) No one cares for (Positive relationship) her. Retaliatory aggression is significantly higher among children from the younger age group (6 to 7 years, p < 0.01), 0.01), and occurs occurs significantly significantly more frefrequently in Beijing ( p Younger children may may p < 0.03). Younger have less self-control and thus be more direct in expressing their anger. Children from Beijing, on the other hand, may score higher in this factor because due to their privileged living area they may be less tolerant to situation where they feel that their status is under threat.

Scenes from SW (Card 2): Her dad beat SW.

Then SW will not obey to her father. father. (?) SW could leave the the palace and live with the Seven Dwarfs. Her father couldn’t couldn’t beat beat her her.. (Negat (Negative ive relationship)

Discussion of Second-Order Factor Analysis

Father Father Image

Instrumental Aggression and Guilt

The Father image consists of the variables of relationship with the father and oral needs. The father plays a significant role in the Chinese household and occupies a central position within the Chinese social context. According to Confucian principles, of which filial piety is the cornerstone, the father-son relationship is one of the five most influential relationships, along with those between ruler and the minister, husband and wife, elder and younger brothers, and two friends. According to Ho (1986), the paternal role is that of an educator-disciplinarian as well as a provider. It is the role of the mother to be more protective and nurturing. Father-child relations are character-

In Chinese children, as in India, instrumental aggression appears to stimulate feelings of guilt more than other types of aggression do. This association may be explained in relation to: (a) the underlying target of instrumental aggression: object acquisition; (b) an underlying urge or necessity for material goods, for which anxiety deprivation usually underlies instrumental aggression; (c) the motive motive of aggression, aggression, which which appears appears to be more conscious than in other forms of aggression; and (d) the action of material exploitation or stealing, which is socially and morally condemned. Findings suggest that aggressive children experience pervasive social and psychological difficulties

236


in China (X. Chen, Rubin, & Li, 1995b). Unlike children in North America, aggressive children in China are likely to form a negative self-image (Chen et al., 1995b). Due to the emphasis on harmony and interpersonal relationships or “other orientation,” Chinese children less frequently demonstrate aggressive expressions in daily life (Ho, 1986). This is consistent with the fact that in traditional Confucian and Taoist cultures, self-restraint and behavioral inhibition in interpersonal interaction are an index of accomplishment, mastery, and maturity (King & Bond, 1985). Data analysis reveals that instrumental aggression and guilt is significantly higher among children from the oldest age group (ages 10 to 12 years; p < 0.01) and among children from the city of Han Dan ( p p < 0.0 0.01). The defense mechanism of rationalization is associated with this factor ( p p < 0.005). The following example illustrates how a child constructs a rational justification for an unacceptable unacceptable action: What can a wicked giant do?: He will do do harm harm

to people, and kill the rare animals. (?) There are only rare animals in the forest, and there are short of common animals. animals. So the giant giant has to eat the rare animals.

Helpfulness and Sociability as Coping Strategies against Negative Emotions The ability to be affiliative and helpful constitutes a significant part of the Chinese child’s personality and way of life. First, it serves as a coping strategy in helping the child to deal with feelings of hostility and aggression; second, it helps the child to overcome feelings of anxiety and depression; and finally, it enables the child to feel strong and thus cope with his or her own feelings of weakness or insecurity. This factor is significantly higher among protocols of children from Han Dan ( p p < 0.0 0.01). In terms of defense mechanisms associated with

this factor, children seem to utilize splitting of self ( p p < 0.001), 0.001), reaction reaction format formation ion ( p p < 0.001), 0.001), and pro jection ( p p < 0.001). 0.001). All of these mecha mechanism nismss are almost exclusively employed against aggressive tendencies. The following example illustrates splitting of self; the child identifies with the giant and projects his negative emotions onto Card 1, while projecting the positive ones onto Card 2: Giant (Card 1): He wants to beat down all the

people on the ground (he wants to make himself the strongest).

Giant (Card 2): He wants to protect the peo-

ple on the earth and prevent the other two giants from hunting the humans on the earth. The child child in the following example identifies with the giant and employs reaction formation, expressing negative or unacceptable emotions in Card 1, and replacing them in Card 2 by their direct direct opposites. Giant Giant (Car (Card d 1): He will will absorb absorb all all peopl people’s e’s

strength and destroy the whole world. world. He He feels feels good good because he will become the strongest person soon. Giant (Card 2): He is a good man and he is

smiling. He wants to help people do good things: pave the meadow, build the buildings. He He is so tall and and strong, strong, and he does these things like building blocks. He feels good; because he helps others, others will praise him for being a good person. The following example illustrates the defense


mechanism of projection, whereby the child identifies with the giant and attributes the responsibility of his aggressive tendencies to the master. Giant (Card 3): His master asks him to kill his

personal enemy. He wants to do this work well; otherwise the master will punish him.

Father Father Image as Regulator of Self-Concept and Aggressive Tendencies These factors are strongly affiliated with the Chinese culture. It appears that the father’s role is quite ambiguous; on the one hand, the father makes the child feel ambivalent about his or her abilities and therefore the child seeks his constant approval. On the other hand, the father appears to play a significant role in appeasing his children’s aggressive tendencies, particularly particularly oral or envious aggression. According According to Ho (1987), (1987), Chinese fathers fathers usually focus their attention on their children’s academic achievement and social behavior. Children of sensitive and affectionate fathers tend to become more competent socially and academically than do their counterparts who have relatively cold and hostile parents. Paternal Paternal indulgence indulgence results from a lack of parental coordination in child rearing. Findings by X. Chen et al. al. (2001) (2001) indicate a significant sex sex difference regarding the relation between paternal power, assertion and aggressive behavior, which suggests that girls are more sensitive than boys to their father’s discipline. This factor is significantly higher among girls ( p < 0.04) as well as among among protocols of children children from the oldest age group (10 to 12 years; p < 0.01) 0.01) and those residing in the city of Dongying ( p 0.02).. p < 0.02)

Self-Confidence and Achievement Achievement Motivation Research has shown that the relationships between self-concept and an array of other variables in Chinese societies are similar to those identified in American samples. The general pattern is

237

that a positive self-concept is related to better psychological adjustment (Chang, 1982; Leung & Leung, 1992). According to Confucian thought, the role of the self is not to express or manifest itself (as it is in Western thought), but to develop the internal moral self, which aims to “conquer selfishness to restore mutual propriety.” Self-realization as a process of internal self-development is considered to be gradual and regimented (Tu, 1992). Whereas Western ideals emphasize an understanding of the self and how to master it, Confucianism stresses stresses the remaking and reforming of the moral self.

Reactive Aggression versus Social Approbation In comparison to Western, individualist cultures, China is a collectivist culture that emphasizes the individual’s conformity to societal and in-group roles, especially especially in social social institutio institutions ns such such as schools. The society highly values and encourages “effortful control” (Rothbart & Bates, 1998) of emotional impulses in Elementary school children’s. children’s. Collectivist cultures value group harmony and the individual’s interdependence with the group (Triandis, 1995). Furthermore, these cultures associate emotions emotions such such as anger anger and frustrati frustration on with assertiveness assertiveness and independence, independence, which which can be at odds with the maintenance of collectivist values such as interdependent social interactions and the avoidance of interpersonal conflict (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). This last factor of the second-order analysis seems to be increasingly more frequent as children age ( p p < 0.03) and is significantly significantly higher among among children from Beijing ( p p < 0.04) 0.04).. CONCLUSIONS The major characteristic of first-order analysis is the emergence of various types of aggression included in separate factors: assertiveness, hostile aggression, primitive aggression, envy, and retaliatory aggression. The present findings indicate that

238


aggression constitutes a significant aspect of the personality of the Chinese child. Another observation, which has also been made in other cultures, is the relationship between anxiety and depression, as well as the perceived relationship with the mother. Moreover, the factors of moral consciousness and helpfulness and sociability appear to constitute a universal personality dimensions of elementary school children. The factors emerging from the second-order factor analysis are more culture-specific, revealing the core structure of the Chinese child. These factors reveal coping strategies against aggressive impulses (such as sociability), the role of the father in regulating aggressive outbursts and the child’s selfimage, the significance children attribute to the opinion of the social group, and finally, the relationship between self-confidence and the need to achieve and actualize ambitions. Qualitative analysis of the data reveals the employment of several defense mechanisms, such as undoing, denial, projection, splitting, reaction formation, and rationalization. The majority of these defense mechanisms are utilized against aggression and feelings of anxiety. Generally, the mother figure in China appears to be quite strict and punitive. Splitting of mother is a defense mechanism employed against a conflicting perception of the mother image. Within the mechanism of splitting, splitting of the mother constitutes a larger percentage percentage than splitting of the self (55% vs.

36% respectively, among Chinese protocols). Another interesting observation concerns the Oedipal conflict in Chinese protocols. In the majority of Oedipal cases, the witch wishes to kill SW (who represents the mother) in order to marry the prince (who represents the father). However, Chinese children reveal the Oedipal conflict in a much more concealed and indirect way. It may thus be argued that the relationship with the mother in connection with a strict superego justifies the scarce expression of oedipal feelings in FTT protocols. Following are two characteristic characteristic examples: What can a wicked witch do?: She wants to

know who is the most beautiful. She will not let someone else be the queen, and she will not permit others to like the king either.

Scenes of SW (Card 2): The king disagrees with

SW marrying the prince because she is the daughter he loves the most.

With regards to anxiety, it is necessary to note the order as well as the frequency (in percentage) in which different types of anxiety occur occur among the children’s responses responses in total. The six most-frequentmost-frequently-expressed types of anxiety among Chinese children are deprivation (51%), insecurity (50%), pun-

TABLE 10.4. FREQUENCY (IN PERCENTAGES) PERCENTAGES) OF TYPES OF ANXIETY ACROSS ALL CULTURES CULTURES India

China

Greece

Greece

Deprivation (51%)

Deprivation (51%)

Insecurity (42%)

Deprivation (51.6%)

Harm (43%)

Insecurity (50%)

Harm (39%)

Insecurity (49%)

Punishment (40%)

Punishment (45%)

Rejection (30%)

Harm (42.7%)

Insecurity (39%)

Harm (43%)

Deprivation (25%)

Concern (39.1%)

Rejection (33%)

Self (40%)

Concern (22%)

Inability (34.6)


ishment (45%), harm (43%), and self (40%) (see Table 10.4). Out of these types of anxiety, two types appear to be culturally sensitive: anxiety punishment and anxiety self. Anxiety punishment is closely related to either moral development or to the severity of the superego; anxiety self, which basically reveals the child’s desire for improvement and to excel, is associated with his or her social environment and social modernization. Regarding the qualitative analysis of anxiety, there is a large percentage of bizarre responses (55.2%) in Chinese protocols compared to that in other cultures (35%, 24%, and 37%, for Greece, India, and Turkey, respectively). The majority of bizarre responses in China are creative in nature, revealing cultural issues, as well as a poetic and philosophical approach in dealing with life’s problems. A large number of bizarre responses reveal issues with morality. Following are some characteristic examples: Scenes from LRRH (Card 2): LRRH has vio-

lated the domestic laws, and her grandfather imprisons her at home. Dwarf (Card 3): He is an old man, he wants to

have a grandson, too. (?) He should take it easy; he has a son after all. (?) He should be optimistic although he is going to the end.

239

safely, her mother is very happy. (?) Once she does not recall this experience, other wolves would want revenge if they knew their ancestor was killed by the hunter because of LRRH. Then LRRH will be eaten by the wolf sooner or later. The offspring of the wolves and LRRH will hate each other forever. If they resolve the problem now, it will not have an effect on their offspring. The following two examples reveal the creative fantasy of Chinese children: Witch (Card 2): A monster came and turned

the first one into the second one. She says, Change me back quickly. The monster says, No way. Then he turns the second one into the third one.

Witch (Card 3): She wants to find SW, and so

she turns into a man to help SW to cross the river. (?) When SW goes to bed she will turn into herself (she will turn into a witch) and practice magic spells in her room.

Witch (Card 3): She is angry; she becomes

REFERENCES old. (?) She wants to die together with SW. She feels better than the other two Achenbach, T. M., & Edlbrock, C. (1981). Behavioral problems and competencies reported by parents of witches because she won’t normal and disturbed children aged four through sixregret dying with SW.

Scenes from LRRH: With which card would

you like the story to end? Why? (card B): Because when LRRH gets to her destination

teen. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 46 (188). Anastasi, A. (1988). Psychological testing (6th ed.). New York: Macmillan. Blumenthal, E. P. (1977). Models in Chinese moral education: Perspectives from children’s books. Dissertation

240


Abstracts International, 37, 6357–6358. Bond, M. H. (1996). The handbook of Chinese psychology . Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Cai, T., & Zhou, S. (1998). The development of generalizing ability in classification between age 5 and age 16. Chinese Mental Health, 12 (4), 213–215. Chang, C. F. (1982). Interpersonal relations and self-concept, attribution traits in college freshmen [in Chinese]. Journal of Education and Psychology, 5, 1–46. Chao, R. K. (1994). Beyond parental control and authoritarian parenting style: Understanding Chinese parenting through the cultural notion of training. Child Development, 65, 1111–1119. Chao, R. K. (1995). Chinese and European American cultural models of the self reflected in mothers’ childrearing beliefs. Ethos, 23, 328–354. Chen, H.W. (1985). A comparative study on behavioral characteristics and family education between onlychildren and children with siblings [in Chinese]. Social Investigations Study, 6 . Chen, P. L. (1993). To build Chinese characteristic psychology [in Chinese]. New China Digest, 6, 36–39. Chen, X. (2000). Growing up in a collectivist culture: socialization and socio-emotional development in Chinese children. In A. L. Comunian & U. P. Gielen (Eds.), International perspectives on human development (pp. 331–353). Lengerich, Germany: Pabst Science Publishers. Chen, X., Gen, G., Li, D., & He, Y. (2005). Social functioning and adjustment in Chinese children: The imprint of historical time. Child Development, 76, 182–195. Chen, X., Rubin, K. H., & Li, B. S. (1995a). Depressed mood in Chinese children: Relations with school performance and family environment. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 63, 938–947. Chen, X., Rubin, K. H., Cen, G., Hastings, P. D., Chen, H., & Stewart, S. L. (1998). Child-rearing attitudes and behavioral inhibition in Chinese and Canadian toddlers: A cross-cultural study. Developmental Psychology, 34, 677–686. Chen, X., Rubin, K.H., and Li, B. (1995b). Social and school adjustment of shy and aggressive children in China. Development and Psychopathology, 7, 337–349. Chen, X., Wu, H., Chen, H., Wang, L., & Cen, G. (2001). Parenting practices and aggressive behavior in Chinese children. Parenting: Science and Practice, 1, 159–184. Cheung, F. M., Leung, K., Fan, R. M., Song, W. Z.,

Zhang, J. X., & Zhang, J. P. (1996). Development of the Chinese Personality Assessment Inventory (CPAI). Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 27 (2), 181–199. Crystal, D. D., Chen, C., Fuligni, A. J., Stevenson, H. W., Hsu, C. C., Kitamura, S., & Kimura, S. (1994). Psychological maladjustment and academic achievement: A cross-cultural study of Japanese, Chinese, and American high school students, Child Development, 65, 738–753. Dai, X. Y., Zheng, I. X., Ryan, J. J., & Paolo, A. M. (1993). Psychological test usage in Chinese clinical psychology and comparisons with the U.S. [in Chinese]. Chinese Journal of Clinical Psychology, 1(1), 47–50. Dai, Z. H., & Zhu, B. L. (1988). Revision of Cattell’s Personality Factor questionnaire and establishment of Chinese norms [in Chinese]. Information on Psychology Science, 6, 14–18. De Vos, G. A. (1973). Socialization for achievement: Essays on the cultural psychology of the Japanese . Berkeley: University of California Press. Dodge, K. A. (1991). The structure and function of reactive and proactive aggression. In D. J. Pepler & K. H. Rubin (Eds.), The development and treatment of childhood aggression (pp. 201–218). Hillsdale, N J: Erlbaum. Dodge, K. A., & Coie, J. D. (1987). Social information processing factors in reactive and proactive aggression in children’s peer groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53 (6), 1146–1158. Gao, J. F., Yan, G. C., & Yang, X. H. (1985). History of psychology in China [in Chinese]. Beijing: People’s Education Press. Gong, Y. X. (1983). Revision of Wechsler’s Adult Intelligence Scale in China [in Chinese]. Acta Psychologica Sinica, 3, 362–370. Gong, Y. X. (1984). Use of the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire in China. Personality and Individual Differences, 5 (4), 431–438. Higgins, L. T., & Zheng, M. (2002). An introduction to Chinese psychology: Its historical roots until the present day. The Journal of Psychology, 136 (2), 225–239. Ho, D. Y. F. (1974). Early socialization in contemporary China: Abstract in Science Council of Japan. Proceedings of the Twentieth International Congress of Psychology (p. 442). Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press. Ho, D. Y. F. (1986). Chinese patterns of socialization: A critical review. In M. H. Bond (Ed.), The Psychology of the Chinese People (pp. 1–37). Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Ho, D. Y. F. (1987). Fatherhood in Chinese culture. In M.

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China E. Lamb (Ed.), The father’s role: cross-cultural perspectives (pp. 227–245). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Ho, D. Y. F. (1993). Cultural definition of intergenerational relationships: The case of filial piety . Manuscript submitted for publication. Ho, D. Y. F. (1994). Filial piety, authoritarian moralism, and cognitive conservatism in Chinese societies. Genetic, Social, and General Psychology Monographs, 120, 347–365. Ho, D. Y. F., & Kang, T. K. (1984). Intergenerational comparisons of child rearing attitudes and practices in Hong Kong. Developmental Psychology, 20 (6), 1004–1016. Hsu, F. L. K. (1985). The self in cross-cultural perspective. In A. J. Marsella, G. De Vos, & F. L. K. Hsu (Eds.), Culture and self (pp. 24–55). London: Tavistock. Hwang, K. K. (1988). Confucianism and East Asian modernization [in Chinese]. Taipei: Chu-Liu Book Co. Hwang, K. K. (1992). Self-realization and value change in Chinese society [in Chinese]. In Proceedings of the International Conference on Values in Chinese Societies: Retrospect and Prospect (Vol. 1, pp. 161–200). Taipei: Center for Chinese Studies. Jiao, S. L., Ji, G. P., & Kong, Q. J. (1986). Comparative study of behavioral qualities of only children and sibling children. Child Development, 57 (2), 357–361. Jin, Y., Feng, Q.-X., & Chen, J. (2006). The trial and revision of Simplified Chinese Character Version of Concise Individual Intelligence Scale (CIIS-SC). Chinese Journal of Special Education, 74 (8), 12–16. Jing, Q. C. (1995). The Chinese single-child family program and population psychology. Psychology and Developing Societies, 6 (1), 29–53. Johnson, D. G., Nathan, A. J., & Rawski, E. S. (1985). Popular culture in late imperial China . Berkeley: University of California Press. King, A. Y. C., & Bond, M. H. (1985). The Confucian paradigm of man: A sociological view. In W. S. Tsengand & D. Y. H. Wu (Eds.), Chinese culture and mental health (pp. 29–46). Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Ko, Y. H. (1978). Clinical psychology (Vol. 1: Psychological Diagnosis) [in Chinese]. Taipei: Dayang Publishers. Ko, Y. H. (1981). Ko’s Mental Health Questionnaire (KMHQ): Revised manual [in Chinese]. Taipei: Chinese Behavioral Science Press. Ko, Y. H., & Yu, W. Y. (1966). A scoring system for the evaluation of degree of mental illness through the Rorschach responses. Acta Psychologica Taiwanica, 8, 17–28.

241

Leung, J. P., & Leung, L. (1992). Life satisfaction, self-concept, and relationship with parents in adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 21, 653–665. Leung, P. W. L., & Wong, M. M. T. (2003). Measures of child and adolescent psychopathology in Asia. Psychological Assessment, 15 (3), 268–279. Li, Z., & Kong, K. (1997). A research on the personality of children with hearing disorder. Psychological Science, 20 (6), 506–513. Lin, C. D. (1980). A sketch on the methods of mental testing in ancient China [in Chinese]. Acta Psychologica Sinica, 12, 75–80. Lin, C. D., & Zhang, H. C. (1986). Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children-Chinese (Revision) [in Chinese]. Beijing: Beijing Normal University. Lin, C. Y. C., & Fu, V. R. (1990). A comparison of childrearing practices among Chinese, immigrant Chinese, and Caucasian-American parents. Child Development, 61, 429–433. Liou, S. L. (1992). The debate of social being and natural being: The comparison of Confucius’ and Lao-Tzu’s concepts on art [in Chinese]. Proceedings of the International Conference on Values in Chinese Societies: Retrospect and Prospect, 2, 545–572. Taipei: Centre for Chinese Studies. Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224–253. Mou, T. S. (1985). On Summun Bonum [in Chinese]. Taipei: Taiwan Student Book Co. Murray, H. A. (1938). Explorations in personality . New York: Oxford University Press. National MMPI Coordinating Group (1982). The revision, employment, and evaluation of MMPI in China [in Chinese]. Acta Psychologica Sinica, 17, 346–355. Rothbart, M. K., & Bates, J. E. (1998). Temperament. In W. Damon (series Ed.) & N. Eisenberg (Vol. Ed.), Handbook of child psychology, vol. 3: Social, emotional and personality development (5th ed., pp. 105–176.). New York: Wiley. Triandis, H. C. (1995). Individualism and collectivism . Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Tu, W. M. (1992). The development of Mencius’ concept of the moral self [in Chinese]. In W. M. Tu (Ed.), Human nature and self-cultivation (pp. 79–93). Taipei: Lien-Ching Publishing. Wang, Q. (2004). The emergence of cultural self-constructs: Autobiographical memory and self-description in European American and Chinese children.

242


Developmental Psychology, 40 (1), 3–15. Wang, Q., & Leichtman, M. D. (2000). Same beginnings, different stories: A comparison of American and Chinese children’s narratives. Child Development, 71(5), 1329–1346. Wang, Z. M. (1993). Psychology in China: A review dedicated to Li Chen. Annual Review of Psychology, 44, 87–116. Wu, D. Y. H. (1982). Psychotherapy and emotion in traditional Chinese medicine. In A. J. Masella & C. M. White (Eds.), Cultural conceptions of mental health and therapy (pp. 285–301). Dordrecht, the Netherlands: D. Reidel. Wu, D. Y. H. (1996). Chinese childhood socialization. In M. H. Bond (Ed.), The handbook of Chinese psychology . Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Yang, K. S. (1996). Psychological transformation of the Chinese people as a result of societal modernization. In M. H. Bond (Ed.), The handbook of Chinese psychology (pp. 479–498). Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Yang, K. S., & Yu, A. B. (1988). Social-oriented and individual-oriented achievement motivation: conceptualization and measurement. Paper presented at the symposium on Chinese personality and social psychology, 24th International Congress of Psychology, Sydney. Yang, K. S., Chen, W. Y., & Hsu, C. Y. (1965). Rorschach responses of normal Chinese adults: IV. The speed of production. Acta Psychologica Taiwanica, 7, 34–51. Yang, K. S., Su, C., Hsu, H. H., and Hwang, C. H. (1962). Rorschach responses of normal Chinese adults, I: The normal details. Acta Psychologica Taiwanica, 4, 78–103. Yang, K. S., Tsai, S. G., & Hwang, M. L. (1963). Rorschach responses of normal Chinese adults, III: The number of responses and number of refusals. Psychological Testing (Taiwan), 10, 127–136.

Yang, K. S., Tzuo, H. Y., & Wu, C. Y. (1963). Rorschach responses of normal Chinese adults, II: The popular responses. Journal of Social Psychology, 60, 175–186. Yen, Y. S. (1965). The diagnostic indications of the delusion of the paranoid schizophrenia in the Rorschach test. Acta Psychologica Taiwanica, 7, 63–70. Yen, Y. S. (1983). Diagnostic indications of cognitive distortions of schizophrenics in the Rorschach test [in Chinese]. Acta Psychologica Taiwanica, 25, 13–23. Yu, A. B. (1994). The self and life goals of traditional Chinese: a philosophical and psychological analysis. In A. M. Bouvy, F. J. R. Van de Vijver, P. Boski, & P. Schmitz (Eds.), Journeys into Cross-Cultural Psychology (pp. 50–67). Lisse, the Netherlands: Swets and Zeitlinger. Yu, E. S. H. (1974). Achievement motive, tamilism and Hsiao . A replication of McClelland-Winterbottom studies. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Notre Dame. Yue, G. (1994). More on Chinese theoretical psychology: a rejoinder to Mathias Petzold. Theory and Psychology, 4 (2), 281–283. Zhang, H. C. (1988). Psychological measurement in China. International Journal of Psychology, 23, 101–24. Zhang, H. C. (1989). Standardization research on Raven’s [AU: ?] standard progressive matrices in China [in Chinese]. Acta Psychologica Sinica, 2, 113–121. Zheng, R.C. (1985). Psychological measurement [in Chinese]. Changsha: Human Educational Press. Zhong, S., & Jing, J. (2005). Application of Rorschach Testin children clinical psychology. Chinese Journal of Clinical Rehabilitation, 9 (48), 97–99. Zhu, Y. M., Lu, S. Y., & Tang, C. H. (1984). The employment of the Wechsler Pre-school and Primary Scale of Intelligence in urban Shanghai [in Chinese]. Information on Psychology Sciences, 5, 22–29.

Chapter 11 THE APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN GREECE CARINA COULACOGLOU AND ELENI K OTSONI

Whatever I say, I owe to the ancients and whatever thought I discovered myself I found later in the old scripts. After Plotinus philosophy has nothing new to say, just as after Jesus life has nothing new to say. The best we can do which I find both difficult and vital, is to express old truths in our own words. S. Ramfos, 1995, Triodion INTRODUCTION

Brief Historical Outline of Greek History

M

odern Greece is a parliamentary democracy and has been a member of the European Union since 1981. Situated in the southern end of the Balkan Peninsula, Greece lies at the juncture of Europe, Asia, and Africa. Heir to the legacies of classical Greece, the Byzantine Empire, and nearly four centuries of Ottoman rule, Greece is regarded as the cradle of Western civilization and the birthplace of democracy, as well as Western philosophy, political science, major scientific principles, and drama. Its particularly long and eventful history, in conjunction with its cultural heritage, has fundamentally informed Western and European cultures and has also had considerable influence on Northern Africa and the Middle East. The written history of Greece dates from the time of Herodotus (6th century B.C.), while archeological records chronicle complex events over an uninterrupted period of nearly 5,000 years, going back to at least the second millennium B.C. Greek history can be roughly divided in four major periods: Antiquity (1100 B.C.–330 A.D.), the Byzantine

era (330–1453), the Ottoman era (1453–1821), and the Modern Greek state (1821–21st century). Twentieth-century Greek history has been characterized by a constant change, including the Asia Minor disaster (1922), a civil war (1945-49), two foreign occupations, ten military coups d’état, a sevenyear dictatorship (the regime of the Colonels [military Junta, 1967-74]), numerous constitutions, and nearly fifty changes of government. However, these events constitute only a brief glance at the complex Greek history, which has profoundly influenced Greek attitudes and culture and played a significant role in shaping how Greeks define themselves.

The Impact of Geography Two primary factors define Greek identity. First, Greek nationality is not solely linked with the country’s modern geographical borders. Ancient Greece was composed of city-states united by a common language, and as such had no clearly defined territory. Second, its geographical location has meant that Greek identity is influenced by the extent to which Greece is considered an Eastern or a Western country. Neither truly Eastern, Western, nor Balkan, Greece is better described as a unique juncture of East and West—a small spot on the map that has left

243

244


a permanent mark on nearly the entire world.

Olympus. Most gods were associated with specific aspects of life: Athena was the goddess of wisdom and Greek Mythology courage, Ares the god of war, Aphrodite the godGreek mythology has exerted extensive influ- dess of beauty, and Hermes the god of communicaence on the culture, and it remains part of Western tion. Regardless of their underlying forms, the heritage and language. Mythological heroes and ancient Greek gods had many fantastic abilities; their achievements constitute an integrated part of they were not affected by disease and could be the Greek culture, and children become familiar wounded only on rare occasions. The Greeks conwith these stories from early childhood, even before sidered immortality to be a distinctive characteristic primary or even nursery school. Mythology is also of their gods. an important part of the history taught in school, at Heroes also play a significant role in Greek different levels and degrees of depth, depending on mythology, such as Hercules, Theseus, Perseus, and the children’s age. Deucalion. Ancient Greek stories concern gods and heroes, Hercules was a divine hero, the son of Zeus and the nature of the world, and cult and ritual prac- Alcmena. He was the greatest of the Greek heroes, tices. Though originally an oral-poetic tradition, a paragon of masculinity, extraordinary strength, today Greek myths are known primarily from courage, ingenuity, and sexual powers. Although he Greek literature. was less intelligent, Hercules relied on his wits on Myths are also preserved in the Greek tragedies several occasions when his strength did not suffice. from the fifth century B.C., in writings of scholars By conquering dangerous monsters and mastering and poets of the Hellenistic Age, and in writers of almost impossible tasks, he is considered as protecthe Roman Empire such as Plutarch and Pausanias. tor and the world’s benefactor, a mythical “superMyths of origin represent attempts to explain the man.” Hercules is best known for the heroic accomuniverse’s beginnings. In Ancient Greece, Heriod’s plishment of the 12 Labors (or tasks) and in joining Theogony was the most widely accepted account; it of the Argonauts in the search of Golden Fleece. starts with Chaos. Out of the void emerged Gaia Another famous mythological hero was Theseus, (the Earth) and some other primary divine beings. a founder hero like Hercules and Perseus, all of Without male assistance, Gaia gave birth to Uranus whom battled and overcame various foes. (the Sky) who then fertilized her. From the union The famous epic poems the Iliad and the Odyssey were born the Titans, the one-eyed Cyclops, and are both attributed to the Ionian poet Homer. Most the Hecatonchires (Hundred-Handers). Cronus, the modern scholars consider these epics to be the oldyoungest of Gaia’s children, castrated his father and est literature in the Greek language, possibly became the ruler of the gods, with his sister-wife equaled by Hesiod, dating to the eighth or seventh Rhea as his consort and the other Titans as his century B.C. court. This motif of father/son conflict was repeated The Iliad concerns events during the tenth and when Cronus was confronted by his son Zeus. Rhea final year in the siege of the city of Ilium (Troy) by persuaded Zeus to war against Cronus for the king- the Greeks. Here Homer devotes long passages to ship of the gods. Ultimately Zeus and his siblings detailed descriptions of combat. He names the fightwon the war and imprisoned Cronus and the Titans ers, recounts their taunts and battle cries, and offers in Tartarus. gruesome details of how they wound and kill each Following the overthrow of the Titans, a new other. Homeric warfare is considered some of the pantheon of gods and goddesses emerged. Among most bloody and brutal in all of literature. The Iliad the principal Greek deities were the Twelve offers a huge cast of characters and has been the Olympians residing at the top of the Mount source of several popular Greek myths, such as

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece

Jason and the Argonauts, the Seven Against Thebes, and the Labors of Hercules. The Odyssey is in part a sequel to The Iliad and mainly centers on the adventures of the Greek hero Odysseus and his long journey home to Ithaca, following the fall of Troy. Odysseus’s journey lasts eleven years after the nine-year Trojan War. During his absence, his son Telemachus and wife Penelope must deal with a group of unruly suitors who compete to marry Penelope, assuming that Odysseus has died. Odysseus experiences great adventures, keeping the readers in suspense of whether he will finally make it back home. Odysseus draws upon his intelligence several times.

The Family The family is the central social unit in Greece. The family’s importance and stability is fundamental within the Greek society regardless of region, class or location. Loyalty to the family takes precedence over all competing interests or one’s own needs or wishes, while much of a person’s life is devoted to family obligations and responsibilities. Accordingly, Greeks maintain a very close relationship with their families, which provide economic and emotional security, placing, however, many demands on its members. During its history, the extended family constitutes the most characteristic type of Greek family. The traditional extended family can be described as patrilineal in terms of lineal descent, patriarchal in terms of authority structure, and patrilocal in terms of residence of married sons (Georgas et al., 2005). According to Triandis and Vassiliou (1972), the Greek ingroup is composed of more than the extended family, including, for example, best man (or maid of honor) at the wedding, the godparents, in-laws and friends, based on the criterion that they showed concern and support during times of need. Appropriate behavior towards members of the extended family consisted of cooperation, protection, and help, while appropriate behavior towards members of the out-group was competition and hostility.

245

It is worth noting that one of the central values of the in-group is what Greeks refer to as philotimo (Vassiliou, 1966; Triandis and Vassiliou, 1972; Vassiliou and Vassiliou, 1973). Philotimo cannot be accurately translated in English; loosely, it refers to “honor.” However, its meaning better corresponds to “giving to others,” “being correct in fulfilling your obligations,” “sacrificing yourself for others,” and “respecting the others” (Vassiliou, 1966). It may be argued that the sense of family responsibility in Greece supersedes that of social responsibility. Despite the inevitable social changes and the transformation that Greece has undergone in recent years, the family structure has been able to maintain its strength and vitality. Although urbanization, westernization and other influences are reshaping the outward appearance of the family structure and life, the basic sense of family loyalty, the obligations felt by its members still pervade Greek society. Traditional roles of family members are described based on a series of studies of traditional Greek family values (Georgas, 1989; 1991; Georgas et al., 2005). These traditional family values were determined by the Greek literature and by eliciting family roles through group discussion with students. Here follow a few examples. The father should be the head of the family, handle the money in the house, punish the children when they disobey, be the breadwinner, be the critic in the family, he should be concerned only with the serious matters in the family. The mother should be the go-between the father and the children, her place is in the home, she should live for her children, she should always know where her children are, report to the father the children’s problems, help her children with their homework, agree with the father’s opinion in matters concerning the children, accept the decisions taken by the father, yield and be compromising, give way when the father becomes upset, vote the same political party as the father, her first goal in life should be to be a good mother. The parents are responsible for teaching children to behave appropriately, they should know their children’s friends, help them financially, they should

246


be involved in the private lives of their married children, and they shouldn’t argue in front of them. The children should not talk back to their parents, they should be seen but not heard, they shouldn’t have secrets from their parents, they should eat with their parents on Sundays, they have the obligation to care for their parents when they get older, they should respect their grandparents. Finally, it is also worth noting that family problems should be solved within the family, whose members should be honorable ( philotimoi ), honor and respect their family’s reputation. Roles and responsibilities in the family have been clearly defined, sometimes even written into law. The roles of each member of the family were institutionalized primarily by local communities and secondarily by the larger society. Until the early 1980s, the Greek Civil Code outlined the rights and responsibilities of husband and wife, until officially implementing equality between the sexes in 1983.

ed to family roles and functions (such as those described above) are a psychological measure of changes in the family system. After determining these factors, the next step consisted of comparing the means of the values on each factor across different age levels. The results of this comparison are rather interesting: the first factor (hierarchical roles of father and mother) showed the greatest variability across ages, while the scores also varied depending on the location (urban vs. rural). Athenians rejected these traditional roles more than residents from small communities. In addition, females rejected these roles more than males. Based on these results, it appears that family values associated with the patriarchal authority of the father were rejected by people of all ages in Greece, or at least, they did not agree with them. On the other hand, young people in Greece agreed with values of the traditional extended family with regard to the importance of maintaining relations with relatives, respecting the

Changes in the Greek Family

grandparents, offering help to parents, and so on. . . .

These values reflect the need of maintaining close In studies of traditional Greek family values relationships and ties with kin. Taken together, (Georgas, 1986, 1989, 1991), three factors emerge: these results indicate that the traditional family val(a) the first and strongest factor is the h ierarchy with- ues are still functional with the present Greek famiin the roles of each parent, in compliance with the val- ly unit. In addition, the same data indicated that ues of a traditional patriarchal extended family, family values, the types of residence patterns, and whereby the father is considered as the head of the interactions with kin in Athens (the larger urban family, and the mother as more submissive, com- center in Greece) are very similar to those of the trapromising, and caring with the children; (b) the sec- ditional towns. Thus, one could argue that the rural ond factor corresponds to the responsibilities of the extended family in Greece has been transplanted to parents towards their children, in terms of adopting the Athens, under the form of a urban extended family appropriate behavior in front of the children, teach- (Georgas et al., 2005). ing them good manners, keeping family conflicts Education is of paramount importance to a within the family, etc.; finally, the third factor cor- Greek family, as it is still considered as a means for responds to the responsibilities of the children towards gaining social recognition. Parents in Greece make the parents and relatives defining how the children sure to provide everything they can for their chilshould behave towards their families, by taking care dren’s education. In addition, within the actual eduof their parents when they get older, respecting the cational system Greek children have to decide and elders and so forth. choose for their future very early on, around the age The same three factors were obtained in a num- of 15 years or even earlier. As a result, children ber of other studies with different populations and experience the pressure for succeeding which may different age levels (Papademou, 1999; Bafiti, 2000), initiate competitive feelings and behavior among which indicates a very stable structure. Values relat- them.


Religion

247

threatened family cohesion and strength; and the church must compete against a trend towards secularism. Nevertheless, the long and complex Greek history has generated a set of social patterns, communication styles, and ways of thinking that exhibit both strength and elasticity. The strength refers to a continuity with the past, persisting despite many hardships and impositions from outside forces. The elasticity, on the other hand, stems both from a constant need to adapt to change and from how Greeks have repeatedly resisted invaders.

For both ancient and contemporary Greeks, religion is closely connected to the natural world and to daily life. In modern Greece, religion permeates every layer of life, from family to politics, work to recreation. Greek identity, at a national or individual level, is also closely linked with religion. The vast majority of Greeks (>90%) are Eastern Orthodox Christians, which is the official religion of the state. Greek culture absorbed early Christianity in a way that maintained a continuity with its past. The coming of Christianity did not result in a break with Historical Review of previous practices, beliefs, or even deities. The Psychology in Greece Greek version of Christianity may even be more indebted to its precursors (ancient religious beliefs, Psychology as a discipline has a relatively short or classical Greek paganism) than most people real- history in Greece, despite the fact that many psyize. Deities became saints, and the most powerful chological concepts have their roots in Greek phideities became identified with the most powerful losophy. As Dafermos, Marvakis, and Triliva saints, often preserving the same names and func- describe, “In its great hurry to establish itself as a tion, demonstrating the continuity between the two discipline and a profession, the field did not delinreligions. For instance, the Greek god of sun, eate or identify its role within the Greek societal Helios, became the prophet Elias; Theseus, who context, but adopted and took on the roles, prackilled the Minotaur became St. George, who slew tices and methods of psychology from other nations the evil dragon; Athena Parthenos became Virgin such as the United States, Britain, Germany or Mary; Dionysos, the god of wine, became St. France” (2006). Dionysios, who is said to have discovered the Psychology first appeared in Greece in the early grapevine. twentieth century as a course in the Philosophy As a result, today’s Greek church corresponds to Department of the University of Athens. Until the a blend between classical Greek paganism and 1960s the academic community refused to distinChristianity, full of a series of feast days and cere- guish psychology as an independent discipline. In monies weaving through the year. However, it is 1987 an independent psychology department was not only the faithful who observe this intensive cal- established in Greece within the School of Social endar of spiritual obligations; all citizens commem- Sciences at the University of Crete. In the 1990s orate these common Greek traditions, which also independent departments or programs were foundmark a family’s life and attitudes. Through this indi- ed at other Greek universities, which marked a new rect route, religion also affects the Greek culture era of psychology in Greece. and identity. Although significant changes continue to take Personality Assessment in Greece place in Greece, interpersonal relationships are The personality of Greek children has been embedded in a traditional context, so that many of the culture’s more traditional features persist. A mainly examined with personality inventories or massive urbanization has progressively caused behavior scales. Eysenck and Dimitriou (1984) many Greeks to desert their villages; the pressures employed the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire of both spouses working outside the home have on 1,117 boys and 1,199 girls ages 8–12 from public

248


schools in the Greek city of Thessaloniki. Factor comparisons indicated that the dimensions of psychoticism, extraversion, neuroticism, and social desirability were identical in Greece and England. Greek norms indicated that boys scored higher than girls on psychoticism and extraversion, but lower on neuroticism. Direct cross-cultural comparisons revealed that Greek children scored lower on psychoticism and neuroticism than English children, but considerably higher on social desirability. Papatheophilou, Sokou-Bada, Michelogiannis, and Pandelakis (1988) examined the relationship between psychological disorders and school performance in 603 children ages 6–8 in the Athens area, using the Rutter Behavior scales for parents and teachers (Rutter et al., 1970). Both parents and teachers tended to describe boys as more aggressive and hyperactive than girls, while they described girls as more anxious and phobic. Motti-Stefanidi, Tsiantis, and Richardson (1993) conducted an epidemiological survey of the behavioral and emotional problems of primary school Greek children from Greater Athens. They employed the Child Behavior Check List (CBCL; Achenbach & Edelbrock, 1983) on a sample of approximately 500 children ages 6–11. The Greek sample scored much higher than the original U.S. sample and a German sample. Greek children also scored high on such items such as arguing, demanding attention, jealousy, nervousness, stubbornness, irritability, cheating, and lying. The authors of that study (Motti-Stefanidi, et al., 1993) argue that childrearing patterns of Greek parents may produce behaviors that are considered acceptable or even desirable in Greece but could be interpreted as signs of psychological disturbance in other countries. An example is dependency: Greek parents may encourage their children to be dependent on them, and Greek children were rated high on dependency on the CBCL.

the Greek child’s personality using the Fairy Tale Test (FTT), a personality projective test for children ages 6–12.

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test

The FTT was employed to assess the child’s personality.

The present investigation is an empirical study of

Standardization and Restandardization The FTT was originally standardized on a nonclinical sample of approximately 800 Greek children ages 7–12 (Coulacoglou, 1993). The validity of the FTT was examined through factor analyses and comparison with other personality instruments as well as with studies of internal consistency (Coulacoglou, 2002; Coulacoglou, Souyouldzoglou, & Atsarou, 2002). The FTT was restandardized in 2000–2003. METHOD

Participants The sample consisted of 873 Greek children (413 boys, 460 girls). There were three age groups: 6–7 years (N=292), 8–9 years (N=256), and 10–12 years (N=325). Children in the sample were all attending public primary schools in the Athens area. The socioeconomic status (SES) was 27 percent low, 53 percent middle, and 20 percent upper.

Procedure Examiners were licensed psychologists who had undergone a training session on test administration with the author. All subjects were examined at their schools. Parents received a written consent form to sign. The examiner removed children from the classroom—one at a time—and led each child to an empty classroom.

Material

249


RESULTS

Internal Validity Factor analysis was applied on the twenty-nine

personality variables. Principle component analysis was employed, followed by varimax rotation. Firstorder analysis led to the formation of eleven factors (see Table 11.1) that comprised 61.6 percent of the total variance.

TABLE 11.1. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Assertiveness


-0.794

Aggression dominance

-0.781

Need for approval

-0.541


Instrumental aggression

-0.763

Oral needs

-0.622


-0.616

Impulse Control

Need for approval

-0.380

Aggression retaliation

-0.365

Repetitions

-0.705

Adaptation to fairy tale content

-0.715

Self-Concept and Depression

Depression

-0.555


-0.715

Self-esteem

-0.715

Anxiety and Insecurity

Anxiety

-0.697

Need for protection

-0.680

Social Appraisal

Ambivalence

-0.675

Continued

250

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 11.1—Continued. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading


-0.590


-0.369

Moral Consciousness

Desire to Help

-0.701

Morality

-0.699

Possessiveness vs. Primitive Aggression

Oral Aggression

-0.496

Aggression Retaliation

-0.491

Sense of Property

-0.645

Sexual Impulsivity


-0.739

Bizarres

-0.414

Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content

-0.302

Need for Approval

-0.307

Hostility and Social Isolation

Sense of Privacy

-0.734

Aggression type A

-0.734

Fearfulness

Fear of Aggression

-0.698

Aggression Defense

-0.417

Aggression Envy

-0.633

251

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece TABLE 11.2. RESULTS OF SECOND-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Impulsivity

Sexual Impulsivity (Sexual Preoccupation, izarres, Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content, Need for Approval)

-0.626

Hostility and Social Isolation (Sense of Privacy, Aggression type A)

-0.479

Impulse Control (Need for Approval, Aggression Retaliation, Repetitions, Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content)

-0.790

Sociability

Social Appraisal (Ambivalence, Need for Affilitation, Relationship with the Mother)

-0.760

Self-Concept and Depression (Depression, Relationship with the Mother, Self-Esteem)

-0.810

Dominance and Guilt

Assertiveness (Desire for Superiority, Aggression Dominance, Need for Approval)

-0.752

Moral Consciousness (Desire to Help, Morality)

-0.632

Fearfulness

Fearfulness (Fear of Aggression, Aggression Defense, Aggression Envy)

-0.773

Anxiety and Insecurity (Anxiety, Need for Protection)

-0.450


-0.544

Possessiveness

Possessiveness vs. Primitive Aggression (Oral Aggression, Aggression Retaliation, Sense of Property)

-0.869

Anxiety and Insecurity (Anxiety, Need for Protection)

-0.385


Instrumental Aggression (Instrumental Aggression, Oral Needs, Desire for Material Things)

-0.904


-0.385

252


Second-order factor analysis led to the formation of a 6-factor model (see Table 11.2) that comprised 66.4 percent of the total variance.

External Validity Association with the CBCL The Child Behavior Check List (CBCL/4-18; Achenbach, 1991) is one of the most widely used parent report forms of children’s psychological behavior. The CBCL/4-18 was designed to measure competencies and problems in children ages 4–18. Competence consists of seven functions focusing on activities and social and school competencies, while behavior problems contain 118 specific problem behaviors and two items that allow parents to write in other problems. Problem behaviors are organized in a hierarchical factor structure that consists of eight correlated first-order or broad-band factors (withdrawal/depression, somatic, anxious/depressed, social, thought, attention, delinquent, and aggressive), two correlated second-order or narrowband factors (internalizing and externalizing), and an overall total problems factor. A score can be calculated for each of the eight broad-band and two narrow-band factors and for total problems. Associations between FTT second-order factor scores and the CBCL provided valuable informa-

tion on the psychological identity of some of the factors. More specifically: Factor 1 (impulsivity) correlates positively with rule-breaking behavior, aggressive behavior, and externalized problems (see Table 11.3).

Association with the Beck Youth Inventories The Beck Youth Inventories (BYI) of Emotional and Social Development are five self-report measures that can be used separately or in any combination to assess a child’s experience of depression, anxiety, anger, disruptive behavior, and self concept. The inventories are intended for use with children ages 7–14. Each inventory contains twenty statements about thoughts, feelings, or behaviors associated with emotional or social impairment in youth. The children respond to each item by indicating how frequently the statement is true for them. The number of children administered the BYI along with the FTT was: N= 461. Correlations between FTT factors and Beck Youth scales did not reveal any significant correlations, although there was a trend between Factor 5 (possessiveness and anxiety) and anxiety (r=.098*, p<.037) as well as with disruptive behavior (r=.115*, p<0.14).

TABLE 11.3. SIGNIFICANT CORRELATIONS OF FTT SECOND-ORDER FACTORS WITH CBCL SCALES (N = 816) CBCL Broad-Band Scales

FTT Factors

Pearson’s r

Significance (two-tailed)

Attention

Factor 1 (Impulsivity)

.102 (**)

.003

Rule-Breaking Behavior


.121 (**)

.001

Aggressive Behavior


.127 (**)

.001

CBCL Narrow-Band Scales

FTT Factors

Pearson’s r

Significance (two-tailed)

Externalized Problems


.137 (**)

.001

Total


.115 (**)

.001


Association with the Aggression Questionnaire (AQ) The AQ is an updated version of the BussDurkee Hostility Inventory (Buss & Durkee, 1957). It is a brief measure consisting of thirty-four items scored on five scales: physical aggression (PHY), verbal aggression (VER), anger (ANG), hostility (HOS), and indirect aggression (IND). An AQ total score is also provided, along with an inconsistent responding index (INC) as a validity indicator. Each AQ item describes a characteristic related to aggression, and the examinee rates the description on a scale from one (“Not at all like me”) to five (“Completely like me”). The AQ is intended for individuals ages 9 years and over (standardized on a sample of individuals ages 9–88). Correlations of the FTT factors with the AQ scales revealed that factor 1 (impulsivity) correlates with hostility (r=.128**, p<.006). According to the inconsistency measure of the AQ, 68 percent of tested children responded in an inconsistent way. Because of this high percentage, we examined the relation between this scale and the other measures and found that, generally, children described as “disturbed” in the other criterion measures responded inconsistently in the AQ. DISCUSSION

The Eleven First-Order FTT Factors The first factor, assertiveness, appears to be a fundamental personality factor, found in other cultures as well. Aggression motivated by dominance often aims to preserve or enhance the aggressor’s power and control over others. Aggressors may strike at their victims in an effort to impose their own way and thus assert their dominant positions over their victims, as in the following example:

253

to be beautiful so that all the princes will love her. Assertiveness may form the basis for future achievements or personal fulfillment. This factor seems to increase with age, reaching a peak between 8 and 9 years (p<.004). No significant sex differences were found. The second factor is instrumental aggression. According to Coie and Dodge (1998), the feature that makes it aggressive is the use of threat or force to obtain possessions. Instrumental aggression incorporates behaviors that portend self-serving outcomes, while reactive aggression is more defensive in nature. A large number of children experience some degree of deprivation in their life. The way they cope with such deprivations and their resilience will affect future psychological development and mental health. There was no significant sex or age effect. The third factor is impulse control, which relates to the child’s tendencies to control aggressive impulses in order to gain approval from others. In this case, high scores on adaptation to the fairy tale content (AFTC) demonstrate control; these responses closely match the plot of the story, thus inhibiting or diminishing the projection of unconscious material. Atkins and Stoff (1993) found hostile aggression to be uniquely correlated with poor impulse control on other measures. No significant sex differences were found. The following response illustrates this point: LRRH (Card 2): She is sly and thinks of doing

something bad, (?) to kill someone who has spoiled her life. (?) She wants to kill him so that everyone will be grateful to her and so that he will not harm anyone else. An interesting observation concerns the correla-

Witch (Card 3): The witch wants to kill a tion between the defense mechanism of acting out

princess to take away her beautiful heart. (?) She wants

and impulse control. Acting out appears to be utilized as a defense against aggression. For example:

254


Giant (“What can a wicked giant do?”): He

wants to fight with all the people, remove his pants, as a result from the large amount of whisky that he had consumed, and he will become crazy or go to hospital or prison, (?) because he killed someone. The fourth factor is depression and self-concept. The quality of mother-child relationship fundamentally determines the child’s psychological development. It appears that a negatively perceived relationship with the mother can cause feelings of depression and low self-esteem. Empirical work has suggested that quality of the parent-child relationship is related to children’s self-esteem and social competence (Kim & Cicchetti, 2004). Research has shown that children who experience a secure relationship with their mothers have been found to be more sociable and competent than their insecure counterparts, who exhibit more aggression and withdrawal (Rose-Krasnor, Rubin, Booth, & Coplan, 1996). This factor increases as children become older (p<.000), suggesting that, at least for Greek children, the quality of the mother-child relationship improves as children gradually enter preadolescence. The mechanism of splitting correlates significantly with this factor (p>.000). A child splits an ambiguously perceived mother figure into good and bad, as in the following examples: Scenes from LRRH Card 1: She is the evil stepmother of LRRH

who is scolding her and doesn’t let her to go to her grand mother, because her mother has died but that was a lie.

Card 2: LRRH went to a creek in the woods

and sat down and wept because she didn’t want her mother to scold her, or

her aunt, or who ever she is. Card 3: Then she saw her mother outside and

thought that she was dreaming and called ‘mom!’ and told her adventure about a woman who kept on scolding her.

The fifth factor is anxiety and insecurity. The most common types of anxiety expressed in the FTT are: harm, insecurity, deprivation, disapproval/punishment, rejection, loss/death, and selfimage. In Greece the first five five most prevalent types of anxiety are: insecurity (47%), harm (44%), rejection (34%), deprivation (29%), and concern for others (25%). In the following example, the child identifies with SW: Dwarf (Card 1): He thinks of helping SW. He

wants to protect her so no one can frighten her.

In an interesting developmental trend, there is significant age effect, whereby the children in the 8–9-year-old age group appear more anxious than do those in the younger or older age groups (p<.000). Additionally, middle- and upper-class children appear to be more anxious than lowerclass children (p<.013). The mechanism of projection correlates significantly (p>.000) with this factor. In the following example, the child projects anxiety onto the mother: Scenes of the story of LRRH: LRRH is very

sad because her mother does not allow her to visit her grandmother; (?) she is afraid of the wolf.

The sixth factor is social appraisal, which refers to the child’s need to seek reassurance and friendship. The results demonstrate that the child’s need for affiliation correlates positively with the variables


of ambivalence. In the FTT, children most often express ambivalence in the form of indecision. Children who are ambivalent may show inability to solve moral or social dilemmas, as in the response, “The witch is thinking whether to kill or not to kill SW.” This factor reveals that ambivalent children, or those who lack self- confidence, are more prone to express the “need for affiliation.” Girls (p<.005) and older children (p<.000) have significantly higher scores on this factor. In terms of defense mechanisms, reaction-formation is significantly associated with social appraisal (p>.001). The seventh factor is moral consciousness or superego. It refers to the child’s feelings of guilt and his search for ways to be forgiven for wrongdoings. One way to overcome feelings of guilt or ambivalence between what is right and what is wrong is to perform helping or altruistic behaviors. In real-life situations, researchers examine the desire to help in the form of prosocial or altruistic behavior, as in the following examples: Example 1: She is a nice witch and wants to

save people. She wants to look after them, and if they get killed, she will say it was her fault.

Example 2: She looks nice and thinks of how

to transform a person with her spells into a nice person who cares about others and takes upon his back all the problems. From a developmental perspective, prosocial behavior in children has been found to be positively related to Piaget’s scheme of moral judgment (Emler & Rushton, 1974) and to Kohlberg’s prohibition and justice-oriented moral reasoning. A strict superego implies obedience to authority (LRRH should follow her mother’s advice), desire for forgiveness (LRRH asks her mother to forgive her), imposition of punishment for wrongdoing (the witch was punished and became weak and ugly), and feelings of guilt (the wolf feels sorry for having eaten the little girl). Older children (p<.000) and

255

girls (p<.011) score higher on this factor. Several defenses correlate significantly with moral consciousness, such as undoing (p >.000), reaction-formation (p>.000), splitting of self (p>.000), and negation (p>.001). The eighth factor is possessiveness vs. primitive aggression. It is expressed as the child’s desire to hold onto possessions, an unwillingness to share belongings with others, or anxiety over being deprived of them. Belk (1985) suggest that the desire to control one’s environment through possessiveness appears to be a culturally approved trait. For example, children develop a sense of competence by controlling their surroundings. Thus possessions may be important in the development of self-definition and as a way of enhancing selfesteem. Two Greek psychoanalysts have studied the symbolic significance of food and the process of eating in relation to Greek culture (Carapanos & Potamianou, 1985). They classified the various motives for employing the verb “to eat,” including possession and dominance. They refer to some Greek versions of Cinderella that present cannibalism as a way to possess the attributes of the victim. In these versions, the mother plays a central role. For instance, in one version, an old, poor mother lives with her three daughters. The mother shows a clear preference for her youngest daughter, making the other two jealous. Together, mother and daughters make a bet about knitting, vowing to kill and eat the one who is slowest or least capable at the task, who happens to be the mother. In other variations, the plot is much more gruesome. Three sisters live with their mother in great poverty. As hunger gets the best of them, the older sisters slaughter their mother, cook her, and have a long feast. To interpret the negative correlation between sense of property and oral aggression, oral aggression appears to express a more primitive form of possessing, controlling, and dominating the other. By attacking and devouring, the character incorporates the victim’s attributes or qualities, imposes his will, dominates, and thus expresses superiority:

256


Witch (Card 3): She is transformed and thinks

ably an association between the two. An epidemioof killing SW and drinking logical survey of 1,312 Greek primary school chilsome of her blood to become dren in the Athens area (Pateraki & Houndoumadi, more beautiful and have 2001) using the Olweus Questionnaire revealed that everybody bow in her pres- 14.7 percent of the children self-reported as the vicence. tims of bullies, 6.25 percent as bullies, and 4.8 percent as both. Possessiveness gradually increases (p<.007) as In a study of children’s anger, Eisenberg and children become older. Damon found that children’s disruptive anger reacThe ninth factor is sexual impulsivity. It appears tions negatively affected their social skills, which in that children often find it difficult to restrain their turn related to lowered social functioning (1998). sexual concerns and idiosyncratic thinking. The following examples illustrate this point: Younger children have higher scores on this factor (p<.039). In the FTT, sexual concerns appear in Giant (Card 1): He wants to break down responses reflecting marriage, giving birth, sexual houses and other things. He provocations, or sexual attraction. does not like people making Sexual references in children’s language are also noise. apparent in their play. Greek culture is fairly tolerant on expressions containing more or less explicit Giant (Card 3): He wants to uproot everysexual insinuations. Additionally, another factor thing because he does not like that contributes to this phenomenon is the amount their sight. He only wants of time children spend watching television at home, rocks and stones. He wants to while their parents are at work, or busy with other be alone. things. The vocabulary and general content of many films, shows and serials on television often Younger children (p<.000) and boys (p<.043) allude to sexual situations, jokes, and so forth. A score significantly higher on this factor. recurring exposure to such situations from a very The eleventh factor is fearfulness, which like early age in combination, with the impulsive com- aggression, forms a critical part of a child’s psychoponent of this factor, suggests that the child will not logical makeup. In the FTT, children express feareasily restrain from expressing his/her sexual con- fulness more accurately as direct fear of external cerns or employing words usually used in a sexual aggression and employ defensive aggression against context. it. They express aggression as defense in two ways: The tenth factor is hostility and social isolation. to defend against an immediate external threat, or The primary objective of hostile, “emotional,” or to protect someone weak or in need: “angry” aggression is to cause harm. The most common justification for hostile aggression is hatred. Example 1: This witch wants to kill me. I will Accordingly, sadistic pleasure may occasionally create a robot and will destroy her. accompany aggressive actions. Social isolation—a desire to be left alone or to withdraw from social Example 2: The dwarf wants to kill the evil witch to protect SW. events—may be a preferred option or a reaction to rejection. Although there has yet to be an examination of There is no significant age effect on this factor; the direct relation between hostile aggression as however, girls have significantly higher scores than measured in the FTT and bullying, there is presum- boys (p<.001).


Second-Order Factor Analysis The first factor is impulsivity, which has come to be associated with several childhood behavioral problems such as attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and conduct disorder. The high rate of hostile aggression in the aggressive/ADHD group may indicate a relationship between hostile aggression and poor impulse control (Halperin, Matier, Bedi, Sharma, & Newcorn, 1992). Younger children have significantly higher scores on this factor (p<. 006). However, the present data were not obtained from a clinical child population. A high score in impulsivity does not constitute a pathological finding. Indeed, impulsivity in Greek children corresponds to a cultural trait that could also be attributed to inconsistency between the parents regarding their approach to discipline. Indeed, the lack of discipline or appropriate discipline has been found to be a common cause of behavioral problems in children (Leung et al., 1998). Appropriate discipline may prevent the “spoiled child” syndrome, characterized by self-centered and immature behavior, and a lack of impulse control. Greek parents may often disagree on their disciplinary practices and attitudes. In addition, parental attitudes do not remain consistent; the same parent may choose a different attitude, or even adopt contradicting attitudes over time. Moreover, Greek youngsters learn early that the parent will forget a command entirely if the child ignores it. This attitude is learned so early and becomes so deeply held that it carries over into adult life, where so many rules and regulations are routinely ignored in Greek culture. There are several instances of impulsive behavior in Greek mythology, and in particular in the lives of the Olympian gods. Dionysus, for example, represents the intoxicating power of wine. He was also known as Bacchus or Liberator, helping the person to “escape” from oneself through madness, ecstasy, and intoxication. During the Dionysian orgies, the devotees surrendered to their senses in a primitive and irrational manner. Orgies included

257

endless drinking, sexual encounters, wild transformations with the use of masks, retreats into the forest, and group hysterical behavior. In relation to the Dionysian orgies is the myth of the Maenads. The Maenads were female worshippers of Dionysus. The mysteries inspired these women to ecstatic frenzy; they indulged in extreme violence, bloodletting, sexual activity, and mutilation. The factor of impulsivity consists of a series of first order factors and variables expressing various types of aggressive behavior. Our data suggest that aggressive behavior among Greek children is facilitated by low impulse control. More specifically, it appears that impulsivity and a heightened emotionality, typical of people from Greece, and from Mediterranean countries in general, lead to stronger aggressive behavior among children in general (Vagenas, 2002). Aggressive behavior among Greek children is turned outwards, and may also be approved by the child’s family or social milieu. Indeed, aggression is usually viewed as a positive rather than a negative trait within the Greek culture, as it is often associated with persistence and tenacity, virility, and the aggressive behavior so common within a Greek family (Vagenas, 2002). Younger children have significantly higher scores on this factor (p<. 006). The second factor is sociability, a form of social reinforcing, whereby the child expects and seeks reassurance and approval from others. Given the factors that constitute sociability, the higher the depression and the lower one’s self image, the higher the social appraisal or need to seek the support of friends and comfort of true friendship. Older children (p<.000) and girls (p<.016) have higher scores on this factor. Greeks tend to be extraverted and seek friendships and relationships that last over time. There are several allusions in Greek philosophy that emphasize the value of friendship. One of Plato’s dialogues, Lysis, discusses the nature of friendship. Socrates also proposes several possible notions regarding the true nature of friendship. While Socrates does not reach any definite conclusion, he

258


suggests that the common pursuit of the “good and the beautiful” is the true motivation for friendship. The theories Epicurus (341–271 B.C.), one of the major philosophers of the Hellenistic period, focus on materialistic metaphysics, empiricist epistemology, and hedonistic ethics. He values friendship highly, and says that it “dances around the world,” telling us that we must wake to “blessedness.” He consistently maintains that friendship is valuable because it is one of the greatest means of attaining pleasure. Friends, he says, provide one another the greatest security, whereas a life without friends is solitary and beset with peril. The third factor is dominance and guilt. The myth of Cronus provides an explicit example of aggression motivated by dominance. Cronus envied the power of his father, Uranus, and overthrew by beating the Cyclops and Ecatonheires and setting the Titans free. But even so, he was unable to find some peace of mind: Cronus learned from Gaia, his mother, and Uranus that he was destined to be overcome by his own son, just as he had overthrown his father. As a result, he swallowed his children as soon as they were born, to preempt the prophecy. When Zeus, the sixth child was born, Rhea sought Gaia to devise a plan to save the children and to eventually avenge Cronus for his acts against his father and children. When Zeus grew up he encountered his father, in a vast war called the Titanomachy, where—along with his brothers and sisters and the help of the Gigantes, Hecatonchires, and Cyclops—he overthrew Cronus and the other Titans. During the Hellenistic period (5th-3rd centuries B.C.), when Greek philosophy and arts flourished, the Greek self-image was inflated, resulting in a contemptuous attitude towards others. The Greeks’ victory over the Persians also contributed to an intensified narcissism. This inflated narcissism is also implied in Politica, where Aristotle divided humanity into two main categories: the Greeks and the barbarians—a barbarian being anyone who did not share the Greek culture and language. The past is one way to explain dominance as a pertinent personality function: Greek history

abounds in great achievements and impressive victories. For instance, Alexander the Great (Greek king of Macedon, 4th century B.C.) was one of he most successful military commanders in history, undefeated in battle. By the time of his death he had conquered most of the world known to the ancient Greeks. Children learn of the achievements of Alexander the Great and many other ancient Greek heroes, either real or mythological, from a very early age. The pride felt nationally for our historical heritage enriches narcissistic feelings as well as feelings of dominance. One can also argue that, during the last century alone, Greeks have had to struggle with significant historical changes and events. The ruthlessness of these events has possibly contributed to the shaping of the Greek personality, which is known for always trying to overcome difficulties and seek a more dominant and assertive role. Family structure may also play a role in the development of an inflated ego in children. As explained above, Greeks traditionally have extended families. The presence of grandparents, uncles, and aunts is essential in a family’s life. Recent socioeconomic changes have a significant impact on the family’ size; the number of children per family has significantly decreased. Accordingly, members of the extended family often concentrate more attention and care on only one child, or two. In conjunction, children gain greater importance within their families, which also contributes to an inflated self-image or self-centered attitude from an early age. Among the various types of aggression found in the FTT, aggression as dominance was the only one found to be associated with morality (Coulacoglou, Souyouldzoglou, & Atsarou, 2002). This factor appears to be culturally sensitive, as morality was found to correlate with other types of aggression in other cultures (see chapters about the application of the FTT in India, Turkey and China). This factor increases significantly as children get older, reaching a peak at 8–9 years (p<.001). It appears that, as children grow older, they perceive the use of physical aggression as less justifiable and more costly in terms of social and personal consequences (risk of


injury). The fourth factor is fearfulness. Both anxiety and fear constitute important personality dimensions. King, Gullone, and Ollendick (1992) examined the relationship between self-reported fear and anxiety in a large sample of normal Australian children and adolescents. They found that children exhibited more fear with high anxiety than with low anxiety. Fearfulness increases as children become older, reaching a peak between 8–9 years (p<.002), and girls are more fearful than boys (p<.003). An interesting finding concerns the correlation between the mechanism of projective identification (4.6%) and fearfulness. This means that occasionally the feared object is the child’s own aggressive potential projected onto the enemy, as in: “I am afraid that the other will do to me what I want to do to him.” The fifth factor is possessiveness, which may be culturally sensitive. Being possessive means having control over others and one’s belongings. Anxiety relates to the possibility of losing one’s possessions and thus not being in control. Possessiveness and retaliation in its most brutal form may be found in the myth of Jason and Medea. Medea is best known in most stories as an enchantress. She is said to have fallen in love with Jason after he obtained the Golden Fleece. Jason, however, abandoned her to marry a princess. As a vengeance, the enraged Medea bewitched a robe with magic herbs and sent it to the princess as a gift. As soon as the princess wore it, the garment immediately caught fire and burned her to death. As a final touch to her revenge, Medea decided to have Jason kill her own two sons. There is significant age effect whereby children in the 8–9-year-old age group appear more possessive and anxious than those in the younger and older age groups (p<.001). The mechanisms of splitting and projection are significantly correlated with this factor. The last factor is instrumental aggression. According to Fromm (1973), with this adaptive type of aggression, the individual aims to obtain what is necessary or desirable for the preservation of life or

259

a customary standard of living. The most frequent objectives for instrumental aggression in the FTT are food and money. This type of aggression appears to have an international value, as it takes place other cultures such as China and India (see corresponding chapters). Instrumental aggression increases with age, reaching a peak at 8–9 years. There is a lack of any defense mechanisms significantly related to this factor. In contrast to other types of aggression, which use a variety of defenses, instrumental aggression is perhaps “perceived” as more justified, as it is closely linked to survival and preservation. CONCLUSIONS It would seem that the complex nature of Greek culture has a pervasive effect on the development of personality. Quantitative analysis, and particularly second-order factor analysis, reveals that five out of six factors include some form of aggression. Aggression dominance appears to be the most prominent type, stimulating feelings of guilt, possibly more often than other forms of aggression. Expressions of dominant aggression are often violent and sadistic. Another interesting finding relates to oral aggression, which appears to be a form of possessiveness. Regarding defense mechanisms, acting out relates to the factor of impulsivity and appears in Greek children more frequently than in those from other cultures. Additionally, reaction formation is a defense mechanism always employed against aggression, revealing the underlying motivation of the children’s desire to help or their altruistic behavior. Qualitative analysis also revealed some interesting findings intricately commented with the Greek culture.

Oedipal Feelings The Oedipus complex occurs quite frequently across Greek protocols (5.7%), at least compared

260


with non-Western countries such as India (1.5%) and China (2.2%). Although there are no specific studies regarding the occurrence of such feelings, we propose some tentative interpretations, based on the fact that Greek culture supports a constant bodily contact between parents and their children, as in holding, hugging, kissing, and bathing. Parents and child often share the same bed even when the child becomes older. Oedipal feelings are frequently observed in response to the question, “What does each witch think/feel?” The child often responds with statements like, “The witch wants to destroy SW and marry the prince herself.” In cases like this, the child identifies with the witch, and SW represents the mother. Responses to the second card of the scenes of SW also revealed Oedipal feelings, whereby the father forbids his daughter from getting married to the prince, or SW prefers the company of her father to that of the prince.

Sibling Rivalry Children’s responses also commonly include elements of sibling rivalry (5%). Like Oedipus conflict, sibling rivalry appears much more often than in other cultures (India 0.8%, China, 0.2%). This may be because children tend to be the center of attention in Greek families. With the arrival of a newborn child, the siblings lose their privileges in the family, and as a result, they may either experience feelings of antagonism or regress to earlier stages of development. Although this was not specifically studied, it seems that when siblings are involved in arguments or fights, parents appear to take sides. Parents often show a preference for one child over another. Children’s responses reflect sibling rivalry, especially regarding the cards of the witch and the dwarf. Children commonly identify with the witch and claim that SW is the sibling she wants to get rid of because she is younger, healthier, everybody loves her, and so forth. Additionally, children reveal sibling rivalry when they articulate the witch’s desire to destroy SW because she wants to take over

the witch’s kingdom or take her place. Children usually identify with the dwarf and regard SW as the sibling (a newcomer) who gets all the attention from the other dwarfs.

Sadistic Aggression A large number of aggressive responses reflect sadism. Torture, sadism, and conspiracies—motivated mostly by retribution and dominance—abound in Greek mythology. A striking example is Cronus, who envied the power of his father, Uranus the ruler of the universe. Cronus attacked Uranus by cutting off his genitals, castrating him and casting the severed member into the sea. Another mythological example of sadism is the story of Prometheus, a Titan known for his wily intelligence and for stealing fire from Zeus to give to the mortals. Enraged, Zeus chained Prometheus to a rock, where an eagle ate his liver, which regenerated every day. Years later, Hercules set Prometheus free by killing the eagle. Sadistic responses express hostile aggression (type A), as aggression dominance and retaliatory aggression. Such responses usually occur in reaction to witches and giants: Giant (Card 2): He wants to eat people,

devour their houses, trees, cars; he is having fun every evening when eating people. He is very happy to scare people.

Witch (What can a wicked witch do?): She

can kill small animals, run after them, kill birds, squeeze them with her stick, smash them, catch people from their throat and choke them to death.

A possible explanation for Greek children’s aggressive impulses may relate to family attitudes and forms of discipline. The media frequently

261


reports on family aggression and violence—either among parents or between parents and children. Unfortunately, parents still widely use corporal punishment to impose discipline and obedience. Research from 1994 to 1997 at the Department of Family Relations in the Institute of Child Health in Athens, involving 591 structured interviews with mothers of 6- and 12-year-old children, revealed that 65.5 percent of mothers used physical punishment to discipline their children, and mothers of 6year-olds were three times more likely to use such punishments than mothers of 12-year-olds (Fereti & Stavrianaki, 1997). Although we cannot accurately detect the origins of aggression and violence in the Greek culture, aggression and violence does abound in the national mythological and literary heritage.

Creativity and Fantasy Many idiosyncratic responses reflect fantasy and creativity. Another distinct feature of Greek protocols, this appears to be related to culture. The Greek, Indian, and Chinese cultures all have a long history of ancient civilizations as well as a long history of mythology, literature, and philosophy. It seems that this wealthy spiritual tradition nourishes the minds and hearts of a culture and gradually becomes part of the individuals’ psychological makeup. The following are examples of Greek bizarre responses: Scenes from SW (Card 2): This is LRRH’s

grandfather, and he is talking to SW. He is advising her to take care in order to avoid the troubles that LRRH fell into. Witch (Card 2): She wants to do something so

that SW loses her beauty. She does not have to kill SW herself. She can give her the mirror that can convince her to commit suicide or convince

the dwarfs to kill her. Witch (What can a wicked witch do?): She

can make ink come out of the tabs, she can put cockroaches in children’s toys, and she can make a rain of frogs.

Desire to Help as Reaction Formation The cards of the giant commonly inspire responses expressing the desire to help; responses are rated as such when the character wishes to offer help to another character in need of assistance. Apart from this quantitative interpretation, some responses were also evaluated as the defense mechanism of reaction formation. This occurs if such a response follows an aggressive one to the previous card. Reaction formation was among the most frequently employed defense mechanisms (4th in order of most frequently employed defense mechanisms, 8%), when compared to other cultures (China, 7th with 5%; India, 8th with 3.9%). Greek religious values and beliefs may possibly account for this factor. Philosophical concepts of prosocial behavior and sympathy have roots in religious doctrine. In Christianity, one of the commandments is “love thy neighbor as thy self,” and a person who expresses their love to a neighbor (through helpful actions) can expect reward and recognition. Christian orthodox principles commonly claim the necessity of loving, taking care of, and helping others in need. Greek children are familiarized with these principles from an early age, both within their families, but also in schools, where religious education forms part of the curriculum. One child said the following in response to the question, “What does each giant think and feel?” (responding in reverse order): Card 3: He is very mean and he wanted to

destroy the world; (?) he didn’t love anybody and he couldn’t stand them; (?) he wanted to become king of the earth.

262


Card 2: He wanted to help people; (?) he is

on aggression in children through the Fairy Tale Test]. Revista Iberoamericana de Diagnostico y Evaluacion very kind and he loved them very Psicologica, 13 (1), 9–27. much; he wanted the best for them. Dafermos, M., Marvakis, A. & Triliva, S. (2006). Deconstructing Psychology in Greece, Annual Review of Critical Psychology, No. 5. REFERENCES Eisenberg, N. (Vol. Ed.), & Damon, W. (Series Ed.). (1998). Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. Social, emo- Achenbach, T. M. & Edelbrock, C. S. (1983). Manual for tional, and personality development (5th ed.). New York: the Child Behavior Checklist and Revised Child Behavior Wiley. Profile . Burlington, VT: University of Vermont Dept. Emler, N. P., & Rushton, J. P. (1974). Cognitive-developof Psychiatry. mental factors in children’s generosity. British Journal of Atkins, M. S., Stoff, D. M. (1993). Instrumental and hosSocial and Clinical Psychology, 13, 277–281. tile aggression in childhood disruptive behavior disor- Eysenck, S. B., & Dimitriou, E. C. (1984). Cross-cultural ders. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 21, 165–178. comparison of personality: Greek and English chilBafiti, T. (2000). ∆ιαπροσωπικες σχεσεις στην οικογενια dren. Social Behavior and Personality, 12 (1), 45–54. και ψυχοσωµατικη υγεια (Interpersonal relations in Fereti, I., & Stavrianaki, M. (1997). The use of physical the family and psychosomatic health). Unpublished doc- punishment in the Greek family: Selected socio-demotoral dissertation, University of Athens, Athens, Greece. graphic aspects. International Journal of Child and Family Belk, R. W. (1985). Materialism: Trait aspects of living in Welfare, 3, 206–216. the material world. Journal of Consumer Research, 12 Fromm, E. (1973). The anatomy of human destructiveness . (December), 265–280. London: Pelican Press. Buss, A. H., & Durkee, A. (1957). An inventory for assess- Georgas, J. (1986). Οικογενειακες αζιες φοιτητων ing different kindsof hostility. Journal of Consulting (Family values of students). Greek Social Science Review, Psychology, 21, 343–349. 61, pp. 3–29. Carapanos, F. & Potamianou, A. (1985). Γλωσσα, Georgas, J. (1989). Changing family values in Greece: Επιθυµια. [Language, Desire]. In D. Anzieu, F. From collectivist to individualist. Journal of Cross- Carapanos, J. Gillibert, A. Green, N. Nicolaidis, and Cultural Psychology, 20, pp. 80–91. A. Potamianou (Eds.), Ψυχαναλυη, και Ελληνικη Georgas, J. (1991). Intra-family acculturation of values. Κουλτουρα . [Psychoanalysis and Greek Culture], pp. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 22, pp. 445–457. 65–118. Athens (Greece): Kedros Editions. Georgas, J., Bafiti, T., Mylonas, K., & Papademou, L. Coie, J. D., & Dodge, K. A. (1998). Aggression and anti(2005). Families in Greece. In J. L. Roopnarine & U.P. social behavior. In N. Eisenberg (Vol. Ed.), & W. Gielen (Eds.), Families in Global perspective (pp. Damon (Series Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Vol. 3. 207–224). Boston: Pearson Publications. Social, emotional, and personality development (5th ed., pp. Georgas, J. (1993). Changing family values in Greece: 779–862). New York: Wiley. From collectivist to individualist. Journal of Cross Coulacoglou, C. (1993). The development of the Fairy Tale Cultural Psychology, 20, 80–91. Projective Test in the personality assessment of children . Halperin, J. M., Matier, K., Bedi, G., Sharma, V., & Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Newcorn, J. H. (1992). Specificity inattention, impulExeter, England. sivity, and hyperactivity to the diagnosis of attentionCoulacoglou, C. (2002). Construct validation of the Fairy deficit hyperactivity disorder. Journal of the American Tale Test—Standardization data. International Journal of Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 31 (2), Testing, 2 (3, 4), 217–241. 190–196. Coulacoglou, C. (Ed.). (in press). Exploring the child’s per- Kim, J., & Cicchetti, D. (2004). A longitudinal study of sonality: Clinical and cross-cultural applications of the Fairy child maltreatment, mother-child relationship quality, Tale Test . Springfield, IL: Charles C Thomas. and maladjustment: The role of self-esteem and social Coulacoglou, C., Souyouldzoglou, M., & Atsarou, A. competence. Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology, 32, (2002). Un estudio de la agresividad en los niños medi80–99. ante el “un estudio de los Cuentos de Hadar” [A study King, N. J., Gullone, E., & Ollendick, T. H. (1992).

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece Manifest anxiety and fearfulness in children and adolescents. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 153 (1), 63–73. Leung, P. W. L., & Kwan, K. S. F. (1998). Parenting Styles, Motivational Orientations, and Self-Perceived Academic Competence: A Mediational Model. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 44, 1–19. Motti-Stefanidi, F., Tsiantis, J., & Richardson, C. (1993). Epidemiology of behavioral and emotional problems of primary school children in Greece. European Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, 2 (2), 111–118. Papademou, L. (1999). Κοινωνικη και ψυχολογικη αναλυση της οικογενειας (Social and psychological analysis of the family). Psychologia, 6, pp. 165–173. Papatheophilou, R., Sokou-Bada, K., Michelogiannis, J., & Pandelakis, S. (1988). Σχολικηε αποδοση : Κοινωνικοι, ψυχολογικοι και φυσικς παραµετροι: ψυχικη διαταραχη και σχολικη επιδοση [School performance: Social psychological and physical parameters; psychiatric disturbance and school achievement]. Psychologica Themata, 1, 211–229. Pateraki, L., & Houndoumadi, A. (2001). Bullying among primary school children in Athens, Greece. Educational Psychology, 21(2), 167–175.

263

Rose-Krasnor, L., Rubin, K. H., Booth, C. L., & Coplan, R. J. (1996). Maternal directiveness and child attachment security as predictors of social competence in preschoolers. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 19, 309–325. Rutter, M., Graham, P., & Yule, W. (1970). A neuropsychiatric study in childhood. In: Clinics in developmental medicine, Vol. 35/36. Philadelphia: Lippincott Publishers. Triandis, H.C., & Vassiliou, V. (1972). An analysis of sub jective culture. In H.C. Triandis (Ed.), The analysis of subjective culture (pp. 299–335). New York: Wiley. Vagenas, E. (2005). Για µια αλλη προσεγγιση της παιδικης επιθετικοτητας [For an alternaltive perspective on child aggression]. Athens: Sugxroni Epoxi. Vassiliou, G. (1966). ∆ιερευνησης µεταβλητων υπεισερ− χοµενων εις την ψυχοδυναµικην της ελληνικης οικογενειας (Exploration of factors related to the psy-

chodynamics of the Greek family). Athens: Athenian Institute of Anthropos. Vassiliou, V., & Vassiliou, G. (1973). The implicative meaning of the Greek concept of philotimo. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, 4, pp. 326–341.

Chapter 12 THE APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN INDIA NILANJANA SANYAL AND MANISHA DASGUPTA INTRODUCTION

Historical Overview of Psychological Assessment in India

T

he history of psychological assessment in India is a relatively short one. Mitra (1972) remarks that “up to 1921 research on construction and validation of psychological tests was conducted by Christian missionaries engaged in educational work” (p. 418). Only after 1950 did published evidence point to the construction of Indian tests, including the Guilford-Zimmerman Temperamental Survey, Cattell’s HSPQ, 16 PF, Maudsley Personality Inventory (MPI), Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI), and Edwards Personal Preference Schedule. Personality inventories and adjustment inventories were developed during 1950-1960. Since that time the development and adaptation of different types of psychological tests have been important components of doctoral work at Indian universities. Psychologists attempted to produce adaptations in major Indian languages such as Hindi, Urdu, Gujrati, Marathi, and Bengali. These attempts to develop culturally valid tests in India have been complex and formidable tasks, given that the plurality of the sociocultural system is a significant aspect of Indian life. The cultural mosaic of Indian society represented by various religions, languages, ethnicities, and castes complicates the process of developing tests that are fair to various members of the culture.

Indigenous tests are the outcome of cultural experiences. Investigators develop these tests by designing instruments that are sensitive to cultural features. Recently, Sahoo (1995) has developed the Test Indigenization Survey Instrument (TISI) to assess the level of indigenization of tests used in India. Sahoo considers two sets of parameters: content and context. Content parameters include: concept, language, items, and format. Each of these components is operationalized. Sahoo intends that the use of these measures will provide feedback about existing tests and will help in the future development of indigenous tests. Recently, researchers have begun to focus on the development of measures that consider cultural bias. J. B. P. Sinha (1975) developed a measure of dependence proneness, a very important disposition found among Indian people. D. Sinha (1984) has developed a new form of the Embedded Figures Test (EFT) in which the stimulus picture is presented alongside the story. Mehdi (1985) has developed a verbal test of creative thinking. Prakash (1994) has developed a measure of values using proverbs and J. Pandey (1981) has developed a measure of ingratiation tactics. These tests represent significant efforts to indigenize psychological tests in India. The two Handbooks of Psychological and Social Instruments (Pareek & Rao, 1974; Pestonjee, 1990) demonstrate tremendous development in the variety of instruments that have been developed. However, the concepts have frequently been borrowed from the Western psychological literature. The self-report measures using the pattern of atti-

264

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India

tude scales often use examples from Indian social situations and life experiences. In this way, the content is somewhat contextualized. This strategy partly overcomes the problem of cultural bias. However, the conceptual mapping remains problematic as there has been no serious attempt to understand the presence of the phenomenon in the culture and its distribution (Srivastava & Misra, 1996; Srivastava, Tripathi, & Misra, 1996). Studies of indigenous psychology in India have focused on the relationship between religion or spirituality and the transpersonal growth of the self (Verma, 1997). The indigenization movement attempts to integrate the logical positivistic approach of Western psychology, the ancient wisdom of psycho-spiritual nature, and folkways reflecting the social realities (Sinha, 2000). In terms of personality assessment, there is little systematic study and development of indigenous Indian measures, despite the theoretical discussion and development of Hindu concepts of personality (Asthana, 1968). For example, in the clinical assessment of children and adolescents, scholars have merely translated Western tests and renamed them, leading to the “erroneous impression that these tests have been developed especially in India” (Kapur, 2000, p. 416). Verma (1974) reviewed some widely used personality tests in India, such as the Eysenck Personality Inventory, the Children’s Personality Questionnaire, and the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT). In many of these instances, adaptation involved translating the test and eliminating the items that the authors did not consider to be culturally relevant. The development of a child’s personality is a complex process of expansion and growth, during which he or she needs careful help and guidance to reach emotional maturity. Therefore, it is necessary to improve the traditional personality assessment instruments that specialists use to evaluate the child’s personality dynamics, as personality changes over time. Personality tests belong to one of the following five broad categories:

265

• Projective tests/techniques • Semi-projective tests • Structured personality tests (structured inventories) • Structured diagnostic personality inventories, and • Assorted inventories This chapter focuses our attention solely on pro jective and semi-projective tests. PROJECTIVE TECHNIQUES Projective tests present a difficult problem for psychologists who administer and analyze them. In order to gain information about the individual’s private world of meanings, patterns, and feelings (Frank, 1939), the projective techniques appear to have a significant role. Employing a projective test effectively requires a subject with an average intelligence and verbalization capacity, so that his or her cognitive ability permits the interpretation of the meanings of the perceptions, along with the set of internal image-orientations. Actually, a number of psychoanalytic studies demonstrate that creative productions by poets and authors are the result of ego complex adaptive processes including sublimation, identification, ego expansion, and “creative regression.” (Sanyal, 1992; Halder, 1931; Basu, 1988; Ghosal & Dutta, 2006). Hence the need to delve into the emergent canvas of projective techniques. The nature of the stimuli is crucial for obtaining interpretable responses. However, the stimulus value of any object has as much to do with the mental make-up of the subject, which is largely culturally produced. Thus, projective test items are difficult to adapt and have many problems related to interpretation. In the Indian context, some attempts have been made that demonstrate the difficulties inherent to such an approach. One such example is the case of the famous TAT by Murray (1938). It is instructive to compare the original form of the test with two adaptations done

266


in India, one by Uma Chaudhary (1960) and the means of closely investigating personality traits, other at Allahabad by Manovigyanshala (1962). especially with children. A test that involves drawChaudhary reduced the number of cards and dras- ing, for instance, has an advantage over other techtically changed the context to “Indianize” the test. niques in that it is easy to administer and collect the The Bureau of Psychology stated that “in view of relevant data. Currently, the three most popular the fact that the original pictures are essentially for- instruments that use drawings as a means to assess eign in content, it was considered essential to mod- personality are: the Bender Visual Motor Gestalt, ify them so that it may facilitate identification of the Draw-a-Person Test (DAP), and the Optionalindividuals coming from the Indian background. Content Drawings. Faces and dresses with minor changes in the background have been Indianized as far as possible The Bender Visual Motor Gestalt without spoiling the stimulus value of the original pictures” (1962, page 3). Dwivedi’s (1974) version of the Bender-Gestalt The administration procedure of TAT consists of Test (1938) is perhaps the most broadly used proasking the child or adolescent to create a story for jective technique to date in India for diagnostic purevery picture shown. As a projective means, it is poses. This standardized test is also used in different supposed to reflect the subject’s attitudes, view- Indian universities as an assessment tool in practical points, relationships with significant others, con- classes. Relevant studies by Mukherjee, Dutta, and flicts, and dispositions. In India, TAT has been stan- Sanyal (1998) as well as Sanyal and Rajagopalan dardized and used extensively with adolescents (2005) are worth noting. (Tyagi, 1965; Chaudhary, 1960, 1967; Mehta, 1979). Another important projective test is the Draw-a-Person Test (DAP) Rorschach Inkblot Test. Asthana (1968) developed Indian norms for Rorschach responses. Despite the The DAP and its variations confine the content fact that the test was widely known, standardized, of children’s responses to relatively distinct identiand used by Indian researchers since the late 1960s, ties (e.g., man, woman, boy, girl). Harris’s (1963) few studies have been published to date. A few standardized adaptation is commonly used for perresearch studies concerning the Rorschach include sonality testing with Indian children. Sanyal et al.’s Sanyal, Dasgupta, and Chatterjee (2005) as well as (2006) research uses the DAP to assess the personAhmed (1981) and Malik (1985). ality of a child with emotional problems. Dossajh (1956) was one who pioneered the use of Rorschach research in India. Asthana (1963) was Optional Content Drawings probably the first Indian researcher to use the The specific task of drawing allows variations in Rorschach test for research in clinical settings and for assessing various personality aspects (Bhargava the content, as the child chooses what to represent. & Saxena, 1995). Raychandhari and Kumar contin- Researchers in India commonly use the Controlled ued to study the Rorschach in the 1960s and 1970s, Projection Test for Children. The psychologist asks while Dubey conducted research on the test in the the child to draw anything that comes into his mind 1970s and 1980s. Verma and Pershad also con- and to relate the drawing to a story about an imaginary child. Having been provided with the frametributed to research for more than three decades. work of the story, the child then answers a series of eleven questions about his or her parents, his prefProjective Techniques erences, fears, fantasies, and feelings. The task is Eliciting Motor Behavior considered to be a global test of social attitudes, Expressive physical movements are a practical habits, and personal relationships for children ages


6 to 12 years. Since it offers both the story and the child’s drawing for interpretation, Optional Content Drawing could be classified as a variation of the TA T and the drawing method.

Semi-Projective Tests The Picture-Frustration Study The Picture-Frustration (P-F) Study evaluates the reactions of children (ages 4 to 13 years) to frustration and determines the direction of the child’s aggression—either towards his- or herself or towards others (Rosenzweig, 1948). The pictures comprise highly structured scenes of events that depict frustration stemming from interpersonal relationships. The scoring system is relatively objective. Sharma (1975) developed the School Situation Reactions to Frustration Test (SSRFT) to study reactions to frustration among adolescents in the school setting. In addition, Dubey (1985) has developed an original P-F Study that is suitable for subjects living in rural areas.

Sentence-Completion Tests (SCT) This is a flexible combination of the word-association method and the thematic approach. The facilitator presents the child with printed forms containing 25 to 100 incomplete sentences and asks the child to complete them. Pestonjee (1997) cites the following Indian versions of sentence-completion tests: The Incomplete Sentence Test, Deshpande’s analysis of stressful/conflictive thoughts, and Deshpande and Tiwari’s SCT (1986).

Significance of the Fairy Tale Test (FTT) in an Indian Context The FTT is yet another projective test currently in use. Due to the general lack of projective tests, its standardization and use in India is decisive. The suitability of the FTT in the Indian context rests on the following:

267

1. The specific fairy tales used in the FTT are well-known among middle- to upper-class Indian children (Carlos, 2000). 2. Indian children seem to project onto the characters preconscious and unconscious material, as do children from other cultures. 3. FTT seems to emphasize the mother-image. Additionally, it reveals the degree and type of aggression as well as depression associated with the mother-image or the perceived mother-image relationship. Indian mothers play a significant role in their child’s socialization. In fact, in India, during early childhood, cultural expectations of boys and girls begin to diverge; the configuration of maternal identity tends to produce a more intense, provocative mothering of male infants than of females (Kakar, 1978). 4. The typical socialization pattern is related to personality features such as assertiveness, helpfulness, and reality-testing. One expects responses to FTT probing to reveal the Indian culture, while also allowing for reframing given how a child was affected by his or her upbringing and development. Wide exposure to the FTT could enable Indian psychologists to uncover culturally specific values and childrearing practices and how these strengths and weaknesses impact the personality development of children. 5. The FTT is the only available projective technique that incorporates a global psychodiagnostic approach to child pathology. As a diagnostic tool, the FTT has an extended spectrum that makes it applicable in India. 6. The FTT offers the child the possibility to recollect and reformulate parts of fairy tales. In contrast to having to make up a story, children experience less difficulty and frustration with this type of task, especially those who are inhibited and have limited imagination. 7. The variety of drawing techniques used in the stimulus cards (watercolors, pencil, and ink) make the test more thought-provoking and elicit children’s emotions with relative ease.

268


8. While the vast majority of thematic tests focus mainly on family and interpersonal relations, the FTT also assesses a large number of personality variables (Coulacoglou, 2002).

Cultural Factors Affecting Children’s Development In the complex process that contributes to the development of a healthy child’s personality, adaptability appears to be one of the key characteristics. Psychological interventions aim to locate the main factors that affect the development of personality and to explore how they interact with the micro-, meso-, exo-, and macro-systems of a child’s personal context (Brofenbrenner, 1979, 1989). According to Brofenbrenner, the microsystem is the most central circle and includes those settings of which the child has direct personal experience—most crucially, the family, as well as school, daycare, and the like. Next is the exosystem, which includes a range of system elements the child does not experience directly but that affect one of the microsystems, especially the family. The macrosystem includes the larger cultural or sub-cultural setting in which both the micro- and exosystems are embedded. In every culture there are positive and negative factors that affect the development of the child’s personality. The following section discusses the significance and specific role of each of these factors in the Indian culture.

The Indian Culture India has an ancient culture characterized by multiple philosophical approaches (sometimes contradictory), castes and creeds, languages, dialects, religions, and customs. Indian society is conceptualized as quite traditional and conservative. Nevertheless, during the last 50 years of the postindependence era, the nation has witnessed: increased literacy and education; scientific, technological, industrial, and economic development; a relatively stable democratic system, along with the resulting urbanization and socioeconomic changes;

the increased impact of the media; and the consequent changes in lifestyle. Sharma (1981) proposed that the Indian culture differs from other cultures in several dimensions, such as caste, socioeconomic hierarchy, Karma theory, and feudal system. Sinha (1982) conceptualized the Hindu (the major religion in India) identity as the result of three factors: (a) the intrapsychic structure conditioned by the indigenous religio-philosophical approach, (b) familialsocial-institutional relationships, and (c) contemporary Indian reality, which includes economic deprivation. The ultimate aim of existence in the Hindu culture is moksha which means self-realization, transcendence, salvation, or a release from worldly involvement. According to Kakar (1981), moksha is central to the imagery of the culture. Chitta, another key term in the Hindu culture of the psyche, is similar to the id of the psychoanalytic model. The essential psychological theme of Hindu culture is the polarity of fusion and separation. The psychological significance of this theme is its association with the human fear of death. Hinduism attempts to confront and resolve the fear of death in its elaboration of moksha as the ultimate goal of life. Dharma is another central concept in Hindu philosophy, variously translated as “law,” “moral duty,” or “conforming with the truth of things” (Kakar, 1981). A person’s dharma depends to a large extent on the particular norms and customs of the family; it is modified by situational variables, such as one’s genetic heritage and the specific time and place in which he/she lives. Not living up to expectations evokes feelings of envy (Das, 1976). The ideal goal for a Hindu is to live in harmony within the multiple hierarchical relationships of the extended family. The two major Indian epics, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, as well as a plethora of folktales, reflect allegorically both the good and bad nature of human beings. According to the Hindu philosophy, this life cycle commonly encompasses four stages. The first two lead the person towards the fulfillment of responsibilities to the hierarchical extended family. The first stage evolves during childhood and ado-


lescence, preparing the person to enter the second stage and become a “householder” whose dharma encompasses pleasure ( kama ), wealth, and power (artha ) in the fulfillment of family responsibilities. When one has fulfilled these responsibilities—one’s children having grown up and gone on to have their own children—then parents enter the third stage, and gradually turn to more spiritual pursuits. In the final stage, the individual ideally follows the path toward spiritual realization. The unconscious occupies a central place in the Hindu world image and theory of the meaning of human life. The origin and constitution of the unconscious are metaphysical, its nature depending upon the actions of one’s previous life. Kharma is not merely a doctrine of reincarnation, fatalism or predestination; it is a promise of hope. Nandy and Kakar (1980) claim that the relationship between personality and culture in India includes: a prolonged infancy, the intimate bond between mother and son, the mother’s indulgence, the identity development of the daughter (which centers around the evolving role of motherhood in society), the significant role adopted by the female principle in the culture as a whole, the evolutions of masculine identity, and the need for the father as a mentor or guide.

Sociocultural Factors in Child Rearing Research reveals consistent differences in childrearing practices that can be linked to social class and culture (Sanyal, 2001). Parents with lower incomes tend to be more coercive, whereas middleincome parents are more explanatory and use inductive reasoning to discipline their children. The constant stress of poverty has a significant effect on both parenting style and children’s development. Key factors that influence Indian parenting styles include (Kao & Sinha, 1997; Kakar, 1978): 1. Parental behavior that is primarily child-centered. 2. The mother being mainly responsible for the child’s socialization, while the father’s role is

269

limited to that of provider and disciplinarian. 3. Child-care practices.

Disparities in Indian Parenting Styles Khatri (1970) studied the different child-rearing practices in traditional Indian families. He suggests that the family environment of a Hindu male from childhood to adulthood provides the necessary basis for him to develop into a trusting and secure individual, with a positive self-image and the capacity to give and receive affection. By contrast, in cases where the male child does not adopt the roles assigned to him by his family and the social environment, he is likely to develop interpersonal conflicts. Generalized differential behaviors and open favoritism towards males has laid the groundwork for female children to develop a negative self-image and a perception of the world as basically unfair. However, this kind of child-rearing practice is less prominent in matriarchal families in India. Khatri considered the female child to be at risk for several mental health problems. He also speculated on whether such differential attitudes raise the threshold of tolerance for frustrations and tensions in females. Similar studies have also been conducted by Kapur (1990). Several Indian contemporary psychologists observed that the traditional child-rearing practices that involve permissive toilet-training and physical closeness between the mother and the infant have the advantage of promoting “secure bonding” and “attachment.” On the other hand, prolonging the aforementioned closeness and permissiveness can also have adverse effects on the child’s process of individuation and separation from the mother (Hoch, 1980; Ramanujam, 1977; Roland, 1976).

Social Class As discussed above, parents of different social classes exhibit dissimilarities and variations in parenting styles. An examination of the differences between urban and rural mothers indicated that rural mothers foster dependency (Seth, Saksena &

270


Srivastava, 1978; Bhogle, 1983) and are permissive ers are more encouraging and have better linguistic in relation to feeding, playing, sleeping, and dress- competency than uneducated mothers, yet they also ing their children (Rai, 1979). The parents of urban tend to be strict and to suppress children’s aggresfamilies assign their children more duties than do sion (Seth, Saksena, & Srivastava, 1978). Rai (1979) parents of lower classes families, and the former found that educated mothers, both in rural and train their children to be more self-reliant and urban areas, use systematic rewards and punishment responsible. Lower-class family members also and interact more with their children (Singh & Kaur, appear to be more interdependent (Seymour, 1976). 1981). Furthermore, economic security offers midPoverty is known to be associated with a variety dle-class parents the opportunity to devote more of physical and psychological problems in children, energy and attention to their own basic needs and adolescents, and adults (Baldwin & Revenson, those of their children, including a more education1986; Kelvin & Jarrett, 1985). Drastic economic al and stimulating environment (Hoffman, 1984). changes generate more difficult, irritable behavior and temper tantrums among young children Poverty (Sanyal, 2001; Elder, Caspi, & Van Nguyen, 1988). Economic deprivation, as a genuine source of frusThe daily stress that accompanies poverty gradutration, most often leads to aggression in children ally weakens the family system. Parents become and adults when associated with marked inequality depressed, irritable, and distracted, marital conflicts in the distribution of societal resources (Braithwaite, arise, and children’s development is negatively 1981; Gold, 1987; Rutter & Giller, 1984). affected (Compas, Howell, Phares, Williams, & Furthermore, an increase in aggressive behaviors Ledoux, 1989; Patterson, 1988). In fact, parents of low socioeconomic classes tend appears more likely in cases where there is serious disruption in the solidarity of one’s extended family to be controlling, authoritative, and irrational; they and community (as is more common in urban set- seldom solicit their children’s opinions and rarely tings). Such situations are less likely to occur in mid- explain rules or requirements to their children. dle-class neighborhoods where the ties between the These parental actions and attitudes can arouse members of the community have been preserved aggressive behavior in children (Sanyal, 2001). In contrast, middle- and upper-class parents are (Mussen, Conger, Kagan, & Huston, 1990). Parents with low incomes often exhibit a sense more concerned with their children’s happiness, of powerlessness and lack of influence in their social creativity, curiosity, achievements, independence, relationships, whereas middle-class parents have a and self-control. Thus, they tend to be more demogreater sense of control over their own lives (Berk, cratic and permissive in their child-rearing practices 1996). According to Kohn (1979), the values and and show more warmth and affection (Bacon & behaviors required to succeed in the business world Ashmore, 1987). affect one’s ideas about which traits to transmit to Figure 12.1 represents schematically the interrechildren; in turn, children are expected to incorpo- lations of poverty with childhood problems. Poverty in the family results in constant financial rate these traits in order to achieve future success. Education constitutes another factor that has a and emotional stress. depleting parents’ limited significant influence on social class differences in resources and paving the way for marital conflicts. child rearing. Educated, middle-class parents have Over time this affects the emotional health of chilgenerally acquired advanced verbal skills and dren who witness this stress (see Figure 12.1). This learned to think in an abstract, subjective way. brings about children’s adjustment problems, which Therefore, they are more likely to show an interest in turn impacts the mental health of the entire family. in a developing child’s inner characteristics Many researchers (Kapur, 1995; Gunthey & (Richman, Miller, & LeVine, 1992). Educated moth- Sinha, 1983; McLoyd, 1990; Patterson, 1991;


271

Figure 12.1. Interrelatedness of poverty with adjustment problems in children.

Rafferty & Shinn, 1991) have found that children from families with strenuous living conditions—single-parent families, poor housing conditions or in dangerous neighborhoods, and homelessness—run a greater risk of developing some type of psychopathology.

Ethnicity Ethnic groups differ in their beliefs and practices concerning child rearing. However, given cultural values and other contexts, some of these differences (mainly those of demanding parents) seem to have an adaptive value (Berndt, Cheung, Lau, Hau, & Lew, 1993; Chao, 1982). In addition, the family structure and the child-rearing customs of certain ethnic minorities can buffer the stress and disorganization that tend to result from poverty.

developing mental health problems—who live on the streets, whose parents are prostitutes, prisoners, or mental patients, and who live in tribes in remote areas) necessitate the urgent implementation of child welfare services (Phadke, 1993). A common cause of neglect of children in India is the low economic and educational status, particularly of women. In cases of common misfortunes, like death, disability, or divorce, women are basically economically unequipped to manage the family. Similarly, children in broken homes due to parental alcoholism, mental illness, and extreme poverty (especially those in slums and remote areas) are particularly at risk. Kapur (1995) highlights how the mental health of children who are working or institutionalized is also constantly under threat.

Working Children

Officials estimate that the number of employed children in India ranges from 20 to 100 million (Chopra & Mullick, 1987). Traditional trades use all A large number of Indian children at risk of forms of child labor.4 The hazardous nature of work,

Sociopolitical Factors Influencing the Child’s Personality

4. Examples are carpet-weaving, sari-making, brassware, precious stone polishing, beedi-making, and glass bangle manufacturing. Excluded are osiery production and the manufacture of matches and fireworks.

272


including long hours, low wages, and physical abuse, has an important impact on the development of a working child’s personality.

Children in Institutional Care Damania (1988) states that children in institutions represent one of the most disadvantaged groups of children in the country. These children experience severe emotional and behavioral problems. Most of the time, they underachieve scholastically and are unsuccessful at whatever tasks they undertake; they are also at risk of developing personality problems in adulthood. Researchers Venugopal and Kodandaram (1983) and Murlidhar, Sekhar, Eswari, and Shariff (1983) have described the long- and short-term effects of institutionalization, in terms of deficits in language, and cognitive and social development.

dren who experience significantly fewer psychosocial stressors in their early years of development. Parents’ socioeconomic and educational backgrounds influences child-rearing styles, which, in turn, affect children’s psychosexual development.

Family as Context for the Development of the Child’s Mental Health

Family is the primary social network and context for the development of the individual’s mental health. Several principles and processes help to define how families can create a healthy environment for children’s development, which enables children to adapt and learn to make loving contributions to their communities. Loneliness, despair, self-destructive behavior, and maladaptive forms of emotional coping can flourish in the absence of a loving and supportive family (Friedman, 1998). Anandalakshmy (1981) has developed a three Adopted Children dimensional model for the development of the In India, adoption traditionally takes place within Indian personality in relation to the family. the larger family, to ensure that property (what the According to this model, the richly developed inner family owns) remains within families. Adoption by world of feelings, thoughts, and fantasies and the childless couples rarely occurs (Kapur, 1995), prob- unusual ability to create a private internal space— ably due to a strong social stigma of adopting a child when there is little, if any, social privacy—are central whose origins are unknown: background, gender, to the Indian personality. Thus, ideally, the child is appearance, and any possible handicaps constitute expected to grow up to be dependent, interdependthe primary deterrents. However, the present-day ent, and dependable (all at the same time) in relascenario for adoption is gradually changing (Sohini, tion to his or her family (Neki, 1979). In this context, 1976; Baig & Gopinath, 1976; Modak, 1976). the pathology lies in the inability of either the mother or the child to take on suitable roles. How the family works as a system and affects a Delinquent Children child’s development depends upon the many possiThe phenomenon of rapid urbanization in India ble patterns of interaction between family members has increased the incidence of child delinquency and how other factors, within and outside of the (Singh & Khan, 1983; Kaliappan & Senthilathiban, family, influence those patterns. 1984; Gokhle, 1982; Sen, 1982; Singh, Singh, & Srinivasan, 1983). The majority of offenses that chil- Dimensions of Family Interactions dren commit include petty mugging, picking pockets, traveling without tickets, and the like. Researchers have identified several major differChildren from deprived socioeconomic and ences among families: the emotional tone of the educational backgrounds tend to develop more family, the responsiveness of the parent to the child, emotional and behavioral disorders than do chil- the manner in which the parent exerts control, and

273


the quality and amount of communication (Bee, 1997).

Emotional Tone of the Family

attitudes towards his or her parents. Parental control is significantly higher in older Indian males of high socioeconomic status (Malhotra, 1990), which suggests that control (versus autonomy) seems to be crucial in the development of emotional disorders in India today.

A key element for a child’s development appears to be parental warmth or hostility. A warm parent cares about the child, expresses affection frequently Responsiveness (or at least regularly), puts the child’s needs first, shows enthusiasm for the child’s activities, and Parents who respond appropriately to a child’s responds sensitively and empathically to the child’s needs increase the child’s ability to: learn language feelings (Singh, Singh, & Srinivasan, 1983; more rapidly, have a higher IQ, and experience Maccoby, 1980). Hostile parents overtly reject their faster cognitive development. Children with children. Chawla (1983) found that parents’ demon- responsive parents are more likely to: be securely stration of warmth is a determining factor in pro- attached, be more obedient, and have better social viding children with feelings of trust. skills than children with unresponsive parents Children from warm, loving families in India are (Bornstein, 1989). In contrast, children with conduct more securely attached to their parents during the disorder tend to be raised by parents who are rejectfirst two years of life; they have higher self-esteem ing, hostile, and uninvolved in the child’s activities and are more empathic, more altruistic, more (Indiramma, 1986). responsive to others’ distress, and have higher IQ’s in preschool and elementary school (Maccoby, Methods of Control 1980; Simons, Robertson & Downs, 1989). In fact, Ramanujam (1976) and Malhotra (1990) found that Children whose parents set clear, attainable rules neurotic problems in children often correlate to the and standards can face a broad range of situations lack of a close relationship with the parents, and demonstrate higher self-esteem than children parental overexpectation and control, and punitive whose parents have unreasonably high expectations and inconsistent discipline. Learning difficulties can or demands (Kurdek & Fine, 1994; Kapur, 1995). also be an expression of a child’s passive-aggressive Table 12.1 lists different disciplinary styles. TABLE 12.1. COMMON DISCIPLINARY STYLES PREVALENT IN FAMILIES Style

Techniques

Power assertion

• Power punishment • Threats • Commands • Withdrawal of privileges

Love withdrawal

• Physical withdrawl • Refusal to speak or listen to child • Verbal expression of parents’ dislike for child • Threats to leave

Induction

• Reason • Explanations

Basis

• Fear of punishment

• Loss of parents’ support, affection and approval

• Appeal to child’s reason, pride, empathy

274


Although both power assertion and withdrawal of love are effective in an immediate disciplinary situation, inductive discipline appears to be more successful in relation to the development of the child’s self-regulation. Power assertion fosters the development of an externalized conscience, while inductive discipline fosters an internalized conscience and pro-social behavior (Brody & Shaffer, 1982; Kuczynski, 1984). Mujtaba and Furnham (2001), and Ahmed, Waller, and Verduyn (1994) have conducted similar studies.

Communication Patterns The quality of the parents’ language impacts not only the child’s language acquisition but also the quality of the parent-child relationship. Parents engaging in conversations with children (using complex sentences) and encouraging their responses helps create a positive relationship (Badami, 1983; Barnes & Olson, 1985; Baumrind, 1971; Bell & Bell, 1982). Through their mutual interaction, each of the aforementioned dimensions has a definite effect on both the child and the parents’ child-rearing practices. The following section discusses how these patterns are generated.

Patterns of Child-Rearing Styles Based on combining four aspects of some dimensions of family interactions, Diana Baumrind (1972)

proposes three specific parenting styles within the Indian culture: • Authoritarian • Permissive • Authoritative Maccoby and Martin (1983) proposed a variation of Baumrind’s categorization that emphasizes two dimensions: the degree of control and the amount of acceptance/rejection or responsiveness (see Table 12.2). The parental “climate” or parenting style inevitably reflects a set of attitudes and values, which affects the child’s development in a specific way.

The Authoritarian Type In relation to children who have experienced other parenting styles, children from/in authoritarian families: tend to underachieve in school, are typically less skilled in interactions with their peers, and have lower self-esteem (see Table 12.2). Some children appear passive, while others may express high aggression. Preschoolers are anxious, withdrawn, and unhappy (Kapur, 1995; Kumar, 1975; Sanyal, 2001; Baumrind, 1967). Boys are especially aggressive and disobedient, while girls are dependable, aspire less to experiment and explore the world, and usually retreat from challenging tasks (Baumrind, 1971; Mehta, 1977).

TABLE 12.2. DIMENSIONS OF CHILD-REARING STYLES Level of acceptance/responsiveness

Levels of control or demand

High

Low

High

Authoritative, reciprocal

Authoritarian, power assertive

Low

Indulgent, permissive

Neglecting, uninvolved


The Permissive Type Children with indulgent or permissive parents do slightly less well in school during adolescence and are more likely to be more aggressive than are children with authoritarian parents. This is particularly true in cases where the parents are permissive with regards to aggression (see Table 12.2). Additionally, children with permissive parents exhibit immature social behavior with their peers (Kapur, 1995; Sanyal, 2001; Baumrind, 1967). They are less likely to take responsibility and are less independent. They are also overly demanding and dependent on adults and show less persistence on tasks during preschool than do children with more controlling parents (Berk, 1996).

The Authoritative Type The authoritative parenting style involves both greater control and affection, where parents set clear limits while responding to the child’s individual needs (see Table 12.2). Children in such families typically show higher self-esteem and are more independent but are also more likely to comply with parental requests and may express more altruistic behavior. They are more self-confident, and their behavior in school is achievement-oriented. In late adolescence, they are more likely to use postconventional moral reasoning (Boyes & Allen, 1993). In preschool there is a positive association between authoritative parenting and both emotional and social skills (Sanyal, 2001; Denham, Renwick, & Holt, 1991). Authoritative parenting is also linked with social and moral maturity and academic achievement in high school (Block, 1971; Dornbusch, Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991).

The Neglectful Type As one would expect, the children with most

275

consistently negative outcomes have neglecting or uninvolved parents (see Table 12.2). This specific parenting style results from parental depression. Miller, Christopherson, and King (1993) stress that, by the age of three, children whose parents lack affection and control begin to demonstrate aggressive behavior (usually by acting out). The resulting disorders of these children persist over many years in their relationships with significant others. In adolescence, they are more impulsive and anti-social and underachieve in school (Block, 1971; Pulkkinen, 1982). Moreover, they show deficits in many domains, including attachment and cognition (Egeland & Sroufe, 1981; Radke-Yarrow, Cummings, Kuczinski, & Chapman, 1985).

Other Aspects Concerning the Dynamics of Family Relationships The Child’s Characteristics The family system is affected by the characteristics of each child, such as his or her temperament, age, gender, and birth order (Muralidharan, 1973; Pathak, 1983; Malhotra & Randhawa, 1983; Bee, 1997; Boer, Godhart & Treffers, 1992). For instance, parents generally have higher expectations from the first-born5 along with a tendency to be more responsive to that child’s needs. Similarly, the temperament of the child is an important aspect in determining personality; for example, a child’s vulnerability affects family care-taking patterns and can create a cycle of unhealthy interactions that may result in behavioral problems (Kapur, 1995; Malhotra & Randhawa, 1983; Malhotra, Varma, Verma, & Malhotra, 1986).

Siblings It is relatively common for siblings within the same family to develop fairly different personality characteristics, because parents often behave differently towards each child (Dunn & McGuire, 1994).

5. In relation to this parental attitude, Bee (1997) indicates that usually first-borns are strictly disciplined.

276


In turn, these dissimilarities in the parenting styles affect the relationships between siblings and create rivalry and hostility between them (Hoch, 1970; Brody, Stoneman, McCoy, & Forehand, 1992).

Parents’ Characteristics Several researchers emphasize how the parents’ personal history, qualities, and ideology affect the family system—especially parents’ personal beliefs and how they perceive their child. The main parental personality characteristics that influence the family system are depression and a parent’s own internal working model of attachment (Richters & Pellegrini, 1989; Main & Hesse, 1990; Ward & Carlson, 1995).

Family Structure The structure of the family also impacts family functioning, which, in turn, affects children’s behavior.

The Type of Family System The gradual transition from a joint to a nuclear family system has had many consequences for the development of the child’s personality. However, Kapur (1995) argues that studies have not succeeded in indicating a significant relationship between the type of the family and psychological disturbance. Kapur (1990) also finds that nuclear and joint families use the same child-rearing practices. Singh and Chauhan (1983) reveal that the type, size, and occupational status of a family significantly affect the level of self-disclosure among adolescents. SINGLE-P ARENT FAMILIES: Children reared in single-parent families are at higher risk for developing a variety of emotional and behavioral problems, including dropping out of school, teen parenthood, and delinquency (Bee, 1997). The commonly low economic status of single-parent families leads to an increase of parental stress and anxiety it also makes it far less-likely that children will receive the finan-

cial or emotional support they need in order to complete high school or to pursue higher education. STEPPARENT FAMILIES: A number of theorists (Brand, Clingempeel & Bowen-Woodward, 1988; Hetherington, 1989) emphasize the emotional and social difficulties of children whose parents divorce and remarry. Children experience an increased emotional burden when they must adjust to a new family condition after many years in a single-parent family. This difficulty often stems from the fact that, after the original divorce, they are usually given more independence and also take on various family roles. Upon the stepparent’s arrival, family dynamics change, displacing children from their former roles. Problems are even greater when the parent has an especially close relationship with his or her new partner.

Divorce It is well-documented that parental conflict can have adverse effects on children. Children whose parents engage often in physical or verbal fighting show more distress, anger, and aggression than do children whose parents have a more balanced relationship (Singh, Palwal, & Gupta, 1972; Barnes & Pai, 1983; Davies & Cummings, 1994). Family dynamics are even more complicated when parental conflict is followed by divorce. Any change in the family structure is likely to produce shortterm disruption before the family members manage to adapt to the new way of living. Divorce often results in alterations in parenting style (for example, parents might become more authoritative or neglecting). The first years after a divorce cause particular strain; children typically become more defiant, more aggressive, or depressed (Kumthekar, 1983; Bee, 1997), and their school performance often declines—at least for some time (Furstenberg & Cherlin, 1991; Hetherington & Clingempeel, 1992).

Influences Outside the Family System A wide range of experiences in parents’ lives out-


277 277

side the family also influences the interactions Maternal Employment and Day Care between family members. Two eminent factors that Hoffman (1989) comments that the phenomenon appear to have a substantial effect on the parents’ behavior, and thus the child’s development, are of maternal employment is part of the recent social changes in India. In an increasing number of Indian employment employment and the network of social support. families, both parents work, and others (nurseries, babysitters, etc.) handle children’s daycare. As a Parents’ Parents’ Profession result, there is a decline in the amount and quality The mother’s employment affects the family sys- of time that mothers spend with their children. tem by improving the mother’s self-image, increas- Infants can develop secure attachments to their daying her feelings of power, and altering the distribu- care providers and thus be partially “compensated” tion of labor between her and her husband within as for the typical mother-infant relationship (Goossens 1990). Alternatively, infants infants with well as outside of the home (Spitze, 1988; Blair & & van Ijzendoorn, 1990). Johnson, 1992). 1992). The effects on children are are general- working mothers may be more independent and ly positive, especially for daughters (Brofenbrenner, may develop more confidence in dealing with the Alvarez, & Henderson, 1984). As already men- social environment. In addition, they seem to have tioned above, job satisfaction is an important deter- better problem-solving skills (Sanyal & Bhowmick, minant of the parent’s child-rearing practices, which 1992; Clarke-Stewart, 1989; Vaughn & Waters, employment is also associated with practices have long-term effects on the child’s per- 1990). Maternal employment the development of creativity in Indian children sonality. (Asha, 1983). The entire family system is greatly affected by the father’s loss of a job. Paternal unemployment increases strictness of child rearing and reduces Abusive Parents Parents marital satisfaction. Children often respond by Wolfe (1987) reports, that in recent years, the demonstrating disruptive behavior. During such phenomenon of child abuse is continually increascrises, both parents become less consistent and less affectionate towards their children (Conger, ing in India. This trend seems to be the product of and demographic variables variables such such as: Patterson, & Ge, 1995). Children in this situation personality and exhibit a variety of symptoms, including depresa. a child’s child’s impuls impulsive ive person personality ality pattern; pattern; sion, aggression, delinquency, and declined school b. a silent/nonresponsive silent/nonresponsive parenting pattern; performance (Conger et al., 1992, Conger, Ge, c. a typically typically noncongenial interpersonal interpersonal profile profile Elder, Lorenz, & Simons, 1994; Flanagan & Eccles, of the family; 1993). The father and the rest of the family can d. socioeconomic status (S.E.S.) (S.E.S.) stress; and counteract these negative outcomes, which can e. general apathy of the society towards towards expresexpresalways be softened with the provision of the necession of aggression on children (see Table 12.3) sary emotional support of the father and the rest of the family. There are factors operating at different levels that Greenberger, O’Neil, and Nagel (1994) and Parcel and Menaghan (1994) focus on the effect of the can either lead to child abuse or serve as “compendeterminants,” which have a definite bearing nature of the parental occupation on family interac- satory determinants,” tions. Complex jobs that demand greater independ- on children’s development. Children who have ence of the employee are usually linked with author- experienced physical and/or psychological abuse itative parenting, whereas less-complex, more rou- are likely to become abusive adults themselves tine jobs are linked with authoritarian control. (Sanyal, 2001, 2003).

278 278

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 12.3. FACTORS FACTORS DETERMIN DETERMINING ING CHILD AB USE Ontogenetic level

Micro-system level

Exo-system level

Macro-system level

RISK RI SK FACTORS FACTORS

• Hi History of abuse • Low self-esteem • Low IQ • Poor inter terper personal skills

• Marital discord • Children with behavior problems • Premature or unhe nhealthy thy children • Single Single paren parent t • Pover Poverty ty

• Unemployment • Isolation-poor social support • Poor peer relatio tions as a child

• Cultural acceptance of corporal punishment • View of children as pos possessions • Economic depression

COMPENSATORY FACTORS

• Hi High IQ • Healthy children • Awareness of pa past aabbuse • Su Supportive spouse • History of positive • Economic security relationship with one parent • Special talents • Physical attractiveness • Go Good interpersonal skills

Social Support for Parents The quality of parents’ social networks also affects the family system. Parents who have access to adequate emotional and physical support—from one another or from friends—are able to respond to their children with more warmth, consistency, and better control (Singh & Khan, 1983; Crnic, Greenberg, Ragozin, Robinson, & Basham, 1983; Taylor, Casten, & Flickinger, 1993). Their children, in turn, perform on a variety of measures (Melson, Ladd & Hsu, 1993; Hofferth, Boisjoly, & Duncan, 1995). Social support has a “buffering effect” that substantially lessens the impact of family stress. Children’s mental health is highly dependant on the quality of the family relationships. To sum up, a number of determinants—from sociocultural and sociopolitical changes to familial structures, child-rearing styles, and other external

• Good social supports • Culture that promotes a • Fe Few ststressful ev events sense ooff sh shared re respons• Strong, supportive ibility in caring for the religious affiliations community’s children • Positive school experi• Culture opposed to ences and peer relations violence as a child • Economic prosperity • Therapeutic interventions

factors—influences the personality development of children. The family appears to have a major impact on molding young personalities and can establish children’s emotional health along with sound communication exchanges that have a bearing on the cognitive-conative-affective cognitive-conative-affective trio. METHOD

Participants The Indian Indian sample sample consisted consisted of 1,082 children randomly selected from the schools in three different areas: Bangalore, Kolkata, and Delhi. There were three age groups: 6–7, 8-9, and 10–12 years of age. The socioeconomic status of the children’s families was: 28.9 percent low, 42.58 percent middle, and 28.52 percent high. Table 12.4 shows the distribution according to region and religion.

279 279

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India TABLE 12.4. DISTRIBUTION OF THE DATA ACROSS REGION AND RELIGION Region

N

%

Bangalore

488

44.98

Delhi

275

Kolkata

322

Religion

N

%

Hindu

904

85.69

25.36

Muslim

84

7.96

29.66

Christian

67

6.35

Procedure

RESULTS

Facilitators assessed all children individually in school at appropriate times. For the majority of children of lower socioeconomic socioeconomic class, facilitators facilitators narrated all three stories (Snow White [SW] and the Seven Dwarfs, Little Red Riding Hood [LRRH], and Jack and the Beanstalk ([JB]) twice in the classroom and then tested the children with the FTT one week later.

Factor Analyses

Material The study employed the Fairy Tale Projective Test.

Table 12.5 reveals the first-order factors. All twenty-nine variables were included. Principal component analysis was carried out using varimax rotation. First-order factor analysis resulted in the formation of twelve factors, which accounted for 56.7 percent of explained variance (see Table 12.5). Second-order Second-order factor analysis led to the formation of six factors (see Table Table 12.6), 12.6), which accounted for 61.7 percent of explained variance.

TABLE 12.5. FIRST FI RST-ORD -ORDER ER FACTOR ANALYSIS ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Anxiety and Depression

Anxiety

-0.632

Depression

-0.584


-0.394

Bizarres

-0.312


-0.323

Self-Esteem

-0.366


-0.638

Continued

280

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 12.5—Continued. FIRST FI RST-ORD -ORDER ER FACTOR ANALYSIS ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Assertiveness


-0.794


-0.714

Need for Approval

-0.550

Primitive and Hostile Aggression

Aggression type A

-0.702

Oral Aggression

-0.695

Fear of Aggression

-0.536



-0.778


-0.752

Oral Needs

-0.400

Insecurity

Need for Protection

-0.745

Bizarres

-0.498

Need for Affection

-0.388


-0.330

Possessiveness Possessiveness

Sense of Property

-0.689


-0.616


-0.442

Relationship with the Parents

Relationship with the Father

-0.744


-0.420

Fear of Aggression

-0.536

Continued

281

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India TABLE 12.5—Continued. FIRST FI RST-ORD -ORDER ER FACTOR ANALYSIS ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Helpfulness

Desire to Help

-0.727

Need for Affection

-0.501

Self-Esteem

-0.365


-0.336

Moral Consciousness

Morality

-0.756


-0.437

Repetitions

-0.414

Envy

Aggression as Envy

-0.775

Repetitions

-0.407

Bizarres

-0.316

Self-Esteem

-0.344

Social Withdrawal

Sense of Privacy

-0.705

Oral Needs

-0.395


-0.370


-0.358

Ambivalence

Ambivalence

-0.787


-0.417

282

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 12.6. SECOND-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Envy and Guilt

Envy (Aggression as Envy, Repetitions, Bizarres, Self-Esteem)

-0.901

Moral consciousness (Morality, Sexual Preoccupation, Repetitions)

-0.754

Parent-Child Relations as Regulators of Primary Needs

Insecurity (Need for Protection, Bizarres, Relationship with the Mother, Need for Affection)

-0.685

Possessiveness (Sense of Property, Aggression as Defense, Aggression as Retaliation)

-0.594

Helpfulness (Desire to Help, Need for Affiliation, Need for Affection, Self-Esteem)

-0.332

Relationship with the parents (Fear of Aggression, Relationship with the Father, Relationship with the Mother)

-0.458

Moral Restraint and Cognitive Inhibition

Ambivalence (Sexual Preoccupations, Ambivalence)

-0.862

Moral consciousness (Morality, Sexual Preoccupations, Repetitions)

-0.509

Instrumental aggression (Desire for Material Things, Instrumental Aggression, Oral Needs)

-0.390

Survival Coping Strategies

Assertiveness (Aggression as Dominance, Desire for Superiority, Need for Approval)

-0.749

Instrumental aggression (Desire for Material Things, Instrumental Aggression, Oral Needs)

-0.639

Helpfulness (Desire to Help, Need for Affiliation, Need for Affection, Self-Esteem)

-0.417

Passivity Passivity vs. Aggressive Impulses

Anxiety and depression (Adaptation to Fairy Tale Content, Bizarres, Anxiety, Relationship with the Mother, Depression, Need for Affiliation, Self-Esteem)

Primitive and hostile aggression (Aggression type A, Oral Aggression, Fear of Aggression)

-0.728 -0.711

Social Isolation and Parental Dependency

Social withdrawal (Need for Affiliation, Oral Needs, Sexual Preoccupation, Sense of Privacy)

-0.795

Relationship with the parents (Fear of Aggression, Relationship with the Father, Relationship with the Mother)

-0.495


he is very poor. poor. She is crying because her father has become poor.

Discussion of First-Order FTT Factors Anxiety and Depression Poverty and parental unemployment produces sufficient stress in the family as to interfere with its functioning and with the parents’ ability to be sensitive and responsive to their child’s needs. Economic stress also creates feelings of frustration, anger, and helplessness. Stressful economic situations are predictive of parental negativism and inconsistency. Economic hardship affects family interactions by creating daily strains that result in parental depression. Parental depression, in turn, impairs children’s socioemotional functioning (Eamon, 2001), through low levels of nurturance, uninvolved and inconsistent parenting, harsh discipline, and conflicts in the marital relationship. In terms of the defense mechanisms, undoing was significantly correlated with anxiety and depression. Bangalore and Kolkata children scored lower on anxiety and depression, probably due to an emotionally protective environment typical of families from these regions. A major major reason reason for depressi depression on among among Indian Indian children as observed in the FTT responses relates to the disturbing reality of material and affective deprivation. The following responses are characteristic: Dwarf (Card 1): Each dwarf feels sad because

they don’t have parents to look after them and think about when to go to work and how to get food. Scenes from LRRH (Card 2): She is sad; she

has no parents; she is worried about where to sleep and what to eat.

Scenes from SW (Card 2): He is scolding her

because she is giving money back back to her father. Before, her father was very rich, but now

283

Assertiveness As a factor, assertiveness consists of desire for superiority, aggression as dominance, and need for approval. Raphling (1998) argues that aggression is either assertive or destructive: “assertion is bound to use destructive aggression to accomplish aims usually thought of as benign, since assertion is expansive by nature, and thus requires the destruction of the inevitable fantasized or real barriers to its success” (p. 798). Within the Indian culture, the correlations between assertiveness and the defense mechanism of projection indicate that the desires to be unique, set higher goals, or impose one’s will are not socially acceptable and thus children project these values onto others. Below are two examples of the relationship between desire for superiority, aggression as dominance, and need for approval (throughout, “(?)” indicates prompting by the facilitator): Giant (Card 1): I am bigger than people people but I

want to be bigger than the giants in cards 2 and 3. (?) I want to show people what I can do by being big. (?) I want to have my name in the world of heroes. Witch (Card 1): She is looking very happy

because the mirror has told her that she is the most beautiful in the world. Then all the men will want to marry her. She can become Miss Universe. She is thinking that now I will be the most beautiful in the world ‘til I die.

Children belonging to high SES families tend to be significantly more assertive than their middleand low-class counterparts, due to their higher level

284


of self-confidence and achievement motivation. For children from lower SES families, assertiveness compensates and protects them from potent selfdestructive anxieties (Sanyal, 1991, 2001). Children from both Delhi and Bangalore appear to be more assertive in fulfilling their ambitions. However, children from Delhi express their aggression more directly, whereas children from Bangalore use aggression more instrumentally. Children from Kolkata, on the other hand, due to cultural influences from Bengal, express less aggression and, instead, show higher levels of emotional needs, such as the need for affection and emotional stability.

Primitive and Hostile Aggression

enon of incorporation. The following example is typical of these types of responses: Giant (Card 3): He is angry and frustrated.

He wants to kill others as he has become weak—he will eat and become strong. Indian society tolerates such aggression patterns for children in early stages of infancy and childhood, accepting them as indications of immaturity, but the same is not true for those in later years of childhood and adolescence. Still, aggressive behavioral patterns are quite common among Indian children, probably due to an initially tolerant family attitude towards young children that gradually becomes more restrictive towards older children and adolescents (Sanyal & Bhowmick, 1992; Sanyal & Banerjee, 2004; Sanyal, Ray, Das, & Ghosh, 2003). Both 6- to 7- and 8- to 9-year-old children express significantly higher primitive and hostile aggression than their older counterparts. According to Anna Freud (1981), younger children tend to explicitly display aggressive fantasies or impulses. Children belonging to low-SES families rank the highest in the dimension of primitive and hostile aggression, followed by upper- and then middleclass children. This may be due to the former’s strong sense of deprivation regarding the basic needs of life, lack of formal education, and general perception of an aggressive mode of behavior as the social norm.

The underlying variables of the third factor are aggression type A, oral aggression, and fear of aggression. Aggression type A (or hostile aggression) consists of reactions that are not justified by external causes, but instead are self-generated. Aggression may serve an adaptive or discharge function. According to Feshbach (1970), hostile aggression is intended to inflict injury or pain upon the victim with little or no advantage to the aggressor (person-oriented aggression, as defined by Hartup, 1974). The child controls or punishes objects as representations of his or her bad self. In effect, the result is a need to be angry and to hate (Furst, 1998). Oral aggression is the most archaic form of aggression, with origins formed in the oral stage. According to Abraham (1924), the oral character has “a deeply rooted conviction that everything will Instrumental Aggression always be well . . . always some kind person [will be there] to care for them and give everything they Another first-order factor is instrumental aggresneed” (p. 399). Mark Sylvan (1981) contends that sion, which consists of instrumental aggression, the Hindu child generally experiences an extreme- desire for material things, and oral needs. Among ly gratifying oral phase. Indeed, the Hindu tends to the common types of aggression expressed in leave things not only to family but to God and fate. Indian protocols is instrumental aggression. Dependency is a significant oral trait, and “This According to Feshbach (1970), instrumental aggresdemand for care may be expressed through sion is rewarding or advantageous for the aggressor, extreme passivity or through highly active oral- independent of the victim’s discomfort, which probsadistic behavior” (Fenichel, 1945, p. 489). The FTT ably explains Indian boys being significantly more oral aggression responses often reflect the phenom- assertive than girls, since Indian sociocultural struc-

285


ture is ostensibly more tolerant and/or protective towards boys openly expressing their aggression. The following is a characteristic example of instrumental aggression: Witch (Card 2): She is planning to kill SW, so

that she can get money for herself and her son, then she can buy toys for him and make him study well. SW is beautiful so rich men will give money and marry her.

Giant (Card 2): He is thinking of killing SW.

(?) SW’s stepmother has told him to do so. He feels happy, as when he will kill her he will get money and become rich. Children who scored highest on this factor were from lower SES families, suggesting that instrumental aggression may better serve their struggle for survival through behaviors such as stealing or delinquency. Individuals of lower socioeconomic status have been shown to present significantly higher rates of delinquent and aggressive syndromes (Wadsworth & Achenbach, 2005). In addition, among children between 6 and 17 years, SES was associated with parent and teacher reports of aggressiveness and delinquency (McCoy, Frick, Loney, & Ellis, 1999). The SES-linked differential incidence of such behaviors supports the hypothesis that factors associated with SES contribute to variations in levels of psychological problems. Economic disadvantage is also associated with higher aggression in early development (Guerra, Huesmann, Tolan, van Acker, & Eron, 1995). Guerra and her colleagues examined three factors that could increase the risk of aggression among urban children: economic disadvantage, stressful events, and individual beliefs. Their results indicate that the effects of low economic status appear to be mediated by both stressful events and individual beliefs, such as approving of aggression. Middle-

and upper-class children appear to engage in more socially approved patterns of behavior. In Bangalore, the Indian metropolis of technological achievement, material goods are highly valued. This offers a possible explanation for why children from Bangalore score significantly higher on instrumental aggression compared to their counterparts in Delhi and Kolkata, which implies that they are considerably more resilient and tend to use aggression to satisfy their basic needs. Instrumental aggression is more common in Muslims and Christians than in Hindus.

Insecurity Insecurity consists of the need for protection, bizarres, need for affection, and relationship with the mother. Insecurity is the outcome of harsh punishment, rejection, or helplessness, or a need for shelter or protection from a stronger adult or from God. Turning to God through prayer or wish is quite common among Indian protocols. The following example reflects the need for protection from God. She is happy because somebody has praised her. She has done her work very carefully. She is thinking: I have got some divine power; that is why I could do the work properly. God has given her these demon powers so that nobody hits her.

Little Red Riding Hood (Card 2):

Six- to seven-year-old children present higher ratings on insecurity. Children from Kolkata score significantly higher on insecurity than do those from Bangalore or Delhi. This may suggest that children from Bangalore and Delhi are more independent and self-reliant than children from Kolkata. Insecurity is also higher in Muslims. The following examples reflect fear of aggression and a negative relationship with the mother:

286


Scenes from LRRH: She is beaten by her

mother for having talked to the wolf. She is crying. Scenes from LRRH: Her mother beat her. She

stole some sweets and ate them up. The sweets had been prepared for the festival.

Possessiveness The sixth factor, possessiveness, includes the variables of sense of property, aggression as defense, and aggression as retaliation. Sense of property or ownership concerns the defining of boundaries between what is “mine” and what is “not mine.” Retaliatory aggression is perhaps the first type of learned aggression the child experiences in the form of punishment (Fromm, 1973). Major elicitors of retaliatory aggression during the elementary school years include threats and derogations to one’s ego and self-esteem (Hartup, 1974). Children belonging to low SES families score highest on possessiveness, followed by upper SES children, while children from middle SES class score the lowest. This finding highlights a significant social feature according to which both deprivation and possession of material things generate a stronger desire for it. In lower SES classes, possessiveness of material things implies attainment of a more comfortable living standard and a higher social status. Upper-class children feel insecure when faced with the possibility of losing materials. Holding on to material objects or possessions signifies security, comfort, and social status in life. In this respect, middle-class children seem to differ a little: They do not experience a total lack of material comfort, yet they have less anxiety over losing possessions.

Relationship with the Parents The underlying variables of the seventh factor are the relationship with the father, relationship with the mother, and fear of aggression. Strong emotional family bonds are ordinary in Indian culture.

According to Sinha (1984), the Indian culture considers the individual a part of the society and not a separate unit. Despite the increase of Western influences, the basic unit of the Indian social structure remains the family, rather than the individual (Sinha, 1988). However, with a negative parent-child relationship, children split the parental figures into good and bad (supporting vs. rejecting). The more secure the perceived parent-child relationship, the less frequent the mechanism of splitting of object. In relation to object relations, middle-class children have better relationships with parental figures than their counterparts in either low- or upper-SES families. In contrast, upper-class children have poorer object-relations than middle-class children. Financial affluence most likely contributes to feelings of social security and emotional independence, which in turn may prevent them from feeling the need to freely interact with others. Hence, emotional investment in relationships with others does not often take place among individuals from upper SES backgrounds (Sanyal, 2001). Children from Delhi have better object relations than children from Bangalore or Kolkata, which may also explain their choice of more practical orientations in life. In addition, independence seems to be a cultural trait that is valued in Delhi, reflected in social interactions, food habits, and the value system that characterize its inhabitants (Kakar, 1978). Parent-child relations appear to be better among Hindus than among Christians and Muslims. Data suggest that parents are consistent in their disciplinary methods towards children. The following is an example whereby the child’s mother triggers her fear of aggression: Wolf (Card 1):

He’s crying because he has seen something and is feeling very sad; (?) he is feeling sad because he had seen that a daughter is being badly beaten by her mother in a house; (?) he’ll stop the mother from beating.


287

In the following example, the child assigns SW the role of the mother and identifies with the dwarf.

He wants to enjoy the whole occasion.

Dwarf (Card 1): He is thinking whether SW

Dwarf (Card 3): He is thinking how to make SW better because he was not a servant of the stepmother. He is feeling angry with Dwarf 1 and 2. I think he will be able to make her feel better.

will hit them or treat them nicely. He feels confused; he wonders when SW will take care of them.

Helpfulness

Children from the oldest age group are more The factor of helpfulness in children consists of helpful than their younger counterparts. the desire to help, need for affection, self-esteem, Girls score significantly higher on helpfulness and need for affiliation. Predominant interpersonal than boys, probably due to their relatively higher goals in India include being a good person, being emotional intelligence. Girls experience a stronger considerate of the well-being of others, fulfilling need to approach and relate to others than boys. one’s duties, and helping others (Sinha, 1997). In Hence, girls tend to be more interactive within their the present study, it appears that children offer help social milieu compared to their male counterparts. and friendship to others in exchange for affection. Children of upper SES showed the highest Helpfulness has been found to correlate significant- degree of helpfulness, due to a less authoritarian ly with rationalization, reaction formation, and split- attitude within the family, which has fewer restricting of self, indicating that helpfulness is not a spon- tions and prohibitions than families of middle or taneous or genuine behavior, but rather a defensive lower SES. In addition, in upper SES families, maneuver against latent hostile feelings. The fol- financial affluence and higher social status offer lowing example consists a single child’s responses more possibilities for broader social interactions. to the Dwarf cards: Although Christian children constitute a religious minority relative to the entire Indian population, Dwarf (Card 1): He has seen SW and is feeling they score higher in helpfulness than children from very happy because she has other religions. Their minority status may have died. He was also jealous of encouraged them to develop an extended social netSW’s beauty, (?) probably work to assure emotional security and stability. because he was in the group of SW’s stepmother. He will Moral Consciousness pick her up and send her to her stepmother. Moral consciousness is composed of morality, sexual preoccupation, and repetitions. Dharma is a Dwarf (Card 2): He is having fun because he central concept in Hindu religion and has both a was an enemy of SW. He religious and a secular meaning. Moral issues are wants to have fun with SW diffuse in popular Indian sacred texts or epics. The and play bad tricks on her. He Bhagavad Gita (500–200 B.C.), sometimes termed had much fun when SW died. as the Fifth Veda, 6 carries the central message of 6. The Vedas are the oldest surviving scriptures of Hinduism. They correspond to a large corpus of texts originating in Ancient India. Vedas’s verses are recited at prayers, religious functions, and other auspicious occasions. Currently, the study of these texts is crucial in the understanding of Indo-European linguistics as well as ancient Indian history, and thus, culture.

288


Hinduism, which clarifies the meaning of duty, action, morality, and death. The high rating of morality is related to the conservatism and authoritarian attitudes that characterize the Indian society. In addition, strict traditional religious customs have a significant impact on child development (Patel, 2005; Sanyal, 2001; Kapur, 1995). Social control around sexuality is equally as strong and is profoundly internalized into the Indian conscience. Roland (1988) writes: “where incestuous fantasies are present, there are also strict superego reactions. The modesty/shame morality is an active part of women’s ego ideal” (p. 261). Strictness over the control of sexuality outside the family is also deeply internalized into the egoideal. Ego-ideal values of shyness and modesty in girls reinforce irreproachable behavior in public. In contrast to aggression, sexuality, especially with girls, is taboo, which is quite the opposite of Western social patterns. Men often express anxiety over their sexuality and potency. The cultural concept is that too much discharge of semen debilitates a man’s health and vitality. Indian men often perceive women as sexually voracious, seductive, and powerful (Kakar, 1978). “Psychodynamically, the Indian man tends unconsciously to project his inner image of the sensuously stimulating mothering figures of childhood onto his wife and other women, thereby perceiving the latter as highly seductive and ‘dangerous’” (Roland, 1988, p. 262). Shaming is used as one of the paramount means of instituting control in child-rearing. Children are highly susceptible to shaming because they are fairly dependent on others (Lewis, 1971). It appears that sexuality is much more inhibited in Muslim families than Hindus and Christians. Family honor depends a great deal on women’s sexuality, particularly the daughter’s chasteness before marriage and her behavior in the in-law’s family. Children are expected to obey a rigid set of rules in order for them to ensure social approval. Interestingly, instead of the word “guilty,” Indians use the terms “shameful” or “embarrassed.”

Children’s responses to the FTT regarding sexuality are sparse and under the social disguise of marriage. Moral consciousness is expressed in various ways such as feelings of shame, guilt, doing one’s duty, asking for forgiveness, or being punished. Sexual concerns appear to trigger such feelings. Following are two characteristic examples. To the question “Who is the most wicked giant?” a child gave the following response: Giant (Card 2): This one, because he turns

good girls into bad ones in order to have sex with them.

The response of this child suggests that, since he cannot cope with the idea of good girls having sex, he wished to turn them into bad ones. The following is another example of sexual desires not being socially approved: Scenes from SW (Card 2): Snow White is feel-

ing guilty because she loves the prince and her father doesn’t like it, so she is saying sorry to her father for loving him.

Envy The tenth factor includes the variables of aggression as envy, repetitions, bizarres, and self-esteem. Envy of others’ positions and accomplishments is readily observable in Indian men, according to Roland’s notes during therapy sessions (1988). Indian children appear to be envious of both material things (e.g., toys, money) and affection. Aggression as envy corresponds to a sort of aggression through which impulses and fantasies are released more easily, resulting in a large number of idiosyncratic responses (bizarres). Envy is induced when the victim possesses desired features or qualities, such as beauty, fame, being loved by others, happiness, admiration by the opposite sex, etc., as in the following example:

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India Witch (Card 3): The witch wants to kill SW so

all the kings and princes of the country will want to marry her.

Incorporation is an extreme and culturally relevant form of expressing envy, for example:

289

associated with their materialistic orientation and outlook towards a comfortable living. Envy appears to be stronger in Muslims than in Christians and Hindus.

Social Withdrawal

Social withdrawal consists of sense of privacy, Witch (Card 3): The witch wants to kill SW oral needs, need for affiliation, and sexual preoccuand drink her blood. By pation. It appears that social withdrawal in children drinking her blood she will is not a desirable outlet for solitude and meditation, become the most beautiful but rather a forced outcome of loneliness. lady in the world. Children’s withdrawal most likely reflects social anxiety and self-perceptions of incompetence However, incorporation is not always oral: (Rubin, 1985; Rubin & Mills, 1988). These negative feelings and perceptions may be due to the child’s Witch (Card 1): The witch wants to become (possibly accurate) belief that he or she is being the most beautiful, (?) by tak- rejected by the others (Hymel & Rubin, 1985), but ing out SW’s heart or by enter- also to the withdrawn child’s frequent experiences of social failures within groups (Rubin & Krasnor, ing her body. 1986). The following examples distinctly illustrate a Indian children may also be envious of other sense of privacy: people’s happiness: Giant (Card 2): This giant is smiling and Giant (Card 3): The giant wants to kill Jack thinking of hitting everybody and his mother. (?) Jack was so that he could stay alone happy; when I’ll kill his and in peace. mother he will be sad. Giant (Card 2): This giant is thinking: ‘Why In the following example, the child incorporates don’t people make friends aggression as envy, bizarres and low self-esteem with me? I’m not a bad perinto a response: son.’ So he wants to stay alone in his village where no Witch (Card 3): She feels as if they have invitone will disturb him. ed her to a ball, but no one will marry her, except the Giant (Card 3): He looks very angry and dwarf; only the oldest guy in wants to beat up anyone who the world will want to marry comes near him. He holds a her. For that reason (because club. He wants to be alone. she is old and no one wants to People are making fun of him marry her) she will kill all the because he looks big. young women. Christian children appear to be more socially Children from middle-class families have signifi- withdrawn than Muslim or Hindu children. cantly higher scores on this factor, which may be

290


Ambivalence Ambivalence consists of ambivalence and sexual preoccupation. This is similar to Factor 9. Ambivalence in the form of indecision may work as a moral inhibitor to sexual desires and fantasies. The majority of ambivalent responses reveals indecision, which may reflect some kind of moral restraint, or a doubtful attitude towards facts. When the child has better educational opportunities or a better environment, the greater the chances of questioning or doubting himself and his capacities or social environment. Upper-class children who have a better educational background and greater possibilities in social experiences appear to be more thoughtful or concerned before making a decision or taking a stance. In the following examples, single responses include both ambivalence and sexual preoccupation, in the form of marriage: Dwarf (Card 3): He doesn’t know what to do,

marry SW or not? He wants to marry SW because she is the most beautiful in the whole world and they will have a daughter and a boy. Then he’ll be happy. If he doesn’t marry her he will be alone and without love.

Dwarf (Card 3): He will be married tomorrow.

He doesn’t know what to do, marry or not? He will be happy because he is getting married, he will be sad that his wife might fight with him. He hopes he will get a good wife.

Discussion of Second-Order Factors Envy and Guilt In the Indian, conscience is a powerful superego often armed towards angry feelings or sexuality

(Roland, 1988). Although Indian family settings do not openly accept sexuality, many responses reflect some sort of sexual preoccupation. Due to the social disapproval of sexuality, these thoughts trigger strong feelings of guilt or shame. The following example illustrates a connection between envy and morality: Witch (Card 3): She wants to kill SW because

she is prettier than everyone, because she is a princess. I should not kill her, I should be a good stepmother because I have to be kind to others.

With respect to envy and guilt, girls score significantly higher than boys. This could be partially explained by the lower social status generally attributed to girls. The resulting social discrimination makes girls more competitive and envious of material things than boys. Moreover, girls appear to have more guilty feelings than boys. High ratings in guilt could be explained as the outcome of a strict superego combined with a lowered social status for girls, which makes them more self-critical than boys. In agreement with psychodynamic contentions, the superego—the part of the ego that contains self-observation and self-criticism—appears to be significantly more dominant among Indian girls. From a cognitive or developmental perspective, girls go through the first three of Kohlberg’s (1976) stages of moral development faster than boys. During the first stage, girls base moral judgments primarily on obedience and fear of punishment. During the second stage, moral action is motivated by the desire of reward or benefit. Girls ignore possible guilt reactions and view punishment more realistically. Finally, during the third stage, girls’ actions are driven by the fear of the others’ disapproval, either real or imagined. Children from upper SES have significantly lower scores on envy and guilt than children from a middle or low SES background. The upper-SES


children’s lower scores on this factor indicate the family’s greater sociofinancial security. Indeed, socioeconomic security provides children the insurance that their needs will eventually be satisfied. Children from lower SES families have higher scores than those from upper SES families, due to their daily exposure to poverty and all the psychological negative repercussions (e.g., sense of inferiority or inadequacy). However, children belonging to middle SES families exhibit the highest scores on envy and guilt. This may be attributed to their tendency to compare their possessions to those of poorer children as well as factors that have a stronger impact on middle SES families—such as sibling rivalry, larger families, and the impact of globalization.

Parent-Child Relations as Regulators of Primary Needs Despite children’s natural tendency to perceive their parents positively, they often feel ambivalent towards them (Klein, 1932). Children perceive a parent negatively when they feel that the parent is not satisfying their needs. In this case, splitting of object occurs as a defense mechanism, between a good (supporting) parental figure and a bad (rejecting) one. It appears that the more insecure, possessive, and affection-seeking the child, the poorer the quality the mother-child relationship. When the parentchild relationship is based on secure attachment, the parent reacts quickly to the child’s needs and is generally more responsive to the child than are parents of insecurely attached children. Studies have shown that securely attached children are in general more empathetic during later stages of childhood, less disruptive, less aggressive, and more mature than children for whom the quality of attachment is either ambivalent or avoidant. Family and social milieu is of paramount importance in India. Within an Indian setting, one always experiences the self as intimate connected with others, in a “we” relationship, rather than the dualistic “I and you” relationship common in Western soci-

291

eties. At the family level, this is even more pronounced, as the reputation of the family is considered a self-object, where one’s behavior in public is central to family esteem, and inversely, family reputation is central to one’s self-esteem (Roland, 1998). Another important aspect of the self in Indians is its dual structure. While a strong sense of family-self exists, observing and preserving the social etiquette of hierarchical and family relationships, there is also a highly private self where one maintains all kinds of thoughts, feelings, and fantasies, which one only reveals on a contextual basis within certain relationships.

Moral Restraint and Cognitive Inhibition Moral restrain and cognitive inhibition appear to suppress instrumental aggression. According to Furst (1998), a number of determinants can result in ego distortion with far-reaching consequences. These include: feeling that wishes are unacceptable; being brought up in an environment in which the expression of affect, both libidinal and aggressive, is prohibited; early experiences that predispose one to the elaboration of guilt, such as sibling rivalry and envy; guilt towards a parent; and rejection of a parent. All of these, combined with the introjection of parental attitudes, result in narcissistic devaluation and in the formation of a rigid and restricting superego. As reported throughout Roland’s work, superego in the form of punishment appears most frequently in relation to either envy or aggression. The following example presents the responses of a single child: Witch (Card 1): She wants to steal jewels, gold

ornaments, in order to become rich. If she’s rich she can marry a prince who is also rich. She can then kill the prince and get more money.

Witch (Card 2): She doesn’t want to be

292


wicked. She would be punished, and God will not allow her to be on earth for long. Feelings of guilt are more often triggered by instrumental aggression, which appears to be the most violent type of aggression. The following example illustrates the degree of violence involved in some of the responses: Witch (Card 2): I will kill SW, take her skin,

sell it in the market, and get money.

Giant (Card 3): He wants to kill someone and

feed him to his dog. He’s hungry; he has no money to buy him food.

social in nature, consists of acting agreeable and affilliative in order to attain goals. The genuineness of such behavior is questionable. Indeed, according to Roland (1988), Indians’ apparent compliance, such as the need to say “yes” or the need to please at all times, reflects reaction formation against oral aggression, rather than empathy. No defense mechanisms have been found to correlate with this factor. It appears that these types of aggressive fantasies and patterns of behavior constitute part of the coping strategies adopted by Indian children, and thus they do not trigger the deployment of any defense mechanisms.

Passivity versus Aggressive Impulses

It appears that anxiety/depression and hostile/ primitive aggression constitute opposite sides of the same coin. Most importantly, the cause of these emotional states and behavior resides in the degree Survival Coping Mechanisms of deprivation Indian children experience daily. The most common types of coping strategies Both material and affective deprivation in India within a deprived and strict environment are mani- appear to be the source of the coping mechanisms fested in either active domineering acts or in passive children employ and the associated emotional states and submissive acts, such as trying to please others. and behaviors they express in their responses. The A common facet of Indian character is generosity— cause of these emotional states and behaviors is the the importance of giving and being given; it may be disturbing reality of deprivation. related to an oral character structure or a strong It appears that feelings of depression and anxiety desire for sociability. are a more socially approved way of dealing with Survival coping mechanisms correspond to a cul- life’s frustrations. tural factor that requires special attention. It appears To ensure social approval, Indian children tend that Indian children employ three ways of coping to undo patterns of behavior that are not socially with the harsh everyday reality, which, for the accepted. In that sense, they repress their initial majority, means deprivation of various kinds. One primitive and hostile aggression. way to cope—perhaps the most healthy—is by being The following example illustrates the answers the assertive, whereby one tries to overcome difficulties same child provided to the first and third Card of or embrace challenges by being dominant and the Giant, respectively: impressing others; by wanting to impose his/her will; or by setting goals and ambitions that are often Giant (Card 1): He feels sad because he doesbeyond the mundane realities and contrarieties of n’t have parents. He is worliving conditions. ried about how to eat and Instrumental aggression is another means to where to sleep. overcome deprivations by immediate and direct gratification and is most likely expressed though Giant (Card 3): He has no parents; he is sad. stealing or robbing. The third coping strategy, more He is ready to kill anybody


for money and thinks that with that money he can be happy and watch TV. The cause behind both responses seems to be a feeling of deprivation that triggers feelings of depression and aggression.

Social Isolation and Parental Dependency The Indian sociocultural system is characterized by authoritarian attitudes that make it difficult for children to openly express and satisfy their needs, either material or emotional. It appears that closed family relations isolate the child from his or her broader social environment—i.e., the need to be with friends or interact with peers. The concept of dharma 7 is believed to hold the individual and the society together. In Indian social interactions, people are expected to de-emphasize individual preferences in comparison with the influential role of one’s extended family (Kakar, 1981; Sinha, et al., 2002). Hindu culture not only recognizes an individual’s particular proclivities, but also accords a remarkable degree of freedom in feeling, thinking, and maintaining a private self, while encouraging the cultivation of one’s inner life, all of which runs counter to the considerable constraints on behavior in the social hierarchy. According to Anandalakshmy (1981), the rich inner world of feelings, thoughts, and fantasies create an inner private space that characterizes the Indian personality. The child is expected to grow up to be at once dependent, interdependent, and dependable (Neki, 1979). Indian psychiatrists (Neki, 1976) emphasize the emotional bonding of kinship that enables the Indian person to live in emotionally close and responsibly interdependent relationships, where the sense of self is deeply involved with others, the relationships are governed by reciprocal hierarchical principles, and there is a constant

293

need for approval to maintain and enhance selfregard. Indians have gradually developed strong inner boundaries of a private self, which society greatly respects. While there is less overall acceptance of developing a more individual identity in social relationships, there is an acceptance of all kinds of idiosyncratic tendencies, given the belief that a child comes into the world with all kinds of tendencies from past lives (Roland, 2005). One key feature of the Indian familial self is that, as deeply emotionally enmeshed as Indians may be in their intimate relationships, they also maintain a profoundly private self. CONCLUSIONS The Indian child’s personality must be studied within the Hindu cultural context. Hindu philosophy is so rich and so profound that it affects almost all aspects of one’s life and personality development. Belief in dharma and the life goal of moksha greatly influences the course of personality development by emphasizing the underlying humanistic ideals of moderation, control, and responsibility. The key features of the Indian child’s personality, as revealed through their responses in the FTT, are aggression (mostly hostile aggression, aggression as envy, oral aggression, and instrumental aggression), anxiety (mainly deprivation, harm, and punishment), depression, and morality (or superego). Roland (1988) stressed aggression as a central feature of the Indian personality. However, the responses obtained from the FTT indicate a distinction between different kinds of aggression, each one with distinct underlying motivations and feelings. Additionally, Indian children often attribute aggression to causes outside the control of the individual, such as demons and madness. This may represent some kind of rationalization or projection of children’s aggressive impulses.

7. The concept of dharma corresponds to the principle and the vision of an organic society in which all its members are interdependent, having complementary roles.

294


While aggression is expressed in various ways, it is worth noting some characteristics associated with the Hindu culture. The most common verbs among FTT responses children used to express aggression are: beat, kill, destroy, or eat (devour). In addition, children use the same verbs to express fear of aggression. The responses suggest that killing occurs for simple, even trivial reasons; it is impulsive and merciless. Killing of relatives, or the anxiety of being killed by them, also occurs for insignificant causes (e.g., his mother refused to buy him clothes, so he killed her). Oral incorporation appears to be a common fantasy among Indian protocols, whereby the character (the identification figure) devours another character in order to absorb his/her desired features or qualities (e.g., the wolf eats LRRH, or drinks her blood, because she is a nice girl; or, the witch drinks SW’s blood to become as beautiful as her). At the opposite end of the emotional spectrum, overinvolvement appears quite frequently in children’s responses as an extreme fear of aggression. In response to the question “Who scares you the most?” the child not only identifies with the victim (e.g., this witch scares me most because she wants to eat me), but also the story’s protagonist. Some characteristic examples include: “While she was going to kill Snow White I came in between . . .” and “What if he eats me, as Little Red Riding Hood has escaped and so he might catch me instead?” The boundaries between reality and fantasy appear to be loose when it comes to both aggression and fear of aggression. Anxiety is encountered in almost every protocol. The three most common types of anxiety are deprivation, harm, and punishment. Depression is usually associated with anxiety, especially deprivation. Deprivation is central to Indian’s everyday reality and pervasive among all socioeconomic classes. It is also the cause of many afflictions and naturally affects the personality development of the Indian people, independently of socioeconomic status. In that sense, deprivation may partly explain the level and types of aggression in the children’s responses, as well as the anxiety and depression. Helping the

poor and the needy is also a strong sociocultural value that is instilled in Indian children (e.g., a noble job is helping the poor). A high moral consciousness or a strict superego was evident throughout Indian protocols, mostly associated with aggression, and particularly aggression motivated by feelings of envy and the desire for material possessions. Punishment is often very severe both for the victim and the aggressor. One form of punishment is becoming poor. Physical punishment is imposed by the mother most commonly in the form of beating. Extreme self-punishment may be suicide or death imposed by an external force or God. The following are examples of punishment following aggression: Witch (Card 2): She feels that if she slaps and

insults SW, she will go into her room and never come out, she will not eat for days and ultimately she will die.

Witch (Card 1): She can kill a person, do

black magic and can be killed by smart people and God.

Qualitative analyses of responses revealed aspects of Hinduism. One of the most commonly observed was empathy, especially in the Dwarf cards in which the dwarf is profoundly upset by SW’s misfortune. There is a relatively small percentage of defense mechanisms in the children’s responses to the FTT. Among those, the most common were undoing, denial, negation, projection, and splitting. A possible explanation of this infrequent use of defense, relative to children in other cultures, may be the high level of morality found inherent in Indian culture. As is well known, the major cause for triggering defense mechanisms is aggression. In India aggression is often associated with guilt or moral restraint, and perhaps the need for the use of defense mechanisms is mitigated. Finally, interesting findings were obtained with regard to independent variables such as the child’s


religion and geographical region. Further studies on these factors benefit our understanding of the sociocultural aspects of personality development. REFERENCES Abraham, K. (1924). The influence of oral sadism on character-formation. In Selected papers on psychoanalysis (pp. 393–406). London: Hogarth Press. Ahmed, H. (1981). Indian Norms for the computer-scored Holtzman Inkblot Technique. University Psychology Research Journal, 2 (2), 79–82. Ahmed, S., Waller, G., & Verduyn, C. (1994). Eating attitudes among Asian school girls; the role of perceived parental control. The International Journal of Eating Disorders, 15 (1): 91–97. Anandalakshmy, S. (1981). Living in families: A holographic image of the Indian. Unpublished paper presented at the A.C.L.C/ S.S.R.C. Workshop on Life Courses and Family Relationships in Alterative Psychologies of South Asia. Chicago. Asha, C. B. (1983). Creativity of children of working mothers. Psychological Studies, 28 (2), 104–106. Asthana, H. S. (1963). A Rorschach study of the Indian . Oxford, U.K.: Hans Huber. Asthana, H. S. (1968). Manual of direction and norms for adjustment inventory in Hindi . Varanasi: Rupa Psychological Centre. Bacon, M. K., & Ashmore, R. D. (1987). A consideration of the cognitive activities of parents and their role in the socialization process. In R. D. Ashmore and D. M. Brodzinsky (eds.), Thinking about the family: views of parents and children . Hillsdale, NJ: Earlbaum. Badami, C. H. (1983). A study of social rejection. Vidya- Journal of Gujarat University, 26 (1), 51–56. Baig, T. A., & Gopinath, C. (1976). Adoption—The Indian scene. The Indian Journal of Social Work, 37 (2), 135–140. Baldwin, C. M., & Revenson, T. A. (1986). Vulnerability to economic stress. American Journal of Community Psychology, 14, 161–175. Balint, M. (1969). Trauma and object relationship, International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 5 0, 429–435. Barnes, B. L., & Pai, P. M. (1983). Patterns of aggressionfrustration among the neurotic children. Indian Journal of Clinical Psychology, 10 (2), 417–421. Barnes, H. L., & Olson, D. H. (1985). Parent-adolescent communication and the circumplex model. Child

295

Development, 56, 438–447. Basu, A. (1988). Tagore’s Smaran Poems: A Psychoanalytic perspective. Samiksa (38), Parsibagan Lane, Calcutta, pp. 3–18. Baumrind, D. (1967). Child care practices anteceding three patterns of preschool behaviour. Genetic Psychol- ogy Monographs, 75, 43–88. Baumrind, D. (1971). Current patterns of parental authority . Washington DC: American Psychological Association. Baumrind, D. (1972). Socialization and instrumental competence in young children. In W. W. Hartup (Ed.), The young child: Reviews of research (Vol. 2, pp. 202–224). Washington, DC: National Association for the Education of Young children. Bee, H. (1997). The developing child, 8th edition. New York: Addison-Wesley Educational Publishers. Bell, L. G., & Bell, D. C. (1982). Family climate and the role of the female adolescent: Determinants of adolescent functioning. Family Relations, 31, 519–527. Berk, L. E. (1996). Child Development, 3rd edition, Prentice Hall of India Private limited, New Delhi. Berndt, T. J., Cheung, P. C., Lau, S., Hau, K. T., & Lew, W. J. F. (1993). Perceptions of parenting in mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong: Sex differences and societal differences. Developmental Psychology, 29, 156–164. Bhargava, M., & Saxena, A. (1995). Rorschach differentials of deprived adolescents. Indian Journal of Clinical Psyc hology, 22 (1), 24–29. Bhogle, S. (1983). Antecedents of dependency behaviour in children of low social class. Psychological Studies, 28 (2), 92–95. Blair, S. L., & Johnson, M. P. (1992). Wives’ perceptions of the fairness of the division of household labour: The intersection of housework and ideology. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 54, 570–581. Block, J. (1971). Lives through time . Berkeley, CA: Bancroft Books. Boer, F. Godhart, A. W., & Treffers, P. D. A. (1992). Siblings and their parents. In F. Boer and J. Dunn (Eds.), Children’s sibling relationships. Developmental and clinical issues (pp. 41–54). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Bornstein, M. H. (Ed.). (1989). Maternal responsiveness: Characteristics and consequences . San Francisco: JosseyBass. Boyes, M. C., & Allen, S. G. (1993). Styles of parent-child interactions and moral reasoning in adolescence. Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, 39, 551–570. Braithwaite, J. (1981). The myth of social class and crimi-

296


nality reconsidered. American Sociological Review, 46, 36–57. Brand, E., Clingempeel, W. E., & Bowen-Woodward, K. (1988). Family relationships and children’s psychological adjustment in stepmother and stepfather families: Findings and conclusions from the Philadelphia Stepfamily Research Project. In E. M. Hetherington and J. D. Arasteh (Eds.), Impact of divorce, single parenting, stepparenting on children (pp. 299–324). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Brody, G. H., & Shaffer, D. R. (1982). Contributions of parents and peers to children’s moral socialization. Developmental Review, 2, 31–75. Brody, G. H., Stoneman, Z., McCoy, J. K., & Forehand, R. (1992). Contemporaneous and longitudinal associations of sibling conflict with family relationship assessments and family discussions about sibling problems. Child Development, 63, 391–400. Brofenbrenner, U. (1979). The ecology of human development . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Brofenbrenner, U. (1989). Ecological systems theory. Annals of Child Development, 6, 187–249. Brofenbrenner, U., Alvarez, W. F., & Henderson, C. R., Jr. (1984). Working and watching: Maternal employment status and parents’ perceptions of their threeyear-old children. Child Development, 55, 1362–1378. Carlos, S. (2000). Grimm’s tales in the Indian narrative situation. Fabula, 41, 54–75. Chao, P. (1982). Chinese kinship . London: Kegan Paul International. Chaudhary, U. (1960). An Indian modification of the Thematic Apperception Test. Journal of Social Psychology, 51, 245–265. Chaudhary, U. (1967). An Indian modification of Thematic Apperception Test (TAT) Manual . Calcutta: Book Land Private Ltd. Chawla, P. L. (1983). Physically sick children: Emotional care. Psyche-care News, 5 (4), 95–96. Chopra, R., & Mullick, R. (1987). Child labour, perfidious sin against the Constitution. Health for the millions, 13, (4), 8–11. Clarke-Stewart, K. A. (1989). Infant day-care: Maligned or malignant? American Psychologist, 44, 266–273. Compas, B. E., Howell, D. C., Phares, V., Williams, R. A., & Ledoux, N. (1989). Parent and child stress symptoms: An integrative analysis. Developmental Psychology, 25, 550–559. Conger, R. D., Conger, K. J., Elder, G. H., Jr., Lorenz, F. O., Simons, R. L., & Whitbeck, L. B. (1992). A family

process model of economic hardship and adjustment of early adolescent boys. Child Development, 63, 526–541. Conger, R. D., Ge, X., Elder, G. H., Jr., Lorenz, F. O., & Simons, R. L. (1994). Economic stress, coercive family process, and developmental problems of adolescence. Child Development, 65, 541–561. Conger, R. D., Patterson, G. R., & Ge, X. (1995). It takes two to replicate: A mediational model for the impact of parents’ stress on adolescent adjustment. Child Development, 66, 80–97. Coulacoglou, C. (2002). Construct validation of the Fairy Tale Test-Standardization Data. International Journal of Testing, 2 (3 & 4), 217–241. Crnic, K. A., Greenberg, M. T., Ragozin, A. S., Robinson, N. M., & Basham, R. B. (1983). Effects of stress and social support on mothers and premature and fullterm infants. Child Development, 54, 209–217. Damania, D. (1988). Non-institutional services for destitute children: Adoption, foster care, sponsorship—A fresh approach. Paper presented at the National Workshop on the Rights of the Child, Bangalore. Das, V. (1976). Masks and faces: An essay on Punjabi kinship. Contributions to Indian Sociology, 10, 1–30. Davies, P. T., & Cummings, E. M. (1994). Marital conflict and child adjustment: An emotional security hypothesis. Psychological Bulletin, 116, 387–411. Denham, S. A., Renwick, S. M., & Holt, R. W. (1991). Working and playing together: Prediction of preschool social-emotional competence from mother-child interaction. Child Development, 62, 242–249. Deshpande, S. & Tiwari, T. (1986). In Malik, A. K.’s book entitled, “Personality evaluation. Development of a multiphasic measure,” Jainsons Publications, New Delhi. Dornbusch, S. M., Ritter, P. L., Leiderman, P. H., Roberts, D. F., & Fraleigh, M. J. (1987). The relation of parenting style to adolescent school performance. Child Development, 58, 1244–1257. Dosajh, N. L. (1956). Imagination and maturity as factors indicative of success in teaching. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis Submitted to Punjab University Chandigarh. Dubey, S. N. (1985). PF. Study for rural population . Department of Psychology, Avadh University, Faizabad. Dunn, J., & McGuire, S. (1994). Young children’s nonshared experiences: A summary of studies in Cambridge and Colorado. In E. M. Hetheringhton, D. Reiss, and R. Plomin (Eds.), Separate social worlds of sib-

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India lings: The impact of nonshared environment on development (pp. 111–128). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Dwivedi, C. B. (1974). Manual of directions for the Bender- Gestalt Test for Children . Rupa Psychological Corporation, Varanasi. Eamon, M. K. (2001). The effects of poverty on children’s socioemotional development: An ecological system analysis. Social Work, 46 (3): 256–266. Egeland, B., & Sroufe, L. A. (1981). Developmental sequelae of maltreatment in infancy. In R. Rizley and D. Cicchetti (Ed.), New directions for child development (No. 11, pp. 77–92). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Elder, G. H., Jr. Caspi, A., & Van Nguyen, T. (1988). Resourceful and vulnerable children; Family influences in hard times. In R. Silbereisen and H. Eyferth (Eds.), Development as action in context (pp. 167–186). Berlin: Springer Verlag. Fenichel, O. (1945). The psychoanalytic theory of neurosis . New York; Basic Books. Feshbach, S. (1970). Aggression. In P. Mussen (Ed.), Carmichael’s manual of child psychology (Vol. 2, pp. 159–259). New York: Wiley. Flanagan, C. A., & Eccles, J. S. (1993). Changes in parents’ work status and adolescents’ adjustment at school. Child Development, 64, 246–257. Frank, L. K. (1939). Projective methods for the study of personality. Journal of Psychology, 8, 389–413. Freud, A. (1981). The writings of Anna Freud . (Vol VIII, 1970–1980). New York: International Universities Press. Friedman, H. S. (1998). (Ed.). Encyclopedia of mental health, Vol. 2. San Diego: Academic Press. Fromm, E. (1973). The anatomy of human destructiveness . London: Pelican Press. Furst, S.S. (1998). A psychoanalytic study of aggression. In A. J. Solnit, P. B. Neubauer, S. Abrams, & A. S. Dowling (Eds.) The psychoanalytic study of the child (Volume 53) (pp. 159–178). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Furstenberg, F. F., Jr., & Cherlin, A. J. (1991). Divided families: What happens to children when parents part . Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Ghosal, A. K., & Dutta, T. (2006). Psychodynamic resemblance binds the poets of different culture in a single order of mind. Samiksa, Vol. 58, 17–25. Gokhle, S. D. (1982). Juvenile delinquency. Social Change, 12 (3), 22–25. Gold, M. (1987). Social ecology. In H. C. Quay (Ed.), Handbook of juvenile delinquency, pp. 62–105, New York:

297

Wiley. Goossens, F. A., & van Ijzendoorn, M. H. (1990). Quality of infants’ attachments to professional caregivers: Relation to infant-parent attachment and day-care characteristics. Child Development, 61, 832–837. Greenberger, E., O’Neil, R., & Nagel, S. K. (1994). Linking workplace and homeplace: Relations between the nature of adults’ work and their parenting behaviours. Developmental Psychology, 30, 990–1002. Guerra, N.G., Huesmann, L.R., Tolan, P.H., Van Acker, R., & Eron, L.D. (1995). Stressful events and individual beliefs as correlates of economic disadvantage and aggression among urban children. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 63 (4), 518–528. Gunthey, R. K., & Sinha, P. (1983). Socioeconomic status as determinant of anxiety adjustment and affiliation in teenagers. Indian Psychological Review, 24 (4), 1–5. Halder, R. (1931). The working of unconscious wish in the creation of poetry and drama. International Journal of psychoanalysis, Vol. 12, Part 2, pp. 88–205. Harris, D. B. (1963). Goodenough-Harris Drawing Test Manual . Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc. Hartup, W.W. (1974). Aggression in childhood: Developmental perspectives. American Psychologist, 29, 336–441. Hetheringhton, E. M. (1989). Coping with family transitions: Winners, losers, and survivors. Child Development, 60, 1–14. Hetheringhton, E. M., & Clingempeel, W. G. (1992). Coping with marital transitions: A family systems perspective. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 57 (2–3, Serial No. 227). Hoch, E. M. (1970). A longitudinal study of emotional, educational and social development of a small group of school children. National Council of Educational Research and Training, New Delhi: unpublished manuscript. Hoch, E. M. (1980). Research on cultural patterns and psychological development. ICMR Task Force on psychological problems of children, New Delhi, ICMR. Hofferth, S. L., Boisjoly, J., & Duncan, G. (1995). Does c hildren’s school attainment benefit from parental access to social capital? Paper presented at the biennial meetings of the Society for Research in Child Development, Indianopolis. Hoffman, L. W. (1989). Effects of maternal employment in the two-parent family. American Psychologist, 44, 283–292. Hoffman, M. L.(1984). Empathy, its limitations, and its

298


role in a comprehensive moral theory. In W. M. Kurtines and J. L. Gewirtz (Eds.), Morality, moral behaviour, and moral development (pp. 283–302). New York: Wiley. Hymel , S. & Rubin, K.H. (1985). Children with peer relationship and social skill problems: Conceptual, methodological and developmental issues. In G.Whitehurst (Ed.), Annals of Child Development (Vol. 2., pp. 251–297). Greenwich, CN: JAI Press. Indiramma, V. (1986). A study of family interaction of neurotic children attending child guidance clinic. Doctoral thesis, Bangalore University, NIMHANS, Bangalore. Kakar, S. (1978). The inner world. A psychoanalytic study of childhood and society in India . New York: Oxford University Press Kakar, S. (1981). The inner world: a psychoanalytic study of childhood and society in India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kaliappan, K. V., & Senthilathiban, K. (1984). Anxiety among delinquents. Indian Journal of Criminology, 12 (1), 58–60. Kao, Henry, S. R., & Sinha, D. (1997). Asian perspectives on Psychology, Vol. 19, Cross-cultural Research and Methodology Series, New Delhi: Sage Publications. Kapur, M. (1990). Early childhood stimulation and optimal mental development. A WHO-NIMHANS sponsored research project. Unpublished data. Kapur, M. (1995). Mental health of Indian children . New Delhi: Sage Publications. Kapur, M. (2000). Mental health, illness and therapy. In J. Pandey (Ed.), Psychology in India revisited—Developments in the discipline (pp. 412–472). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Kelvin, P., & Jarrett, J. E. (1985). Unemployment: Its social psychological effect . New York: Cambridge University Press. Khatri, A. A. (1970). Personality and mental health of Indians (Hindus) in the context of their changing family organization. In: Anthony E. J. and Koupernik C. (Eds.) The child in his family, Vol.1, New York: John Wiley and Sons Inc. Klein, M. (1932). The psychoanalysis of children . London: Virago. (Original work published in 1932). Kohlberg, L. (1976). Moral stages and moralization: The cognitive developmental approach. In T. Llickona (Ed.), Moral development and behaviour: Theory, research and social issues (pp. 31–53). New York: Holt, Reinhardt and Winston.

Kohn, M. L. (1979). The effects of social class on parental values and practices. In D. Reiss and H. A. Hoffman (Eds.), The American family: Dying or developing (pp. 45–68). New York: Plenum. Kuczynski, L. (1984). Socialization goals and motherchild interaction: Strategies for long-term and shortterm compliance. Developmental Psychology, 20, 1061– 1073. Kumar, K. (1975). Social climate in school and characteristics of pupils. Indian Journal of Clinical Psychology, 2, 163–172. (IPA, 10: 146). Kumthekar, Medha (1983). Impact of broken homes on adjustment between spouses, between parents and children and among children. Research Bulletin, 13 (1 & 2), 35–45. Kurdek, L. A., & Fine, M. A. (1994). Family acceptance and family control as predictors of adjustment in young adolescents: Linear, curvilinear, or interactive effects? Child Development, 65, 1137–1146. Lamborn, S. D., Mounts, N. S., Steinberg, L., & Dornbusch, S. M. (1991). Patterns of competence and adjustment among adolescents from authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful families. Child Development, 62, 1049–1065. Lewis, H. B. (1971). Shame and guilt . New York: International Universities Press. Maccoby, E. E. (1980). Social development: Psychological growth and the parent-child relationship . New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich. Maccoby, E. E., & Martin, J. A. (1983). Socialization in the context of the family: Parent-child interaction. In E. M. Hetherington (Ed.), Handbook of child psychology: Socialization, personality, and social development (Vol. 4, pp. 1–102). New York: Wiley. Main, M., & Hesse, E. (1990). Parents’ unresolved traumatic experiences are related to infant disorganized attachment status: Is frightened and/or frightening parental behaviour the linking mechanism? In M. T. Greenberg, D. Cicchetti, and E. M. Cummings (Eds.), Attachment in the preschool years: Theory, research, and intervention (pp. 161–182). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Malhotra, S. (1990). A parental handling questionnaire. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 32 (3), 265–275. Malhotra, S., & Randhawa, A. (1983). Psychosocial correlates of childhood emotional disorders. Bulletin, P.G. I., 17 (4), 163–166. Malhotra, S., Varma, V. K., Verma, S. K., & Malhotra, A. (1986). Childhood psychopathology measurement

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India schedule: Development and standardization. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 30 (4), 325–331. Malik, A. K. (1985). The study of reliability of the Jodhpur Multiphasic Personality Inventory. Indian Psychological Review, 28 (2), 17–23. Manovigyanshala (1962). Manual for the Thematic Apperception Test (Bureau’s Adaptation). Allahabad: Author. McCoy, M. B., Frick, P. J., Loney, B. R., & Ellis, M. L. (1999). The potential mediating role of parenting practices in the development of conduct problems in clinic-referred sample. Journal of Child and Family Child, 8 (4), 477–494. McLoyd, V. C. (1990). The impact of economic hardship on black families and children: Psychological distress, parenting, and socioemotional development. Child Development, 61, 311–346. Mehdi, B. (1985). Manual of verbal test of creative thinking . Agra: National Psychological Association. Mehta, P. (1977). “Political behaviour and processes,” in Pareek, U. (Ed.), Survey of research in psychology, Vol. 2, ICSSR, Bombay: Popular Prakasan. Mehta, P. (1979). Scoring stories for motivational profile, A manual for personal ac hievement, social achievement and influence motivation . New Delhi: National Labour Institute. Melson, G. F., Ladd, G. W., & Hsu, H. (1993). Maternal support networks, maternal cognitions, and young children’s social and cognitive development. Child Development, 64, 1401–1417. Miller, B. C., Christopherson, C. R., & King, P. K. (1993). Sexual behavior in adolescence. In T. P. Gullotta, G. R. Adams, and R. Montemayor (Eds.), Adolescent sexuality (pp. 57–76). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Mitra, S. K. (1972). Methodology and research technology. In S. K. Mitra (Ed.), A survey of research in psychology (pp. 414–482). Bombay: Popular. Modak, U. (1976). Foster family care—An Indian Perspective. The Indian Journal Of Social Work, 37 (2), 141–149. Mujtaba, T., & Furnham, A. (2001). A cross-cultural study of parental conflict and eating disorders in a nonclinical sample. The International Journal of Social Psychology, Spring: 47 (1), 24–35. Mukherjee, P., Dutta, A., & Sanyal, N. (1998). Is conditionability a determinant of therapeutic responsivity? An investigation with dysthymic and personality disorders. Indian Journal of Clinical Psychology, Vol. 25, No. 1, 52–87.

299

Muralidharan, R. (1973). Age trends in behaviour problem of children in Shanmugam, T. E. (Ed.), Researches in personality and social problems . Madras University, 107–128 (IPA, 4: 372). Murlidhar, D., Sekhar, K. Eswari, S. C., & Shariff, A. (1983). Psychosocial correlates of institutionalization on children. Journal of Rehabilitation in Asia, 24 (3), 10–17. Murray, H. A. (1938). Explorations in personality . New York: Oxford University Press. Mussen, P. H., Conger, J. J., Kagan, J., & Huston, A. L. (1990). Child development and personality, 7th edition. New York: Harper and Row Publishers. Nandy, A. & Kakar, S. (1980). Culture and personality. In U. Pareek (Ed.), A survey of r esearch in psychology, 1971–76, Part 1 (pp. 136–167). Mumbai: Popular Prakashan. Neki, J. S. (1976). An examination of the cultural relativism of dependence as a dynamic of social and therapeutic relationships, I: Socio-developmental. British Journal of Medical Psychology, 49, 1–10. Neki, J. S. (1979). Panel discussion. In M. Kapur, V. N. Murthy, et al., (Eds.), Psychotherapeutic processes. Pr oceedings of the seminar held at the National Institute of Mental Health and Neuro Sciences (pp. 142–143). Bangalore, India: NIMHANS. Pandey, J. (1981). Ingratiation tactics in India. Journal of Social Psychology, 113, 147–148. Parcel, T. L., & Menaghan, E. G. (1994). Parents’ jobs and children’s lives . New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Pareek, U., & Rao., T.V. (1974). First handbook of psychological and social instruments . Bombay: Popular. Patel, M. (2005). Self-esteem among adolescents of authoritative, authoritatian, permissive and neglectful families. Indian Journal of Community Psychology, 1 (2), 205–212. Pathak, K. C. (1983). Changes in interest patterns: A function of age, sex and disciplines. Journal of Psychological Researches, 2 7(1), 1–8. Patterson, G. R. (1988). Stress: A change agent for family process. In N. Garmezy and M. Rutter (Eds.), Stress, coping and development in children (pp. 235–264). Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press. Patterson, G. R. (1991, April). Interaction of stress and family structure, and their relation to child adjustment: An example of across-site collaboration . Paper presented at the biennial meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, Seattle. Pestonjee, D. M. (1997). Third handbook of psychological and

300


social instruments, Vol. 1, New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. Pestonjee, D.M. (1990). Second handbook of psychological and social instruments . New Delhi: Concept. Phadke, S. (1993). Child welfare with focus on policy issues. In: T. S. Saraswathi, and B. Kaur, (Eds.), Human development and family studies in India . New Delhi: Sage Publications. Prakash, A. (1994). Organizational functioning and values in the Indian context. In H. Kao, D. Sinha, & N. Sek Hong (Eds.), Effective organizations and social values (pp. 193–201). Delhi: Sage. Pulkkinen, L. (1982). Self-control and continuity from childhood to late adolescence. In P. B. Baltes and O. G. Brim, Jr. (Eds.), Life-span development and behaviour (Vol. 4, pp. 63–105). New York: Academic Press). Radke-Yarrow, M., Cummings, E. M., Kuczinski, L., & Chapman, M. (1985). Patterns of attachment in twoand three-year-olds in normal families with parental depression. Child Development, 56, 884–893. Rafferty, Y., & Shinn, M. (1991). The impact of homelessness on children. American Psychologist, 11, 1170–1179. Rai, G. C. (1979). A study of certain socio-psychological dimensions of child-rearing practices adopted by Indian mothers. Psycholingua, 9 (1), 15–29. Ramanujam, B. K. (1976). Studies of changes in B.M. Institute of Mental Health. In: A. Roland, Psychoanalytic perspective of personality development in India. Samiksha, 32 (3), 47–68. Ramanujam, B. K. (1977). Studies of changes in B. M. Institute of Mental Health. Unpublished paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the International Study Group of Child Psychiatry, Ahmedabad. Raphling, D. L. (1998). Aggression: Its relation to desire and self-interest. American Psychoanalytic Association, 46 (3), 797–812. Richman, A. L., Miller, P. M., & LeVine, R. A. (1992). Cultural and educational variations in maternal responsiveness. Developmental Psychology, 28, 614–621. Richters, J., & Pellegrini, D. (1989). Depressed mothers’ judgments about their children: An examination of the depression-distortion hypothesis. Child Development, 60, 1068–1075. Roland, A. (1976). Psychoanalytic perspectives on personality development in India. Samiksha, 3, 47–68. Roland, A. (1988). In search of self in India and Japan: Toward a cross-cultural psychology. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Roland, A. (2005). Multiple mothering and the familial

self. In S. Akhtar (Ed.) Freud along the Ganges: Psychoanalytic reflections on the people and culture of India (pp. 79–90). New York: Other Press. Rosenzweig, S. (1948). The Rosenzweig P-F Study, Form for Children, Rupa Psychological Corporation, Varanasi. Rubin , K.H., & Mills, R.S.L. (1988). The many faces of social isolation in childhood. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 56 (6), 916–924. Rubin, K. H. (1985). Socially withdrawn children: An ‘at risk’ population? In B. H. Schneider, K. H. Rubin, & J. E. Ledingham (Eds.), Peer relationships and social skills in childhood: Issues in assessment and training (pp. 125–139). New York: Springer-Verlag. Rubin, K. H., & Krasnor, L. R. (1986). Social cognitive and social behavior perspectives on problem solving. In M. Perlmutter (Ed.), Minessota Symposia on Child Psychology (Vol. 18, pp. 1–68). Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Rutter, M., & Giller, H. (1984). Juvenile delinquency: Trends and perspectives . New York: Guilford. Rycroft, C. (1979). A critical dictionary of psychoanalysis . London: Penguin. Sahoo, F.M. (1995). Indigenization of psychological measurements: parameters and operationalization. Psychol- ogy and Developing Societies, 5, 1–13. Sanyal, N. (1991). Socioeconomic variables as related to the degree and direction of backward children’s aggression. DEI Research Journal of Education and Psychology, 9, 37–42. Sanyal, N. (1992). Where regression is creative. An illustration from Tagore. Samiksa, Journal of Indian Psychoanalytic Society, Vol. 46, p. 101–112. Sanyal, N. (2001). Socioeconomic status and child abuse: Clinical observations. In Socio-Economic Development in India, Vol. 1 (Edited by Prof. B.N. Roy) Mohit Publications, New Delhi, pp. 150–157. Sanyal, N. (2001). Socioeconomic status and child abuse: Clinical observations. In B.N. Roy (Ed.), Socio- Economic Development in India, Vol. 1 (pp. 150–157). Mohit Publications, New Delhi. Sanyal, N. (2003). A sketch of insecurity, aggression and anxiety patterns of trafficked adolescents with their non-trafficked counterparts. Eastern Journal of Psychology, Vol. 17, No. 1 and 2, Feb. & Aug., 84–86. Sanyal, N. (2006). Narcissus and Oedipus: The children of psychoanalysis in relationship perspective. Samiksa, 58, 39–49. Sanyal, N. and Banerjee, P. (2004). Emotional profile in the context of depression, anxiety, aggression and adjustment of epileptic and non-epileptic adolescents:

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India A comparative study. SIS Journal of Projective Psychology and Mental Health, 11 (2), 105–114. Sanyal, N. and Bhowmick, I. (1992). A comparative study of aggression of crèche and non-crèche children. Samiksha, Vol. 46, No. 2, 61–68. Sanyal, N. and Bhowmick, I. (1992). A comparative study of aggression of crèche and non-crèche children. Samiksha, 46 (2), 61–68. Sanyal, N. and Rajagopalan, N. (2005). A comparative cognitive profile of epileptic and non-epileptic normal pre-adolescents. SIS Journal of Projective Psychology and Mental Health, Vol. 12, No. 2, 129–140. Sanyal, N., & Bhowmick, I. (1992). A comparative study of aggression of crèche and non-crèche children. Samiksha, Vol. 46, No. 2, 61–68. Sanyal, N., Dasgupta, M., & Chatterjee, M. (2005). Who’s afraid of Rorschach inkblots? Projective studies in India: An end century assessment. SIS Journal of Projective Psychology and Mental Health, 12: 107–114. Sanyal, N., Dasgupta, M., Marinakis, D., and Doukas, O. (2006). Personality assessment of a child with emotional problems: A case study. SIS Journal of Projective Psychology and Mental Health, Vol. 13: 139–146. Sanyal, N., Ray, D., Das, S. and Ghosh, R. (2003). A sketch of insecurity, aggression and anxiety patterns of trafficked adolescents with their non-trafficked counterparts. Eastern Journal of Psychology, 17 (1 & 2), 84–86. Sen, A. (1982). Juvenile delinquency and mental health problems. Social Change, 12 (4), 13–19. Seth, M., Saksena, N. K., & Srivastava, R. K. (1978). Child-rearing attitudes of rural and urban mothers: A comparative study. Child Psychiatry Quarterly, 11(2), 26–30. Seymour, S. (1976). Caste/class and child rearing in changing Indian town. American Ethnologist, 3, 783–796. Sharma, C. M. (1975). Manual of directions for school situations reactions to frustration test . Varanasi: Rupa Psychological Centre. Sharma, S. (1981). Key concepts of social psychology in India . New Delhi: Manohar Publications. Simons, R. L., Robertson, J. F., & Downs, W. R. (1989). The nature of the association between parental rejection and delinquent behaviour. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 18, 297–309. Singh, D. R., & Khan, M. Z. (1983). Crime-urbanization linkage in India: An exploration. Indian Journal of Social Work, 43 (3), 243–251. Singh, J. G., Singh, S., & Srinivasan, R. (1983).

301

Deprivation and self-esteem among delinquents. Indian Journal of Clinical Psychology, 10 (2), 355–360. Singh, M. B., & Kaur, S. (1981). Mother-child interaction in rural and urban areas. Indian Psychological Review, 20 (2), 7–16. Singh, M. V., Palwal, T. R., & Gupta, S. (1972). Frustration reaction among emotionally disturbed children. Child Psychiatry Quarterly, 5, 3–7 (IPA, 1: 276). Singh, R. P., & Chauhan,V. S. (1983). Effect of family background on self-disclosure. Indian Journal of Clinical Psychology, 10 (2), 313–318. Sinha, D. (1984). Human assessment in Indian context . Paper presented at the Conference “Human Assessment and Cultural Factors,” Kingston, Canada. Sinha, D. (1988). Basic Indian values and behavior dispositions in the context of national development: An appraisal. In D. Sinha & H. S. R. Kao (Eds.), Social values and development: Asian perspectives (pp. 31–55). New Delhi: Sage. Sinha, D. (1997). Indigenizing psychology. In J. W. Berry, Y. H. Poortinga, & J. Pandley (Eds.), Handbook of cross- cultural psychology (Vol, 1): Theory and method (pp. 129–169). Needham Heights, MA: Allyn and Bacon. Sinha, J. B. P, Vohra, N., Singhal, S., Sinha, R. B. N, & Ushashree, S. (2002). Normative predictions of collectivist-individualist intentions and behaviour of Indians. International Journal of Psychology, 37 (5), 309–319. Sinha, J. B. P. (1975). Manual for D.P. scale . Varanasi: Rupa. Sinha, J. B. P. (1982). The Hindu (Indian) identity. Dynamic psychiatry, 15, 148–160. Sinha, J. B. P. (2000). Towards indigenization of psychology in India. Psychological Studies, 45 (1–2), 3–13. Sohini, N. K. (1976). Role of adoption and foster care in child rehabilitation. The Indian Journal of Social Work, Vol. XXXVII, No. 2 ( July), 121–133. Spitze, G. (1988). Women’s employment and family relations: A review. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 50, 595–618. Srivastava, A. K., & Misra, G. (1996). Changing perspectives in understanding intelligence: An appraisal. Indian Psychological Abstracts and Reviews, 3, 3–4. Srivastava, A. K., Tripathi, A. M., & Misra, G. (1996). The status of intelligence testing in India: A preliminary analysis. Indian Educational Review, 31, 1–11. Sylvan, M. (1981). Reply to Alan Roland’s paper on “Psychoanalytic perspectives on personality development in India.” International Review of Psycho-Analysis, 8, 93–99.

302


Taylor, R. D., Casten, R., & Flickinger, S. M. (1993). Influence of kinship social support on the parenting experiences and psychosocial adjustment of AfricanAmerican adolescents. Developmental Psychology, 29, 382–388. Tyagi, A. K. (1965). A study of personality differences in University students with the help of the T. A. T. Manas, 12, 47–64. Vaughn, B. E., & Waters, E. (1990). Attachment behaviour at home and in the lab: Q-sort observations and Strange Situation classifications of one-year-olds. Child Development, 61, 1965–1973. Venugopal, M., & Kodandaram, G. (1983). Emotional problems of the institutionalized children. Child Psychiatry Quarterly, 16 (2), 86–89. Verma, J. (1997). Hinduism, Islam and Buddhism: The source of Asian values. In K. Leung, U. Kim, S.

Yamaguchi, & U. Kashima (Eds.), Progress in Asian social psychology (Vol. 1, pp. 23–36). Singapore: Wiley. Verma, S.K. (1974). A correlational study of the Lie Scale (Hindi) in psychiatric patients. Psychological Studies, 19 (1), 20–22. Wadsworth, M. E., & Achenbach, T. M. (2005). Explaining the link between low socioeconomic status and psychopathology: testing two mechanisms of the social causation hypothesis. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 73 (6), 1146–1153. Ward, M. J., & Carlson, E. A. (1995). Associations among adult attachment representations, maternal sensitivity, and infant-mother attachment in a sample of adolescent mothers. Child Development, 66, 69–79. Wolfe, D. A. (1987). Child abuse: Implications for child development and psychopathology . Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

Chapter 13 THE APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN TURKEY TEVFIKA TUNABOYLU -IKIZ, HAYRIYE ERTEM-VEHID, BENGI PIRIM DÜSGÖR , AND Ay¸se ELIF YAVU

The “hüzün” (melancholy) Istanbul is not just the mood evoked by its music and its people, it is a way of looking at life that implicates us all, not only a spiritual state, but also a state of mind that is ultimately as life affirming as it is negating. “Istanbul,” Orhan Pamuk (2003) INTRODUCTION

Recent Sociocultural Developments in Turkey

T

urkey’s geographical location—a bridge between Asia and Europe—has shaped its historical and political developments. The Ottoman Empire ruled the region from the twelfth century until 1923, when Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk established the Turkish Republic. It was the first Muslim nation to become a republic. Atatürk (1881–1938) restructured the educational system, which had been highly neglected and undervalued during the Ottoman Empire. Among the major reforms were (a) replacing the Ottoman alphabet with Latin script, and (b) integrating women into the educational system. Indeed, for many years there have been more female academics in Turkey than in any other Western country (Yamaner, 2006). Atatürk’s Turkey has produced tens of thousands of well-educated women who contribute to the development of the nation as doctors, lawyers, engineers, teachers, writers, administrators, executives, and creative artists.

In the Turkish system of law, both primary and secondary education is free of charge, and it is compulsory up to 14 years of age. However, nonschooling is still a major problem because Turkey is a vast country with marked regional differences. The western part of the country is the most developed, while other areas are still developing (Smiths & Hosgör, 2006). Sixty percent of the Turkish population migrated to large cities, especially Istanbul, Ankara, and Izmir. Most of the immigrants have little or no education. The sociocultural context in Turkey is characterized by traditionalism and an emphasis on family integrity, harmony in relationships, closeness, loyalty, and duties and obligations to family and ingroups (Karakitapoglu-Aygun, 2004). Family, group membership, and social roles exert a significant influence in defining one’s self and identity. However, due to globalization and economic development, Turkey has been undergoing a rapid social change since the 1980s. Especially during and since the 1990s, socioeconomic change has been evident through the adoption of more Western values, such as more individualistic attitudes (KarakitapogluAygun, 2002).

303

304


Family and Child Rearing in Turkey The population of Turkey consists of Turks (80%) as well as minority cultural groups (20%) such as Kurds, Armenians, Greeks, Laz, and Sephardic Jews. The majority (98%) of the population is Muslim. All of these groups have coexisted for centuries, creating a cultural mosaic that makes it almost impossible to characterize a typical Turkish family (Ataca, 2006). Nonetheless, it can be said that traditional Turkish families practice authoritarian parenting, obey family customs and values, and enforce authoritarian control by punishment. Such families do not allow children to question decisions and expect that rules will be accepted and strictly followed. This style of parenting is mostly found in families with lower socioeconomic status, while upper-class families, are gradually attempting to incorporate both autonomy and dependence in their parenting style (Veziroglu, 1998). Although there have been some changes over time, Turkish parents still do not welcome independence and autonomy in their children (Kagıtçıbası, 1996). The traditional roles of men and women in Turkish families have not changed. Turkish law endorses a patriarchal family model in which the father is considered the head of the family. Gender stereotypes, religious prescriptions, and patriarchal values also decree that the man should act as the protector of and the financial provider for the family. Islamic tenets also imply male patronage of the family (Guritz et al., 1994). Researchers studying Turkish culture have found that familial, communal, and relational values still predominate (Fisek, 1982). The differences between boys and girls are strongly defined, and boys are considered the “gratification” of the family and the ones who will eventually support the family financially. Through the years, however, girls have become equally or even more appreciated because of their affective proximity to the family. Another important finding is that in attending to and fulfilling their children’s needs, mothers are more involved in their children’s development than

fathers are, but both parents encourage competitiveness in their sons (Pehlivanoglu, 1998). The father has a dominant role within the family, and he is typically in charge for any significant household decisions. This structure persists even while Turkish society is evolving (Ataca, 2006). Turkish families are functionally extended. The majority of the families in Turkey still live in close proximity, but this living configuration is in decline. In addition, there is no decrease in kin relationships due to urbanization or modernization (Duben, 1982). Kagitcibası (1996) indicates that, despite the trend in recent years whereby people have become very individualistic, emotional interdependence still continues. Moreover, she maintains that in nonWestern countries characterized by collectivistic cultures, close family relations continue to exist. Research on decision-making in Turkey demonstrates that families are characterized by a significant hierarchic role differentiation and a relatively strong emphasis on harmony, cohesion, closeness, and caring, regardless of social class (Yalçınkaya, 1990). Other research investigating child rearing and child temperament showed that obediencedemanding behaviors have a facilitating effect on pro-social development (Yagmurlu, Sanson, & Köymen, 2005). An important longitudinal study conducted in Turkey was Kagitcibası’s “Value of Children (VOC)” (1982), which began in the 1970s and involved 2,300 married couples in 42 towns over three generations. This in-depth study examined the correlation between the development of socioeconomic status and parent-child relationships. Follow-up studies were conducted in the 1990s. Results indicated that in the 1970s, Turkish families desired children because they represented a series of financial benefits. Grown children were expected to look after their parents and provide them with financial security. Within this context of relationships based on dependency, value systems and close-knit family relationships reflected material needs, while values related to independence were diminished. Furthermore, the independence of the child was not functional; family needs took priority

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey

and, as a result, an emphasis on thinking of others and family approval overshadowed privacy and individualism. Today, although Turkish children leave the parental nest after a certain age, they continue to care for their families both emotionally and financially. Furthermore, even after the child’s departure from home, parents expect him/her to value and respect their opinions. As socioeconomic development has progressed, parents no longer look to children for security in old age, and thus the economic/utilitarian value of children has decreased. This may seem to suggest the emergence of nuclear families and autonomous children. Still, a closer examination indicates that while parents no longer expect material benefits from their children, what is emerging in parent-child relationships is a combination of material and emotional interdependence (Kagitcibası & Ataca, 2005). Follow-up studies of the VOC findings indicate a sharp decrease in the economic values attributed to children over the past few decades, accompanied by increased parental interest in their children’s psychological well-being. When asked questions such as “What kind of a child do you expect to have?” nearly 80 percent of Turkish mothers of lower socioeconomic status (living in a rural environment) answered, “A good, kind, and quiet child, obedient to his/her parents.” Only 3 percent respond with variables such as “independent” and “self-sufficient.” Lifestyle changes will eventually increase the proportion of parents with this attitude. In Turkey, parents tend to be overprotective of their children. Because parents also give importance to raising children who are well-behaved, obedient, and respectful of the elders, child-rearing practices are characterized by strict discipline and punishment (Tezcan, 1997). Obedience being one of the most important values in Turkish culture, Tezcan (1997) believes that most parents—rather than demonstrating fairness and equality with their children—focus punishment on a lack of concern for the feelings of others or an unwillingness to serve the elders. Kagitcibası (1982) claims that punishment and strict discipline may foster the development of more

305

care reasoning than justice reasoning among Turkish children. The main conclusion of the VOC study is that Turkish parents’ overprotection and strict discipline attitudes may promote feelings of caring among their children. The most notable change over time in Turkey seems to be the increase in the educational level of the mothers and the expectations of a male child. Mothers usually prefer that daughters stay close to home (Ataca & Sunar, 1999). Tezcan (1997) further discusses the functioning and development of nuclear families. The rapid modernization of the Turkish society has played a significant role in the transition from a traditionally large, extended family to a nuclear family composed of the parents and children. Indeed, people immigrating to large cities to seek jobs soon form nuclear families mainly for socioeconomic reasons.

The History of Psychology and Psychological Assessment in Turkey The Turkish Republic was founded upon the remains of the Ottoman Empire. Throughout the last years of the Ottoman Empire, the need to import scientific knowledge and progressive practices and techniques from the West aroused significant controversy. European instructors and experts reformed medical schools, engineering faculties, and the army. Positivistic thought was becoming influential, especially through the work of German scientists. In 1915, in this climate, 20 professors from Germany were invited to teach botany, anatomy, and chemistry. Psychology Professor Georg Anschütz played a key role in the establishment of Turkey’s first experimental psychology laboratory in Istanbul in 1915— just 36 after Wilhelm Wundt established a laboratory in Germany (Arkonaç, 1995). That same year, in 1915, the teaching of psychology commenced in the form of courses taught in context of other disciplines. In 1917, the laboratory and the experimental psychology courses were combined into a single unit within the University of Istanbul’s Department of Philosophy. Over the following years, academics

306


began to take great interest in this new field, a remarkable development was made contemporaneously: the Binet-Simon Intelligence scale was translated into Turkish before the American version was created. At the end of the World War I, Sekip Tunç, an eminent Turkish psychologist, was appointed head of a newly-founded Psychology Department. Tunç, who had worked with Edouard Clapérede, is widely considered the first Turkish psychologist. He also translated the works of Freud and James into Turkish from French and remained active until 1933. With the rise of the Nazis in Germany, a number of psychologists found refuge in Turkey. In 1936, Turkish psychologist Dr. Mumtaz Turhan returned to Istanbul from Germany and England, and began his academic career at the University. His presence on the academic staff was critical in the formation of the Applied Psychology Department (Togrol, 1972), formally founded by Professor Wilhelm Peters of Jena University in 1937. At that time, Rorschach plates were also imported, and a private psychotechnical laboratory opened in Istanbul. The development of personality testing in Turkey is relatively recent (Kagıtçıbası, 1994). Adequate test development or standardization began in the early 1970s, leading to the publication of several tests, including the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI) (Savasır, 1981), the Hacetir Person Inventory (Özgüven, 1992), and the Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (Bayar, 1983). Between the early 1970s and the mid1990s there have been several translations and adaptations characterized by small sample sizes. These were usually the outcome of academic theses and dissertations (Öner, 1994). Among the most recent accomplishments in this field was the standardization and adaptation of the Revised Neo Personality Inventory (NEO-PI-R) (Gülgoz, 2002). Academics working at various psychology departments in Turkey have undertaken the majority of various test adaptations or standardizations. Öner published an extensive review of several psychological tests used in Turkey (1994), and the Turkish Psychological Association offers several

training programs for professionals, mainly focusing on the Revised Wechsler Intelligence Scale (WISCR) and the MMPI scales. Among the most frequently used tests are the projective, “Draw a person” (DAP) or “Draw a family” tests, usually administered within school settings. A study has shown that children reflect through their drawings the values of their culture and where they live. Girls of lower socioeconomic status groups always draw boys in the DAP test, which probably reflects the importance of men in traditional societies (Yalçıntas Tarancı, 1999). Because the majority of psychologists in Turkey belong to the field of clinical psychology, there has been a lack of interest in standardization that has slowed the process. Indeed, only a few psychologists are involved with the standardization of tests and psychometrics in general. Although well-known and widely used projective tests for children, such as the Children Apperception Test (CAT) and the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), have been translated and are currently used in Turkey, they have not yet been adapted or standardized. Recently, Dr Tevfika Tunaboylu-Ikiz and her colleagues have standardized the adolescent version of the Rorschach test, and they are currently undertaking work on the child version. Research is also underway on the Turkish standardization of the Rorschach in order to unify the coding system. The themes under investigation include: “Psychosomatic Diseases and Rorschach”; “The Rorschach Answers of Simulating Patients”; “Children with Hyperactivity and the Rorschach Test”; “Eating Disorders and Projective Methods.” In Turkey, psychoanalysis and the Rorschach have developed concurrently. The psychoanalytical movement began in 1994, when a small group of psychoanalysts (French-speaking psychologists and psychiatrists) completed their training abroad and then returned to Istanbul. This small group, supported by the French Psychoanalytic Association, became the Istanbul Psychoanalytical Society in 2001.

The development of the Rorschach in Turkey follows three important axes; the history of psychology, sociocultural changes in Turkish society, and the

307


growth of psychoanalysis in the country. “The Rorschach test is the radiography of the human spirit.” This phrase belongs to the Turkish Rorschach pioneer Yani Anastasiadis, a Turkish citizen of Greek origin, who translated many other tests such as the CAT, the TAT, the Louisa Duss stories, and a series of questionnaires. Although the Rorschach remains a popular method among students, it is generally not taught in Turkish universities, with the exception of some elementary courses at the doctoral level. The academic world has always given only secondary importance to projective psychometric methods. The growth of experimental psychology and behaviorist perspectives has greatly influenced psychologists in Turkey. Consequently, the academic community has more favorably received other assessment methods—such as cognitive scales and attitude measurements. The Fairy Tale Test (FTT) is a projective test for children representing a series of advantages and benefits. The test’s applicability in Turkey rests upon the familiarity of Turkish children with the tales used in the test, the nonculture-specific aspect of these tales, and the fact that these stories are widely told in nursery schools. In addition, the FTT is currently one of the few tests for children to have been translated and standardized on an entirely Turkish sample. Moreover, the use of this test can help to advance the personality assessment of children in Turkey. Its publication will facilitate research on both a theoretical and a clinical level. Indeed, the projective character of FTT can assist the investigation of child’s personality within a psychoanalytic framework, as well as the broader study of the use of projective tests for personality assessment. METHOD

Participants The Turkish sample consisted of 500 children who were randomly selected (out of the normative sample consisting of 1000 children) from twenty

public schools in Istanbul from 2004 to 2006. The sample was comprised of 234 boys and 266 girls. There were three age groups: 6- to 8-, 9- to 10- and 11- to 12-year-old children. Regarding the socioeconomic status of the children’s families, 32.6 percent were low, 50.8 percent were middle, and 16.6 percent were high.

Procedure Researchers obtained legal permission from the Istanbul Department of the Ministry of Education and oral consent from schoolteachers and parents for children to participate in this project. Children were assessed individually in their classrooms. Psychology majors from University of Istanbul conducted the interviews. Doctor Carina Coulacoglou and Doctor Tevfika Tunaboylu-Ikiz trained the interviewers on how to administer the FTT score the test from. RESULTS

Factor Analysis Researchers performed factor analysis in order to determine the associations among the twenty-nine personality variables measured by the FTT. Of the twenty-nine variables , five were discarded from the analysis due to either low frequency of occurrence or low relevance of responses: aggression as defense (AGRDEF), instrumental aggression (AGRINSTR), sense of privacy (SPRIV), bizarre responses, and adaptation to the fairy tale content (AFTC). Consequently, only twenty-four variables were included in the factor analysis.

First-Order Factor Analysis Researchers conducted principle component analysis, followed by varimax rotation. They extracted ten factors, which accounted for 55.21 percent of explained variance. Table 13.1 contains the results.

308

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 13.1. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Depression and Self-Concept

Depression

-0.681

Self-esteem

-0.635

Anxiety

-0.371

Assertiveness


-0.790

Aggression as dominance

-0.753

Socioemotional Needs

Oral aggression

-0.696


-0.522

Need for affection

-0.517

Envy

Repetition

-0.727

Aggression as envy

-0.559

Oral Needs as an Outcome of Fear

Oral needs

-0.689

Fear of aggression

-0.588

Father Dependency

Need for protection

-0.669


-0.539

Need for approval

-0.325

Possessiveness


-0.751

Sense of property

-0.568

Reactive Helpfulness

Desire to help

-0.798

Continued

309

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey TABLE 13.1—Continued. RESULTS OF FIRST-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Aggression type A

-0.515

Moral Control

Morality

-0.693

Ambivalence

-0.564


-0.357

Pleasure Seeking an Expression of Affective Needs


-0.738


-0.524

The results were shown to affect following factors in precise ways: Depression. This factor affects self-concept and stimulates anxiety. Assertiveness. This factor reveals that desire for superiority and aggression as dominance are equally observed in children in the study, regardless of age or gender. This appears to be a universal factor and correlates with concepts of achievement and ambition/self-fulfillment. Socioemotional Needs. It appears that oral aggression, need for affiliation, and need for affection are expressions of socioemotional needs. In particular, oral aggression, which is the most archaic form of aggression, is probably a form of acting out and a call for attention from others. Envy. This factor was defined by positive loadings on two variables: repetition and aggression as envy. The motivation underlying feelings of envy appears to be culturally significant. Children envy a character that is loved by, cared for, approved of, and admired by others. Oral needs as an outcome of fear. This factor is composed of the variables oral needs and fear of aggression, both with positive loadings. Children directly express oral need because of fear and inse-

curity.

Father dependency. This factor reflects the sig-

nificance of the father’s role in the child’s psychic world in terms of protection and approval. Possessiveness.

Aggression is employed when an act or event threatens a child’s sense of ownership. Reactive helpfulness. The desire to help others

is probably a defense against aggressive feelings towards them. Moral control. This factor was composed of the variables morality, ambivalence, and relationship with the mother. This might suggest that a positive relationship with the mother increases the child’s morality as well as his or her level of ambivalence, which can often serve as moral agent.

Pleasure seeking as an expression of affective needs. This includes the variables of sexual

preoccupation and desire for material things.

Second-Order Factor Analysis All of the aforementioned factors were submitted to second-order factor analysis, which led to the formation of a five-factor solution (see Table 13.2). Affiliation needs. The father plays a significant role in self-concept and depression.

310

Exploring the Child’s Personality TABLE 13.2. RESULTS OF SECOND-ORDER FACTOR ANALYSIS

Factors

Loading

Affiliation Needs

Depression and self-concept (Depression, Self-Esteem, Anxiety)

-0.548

Socioemotional needs (Oral Aggression, Need for Affiliation, Need for Affection)

-0.672

Father dependency (Need for Protection, Relationship with Father, Need for Approval)

-0.723

Envy and Aggression

Envy (Repetition, Aggression as Envy)

-0.750

Moral control (Morality, Ambivalence, Relationship with Mother)

-0.723

Emotional Compensation for Insecurity

Oral needs as an outcome of fearfulness (Oral Needs, Fear of Aggression)

-0.674

Pleasure seeking as an expression of affective needs (Sexual Preoccupation, Desire for Material Things)

-0.736

Dominance vs. Hostile Aggression

Assertiveness (Desire for Superiority, Aggression as Dominance)

-0.737

Reactive helpfulness (Desire to Help, Aggression type A)

-0.701

Possessiveness

Possessiveness (Aggression as Retaliation, Sense of Property)

Envy and aggression. Envy is a strong affect

that does not stimulate feelings of guilt.

Emotional compensation for insecurity.

When feelings of insecurity arise, a child resorts to emotionally satisfying activities or fantasies. Dominance versus hostile aggression. Assertive behavior is different from acting out aggressive tendencies. Possessiveness. Aggression is expressed when an act or event threatens the child’s inner and external limits.

Defense Mechanisms Table 12.3 reports the frequency of defense

-0.785

mechanisms appearing within the sample, across all age groups. Only those defense mechanisms expressed by at least 5 percent of the total sample are included. DISCUSSION

Discussion of the First-Order FTT Factors Depression and Self-Concept Factor analysis reveals a high level of depression among Turkish children, independent of gender,

311

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey TABLE 12.3. FREQUENCY (%) OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS (>5%) OBSERVED ACROSS AGE GROUPS Age Groups 7–8

9–10

11–12

Total

Undoing

27.9

21.9

33.6

27.2

Repression

27.9

26.6

25.9

26.8

Splitting

21.8

21.4

27.3

23.2

Negation

24.2

20.8

21.0

22.0

Denial

15.8

15.1

18.2

16.2

Rationalization

6.1

6.3

8.4

6.8

Reversal

6.1

6.3

4.9

5.8

p>0.05

age and socioeconomic status. Its strikingly high incidence (94%) suggests that this is a cultural phenomenon rather than a psychopathology. Depression is quite a broad term and is manifested in a variety of ways. The degree of depression and how it is manifested determine its clinical significance. In the FTT, depression is evaluated through feelings such as sadness, distress, loneliness, boredom, disappointment, pessimism; depressive thoughts (“he/ she is thinking of someone who is ill or dead”); or as direct manifestations, (“the giant/witch wants to kill himself/herself”). In this sample, children often presented depression and happiness as opposing tendencies that often appear simultaneously. In such instances, the child seems unable to determine how he/she feels and describes a conflicted mental state between the two. Example 1: Wolf (Card 2):

He is thoughtful, he is thinking of something (?); he may be thinking of going to the sea. He may be thinking of

finding a prey (?); he is thoughtful (?); something is making him thoughtful. I don’t know what (?). Something between happiness and unhappiness; that’s when humans don’t feel anything. Example 2: Giant (Card 2): He is wondering whether he

should be a good or a bad person. If he becomes good, he will do good; if he becomes bad, he will do bad things to everyone. He is happy and unhappy. He is happy because he decided to become good. He is unhappy because if he becomes bad he wouldn’t know where to go, as he recently got here. He is neither happy nor unhappy— something in between. If he

312


becomes good he will make friends and they will show him the way. Depression also affects self-esteem and may cause anxiety (i.e., the wolf is sad, he wants to eat Little Red Riding Hood, but he will not make it and he will starve; she is sad, she feels ugly/worthless; the dwarf feels lonely, he has no friends, no one is playing with him). There have been few studies of depression in young children conducted in Turkey, but Toros et al. (2004) demonstrated that receiving punishment at home is an important risk factor for the onset of depression, especially in adolescents. In addition, Aydin and Oztutuncu (2001) investigated the correlation among negative thoughts, depressive moods, and family environment for Turkish adolescents. Their results indicate that family cohesion relates to the degree of negative thoughts and depressive mood, but that the child’s perception of control within the family does not.

Assertiveness

dren, socioemotional needs include the variable of oral aggression development. Oral aggression, also considered a form of acting out, reflects a child’s need to approach others for affection and attention. There is a significant positive correlation between this factor and the defense mechanisms of undoing and splitting (rs=0.167, p(0.001). Undoing is probably utilized against oral aggression, while splitting of self occurs as a way to cope with the opposite tendency of seeking attention. Uruk and Demir conducted a study (2003) on the role of peers and families in predicting level of the loneliness in Turkish adolescents; they found that loneliness is a multidimensional phenomenon with variable correlates depending on the individual. In Turkish society, prevailing norms concerning family bonds may at times prevent adolescents from establishing friendships. The importance of the family approval exerts an indirect effect on adolescents’ ability to form and maintain peer relationships. On a more general level, the emphasis on external approval (or disapproval) of personal choices, wishes, and needs limits one’s independence to freely form relationships, especially for adolescents, who often have trouble connecting with their peers and establishing opposite-sex relationships.

The combination of desire for superiority and aggression as dominance reflects assertiveness. Assertiveness is a factor found in all five cultures— Envy India, China, Greece Russia and Turkey and appears to be part of a child’s personality developEnvy is characterized by feelings of inferiority, ment. Assertiveness enables a child to use his/her hostility, or resentment caused by the awareness aggressive potential in a constructive benevolent that another person enjoys a desired position or way, such as in mastering his/her environment or possession (object, attribute, or quality of being; setting and attaining goals. It is associated with self- e.g., Parrot & Smith, 1993). Feelings of envy are confidence, autonomy, and ego strength. In Turkey, common among Turkish children’s responses to the as well as in Greece, assertiveness incorporates the FTT and are typically motivated by Oedipal feelneed for approval, and this finding implies that ings and sibling rivalry. For Turkish children, it is external support maintains or reinforces assertive- affection, rather than a physical attribute (such as ness. youth or appearance) that they envy. For example, in response to the question “What does each witch think/feel?” a child replies, “She wants to kill Snow Socioemotional Needs White because she is loved, accepted, and gets all The need to make friends and receive affection the affection of everyone, in contrast to the witch.” are basic aspects a child’s personality development. Because of its emotional load, aggression envy often It may be culturally relevant that, for Turkish chil- appears in a protocol in a repetitive way.


Oral Needs as an Outcome of Fear

313

the rules governing family structure, and has a limited relationship with his children. It is possible that Turkish fathers believe that closer contact with their children would diminish their dominant role within the family. Turkish mothers are generally much closer to their children: they are more openly affectionate, sympathetic, and tolerant (Gamsız Bilgin et al., 2005).

Fear of aggression is a primary emotion arising in the face of immediate danger. Acts of physical and verbal aggression are often justified as an acceptable method of child rearing (Hortacsu, Kalaycioglu, & Rittersberger-Tilic, 2003). Physical aggression towards children in Turkey occurs more frequently than spousal aggression. Ari et al. (1994) shows that 62 percent of women report using corporal punish- Possessiveness ment with their children. The incidence is higher among 7-year-olds (67%) than among 12-year-olds When they perceive a threat to their belongings, (49%) Bilir, Ari, Baykoc-Donmez, and Guneysu children show aggression and try to protect their (1986) found that the incidence of aggression possessions. Fear of being deprived or robbed of toward girls is slightly higher than toward boys; the favorite toys or objects is a common cause of anxiincidence of aggression is also higher within extend- ety. Ownership implies control over one’s environed families than within nuclear families and higher ment. The magnitude of the control exercised over among parents who are younger and less educated. possessions is often on the same order as the control In the present study, oral needs reflect a need to sat- exercised over one’s body. Possessions may thus be isfy the urge for food or drink, literally or metaphor- included in self-concept (Furby, 1978). ically, and, like emotional needs, seem to be the result of fearfulness. Reactive Helpfulness

Father Dependency

In Turkey, helping others is considered an important civic responsibility. It is also likely that conceptualization of altruism varies according to the culture and to the levels of interconnectedness among the individuals in that culture (Kagıtçıbası, 1996). In the present study, the factor of reactive helpfulness reveals the motives behind helping behavior. In many instances helping behavior serves as a defense mechanism against hostile aggression. Generally, this behavior is neither spontaneous nor genuine but occurs as a reaction formation to the feelings of guilt prompted by aggression. Similar findings have been reported in other countries, including Greece and China. The mechanism of splitting significantly correlates with this factor (p<.001).

Considering the child’s relationships with each parent separately, moral conflict appears to be associated with the mother, whereas the need for protection and approval is associated with the father. Research has shown a positive correlation between a child’s self-esteem and perceived fatherly love, and inversely, a negative correlation between a child’s self-esteem and paternal rejection (Albukrek, 2002). According to the same study, girls seem to form better relationships with their father than boys, but exhibit stronger conflict with their mothers. Finally, a comparison between the quality of the relationships with each parent indicates that the child (either boy or girl) perceives the mother much more positively than the father. A traditional Turkish father believes that the mother is responsible for child rearing. The mother Moral Control is therefore also more involved in the fulfillment of Morality in the FTT appears in responses that her children needs (Pehlivanoglu, 1998). The father plays a dominant role within the family, determines reflect feelings of guilt, doing what is right, self-

314


blame, concepts of forgiveness and punishment. Pleasure Seeking as an What appears to be culturally relevant in this factor Expression of Affective Needs is the high percentage of ambivalence among In the FTT, sexual preoccupation can be Turkish children, and, in particular, the high percentage of conflict that is related to ambivalence. observed in responses that reflect sociocultural values such as falling in love and getting married. Conflict mostly relates to happiness or sadness: Other responses demonstrate a desire to earn money, become rich, and buy material possessions Example 1: such as toys and clothes. This may reflect either a Witch (Card 2): She doesn’t look like a witch real desire due to deprived living conditions, or a (?); she is not holding a stick symbolic desire whereby material objects represent (?). As is, she was both happy [are meant to compensate for/replace?] affection. Classical psychoanalytic tenets relate money to and unhappy. Sometimes the bad comes alive in her, and early psychosexual conflicts (e.g., Fenchel, 1981; she falls into the traps that she Reider, 1986). According to Abraham (1917), has set up for others, and so money may be used in an attempt to deal with anxshe is very sad. She thinks iety related to separation, and a lack of money that everyone is throwing might be perceived as a threat to safety, provoking [casting?] magic spells on her. depression and emptiness. He further argues that a She is happy that she is alone strong concern with money may function as a suband that some of her work is stitute for genital eroticism. Holmes (1998) refers to going fine. This witch wants three broad areas of the psychological significance to be good but she can’t. of money: security, retention, and power-prestige. Some other witches are casting spells on her. Discussion of the Second-Order

FTT Factors

Example 2: Witch (Card 2): She is thinking of bad things

as every other witch, because she is a witch. Someone is in front of her: ‘Go and hurt him!’ She is thinking that she is bad and that she has to do bad things. She is also very angry. Maybe the person in front of her told her something like: ‘do something good; stop being bad.’

Affiliation Needs

Results from the second-order factor analysis indicate that the variables of depression, socioemotional needs, father dependency, and affiliation are interconnected. It appears that the father plays a major role in a child’s mental health. Indeed, a child’s ego and identity formation depend largely on paternal approval. This dependency may ignite depression, which may inspire the child to seek out the support of friends. It appears that a child’s depression and self-concept are also closely associated with social relations, as well as with the father’s attiFrom a psychoanalytic perspective, this factor tude. Social environment can affect the way a child could also be considered superego control. It thinks about him- or herself and influence his or her appears that children with strong superego control emotional state. The following two examples demonhave better relationships with their mothers than do strate how loneliness can lead to violence: children with weak superego control.

The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey Example 1: Giant (Card 1): He thinks of good things and

he waves. He wants to have a good friend (?); he is all alone because no one loves him.

Example 2: Giant (Card 3): He is thinking of killing peo-

315

with the fact that the motive of envy is commonly affective, suggests that children probably experience envy as an acceptable and justifiable emotion that does not cause guilt. A characteristic example of the repercussions of strong feelings of envy—which also supports these findings on the subject—can also be found in a passage from the holy Koran, Surah 12, Yusuf # 8217: “Yusuf’s brothers envy him because their father likes Yusuf the most; Yusuf is their father’s favorite. So they decide to kill him, then they decide to throw him down to the bottom of the well.”

ple, the animals, everything (?), because he is bad, he doesn’t like living creatures. He wants to make friends, he Emotional Compensation for Insecurity abhors the living creatures because he is alone, and he’s The results of this study suggest that seeking killing them. He is sad material pleasures compensates for feelings of insebecause he has no friends. curity and fear. It is common for children under stress to find consolation in sexual fantasies or on material attainments such as wealth. In addition, the Envy and Aggression mechanism of repression associated with this factor In many cultures, envy is not valued; it creates may result from feelings of guilt derived from envy jealousy and aggression towards others, and even- or moral conflict. tually causes feelings of guilt. In the present study however, children’s expressions of feelings of envy Dominance versus Hostile Aggression and moral conflict were negatively related. The FTT responses express envy in various ways: the Aggression has been dichotomized as either the witch cards are a common cause of envy, whereby benign activity of assertiveness or the darker the child identifies with the witch. Snow White destructive force of hostility (Raphling, 1998). (SW) usually represents a sibling, the mother, or Fosshage (1998) differentiates both assertiveness another person. The witch envies and wishes to and aggression. The pleasure derived from assertive harm or exterminate SW, because of her physical behavior (i.e., competence pleasure, efficacy) subcharms (SW is taller, prettier, or younger), her char- stantially contributes to ego strength. In hostile acter traits (SW is cleverer or nicer), or her capacity aggression, the aggressor inflicts injury upon his or to stimulate feelings of love and acceptance by oth- her victim, often deriving sadistic pleasure that is ers. Finally, the witch wants to kill SW in order to internally motivated. Following is an example of take away the prince (Oedipus). In Turkish chil- hostile (or type A) aggression accompanied by dren’s responses, the fact that SW is loved, sadistic elements: approved, or admired by others is the most common motive of envy. Although, in most cultures, Giant (Card 3): He wants to throw needles on envy is considered a sin and thus shameful (e.g., people’s heads. Then he Foster, 1972), in Turkish children, envy does not wants to roast them, to throw seem to produce feelings of guilt. Due to the prothem in the water, to force jective quality of the FTT, the majority of responses weeds or needles in their occurs at an unconscious level. This, in conjunction brain[s]. The other’s unhappi-

316


ness makes him feel happy. Hatred and pleasure are the two major motives expressed that justify aggressive actions. Hostile aggression is energy discharged and is often associated with impulsivity and Attention Deficit and Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD). Dominant children compete with each other using both aggressive and affiliative strategies to gain status. In overt behavior, bullying may be the corresponding behavioral manifestation of dominance.

her (?); she will operate [on] her, she will take out the goodness that she has inside her and replace it with badness. Example 2: Wolf (Card 1):

He saw Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH), and he’s drooling; his tongue is hanging out (?), because children my age are sweet and the wolf is very hungry and wants to eat something. He is happy because he found a prey.

Wolf (Card 2):

Inside him, his nice part tells him not to eat LRRH (?), because she is an innocent child. He is confused about whether he should eat LRRH or not. He is baffled (?), because his nice part told him this.

Wolf (Card 3):

His nice part told him ‘why bother?’ He thinks that he could not hold back anymore and that he wants to eat LRRH. He is upset with his nice part because it pressures him to do something nice.

Possessiveness In the FTT, possessions include territorial domain and objects of personal value. Furby (1980) identified two basic themes related to possessiveness: a sense of personal competence or control and an association between possessions and sense of self. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS Overall, the present analysis reveals that Turkish children appear to have strong ambivalent feelings as to whether they are good or bad, happy or unhappy. Children’s responses often demonstrate a “struggle” between being a nice or a mean person or between thinking good or bad thoughts. This conflict between good and bad is evident throughout the protocols and has been evaluated as reflecting the child’s splitting of self. However, the high incidence of splitting among Turkish children suggests that it is not an expression of psychopathology, but rather a feature of moral development. Following are two characteristic examples: Example 1: Witch (Card 2): She wants to do magic spells

(?). She wants to take SW to her castle. When she takes her there she will hypnotize

In relation to this finding, another significant result is that depression is evident in almost all protocols, most commonly expressed through feelings of sadness or unhappiness. Children in the sample expressed only two major effects: happy or sad. It appears that no other emotion bears any significance. Dissociation is often present when children project these feelings onto separate characters, and ambivalence conflict is evident when the character feels both happy and sad. It is worth noting that when a child expresses nei-


ther of these two emotions, he or she says, “This giant [or witch] feels fine. He [or she] is neither happy nor sad.” A peculiar emotional state appears to exist between happiness and unhappiness. Following are examples of attempts children made to define this emotional state: Example 1: Giant (Card 2): He is not intelligent. It seems

317

pressing the aforementioned feelings creates feelings of loneliness and depression. Seeking the father’s approval seems to be a constant preoccupation among Turkish children. This might explain the feelings of jealousy and sibling rivalry that are reflected in responses to the FTT. Another interesting observation concerns the need to make friends. Turkish children’s responses reflect an intense preoccupation with this—as though their lives depended on having friendships. To Turkish children, friends seem to play a significant role in their life that is similar to that of paternal approval. Happiness and sadness seem to revolve around friendship, which is considered a reward and a confirmation of personal success. As with paternal approval, rejection and disapproval is a major cause for anxiety and depression. Making friends is the antidote for unhappiness, low selfimage, or anxiety.

that he is standing. If someone gets angry at him, he may immediately burst into tears. He is laughing with no apparent reason; he may cry. He wishes someone would play with him (?); he likes to play (?); he feels something between happy and unhappy, depending on who is in front of him. Example 1:

Dwarf (Card 3): I am sure that he is good

Example 2:

hearted. I know that the dwarfs from the tale are good, besides this is obvious from their faces. He is thinking that he should help more (?), because he wants to do good things, to make people happy (?), because when he sees them unhappy, he is not happy either. He is happy (?), because everyone knows him as good hearted (?), because if something happens he could offer more help.

LRRH (Card 3): This one is something be-

tween bad and good. She walks like a normal person. She is wondering if she is a normal person (?); she is something between happy and sad (?) she is neither laughing nor she is cross.

Parents, and the father in particular, appear to have an impact on a Turkish child’s identity formation. More specifically, the mother tends to reinforce positive aspects of the self, while the father seems to reinforcing the negative ones. By being authoritarian, strict, or punitive, the father restricts the child’s aggressive or sexual impulses, thus both impulses appear to be more functional on a preconscious or unconscious level. Feeling aggressive or challenging the father’s expectation of being a “good” child, creates feelings of guilt and self-depreciation and, eventually, a negative self-concept. Re-

Example 2: Dwarf (Card 2): He thinks that nothing exciting is happening in his life; that he is having a good time with his friends; he doesn’t want anything different in his life.

318


The defense mechanisms of repression and splitting are among the first three mechanisms most frequently employed. It is interesting to note that two of the variables excluded from factor analysis, due to low variability, were adaptation of fairy tale content (AFTC) and bizarre responses. Both variables are closely associated to stereotyped thought process, as Turkish children produce responses that are close to the plot of the tale, lacking in imagination and indicating emotional overcontrol. Children’s responses to the question “What does each character think/feel?” are, on the whole, closely associated with the fairy tale plot, or appear abstract and general. In addition, when children express stronger affects such as sadness, they often refuse to justify them, replying: “I don’t know why she feels sad.” This type of response corresponds to another form of the mechanism of Repression. The present results constitute a first step towards the examination of personality assessment among Turkish children. Further research is needed to consolidate these findings, and, most importantly, to determine the cultural connotations and components that come into play for the formation of personality in general, in a variety of cultures. REFERENCES Abraham, K. (1917). The spending of money in anxiety states. In D. Bryan & A. Strachey (Eds.), Selected papers on psychoanalysis (pp. 299–302). London: Hogarth Press. Ari, M., Bayhan, P., Artan, I., Tugrul, B., Ustun, E., & Akman, B. (1994). Aile ici iliskilerde siddet [Violence in interfamily relationships]. In R. Karadayl et al. (Eds.), Aile kurultayt degisim surecinde aile; Toplumsal kaulim ve demokratik degerler [Family commission: Family in the process of change; Social participation and democratic values] (pp. 300–312). Ankara, Turkey: Aile Kurumu. Arkonaç, S. (1995). Istanbul Üniversitesi Psikoloji Bölümü 80.yıl. [80th anniversary of Istanbul University], Türk Psikoloji Bülteni . Ataca, B. & Sunar, D. (1999). Continuity and change in

Turkish urban family life, Psychology and Developing Societies, 11, 77–90. Ataca, B. (2006). Turkey. In J. Georgas, J. W. Berry, F. J. R. van de Vijver, C. Kagitcibaci, & Y. Poortinga (Eds.), Families across cultures: A 30-nation psychological study, pp. 467–474. Cambridge, U.K.: Cambridge University Press. Aydin, B., & Oztutuncu, F. (2001). Examination of adolescents’ negative thoughts, depressive mood, and family environment. Adolescence, 36 (141), 77–83. Bayar, P. (1983). Atleterin kisilik özellikleri [Personality characteristics of athletes]. Unpublished master’s thesis, Ankara University, Turkey. Bilir, S., Ari, M., Baykoc-Donmez, N., & Guneysu, S. (1986). 4–12 yaslari arasinda 16,000 cocukta orselenme durumlari ile ilgili bir inceleme [An investigation of 16,000 children between the ages of 4–12 with respect to situations of abuse]. Cocuk Gelisim ve Egitim, 1, 7–14. Duben, A. (1982). The significance of family and kinship in urban Turkey. In Ç. Kagıtçıbası (Ed.), Sex roles, family and community in Turkey, pp. 73–99. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Fenchel, G. (1981). The psychoanalysis of the money complex. Issues in Ego Psychology, 4 (2), 11–18. Fisek, G.O. (1982). Psychopathology and the Turkish family: A family systems theory analysis. In C. Kagitcibasi (Ed.) Sex roles, family and community in Turkey, pp. 295–321. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Fosshage, J. L. (1998). On aggression: Its forms and functions. Psychoanalytic Inquiry, 18, 45–54. Foster, G. (1972). The anatomy of envy. Current Anthro- pology, 13, 165–202. Furby, L. (1978). Personal possessions and their meanings and function throughout the life cycle. In P. B. Baltes (Ed.), Life span development and behavior, (pp. 297–336). New York: Academic Press. Furby, L. (1980). Collective possession and ownership: A study of its judged feasibility and desirability. Social Behavior and Personality: An International Journal, 8 (2), 165–184. Gülgoz, S. (2002). Five-factor model and the NEO-PI-R in Turkey. In R. R. McRae and J. Allik (Eds.), The five- factor model of personality across cultures (pp. 175–196). London: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. Guritz, A., Arikan, S. A., Cinar, A. R., Gurkan, U., Konanc, E., Ozbey, E., et al. (1994). Aile ye hukuk [Family and law]. 1994 Uluslararast Aile Yih Ozel Ihtisas


319

Komisyonu Raporlari. Aile Kurumu [Reports of a Special Raphling, D. L. (1998). The narcissistic basis of aggresCommission for the 1994 International Family Year: sion. Psychoanalytic Inquiry, 18, 100–106. Family institution] (pp. 171–217). Ankara, Turkey: Reider, A. (1986). Clinical management of the non-payKiltcaslan Matbaacilik. ing patient. In D. Kreuger (Ed.), The last taboo: Money as Holmes, J. (1998). Money and psychotherapy: Object, a symbol and reality, in psychotherapy and psychoanalysis metaphor or dream. International Journal of (pp. 189–201). New York: Brunner/Mazel. Psychotherapy, 3, 123–134. Savasır, I. (1981). Minnesota çok yönlü kisilik envanteri el Hortacsu, N., Kalaycioglu, S., & Rittersberger-Tilic, H. kitabı (Turk standardizasyonu) [Minnesota Multiphasic (2003). Intra-family aggression in Turkey: Frequency, Inventory Manual (Turkish standardization)]. Ankara, instigation, and acceptance. Journal of Social Psychology, Turkey: Sevinc Matbaasi. 143 (2), 163–184. Smiths, J., & Hosgör, A. G. (2006). Effects of family backKagıtçıbası, C. (1982). Sex roles, value of children, and ground characteristics on educational participation in fertility in Turkey. Indiana University Turkish Studies, 3, Turkey. International Journal of Educational Development, 151–181. 26, 545–560. Kagıtçıbası, C. (1994). Osychology in Turkey. Internation- Tezcan, M. (1997). Türk Ailesi Antropolojisi [The anthropolal Journal of Psychology, 29, 729–738. ogy of Turkish families]. Ankara, Turkey: Imge Kagıtçıbası, Ç. (1996, April). Parent education and child Kitabevi Yayınları. development . Paper prepared for the World Bank To_rol, B. (1972). Türk Psikoloji Tarihi [History of Turkish Conference, Early Childhood Development: Investing psychology]. Tecrübi Psikoloji Çalısmaları, 15 . for the Future. Atlanta, GA. Toros, F. Gamsız Bilgin, N., Bugdaycı, R., Sasmaz, T., Kagıtçıbası, Ç., & Ataca, B. (2005). Value of children and Kurt, O., & Camdeviren, H. (2004). Prevalence of family change: A three-decade portrait from Turkey. depressionas measured by the CBDI in a predominantly adolescent school population in Turkey. International Association for Applied Psychology, 54 (3) 317–337. European Psychiatry, 19 (5), 264–271. Karakitapoglu-Aygun, Z. (2002). Self-construals, perceived Uruk, A. C., & Demir, A. (2003). The role of peers and families in predicting the loneliness level of adoles parenting styles, and well-being in different cultural and cents. Journal of Psychology, 137 (2), 179–193. socioeconomic contexts . Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Middle East Technical University, Ankara, Veziroglu, Y. (1998). Turkish mothers’ perceptions of child Turkey. competence . Unpublished master’s thesis, YayınlanKarakitapoglu-Aygun, Z. (2004). Self, identity, and emomamıs Uzmanlık tezi, Bogaziçi Üniversitesi, Egitim tional well-being among Turkish university students. Bilimleri Bölümü, Istanbul. Yagmurlu, B., Sanson, A., & Köymen, B. (2005). Journal of Psychology, 138, 457–478. Öner, N. (1994). Türkiye’de kullanılan Psikolojik Testler: Bir Ebeveynlerin ve Çocuk Mizacının Olumlu sosyal basvuru kaynagı [The psychological tests used in Davranıs Gelisimine Etkileri; Zihin Kuramının Turkey: A resource book]. Istanbul: Bogaziçi UniverBelirleyici Yönü [Parents’ and children’s attitudes on sity. development of positive social development: The role Özgüven, I. E. (1992). Hacettepe kisilik envanteri el kitabı of mind theory]. Türk Psikoloji Dergisi, 20, 1–20. [Hacettepe personality inventory manual]. Ankara, Yalçınkaya, A. (1990). Decision making in the Turkish fami- Turkey: Odak Matbaacılık. ly . Unpublished master’s thesis, Yayınlanmamıs Pamuk, O. (2003). Istanbul: Memories of a city . London: Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Bogaziçi Üniversitesi, Sosyal Faber and Faber. Bilimler Enstitüsü, Istanbul. Parrot, W. G., & Smith, R. H. (1993). Distinguishing the Yalçıntas Tarancı, G. (1999). 10–11 Yas Grubu Özel ve Resmi experiences of envy and jealousy. Journal of Personality Ilkö_retim Okullarına Devam eden Kız ve Erkek Çocukların and Social Psychology, 64, 906–920. Aile Çizimlerinin Sosyo-Kültürel Degiskenler Yönünde Pehlivano_lu, P. (1998). Differences in Turkish parenting Karsılastırılması [A study comparing socio-cultural components of girls and boys from private and public practices due to socioeconomic status and sex of the child . Unpublished master’s thesis, Yayınlanmamı_ schools using family drawings]. Unpublished master’s Uzmanlık Tezi. Bogaziçi Üniversitesi, Psikoloji thesis, Yayınlanmamis Yüksek Lisans Tezi, Hacettepe Bölümü, Istanbul. Üniversitesi, Saglık Bilimleri Enstitüsü, 1999, Ankara,

320


Turkey. Yamaner, G. (2006). Akademide Kadın Çalısmalarının

Bugünkü Genel Durumu [Women’s Studies in Academia]. Kadın Çalısmaları Dergisi, Cilt 1, Sayı 3.

PART VI PSYCHOANALYTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF FAIRY TALES

Chapter 14 THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST IN THE PSYCHOANALYTIC INTERPRETATION OF FAIRY TALES CARINA COULACOGLOU AND MARILENA SOUYOULDZOGLOU INTRODUCTION

T

he symbolic interpretation of fairy tales as well as their relation to the unconscious has become a challenging field of speculations for a number of psychoanalysts (e.g., Bettelheim, 1976; Dundes, 1989; Kaes et al., 1984). Freud was the first to discover the symbolic nature of fairy tales. Similarly to myths and legends, fairy tales relate to the most primitive parts of the psyche. In The Interpretation of Dreams (1900), Freud turns to fairy tales to advance dream analysis. In The Wolf Man (1918), he argues that the fairy tale offers the child a way of thinking that corresponds to a representation of him/herself. Children often identify with the wild animal, whic h could explain the familiarity with anthropomorphic animals found in many tales. Róheim (1953) maintains that fairy tales resemble dream experiences. He argues that a large part of mythology is derived from dreams. Thus, fairy tales are probably the outcomes of dream experiences spread by oral tradition. Furthermore, according to Schwartz (1956), the fairy tale shares many qualities of a dream: it deals in opposites or contrasts, is irrational, has both manifest and latent meanings, uses symbolism, expounds and expands the concept of reality, is a dramatized form of expression, contains sexual as well as cultural elements, expresses wishes, has humor, and employs the mechanisms of condensation, substitution, displacement, devaluation, and over evaluation. Kaes et al. (1984) suggest that the fairy tale is

close to the dream in its content, processes, and sub jective usage. These authors propose that the fairy tale serves three functions: as a link, a transformation, and an intermediary. More explicitly, it links primary with secondary processes; it transforms unconscious fantasies to structured narrations, whereby forms and symbolism give voice to desires; and finally, it acts as an intermediary between the body and the social milieu. Ferenczi (1970) proposes that fairy tales represent a return to the stage of the omnipotence of the self. “In fairy tales, the fantasies of omnipotence continue to reign” (p. 65). Whereas in reality we feel weak, in fairy tales the heroes are strong and invincible; while here time and space limit our actions and thoughts, in that world life is eternal, the reader can be at a million places at once, he/she can foresee the future, and have full knowledge of the past. Bettelheim’s book The Uses of Enchantment (1976) became a landmark in the psychoanalytic theory of fairy tales. The book offers an elaborate account of the relation between children and fairy tales, placing special emphasis on the therapeutic value of the latter for the child. Bettelheim produces extensive analyses of popular tales and attempts to demonstrate how each of these reflects conflicts or anxieties at specific stages of development. According to Shapiro & Katz (1978), Bettelheim interprets the symbolic meaning of the fairy tale on three levels. A character is discussed, first, as representing crucial others in the child’s life; second, as representing an experienced part of the personality

323

324


(good or bad self); and third, as representing inter- dead grandmother, or the girl taking off her clothes, nal processes (id, ego, and superego). Apart from or even the ruse of going outside to defecate. “strict” psychoanalysts, Jung and his followers also Perrault also changed the ending by having the wolf contributed significantly to the interpretation of devour the protagonist. The Grimms, who later fairy tales. added the presence of the hunter and the saving of The present study seeks to empirically evaluate the two females, restored the story’s happy ending. psychoanalytic interpretations of traditional fairy tales. It compares children’s responses to the Fairy Interpretations Tale projective Test in the stories of Little Red Riding Hood (LRRH) and Snow White (SW) and Among the most popular psychoanalytic interthe Seven Dwarfs, building on Bettelheim’s psycho- pretations of this tale are those proposed by Fromm analytic postulations. (1951), Roheim (1953) and Bettelheim (1976). However, this study focuses on Bettelheim’s interpretations, as he analyzes in detail the significance Little Red Riding Hood of the story as well as the separate characters. Fromm’s (1951) interpretation emphasized the Origins significance of the red hood, which is said to symAlthough many versions of this story have been bolize menstruation and serves as a signal of her traced to some regions of France (Zipes, 1993), forthcoming femininity. He also interprets this tale there are reports of Asian origins of the same story as a battle between the two sexes, in which the (Dundes, 1989). Asian variations (in China, Japan, female attempts to humiliate the male by placing and Korea) of LRRH differ from European versions stones (considered a symbol of sterility) in his stomin a number of features: the aggressor might be a ach: “It is a story of triumph by man-hating women, tiger, while the heroines might be two or three girls. ending with their victory” (p. 242). Another difference also concerns the type of decepRoheim’s (1953) interpretation of the same tale tion occurring in the tale: the animal pretends to be does not rely solely on details—such as the red hood the mother, the grandmother, or the aunt of the or placing the stones in the wolf’s stomach—that are young girls, who usually visits the girls in their own absent in the oral versions. Instead, he emphasizes home. the significance of the aggressive actions, which he Charles Perrault and the brothers Grimm have claims symbolize infantile oral aggression. He refers created the most popular versions of LRRH, also to the mechanisms of regression and projection, called Little Red Cap. However, both parties have whereby the infant’s wishing of devouring his/her been criticized for making alterations to what was mother is projected onto the mother-grandmotherconsidered to be the original oral story (Dundes, wolf. “Aggression is combined with regression and 1989). it follows that the idea of being swallowed up, being The original text of this classic tale is reported eaten, is the talio aspect of this aggression. The can(Zipes, 1993) to have been traced to France towards nibal child created a cannibal mother” (p. 152). the end of the nineteenth century by Paul Delarue. Bettelheim (1976) writes that this fairy tale According to Dundes (1989), Perrault was aware of expresses the ambivalence between the pleasure the existence of relevant folktales that served as his and the reality principle. It also deals with the source of inspiration for his own writings (the origi- Oedipal conflict reactivated in puberty. LRRH’s nal title was The Story of Grandmother). Perrault’s budding sexuality is directed towards her fatherversion omits gruesome elements that are present in wolf, who is an externalization of the dangers of some original versions, such as the wolf’s proposal overwhelming Oedipal longings. The father is also that the heroine taste the flesh and blood of her portrayed as the hunter in his protective and rescu-


ing role. Thus, we may observe the splitting of the father figure into a ferocious and threatening animal as well as a benign and helpful hunter.

Children’s Responses to LRRH in the FTT a. The Role of Little Red Riding Hood As discussed above, most of the psychoanalytic interpretations of the story of LRRH center around the sexual connotations—LRRH’s Oedipal feelings— while most interpretations place the heroine in the period of puberty. Róheim (1953) presents a different interpretation of the same story, indicating that the action of being devoured by the wolf is a pro jection of the infant’s aggressive fantasies. The examiner posed the following questions to each child when presenting the LRRH figures (see Figure 14.1): “What does each one think/feel? Why?” “Which of the three is the real LRRH? Why?” and “Which one would you eat, had you been the wolf? Why?” Examples followed by a question mark in parentheses—“(?)”—indicate that the examiner was probing for clarifications (i.e., Why?, How?, etc.) from the child.

b. Ambivalence Indecision

325

think/feel? Why?” which express ambivalence in the form of indecision (as to which path to follow, whether to speak to the wolf, whether to cut flowers, etc.). Example 1

What does each LRRH think/feel?” Q: Card 1: She is seeing something in the jungle. (?) Squirrels. (?) She feels happy, like talking to them, but she remembered what her mother had said, and she thinks she shouldn’t talk to them. (?) She doesn’t know what to do. They were playing, and she wanted to play with them. Example 2

What does each LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 3: She is hungry. (?) Should she eat what’s in the basket or not? (?) She’s feeling guilty because she shouldn’t eat the food. The food was for her grandmother.

c. Sexual Connotations

As mentioned above, most of the psychoanalytic Bettelheim’s position that the LRR H tale is a story about the ambivalence between the principles interpretations of LRRH’s tale center on pubertal of pleasure and reality may be supported by sexuality, reflected by LRRH’s Oedipal feelings responses to the questions “What does each LRRH directed towards her father—represented by the

1 2 3 Figure 14.1. Cards of Little Red Riding Hood.

326


wolf—and by placing the heroine in puberty. In the FTT, responses to Card 2 often reveal narcissistic concerns, interest in the opposite sex, and a desire to meet or speak to the wolf.

Example 6

Example 1

Sexual connotations also appear in response to the questions, “Which of the three would you eat, had you been the wolf? Why?” A large number of children respond by saying that the wolf would eat Card 2 because LRRH is pretty, sweet, shy, and cute. Such responses were observed mostly in girls.

Q: What does LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She feels shy because the wolf looked at her and fell in love with her, and she wants to meet him. Example 2

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 2: She has seen something, and she hesitates in continuing her way. (?) She has seen an animal that she has been warned not to approach, but she wants to touch it. (?) She likes him; he is handsome. Example 3

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 2: It’s as if someone is talking to her and she is blushing and feels shy. (?) If the gentleman she met is telling her the truth, (?) ‘you are very beautiful, you wear nice clothes.’ Example 4

Q: What does LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She is shy, she wants to go to a night club, and she is well dressed. (?) She wants to go out with the wolf.

Q: What does LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She thinks that her skirt is too short.

d. The Wolf as LRRH’S Superego Apart from supporting the theoretical assumptions of the symbolism behind LRRH’s tale, children’s responses provide evidence for additional interpretations about the story and its protagonists. While the wolf may often symbolize a male figure to which LRRH feels attracted, children’s responses to the questions, “Which one would you eat had you been the wolf? Why?” revealed that the wolf occasionally adopts a different role, such as of a strict superego. Accordingly, children assert that the wolf decides to eat LRRH because she was disobedient, selfish, provocative, proud, wicked, and the like. Example 1

Q: What does each LRR H think/feel?” Card 2: She does not want to go to her grandmother. (?) Since her grandmother will die soon, why should she take care of her? She will not be of any use to her. I would eat Card 2 because she is sly. Example 2

Example 5

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 2: She thinks she is beautiful and wonders if boys will fall in love with her.

Q: What does each LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She does not want to go to visit her grandmother; she feels bored. (?) She wants to play with her friends. I would eat Card 2 because she does not love her grandmother.

327

The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test Example 3

Q: What does each LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She is sly; she wants to meet the wolf, (?) because she wanted to confirm that he is dangerous. I would eat Card 2 because she is daring. Example 4

Q: What does each LRRH think/feel? Card 2: She thinks of herself highly; she thinks that she is someone special, (?) because she thinks that she is in every story and that everybody ‘reads her.’ I would eat Card 2 because she is foolish. Example 5

might fall into a trap, she might get lost, or her grandmother may die. Example 1

Q: What does LRRH think/feel? Card 3: She worries before taking the next step, if she is taking any risks, if she is being threatened by someone, she doesn’t know where she’s going. (?) She might fall into a trap; someone may kidnap her and ask her parents for ransom. Example 2

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 3: She wants to return to her mother. She thinks that her mother is ill. (?) She hopes that her mother will be saved, (?) but her mother will die. She is very sick. (?) Then she’ll feel sad and lonely and roam about.

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 2: She is shy and envious and thinks that no one loves her and that she must Example 3 improve her character. She is not nice. I would eat Card 2 because she does What does LRRH think/feel? Q: not have a nice personality, she is enviCard 3: She is thinking that her grandmother ous and cowardly. may be already dead and that it is pointless bringing her food and mediAs soon as LRRH enters the wood and realizes cine. (?) She feels afraid because her that she has strayed from the correct path, or that grandmother may be dead and if she she does not want to visit her grandmother because goes to her house she might see a ghost she may feel afraid or bored, or that she prefers to who will want to eat her. play, her superego takes charge in the form of a Example 4 wolf.

e. Separation Anxiety Children’s responses to the cards of LRRH also suggested that LRRH develops separation anxiety, as her thoughts are often monopolized by irrational fears and anxiety. As the young girl walks through the woods, she is anxious about getting dark, she is afraid about the eventual threat of wild animals, and/or she thinks that she is being watched, she

What does LRRH think/feel? Q: Card 3: Maybe she sees that her grandmother’s house is on fire or that the wolf is devouring her grandmother or that the forest is on fire.

The Wolf The examiner posed the following questions to

328


1

2 Figure 14.2. Cards of the Wolf.

each child when presenting the wolf cards (see Figure 14.2): “What does each one think/feel? Why?” “Which of the three is the one in the story LRRH? Why?” and “Which of the three scares you the most? Why?” Although children respond to the LRRH cards by giving the wolf symbolic connotations (sexual object, superego), when they are presented with the wolf figures, they tend to identify with him far more often than with LRRH (the victim). The wolf in these cases stands for the figure on which the children project fears, anxieties, and aggressive impulses.

Therefore, in response to the question “What does each wolf think/feel?” children replied more often that the wolf wants to eat LRRH or her grandmother because he is hungry and less often because he is wicked. Some responses reveal aggression, in the form of retaliation, whereby the wolf wants to eat the young girl and her grandmother because they have hurt him in some way. Anxiety is usually related to punishment for wrongdoing (the hunter will shoot/kill him because he ate a human being) or deprivation (he will starve to death). On rare occasions, responses to the question “What does each wolf think?” reflect the theme of sibling rivalry, whereby LRRH assumes the role of a sibling.

3

something. (?) He lost his child. Example 2: Anxiety deprivation

What does each wolf think/feel? Q: Card 3: He is very hungry and sad. (?) He is waiting for a pray. It’s getting dark and he is praying: ‘Oh God! Let me get a prey soon.’ (?) He is sad, and he is waiting for days with an empty stomach. Example 3: Aggressive impulses

What does each wolf think/feel? Q: Card 3: He wants to devour LRRH, not just eat her but tear her to pieces. (?) If he does not eat her, he will explode out of anger.

Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs Origins

According to Dundes (1964), “folklorists have attempted to clarify the vibrant relations between text, texture, and context, thus providing a useful framework in which to survey variations of Snow White.” The plot corresponds to the actual tale, Example 1: Anxiety loss/depression story of Snow White. Its texture is the specific language (or visualization in film) of a particular story. Q: What does each wolf think/feel? The context corresponds to any relevant personal, Card 1: He is sad. (?) He seems as if he’s crying social, historical, and/or other influences. The tale and swallowing his tears. (?) He has lost of Snow White in oral tradition is multicultural and

EXPLORI EXPLORING NG THE CHILD’S PERSONALITY

EXPLORING THE CHILD’S PERSONALITY Developmental, Clinical and Cross-Cultural Applications of the Fairy Tale Test

Edited by

CARINA COULACOGLOU, Ph.D.

Published and Distributed Throughout the World by

CHARLES C THOMAS • PUBLISHER, LTD. 2600 South First Street Springfield, Illinois 62704

This book is protected by copyright. No part of it may be reproduced in any manner without written permission from the publisher. All rights reserved.

© 2008 by CHARLES CHARLES C THOMAS THOMAS • PUBLIS HER, LTD. LTD. ISB N 978-0-398-07 978-0-398-07804-1 804-1 (hard) ISB N 978-0-398-07805-8 978-0-398-07805-8 (paper) Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2200800231 0080023155

With THOMAS BOOKS careful attention is given to all details of manufacturing and design. It is the Publisher’s desire to present books that are satisfactory as to their physical qualities and artistic possibilities and appropriate appropriate for their particular use. THOMAS BOOKS will be true to those laws of quality that assure a good name and good will. Printed in the United States of America MM-R-3

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kendler, Howard H., 1919– Exploring the child’s personality : developmental, clinical, and cross-cultural applications of the Fairy Tale Test / edited by Carina Coulacoglou. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISB N 978-0-398-07804-1 978-0-398-07804-1 (hard)—ISB N 978-0-398-07805-8 978-0-398-07805-8 (pbk.) 1. Fairy Tale Tale Test. Test. 2. Fairy Tale Tale Test—Cros Test—Cross-cultur s-cultural al studies. I. Coulacog lou, Carina, 1956– . II. Title. [DNLM: 1. Personality Tests. 2. Child. 3. Cross-Cultural Comparison. 4. Fantasy. Fantasy. 5. Mythology–psychology Mythology–psychology.. 6. Personality Assessment. WM 145 E965 2008] BF698.8 F35E97 2008 155.4’18284–dc22 2008002315

CONTRIBUTORS Anastasia Atsarou, Ph.D. Child Clinical Psychologist Peristeri Mental Health Athens, Greece Pirim Dugsor Bengi Research Assistant University of Istanbul Department of Psychology Istanbul, Turkey Carina Coulacoglou, Ph.D. Child Psychologist Projective Society of the Fairy Tale Test Athens, Greece Manisha Das Gupta, Ph.D. Lecturer, Department of Psychology University of Kolkata, India Hayriye Hayriye Ertem-V Ertem-Vehid, Ph.D. University of Istanbul, Child Institute Statistician: Department of Family Health Istanbul, Turkey Alison Ferst, M.A. Psychology Department City University of New York at City College, USA Ioanna Giannopoulou, Ph.D. Child Psychiatrist Peristeri Mental Health Center v

vi


Athens, Greece

Nora Goudsmit, M.A. Psychology Department City University of New York at City College, USA Zianxin Jhang, Ph.D. Institute of Psychology Chinese Academy of Sciences Beijing, China Eleni Kotsoni, M.Sc., Ph.D. Psychologist Projective Fairy Tale Test Society Athens, Greece Yuhui Li, Ph.D. Key Laboratory of Mental Health Institute of Psychology Chinese Academy of Sciences Beijing, China Niovi Michalopoulou, Psy.D. Clinical Psychologist (private practice) Athens, Greece Nilanjana Sanyal, Ph.D. Professor and former Head, Department of Psychology University of Kolkata, India Elena Savina, Ph.D. Developmental Psychologist University of Oreol, Russia Simon Shagrin, M.A. Psychology Department City University of New York at City College, USA Marilena Souyouldzoglou, Souyouldzoglou, Ph.D. Educational Psychologist Sikiaridion Special School Athens, Greece

Contributors

Daphne Stamatoyanni, Ph.D. Clinical Psychologist (private practice) Athens, Greece Steven Tuber, Ph.D. ABPP Psychology Department City University of New York at City College, USA Tevfika Tunaboylu-Ikiz, Ph.D. Psychoanalyst University of Istanbul Department of Psychology Istanbul, Turkey Rachel Wolitzky, M.A. Psychology Department City University of New York at City College, USA Ay¸se Elif Yavuz Research Assistant University of Istanbul Department of Psychology Istanbul, Turkey

vii

Dedicated to my life companion. and In memory of Paul Kline.

PREFACE

I

decided to embark on the mission of editing the present book, when I realized that I would like to share with others my experience in using the Fairy Tale Test (FTT). I could perhaps refer to this long-term experience as a journey of wisdom and “enchantment” “enchantment” in the depths of the child’s psyche. The writing and editing took approximately four years, since at the time of its conception, some of the cross-cultural studies were still under way. Through the use of the FTT we attempt to describe and elaborate on various issues of child development, especially those that relate to the structure and the unfolding of personality. personality. What is worth noting is that that fairy tales are still very much much alive and captivating captivating in children’s children’s mind and hearts. They haven’t lost their appeal probably because their symbolisms and reflected values remain the same through the passage of time. When I first decided to standardize the test in various cultures, I did not know what to expect, mostly in terms of how the material will appeal to children from nonwestern countries. countries. To To my surprise I discovered that that at least three of the most popular fairy tales (i.e., Little Red Riding Hood, Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs and Cinderella ) are translated in most languages. languages. In addition, most book illustrations represent “westernized” characters characters in terms of both external features and clothing. Fairy tales with giants, however, are not as popular as the above stories. For instance, Japanese children are scarcely familiar with the story of Jack and the Beanstalk, T om Thumb or giants known from literary fairy tales such as Oscar Wilde’s The Selfish Giant, or Gulliver’s Travels . Through the application of the FTT in diverse cultures, I had the opportunity to find out that supernatural supernatural characters such as giants or witches witches with well-known aggressive, antagonistic, menacing or magical abilities are not necessarily perceived as such such from children in nonwestern countries. Giants in China, for instance, are usually nice and protective; Rakshashas or Rakshashis in India are man-eating demons, while giants in Japan do not exist as such. xi

xii


Children’s responses to the FTT questions revealed that their reactions are not so much motivated by the external attributes of the character (e.g., skin color, facial traits, clothes, gender, etc.) as much as to what this character represents or symbolizes. This is perhaps the major reason that makes this tool cross-culturally sensitive and universally appealing. It is worth emphasizing the importance of standardizing the FTT in such cultures as Russia, Turkey, India and China whereby test standardization is not common practice, let alone the standardization of a projective instrument. Had it not been for the perseverance, broadmindedness, sensitivity, conscientiousness and determination of all my collaborators in completing this important task, the standardization of the FTT would have remained a figment of imagination. The FTT was designed based on modern psychometric theories, in terms of including large samples and a variety of validity studies. Since its creation ten years ago, many things have been accomplished: an initial standardization in Greece of approximately 800 children (between 7 to 12 years of age), followed by a second one which which included a younger age group group of children (6-year-olds) and resulted in the addition of three personality variables. Furthermore, construct and criterion validity studies took place. Another significant achievement concerns the several standardization projects that have taken place and are still under way. For decades, psychologists have been classifying personality tests as either objective or projective. Objective tests correspond to assessment instruments where the intended response is represented by a limited set of options, and scored according to a pre-existing key. key. On the other hand, in projective tests the respondent is required to generate a response in the face of an ambiguity, whereby the person projects unconscious or subjective material. A recent debate in the field of personality assessment concerns this terminology as being unclear and misleading. Objective tests by definition carry desirable and positive connotations connotations such as precision and objectivity, objectivity, encouraging certain prejudices against projective techniques. As a result alternative terms, such as Performance Based Tests, Constructive Method, Free Response Measures, ests, and so on, have been proposed in order to replace Expressive Personality T ests, the term projective. Although I am aware of this debate and realize that these two terms do not fully reflect the complex and distinctive methods actually used for personality assessment, the term “projective techniques” tec hniques” is employed throughout the book as this still remains the most popular term for the purposes of scientific communication.

xiv


The following section, “Cross-Cultural Applications of the FTT,” includes five chapters presenting the application of the Fairy Tale Test across five culturally diverse countries on a large sample of children as part of the test’s standardization: Russia (Chapter 9), China (Chapter 10), Greece (Chapter 11), India (Chapter 12) and Turkey (Chapter 13). Each chapter presents a detailed quantitative and qualitative analysis of the data, revealing the core personality of children in relation to their specific sociocultural background. The last section, “Psychoanalytic “Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Fairy Tales,” Tales,” consists of one chapter (Chapter 14) 14) that provides some experimental validation of psychoanalytic theories of fairy tales through the Fairy Tale Test. More specifically, the authors analyze the psychoanalytic significance of the children’s responses and discuss how those can supplement and verify psychoanalytic interpretations of fairy tales. SCOPE The scope of this book is to present its readers an in-depth study of the child’s personality through the use of the Fairy Tale Test (FTT). The FTT has the significant advantage of providing information on a large number of personality parameters and their interrelations in a systematic way. Some of these paramete parameters rs (such (such as ambivalence ambivalence,, sense of property, property, and sense sense of privacy) have not been examined by other personality measures. In that sense, the FTT is a tool that can be employed for a variety of purposes such as in the fields of developmental psychology, diagnosis and treatment outcome, and cross-cultural research. The present book offers information on current theoretical issues about the psychological uses of fairy tales, the results of empirical studies with groups of children that psychologists commonly encounter in their practice (namely, children with learning disabilities and mild mental retardation), as well as the results of several cross-cultural applications. It is in fact a rare opportunity for the interested reader to come across an elaborative study of personality and culture, especially through the study of such diverse cultures such as China, India, Russia, Turkey and Greece. Another significant and perhaps unique contribution is the elaborate analysis of a large number of defense mechanisms, their development during childhood, as well as some cross-cultural comparisons. I hope that the present book will inspire readers to study study and use the FTT, and that it will be helpful in opening new ways in working with children, by learning more about the complexities and intricacies of their distinct personality.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I

would like to thank my friends and colleagues: Doctor Anastasia Atsarou, for her support and contribution in finding clinical samples; Doctor Sarafidou Emy, for her valuable advice in the statistical analysis of the data; and Doctor Marilena Souyouldjoglou, for her support and constructive collaboration in several chapters of this book. I would also like to thank and express express my appreciation to all the contributors for sharing their knowledge and experience. With regards to the contributors of the cross-cultural studies, I would like to express my gratitude for taking taking part in such such a demanding demanding and and unique project. project. I would would like to extend extend my thanks to all the examiners of the FTT whose role in the standardization process was invaluable. I would also like to thank all the children who participated in data collection, their parents and teachers. Many thanks to Alison Rooney and Eleni Kotsoni for their constructive comments and the copyediting of the book. Finally, I would like to thank Michael Thomas for his patience and trust.

xv

CONTENTS Page Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi xi Chapter

PART I: NEW DEVELOPMENTS IN PROJECTIVE TECHNIQUES FOR CHILDREN 1. A Review Review of Projective Projective Tests Tests for Children Children:: Recent Developments. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Steven Tuber, Tuber, Nora Goudsmit, Alison Ferst, Ferst, Simon Shagrin, and Rachel Wolitzky 2. Fairy Tales Tales as Building Blocks: The Development Development of the Fairy Tale Tale Test Test . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 Carina Coulacoglou PART ART II: I I: EMPI EM PIRICAL RICAL RESEARCH 3. A Study on Aggression in Children through the Fairy Fairy Tale Tale Test Test . . . . 63 Carina Coulacoglou, Marilena Souyouldzoglou, and Anastasia Atsarou 4. A Study on the Idiosyncratic Responses Responses of Children . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 75 Niovi Michalopoulou PART III: THE STUDY OF DEFENSE MECHANISMS 5. The Development Development and Cross-Cultural Significance of Defense Defense Mechan Mechanisms isms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93 Carina Coulacoglou

xvii

xviii


PART IV: CLINICAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST 6. The Fairy Tale Test in the Personality Assessment of Children with Learning Disorders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119 Marilena Souyouldzoglou 7. The Fairy Tale Test in the Personality Assessment of Children with Mild Mental Retardation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139 Marilena Souyouldzoglou 8. Children with Psychotic Symptoms: Two Case Studies . . . . . . . . . . 154 Ioanna Giannopoulou, Anastasia Atsarou, and Dafne Stamatoyanni PART V: CROSS-CULTURAL APPLICATION OF THE FAIRY TALE TEST Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 9. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Russia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Elena Savina 10. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in China . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219 Yuhui Li and Jianxin Zhang 11. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243 Carina Coulacoglou and Eleni Kotsoni 12. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in India . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 264 Nilanjana Sanyal and Manisha Dasgupta 13. The Application of the Fairy Tale Test in Turkey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 303 Tevfika Tunaboylu-Ikiz, Hayriye Ertem-Vehid, Bengi Pirim Düsgör, and Ay¸se Elif Yavu PART VI: PSYCHOANALYTIC INTERPRETATIONS OF FAIRY TALES 14. The Contribution of the Fairy Tale Test in the Psychoanalytic Interpretation of Fairy Tales. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323 Carina Coulacoglou and Marilena Souyouldzoglou Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 341

Exploring the Childs Personality.pdf

Recommend Documents