Sustainable development and cultural heritage management in Botswana: towards sustainable communities

HERITAGE 2012

HERITAGE 2012

Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Porto, Portugal 19-22 June

Edited by Rogério Amoêda Sérgio Lira Cristina Pinheiro

HERITAGE 2012

3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Edited by Rogério Amoêda, Sérgio Lira & Cristina Pinheiro

© 2012 The Editors and the Authors All rights reserved No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without prior written permission from the Publisher

ISBN 978-989-95671-5-3 e-ISBN 978-989-95671-8-4 Published by Green Lines Instituto para o Desenvolvimento Sustentável Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development Av Alcaides de Faria, 377 S 12 4750-106 Barcelos, Portugal mail@greenlines-institute org http://www greenlines-institute org 1st edition, June 2012

Published in electronic format Print on demand

Legal Notice The Editors and the Publisher are not responsible for the use which might be made of the following information

Foreword

v

Foreword

Heritage 2012, 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development followed the path established by previous editions of this event and aimed at establishing a state of the art event regarding the relationships between forms and kinds of heritage and the framework of sustainable development concepts. The number, variety and quality of papers presented and published allow a final and positive balance. In fact, for this edition of Heritage double-blind peerreview of papers applied and the number of definitive rejections was relatively low, confirming the over-all high quality of submitted material. As nowadays sustainable development was brought much forward than the concept expressed in the book “Our Common Future”, commonly known as “The Brundtland Report”, Heritage followed that path and aimed at a broader vision on heritage and sustainable development. The role of culture and social aspects enlarged the initial statement where environment and economics took the main role, guiding the earliest research on sustainable development. The environmentalist vision of the world as a whole ecological system, and the world economical trades and product and service flows, enhanced the idea of a globalized world, where different geographic dimensions of actions, both local and global, emerged as the main relationships between producers, consumers, and cultural specificities of peoples, philosophies and religions. In such a global context, heritage becomes one of the key aspects for the enlargement of sustainable development concepts. Heritage is often seen through its cultural definition. However, sustainable development brings heritage concepts to another dimension, as it establishes profound relationships with economics, environment, and social aspects. Nowadays, heritage preservation and safeguarding is facing new and complex problems. Degradation of heritage sites is not any more just a result of materials ageing or environmental actions. Factors such as global and local pollution, climate change, poverty, religion, tourism, commerce, ideologies, war, are now in the cutting edge for the emerging of new approaches, concerns and visions about heritage. Thus, Heritage 2012 – 3rd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development was proposed to be a global view on how heritage is being contextualized in relation with the four dimensions of sustainable development (environment, economics, society and culture) that were the core topics of the Conference. These topics brought to discussion the definition of a singular approach on how to deal with and go beyond the traditional aspects of heritage preservation and safeguarding. As presently heritage is no longer just a memory or a cultural reference, or even a place or an object, further analysis and other perspectives are in order: heritage is moving towards broader and wider scenarios, where it becomes often the driving forces for commerce, business, leisure and politics. For those reasons the topics of “governance for sustainability” and “education for the future” were also included in the programme as key factors for enlightenment of future global strategies for heritage preservation and safeguarding. A new chapter was included in this edition of Heritage conferences: one on Preservation of Historical Buildings and another dedicated to Early Stage Researchers. This chapter dealt with the specific tasks of preservation, rehabilitation and maintenance of historical buildings and sites and the number and importance of contributions to this topic made it one of the major areas of the Conference. Key issues were preservation and rehabilitation techniques of structures and

vi

Heritage 2012 R. Amoêda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.)

materials, adaptive reuse of historical buildings, sustainability goals, and assessment tools, among others. This edition of Heritage also gave stage to early stage researchers and students willing to share the results of their research projects, namely post-graduation projects and doctoral projects. Heritage received a significant number of such proposals the quality of which was confirmed during double-blind review (by at least two members of the Scientific Committee). This high quality level led to the granting of a significant number of reduced fee packs whose aim was to support and encourage young researchers. We would like to express our gratefulness to all the partners and sponsors of this edition of Heritage, who joined the effort to make a significant Conference. Our special word or recognition to the Câmara Municipal do Porto (Oporto City Council), to the Associação Comercial do Porto, to the Fundação Porto Social and to Porto Vivo – Sociedade de Reabilitação Urbana. A special word of gratitude to all Members of the Scientific Committee who reviewed the papers and made suggestions that improved the quality of individual work and the over-all quality of the event. Last, but certainly not least, we would like to thank Dr. Manuel Maio for all the support and willingness to help. The Editors Rogério Amoêda Sérgio Lira Cristina Pinheiro

vii Organizing Committee

Organizing Committee

Rogério Amoêda Sérgio Lira Cristina Pinheiro

viii Heritage 2012 R. Amoêda, S. Lira & C. Pinheiro (eds.)

ix

Scientific Committee


Alessandro De Masi

Gregory Ashworth

Milan Polytechnic II, Italy

Groningen University, The Netherlands

Alexander Bauer

Gregory Hansen

City University of New York, USA

Arkansas State University, USA

Alison McCleery

Guillerme André

Napier University, United Kingdom

CNAM-CDHTE Paris, France

Alistair McCleery

Hwee-San Tan


University of London, UK

Ángela Barrios Padura

John Carman

University of Seville, Spain

University of Birmingham, United Kingdom

Anna Leask

Janet Eldred


University of Kentucky, USA

Annette B. Fromm

John Skrzypaszek

Florida International University, USA

Avondale College, Australia

Antonio Maturo

John Tunbridge

University of Chieti, Italy

Carleton University, Canada

Asafa Jalata

Judith Sterner

The University of Tennessee, USA

Alberta College of Art and Design, Canada

Christian Wilson Frost

Kirsty Altenburg

Kingston University, UK

Department of Sustainability, Australia

Christina Birdsall-Jones

Li Bai

Curtin University of Technology, Australia

Nanjing Normal University, China

Cláudia Ramos

Matteo Mariotti

University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal

Sapienza Università di Roma, Italy

E. Wanda George

Maria Gloria de Sá

Mount Saint Vincent University, USA

University of Massachusetts, USA

Francisco Queiroga

Mary Kenny


Eastern Connecticut State University, USA

Gabriella Caterina

Michael Ripmeester

University of Naples Federico II, Italy

Brock University, Canada

Gabriella Duca

Nabil I. Mohareb

University of Naples Federico II, Italy

Beirut Arab University, Lebanon

x


Pamela Sezgin

Sérgio Lira

Gainesville State College, USA


Paula Judson

Sidney Cheung

RMIT University, Australia

Chinese University of Hong Kong, China

Paulo Lourenço

Teresa Ferreira

University of Minho, Portugal

University of Porto, Portugal

Paulo Seixas

Teresa Marat Mendes

Lisbon Technical University, Portugal

ISCTE, Portugal

Peter Davis

Theodore Prudon

Newcastle University, UK

Columbia University, USA

Richard Field

Yvette Staelens

Saint Mary's University, Canada

Bournemouth University, United Kingdom

Rogério Amoêda

Xavier Roigé

University Lusíada, Portugal

Universitat de Barcelona, Spain

Roy Jones Curtin University, Australia

Partners

Partners

xi

xii


Contents

xiii

Contents

Foreword Organizing Committee

v vii


ix

Partners

xi

Contents

xiii

VOLUME 1 Chapter 1 – Heritage and governance for sustainability A historiography of interventions in the archaeological sites from Turkey in the UNESCO World Heritage List

3

Z Aktüre

Heritage, conservation and good governance - heritage issues in Saudi Arabia

13

D A Alzahrani

POMPEI: Project of Optimization Management Policies for Ecotourism Innovation: zero Km and zero emission energy production for zero emission electric transportation

23

A Apicella & B R Aversa

Revealing relationships between the state of authenticity/integrity and the factors affecting Island of Mozambique

31

S G Damen, R Derks , T L M Metgod, A R P Roders, L Veldpaus & A T Silva

Enhancement strategies for cultural heritage management: Sicilian manor farms’ reuse

41

S De Medici & C Senia

Politics succeeding the Egyptian revolution: which will revitalize Historic Cairo? R Y Gharib

53

xiv


Cultural heritage preservation and sustainable development. Notes for a shared approach construction

63

M C Giambruno & R Simonelli

Adaptive re-use of the former Prince Henry Hospital, NSW, Australia

71

M Gül & J Dee

Is conservation policy responsible for the economic development of the historic urban environment? The case of Greece

81

I Katapidi

Heritage as a driver for sustainability in infrastructure development

93

A MacKenzie & S Moulis

Industrial heritage of Petroúani and ReúiĠa cities (Romania)- cultural approach

103

F C Merciu, A L Cercleux, D Peptenatu, G L Merciu, C C Drăghici & R D Pintilii

Natural world heritage listing and the governance for sustainability in small islands: a comparative case study of Fernando de Noronha Archipelago (Brazil) and Lord Howe Island (Australia)

115

L Nogueira de Moraes

Colonial military services and postcolonial international peacekeeping training in Ghana: substantiating a linking concept in cultural heritage tourism

127

A Odai & E Addo

Landscape (European Landscape Convention) vs. Cultural Landscape (UNESCO): towards territorial development based on heritage values

139

M D Oliveira & J T Ribeiro

Chandigarh: the dynamic transformation of residential sectors

153

C Pozzi

Cultural heritage and politics in the framework of globalisation

159

C T Ramos

Who owns the coast? Holiday structures and public access

167

P Spearritt

World heritage cities: Amsterdam's canal district case study

175

J J Swart, K A Bakker, L Veldpaus, K E A Claus & A P Roders

Museums in monuments, questions of sustainability: the case study of the Picasso Museum in Paris

187

K Tavantzi-Physentzides

Cultural policy and safeguarding intangible heritage: traditional performing arts in Taiwan

197

Y T Tsai

Chapter 2 – Heritage and society The change of urban fronts in post-earthquake Messina

209

E Caminiti

Agricultural landscape as heritage? Gaps in Taiwan’s tobacco history H -H Chen

221

Contents

xv

Social conflicts and the fate of urban heritage

231

G Csanádi & A Csizmady

Living heritage: Universities as anchor institutions in sustainable communities

245

A R Green, S V Lloyd & S Parham

Involving local communities in assessing the contribution of cultural heritage features to place character in Australian coastal settlements

253

R J Green

A tale of two theatres: can the localism bill provide a sustainable future for ‘local’ heritage in England?

263

S A Jackson Understanding the “potential of transformation/innovation” of social practices & knowledge repertoires Towards a model for a sustainable “activation” of ICH

273

E Lupo & N Pedrazzini

Museum' space as a home interior: the twentieth century arrangements at Villa Reale in Milan

281

C Manfredi & S Colombo

Integrating heritage management with development. Sustainable conservation and developmental guidelines for ণƗrat as-SaybanƯ, Barkat al-Mawz, Oman

291

G Quattrone & S Bandyopadhyay

Heritage, city, tourism and sustainability. A discussion on the model of the city of Valencia

303

M À Ruiz Torres & B Santamarina

Mediterranean networks and the shaping of built form: a quick overview

311

A Sapounakis

Exhibitions of Greek architectural sculpture as tools for social cohesion

319

L J C Snook

Architectural heritage in contemporary towns in Poland: its per-ception and forms of promoting

327

E Stachura

Heritage as bearer of memory

339

G Vedru & K Karro

Non-Greek farmers and heritage in the sustainable development of the Greek countryside

349

J P Verinis

Displacement for conservation: one of the adverse impacts of cultural world heritage management in Hue, Vietnam

365

K C Wood

Chapter 3 – Heritage and environment Sustainable sanitation in ancient adobe buildings

379

A Alcorn & L H Abidi

Rehabilitation and energy efficiency - methodological strategies for the historic centre of Oporto S Alves & J J Sendra

387

xvi


Conserving and protecting our natural heritage in Western Australia

397

A Briggs

A method to assess the effect of energy saving interventions in the Swedish stock of historic buildings

405

T Brostrom, P Eriksson, P Rohdin & F Ståhl

Climate adaptation of traditional dwelling in Ensenada México

415

C M Calderón Aguilera & O Baeza Herrera

Proposals for sustainable planning for the territory of Seulo

423

L Cannas, P Casu, L Di Pilla, A Meloni, C Mura, B Pau, D Porrà & M Stara

Small energy production plants in ancient settlements: the case study of Camogli (IT)

433

G Cassinelli & A Magliocco

Heritage sites: connectivity with contemporary urban landscapes

443

L M S A Costa, R L Cavallazzi & D B P Machado

Thoughts towards a new definition of heritage

451

C Deom & M -A Thiffault

From 2005 to 2010: towards a re-construction strategy for housing in heritage areas after earthquakes in Chile

463

B M Devilat

The virtual Sydney Rocks: a case study of a virtual heritage environment

475

K Devine

Ancient coastal railway stations in Campania: rehabilitation opportunities and priorities

485

D Diano & S Viola

Sustainable rehabilitation od built environment: technical issues in identity preservation

493

G Duca

The historical fountains of Alcala de Henares and water supply, a heritage to recover in a sustainable manner

501

E J Fernandez Tapia, F da Casa Martin & I de Bustamante Gutierrez

The sustainable technological design as an instrument to re-generate the genius loci of the historical built heritage

511

A Ghini & B Gherri

Using a building performance evaluation approach to achieve deep low-carbon retrofitting of a Victorian case study house in Oxford, UK

521

R Gupta

Learning from our heritage: the regeneration of the San Mateo Neighborhood

531

J L Higuera & F J Montero

Solar radiation in the open spaces of Madrid convents: a sustainability approach

543

B Jiménez Alcalá

Amplified Silence M Leus, M Arckens & S Boom

553

Contents

The importance of maintenance of social capital for sustainability - issues on the relation between researchers, fishermen and government in the management of Imboassica lagoon/ Macaé – Rio de Janeiro/Brazil

xvii

563

A F Lopes, C A Zago, L A L Leandro & R L Bozelli

Narratives of sustainability in the urban landscape: Canberra’s National Capital Open Space System (NCOSS)

571

A MacKenzie & S Sumartojo

Environmental impact model for Andalusia constructions and its influence on heritage through the analysis CO2 emissions

581

M P Mercader Moyano, A R de Arellano Agudo, M Olivares Santiago & E Carbajo Cruces

The inherent disconnect between historic wood buildings and Nova Scotia’s energy code

591

A Parsons

Predict, plan, prepare and protect: How can heritage managers adapt to climate change risks?

597

H F Phillips

The Tagus river historic centers: an approach to the heritage value of urban form

609

F Ramalhete & F Silva

The role of convent gardens and cloisters as green lungs in Madrid

619

E J Rodríguez Romero & M Anton Barco

Techniques of environmental analysis applied to the urban heritage of Cadiz

629

C Rubio Bellido, B Sánchez-Montañés Macías, J A Pulido Arcas & J M Cabeza Lainez

Dispersed heritage and their protect environments as new urban space

639

J Rufat López

Damage in the heritage of Guadalupe by lack of urban planning

649

J -C Salcedo Hernández

The green heritage label: the implementation of a system of voluntary sustainability standards at world heritage sites

663

L Schubert

Contribution to the conservation prospects of sacred natural sites in southern part of Mediterranean

671

E Seva-Román & M D Vargas-Llovera

Landscapes and memory: reconstructing the ethnobotany of Smith plantation

677

P J D Sezgin

Heritage-based land use patterns in the high mountains of Sinai Peninsula and the Alps: a neo socio-ecological perspective

687

A Shams, B Stoinschek & U Tappeiner

Visual impact assessment

699

A Telesca & D Palacios

Biosphere of Urdaibai: the relationship between nature and the baserri

709

I Telleria Julián & M Leturia Nabaroa

Out of the Ruins N Timms & K Baker

719

xviii


Cultural heritage in Portugal: stilt-house villages of the Tagus River

729

A L Virtudes & F Almeida

Eco façades as a feature in the city sustainability

739

A L Virtudes & M Manso

Integrating sustainability metrics into heritage preservation

745

S Xu & M Hill

The analysis of the “Pemeleh”: decorative roof element of Malay traditional architecture

755

S R Yusoff & M S A Rashid

Index of Authors

769

VOLUME 2 Chapter 4 – Heritage and economics Valorisation of heritage in the rural space adjacent to Bucharest- Ploieúti axis

777

F I Buzăianu

A site of tensions: negotiating access and autonomy in the Ifugao rice terraces

787

K Cagat

Heritage institutions: economic or otherwise?

797

J Carman

Avoiding frauds: Raman spectroscopy, a fundamental tool in the analysis of artworks

805

M C Chillón, P Ferrer, S Ruiz-Moreno & A López-Gil

Local museums and sustainable regional development in Greece: assessment and perspectives

815

A Doxanaki, A Dermitzaki, P Zounis, E Tsilaga & G Panagiaris

Development plans for Sremski Karlovci based on historical and cultural heritage exploitation

825

D Ĉukanoviü

Meanings of authenticity in contemporary representations of heritage in the context of tourism

835

M K Emiro÷lu

Heritage and tourism: squander or cherish?

845

E Ennen, E van Maanen & J Wynia

The recovery of abandoned settlement heritage as a sustainable local economic development strategy: a wide area pilot project

855

C C Falasca & C Lufrano

Restoration of traditional architectural character. A cost – benefit analysis in a Greek mountainous town, based on the implementa-tion of CVM S Giannakopoulou & D Kaliampakos

865

Contents

Cultural tourism crossing the integrated development of the Bucharest metropolitan area

xix

875

I Ianos, D P Radu, D Peptenatu, C Draghici, F C Merciu & L Cercleux

Industrial heritage as a sustainable resource: economic fact or political fiction

883

C Landorf

The potential of integration of Shared Value Creation with strategy management as an innovative approach to environmental challenges

897

L Leandro & E Neffa

Urban regeneration as the driving force of economic recovery Casco Vello of Vigo: a project in progress

905

M A Leboreiro Amaro

Supplying the heritage industry: an analysis of UK craft companies’ experiences

915

K Loader & S C Norton

XIXth Century coal mining settlements in Chile: the challenge for sustainable touristic reuse and heritage preservation

925

M I López

Merits goods, social capital and the total economic value of cultural heritage

939

J M Maneiro Jurjo & D S Salem

Food heritage for local heritage: italian experiences

947

F Miani & V Albanese

Destination branding and social Interaction in the urban heritage Space: comparative spatial approach

955

A Michelson

A question of trust: evaluating the benefits of building preservation trusts

965

K J Moore

Formation and transformation of Kao Hong Market town, Suphanburi, Thailand

975

N Ongsavangchai & O Panin

(Re)using historic buildings as a retail differentiation strategy

985

B Plevoets, A Petermans & K Van Cleempoel

Building virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage for sustainable development: strategies and instruments

995

G Pultrone

Marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities: an exploratory research approach

1005

C Vegheú, D Dugulan & I C Popescu

Chapter 5 – Heritage and culture Hosting the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in 2009: Ghana exemplified sustainability and diversity in cultural heritage and tourism E Addo

1017

xx


The conservation of the built environment in Suakin, Sudan - an overview of the current context

1031

K S Ashley

New technologies for inconvenient heritages: a defensive system of the twentieth century as a case study

1041

A Atanasio Guisado

"A Moderate Drink, for a Moderate People": Canadian beer advertising and the rise of a beerdrinking nation, 1918-1939

1051

M J Bellamy

Community cultural festivals: content motivation and social impact

1061

N H Black

National trust contribution to sustainable heritage

1069

A Briggs

Drawing the old agro-industrial landscape in Puglia: a case study to promote the rural sustainable development

1075

L P Caliandro & P Dal Sasso

The form(at) of heritage: perspectives from Japanese food tradition

1087

V G Cang

The industrial cultural heritage – a resource for sustainable tourism in Liguria

1093

S De Maestri

Identity, visibility, recognition and integrated digital survey for interpretation and promotion of the architectural heritage

1103

A De Masi

Synthesis of historical environment and modern society

1113

D Dijokienơ

Betwixt and between: the disappearing heritage of the craft artisan

1123

A E Dixey

Dubai: heritage house, alternative exhibitions, the vernacular as a codified expression of culture

1133

M El Amrousi

Cultural heritage management and the impact of tourism – the case of Tripoli - Lebanon

1143

K El Barazi

An interactive e-cultural hub for democracy practices and future heritage creation

1153

B R A El Fadl

Learning from traditional rural building cultures

1161

M T Feraboli

The decline of the Orczy Park – The position of historic gardens in society, culture and politics

1171

A Firnigl & M Klagyivik

The (un)recognition of cultural heritage: the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim, Portugal

1181

M M C S Gonçalves & M T Pérez Cano

The holy Christ of miracles and the its religious and symbolic signification G Henyei-Neto

1191

Contents

xxi

The ancient-new city of Yerevan: conserving urban heritage from below

1199

A Ivanov

The cultural context in sustainable development: approaches and resources to support the 4th pillar

1209

J Jacoby & E Cooper

Literary Heritage or National Heritage? Landscape Preservation and Change in Dorset

1219

R Jones & T Dolin

The second wave: aboriginal cultural centers in sustainable development

1227

T Jones & C Birdsall-Jones

Five dimensions of community

1239

S Krempl & D Marinova

Culture, environment, and the quality of life

1249

A La Vergata

Hygienism, salubrity and regulations. The Oporto's collective dwelling in the 1st half of the 20th century

1255

G Lameira

Restoring the social and historic heritage of Meliana

1267

X Laumain & A López Sabater

Designing the landscape of memory: conditions for sustainable development

1277

M Leonardi

Pompeii sustainability between preservation and modern use

1281

G Longobardi

Cultural bridge of linking past and future: military dependants’ villages in Taiwan

1289

Y -C Lu

Landscapes as ancient heritage in Béziers area: from appreciation to enhancement

1299

S Marchal

Origins of sustainability in cultural heritage

1309

M Mariotti

Remaking cultural heritage: a role for responsible tourism?

1317

A McCleery & A McCleery

Infill architecture: chasing changes of attitudes in conservation of urban heritage

1325

E Navickienơ

Passive resistance in the poem “Black Woman”

1335

D Pardo

Africa: tourism and heritage

1341

M G P da Passano

Underground housing in Crevillente (Spain): a way of living or an economic necessity?

1347

B Piedecausa García & S Chinchón Yepes

Geocaching: a review of knowledge and practices as a factor of promoting heritage C Pinheiro, R Amoêda & S Lira

1357

xxii


Perceived image and the predictors of heritage tourism - The case of Douro Region

1369

L Pinto

Integrating indigenous needs through participatory action research – community-based indigenous heritage in the Altai Republic

1379

G Plets, V Van Eetvelde, R Plets & J Bourgeois

Lithuanian baroque organ heritage: origins, formation and influence in the East Europe

1391

G Povilionis

Integrating indigenous and modern heritage conservation practice in Nepal

1401

N Pradhananga & C Landorf

Accessibility and inclusive design in UNESCO heritage sites in Spain

1413

M Puyuelo Cazorla, L Merino Sanjuán, M Val Fiel & J Gual Ortí

The heritage of tourist territory. From winter resort to Costa del Sol, (1860-1955). Influences of painting and literary currents in the spaces of leisure and the transformation of landscapes

1423

A B Quesada Arce

The labrador metis and the politics of identity: understanding the archaeological past to negotiate a sustainable future

1435

L Rankin & A Crompton

Innovative technologies for the knowledge and the enhancement of Hyblean rural heritage

1445

F Restuccia, M Galizia & C Santagati

Preserving intangible heritage of Palestinian Territories’ cultural landscape: the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum

1457

T A Rinella

Emerging indigenous voices: safeguarding intangible heritage in Colombia and the reaffirmation of cultural rights

1469

N Rodriguez-Uribe & D Rodríguez-Uribe

Cultural heritage in China: Shaxi, a world heritage designated his-toric town at the cross-roads of development

1481

S Schriver

Intangible heritage and its role in the formation of social and personal identity

1491

J Skrzypaszek

The Art of Horse-Riding Falconry by Altai-Kazakh Falconers

1499

T Soma

“Not the way to do it”: the case of Suakin, Sudan

1507

S Taha

Cultural heritage & the politics of indigenous identities in Australia

167

D Trigger

Bamboo entwines: a design intervention to envision culture and innovation values of local crafts

1517

F Valsecchi, S Pollastri & L Yongqi

Cultural heritage in sustainable development of a urban context: a case study of Ragusa G Vecchio

1527

Contents

Discovering and preserving Albanian's heritage to build the future

xxiii

1537

A Versaci & A Cardaci

Heritage and sustainability, a binomial complex. The case of the historic quarter of the city of Colonia del Sacramento

1547

T Vicente, J Rey & B Santamarina

Vernacular architecture in post-disaster contexts of reconstruction in Indonesia

1557

G Weichart, U Herbig & F Zamolyi

Chapter 6 – Heritage and education for the future Sustainable development and cultural heritage in the new East Timor curricula

1573

A M Capelo, M C Santos & M A Pedrosa

Industrial Heritage: awareness and sustainable design in architectural education. The former industrial canal zones of B5, The Netherlands

1581

I Curulli

Spiritual heritage & education today

1591

X Di

Sustainable development through heritage and education: the new Peterborough effect

1601

A Hunt & A Kershaw

The relationship between World Heritage Sites and school trips in Japan

1611

T Jimura

Eco-efficiency eco centre network in school system

1621

C H Levinton, M E Yajnes, M Weksler, R Tartaglia, L Amielli, S Rossi & F Breyter

Environmental and Heritage Education as a tool for the sustainable development: “an analysis on experimental science and social science textbooks in Secondary School”

1633

H Morón, M C Morón, A M Wamba & J Estepa

Diffusion of heritage and culture through design in Alcântara

1645

C S Rijo

Index of Authors

1651

VOLUME 3 Chapter 7 – Preservation of historic buildings Analysis and rehabilitation of San Miguel Arcángel Church in Jalance, Valencia

1659

A Alonso, A Martínez, J Moreno & V Llopis

Design for Conservation (DfC): integrating sustainability dimensions in buildings rehabilitation R Amoêda

1669

xxiv


Steel vs. wood. Hygrometric and structural impacts for replacement of timber structures by metallic ones in protected buildings

1679

M Arroba, D Mencías, J A Meneses & P Benítez

Evaluation of the Burdur mansions for sustainable use of today’s conditions

1689

S Ateú

Knowledge, science and enhancement of historical decaying buildings in Tuscany. The “ArTeSalVa project”

1701

L Benassi, A Parri, E Siotto, M Callieri, P Pingi & R Scopigno

The energy improvement of historical buildings. A project between compatibility, conservation and sustainability

1711

M Boriani, M C Giambruno & A Garzulino

Valorization and preservation for citadel of Messina. Studies for a sustainable recovery

1719

F Cantone & L Tringali

Survey and material characterization of the altars of San Sperate (Sardinia)

1729

P Casu & S M Grillo

Lighthouses: heritage and contemporary uses. The case of Catalonia

1739

G Domènech Casadevall

Restoration and reuse of historical heritage in hydraulic public works. Case study: Hurchillo Cisterns

1749

V Echarri Iribarren, V Galiano Garrigós, A L González Avilés, A Benigno, P Millán & M Isabel

The post-seismic rehabilitation as a strategic action for the restoration of historic values

1759

C C Falasca & C Lufrano

The Romanesque route in the north of Portugal. Safeguard, conservation and maintenance

1767

T Ferreira

Conservation and valorization of historical building: the case-study of Stampace quarter in Cagliari (Sardinia, Italy)

1777

D R Fiorino, C Giannattasio, S M Grillo & G Vacca

Structural consolidation of vaults and domes. The Chapel of the Holy Sepulchre in Orihuela: a case study in the south eastern part of Spain

1787

A L Galiano Garrigós, V Echarri Iribarren, G Ramírez Pacheco & A Espinosa Fernández

Plaza de la Reina’s creation and its deep impact on Valencia Cathedral

1797

E García Alías

The Lacería and the Casa de Pilatos doors in Seville, Spain

1809

M A Garrote, M D Robador & A Muñoz

Knowing, preserving and regenerating. Urban archives for PEEP Districts in Parma

1819

A Gravante & M Zazzi

The culture of technology and sanitary engineering

1829

A Guagnini

Preserving the Roman Wall of Lugo (Spain) with terrestrial laser scanner B Guimarey, M Cordero, D Miranda & R Crecent

1837

Contents

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The blast furnace n 2. Sagunt, Spain: the recovery of the “future memory”

1847

L F Herrero García, C Gradolí Martínez & A Sanz Martínez

Tangible cultural heritage and adaptive reuse: the old government house, Brisbane, Australia

1857

A Kumarasuriyar & D Nielsen

Study and guidelines for the preservation of Nolla’s Palace

1867

X Laumain & A López Sabater

Towards an aionic conceptualization for the preservation of his-toric buildings

1877

J León Casero

Sustainable small town development through heritage preservation. The “Sot de Chera” case

1887

V López Mateu & T M Pellicer Armiñana

Technologies of the future for the re-use of the past: the electrochromic glass.

1897

D Ludoni, G Loddo, G P Cossu & M Pittaluga

Planification and intervention in historical buildings: studies prior to the project in the Palacio del Infantado in Guadalajara

1909

V Macías Gutiérrez & E Martínez Sierra

Resources for the On-going Care for Heritage Housing in New Zealand – A Public Proposal for the Private Realm

1919

C A Mackay, V Rickard & N J Hughes

Heritage conservation and environmentally sustainable performance of historic structures. Environmental upgrade of listed church buildings

1931

M Makrodimitri & J W P Campbell

Decreasing energy consumption in heritage buildings rehabilitation

1941

A Martínez-Rocamora, M Marrero & J Solís-Guzmán

The re-use of a Monastic space in Lisbon: ideals and realities of the Bernardas’Convent

1949

A M T Martins & J S Carlos

TLS and digital photogrammetry as tools for conservation assessment

1961

L Mateus, V Ferreira, J Aguiar & M Barbosa

Millimeter waves for non-destructive monitoring, disinfection and treatment of culture heritage

1971

V V Meriakri & S V von Gratowski

The vernacular rural architecture in Guilan (case study: Guilan Rural Heritage Museum)

1983

A Mosavi

Rehabilitation of historic buildings for Cultural and University uses. The case of Cyprus

1995

Ȃ Philokyprou & E Limbouri-Kozakou

An evaluation of the use of building maintenance as a strategy for reducing carbon emissions in historic English dwellings

2005

J S Ritson

Grout injection as a rehabilitation technique for heritage preservation E Rodríguez-Mayorga, E Yanes, V Compán & A Sáez

2017

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Preservation and maintenance of the historical buildings: the use of unmanned aerial robots as an auxiliary mean in the inspection tasks

2027

P Rubio de Hita, C Rodríguez Liñán, M J Morales Conde, J R Martínez de Dios & A Ollero Baturone

Historic preservation in 20th century Italian new towns

2037

P Sanjust

Introducing and technology of ornaments in the Khajeh Attabak-e Kerman's tomb tower

2047

A Sasani

Preservation and valorisation of historical buildings: a method to verify the sustainable re-use of transformations

2055

A U Scolaro & M Dettori

“Il restauro del restauro”: restoration of the restoration of the 60’s in Tarragona, cultural world heritage city

2067

P Solà-Morales Serra, J Lluis i Ginovart, J M Toldrà Domingo & C Salom

Knowledge gap in historic buildings conservation institutions

2077

S M Tarhuni & J Kamara

Restoration of the church of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of the Mercy nuns."Las Gongoras”

2085

J Tejela Juez & M Anton Barco

Preservation of historic buildings. The case of Atarazanas de Barcelona

2095

R Terradas & C Rueda

Conservation of productive architectures in southern Italy. A fortified farmhouse in the County of Modica

2099

F Todesco

Projects in the monumental complex of the Amphitheatre of Tarragona (Spain)

2111

J M Toldrà Domingo, P Solà-Morales Serra, C Salom & J Luís i Ginovart

Evaluating the wetting and drying of a vented airspace in a spray-foam insulated solid masonry historic building

2121

E S Tzekova, K D Pressnail, M F Touchie, N Pearson & P Pasqualini

Plan to promote and preserve the fortifications of Pamplona

2131

J V Valdenebro

From the knowledge’s project to the urban restoration: a case study in Enna

2141

A Versaci, S Zuccarello & A Cardaci

Index of Authors

2153

Chapter 4 Heritage and economics


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Valorisation of heritage in the rural space adjacent to BucharestPloieúti axis F. I. Buzăianu Faculty of Geography, University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

ABSTRACT: The restoration and valorisation of the cultural-historical heritage could stimulate local and regional economies and generate improved rural living standards, higher employment rates, less commuting and less permanent migration. Domestic tourism could thus develop and, if internationally promoted, local cultural-historical landmarks could attract more tourists. The tourism potential of this area is insufficiently exploited and tourism affects the environment. This is a wake-up call for those who can improve heritage transformation and conservation technologies and must be aware that historical monuments need preservation and restoration. Moreover, tourists should know that unless the environment is maintained within its regenerative capacities and the cultural-historic heritage is preserved, tourist attractions may become uninteresting or even repulsive. This study relies on field and bibliographic research, and it can be used as a travel guide presenting the natural and man-made tourist attractions as well as the accommodation infrastructure of the concerned area.

1 INTRODUCTION This study is a chapter of the pending doctoral thesis „The Dynamics of the Rural Settlements in the Area Adjacent to Bucharest-Ploieúti Axis” to be completed. During the preparatory stage the statistical and archived data were collected, synthesised, processed and analysed at the same time with the selection of bibliographic materials (scientific works published, such as treaties, university courses, doctoral theses, atlases, dictionaries, encyclopaedias, monographs, specialised articles published in various magazines etc., legislative acts such as laws, decrees, government ordinances, government decisions, orders etc., General Development Plans and cartographic materials), made available by specialised institutions. Both classical and modern methods were used in the preparation of this work, methods specific for geographical, historical and sociological research. The method of analysis was used both in the preparatory stage, by reading the bibliographic materials on the concerned region and theoretical issues, as well as in the stage of field research focused on specific geographical features of various natural and man-made components. The field research (observation, field investigation) included identification, mapping, visiting and photographing the sites of cultural and historical value, in order to identify to what extent these values are preserved and promoted. During the field visits I tried to also note and analyse the behaviour of the tourists visiting the concerned rural area, to examine and analyse a wide range of demographic, social, cultural and economic phenomena influencing the preservation and valorisation of the cultural-historical heritage of the region, because „heritage has today become a powerful instrument in the economic and territorial development of a community, when

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properly valorised and promoted, often in the context of tourism related activities” (A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development: 26). Interviews were used during the field research, discussing with the residents of the concerned villages, the official representatives of the heritage sites and some tourists who accepted to discuss with me. The unique natural landscapes and biodiversity of the natural heritage, the unique traditions and customs and the numerous man-made sites of significant cultural and historic value are key elements for the development of rural tourism which is an effective source of income for Romania’s (but not only Romania’s) rural communities and for the development of the rural settlements. Exploiting the cultural and historical heritage of rural areas, including man-made attractions in tourist tours and valorising biodiversity, maintaining the natural environment within the limits of self-regulating capacity and attracting investors may bring a stop to the depopulation of the rural area by the increase in the number of jobs, living standards and quality of life of the residents of the rural area, the development of the concerned rural settlements and, implicitly, of the country. English Heritage, the main authority responsible for the protection of England’s historic environment considers that an attractive environment contributes to attracting foreign investments and supporting business in any sector, not only the tourism industry. Implementation of the sustainable development of cultural and historical heritage will have a positive effect on the local, regional and even national economic recovery, and also positive effects on the quality of life of rural communities. One of the most important resources that may be exploited for the development of the Romanian rural areas is the presence of many heritage sites of outstanding cultural and historical value. But unfortunately our built heritage is generally degraded. I believe that we should all be educated since childhood to appreciate and valorise our inheritance, because as in the editorial of Naturopa ӊ European rural heritage (No. 95/2001: 3) Mr. Walter Schwimmer, Secretary General of the Council of Europe argues “it is our responsibility to recognise the value of the past, and to protect and promote this heritage, an essential factor in economic, social and cultural development.” “Starting the conservation of the built heritage could be a change with a vital role in the social and economic regeneration of small and large cities, as well as in the creation of safe, stable and sustainable communities. The role of built heritage in the revitalisation of communities is widely recognised across the United Kingdom, a vast and complex conservation industry being developed to such purpose”1. I think that Romania should also follow the example of this country, because its valuable cultural and historical heritage deserves to be conserved, valorised and promoted in order to obtain alternative sources of income for the rural communities (besides agriculture and crafts). “People have always had the need to refer to their history in order to ensure the continuity of a common identity that evolves over time. Heritage is a collective property which tells the history of a people, a city, or a territory, and is transmitted from one generation to the next. Heritage makes it possible for the present generations to understand their place in history and to better cope with the constant mutations in society : it is an element of stability in a rapidly changing world. Heritage is also an essential element that makes it possible for a people to show its uniqueness, to manifest its own way of perceiving the world and to express its capacity for cultural creativity”(A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development: 26). This case study is an attempt of proving the truthfulness of the above. 2 MAN-MADE TOURIST SITES OF HISTORICAL, CULTURAL AND ARCHITECTURAL VALUE LOCATED IN THE ADMINISTRATIVE TERRITORY OF THE COMMUNES LOCATED IN THE SPACE ADJACENT TO BUCHAREST-PLOIEùTI AXIS The analysed area is within the sphere of influence of the capital and Ploieúti, seat of Prahova County. In administrative terms eight of the analysed communes are part of Ilfov County and three communes are part of Prahova County. The documentary evidence of the existence of the 11 communes located in the space adjacent to Bucharest-Ploiesti axis dates back from the XVth


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–XVIIth centuries. In 2009 the total population of the rural settlements in the analysed area was 68,076 residents. “Cultural heritage, just like heritage or legacy as a whole, has two dimensions: material and non-material” (Dragan Nikodijeviü, 2011: 259-276). This study mainly focuses on the material heritage, although the non-material heritage is quite significant (traditions and customs, traditional crafts, such as pottery, manual brick making, (reed, bulrush and willow) wickerwork, etc.). The National Heritage Institute (Institutul NaĠional al Patrimoniului), a public institution of national importance, having legal personality, subordinated to the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, financed from own funds and subsidies from the State budget, listed in 2010 the Romanian historical monuments classified in 4 categories: archaeological monuments, architectural monuments, public monuments and memorial and funerary monuments. As to the value of the monuments, there are two categories: monuments of national interest (category A) and monuments of local interest (category B). In the administrative territory of the rural settlements located in the space adjacent to Bucharest-Ploieúti axis (47 villages, 11 communes), the referred institution inventoried 200 archaeological monuments, 50 architectural monuments and 3 public monuments.2 The 200 archaeological monuments are: 36 archaeological sites, 160 settlements dating back to the Prehistoric Age, Antiquity, Middle and Modern Ages, a burial necropolis dating back to the XVth-XVIth centuries (in Gruiu), two cremation necropolises dating back to the IIIrd century and Iron Age, namely late Hallstatt period (in Gruiu and Bărcăneúti) and an Iron Age stronghold dating back to La Tène period (in Puchenii Mari). All these archaeological monuments are listed as monuments of local interest. A number of 22 monuments from the 50 architectural monuments existent in the administrative territory of the 11 communes analysed are of national interest: 12 in a total of 25 churches and 3 monasteries, in a total of 4, plus the former Snagov Monastery complex (the XIVth-XIXth centuries) and the bell tower (the XVIth-XVIIIth centuries), located on the island in the middle of Lake Snagov, the precinct wall of Balamuci Monastery, built in 1752, the picture gallery of Căldăruúani Monastery, dating from the end of the XIXth century, the cells of Ghighiu Monastery, built in 1856, the bell tower of Ghighiu Monastery, built in 1856 and the precinct wall of this monastery, built in the same year. The three monasteries classified in category A are: Balamuci Monastery (Nuci Commune), dating back from the XVIIth-XIXth centuries, Căldăruúani Monastery (Gruiu Commune), built in 1637-1638 and Ghighiu Monastery (Bărcăneúti Commune), built in 1817 and subsequently, in 1856-1866. I mention only some architectural monuments classified as monuments of local interest: the former Alexandru Ghica Palace complex and its park (the XIXth century) and Alexandru Ghica Palace (1830), located in Moara-Vlăsiei Commune (CăciulaĠi Village) and the bell tower of the church in Ciolpani Village (1776). The three public monuments dedicated to the heroes of the First World War are located as follows: one monument in Moara-Vlăsiei Commune (1925), another in Periú Commune (19201945) and the other one in Snagov Commune (1916-1919). These monuments are classified, according to the list cited above, in category B. The bust of Vlad-ğepeú3, sculpted by Ion Ladea, located in Ghermăneúti Village (Snagov Commune), in the park in front of the City Hall and Culture House could be listed as a category B monument. This monument is not included in the list prepared by the National Heritage Institute. The fame of Snagov Monastery is related to the personality of Vlad-ğepeú, who built a surrounding wall fortifying the building, as well as a bridge, a bell tower, a fountain, a refuge tunnel and a prison for traitors and ill-doers. Some historians speculate that Vlad-Tepes was killed in Bălteni forest (Periú Commune), in 1476, and buried at Snagov Monastery, where his gravestone can be found. However the researches have not confirmed that the body of the voivode, followed by the hatred of the foe even after his death, was buried there. Of all the monasteries around Bucharest, Snagov is the one that enjoys most appreciation. The church of the monastery, a wonderful piece of Medieval architecture, dominates the isle in the middle of the lake, surrounded by history and legend. As to Snagov Monastery, some historians say it was erected in 1457, under the rule of Vlad-ğepeú, and some others say the year was 1453, during the reign of Vladislav II4, and other historians reject both such hypotheses, relying on the existence of a metal panaghiar, an object made of precious metals used as a support for

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Virgin Mary’s icons. The panaghiar was donated to Snagov Monastery and dated 1431, i.e. a year that preceded the reigns of ğepeú and Vladislav-Voivode5. In support of this assumption come two documents dated prior to 1457. The inscriptions on the panaghiar as well as the icon prove that the monastery was built long before Vlad-ğepeú’s reign. “The chronicle of Snagov Monastery contains a document from the 23rd of March 6908, i.e. 1400. This is the oldest document related to the history of Snagov. The year when the monastery was built is an impossible thing to know. But one thing seems beyond doubt after a thorough enquiry into historical resources: Snagov Monastery is not the work of Vlad-ğepeú” (Mihăileanu, 1931?: 16-17). The association of ”beyond doubt” and ”seems” is rather interesting and proves that Eufem Mihăileanu is not sure that his assertions are true. In other opinions, the monastery dates from the reign of Mircea cel Bătrân: ”Here, on the isle of Lake Snagov, which was once covered by the great Vlăsiei Woods, Snagov Monastery stands proud, defeating time since the reign of Mircea cel Bătrân6” (Popescu, 1973: 108). The church is the only thing left from this monastery, and it was restored after the 1940 earthquake7. The current church was erected by Neagoe Basarab8, in 1517-1519 (Popescu, 1973: 109-110). The cited author mentions in his work the church paintings which are relevant for the great past of this monument: the portraits of Neagoe Basarab and his son, Teodosie and of Mircea Ciobanul9, his three sons and his wife. Snagov Monastery was many times the place of refuge for the ruling families and of exile for others, for example some of the “bonjourists”10 who led the revolution in 1848, a fact also confirmed by Eufem Mihăileanu in the referred work. Snagov Monastery should be known to all Romanians for the printing activity performed by Antim Ivireanul11, who printed here the first books in Latin letters. A bust of the learned Antim Ivireanul, sculpted by Ion Ladea is located in the park of “Mihail Kogălniceanu” Theoretical High School, Snagov Village. ”The history of Snagov is as mysterious as many of the deeds of the rulers and boyars, held in secret by the beauty of the field, of the surrounding forests and the water many times reddened by innocent blood. The mere sight nature is such a bless, said Carlyle, the great English writer” (Mihăileanu, 1931?: 20). As Eufem Mihăileanu said in the referred work Snagov is ”despite the historic darkness of its origin, a magnificent bless”. ”Until the middle of the last century the printing house and the monastery were the centre of Romanian and Christian culture of the East. The secularization made from Snagov a mere historic name, a deep lake surrounded by large forests and a place for trips for those who want to escape the city noise” (Mihăileanu, 1931?: 27). I believe that indeed few of those spending a few hours, at weekend or on holiday, on the bank of Lake Snagov or of those who spend their spare time in Snagov Commune because they have holiday or weekend houses or secondary residences built there know at least some of the history of these places. I think that this ”glorious past of piety, blood and light” (Mihăileanu, 1931?: 38) of Snagov should be promoted at international level. Snagov Palace was built in 1930 and completed in 1932 by Camil Roguski, the architect, on the initiative of Prince Nicolae, the fourth child of the royal couple Ferdinand and Maria, and it was extended in 1970-1977 by the Ceauúescu family, subsequently to the extension having 1500 m² area. The architectural style of the palace is Brancovan and the furniture is Baroque. The first plans were designed by the architect Henriette Delavrancea Gibory, daughter of Barbuùtefănescu Delavrancea, the Romanian writer, one of the most appreciated Romanian architects of that time. In 1937, Prince Nicolae is disinherited by his brother and expelled from Romania. The Prince would never see again Romania or Snagov Palace, which was successively used by Ion Antonescu12 and Gheorghiu Dej13, as a residence for meetings, for short periods. Between 1970-1989 the complex was host to the meetings with the Council of Ministers, receptions, dinner parties and it was also the secondary summer residence of the Ceauúescu family. At present the entrance, lobby and the stairs are the only elements remaining from the original architecture designed by Henriette Delavrancea. Snagov Palace is now administered by the Public Corporation for the Administration of State Protocol Heritage (Regia Autonoma a Patrimoniului úi Protocolului de Stat). When there are no protocol activities organised there, Snagov Palace and the outbuildings host various events such as weddings, baptism parties or meetings of multinational companies which afford to lease the Palace rooms to such purpose (Kislinger, 2010).


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Nicolae Lascăr (2003) provides us with historic data about the writings documenting the existence of Caldăruúani Monastery and the village of the same name. According to the author, in 1637-1638, the ruler Matei Basarab14 decided to erect a monastery on Căldăruúani Peninsula (the lake of the same name; more precisely, the place where Căldăruúani Village used to lie back then) and to this end, he started purchasing lands from various landlords. The analysis of a number of historic documents that he cited in his work (such as deeds signed for making property exchanges, sales, purchases or transfers) led Nicolae Lascăr to conclude that around 1639-1640, Căldăruúani ceased to exist as a village. As the ruler had paid them golden coins in exchange for their lands, the better-off villagers left the locality and moved to other properties that they owned. The remaining residents stayed on to work at the monastery, while the less prosperous, but free moved to the neighbouring villages. Căldăruúani Monastery was an important culture and craft hub, where religious, legal and secular books were translated and copied. These activities gained momentum once a printing house was established at Cocioc Church, which was built in 1825. The church formerly known as the “Holy Varvara” and “All Saints’ Sunday” Church of Lipia Village (Gruiu Commune) is an architectural monument of national interest15. The craftsmanship workshops at Căldăruúani Monastery were the workplace of bookbinders, bakers, Communion bread makers, drapers, house painters, etc. Many of Căldăruúani Monastery’s paintings were made by Nicolae Grigorescu16. “As part of a an old group of monasteries, Căldăruúani Monastery (…) has been, along its history, a significant and blessed centre of culture and spirituality in general, and a centre of ecclesial and Romanian culture in particular”, as father Florin ùerbănescu, Patriarchal Counsellor put it. ğigăneúti Monastery (1812), located on the bank of Lake ğigăneúti (Ciolpani Commune) was built by Radu Golescu17. The place hosts a textile industry unit operating under the Patriarchy’s authority and manufacturing Persian carpets for export. Saint Nicholas Church (Bălteni Village, Periú Commune) is located in the close vicinity of ğigăneúti Monastery. It is the church of the old Bălteni Convent erected in the XVIth century, plundered by the Turks in 1602 and rebuilt in 1626. It is a genuine old Romanian art monument, unfortunately rarely visited due to the lack of proper access roads. This church is classified as a monument of national interest18. One of the architectural monuments of special value, but of lesser fame is Ghica Palace (CăciulaĠi Village, Moara-Vlăsiei Commune). In 1832, Dimitrie Ghica (the ruler’s father) started building a palace to be used as a summer residence by Alexandru Ghica’s family. The palace was located between the hamlets of Mavrodin and Fieni (which no longer exist and which are currently part of CăciulaĠi Village, Moara-Vlăsiei Commune), and in the very same year Dimitrie Ghica laid the first stone of a church dedicated to the Dormition of the Mother of God located in Moara-Vlăsiei Village (Moara-Vlăsiei Commune), built in Neoclassic style. In 1924, following some rows, the Blarembergs, the Filipescus and the Mavorcordats, i.e. the families in line to the throne, donated the palace to the Romanian Academy, which has so far continued to manage it. The palace is in good condition, it has large halls and fully equipped rooms. It is in the middle of a park of old trees, its back terrace facing a lake and a garden which, if better taken care of, would look wonderful. The vintage furniture in one of the bedrooms is in Louis XVI style and used to belong to Elena Lupescu19, who was for a while a resident of the Palace. Pissiota Monastery (1928-1929) is nine kilometres away from National Road 1 - the most heavily trafficked Romanian road running from Bucharest to Ploieúti, Prahova County seat. Although from an administrative and territorial perspective this monastery is part of Poienarii Burchii Commune – which is beyond the limits of the area subject to our analysis – I saw it fit to bring up a few things about this “enchanted place, hard to imagine to be lying out there, at the flat heart of the plain” (Bucuroiu, 2010). The monastery is the work of Nicolae Pissiota, prominent engineer and cultural figure. This place of worship is “a perfect synthesis of East and West, of the Italian Renaissance and the Classical Byzantine style” according to the previously cited author. The church is the work of Costin Petrescu (1872-1954), a famous Romanian painter who executed the frescos of the Romanian Athenaeum and Alba Iulia Cathedral. The furniture was carved by Gheorghe Anghel (1904-1966), who also produced a statue representing the Romanian poet Mihai Eminescu, which is displayed in front of the Romanian Athenaeum. The flooring inside the monastery is

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made of Carrara marble, and the iconostasis is carved in rose and sweet cherry tree wood brought from Greece. The monastery church is the repository of several “treasures”. The most famous of them is a miracle-working icon representing the Holy Mother and Child. It was painted by Eustatiu Stoenescu (1884-1957), who employed an impressive technique: wherever you may be inside the church, the Holy Mother’s eyes will follow you. Moreover, there is a reliquary donated by his Holiness Varsanufie, bishop and vicar of Bucharest’s Archiepiscopacy. The reliquary houses the relics of several saints and an icon painted on wood by Nicolae Grigorescu. Ghighiu Village (Bărcăneúti Commune), which is less than five kilometres away from Ploieúti, hosts one of the most famous place of worship in Prahova County and in Muntenia region, i.e. the Ghighiu Monastery, built in 1817 and 1856-1866, respectively. This monastery, as well as the 1817-built Small Church dedicated to the “Resurrection of Saint Lazarus”, and the 1866built Large Church dedicated to the “Life-Giving Spring” are classified as architectural monuments of national interest20. The monastery erected in the middle of a forest that used to be part of the legendary Vlăsiei Woods (Codrii Vlăsiei) attracts worshippers from across the country, as people say that it is home to a healing spring and a miracle-working icon of the Holy Mother (dated XVIth century) brought from Syria and painted on sandalwood. The Large Church of Ghighiu Monastery was affected by the 1940 earthquake and the 1944 shelling of the oil fields from Ploieúti Plain. The church was restored in 1954-1958. Moreover, it was affected by the devastating earthquake of 4 March 1977, and required major shoring up and painting restoration works, which lasted until 1990, when the church was rededicated. Just like the miracle-working icon from Pissiota Monastery, the one from Ghighiu follows the viewer, wherever such viewer may be inside the monastery (Bichir, 2007). 3 MEASURES REQUIRED TO BE TAKEN FOR THE RESTORATION AND SUSTAINABLE VALORISATION OF THE CULTURAL AND HISTORIC HERITAGE On 14 March 2008, the Ministry of Development, Public Works and Dwellings launched an open call for projects on Priority Axis 5 “Sustainable Development and Promotion of Tourism” of Regio –Regional Operational Programme, key area of intervention 5.1 – “Sustainable valorisation and restoration of cultural heritage, and setting up/modernization of related infrastructure”21. In my opinion, the following measures should be taken in order to restore the cultural and historic heritage of the region analysed hereunder: - restoration, protection and conservation of interior paintings, frescos and outside wall paintings of churches and monasteries - in particular those that are of national interest. - provision of equipment and performance of works to ensure inside and outside lighting, emergency lighting and design lighting, in order to showcase the exhibits inside architectural and historic monuments visited by tourists, as well as the paintings and sculptures inside churches and monasteries. - restoration and reshaping of the facades of historic architectural attractions (on this line, in my opinion the restoration of the Ghica Palace is strictly necessary). - landscaping, in order to render more visible the restored heritage site (such landscaping is required in particular for an enhanced visibility of the churches of national and local interest). English Heritage shares the idea that adapted landscaping helps a place to better define its individuality. - improvements to the inside equipment of cultural and historic attractions (equipment and systems for ensuring air conditioning, fire safety, anti-burglar systems). - modernization of the technical and public utilities of the heritage site. Moreover, due to the lack or poor condition of the technical and building utilities the owners of tourist hostels are confronted with a number of problems, while the utilities and maintenance costs are higher. The improvement of the technical and public utilities of the area (ensuring the supply of drinking water and the sewerage of wastewater on centralized basis, the supply of electricity, telephony, thermal energy and gas) is a major priority for the area under analysis.


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- laying out protection areas through the demarcation and fencing of heritage sites, according to Law no. 422/2001 (in particular when dealing with archaeological sites). In order to justify our opinion that archaeological sites need protection areas around them we quote the following sentence, imported here from the Snagov Commune General Development Plan (2004), i.e. the latest general development plan of the referred commune: “We point out that upon drafting hereof, no specialized studies had been made in order to demarcate protection areas for the fifty sites and three monuments of historical importance”. - the construction of the related utilities (car parks, rest rooms, drinking fountains for tourists). - laying out/waymarking tourist guiding paths/ cultural and religious itineraries, and placing signs pointing to restored heritage sites; putting up tourist information centres. - promoting the heritage sites in various ways (brochures, spot advertisements in the mass media). - construction/improvement/development of ways for access to the restored heritage sites. - removing the illegal waste disposal sites at the edge of the forest, of communication roads and agricultural lands; legal measures taken by the competent authorities and bodies in order to prevent the creation of uncontrolled “landfills” (by applying fines). - it is required to increase the number of accommodation units and accommodation capacity, and to develop the existing accommodation space (by building up new hostels, health centres, leisure centres, provided with sports fields, nautical clubs, etc.); moreover, it is required to extend the operating time periods of the already existing accommodation units, food-service establishments and leisure centres, currently operating mainly on a seasonal basis. Due to the increased number of accommodation opportunities, the area will no longer be a mere transit region for the tourists willing to spend more time there and to visit as many cultural and historic sites as possible. Thus, the rural community will derive larger revenue from the cultural and historic sites, with a part of such revenues being used for the conservation and restoration of tourist attractions and investments can thus be made for local infrastructure rehabilitation purposes. “The development of tourism is a potential source of many types of financial gain, regarding the entrance fees to sites and museums, guided tours and visits, sales of handicrafts, documents and photos, and the development of the craft industry. It is also a source of more important financial repercussions in areas such as the hospitality industry, transportation and restaurant services. For local governments tourism is also a potential source of revenues through taxes.” (A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development: 26) - the performance of some investments for organic farming purposes, as organic farming is to the benefit of tourist activities (rural tourism, agritourism) and environmental protection. Based on the measures indicated above, the development of the cultural infrastructure is intended to ensure an alternative source of income for the rural population (working mainly in agriculture), to reduce the economic differences between rural localities in suburban areas (which are better developed) and the rural localities far-flung from urban centres (which are more isolated and less developed), to increase employment and to create new jobs, but also to enhance the collective identity of the rural community22. In my opinion, it is important to point out amid this context that English Heritage shares the idea that the restoration of the historic environment creates jobs and supports the development of the local economy. Besides, according to English Heritage, the historic environment plays an important part in local cultural activities, so the local population (due to neighbouring sites of local interest) as well as the population across the whole country (due to the sites of national interest) will have access to social and cultural services23. According to English Heritage, re-using the existing buildings is a simple way of achieving sustainability. In this context, I see it worthy of pointing out that two of the historic architectural monuments of local interest are currently used for other purposes: the inn (XIXth century) from Tâncăbeúti Village (Snagov Commune) is in good condition and up to around 2005, its twelve rooms were used as a metal carpentry workshop24; the priory of the former Gruiu Monastery (from the end of the XIXth century) which is located in Gruiu Village (Gruiu Commune) is currently hosting a kindergarten. Unfortunately, the communes located in the area adjacent to Bucharest – Ploieúti axis, in particular those located in the capital city’s area of influence, have been “invaded” by many real estate projects (holiday/weekend houses, secondary homes, dwellings – be them individual ones

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or located in large residential complexes), and thus the specificity of the historic areas including heritage sites25 is jeopardized. 4 CONCLUSIONS This study revealed deficiencies of negative impact on cultural and historic sites, on the development of rural tourism and consequently on the local economy. I point out the mandatory need to deal with the deficiencies presented in the last chapter of the study, in order to make it possible for rural tourism to support the development of the rural community and the economic development of this region having a tourist potential that is very high, but improperly or poorly exploited. After analysing the employed population structure by reference to the professional status of the national economic activities, the conclusion was that in 2002, 421 (i.e. 2.9%) of the 18382 persons employed in the rural area work in the domain of “Hotels and restaurants” (An activity of the national economy according to “The structure of the employed population by reference to the professional status of the national economic activities” – Recensământul PopulaĠiei úi al LocuinĠelor (The Census of Dwellings and Population), 2002, the latest population census conducted in Romania). The statistical data analysis has shown that the communes (administrative and territorial units) where more than 2% of the total employed population are involved in the economic activity of “Hotels and Restaurants” host the most numerous and valuable man-made tourist sites and have a more developed infrastructure. Despite its valuable natural and manmade tourist potential, the area is not exploited to the adequate extent, with much of the emigrating and commuting population representing highly qualified labour. If implemented, the measures proposed for some of the communes which are subject to this analysis and are already conducting tourist activities (as is the case with Snagov Commune) could boost the percentages of revenues deriving from tourist activities, and besides some other communes could soon earn this tourist purpose dimension, thus contributing to the development of human settlements and implicitly enhancing the living standards of the commune residents. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author of this study wished to thank Professor Cristian Tălângă, PhD., the author’s doctoral thesis supervisor, Professor Cristian Braghină, PhD., Head of “Simion MehedinĠi - Nature and Sustainable Development” Doctoral School and Professor Ioan Ianoú, PhD., coordinator for the implementation of the Project “Doctoral Studies in the Field of Life and Earth Sciences”, lecturers in the Human and Economic Geography Department of the Geography Faculty – University of Bucharest, for the support and guidance provided to the author throughout his training programme at “Simion MehedinĠi - Nature and Sustainable Development” Doctoral School. Invest in human resources! This work was supported by project: POSDRU/88/1.5/S/61150 “Doctoral Studies in the field of life and earth sciences”, project co-financed through Sectorial Operational Program for the Development of Human Resources 2007-2013 from the European Social Fund. ENDNOTES 1

Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community benefit – Bánffy Castle, Bontida, prepared by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010. 2 Full list of historical monuments (2010) may be accessed at www.monumenteistorice.ro, official website of the National Heritage Institute – the Romanian Ministry of Culture and National Heritage. 3 Vlad-ğepeú ruled Wallachia in 1448, 1455-1462 and1476.


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Vladislav II ruled Wallachia in 1447/1448?-1448; 1448-1456. Snagov Commune General Development Plan, 2004 6 Mircea cel Bătrân ruled Wallachia in 1386-1394/1395? and 1397-1418. 7 Snagov Commune General Development Plan (2004). 8 Neagoe Basarab ruled Wallachia in 1512-1521. 9 Mircea Ciobanul V ruled Wallachia in 1545 -1552, 1553 -1554 and 1558-1559. 10 According to the Romanian Explanatory Dictionary “bonjourist” means «name assigned, after 18301840, to the young Romanian progressionists who had studied in France; (last century) name given (usually ironically) to the young (having progressist ideas) who, returned from studies in France, used to greet using the French term “bonjour”» 11 Antim Ivireanul (1650-1716) was a Romanian author, printer, engraver, theologian, bishop and metropolitan of Georgian origin. He was an outstanding cultural personality of the Old Romanian literature. He set up the first public library in Bucharest, in the XVIIIth century (according to Wikipedia website) 12 Ion Victor Antonescu (1882-1946) was a Romanian politician, officer, general, head of Operations Division of the Great General Headquarters of the Army during the First World War, military attaché in London and Paris, head of the Superior School of War, Head of the Great General Staff and Minister of War, and from 4 September 1940 until 23 August 1944 he was the Prime-Minister of Romania and Head of the State having dictatorial powers (according to Wikipedia website). 13 Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1901-1965) was the leader of the Romanian Communist Party since 1948 until his death and President of the State Council of the Popular Republic of Romania between 21 March 1961-18 March 1965. 14 Matei Basarab was Wallachia’s voivode between 1632-1654 15 According to the 2010 list of Romania’s historic monuments, as drafted by the National Heritage Institute – Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running number 635/Ilfov County 16 Nicolae Grigorescu (1838-1907) is a renowned Romanian painter. 17 Radu Golescu (1814-1882) was one of the important actors in the 1848 Revolution. 18 According to the 2010 list of Romania’s historic monuments, as drafted by the National Heritage Institute – Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running number 586/ Ilfov County. 19 Elena “Magda” Lupescu (1896-1977) was King Carol II’s wife. 20 According to the 2010 list of Romania’s historic monuments, as drafted by the National Heritage Institute – Ministry of Culture and National Heritage, running numbers 572,573,574/ Prahova County. 21 www.eurocult.ro, official website of the Consultancy Centre for European Cultural Programmes. 22 According to the Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community benefit – Bánffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010. 23 According to the Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community benefit – Bánffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010. 24 Snagov Commune General Development Plan, 2004. 25 English Heritage shares the opinion that large-sized real estate endeavours might annihilate the specificity of historic areas. 5

REFERENCES Alessandrescu, C. 1892. DicĠionar geografic al judeĠului Ilfov (Geographic Dictionary of Ilfov County). Bucharest: Societatea Geografică Română, Stabilimentul Geografic J.V. Socecu. Bichir, F. 2007. Ghighiu-susurul credinĠei (Ghighiu - the Suave Sound of Faith). Lumea CredinĠei, anul III, nr. 5(22), www.crestinortodox.ro. Bucuroiu, R. 2010. Mănăstirea Pissiota-Renaútere úi Inviere (Pissiota Monastery – Revitalisation and Redemption). Lumea CredinĠei, anul II, nr. 9(14), www.crestinortodox.ro. Brătescu, P. & Moruzi, I. 1897. DicĠionar geografic al judeĠului Prahova (Geographic Dictionary of Prahova County). Târgoviúte: Tipografia úi legătoria de carĠi “Viitorul”. Cândea, M., Erdeli, G., Peptenatu, D. & Simon, T. 2003. PotenĠialul turistic al României úi amenajarea turistică a spaĠiului (Romania’s Tourist Potential and Improvement of Space for Tourism Purposes). Bucharest: Editura Universitară.

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Cândea, M., Simon, T. & Tătaru, A. 2007. SpaĠiul rural, turismul rural úi agroturismul (Rural Space, Rural Tourism and Agritourism). Bucharest: Editura Transversal. Dumitrache, L. & Vintilă, G. 1995. Un model de evaluare a dinamicii aúezărilor rurale în perspectiva dezvoltării durabile (A Model for the Evaluation of the Dynamics of Rural Settlements for a Sustainable Development). Bucharest: Editura Academiei Române. Glăvan, V. 2003. Turism rural. Agroturism. Turism durabil. Ecoturism (Rural Tourism. Agritourism. Sustainable Tourism. Ecotourism). Bucharest: Editura Economică. Hall, M.C. & Page, S.J. 2007. The Geography of Tourism and Recreation: Environment, Place and Space. London: Routledge. Iordan, I. 1973. Zona periurbană a Bucureútilor (The Periurban Area of Bucharest). Bucharest: Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România. Kislinger, C. 2010. Palatul Snagov (Snagov Palace). The Titi Tudorancea Bulletin, EdiĠia în limba română (Romanian language edition), www.tititudorancea.ro. Lascăr, N. 2003. Studiu monografic al comunei Moara-Vlăsiei úi al împrejurimilor (A Monographic Study of Moara- Vlăsiei Commune and the Surrounding Areas). Bucharest: Grupul Editorial Art. Mihaileanu, E. 1931?. Snagovul: monografie (Snagov: a Monographic Study). Bucharest: Editura Tiparul Oltenia. Nikodijeviü, D. 2011. Valorization of Cultural Heritage in the Context of a Social Policy of Sustainable Development – Developmental and economic potentials of cultural tourism. Megatrend Review 8(2): 259-276. Odobescu, Al. 1909. Câteva ore la Snagov (A Few Hours in Snagov). Bucharest: Editura Librariei Leon Alcalay. Olteanu, C. 1997. DirecĠii de valorificare a patrimoniului turistic al zonei Snagov (Lines for the Valorisation of Snagov Area’s Tourist Heritage). Bucharest: Academia de Studii Economice. Page, J.S. & Getz, D. (eds) 1997. The Business of Rural Tourism: International Perspectives, London: International Thomson Business Press. Petrea, R. (ed.) 2006. Rural Tourism and Sustainable Development. Oradea: Editura UniversităĠii din Oradea. Popescu, T. 1973. Plaiuri ilfovene. Ghid (The Fields of Ilfov. A Guide.). Oficiul JudeĠean de Turism Ilfov, Întreprinderea Poligrafică “Buletinul Oficial”, SecĠia 2. Voicu, M. & Voicu, B. 2006. Satul românesc pe drumul către Europa (The Romanian Village on its Way to Europe). Bucharest: Editura Polirom. *** A Guide for African Local Governments. Cultural Heritage & Local Development. CraterreENSAG/Convention France-UNESCO. *** (2001) Naturopa ‫ ޤ‬European rural heritage. No. 95. *** (2002) Recensământul PopulaĠiei úi al LocuinĠelor (The Census of Dwellings and Population). *** (2004) Snagov Commune General Development Plan. *** (2009-2010) Valorisation of cultural heritage as a factor of educational, cultural, social and economic development for community benefit project. Pilot project: Using the built heritage for community benefit – Bánffy Castle, Bontida, developed by Transylvania Trust Foundation, project financed by the Governments of Iceland, the Principality of Liechtenstein and Norway through the European Economic Area Financial Mechanism, 2009-2010. *** www.monumenteistorice.ro, official website of the National Heritage Institute - the Romanian Ministry of Culture and National Heritage.


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A site of tensions: negotiating access and autonomy in the Ifugao rice terraces K. Cagat School of Oriental and African Studies, London, UK

ABSTRACT: Since 2001, the Ifugao Rice Terraces has been listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site in Danger. Maintaining the heritage site, while not curtailing needed infrastructure, has become a challenge. This research focuses on the link between heritage conservation efforts and development projects. The Ambangal Mini-hydro Plant, which began operation in 2010, is meant to provide alternative energy to Ifugao Province, and profit from selling the plant’s generated power is invested in a heritage conservation fund. The hydro plant and ongoing conservation efforts, demonstrate the link between heritage conservation and community development. From ethnographic research done in Ifugao Province, I explore how diverse values are embodied and negotiated in the management of the heritage site and hydro plant. As this paper demonstrates, spatial relations are at the crux of tensions. Issues regarding access to resources, and autonomy over its management are entangled in people’s sense of place.

1 INTRODUCTION In 1995, The Rice Terraces of the Philippine Cordilleras became one of the first agricultural landscapes to be inscribed in the UNESCO World Heritage List. According to UNESCO’s World Heritage List Operational Guidelines, the Ifugao Rice Terraces (IRT) were inscribed due to their, “outstanding examples of living cultural landscapes. They illustrate traditional techniques and a remarkable harmony between humankind and the natural environment” (1996). In 2001, the fragility of the structures was highlighted when it was added to the World Heritage in Danger List (UNESCO, 2002). Due to the cultural value institutionally ascribed to the terraces, its deteriorating state became a concern. The concern over the condition of the rice terraces have resulted in local, state, and international interventions, and efforts to manage the IRT has produced tensions. Communities are especially ambivalent of conservation efforts that will clearly come at the expense of economic activities and limit communities’ access to resources. In her study of the Angkor World Heritage Site, Miura observes that the 1972 World Heritage Convention acknowledges the relation of communities to World Heritage Sites. As Miura mentions, part of UNESCO objectives is to ensure that heritage sites contribute to the development of nearby communities, whereby community planning programs and protection of heritage are merged (Miura, 2005). Communities near heritage sites are sometimes underdeveloped, with very little infrastructure and limited education and health services. Eaton suggests that development objectives has become a component of conservation efforts, so that protected areas are not, “perceived as denying people access to their traditional subsistence resources” (Eaton, 2005). An awareness of heritage concerns may actually lead to, “substantive and meaningful activity, which, though beginning with material conservation efforts can...extend into more infrastructure development endeavours” (Giovine, 2009).

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In order to bridge the need for the province’s economic development and heritage concerns, development projects must now address how it will avoid impacting the landscape, or how it can contribute to restoration of the IRT. Such was the case with the small-scale Ambangal MiniHydro Plant (AMHP) in the municipality of Kiangan, Ifugao. The AMHP was funded by e8, an

organisation that consists of leading, global electric companies from G8 nations. The project was designed and implemented by Tokyo Electric Services Power Company (TEPSCO) a subsidiary of Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO), which was the e8 member who endorsed the project (e8, 2010). The construction and operation of the AMHP

in Kiangan is linked to conservation efforts since profit from the plant’s generated energy must be invested in an Ifugao Rice Terraces Fund (IRTF). As such, an annual and more regular fund for conservation projects will be available. The establishment of the fund demonstrate the way heritage conservation objectives are being affixed to development plans, particularly infrastructure projects. My approach to this research is to highlight how people’s sense of place impact decisions and actions. In this case, places produce the very relationships they are an integral part of (Gell, 1992; Ingold, 2007). This approach will better illuminate the indelible link between dynamic subjectivities and environmental conditions. In the process of balancing conservation objectives and community development in Ifugao, values and subjectivities are negotiated amidst shifting socioeconomic conditions that is very much tied to the ever-changing landscape. In his conceptualization of environments, Ingold notes that, a place “owes its character to the experiences it affords to those who spend time there – to the sights, sounds and indeed smells that constitute specific ambience…these in turn, depend on the kinds of activities in which its inhabitants engage in” (Ingold, 2000). My research documents and analyzes varying actors’ responses to the changing environment to illuminate the transformative nature of place, its ability to incite change as it undergoes change, and from which, social and material engagements emerge. 2 VARIED GROUNDS The IRT is both a cultural legacy and an agricultural field. Its maintenance goes beyond issues of authenticity and tradition. In fact, the management of the terraces concerns access to land and resources, along with people’s autonomy over their economic activities. Ifugao values regarding their environment cannot simply be thought of as a particular world view, since such philosophies underpin people’s agricultural practices. What is at stake in the management of the terraces are: claims to land, resources, and the right to regulate such claims. For that reason, place is as much about autonomy and access. For the people whose quotidian occur in this World Heritage Site, the concern is not simply about having control of a place; more importantly, it is about having control over the mode of living in that place. Understanding the saliency of landscapes is particularly significant since, “food and economic security require access to land” (Pottier, 1999). In this case however, I suggest that landscapes are not simply there to provide land, which can be tilled and ordered. Nor are landscapes simply storage for resources. Instead, they are part of the very natural and social systems that allow for humans to dwell in a place. When proponents of heritage conservation speak of the Ifugao’s agricultural practices, sustainability is often linked primarily to the continued existence of rice terraces. However, it must be noted that Ifugaos acknowledge the cyclical nature of agricultural fields. As such, the cyclical change of land use is not necessarily seen as destructive. In Conklin’s seminal research on Ifugao agriculture, he notes that transformations in land use may be seasonal, annual or indefinite (Conklin, 1974). When swidden fields are abandoned and left fallow, this does not indicate the farmer’s complete detachment from it. Farmers do not automatically have negative responses to abandoned terraces overtaken by vegetation nor do they prohibit conversion of terraces for other agricultural purposes. As Ifugaos frequently proclaim, land is life, since spatial engagements are not only an integral aspect of social relationships, they also produce them. This is articulated in the way land is classified, managed and transmitted. In fact, the role of rice in kinship is maintained through the distribution of land. Since the division of rice field between siblings is seen as a potential source of conflict, a primogeniture law is upheld. In this case, the oldest child, regardless


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of gender, is given the lion share of inherited property. The oldest child in return, is obligated to use their inherited land to support younger siblings. Though, this tradition is no longer upheld, its adverse effect created an imbalance of wealth, and consequently generated inequities within families (Barton, 1919; Brosius, 1988; Drucker, 1977). Actually, issues regarding property were among the tensions that emerged before construction of the hydro plant commenced. The channel needed for the mini-hydro plant was over one kilometre in distance and must pass through private properties. As a result, each property owner must be compensated for the ‘right of way’. However, some properties were owned by families or clans, so multiple individuals had claims to the land and its resources. As the provincial engineer explained, due to the compensation scheme stipulated by TEPSCO, only one individual can be deemed the rightful owner and claim payment. Thus, families and relatives had to settle who would be designated as a rightful owner. This person in return, would be responsible for dividing the compensation received. Similarly, issues regarding property occurred when individual trees were claimed by owners. Therefore, besides payment for the land cleared, each tree that was cut for the construction of the channel had to also be compensated. While the previous practice of primogeniture law resulted in inequities within families, the practice was actually rooted in a philosophy of stewardship. The establishment of primogeniture inheritance laws were for the purpose of keeping properties intact, instead of divided into smaller plots and dispersed. Owners of properties were meant to act as stewards. In this way, agricultural resources are safeguarded for future generations, and present possession is trivial compared to the family’s claim and access to such resources. The practice of stewardship continues to the maintenance of muyongs, the clan or private forests. For instance, embedded in the maintenance of muyongs are practices that serve as unwritten rules and proper management guidelines. Regulations regarding selective cutting or permission for access serve as protective measures. Even the practice of regular cleaning in the muyong serves two purposes. Regular cleaning rids the forests of reeds and underbrush that may prevent new growth. Additionally, it allows for boundaries to be clearly visible, and thus, prevent boundary disputes, especially after a change of ownership by way of inheritance or sale (Dulawan, 2002). Just above the muyongs are forest areas. The upper sections of mountains are important watershed areas where human activity is limited and only gathering of fruits and vegetation is permitted. These areas are integral not only to water sources, but also for the prevention of landslides. This area ensures that the trees which capture water are not destroyed and thus, impacting water sources and soil stability (SITMo, 2008). Protection of these areas is supported by a social taboo that prohibits resource exploitation in the upper forests. Anyone who exploits resources in the watershed area risks disapproval from fellow community members, or worse, they may incur bad fortune. Interestingly, though the heritage cluster of Nagacadan and Julongan are considered primary water sources for Kiangan, neither village were considered host communities for AMHP. The host communities, as defined by TEPSCO, are only the three communities affected by the construction. Thus, Nagacadan and Julongan were not given their own percentage of funds from the IRTF. However, because they are heritage clusters, they are deemed priority villages to be funded by the LGU’s share of the IRTF. Land use below the forest areas and the muyong slightly vary between ethnolinguistic groups and therefore, municipalities, since ethnolinguistic groups are often related to geographical location. In the case of Hungduan and Kiangan, residential areas populate the area below the muyong. These residential areas are often surrounded by planted trees and gardens and are located above the rice fields. In Kiangan, building houses within rice fields is often a taboo, unless no other alternative land is available. Residential areas were traditionally built to accommodate access to rice fields, so houses were in close proximity, but not within, the rice fields. However, Mayoyao is an exception due to the municipality’s topography. Mayoyao is surrounded by steep mountains, and building within the surrounding mountains proved laborious and ineffective (Lambrecht, 1929). Mayayao cultural values adapted to this feature by not setting cultural taboos regarding construction within the terraces. In Mayaoyao, houses are dispersed within the terraces. From UNESCO’s concern regarding infrastructure, they noted, “major threats to the rice terraces is extensive new housing construction along the access roads, and in some barangays, within the terraces themselves” (UNESCO, 2011). This gives the impression

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that building within the terraces is a modern practice. However, house settlement patterns within terraces are well documented as a traditional practice for certain ethnolinguistic groups of Ifugao. Any heritage conservation efforts concerning the terraces must take these cultural variances into account, because house settlements are not just about placement and location of houses, they are also about cultural mentality regarding what is allowable behavior. Land zoning in fact, is guided by Ifugao spiritual values. The huuwan’ di nabugbugan di page, the rice myth recited during the Ani, or harvest (Dulawan, 2005), serves as a way to transmit knowledge, to explain the logic behind cultural practices (Castro, 1983; Dulawan, 2005; Scott, 1975). In the myth, the protagonists are guided by deities instructing them on how to: till sloped-lands, smooth out terraced walls, make sacrifices, and invoke chants to keep pests away, or ensure bountiful harvest (Dulawan, 2005; Scott, 1975). Agricultural practices are done in a certain way not simply because it is ecologically sound but also, to serve the deities, in order to pacify the forces that may impact crops. In this way, people and places are deeply connected, since world views are manifested in the way people interact with their environment. Although agricultural rituals and oral traditions are no longer widely practiced, the principles featured in such cultural traditions, are implicated in how communities currently engage with their environment. As Ifugao religious values transform, the Ifugao community makes an attempt to find new meanings and motivations for continuing land management practices. Particularly, pressures to provide tourist facilities or lack of available land have caused some residents to build in areas where they would not otherwise. In cases where it is a traditional practice to build within the terraces, an ongoing issue is the size of the house being constructed. As new economic opportunities emerge, sizes of homes become larger, sometimes in ways that impact what the surrounding environment can tolerate without being negatively affected. However, these global pressures have caused farmers to also consciously ponder and discuss motivations for the continuation of long established land use practices. Currently, farmers often talk about land management practices as paying respect to their ancestors, who taught them how to farm or who tilled the land that they now derive benefits from. Such agricultural traditions are also seen as a means to secure a dignified future for subsequent generations. Agricultural communities have also begun to strategize on how to better manage and regulate touristic activities with minimal impact and disturbances not just to the environment, but also to the lives of residents in heritage clusters. In a conversation with Ms. Rachel Guimbatan, a technical advisor for Save the Ifugao Terraces Movement (SITMo), she stated that Ifugao culture is a culture of conservation. However, the environmental values of Ifugaos cannot be taken for granted. In the instance of Ambuwayya Lake in Kiangan, some community members have noted that barangay boundaries have resulted in the neglect of the lake. As one community member noted, there was conflict between two barangays over the position of the lake, whether it belonged to Ambabag or Pindongan. During this time, residents disregarded maintenance of the lake for fear that if they invest on its maintenance, but the other barangay is named the rightful location, then they would have invested a great deal of effort on a resource they cannot claim. Since the lake also provides easy access to water for home consumption, some residents have siphoned water from the lake, thus furthering the decline of its condition. Therefore, though traditional values may be based on conservation, we cannot ignore the way lack of infrastructure, such as water utilities, can force communities to adapt practices against established values. Interestingly however, inadequate electric utilities in Ifugao have resulted in the community’s willingness to experiment with alternative-energy technologies. The topography of Ifugao, along with house settlement patterns, has made rural electrification a constant battle for the Ifugao Electric Cooperative (IFELCO). According to the director of IFELCO, because of the province’s terrain, low-energy consumption and sparse population, some neighbourhoods cannot be cost-effectively electrified. As a result, some isolated sitios have taken advantage of abundant water sources by establishing pico and micro-hydro plants for electrification. The provincial government, facing challenges regarding the development of Ifugao Province and management of the terraces, saw the potential of hydropower technology to address both issues.


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3 LOCATION MATTERS UNESCO reports on the IRT acknowledge that the “most critical issue facing the IRT is its battle with conservation and development” (SITMo, 2008). These reports show a concern for the need to provide the marginalised communities of Ifugao Province with better infrastructure and health and education services. However, there is also fear that such developments may “adversely affect the local culture” (ibid) and compromise the heritage value of the landscape. The differentiation of core and buffer zones has led to inconsistencies on the development of municipalities in Ifugao. Core zones refer to the heritage clusters, the areas in most need of safeguarding. Buffer zones are areas of compromise, where regulated development may occur. Since Kiangan’s heritage cluster comprises of a distinct area, they are fortunate enough to have established residential and industrial areas outside the heritage cluster of Nagacadan and Julongan. On the other hand, the entire municipality of Hungduan is a heritage site. Thus, the entire municipality is a core zone, and development will be restricted in all areas of the municipalities. Fears on how improvements in the province’s infrastructure may transform local practices, illustrate the reciprocal relationship between people and places. Interestingly, the development of the mini-hydro plant emerged during a forum in Banaue, Ifugao, when the provincial government hosted potential NGOs and foreign agencies who could invest in conservation efforts. Initially, interest for the potential of a mini-hydropower technology was directed towards Hungduan, the neighbouring municipality of Kiangan. However, the project was later denied. The comparison between Kiangan and Hungduan reveal how the diverse landscape of the Ifugao province incited particular and inconsistent categorisation of heritage sites. Since the entire municipality of Hungduan is a heritage cluster, infrastructure projects in that municipality are much more restricted and monitored than ones in Kiangan. In this case, the landscape inspires a conservation strategy, and this conservation strategy is then translated into a municipal development plan. In 2003, Japan Consulting Institute produced a feasibility study report indicating Hapao, Hungduan to be an ideal site for a mini-hydro plant. However, the project was later denied, and no further study was conducted. In Hungduan, electrification remains a major development concern. According to Hundugan’s Ancestral Domain Sustainable Development and Protection Plan (NCIP, 2006), only the village of Ba-ang is fully energized, and its energy supply is supplemented by micro-hydro plants. All other villages are only partly energized, with one village, Maggok, not energized at all. Even with such circumstances, Hungduan was denied as a minihydro plant site. In 2004, members of the Sangguniang Bayan, the municipal council, discussed the 2003 feasibility study conducted in Hapao, Hungduan. Excerpts from the meeting minutes demonstrate that community members were not oppose to further studies regarding the construction of a mini-hydro plant. The following is stated in the minutes: “The purpose is development of our natural resources for the rice terraces and the mechanics were explained on how they will make it… …not only the barangays, but also the municipality and the province as a whole to (sic) benefit from this” (2004). However, negative reactions from the community regarding the proposed mini-hydro plant cannot go unmentioned. From recent interviews with Hapao and Ba-ang community members, they expressed that many of them did not approve of the mini-hydro plant’s design. The design would have required excavation through fields for the construction of the headrace. According to the feasibility study report, the design called for a tunnel to, “be excavated in one direction from the intake point to the water tank” (2003). What must also be highlighted in the meeting’s documentation is the presence of UNESCO regarding the project. The meeting minutes and my current conversations with community members reveal that people have frustrations over certain agencies having significant influence on decisions for the municipality. As stated in the minutes of a municipal council meeting, “After the workshop, negative comments came out from JBIC, Manila and UNESCO but as direct stakeholders, we should be the one to give our comments regarding this” (2004). In the 29th session of the World Heritage Committee, the issue of hydropower plants in World Heritage Sites surfaced. In response to interests on hydropower development, the committee requested a monitoring mission to, “assess the impact of a proposed hydropower plant project on the heritage values of the property” (2005).

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Hapao and Ba-ang community members have expressed their confusion and disappointment over the fact that since the community consultation meeting held in 2003, no other communication or information regarding the plant has been presented. The disappointment comes from the fact that while many of the community members opposed the tunnelling, they were nevertheless interested in alternative design schemes. Most importantly, they were willing to give mini-hydro technology a chance, in light of their electrification issues. For community members, the sudden discontinuation of hydropower study in Hapao gave the impression that the heritage concerns of external agencies were being prioritised over the interests of residents. The need to reconcile development projects with heritage concerns has lead to compulsory Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for all development initiatives (UNESCO, 2009). Such projects must also undergo a Heritage Impact assessment (HIA) and a Free Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) from the National Commission for Indigenous Peoples (NCIP). Prior to the undertaking of the AMHP, Ambassador Preciosa S. Soliven, the Sectretary General Of UNESCO National Commission of Philippines, recommended that a Cultural Impact Assesment be conducted (TEPCO, 2008). The reason the AMHP was supported by UNESCO is due to the fact that the hydro plant is constructed outside the World Heritage Property. The project also provides funding for conservation efforts, while providing the community with sustainable energy and employment opportunities (2009). It must be noted that the initiative received support only after an extensive feasibility study was undertaken, in which members of UNESCO confirmed that the project will be able to avoid or alleviate any social and natural adverse effects (e8, 2010). From their evaluation report on the current state of the IRT, UNESCO stated, “mini-hydro plants should be permitted as long as they are mini-hydro plants and position...with minimal visual impact on the terraces and outside of the World Heritage designated areas, themselves” (2011). Before the plan was carried out, several potential sites were considered for the location of the power plant. In this way, the chosen site for the Ifugao-Ambangal Mini-hydro Project had to reconcile the tension between a development objective, such as electrification, and efforts on heritage conservation. The matter of location for the site of the mini-hydro plant reveals a tension between concern for the state of the IRT and the need for much needed utilities. On one hand, requiring development projects to undergo EIA, CIA and FPIC is underpinned in commendable ethical and environmental concerns that endeavour to regulate potential exploitive and destructive projects. However, the root of the community’s frustrations is not primarily directed at these regulatory practices. Instead, frustrations come about when restrictions occur without alternative plans or even the discussion of alternatives. This has resulted in community members feeling disconnected from decisions directed at the management and utilization of their resources. 4 CHANGES IN PLACE While policies are ever-changing, they are still the outcomes of a particular time and place, and they are crafted by people who are under the same spatiotemporal restrictions. It is difficult to anticipate what issues may arise from policies, and even more difficult to craft policies that address future challenges. As a consequence, what result are policies which, “take as given what at the moment of their inception appears unproblematic, what appears eternally fixed and natural, but which subsequently becomes variable and problematic” (Burawoy, 1985). The same challenges exist for development projects. No matter how many impact studies or community consultations are involved, there will be some concerns left unaddressed, because they are unforeseen. The construction of the mini-hydro plant created 180 hourly jobs, and its maintenance generated six full-time positions (e8, 2010). When possible, as the host municipality, Kiangan residents were prioritised during the recruitment of labourers. Similarly, for the six full-time positions, residents from the three host villages, Amababag, Pindongan and Mungayang were also given priority over other candidates, provided they passed the required exam. Priority access to these job opportunities was a stipulation established by the host communities. In this case, connection to a place resulted in a direct link to opportunities. However, since an exam was required for the operators, claims to employment opportunities still had to be negotiated. Actually,


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out of the six operators, Mungayang is the only host community not represented, since no resident of Mungayang met the exam requirement. As a result of the hydro-plant’s construction and operation, the host villages also received improvements on their civil structures. Particularly, concrete lining of community irrigation systems (CIS) canals and maintenance and repair of stonewalls has occurred. Likewise, canals being used for the hydro plant also allow water to reach fields where destroyed CIS canals cannot reach. Cemented pathways were also created during construction. Isolated power has also become available for parts of Mungayang, lower Ibulao and Baguinge, Kiangan. As such, the aforementioned villages can get electricity during power outages. Of course, there is now also available annual funding for terrace conservation efforts. However, these positives results come with concerns. The three host communities are disappointed that they have not received any benefits in terms of electrification. The Provincial Planning and Development Office (PPDO) has mentioned that the plant is meant to generate power for sale to IFELCO and then invested in the IRTF. PPDO cannot control how this power is distributed. This is in fact a precise description of how the plant operates. The archived minutes does show that electrification of communities was going to be addressed. Excerpts from minutes of community consultation meetings show that members of Mungayang had as a condition, “Electrification of Barangay Mungayang” (NCIP, 2008). Consultation meeting minutes from 2007, also show that then Governor Baguilat mentioned, “total electrification of the province is one of the priorities...The Provincial Government is to looking at micro-hydro systems to energize said areas” (TEPCO, 2008). The design of the whole system called for electrical lines to be placed in very specific places. Unfortunately, the locations of the erected electric lines and its coordination with the mini-hydro plant can only serve very specific locations during power outages. As a result, due to the communities’ disappointment regarding electrification, the plant operators must now have to field complaints from their fellow community members. However, these plant operators have no jurisdiction over how the power is distributed. In this way, the plant has had some unexpected impact in the social relations of community members. In understanding the unforeseen outcomes of the AMHP, I take note of Mosse and Lewis’s observation regarding the implementation of policy into practice. As Mosse and Lewis suggests, policies, and perhaps in these case plans, cannot be taken as “an instrumental or scripted translation of ideas into reality, but as a

messy free-for-all in which processes are often uncontrollable and results uncertain” (2006)

In the process of latching development projects onto conservation efforts, the risk is that socio-political concerns are framed to suit technical solutions (Li, 2007). What is implied in UNESCO reports and e8’s energy initiative is that the maintenance of a World Heritage Site can contribute to solutions regarding the national government’s neglect of the Ifugao Province. With the Ifugao-Ambangal Mini-hydro Project, e8 proposes that the facility will, “improve the lives of the terrace rice farmers,” by providing the Ifugao Province with a much needed sustainable energy source, while implementing this particular technology as a means to fund conservation programs (2010). Buried under the heavy focus on sustainability and conservation, are issues of access and autonomy that are not being properly addressed. The construction of the hydro plant and its link to conservation objectives has magnified current issues regarding access to resources (i.e. electricity, water, job opportunities or community funds). Likewise, it has revealed the inequities between heritage cluster communities and nonheritage agricultural communities. The provincial planner of Ifugao has expressed concern over the focus on the heritage sites. She has expressed dissatisfaction that funding is most often directed towards villages within the heritage clusters. As she mentioned, and as so many agricultural communities have highlighted, Ifugao Province, as a whole, consists predominantly of terraced, rice field cultivators, and yet support for farmers flow mainly to cultivators in heritage clusters. The notion of heritage then, must be questioned, since heritage agencies often have criteria for the designation of World Heritage Property that may not be in parallel with the community members own concept of their heritage. This unequal distribution of resources is perpetuated by the IRTF, in which a bulk of the funds must be utilized to fund projects within the heritage clusters. It must be noted that this was a stipulation of e8 and TEPSCO. Historically, previous availability of funding exclusively for heritage cluster has actually caused a breakdown of traditional values regarding community

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work and self-reliance. A tenet in Ifugao values is the importance of cooperation to assist each other with laborious tasks, especially agricultural tasks. Such a practice is called ubbu or baddang. Due to available funds, in some cases, communities do not make an effort to restore private stone-walls or CIS canals until they are given the funding. Unexpectedly, non-heritage terraced communities, to cope with the lack of funding, has been able to better organize their irrigator’s association and more regularly practice the tradition of community work. An irrigators association in Mungayang has developed a system of contributing a share of their rice harvest to the association; this share of rice is used as compensation for the labourers who maintain the CIS. In cases of emergencies, farmers in Pindongan also practice ubbu to repair damaged stonewalls for fellow farmers, especially if the particular paddy is crucial to the flow of water to other paddies. Though, it must be noted that in other ways, communities in heritage clusters have been galvanized to actively develop strategies in managing their resources. The community of Nagacadan has institutionalized Ifugao values through a land use ordinance. With the crafting of the ordinance, traditional land use values have been translated as a means to regulate tourism and rapid overdevelopment. The ordinance was crafted by agricultural communities in Nagacadan, in collaboration with SITMo. The ordinance delineates the core, buffer and multi-use zones of the Nagacadan Rice Terraces and the heritage areas in Nagacadan, Kiangan. The ordinance also sets official regulations, which protects the muyongs or forests areas. Additionally, indigenous species must be the ones planted for reforestation. The ordinance demonstrates how people are translating their spatial relations into policies. Similarly, the ordinance establishes an outline for community-based tourism. For instance, treks for tourists must be guided by locals. An environmental fee is also collected from tourists wishing to hike within the heritage cluster. Just recently, a tourism symposium was held in Kiangan, Ifugao. During the symposium, a discussion on carrying capacity emerged. As such, the community is in the process of indicating how much visitors can the municipality receive, without resulting in disruption and negative environmental impact that the town cannot adequately manage. The barangay ordinance of Nagacadan also addresses infrastructure within their heritage cluster. The ordinance acknowledges that in cases when there are no alternative available land, property owners may build within terraces, but must follow restrictions on the extent and intensity of construction. Informants from Nagacadan express that their land use ordinance is rooted in their ancestors’ traditional practices, but now, these values are made official and legitimized through an ordinance. They however, also express that they are constantly faced with restrictions that limit their freedom to learn and experiment with solutions that address housing, development of roads or global forces such as, climate change. Community members proclaim that people who are prohibiting communities to experiment on solutions limit activities without proposing viable solutions. The benefit with allowing communities to problem solve, is that solutions are internalized. Through community-based problem solving in regards to irrigation or damaged walls, community members are forced to have a dialogue regarding their changing needs and concerns. These dialogues provide an opportunity for people to come up with ways to re-invent social values and practices. The problem of electrification has motivated residents of Hungduan to come up with more efficient ways in getting electricity. This has resulted in community managed micro-hydro plants in the villages of Ba-ang and Maggok. The presence of such micro-hydro plants catapulted a collective, a cooperative of people who volunteer to manage the plant’s operation and collect fees to ensure the hydro plant’s sustainability. This demonstrates the reimagining of ubbu for the use of managing not just agricultural resources, but also technologies that address the problem of electrification. The micro-hydro plants are also a tangible materialization of the new alliances people have forged. The micro-hydro plant project in Maggok is operated in collaboration with SITMo along with Villanova University, an American institution. The Ba-ang micro-hydro plant was implemented in collaboration with Benguet State University. In regards to management of the current IRTF, both the provincial and local government units have learned from past mistakes of funding support for heritage terrace farmers. Presently, conservation projects now operate under a counterpart system. In this case, funding will be given to a particular project, but the community receiving funding must also actively contribute to the project. For instance, the current scheme for stonewall repairs is that, if materials are


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bought with the IRTF, the community members will volunteer as labour for construction work. Alternatively, the community can provide materials, and funds will be available to pay the workers’ wages. The aforementioned activities are proofs of the way communities may organically respond to the tension of conservation and development, and the way traditional values can be re-imagined as a means of solution. 5 CONCLUSION Changes in Ifugao values should not be simply perceived as the breakdown of tradition, since tradition is not the preservation of the past, but rather the, “distinctive way of changing” (Sahlins, 1992). In this case, it is the framework that guides how people respond to unforeseen circumstances. In his study of Djenné’s masons, Marchand reiterates that ‘traditional’ should not imply stasis; instead, ‘traditional’ should be understood as people’s, “direct and un-alienated mode of production” (Marchand, 2009). The risk in how organisations address heritage conservation is that it may result in further restrictions on people’s autonomy to make adjustments on their practices. Since tradition becomes an issue of livelihood, it is imperative that heritage concerns are discussed within the context of development. The greatest frustration for community members within heritage clusters is that they are constantly faced with restrictions that limit their freedom to learn and experiment in coming up with solutions to problems impacting their environment, and thus, their livelihood. These restrictions are seen as blocks that prevent communities from accessing resources or opportunities that allow residents to better cope with their changing environment. However, one must acknowledge that conservation efforts have galvanized communities to think about their resources and how such resources are being managed and utilised. This paved the way for communities to be conscious of how their changing practices are reciprocally changing their environment in ways that may be counterproductive. The fact that municipalities are now consciously pondering their management practices allow for strategies and dialogue that emerge from within the community. Such dialogue is necessary for internal solutions. Through ongoing management of CIS, community based tourism and village-level electric cooperatives, people have been forced to discuss their changing values, and this has become a catalyst for the re-invention of traditional practices. Likewise, the aforementioned community endeavours can impact policy making and force politicians to address what is lacking in the communities they serve. The activities of Kiangan and Hungduan residents are evidence of the way communities may organically respond to the tension of conservation and development. Such activities reveal that traditional values can be re-imagined for solutions. Central to this process is that, as people adapt to their changing environment, they transform old material and social engagements or develop new ones. For that reason, places are not simply where social relations occur, they are also essential to how they occur (Retsikas, 2007). REFERENCES Barangay Ordinance No. 01 of 2005. An ordinance for the core, buffer and multi-use zones of the Nagacadan Rice Terraces and the heritage areas in Nagacadan, Kiangan, Ifugao (Nagacadan Barangay Council). Barton, R.F., 1919. Ifugao law. University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 15(1): 1-186. Brosius, J.P., 1988. Significance and social being in Ifugao agricultural production. Ethnology 27 (1): 97110. Burawoy, M., 1985. The politics of production: factory regimes under capitalism and socialism. London: Verso. Castro, J., 1983. General introduction. In J. Castro et al (eds), Anthology of ASEAN literatures: epics of the Philippines: 1-5. Quezon City: APO Production Unit Inc. Conklin, H., 1974. Ethnographic research in Ifugao. In J. Kuippers & R. McDermott (eds), Fine description: ethnographic and linguistic essays: 435-464. New Haven: Yale University Southeast Asia Studies. Drucker, C.B., 1977. To inherit the land: descent and decision in Northern Luzon. Ethnology, 16(1): 1-20.

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Dulawan, M., 2002. The Ifugao. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts. Dulawan, M., 2005. Oral literature of the Ifugao. Manila: National Commission for Culture and the Arts. e8, 2010. The Philippine Ifugao-Ambangal mini-hydro project. Montreal: e8. Eaton, P., 2005. Land tenure, conservation and development in Southeast Asia. London: RoutledgeCurzon. Gell, A, 1992. The technology of enchantment and the enchantment of technology. In J. Coote & A. Shelton (eds), Anthropology, art and aesthetics: 40-63. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Giovine, M. A., 2009. The heritage-scape: UNESCO, World Heritage, and tourism. Lanham: Lexington Books. Ingold, T., 2000. The perception of the environment: essays on livelihood, dwelling and skill. London: Routledge. Ingold, T., 2007. Earth, sky, wind, and weather. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.), 13(SI): 19-38. Japan Consulting Institute, 2003. Feasibility study report on small-scale hydroelectric power development project at Ibulao Basin in Republic of the Philippines. Lambrecht, F., 1929. Ifugaw village and houses. Catholic Anthropological Conference, 1(3): 117-141. Li, T., 2007. The will to improve: governmentality, development, and the practice of politics. Durham: Duke University Press. Marchand, T., 2009. The masons of Djenné. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Miura, K., 2005. Conservation of a ‘living heritage site’ a contradiction in terms? A case study of Angkor World Heritage Site. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 7(1): 3-18. Mosse, D. & D. Lewis, 2006. Theoretical approaches to brokerage and translation in development. In D. Mosse & D. Lewis (eds), Brokers and translators: the ethnography of aid and agencies: 1-26. Bloomfield: Kumarian Press, Inc. NCIP, 2006. Hungduan ancestral domain sustainable development and protection plan. NCIP, 2008. Free prior and informed consent process (consensus building) for the proposed Ambangal Mini-hydro Power Plant located at Ambangal Creek. Mungayang, 29 July 2008. Pottier, J., 1999. Anthropology of food: the social dynamics of food security. Cambridge: Polity Press. Retsikas, K., 2007. Being and place: movement, ancestors, and personhood in East Java, Indonesia. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute (N.S.), 13 (4): 969-986. Sahlins, M., 1992. The economics of develop-man in the Pacific. In J. Robbins & H. Wardlow (eds), 2005, The making of global and local modernities in Melanesia: 23-42. Burlington: Ashgate. Sangguniang Bayan, 2004. Minutes of the regular session of the Sangguniang Bayan. Hungduan, Ifugao, 05 October 2004. Scott, W.H., 1975. History on the Cordillera: collected writings on Mountain Province history. Baguio City: Baguio Printing & Publishing Co., Inc. SITMo, 2008. IMPACT: sustainable tourism and the preservation of the World Heritage Site of the Ifugao Provinces. Bangkok: UNESCO. TEPCO, 2008. Philippines-Ifugao mini-hydro project: feasibility study report. Volume 1: Main Report. UNESCO & ICOMOS, 2011. Report on the Joint World Heritage Centre/ICOMOS reactive monitoring mission to the Rice Terraces of the Philippines Cordilleras. World Heritage Committee, 1996. UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Berlin, 4-9 December 1995. World Heritage Committee, 2002. UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Helsinki, 11-16 December 2001. World Heritage Committee, 2005. UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Durban, 10-17 July 2005. World Heritage Committee, 2009. UNESCO Convention concerning the protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Seville, 22-30 June 2009.


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Heritage institutions: economic or otherwise? J. Carman University of Birmingham, UK

ABSTRACT: Economics is par excellence the discipline most concerned with issues of value and valuation, and increasing interest is shown by economists in studying and commenting on issues of Heritage as a realm of value. Despite this, the interest shown in economics by those who study Heritage as an aspect of culture remains limited. In part this is due to the approach taken by economists. In general they argue that their ways of understanding issues of value are of benefit to the Heritage field, but they choose not to engage with the discussions of value taken by others. Instead, these are dismissed as providing the basis for economic decision-making or as an alternative realm of value completely different from – and therefore irrelevant to – that of economics. Whatever stance they take, however, it is generally assumed that economic thinking is of direct benefit to Heritage practitioners. This paper will argue that while economic ideas are of great benefit in understanding the phenomenon that is Heritage, the application of those ideas is in general badly flawed. It will argue that Heritage institutions do not work the same way as other kinds of bodies, and therefore the direct application of economic decision-making and value theory to them is misleading.

1 INTRODUCTION At the Heritage 2010 conference in Évora I gave a paper (Carman 2010) that argued for a collaboration between students of heritage who come at it from the two different directions of the humanities and the social sciences, especially economics. In that paper, I argued that there were three perspectives on the heritage as a concern of economists, derived from the work of interested economists: ⎯ that heritage objects represent economic goods like any other because of the benefits that accrue from them and that their cultural value is seen as the reason for ascribing them economic worth (eftec 2005; Peacock & Rizzo 2008; Rypkema et al. 2011) ⎯ that heritage objects represent a store of cultural value that is different from that of economic goods and that these value schemes operate independently (Throsby 2001); or that ⎯ they can be valued both in economic and cultural terms simultaneously (Mason 2008). None of these economists of course deny the availability or usefulness of economic analysis to cultural goods: it is a question of the relationship between these two value ‘realms’ and whether the two are causally related, quite incommensurable or merely independent. Others at these conferences have since joined the call for economists to take an interest in heritage and to apply economic analysis to that particular phenomenon (Armbrecht 2010; Gibson 2011). In my own paper in 2010 I argued that while students of heritage have a lot to learn from economists,


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economists may also have a lot to learn from students of heritage, the reason being that the category of heritage falls outside of the realm where traditional systems of economic value apply. I want to develop that line of argument here. 2 SCHEMES OF VALUATION I argued the case in 2010 on the following bases: • Economists have a real difficulty with phenomena that are ‘collective’ in nature rather than related to individual choice mechanisms. As individuals, we do not choose heritage places: they are granted to us by cultural mechanisms that deny us choice and are inevitably shared (see e.g. Smith 2006). If economics is defined as "the science which studies human behaviour as a relationship between ends and scarce means which have alternative uses” (Robbins 1935, 16) then abundant resources that are not scarce and can be shared by many without depletion are a problem. There is no scarcity and there is no choice: without these things, economics can say nothing. • In similar vein, economists have a tendency to provide solutions to issues of resource use in terms of ownership regimes: as Cole (2002, ix; emphasis in original) puts it, “all approaches to environmental protection [including those of heritage] are property-based”. The trend among economists, where resource depletion is perceived as an issue, is to proffer the holding of exclusive rights as a solution, and to grant them either to the state or to private owners. The same is true in the field of heritage management (see Carman 2005). However, the rhetoric of the heritage field (e.g. Merriman 1991, 1; Smith 2006; Smith & Waterton 2009) is that heritage is a resource that is owned by everybody. The allocation of exclusive rights of control is therefore in direct contradiction of principles most heritage professionals would hold to. This too is a problem for economists. In part, however, it is also solved by them: we can draw on the work of ‘institutional economics’ (Eggertson 1990) to understand how successful communal property regimes can be made to work, and heritage is an area where experiments in such regimes can be tried. Beyond this, taking the rhetoric of the heritage field to its extreme, we can offer economists the opportunity to study heritage as an area where ‘open access’ or non-property status applies and thus release them from their ties to particular sets of power relations (Carman 2005). Economists consider heritage – indeed the arts and culture in general – from two perspectives. One is to analyse the kinds of benefits that accrue to individuals, groups or to society in general, usually using a model based upon a division of use and non-use values. These are further divided into different kinds of benefit that can be ascribed to particular recipients (Table 1).

Table 1: Economic value types (adapted from Armbrecht 2010) USE VALUE TYPES NON-USE VALUE TYPES Descriptor

Example

Descriptor

Example

Direct Use Values

Current pleasure, health, education, wealth creation

Option Value

Future pleasure, tolerance, education, health

Indirect Use Values

Current pleasure, creation of social unity, education

Existence Value

Community cohesion, identity creation

Bequest Value

Future pleasure, health, education, wealth creation of others

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Here, use values and non-use values correspond quite closely: the difference lies in the beneficiary (oneself, a group to which one belongs, or to others) and whether the benefit accrues immediately or is deferred to some specified or unspecified future. The kinds of benefits that accrue are the same whether current or deferred, direct or indirect. The other approach economists take is to attempt a quantification of the value of particular components of the heritage. This was the approach advocated for so-called ‘heritage assets’ in the UK (ASB 2006), whereby they would be assessed for their financial value in order that this information could be included in the annual reports of the bodies responsible for them – museums for their collections, heritage agencies for sites, monuments, buildings, and so on. This approach was strongly criticised on a number of grounds, some philosophical and some practical, by academics, heritage bodies and by accounting professionals, but nevertheless it remains a scheme to be implemented at some future time. The philosophical objections have been published elsewhere (e.g. Carman 2005) but practical objections focus on the precise methods of valuation to be applied. The most widely accepted is that of Contingent Valuation, but that too is recognised to be faulty in some respects. Accordingly, efforts have been made to rectify the method to assure its greater effectiveness, such as by Gibson (2011) who at last years’ Sharing Cultures conference in Tomar argued for Contingent Valuation to be supplemented by a process that records the kinds of values that accrue to stakeholders. Taking a slightly different perspective, Carnegie and Wolnizer (1997) argued for an approach that evaluated heritage places – especially museums – on the basis of how well their activities reflected or contributed to achieving their objectives as set out in their own mission statements. In most cases, attempts by economists to contribute to the ‘value’ debate about heritage collapse into a concern with the values that derive from the use of heritage sites and places, rather than an attempt to understand the nature of the phenomenon of heritage. In doing so, they make assumptions about heritage that are not necessarily justified, in particular that it can – and should – be assessed in utilitarian terms based on rational-choice mechanisms. This is despite the large literature (including from economics) that identifies clear differences between commercial transactions and other types of behaviour. One such is the distinction between the auction as a site of economic competition and of so-called ‘tournaments of value’ (Appadurai 1986, 21). Baudrillard (1981) in particular has discussed the art auction, where competition expressed in terms of the amount people are prepared to pay for the purchase of particular objects in fact represents competition on another level entirely – it is in fact a competition to establish who among a restricted group of connoisseurs demonstrates the greatest appreciation of art. While the offer of money is the means of expressing this, the real area of dispute is about ‘taste’ and knowledge. In comparison to purely economic transactions, such competitions demand criteria for entry and require participants to demonstrate their fitness to take part (Table 2). Table 2 Commercial transactions and tournaments of value (after Appadurai 1986 and Baudrillard 1981) CRITERIA COMMERCIAL TRANTOURNAMENT OF SACTION VALUE Participation

Open

Restricted

Location

Public or private space

Designated arena

Relations between participants

Rivalry between equals

Parity of the privileged

Type of objects exchanged

Everyday

Tokens of value

Role of objects

Commercial

Affirmation of status

Examples

Daily market, shop

Art auction, fashion show

As research into the public response to heritage has shown (e.g. Merriman 1991), heritage places demonstrate the same kind of restrictions on access as the locations where ‘tournaments


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of value’ take place: it requires a certain level of ‘cultural capital’ – of knowledge and experience of the museum and of history – to make such places familiar. Merriman’s research (1991; confirmed by other surveys in the two decades since) indicates the connection between educational attainment, likelihood to visit museums and the attitude towards them: non-visitors are most likely to have low levels of educational attainment and to regard museums as most similar to mausolea rather than anything else(Merriman 1991, 62). Although regular museum visitors may not be indulging in an obvious tournament of value with each other, they exhibit the same traits as those who habitually do so: and indeed at a subliminal level that may be exactly what is going on when one visits a heritage site. The point of this apparent digression is to suggest that heritage places are something different from ordinary economic phenomena and operate in different ways. The rules of the market – and of conventional economic choice mechanisms – do not apply. They therefore cannot be assessed on the same basis. A further issue that may be worth our consideration is the manner in which the costs and benefits of activity are distributed in the different realms of the private and public (Table 3). In the private realm of conventional commercial economic activity, benefits in the form of monetary return on time and expertise accrue to those who work inside the institution – its managers, employees, and of course owners. Costs are externalised by passing them on to the purchasers of products. These bearers of cost do not directly benefit from the work of the institution except as buyers of its services: they are outsiders in every sense of the term. By contrast, the benefits of public institutions accrue to those outside the institution: to a largely anonymous ‘public’ or to the abstract notion of society on whose behalf they work. They represent a form of ‘corporate saving’ as outlined by Douglas and Isherwood (1979, 37), which is made for the benefit of groups quite separately from their individual members at any one time: such savings always belong as much to the future as to the present. The costs of such institutions are however borne by those who also benefit from the work of the institution: the taxpayer (who are ‘the public’ or ‘society’ by another name) and donors of various kinds. In other words, in general, costs of museums and other kinds of heritage institution are borne by those who also its beneficiaries. The relationship of beneficiaries to bearers of costs is thus reversed in the public and private realms, confirming the fundamental differences between them. Table 3 Accrual of costs and benefits PRIVATE REALM

PUBLIC REALM

Costs borne by

Beneficiaries

Costs borne by

Beneficiaries

(Outsiders)

(Insiders)

(Insiders)

(Outsiders)

Customers

Owners

Donors

The public

Managers

Owners (including ‘the public’)

Employees

3 GRADIENTS OF VALUE A comparison of the distribution of objects through different kinds of space further elucidates the issue of the difference between private space and the public space of heritage (Fig 1). In domestic space in western European contexts, in general the most valued objects will be those on display in the shared and therefore more ‘public’ areas – in so-called ‘reception’ rooms such as the living and dining rooms where not only the family but non-resident guests will be entertained. By convention these rooms are generally located downstairs and at the front of the property. Here you will find pictures, photographs, ornaments, as well as the most comfortable furniture, and probably the newest entertainment media (television, DVD player, music system, etc.). By contrast, more functionally-specialised spaces – the kitchen and bathroom – which contain few or no valued items are located at the rear of the property; these are also the spaces where various kinds of refuse are most likely to be processed. Bedrooms – the most private and

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Figure 1 suggests a convenient way of representing this difference. The staircase in both contexts can be seen as a metaphor for the gradient of value along which objects can lie. In the domestic space this runs downwards, with the most valued items more likely to be placed downstairs towards the front of the building. In the public space of the museum, this runs upwards with the most highly valued objects in the collection to be located furthest from the public entrance, upstairs and towards the rear. The lower, more abstract, diagram shows how the value gradients lie oppositional to each other in the separate realms of public /collective and private / individual. Here again, as suggested in relation to the distribution of costs and benefits, the realms of the private commercial and the public heritage operate in entirely contradictory ways. 4 CONCLUSION This paper is an attempt to address the recent entry of economists into debates about heritage. The major point is that, while economics as a discipline has significant insights to offer those concerned with the study of heritage and its valuation, that contribution is hampered by the approaches economists have generally taken. These assume that heritage institutions are similar in form to other kinds of economic institution and are therefore amenable to analysis from the standpoint of conventional economic understanding. This paper suggests that in a number of ways they differ considerably from other areas of life: ⎯ heritage institutions are more akin to sites of ‘tournaments of value’ than those of conventional economic exchange; ⎯ the relationships between those who bear costs and those who claim benefit are effectively reversed in the two realms; and ⎯ objects are distributed differently in the different realms, so that gradients of value are effectively reversed. Taken together with the overriding characteristics of heritage – its collective ‘public’ nature and its abundance so that it cannot be considered scarce – the difference of heritage institutions from other areas of life are sufficiently significant that available techniques of valuation are not relevant. Instead, new approaches need to be devised. These, I believe, can only be achieved by economists and other students of heritage working together. Economists have the skills to analyse value: others from other fields have an understanding of the phenomenon with which we deal. Together we can come to a fuller understanding of the nature of heritage as a contemporary phenomenon. REFERENCES Accounting Standards Board. (2006) Heritage Assets: can accounting do better? Accounting Standards Board 2006 Discussion paper. London, Accounting Standards Board. Appadurai, A. (1986) ‘Introduction: commodities and the politics of value’, in Appadurai, A. (ed.) The Social Life of Things: commodities in cultural perspective. Cambridge: University Press, 3-63. Armbrecht, J. (2010) The value of cultural institutions: a review and conceptual development of value categories. In Amoêda, R., Lira, S. & Pinheiro, C. (eds) Heritage 2010: heritage and sustainable development: proceedings of the 2nd international conference on heritage and sustainable development, Évora, Portugal, 22-26 June 2010, Lisbon: Greenlines Institute for Sustainable Development, 343-352. Baudrillard, J. (1981) For a critique of the political economy of the sign. Trans. C. Levin. St. Louis: Telos Press. Carman, J. (2005) Against Cultural Property: archaeology, ownership and heritage. London, Duckworth. Carman, J. (2010) Towards a political economy of heritage. In Amoêda, R., Lira, S. & Pinheiro, C. (eds) Heritage 2010: heritage and sustainable development: proceedings of the 2nd international conference on heritage and sustainable development, Évora, Portugal, 22-26 June 2010, Lisbon: Greenlines Institute for Sustainable Development, 361-364. Carnegie, G. D. and Wolnizer, P. M. (1996) ‘Enabling Accountability in Museums’ Museum Management and Curatorship 15.4, 371-86. Cole, D. H. (2002) Pollution and Property: comparing ownership institutions for environmental protection. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.


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Douglas, M. and Isherwood, B. (1979) The World of Goods: towards an anthropology of consumption. London: Allen Lane. eftec (2005) Valuation of the Historic Environment: the scope for using results of valuation studies in the appraisal and assessment of heritage-related projects and programmes. eftec, London, eftec. Eggertsson, T. (1990) Economic Behaviour and Institutions. Cambridge Surveys of Economic Literature. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Gibson, K. (2011) Intangible Heritage and the claim to value. In Lira, S., Amoêda, R., & Pinheiro, C. (eds) Sharing Cultures 2011: proceedings of the 2nd international conference on intangible heritage, Tomar, Portugal, 3-6 July 2011. Lisbon: Greenlines Institute for Sustainable Development, 405-412. Mason, R. (2008) Be interested and beware: joining economic valuation and heritage conservation. International Journal of Heritage Studies 14 (4), 303-318 Merriman, N. (1991) Beyond the Glass Case: the public, museums and heritage in Britain. London: Leicester University Press. Peacock, A. & Rizzo, I. (2006) The Heritage Game: economics, policy and practice. Oxford, Oxford University Press Robbins, L. (1935). An Essay on the Nature and Significance of Economic Science, 2nd ed. London, Macmillan Rypkema, D., Cheong, C. & Mason, R. (2011). Measuring Economic Impacts of Historic Preservation: a report to the Advisory Council on Historic Preservation. http://www.achp.gov/docs/economicimpacts-of-historic-preservation-study.pdf Accessed 28th February 2011. Smith, L. (2006) Uses of Heritage. London, Routledge Smith, L. & Waterton, E. (2009) Heritage, Communities anjd Archaeology. London, Duckworth. Throsby, D. (2001) Economics and Culture. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press.

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Avoiding frauds: Raman spectroscopy, a fundamental tool in the analysis of artworks M. C. Chillón Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

P. Ferrer Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

S. Ruiz-Moreno Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

A. López-Gil Universidad Politécnica de Catalunya, Barcelona, Spain

ABSTRACT: When we refer to a patrimonial piece, undoubtedly, the economic and cultural concepts are closely linked to the transaction case, especially so when paintings are concern. For this reason, a concrete protocol of action should be established in order to adequately accompany any objective documentation that would verify the quality of the patrimonial piece when an economic transaction is done. The knowledge of physical-chemical reality of such artwork, that is to say, to know the materials used by the artist, the periods of the use of pigments throughout history, the patent dates of synthetic pigments and the historical complementary documentation about the piece of art (and/or the creator), are the keys to correctly attribute, if possible, the authorship of the masterpiece. The investigation of this work proposes a multidisciplinary methodology to carry out an investigation of artworks through three experimental cases.

1 INTRODUCTION It is a fact that in the art market there are not sufficient legal mechanisms to ensure the quality of the process of transactions or sufficient documents required to protect scientific and artistic researches, which demostrate, if not authorship, at least one possible attribution. The absence of these documents and, usually, purchase invoices, leaves the collector largelly helpless and complicate the situation in the art market, making them the target of traders. Furthermore, the lack of artistic and historical training of the collector, who does not have to understand art history, in combination with his actions, driven by aesthetic sensibility, his desire of possession of a major firm, or pure investment, are reinforced by the profit motive of the dealers, galleries, antique shops and auctions, plus the lack of a code of conduct within the market, which at least would require reports accompanying the work, all these reasons mean that the world heritage is being questioned, and is therefore at risk. Every work is unique and different, and it should be studied and investigated in depth and multidisciplinary way. How does the historian know, for example (and a “trained eyed”, of course), if the constituent pigments of the artwork belong to the century that is assuming? In what context the artwork was created? What stylistic comparisons the historian can provide to convince us? Some of the world's most prestigious museums work in their departments of conservation and restoration with several non destructive scientific technologies applied in the study of artwork, but we believe there is still a long way to go. Generally, most of the museums (especially in the case of Spain) should become aware of the need to investigate their pieces from a viewpoint

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multidisciplinary, because, only in this way, the studies in art history can be complete and more objective. Throughout the History have been many falsifiers. The most recent ones got to have such high consideration for their own work that they wanted to transcend writing their memoirs. This is the case of Federico Joni (Joni, 1932) and Eric Hebborn (Hebborn, 1994). However there were others before them, some very famous, for whom we would surely pay a fortune to have one of their fakes today. Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici said to Michelangelo, in 1495, after seeing Sleeping Cupid (now lost): "If you treat it artificially, so that it seems to have been excavated, I will send it to Rome, it will pass off as an antique, and you can sell it for a much higher price" (Wittkower, R. & M. 2010). In addition, the painter Nicolas Poussin was copied and faked from 1624, when he came to Rome from Paris, and Thuillier told him that a dealer called Monconys, having bought some of his works, thought it was prudent to visit him to certify that they were really of his own hand (Thuillier, 1975). Later, Bastianini (1830-1868), Dossena (1878-1937) and van Meegeren (1889-1947) appeared and Max J. Friendländer called ‘the aristocrats among falsifiers’ (Friendländer, 1944). And today, which is even more irritating: it is sufficient to add a faked signature in an artwork. The aim of this paper is to propose a methodology for multidisciplinary action to investigate the artworks, merging the work of scientists and historians. This type of research ensures, first, the physic-chemical reality of the work of art heritage, and second (and always in that order), its artistic-documentary contextualization. The empirical data of the science support the arguments (always as objective as possible) of the history of art. Only in this manner it can be useful to the artistic heritage of the museums and, also, the unprotected heritage which is circulating in the market. 2 METHODOLOGY TO INVESTIGATE ART WORKS a) Preliminary study of the piece of art. When an artwork, for example an easel painting, arrives at the laboratory to be analyzed it is very important to make a previous study without any pretensions and with total impartiality. It is necessary to check its state of conservation and so to determine the restored zones (or simply retouched), and which ones compose the original piece. For this, an analysis micro and macro photographic is done in order to detect possible craquelure, observe the depth of them, repainted areas, integration of the firm, and even the mineral or synthetic origin of the used pigments. With IR reflectography it is possible to visualize the underlying drawing of the artwork previously made with carbon, the corrections and the regrets by the painter or even, hidden paintings or signatures under the pictorial layers or aged varnish. In some case it is necessary a previous intervention of restoring and/or elimination from all things which don´t belong to the original piece. This work must be very meticulous, and it will help both the art historian as the scientist researches. b) Scientific analysis with non destructive techniques. Raman spectroscopy is a direct analysis technique, that is to say, without any sample extraction, which allows to know in an objective way the physical-chemical reality of an artwork and, therefore, the pigmentation used by the artist (Clark, 2002). This technique consists in the irradiation of a monochromatic light (laser) on a material, in this case on the pigments constituting the artwork. The fundament of this analytic technique is described in detail, among others, by D. A. Long. Briefly, when a pigment is irradiated with a laser, a part of the scattered light, known as inelastic (or Raman), contains light frequencies which are proper to the material. This set of frequencies, is called Raman spectrum, and it provides molecular information corresponding to the analyzed pigment. It can be called the fingerprint of the pigment. This information, unknown a priori, is compared with Raman spectra of the reference pigments to carry out their correct identification. In this way it is possible to determine the polychromy of the analyzed artwork. Many of the identified pigments will correspond to periods and geographical areas, which will establish, among other things, an approximate dating and or geo-


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graphical area of origin. The most important advantage of this analytical technique is its nondestructiveness concerning to the analyzed object (Coupry & Brissaud, 1996). c) Documental analysis of the palette. Dating the artwork. At the present there are thousands of pigments, may be mineral or synthetic origin, or organic and inorganic nature (Eastaugh et al., 2004). Some of these pigments have been used since Prehistoric times until today such as iron oxides and hydroxides. However, there are other pigments, whose historical data about their first utilization or their disuse are the keys to date a piece of art (Friedstein, 1981; Edwards, 2011). Among these pigments can be found, for example, Prussian blue, it was discovered in 1704 and its use was common in 1730; or also, several yellow ceramic pigments derived from Pb, Sn and Sb oxides were used in the times of Renaissance and Baroque (Edwards, 2011; C. Sandalinas et al., 2006). For these reasons it is very important to have well characterized the reference pigment, and consequently collect, in a Historical- Scientific Documental Library, all the relevant scientific data. These data are essential to avoid mistakes in restoration processes due to incompatibility among the substances; their Raman spectra are vital for their optimum identification, and also it is useful to know all the different names that have been given to a pigment by the artistic, historic and scientific areas, as well as to know the documentation relating to the patent dates of the synthetic pigments, the accessibility dates to the artists and the periods of their utilization. This historical and scientific documentation is the key to realize a correct dating of the artwork and the most accurate possible, and of course, this documentation is vital to realize a diagnostic about the authenticity of the piece. d) Historic- artistic analysis of the masterpiece. Art history, as a scientific discipline, aims to research works of art in relation to the circumstances in which they were made. These circumstances can be anything that might influence the artist, both externally (political, social, cultural, philosophical, etc.) and personally (stylistic, thematic, aesthetic, etc.). The study of artworks requires an objective and multidisciplinary methodology of action which is summarized, broadly, in the following sections: 1. Description of the work and identification of the iconographic theme. The first step is to place the item (if it is a portrait, a landscape, a marina, a still life scene, etc.). Following, it is performed a detailed narrative about what is depicted in the artwork (objects, characters, action, atmosphere, etc.). Finally, we attempt to identify the iconographic theme, which can be related to a biblical, mythological or literary theme. The iconography of an artwork almost always relates to the iconology, which is the intrinsic meaning given to the image of that particular artwork. Usually, this is about the moral sense of the painter or the person who commissioned the work. 2. Contextualization of the work With the findings of the scientific investigation about the pigmentation, it already has a date of creation which puts the artwork in a period of time. Often, there is a premise of original authorship which can be maintained with the findings of pigmentation. The art research thesis will begin contextualizing the artwork within the proposed period, considering what painters worked in that period and, finally, researching the life and work of the starting painter. 3. Go to the documentary sources, files, catalog raisonné and specific bibliography. Fortunately there are many catalogs raisonnés and an extensive bibliography, as well as documentary sources, for example, the first documents in which certain information appears mentioned. With the stylistic comparisons and documents, a series of arguments will be formed which support the initial thesis regarding the assumed authorship, or else change to another, launching a new research via.

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4. Write a conclusions with data obtained. If it is possible, an attribution of the artwork will be given and, in the best of cases, an authorship. 3 EXPERIMENTAL CASES a) How to proceed to an anonymous work In a first step the polychromy of the anonymous artwork (Fig.1) has been analyzed with Raman spectroscopy. The experimental results have been compared with the Raman spectra of the reference pigments and then, the palette used by the painter has been obtained: Vermilion (HgS), Red lead (Pb3O4), Lead, tin and antimony ternary oxide Yellow (Pb2SbSnO6 5), Lead White (2PbCO3 ·Pb(OH)2), Smalt (CoO • NSiO2) and Indigo Blue (C16H10N2O2) (Fig.2). The results indicate that the investigated work was painted during the seventeenth century in Italy, not only by the type of pigmentation in general, but by the yellow triple oxide lead, tin and antimony, in particular (which was only used during this century, and in this country), the work of the art historian is limited to a very concrete period and area of Europe to facilitate their research.

Figure 1. a) Nicolas Chaperon (1612-1656). “The faune and his female”. Etching. 22’7cm. x 16’3 cm. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. b) Attributed to Nicolas Chaperon. “The faune and his female”. Oil on canvas. 59cm. x 44,5 cm. For sale in Gui Rochat Old Masters. New York; c) Anonymous. “Childhood of Bacchus”. Oil on canvas. 75 cm. x 98 cm.

The first phase was to determine the iconographic theme. For the characters that appear, it can be concluded that it could be a childhood scene of Bacchus. Following this, several catalogs of prints of the time were consulted. During the seventeenth century it was very normal that the paintings were engraved they were created, so it seemed appropriate to start the research in this direction. One etching by Nicolas Chaperon (1612-1656) (Fig. 1a) was found. It shows an identical subject and composition as the anonymous investigated artwork (Laveissière & Jacquot & Kazerouni, 1999). Could Chaperon have painted the anonymous artwork which was being investigated? A stylistic comparison exercise was conducted between Chaperon works and the anonymous, and also Chaperon works were currently searched in the market. In Gui Rochat Old Masters, of New York, a work entitled "The faun and his female" (oil on canvas, 59cm. x 44.5 cm.) (Fig. 1b) was for sale, it was attributed to Nicolas Chaperon by Dr. Jacquot, which seemed, at first view, to be the work which led to the etching. Chaperon's work offered more quality than the anonymous canvas. The lines of the drawing were more maintained, and, therefore, it gave a more harmonious pictorial result. This is perfectly visible by comparing the face of the nymph in the figures, or the child's face looking to the satyr who is back. The treatment of the light is also obvious, and it is clearer and more


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transparent in the Chaperon´s work. It allows us to see the faces of the figures and the details of the landscape where the scene is located. The final conclusion has been that, this artwork was created during the seventeenth century in Italy, and it could have been painted by someone in Nicolas Chaperon’s circles, or at least by a follower of Nicolas Chaperon.

Figure 2. Raman spectra obtained of the palette of the artwork analyzed and the corresponding spectra of the referent pigments: vermilion, red lead, Pb-Sn-Sb triple oxide yellow, Lead white, Cobalt Smalt, Indigo Blue.

b) Detection of a fake In the hypothetical case of Kees van Dongen, pseudonym of the painter Cornelis Theodorus Marie van Dongen (1877 - 1968), the figure of the art historian is no longer required. The research findings of the analysis of pigmentation make clear, without a doubt, that it is a falsification. The pigments found analyzing this work with Raman spectroscopy (Fig. 4) were: Anatase, (TiO2), Zinc yellow (ZnCrO4), Toluidine red (C17H13N3O3), Phthalocyanine blue (Cu (C32H16N8)) and Carbon Black. These results indicate that the dating of the artwork would be reasonable between 1945 and today.

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Although Kees van Dongen made several versions (at least two) of the same topic, it is impossible for this Fauvist painter to have created the investigated work (Fig. 3), because it is impossible to paint with unknown materials.

Figure 3. Kees Van Dongen (1877-1968). “The balustrade”. Oil on canvas. 61cm. x 76 cm.


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Figure 4. Raman spectra corresponding to the analyzed artwork: phthalocyanine blue, Carbon Black, Zinc Yellow, Toluidine Red, Rutile.

c) Confirmation of correct attribution As in the two experimental cases discussed above, the artwork was analyzed with Raman spectroscopy and the following pigments were identified: Chrome Yellow (PbCrO4), Lead White (2PbCO3 ·Pb(OH)2), Vermilion (HgS), Prussian Blue (FE4[Fe(CN)6]3) (Fig. 6). It started the investigation from the premise that the artwork (Fig. 5) was already attributed to the painter Eugenio Lucas Velazquez (1817-1870) and in agreement with the conclusions of the study of the pigments (the palette is consistent with the nineteenth century), only it remained to confirm the style with a detailed study of the painter's work. It was consulted the works by José Manuel Arnaiz (Arnaiz, 1981) and Andrew Ginger (Ginger, 2007) and the style of several works with themes of ‘majas’ and the precious technique that characterized Lucas Velazquez were compared. Moreover, it was also analyzed the integration of the firm in the paint layer with a binocular microscope of 500x magnification. The conclusion of this investigation was that, effectively, it could confirm that the initial attribution of the artwork to the painter Eugenio Lucas Velazquez was correct.

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Figure 5. Artwork attributed to Eugenio Lucas Velázquez (1817-1870). “Majas”. Oil on canvas. 57 cm. x 45 cm. .


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Figure 6. Raman spectra corresponding to the palette of the artwork analyzed: Chrome Yellow, Lead white, Vermilion, Prussian Blue.

4 CONCLUSIONS The experimental cases are only three examples of what happens today. It is also common that an artwork of a high artistic quality made, for example, in the nineteenth century (dated previously with the analysis of its pigments with Raman spectroscopy technique), had a firm that disappears when the surface is cleaned. This is because many firms (which are always of great painters) are added unscrupulous to facilitate the sale. Of course, it is also very common to do it to create a fake of an artwork (using pigments that the original painter never used and never knew). Obviously, the firm never fails. These are cases that happen not only in the art market, but also in the museums and foundations with their heritage. While the art market closes its eyes to this reality because it is not legally regulated and has a lucrative interest in commercial transactions, museums should bet heavily on multidisciplinary research. The clearest example is that an artwork certified by the so-called “experts” can be false or a bad attribution. To say that the art market does not offer a research study of the work that goes on sale is trivial. But what studies have museums and foundations of the artworks they have in their collections? A high percentage of the word “file” also includes, at best: the author or an attribution, the title of the artwork, the technique used in performing it, measures and the provenance (when the museum or foundation acquired the artwork). To defend the artistic heritage first we must know it. This is implies responsibility and knowledge because it is very difficult to make an objective attribution of an artwork, and few art historians want to accept this responsibility. An artwork needs a multidisciplinary research. It is a necessary condition to support its physical-chemical reality; and the amount of exercise professionals, both scientists and those of art historians, will prevent the proliferation of ambiguous conclusions and subjective opinions of certain “experts”. These “experts” have been created by society and the art market by the need to have the so-called “certificated”. A museum should investigate its artworks including a detailed study, but in the art market the rules should be as stricter, or more. The collector is entitled to purchase an artwork together with a dossier detailing the investigation, both an analysis of the pigments, as a historical and artistic study. The collector has also the right, or should be required, the invoice, to avoid future problems with the trade. So, we propose a multidisciplinary action criterion to investigate artworks that we have shown activity in three experimental cases. First: preliminary study of the artwork. Second: scientific analysis with non destructive

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techniques (Raman laser). Third: documental analysis of the pigment (dating the artwork). Fourth: historical and artistic analysis of the artwork. Raman spectroscopy, a non destructive technique which identifies the molecular pigments from the artworks and offers a time of a realization, along with the artistic and documentary research, is a complete, multidisciplinary and objective action methodology that we propose to investigate artworks. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This work has been supported by the Spanish Government Project (CICYT, TEC 2009-07855), entitled “Investigation and Optimization of Raman Spectroscopy Applied to the Direct Analysis of the Cultural Heritage”. REFERENCES Arnaiz, J. M. 1981. Eugenio Lucas. Su vida y su obra. Madrid: M. Montal. Ed. Clark, R.J.H., 2002. Pigment identification by spectroscopic means: an arts/science interface. C.R.CHimie 5: 7-20. Coupry, C. & Brissaud, D.1996. Applications in Art, Jewwelry and Forensic Science. In G. Turrell &J. Corset (eds.), Raman microscopy Developments and Applications: 421-453. London: Elsevier Academic Press. Eastaugh, N. &Walsh, V. & Chaplin, T. & Siddall, R. 2004. Pigment Compendium A Dictionary of Historical Pigments. Oxford: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. Edwards, H.G.M. 2004. Probing history with Raman spectroscopy. Analyst 129: 870-879 Edwards, H.G.M. 2011. Analytical Raman spectroscopic discrimination between yellow pigments of the Renaissance. Spectrochimica Acta Part A Molecular and Biomolecular spectroscopy 80: 14-20. Friendländer, M. J. 1944. On art and connoisseurhip. Londres: Bruno Cassirer. Friedstein, H.G. 1981. A short history of the chemistry of painting. Journal of Chemical education 58: 291-295. FitzHugh E.W. 1997. Artists' pigments a handbook of their history and characteristics. Vol 3. R. L. Feller & E. W. FitzHugh, A. Roy (eds). Washington : National Gallery of Art. Oxford University Press. Ginger, A. 2007. Painting and the turn to cultural modernity in Spain the time of Eugenio Lucas Velázquez (1850-1870). Selinsgrove: Susquehanna University Press, cop. Hebborn, E. 1994. Troppo bello per essere vero. Le affascinanti memorie scandalose del più grande falsario del secolo. Milano: Neri Pozza. Joni, F. 1932. Le memorie di un pittore di quadri antichi, con alcune descrizioni sulla pintura a tempera e sul modo di fare invecchiare i dipinti e le dorature. Firenze: Società Editrice Toscana. Sancasciano val di Pesa. Laveissière, S. & Jacquot, D. & Guillaume Kazerouni. 1999. Nicolas Chaperon, 1612-1654/1655. Du graveur au peintre retrouvé. Nimes: Nimes Musées. Actes Sud,p.102-104. Long, D.A. 2002. The Raman Effect. A Unified Treatment of the Theory of Raman Scattering by Molecules. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons,LTD. Sandalinas, C. & Ruiz-Moreno S. & López-Gil A. & Miralles J. 2006. Experimental confirmation by Raman spectroscopy of a Pb-Sn-Sb triple oxide yellow pigment in sixteenth century Italian pottery. Journal of Raman Spectroscopy 10: 1146-1153. Thuillier, J. 1975. La obra pictórica completa de Poussin. Barcelona: Ed. Noguer S. A. Rizzoli Editore. Wittkower, R. & M. 2010. Nacidos bajo el signo de Saturno. Madrid: Ed. Cátedra: note 55, p. 192.


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Local museums and sustainable regional development in Greece: assessment and perspectives A. Doxanaki Museum Studies Research Center, University of Athens, Athens, Greece

A. Dermitzaki Museum Studies Research Center, University of Athens, Athens, Greece

P. Zounis Postgraduate Course of Museum Studies, University of Athens, Athens, Greece

E. Tsilaga Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Dept. Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art, Athens, Greece

G. Panagiaris Technological Educational Institute of Athens, Dept. Conservation of Antiquities and Works of Art, Athens, Greece

ABSTRACT: Local museums are central elements in cultural tourism and play an important role as key visitors’ attractions. The purpose of this paper is to pinpoint their economic value as well as to examine specific factors that affect the function and the visiting patterns of Greek local museums, operating in small areas. The key role of local museums is that of preserving and enhancing the heritage and contributing to education and entertainment. One of their main problems is lack of resources, new technologies and qualified personnel as well as their problematic administration scheme. A visitors’ study in one representative local museum, Nautical Museum of Galaxidi, revealed that a noteworthy percentage of visitors cares for the heritage and considers that museums are the most important source of knowledge of local history. Within this context, museums can play a significant role in the country improvement as long as they are integrated into a broader strategic development plan, participate in accreditation schemes and create suitable networking

1 INTRODUCTION The exploitation of local museums is an interesting field of investigation, especially when combined with cultural and economic research of the regions with rich historical tradition. It is, however, surprising how few studies have been made on the value of culture, considering sustainable regional development. The clarification of the term “local museums” is a complex one, since worldwide there are no commonly accepted criteria regarding their content and role. In an attempt to define “local museums”, we could describe them as the ones that operate at a specific geographical scale, deliver services to the population of this specific area and adopt a local introspective (Resource, 2001; Davis, 2007: 59). Their main purpose is, usually, to promote the identity and the culture of a local community. Their function ensures preservation of customs and activities that constitute the particular casts of feature of a specific geographic region and local community (AntzoulatouRetsila, 1987: 198). Local museums, as agents of culture, have the potential to make a valuable impact on a region. They contribute to the economic well being of a community and stimulate a greater sense of regional identity and pride in the area’s heritage. Thus, it is important to point out that a sustainable development of a region requires not only its economic growth, but also the improvement of the environmental and social conditions faced by local people, the development of cultural capital and community ties (Davis, 2011; 9 & Kates et al, 2005: 12). Greece is a country with a wealth of museums. Especially, since 1970, there has been a TGreek local museums. Lack of records, concerning local museums, was the main problem that

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the research team had to face. The list of targeted museums was prepared based on all available sources of information The sources included the list of the museums in the official web site of the Ministry of Culture, published directories, previous surveys in this field, bibliography and internet search. In all, 116 museums that met the criteria of the research were detected. Furthermore, to fulfill the requirement of the survey, a proper questionnaire was designed. 116 questionnaires were sent to the institutions, identified by the research team, in February 2006. The response rate reached 44% of the total population, a percentage which can be regarded as satisfactory (Paraskeuopoloulos, 1993). The self administered questionnaire was formulated on the basis of the research priorities of the project and on similar surveys undertaken abroad (Prince & Higgins, 1985; Drysdale, 1990). 2 OPERATION OF GREEK LOCAL MUSEUMS Opportunities are emerging for local museums to assert their contribution to these agendas and demonstrate their active role in an area’s sustainable development. The main findings, which are presented below, should be seen as an opportunity to assess the status of local museums and the basic requirements, which were mostly highly valued for their operation. The results of the survey reviewed not only the current status of local museums, but also demonstrated in which fields significant improvements should be made, so that local museums should be able to respond to their social, economic and cultural value. 2.1 The organizational structure of local museum The survey asked respondents to complete background questions on their museum ownership status. Private museums account for almost half of the number of museums (49%), 29,4% of the museums belong to cultural heritage bodies, 21,6% are local authority museums and a significant minority (3,9%) belongs to a bequest. Respondents were asked to indicate whether their museums have Articles of Incorporation or a Legal Act of Establishment. The results showed that 54,9% have no Legal Act or Articles of Incorporation. Information was also gathered regarding local museum’s governing body. The vast majority of the respondents (76,50%) are not run by a director. However, over half of the respondents (55%) indicated that they have a board of members appointed to operate the museum. Concerning the participation of representatives of the local population in their board of trust, it is notable that 62,7% of local museums responded that the local population did not participate in their operation. In terms of defining the size of the museums workforce, the results showed that a small local museum might be run entirely by one person (23,5%) or by a team of 2-5 persons (47,1%) of full-time paid staff. Only 10% of local museums stated that their workforce ranges from 6-10 persons, while a small percentage 9,8% answered that they have no permanent paid staff. 2.2 The facilities offered by local museums 2.2.1 The Building The facilities and services offered by a museum largely depend on the quality of the buildings the museum uses. Ideally, museum buildings must respond to the needs of local communities and provide permanent and temporary exhibition spaces, educational sessions, events, cafes, resting spaces etc. Respondents were asked to indicate when the museum building was constructed, as well as whether the building was museum purposed built. The answers to this question demonstrate that most of museum buildings are considerably old. A significant percentage of them (15,7%) has been constructed between 1670-1830, even before the establishment of the modern Greek state. Similarly, 19,6% of the museum buildings was erected during the period 1831-1900 and 11,8% between 1921-1940. Nevertheless, the majority of museum buildings (41,3%) were established after 1960s (see also Tsavaropoulos 1985, 154). The image of old museum buildings is enforced by answers to one further question, which


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was aimed at illuminating the fact whether the building of the museum was purpose built. The vast majority of museums (70,6%) confirmed that their building had a different initial use. Most of them were used as households (25,5%), edifices of administrative use (23,5%), while some of them were industrial buildings (3,9%) or even schools (9,8%). The latter figure is not surprising, since in many local areas with little population (under 10.000 residents) many schools have closed and their buildings have been given gained a different use. It is a paradox that while most of the museum establishments had an original different use and they are old buildings, a sizeable majority of the respondent museums stated that the present condition of their building is considered as good (45,1%) or even fair (41,2%). On the contrary, relatively few museums (13,7%) were not satisfied with their establishments. The research results suggest that this high percentage of museum satisfaction in terms of their building establishment is stemming from the pride of the people in charge of local museums, related to the fact that they have created a local collection. Therefore, the technical problems of the building are considered of minor importance. Consequently, most local museums are located in period buildings, which, in correlation with the surrounded area, influence the interpretation of the objects they contain. 2.2.2 Visitors´ facilities In order to fully understand the organization and the role of local museums, a series of questions were aimed to examining the museums’ public image, in terms of the facilities and services they offer. The word “communication” has gained an important meaning in the mission statement of the modern museum (Hooper-Greenhill, 1995). An aspect of communication is related to the visitor services and facilities that museums offer, in order to assist not only the physical but also the emotional and the intellectual access of the public. Thus, the range of ancillary services used by museums, even by local ones, is very important for their success (Ambrose & Paine, 1993: 56). The survey conclusions suggest that the services offered by the majority of regional museums fall into specific categories. Nearly half the museums provide general visitor facilities, such as toilets (74,5%) and car parking (52,9%). A satisfactory number of museums have sales point (43%), an exhibition catalogue (47,1%) and rooms for temporary exhibitions (41,2%). It is obvious that local museums regard themselves as places attracting a significant number of tourists, therefore, they offer publications in foreign languages (45,1%). Furthermore, the high percentage of them with rooms for temporary exhibitions can be explained by the fact that museums lay much importance to the exhibition development. Their side functions like the provision of lectures or the educational activities -nearly one third of the museums provide lectures rooms (33,3%) and libraries (27,5%)- as well as the role of entertainment are considered less significant, therefore, relatively few museums provide permanent refreshment facilities for their visitors (21,6%) and even fewer operate restaurants (7,8%). Similarly, less than one third of museums offers facilities especially designed for the disabled, owns offices for their personnel (29,4%) and has individual rooms for educational activities (17,6%). It is noted that most of the regional museums interpret exhibits using most traditional means like free information leaflets (62,7%) or exhibition catalogues (47,1%), while the use of most contemporary means like audio guides (27,5%) is sporadic (see also Prince & Higgins, 1986: 115). It is evident that the operation of local museums is improved as their visitors are able to enjoy a wider range of facilities in comparison to 20 years ago. 2.2.3 Number of visits The present survey asked museums to state the number of recorded visitors from 2002 until 2005. The vast majority of museums (64,7%) stated that they record the numbers of people visiting their museum by different methods. According to the results, the mean of the number of visitors for the year 2005 is running into 9490, while a decline can be observed in the previous years (table 1). The personnel in charge of the museums referred to a number of reasons, which, according to their opinion, account for this increase or decrease in visitor numbers. The answers varied, but the majority attributed their rise or decline to tourism (21,6%), good or bad advertising of the museum in the area (17,6%), while only a small proportion of the museums correlated visitor numbers with the new temporary exhibitions.

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Table 1. Mean of number of visits in Greek local museums from 2002 until 2005. Number of visits Year 2005 9491 2004 7297 2003 7570 2002 7974

2.2.4 Opening hours In addition, the scope of the questionnaire was to measure the physical access of local museums, hence each institution was asked to state the number of days, months and hours it was open each year. The fact that only a small percentage of local museums (23,5%) are open by appointment only is encouraging to their efficient function. It is also clear that almost half of the local museums (49%) are open seven days a week. Following the examination of the seasonable opening of the museums in conjunction with visitor numbers, it is suggested that most of them function during summer and fall3 the months that are characterized as those of big tourist trade. Thus, it is obvious that museums in Greece, even the regional ones, are regarded as tourist traps. Given these figures, a key outcome is that local museums present an ameliorated function in conjunction with previous researches in this field, like the one conducted by the National Centre of Social Research. In this research, the occasional opening of the museums was obvious, since the percentage of local folk life museums that were operating occasionally in 1979 was 48,35%, while in the present research the percentage reached 23,5%, (see Gizelis et al., 1979: 44-45). 2.3 Typology of collections of local museums and their collections care Another section being researched in the questionnaire concerned the type of material of the basic collection and the ways of its development and management. The survey proved that across the country there are stark examples of local museums, the majority of which (51%) hold collections of historical and ethnographical objects and 96.1% of respondents reported that the geographical origin of the collection is local. These findings confirm the role that local museums are expected to play, that is to protect and enhance the area’s environment and heritage, to portray distinctive ways of the past life of the community, as well as themes directly related to the present life. Museums were also asked to consider their policies in respect of collections development. In response to the documentation of the collections, 72,5% responded that the collections were documented, while a significantly smaller percentage (27,5%) said that they were not5 In the same frame, museums were also asked to state whether they adhere to acquisition policies agreed by the governing body. The majority of museums (84,4%) reported that they don’t have a special policy document. As suggested above, the absence of agreed procedures concerning an acquisition policy might be related to various factors. Three can be traced as the most important: a) in Greece up to 2011 there was no accreditation scheme, which compelled museums to collect according to detailed, published policies that state clearly what, how and why the institution collects, b) the majority of the Greek local museums are established under individual initiative, so there was no strategic planning for their sustainability, and c) in the past an acquisition policy document was not set out as a minimum standard that these kinds of institutions should meet, in order to be accredited as museums. The recent new Act (2385/ 26-10-2011) relating to the accreditation of museums aims to promote all the necessary measurements that will assure that museums meet established criteria. 2.4 Museums income One aim of the survey was to identify which is the basic source of income of local museums. According to Neil Kotler & Philip Kotler (1998, 296), sources of fundraising for museums may


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derive from four basic categories: 1) individual givers, 2) foundations, 3) corporations and 4) government grants. Results suggested that 21,60% is funded by local authority, while the same rate applies for funding by the Ministry of Culture. Almost one third (31,40%) said that the main basic source of income derives from sponsorships, while 29,40% mentioned donations. Nearly 20% stated that its basic income derives from the museum shop. The same study concluded that there is no sufficient income being raised by research programmes or by other resources, (7,80%), while almost 10% said that it had no records available. The survey covered the admission charges. It is notable that almost half of the museums (41,20%) offered free admission and the average charge for it was 2 euros. 3 SWOT ANALYSIS A SWOT analysis was also developed from data derived from the survey. This analysis is in the basis for the development of goals and future strategies, so it can be a useful tool that local museums can use in order to identify their opportunities, threats, strengths and weaknesses. By defining the internal and external factors that affect their performance, local museums can use this information to set institutional goals (Lord & Lord, 2001: 44). According to the research, local museums’ diversity and capillarity, good pricing policy, publications and leaflets in foreign languages can be recorded as their greatest strengths. The findings suggest that the most important opportunity is local museums to meet visitors’ expectations regarding a range of facilities and services in the area of education, information and entertainment. Furthermore, new governance models and healthy funding streams can contribute to their regeneration, as most of them are governed without clear organizational purpose. Their wellbeing can be also achieved if they launch activities in order to attract a diverse audience, such as families, older people, schools etc. Greater efforts must be made to reach local population. This approach will be a good opportunity, especially for small museums, -being free from the limitations imposed on big national museums (Davis, 2011; 45)-, which can develop new ways to work closer with their communities. The design of specific educational programs, conducting tours, loan boxes and conversations within communities about specific issues are few examples that can lead to the modernization of local museum’s agenda (see Dodd & Sandell, 1998; Peers & Brown, 2007). Thus, inclusive processes are necessary to enable local museums to break down the barriers which are erected between them and the public, to empower local communities, to encourage greater use of their collections and services and to make statements about local identity and local distinctiveness. While the engagement of local community is fundamental, it is important to stress that it asks for an equal relationship between museums and local communities rather than a superficial involvement. On the other hand, local museums face significant weaknesses. An important one is the instability of various legal and administrative areas observed. It is notable that the composition of most museums’ governing bodies is determined by personal choices of the owners (municipality, private organizations, local associations etc). The absence of a director and of a legal act of establishment hinders their operation just as well. Furthermore, most local museums do not depend on substantial resources and funding, as a result they suffer from a considerable uncertainty that affects their operation. This uncertainty is also enhanced by the lack of strategic planning for seeking external funding in order to meet their needs. Another weakness that local museums anticipate is their inefficient building construction, as most of them are located in period buildings. These old edifices make even more difficult the task of renovation of museums according to the current museological standards, so it is not surprising that most of them lack rooms for educational activities, refreshment facilities, or rooms for temporary exhibitions. The quantitative findings also suggest that their visitation is clearly affected by the fact that a great percentage is open to the public during the touristic period (mainly during summer). The seasonal museum operation can negatively affect not only their annual visitation but also the way local people feel about their museum within the community. It can be assumed that for local people, local museums can be a projection to outsiders, rather than a vital part of their local life. It can be also claimed that there are serious threats local museums have to deal with. The policy of local museums to attract mass tourism can be a serious threat to their sustainable development. Even though mass tourism, in its wider sense, is a form of cultural tourism (De Blavia,

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1998; 22), unlike the latter, it serves tourists that seek sun, sea and sand. On the other hand, cultural tourism places emphasis on heritage, taking the form of visits to museums, among other activities. Finally, the dearth of specialized staff and clear governance model aligned with the purpose of the organization (Dwyer et al, 2000) are responsible for many problems anticipated by local museums. 4 THE NAUTICAL MUSEUM OF GALAXIDI: PILOT VISITOR SURVEY The relationship between museums and their audience is a developing field worldwide. Many museums today are reviewing the ways they are thinking about visitors by undertaking innovative research into visitor experiences and learning issues. Unfortunately, in Greece, research projects on museum visitors are not widespread. As a result, there is a lack of knowledge about the general characteristics of visitors in Greek museums and, in particular, in local museums. With this in mind, a pilot research was undertaken at the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi. Galaxidi is a small town with a population of about 3000 residents. This population is usually increased during the peak summer holiday season due to Galaxidi’s proximity to other heritage attractions (archaeological site and museum of Delphoi) and to the fact that is situated by the sea. Galaxidi has a long naval history, as it was one of the greatest ports and trade centers of the 18th and 19th century. Its cultural tradition, in combination with the fact that tourism industry is increasing in the area, emerged as the key elements in order to conduct a pilot visitor survey about the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi. The Nautical Museum is established in a well preserved house, which was built in 1868-1870 and used to host a boarding school and later the town’s city hall. The idea of a local museum, which was founded in 1928, belonged to doctor Efthimios Vlantis, descendant of a naval family and mayor of Galaxidi. The museum celebrates Galaxidi’s long history as a centre of sea trade and industry. Therefore, the collection consists of paintings, sailing ships, nautical instruments and figureheads. In 1932 the Archaeological Collection of Galaxidi was created, hitherto housed in the building of the Nautical Museum. The museum today belongs to the Municipality of Delphoi and is funded by it. The survey conducted in 2007, to a sample of 50 people, both local inhabitants and tourists, as the quality of its collections and its proximity to tourists routes may have attracted, as Davis suggests, a different audience (Davis, 2011; 36). The survey sought to uncover information about visitors, such as demographics and leisure habits, as well as their perception of the museum and the reasons for visiting. It also aimed at identifying if respondents have also visited other heritage attractions in the area as well as the money they have spent, during their staying in Galaxidi. The findings of the survey suggest that the majority of Nautical Museum’s visitors (89,8%) are not residents of Galaxidi town or of the county in general. Furthermore, the pilot survey revealed that within the visitors the percentage of women (69,9%) was higher than that of men (30%). The majority of museum audience is aged between 27-35 (34,7%) and the 24.5%, of the respondents follows who were aged between 36-45 years old. Only a small percentage of visitors (4,1%), was aged over 61 and relatively small was also the percentage of visitors aged between 16-18 (10,2%) and 19-26 (12,2%) years old. These findings confirm similar findings from other surveys conducted abroad, which suggested that the majority of museum visitors are aged between 35-59 years old (Merriman, 1991: 64). The survey also suggested that the Ȃuseum attracts visitors with high educational status, since the 65,3% of the respondents had finished the full time education. One third of museum visitors has finished the secondary school, whilst only 6,1% of the respondents are graduates of the primary school. Another scope of the pilot survey was to investigate in which ways people prefer to explore the past. The respondents were asked to indicate the best way of finding out facts about local history. From the answers to this question it is obvious that there is a clear correlation between museums and learning about the past. 42% of the respondents felt that museums are the best medium to explore the local past, whilst 24% indicated reading a book on local history as the best method and 20% considered a trip to the county as a good way to obtain information on local history.


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In order to understand annual frequency of museum visiting in general, respondents were asked to indicate when they last went to a museum within the last 12 months and whether they have visited another cultural area within the county. The survey showed that 50% of the respondents claimed to have visited museums 5 to 10 times per year, almost a half (40%) 2 to 4 times per year, 28% at least once a year, whilst only 4% of the respondents answered that does not visit museums, except for their current visit to the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi. The frequency of museum visitation is positively surprising, but one way behind it is a rather high educational status of the audience. The replies to the particular question must be combined with the responses to a question, aimed at exploring the visiting patterns of the audience. For that reason, visitors were asked to indicate whether they have visited Delphoi area, one of the most important cultural areas worldwide, or other cultural places of the county. 66% of the respondents answered that they have visited Delphoi, while 53% answered that they have been to other cultural places of the area. The study also examined the specific reasons for visiting the Nautical Museum. The answers to the question varied, however a substantial proportion of the people (44%) visited the museum as part of their sightseeing of the town. Reasons for visiting the Nautical Museum were also attributed to the museum’s positive reputation (16%), professional interest in its subject matter (12%), while 10% answered that they had no motivation for visiting the museum and casual reasons, such as passing by, were given. The important conclusion, arising from these statistics, is that most people who visited the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi did so due to their personal interest not only in museums but in r cultural attractions in general. This interest is confirmed by the frequency of visits to other museums and heritage places of the area. In this sense, the Nautical Museum of Galaxidi could be associated with other main attractions of the county in order to form a network of heritage institutions which will improve their status through collaboration, as well as their cultural and socioeconomic value. These findings could forward further research in order to better understand the tourists’ diverse imaginings, association with places and perceptions of authenticity, which could be a useful information not only for the museums of the region but also generally for the development of the tourism (Prentice, 2001: 12). 5 FUTURE PERSPECTIVES The museums and in general the cultural sector of a region is undoubtedly a fundamental regional fund, which integrates meanings, symbols and expressions (symbolic capital). In this context, the aforementioned should be accredited and enhanced in order local museums to maintain their sustainability. This will be achieved in the framework of a holistic regional strategy that will incorporate all the existing funds. On the 2nd of May, 2007, the EU members States’ Ministers, responsible for urban development, agreed upon common principles and strategies for urban development policy. This agreement has been depicted on a document entitled “Leipzig Charter on Sustainable European Cities” (http://www.eukn.org/E_library/Urban_Policy/Leipzig_Charter_on_Sustainable_European_Citi es). In this text, the recommendations for European cities focus on the drawing up of an integrated urban development programme for the city as a whole, creating a vision for the city and involving citizens and other partners who can contribute substantially to shaping the future economic, social, cultural and environmental quality of each area. According to the Greek law 3028/28-06-2002 “On the protection of antiquities and cultural heritage in general”, the protection of Greek cultural heritage is included in the goals of all kinds of land lay out, developmental environmental and urban planning. In addition, a new law is recently passed (2385/26-10-2011) “On the establishment and registration scheme of museums” which states that any institution that wishes to be registered as a museum should be assessed by the Ministry of Culture every 5 years, based on some professional standards, such as a well defined policy for its establishment, function and mission, a clear acquisition and disposal policy, an acceptable provision for the care of the collections, the premises of the institution and the personnel, as well as a good communication strategy.

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Obviously, it is very difficult for every local museum to meet the new law’s requirements. It could only be achieved if the regional authorities take initiatives to network all the museums of their regions and incorporate them into their developmental and urban plans. An example of good practice concerning such networks is referred to in “Florina’s Museums Network” (Karantoni et al, 2010). A challenge that local societies are facing nowadays is the need for networking and collaborating at the international level, aiming at maintenance of cultural diversity and urban sustainable development. These networks may define the required standards and good practices for the local museums’ sustainability and could offer to their members the added value resulting from the common knowledge management and the international impact of their actions. An indicative example is Alliance of European Cultural Cities (AVEC) (www.avecnet net). It is recommended that museums should network with not only the regional authorities, but also with the academic institutions so as to have access to the research innovation and technological development and to be a fundamental part of the emerging society of economy and knowledge in Greece. ACKNOWLEDGMENT We would like to thank Helen Zikova for having the linguistic editing of this paper. ENDNOTES 1

It is important to exclude from these figures the visitors to the New Acropolis Museum which summons around the 43% of the total visitation of Greek museums (Doxanaki 2011, 288). 2 State local museums have a very specific governing and funding pattern that defines their function (Voudouri, 2003: 317-350). 3 However, although included in the new ICOM definition of the museum, zoos, science centers, libraries, planetariums etc. were intentionally excluded from the targeted institutions. 4 Concerning their annual coverage, in terms of the months when they are open, it is evident that most of them (85%) are open to public during summer and the first months of fall, while only 54.9% are open during winter. 5 Lack of documentation provision within the folklore/ethnological museums in Greece is evident in the research carried out by the Greek Department of ICOM Committee, the Sector of Folk life Culture of the Ministry of Culture and the University of Patras in 1996-1997, which aimed at recording the condition of collections’ documentation. The research which was implemented in the frame of the research program Ethnomuseum/net for the diffusion of the know how for documenting ethnographic objects, concluded that among the 180 Folklore and Ethnographic museums and collections which participated in it, 25% did not document the collections (Theologi-Gouti, 2004: 258).

REFERENCES Ambrose, T. & Paine, C. 1993. Museum basics. Routledge: UK. Antzoulatou Retsila, E. 1987. The justification of museography in collections of local memory and prudence: The case of the Folklore Museum of Arta. In ICOM (ed.), Proceedings of the 1st meeting of museology The museum in contemporary society, Athens 29-31 October 1984: 198-202. Athens: ICOM. (In Greek). Bounia, A. 2004. Museums as cultural industries. Aspects and thoughts. A preliminary discussion. In Vernikos, N. et al. (ed.), Cultural industries. Procedures, services, goods: 39-58. Athens: Kritiki. (In Greek). Capstick, B. 1985. Museums and tourism. The International Journal of Museum Management and Curatorship 4: 365-372. Davis, P. 2007. Place exploration: museums, identity, community. In Watson, S. (ed.), Museums and their communities 53-75. London: Routledge. Davis, P. 2011(2nd edition). Ecomuseums. A sense of place. London: Continuum International Publishing Group. De Blavia, G. 1998. The museum as mediator. Museum International no. 200 vol. 50, no. 4: 21-26.


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Dodd, J. & Sandell, R., 1998. Building bridges. Guidance for museums and galleries on developing new audiences. London: Museums and Galleries Commission. Doxanaki, A. 2011. Archaeological museums in Athens and their communication with the public. Unpublished PhD thesis in the Department of Museum Studies of the University of Athens. Athens: University of Athens. Drysdale, L. 1990. A world of learning university collections in Scotland. Scottish Museum Council: HMSO. Dwyer, L. et al. 2000. A framework for assessing “tangible” and “intangible” impacts of events and conventions. Event Management 6: 175-189. Gizelis, G. et al. 1979. Organization and locality. Survey of the Greek folklife studies. Museums and Collections vol. A. Athens: National Centre of Sociological Researches. (In Greek). Hatzinikolaou, P. 2001. Local museums of modern Greek culture. Aspects and problems. In Ministry of Aegean (ed.), 1st meeting of culture and tourism. Museums in the islands of the Aegean Sea; Proceedings of the Conference, 18-20 of October 2000: 27-32. Cultural Center of the Municipality of Ermoupolis. Hooper-Greenhill, E. 1995. Museum, media, message. London: Routledge. Karantoni, E., Papaioannou, S.O.& Panagiaris, G. 2010. Florina’s museums network: folklore heritage as mean of preservation and promotion of cultural diversity and multiculturalism. International Practical Seminar/Conference Cultural diversity Cultural Heritage and Tourism Areas, Riga, Latvia, 16-17 November 2010 (post prints in press). Kates, R.W., Parris, M.T., & Leiserowitz, A. 2005. What is sustainable development? Goals, indicators, values and practice. Environment Science and Policy 47(3): 8-21. Katopodis, S. 1997. The historical cultural tourism as an alternative aspect of tourism. Applicability in Leukada island. In Society of Studies of Leukada (ed.). Proceedings of 1st symposium; Local tradition and cultural tourism, 9-11 August 1996. 37-39. Athens: Cultural Centre of municipality of Leukada. Kotler, G.N., &, Kotler, P., 1998. Museum strategy and marketing. Designing missions, building audiences, generating revenue & resources. Jossey-Bass Publishers: San Francisco. Lord, D.G. & Lord, B. 2001. The manual of museum planning (2nd edition). London: The Stationery Office. Mercer, C., 2004. Museum impact assessment. A practical guide. MLA: Renaissance South West. Merriman, N. 1991. Beyond the glass case. The past, the heritage and the public. London: UCL Institute of Archaeology. Moore, K. 1997. Museums and popular culture. Leicester: Leicester University Press. Myerscough, J. 1998. The economic importance of the arts in Great Britain. London: Policy Studies Institute. O’Brien, J. & Feist, A. 1995. Employment in the arts and cultural industries. An analysis of the 1991 Census, ACE Report No.2. London: Arts Council of England. Pachaki, K. et al. 2000. Culture as a part of the economic activity. Athens: KEPE. (In Greek). Paraskeuopoloulos, I. 1993. Research methodology in social sciences vol. B. Athens. (In Greek). Pavlogeorgatos, G. & Konstantzoglou, M. 2004. Cultural tourism. The case of Greece. In Vernikos, N. et al. (ed.). Cultural industries. Procedures, services, goods. 59-84. Athens: Kritiki. Peers, L. & Brown, A.K. 2007. Museums and source communities. In Watson, S. (ed.), Museums and their communities: 519-537. London: Routledge. Plaza, B. 2006. The return on investment of the Guggenheim Museum Bilbao. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 30.2, June: 452-467. Prentice, R. 2005. Heritage: A key sector in the “new tourism”. In Corsane, G. (ed.). Heritage, museums and galleries. An introductory reader. 243-256. London: Routledge. Prentice, R., 2001. Experiential Cultural Tourism: Museums & the Marketing of the New Romanticism of Evoked Authenticity. Museum Management and Curatorship, 19.1: 5-26. Prince, D. & Higgins, B. 1986. Museums UK The findings of the museum data-base project. UK: Prince Research consultant Limited for Leicestershire Museums, Arts and Record Services. Reeves, M. 2002. Measuring the economic impact of arts ǹ review. UK: Art Council of England. Resource, 2001. Renaissance in the regions A new vision for England s museums. Available at the website: http://www.museumsassociation.org/download?id=12190 (last visit: 14/02/2012). Richards, G. 1996. Cultural tourism in Europe. CABI: Wallingford. Salazar, N. B. 2012. Community-based cultural tourism: issues, threats and opportunities. Journal of Sustainable Tourism. Vol. 20, No. 1: 9-22. Sdrali, D. & Chazapi, K. 2007. Cultural tourism in a Greek insular community: the residents’ perspective. Tourismos An International Multidisciplinary Journal of Tourism, Vol. 2, No. 2: 61-75. Stylianou-Lambert, Theopisti. 2011. Gazing from home: cultural tourism and art museums. Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 38, No. 2: 403-421.

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Theologi-Gouti, P. 2004. The museum documentation in the modern ethnological museum”. In Lekka, F. & Komporozos, P. (ed.). Approaches to the Cultural History and the Museum Horizon of Semimountainous Community of Thessaly Portitsa. 257-258. Athens: Metaichmio editions. (In Greek). Tsaravopoulos, A. 1985. The Greek regional museum. Horos 3: 149-178. (In Greek). Vlachou, E. & Demestiha S., 2006. The Museums Network Model of the Piraeus Bank Group Cultural Foundation, In ERSA conference papers ersa06p941, European Regional Science Association.Voudouri, D. 2003. State, museums and statutory frame of the archaeological museums. Athens: Sakkoulas. (In Greek).


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Development plans for Sremski Karlovci based on historical and cultural heritage exploitation D. Ĉukanoviü University of Novi Sad, Faculty of Technical Sciences, Department of Architecture and Urbanism, Novi Sad, Vojvodina, Serbia

ABSTRACT: Historical and cultural heritage exploitation is being recognized as the principle factor of development of the historic town of Sremski Karlovci, Serbia. The Law on Development and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was enacted in 1991. A number of projects supposed to reveal its beauty, tradition, culture and spirituality have been implemented since then. Nevertheless, the town remains only moderately developed. The primary reasons for the lacklustre results of tourist development of Sremski Karlovci recognized in the research are the choice of an inappropriate method of presentation of cultural monuments and insufficient involvement by the local people. Further reasons considered in the study are: poor utilization of the surrounding area, a lack of tourism management and a lack of investment policies in heritage conservation. The insights provided in this research, conducted primarily through personal interviews with visitors and locals, can benefit the town management in defining ways to improve development plans by making a re-appraisal of its historical and cultural heritage.

1 CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A SOUND BASIS FOR DEVELOPMENT

1.1 The aim of this research The aim of this research, that considers the case of the historic town of Sremski Karlovci, is to propose how development plans may be improved on the basis of a re-appraisal of the town’s cultural heritage. The research departs from the assumption that cultural heritage may be used as a sound basis for the development of a municipal zone. The municipality of Sremski Karlovici is defined as a cultural and historical site and a natural treasure in the Law on Cultural and Natural Resources of the Republic of Serbia. With its distinguished character, urban, cultural and historical identity originating from its multinational surroundings, specific local attributes and natural beauties, this town is already a well known tourist destination within Serbia. However, it could be much more. Historical and cultural heritage exploitation has been recognized as the main factor of local development. A special Law on Development and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was enacted in 1991. Nevertheless, despite the potential that such heritage evidently affords for local development, and despite a number of projects implemented in the past decades with the aim to reveal its beauty, tradition, culture and spirituality, the town remains only moderately developed. The specific task of this study is to suggest possible ways for establishing cooperation between various stakeholders, such as the local community management, institutions involved in protection, conservation and presentation of the heritage, tourist organizations as well as producers of tourist attractions of any kind. The aims of this cooperation would be: to develop tourism and create consumption benefits for tourists on heritage sites, to utilize the historical and cultural heritage and present it to the public in an attractive way, to manage it in everyday life,

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to utilise it for the local community benefits in the broadest meaning of the word, and to achieve the best possible economic results for the municipality. 1.2 About Sremski Karlovci The town of Sremski Karlovci is the centre of one of 12 municipalities of the South-Baþka District in the Autonomous Province (AP) of Vojvodina. It is one of the most developed districts in Serbia. With less than 9.000 inhabitants Sremski Karlovci is ethnically mixed1, just as the entire area of the District. Geographically, the town is situated in the northern Srem and extends along the right hand bank of the river Danube on one side, and northern slopes of the Fruška Gora Mountain National park on the other. Sremski Karlovci is located between the the two largest cities in Serbia, the capital Belgrade and Novi Sad, the seat of the autonomous province of Vojvodina. The area which the municipality covers is one of the smallest but also one of the most important administrative territories in the Republic, due to its rich history and cultural significance. It takes an outstanding position within the overall cultural and historical heritage of Serbia. The history of this region has been marked by constant political turmoil and military conflicts, changes of rulers, and frequent migrations of people. During its history, the town often changed sovereigns. Initially, it was part of the Medieval Srem County in the Hungarian Kingdom. It became part of the Sanjak of Srem during the Ottoman rule (1541-1699) and belonged to the Srem County within the Habsburg Monarchy (from 1745 to 1918) . One of the most important events in the modern history of Europe took place in Sremski Karlovci: the signing of the Treaty of Karlowitz in 1699 between the Holy League2 on one side and the Ottoman Empire on the other side. Since the beginning of the 18th century, Sremski Karlovci has become a kind of Serbian spiritual and cultural centre, being the most important hub of religion, culture and learning of the Serbs in Vojvodina. The town had a significant role in the spread of cultural influences and establishment of relations with the Serbian people outside the Habsburg Monarchy. Despite the destruction and disappearance of many material proofs of the past during the town`s turbulent history, numerous cultural and historic monuments are still present as testimonies of former life in this area. Most of the preserved cultural monuments in Sremski Karlovci date back to its more recent history, i.e. to the period from the 17th century up to the present. The Old Core of Sremski Karlovci which comprises twelve historic monuments – cultural assets of the highest national value3 – was declared a Spatial Cultural and Historical Site. In close proximity of the town, there is the Fruška gora National Park, with a group of sixteen Orthodox monasteries from the late Middle Ages that reached their prime during the 17th and 18th century. Permanent and temporary exhibitions operate within several local museums and galleries showing objects from the archaeological, historical, ethnological and artistic collections.4

Figures 1.and 2. View of the church towers and the main square of Sremski Karlovci.


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Figures 3 and 4. The Patriarchy residence – the seat of the Orthodox bishop of Srem and the Orthodox cathedral

Figures 5 and 6. The Theological Orthodox School and the Chapel of Peace, the Peace Treaty of Karlovci memorial building.

Figures 7 and 8. The Grammar School in Sremski Karlovci – the oldest Serbian high school and the Fountain “The Four Lions”

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Figures 9 and 10. One of the oldest wine cellars in Sremski Karlovci and the museum of beekeeping.

The region of Sremski Karlovci is famous for its hundreds of acres of vineyards and wineries some of which are nearly 200 years old. The most famous traditional wine of the region is called Bermet.5 It was declared a protected brand of Serbia by the Ministry of Agriculture in 2007. In addition to the Institute for Wine and Fruit Production Cellar and the Patriarchy Cellar, there are 23 other wine cellars run by local families engaged in wine tourism. When they open their wine cellars (some of them dug deeply into the hillside in the 18th or 19th centuries) and offer wine tasting, they promote not only local wines but also the culture of wine production and consumption. Among others the most distinctive is the Wine cellar Živanoviü which houses the Museum of Beekeeping. As a result of continued efforts to improve tourist attractions, a number of annual and weekly events6 were introduced and became traditional and well known all over the country and even abroad. The concept of these events is based on promotion of culture and tradition through such events as sales exhibitions of flowers and plants, honey and bee products, wine, souvenirs and products of the old crafts, and through art exhibitions, performances, concerts, literary events, etc. 1.3 Earlier attempts to protect, present and promote heritage, to reveal the hidden treasures and to improve the tourist attractions The town’s beauty and various attractions are well known and its potential potential for tourist development is evident. However, despite the fact that heritage exploitation was recognized as the main factor of local development, cultural tourism in Sremski Karlovci had been almost completely neglected until the 1990s. A reversal occurred in 1991 when the Law on Development and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci was passed by the Parliament of the Republic of Serbia. According to this unique law, the development and revitalization of the town and its cultural assets had to be financed directly from the state budget to an approximate annual amount of around 1.000.000 €. The Parliament appointed a committee with a task to monitor the implementation of the Law. During the years to follow significant projects were undertaken on the preservation and revitalization of individual monuments and shaping of the urban character of the town. In 1993, an expert panel was formed, charged with a task to define the ways of preservation, revitalization and urban renewal of Sremski Karlovi.7 The efforts of the panel were focused on the creation and implementation of a new approach to protection of heritage which treated the territory of Sremski Karlovci as a historical and cultural landscape. The panel’s approach was based on stable financing of the projects and resulted in a flourishing town development. Unfortunately, the implementation of the Law expert panel’s approach lasted only for five years. In the years of turbulent political crisis in Serbia, the activities of the expert panel were suspended until 2003 when a new long term program of renewal and revitalization of architectural and landscape heritage of Sremski Karlovi was created. However, the provisions of the Law that ensured project funding from the state budget were abrogated, which caused a cessation of the long-planned revitalization of the town. The Law on Development and Revitaliza-


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tion of Sremski Karlovci is still in force, but without regular funding provided therein, the renewal and revitalization projects are sporadic and fragmented. The municipality of Sremski Karlovci has been involved in most of the regional and international projects implemented in Vojvodina during the last few decades: − In 1999 Serbia organized a celebration of 300 years of the Treaty of Karlowitz. The celebration brought to the town the highest diplomatic representatives of all countries that participated in the signing of the Treaty in 1699. − 210 years from the foundation of the Karlovci`s Grammar School was celebrated in 2001. − In the framework of the project based on regional development cooperation, an agreement entitled Italian Negotiated Programming in Serbia (I.Ne.P.S.) was signed between Italy and Serbia in 2005. During the following three years a segment of the project related to design of development plans based on an appraisal of the cultural heritage. Through the creation and promotion of itineraries of cultural tourism in the South Baþka District, some isolated cultural monuments within smaller territorial units of the District were selected. Sremski Karlovci, with its distinguished character, was chosen to be a focal point for one of the four suggested cultural tours. It was made an important component of the so called “Diffused Museum” that was planned to be promoted. The realisation of this project demonstrated that architectural and artistic heritage represents an excellent foundation for the development (not just cultural but also economic) of a zone boasting of a rich history, culture and tradition. (Ĉukanoviü, 2010.) − The central event of the celebration of 250 years of the erection of the Orthodox Cathedral was held in Sremski Karlovci in May 2011. − The central event of the 2011 European Heritage Days entitled The Treasury of European Heritage - integrative protection of the cultural and natural heritage was also held in this town. 1.4 Pros & Cons - Implementation of the Project A thorough field research was conducted within the scope of the project, primarily through personal interviews with visitors and locals, and the results were used to analyse the supply and demand trends in the field of tourism. The results of previous touristic analysis conducted between 2005 and 2008 within I.Ne.P.S. were used as the basis for this study. (Ĉukanoviü, 2010.) According to these results, the tourist resort of Sremski Karlovci has distinct advantages consisting in its very good geographic location (the Danube river and Corridors 7 & 10), diverse ethnic structure, rich cultural and historical heritage, a revival of traditional arts and crafts, and the culture of grape growing. To this may be added the presence of several cultural institutions in it, its recognisable tourist products and events, and finally, the fact that it is situated in one of the economically most developed districts. Unfortunately, the town still suffers from inadequate protection and utilisation of heritage and a lack of legislative regulation. It requires more investment into the tourist sector and cultural protection and promotion. Insufficient cooperation between local stakeholders, such as local government, cultural institutions and tourist organizations, shortage of quality accommodation, a bad system of environment protection control, poor involvement of local people, mass movement of population to cities, and aging population are all recognized as its disadvantages. During the last few decades, and especially after the uprise of cultural tourism in the early nineties, the utilisation of cultural heritage, events, tradition and integrated tourist products and attractions, have been recognized as factors that will provide job stability and security and a chance for economic development of the municipality. Since then, the directions and trends of local development have been largely determined by a growing awareness of the need for environmental protection, and a growing trend towards nature and rural tourism. The common interests and goals have been defined for heritage, culture, crafts, agriculture and tourist sectors, and all this has coincided with an increasing number of foreign tourists in Serbia.

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2 HERITAGE EXPLOITATION IN LIGHT OF RESEARCH ON THE INSUFFICIENT CONSUMPTION OF THE TOURIST OFFER

2.1 Theoretical background A key feature of postmodernism is that the lines between high and popular culture are gone or at least beginning to fade (Jameson, 1988). A cultural change is taking place that leads away from the current globalization toward a more regional orientation as a typical paradox of postmodern society (Bechleitner & Zins, 1999). Based on such trends, contemporary consumption of heritage is determined by the consumers’ desire for authenticity, identification with regional culture and its products, and perception of self. The modern presentation of heritage services are therefore necessarily involved in the process of motivating individual reactions and experiences (Goulding, 1999). Results of the survey conducted through a general enquiry with visitors and locals in Sremski Karlovci were analyzed in light of six categories of the potential benefits of heritage (derived from a research conducted at one of the most significant and popular heritage sites in Pennsylvania, US): knowledge, escape route to the free area of the past and fantasies, aesthetic value as an appealing aspect of visitor`s experience, connection with the past, valuation of origins, and identification with the moral values of the past. (Chronis & Hampton, 2006) 2.2 The Research Results The main reasons for the insufficient consumption of the tourist offer of Sremski Karlovci recognized in the research are the choice of an inappropriate method of presentation of cultural monuments and insufficient involvement by the local people. Further reasons to consider are: poor utilization of the surrounding area and of the proximity of two big cities, a lack of tourism management and a lack of investment policies in heritage conservation. 2.2.1 An inappropriate choice of the method of presentation of cultural monuments Because of very bad condition in which cultural monuments of Sremski Karlovci were found conservation efforts conducted in the last few decades mostly concentrated on their technical and technological protection and preservation. Much less attention was paid to their presentation. Heritage management was mostly neglected. Moreover, there has been no coordination between owners or institutions that manage individual monuments, tourist organizations and local government. This resulted in a total lack of permanent and coordinated tourist offers. Significant progress has been made only in the publishing activity. In the past decade dozens of books, tourist maps and other written material promoting the values of Sremski Karlovci have been published. 2.2.2 An insufficient involvement of the local people Since 1980s, a policy of fostering cultural tourism in rural areas and using it for improving the quality of life of the local people has become common in European countries. The analysis following the survey conducted among locals in Sremski Karlovci shows that local people are insufficiently involved in the supply of the town’s tourist offer. A positive trend in the involvement of locals is evident only in the field of presentation and promotion of family run wine cellars. In some cases two or three generations are involved in the family business that comprises (besides cultivation of wine) an offer of guided wine and food tasting cellar tours. The initiative to organize a summer camp for school children from abroad that has originated from a family run business, is also worth mentioning. 2.2.3 Poor utilization of the surrounding area The geographic advantages, such as the excellent location on the river Danube, the proximity of the two largest cities in Serbia and of the crossroad between two European corridors, are also not used to promote the prosperity of Sremski Karlovci. There is no river port in the town although its construction has been planned for at least two decades. The bad condition of local roads and railways significantly affects the reduced number of visitors. Links with the artrelated offer in the neighboring historic locations are adversely affected, as well.


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2.2.4 A lack of tourism management and investment policies in heritage conservation During the last few decades, heritage conservation and presentation projects were financed by the local government from its own funds, or from the funds of the Serbian state or international funds. Only during the short period of application of the original Law on Development and Revitalization of Sremski Karlovci stable financing was provided. Since then, sporadic funding, project by project, has been provided, but it has not been a stable base for the implementation of the development plans. Moreover, a lack of tourism management is evident. The historic monuments are not used for any form of revenue generation, not even to support their own keeping. No fees are charged, not even for the entry to monuments in Sremski Karlovci. Considering that there are about 100000 visitors at the annual wine festival, charging tickets in the value of only 1€ for a visit to a monument would represent a significant contribution to local funds. A prerequisite for this is that during the event all the monuments are open and accessible all day long, which has not been the case so far. The disorganization of the tourist offer as well as the poor cooperation between local authorities, owners of the monuments and tourist organizations, indicate a lack of good management and policies in the field of tourism. 3 EXPECTED RESULTS OF THE RESEARCH PROJECT – THEIR IMPACT ON IMPROVING THE HERITAGE CONSUMPTION The conclusions drawn from the analysis of the survey conducted among visitors and the locals are used as a basis from which to identify criterions that have a significant impact on improving the heritage consumption: − The role of the monument in presenting the most important cultural values of the nation and the whole region determines an acceptable modality for the presentation of the monument fund. − The new concept of town planning should be applied with the aim to design an important cultural centre which will become a regional attraction with numerous additional tourist offers and possibilities. − Strong local and regional support is needed in all activities related to the promotion of the monument fund and its place in the overall tourist offer. − Stable cooperation should be established between the municipality, religious and cultural institutions, institutions charged with the protection of monuments and tourist organizations in order to promote cultural resources through tourism. − Choice of appropriate presentation of cultural assets and other historical monuments should be made aimed at creating a tourist offer that will attract people to leave their normal place of residence to satisfy their cultural needs. − Presentation of the heritage, events and other attractions of the zone should be planned in detail for the whole offer, under the auspices of the local government, in such manner to open the possibilities for individual choice of places and events to be visited, and to allow leisure time planning for each individual visit. 3.1 Increasing the production of heritage attractions An increase in the production of heritage attractions based upon the evaluation of a large number of cultural resources follows trends oriented towards the production of experiences for consumers. As it has been already emphasized, the choice of appropriate presentation is essential. Authentic and unique offers presented under a new concept, with original idea and contemporary design, will enable heritage to become a tourist attraction. 3.2 Establishing a system of heritage attractions If heritage attractions are to have a positive economic effect their acceptance by the tourists may not come into question. Cultural exhibition tourism has its inner structural laws on which the effects of its acceptance have to rely. The acceptance of the exhibition/attraction results from the authenticity and uniqueness of the product offer and from support rendered to it by the exhibition/attraction management on the local and regional level; a management responsible for the

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idea and concept, for the design and the supply of the relevant infrastructure, as well as the accompanying customer service is needed. (Bechleitner & Zins, 1999) For that purpose, cultural management should be given an essential role in establishing cooperation between municipality government, owners and different institutions on the local level. It should also be given prime responsibility for meeting the demands and the common goals on a regional basis. Only in this way the system of heritage attractions may be established. 3.3 Connecting with the surrounding territories Achieving a better connection with cultural sites dispersed all over the remaining territories will increase the number of attractions and facilitate establishing a system of heritage attractions. All the cultural sites planed to be in the tourist system should be valorized as possible attractions for the purposes of tourism. 3.4 Connecting with the neighbouring cities One of the most important tasks for the future is to achieve good transport connections with the neighboring cities to increase the number of visitors. Belgrade with about 2 million inhabitants is about 50km away. Novi Sad is just 15km away. Most of its 400.000 inhabitants have a distinct sense of identity with the spirit, history, architecture and cultural heritage of Sremski Karlovci. According to recent data almost 700.000 foreign tourists visited Serbia last year. Most of them stayed in Belgrade. Ship visits to Serbia bring about 80.000 foreign tourists each year. More than 400 ships dock at Novi Sad, Belgrade and a few other nearby ports. If there were a port in Sremski Karlovci, those tourists could visit various destinations in and around Sremski Karlovci and enjoy its sights. 3.5 Conclusion In order to develop tourism and make a better use of the cultural heritage, it is necessary to redesign the Development Plan of the zone and regularly adapt it to contemporary trends of supply and demand in the field of cultural tourism. The prerequisites for better utilization of cultural heritage are defined in this research with the aim to increase the consumption of heritage attractions. The implementation of a redesigned Development Plan by the local municipality is expected to yield further benefits and have the following concrete results with direct impact: On economy − Increased number of visitors, accompanied by increased use of tourist-related services − Development of small reception facilities − New small enterprises operating in the field of tourism and culture related services On community − Improvement of the quality of life − A higher level of identity of the local people with their cultural heritage − A higher degree of regional identification of Sremski Karlovci The results of this research will have another particular application, i.e. they will be used in elaboration of the initiative of the city of Novi Sad to run for the European Capital of Culture 2020. The municipality of Sremski Karlovci joined the initiative as a segment of the cultural offer of Novi Sad because of the vicinity of two towns. ENDNOTES 1

Serbs 75%, Croats 8.5%, Yugoslavs about 3%, Hungarians 2.5%, Montenegrins 1% and Germans about 1%. The remaining 10% of the population of Sremski Karlovci consists of members of 15 other ethnic and national groups. 2 A coalition of various European powers including the Habsburg Monarchy, the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, the Republic of Venice and Russia. 3 The most important cultural and historic monuments of Sremski Karlovci are: the Patriarchy residence – the seat of the Orthodox bishop of Srem and the most monumental building from the 19th century in Vojvodina built between 1892 and 1895, the Orthodox Cathedral – the baroque church situated close


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to the Patriarchy residence, built in 1762 and dedicated to St. Nicolas. Teodor Kraþun`s and Jakov Orfelin`s icon-painting of the iconostasis in the Cathedral with its fully developed baroque altar partitions, is considered to represent the crowning achievement of the Serbian Baroque painting in Vojvodina. Among monuments of the Orthodox confession there are also the Upper Church – dedicated to the Entrance of the Mother of God into the Temple dating from 1746 and the Lower Church – dedicated to the apostles St. Peter and St Paul, dating from 1719. There are, further, the Theological Orthodox School – the oldest Serbian theological school and the second oldest in Europe, established in 1894, which currently hosts a department of the Archive of the Serbian Academy for Science and Arts, Stefaneum – built as a boarding school on the initiative of the patriarch Georgie Brankoviü in 1904, and the Seminary - a boarding school for the pupils of the Theological School built in 1903. Among monuments of the Roman Catholic confession there is the Catholic Church – dedicated to the Holy Trinity dating from 1768, but incorporating elements that remain from an earlier Gothic building and the Chapel of Peace, built in 1817 as the second memorial building on the site where the Peace Treaty of Karlovci was signed in 1699. In the main town`s square there is the Town Hall dating from the beginning of the XIX century, Karlovci`s Grammar School – the oldest Serbian high school founded in 1791, and the Fountain “the Four Lions” – built in 1799 in honour of finishing the first public system of water supply in Karlovci. 4 Two most famous permanent exhibitions are the Home Collection of Sremski Karlovci, exhibited in the Sremski Karlovci branch of the City Museum of Novi Sad and the Treasury of the Patriarchy Residence which operates within the Museum of the Serbian Orthodox Church. 5 Bermet is a dessert, aromatic wine that has been produced in this area for centuries. It was sold well before the grape harvest to the Court in Vienna; it was also exported to the USA regularly from the middle of the nineteenth century. Today it is promoted by the contemporary producers who do their best to revive the former glory of this truly special wine. 6 The best known and the most popular annual event, the Karlovci Grape Picking, attracting over 100.000 visitors takes place every first week of October. It has emerged from the traditional and customary celebration of the beginning of the grape picking season. The event was reestablished in 1992 with the aim to preserve and promote the cultural and spiritual tradition of the town, to stimulate wine production, to support and promote wine-culture and improve the tourist offer of the town. On Saturdays during spring and autumn tourist season, sales exhibitions of fine items are organized at the main town square market next to the famous fountain “the Four Lions”. Every year, at the end of May and the beginning of June, the Art Gallery of the Cultural Centre organizes “The Art Colony of Water-colours and Drawings in Sremski Karlovci”, while at the end of September, it organizes the Danube Art Colony “The oil Assembly’’. Both are followed by exhibitions, literary and other cultural events. Concerts and recitals of religious choir singing entitled “In the memory of Kornelije” are organized in the Theological Orthodox School and Karlovci Grammar School at the end of July and the beginning of August. At the same time of the year the Summer Educational Camp gathers children and youth from abroad around the project of learning the Serbian language and learning about life and traditional values in the country. The beginning of September is marked with three conceptually different events – the poetry reading event of Brankovo kolo, a sports competition held in the Royal Garden, the Night of the Martial Arts, and the Festival of the National Cake which promote the culinary tradition of the various national groups that live in Vojvodina. At the very end of the year, during "The Christmas Celebrations in Sremski Karlovci" which is organized every December, religious choir concerts and theatrical performances are staged on several locations. The content of the events includes masses and religious services in Karlovci churches. 7 The members of the expert panel were associates of the Republic Institute for Protection of Cultural Monuments from Belgrade and the Provincial and Municipal Institute for Protection of Cultural Monuments from Novi Sad.

REFERENCES Bechleitner, Reinhard & Zins, Andreas H., 1999. Cultural Tourism in Rural Communities: The Residents` Perspective. In Journal of Business Research, 44, New York, US: Elsevier Science Inc., 199-209. Chronis,Athinodoros & Hampton, Ronald, 2006. Consuming our Heritage: Consumption benefits and Heritage Association at a Civil war Landscape. In Margaret Craig Lees, Teresa Davis and Gary Gregory (ed.), Asia-Pacific Advances in Consumer Research, 7, Sydney, Australia: Association for Consumer Research, 409-410. Ĉukanoviü, Dubravka, 2010. Management of Local Development based on Cultural Heritage appriaisal – Itineraries of Cultural Tourism. In Rogério Amoêda, Sérgio Lira, Cristina Pinheiro (ed.), Heritage 2010. Heritage and Sustainable Development; Proc. Intern. Conf., Evora, 22-26 June 2010. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development

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Goulding, Christina, 1999. Contemporary Museum Culture and Consumer Behavior. In Journal of Marketing Management, 15, 647-671. Goulding, Christina, 2000. The Commodification of the Past, Postmodern Pastiche, and the Search for Authentic Experiences at Contemporary Heritage Attractions. In European Journal of Marketing, 34, 7, 835-853. Group of authors, Gordana Markovic (ed.), 2007. Spomenicko nasledje Srbije, Belgrade, Serbia: The Republic Institute for the Protection of Cultural Monuments. Group of authors, Editorial Board, 2002. Kulturna dobra u turistickoj ponudi Vojvodine / Cultural Assets in the Tourist Offer of Vojvodina, Novi Sad: UNS / FNS / Department of Geography, Tourism & Hotel Management Group of authors, Dušica Živkoviü (ed.), 2011. Dani evropske baštine – Riznica naselÿa Evrope Sremski Karlovci – Integrativne zaštita kulturnog i prirodnog nasleÿa, Srbija, 10-30.septembar 2011. / European Heritage Days – The Treasury of Europe`s Heritage Sremski Karlovci – Integrative Protection of Cultural and Natural Heritage, Serbia, September 10-30, 2011, Novi Sad, Serbia Huh, Jin, 2002. Tourist Satisfaction with Cultural / Heritage sites The Virginia Historic Triangle, Master thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, Virginia, US. Jameson, Frederic, 1988. Postmodernism and Consumer Society. In Ann Kaplan (ed.), Postmodernism and its Discontents, Verso Richards, Greg, 1996, Production and Consumption of European Cultural Tourism, In Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 23, No. 2, 261-283. Richards, Greg & Wilson, Julie, 2006. Developing Creativity in Tourist Experiences: A Solution to the Serial Reproduction of Culture? In Tourism Management, 27, 1209-1223.


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Meanings of authenticity in contemporary representations of heritage in the context of tourism M. K. Emiro÷lu Beykent University

ABSTRACT: The study deals with the topics of authenticity, architectural heritage and modernization in a particular context in tourism. The choice of this subject is influenced by a specific kind of touristic spaces that take replicas of architectural heritages as their ‘theme’ to constitute identity. Originating from the assessment that ‘modernization results in a longing for authenticity’, the study questions the meaning produced in these spaces labeled as ‘authentic’. In this light, a reproduction of one of the unique heritages of 15th century Ottoman architecture in Turkiye is taken as a case. The methodology of the case study distinguishes two distinctive parts as ‘encoder’ (designer) and ‘decoder’ (tourist). Formal and informal interviews and questionnaires conducted to identify the intentions of the designer and meaning of the designed space for the tourists. Consequently, the study displays how meanings of ‘authenticity’ can challenge and diverse during touristic experience in the age of modernization.

1 1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 Rationale What covered wide range of discussions of last decays is that the conditions of modernity produced ‘placelessness’ as the result of uniformity, universality, homogenization, instability, and inauthenticity. Consequently, the placelessness that people came across reveals a loss of meaning in the relationship with their built environment and an intention to find a place that communicate with themselves meaningfully. The concept ‘place’ is a “space which is composed of meaningful places” with respect to definition of Norberg-Schulz. Therefore, the ‘loss of place’ can be identified as the space that is composed of meaningless places, is explicitly claimed that a product of modernity. As a consequence, even today, in 21th century’s “super-modern” society, living in a built environment that is a complex of anonymous and similar series of spaces, called by Augé (1995) as “non-place”. This condition was called by Norberg-Schulz as the collapse of the “split between thought and feeling”. Space is a unit and collective manifestation of our mind, our way of life, our organizational formation, our practice, and also our imaginations. It is because of this nature, space becomes interpretative. As well, it might be appropriated as the means of reuniting ‘thought’ and ‘feeling’. In line with Gideon’s definition of ‘feeling’; “the authentic relationship” of human being to a “meaningful environment” can be constructed with creating meaningful places. This meaningful communication of user with space is what makes a space different from others, marks it as identical. Therefore, tourism generates a worthwhile research area in understanding the forms of meaning that contemporary people look for in the places they visit. While

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visiting a place, the information a tourist store in his/her minds shapes his/her image of the place. Thus the design of a touristic space is crucial due to the meaning conveyed through it by the visitor’s image on mind. According to the research titled “Vision 2020” of World Tourism Organization, the rising trend of tourism attractions in forthcoming years is the ‘themed resort hotels’. There is already a rapid proliferation of themed resort hotels in tourism destinations. The most explicit reflections of themed resort hotels came into being in Turkiye in 2000 under the label of World of Wonders resort hotels: these establishments are presented as all-inclusive resort hotels, including parts of original buildings built in smaller scales by housing different functions of the hotel. These kind of touristic destinations, a part from architectural discourses, are important to analyse the ways and which contemporary people are communicating with built environment. By the examples akin to this case, it is questionable how the intended and received meanings are produced by contemporary tourism actors. At the same time, by rebuilding architectural objects of past, which are mostly seen as cultural heritages of today, the designers of touristic spaces and the users of touristic spaces undertake the idea of authenticity in a distinctive way –which is a stimulating area to focus on. 1.2 Authentic: a modern quest in tourism The term ‘authenticity’ is attributed to the truthfulness of origins. In his seminal work ‘The Tourist’ MacCannell (1999) defined ‘authenticity’ as an essential feature of objects, other times, and places. According to this view, the ‘authenticity’ is found in the periods before modernity. Thus, it is not an idea in contemporary Western culture. In line with that ‘longing for authentic’ is seen as a notion of the modernity. Thus, the idea of authenticity is based on the consideration that modern society creates alienation that results in a longing for kind of experiences that might be labeled as ‘authentic’. These so-called ‘authentic’ experiences are demanded in tourism. MacCannell (1999) introduced the ‘quest for authenticity’ as the primary motive for tourism. After MacCannell, by studies of theorists like Wang (2000), Olsen (2002), Kelner (2001) the ‘concept of authenticity’ has covered a distinct part in tourism studies. Consequently, tourism has often been defined as ‘a modern quest for authenticity’ (Cohen 1972, MacCannell 1973). 1.3 Authentic: architectural representation The relation between the idea of authenticity and reproduction is important. According to Tafuri (1980), the authenticity of something is the essence of everything that can be transmitted from its source, and goes from its material extent to its significance as an historical remain. “As the latter is based on the former, in reproduction, where the first is taken away from man, the second –its value as remain -begins to falter also”. Moreover, to Benjamin (1998), by reproduction “the authority of the thing itself” begins to falter precisely. The denotation of the term ‘authentic’ presupposes that “the original is better than its counterpart, the copy” (Olsen, 2002). The crucial point in this statement is that it does not define authenticity of something as ‘the essence of it that can be transmitted from its source’; rather it presupposes a copy / replica. Thus, it suggests that a copy can also signify essential meanings for the reader. Barthes (1967) states “As soon as there is society, every usage is converted into sign of itself”. With this statement it is emphasized that the general tendency of culture is to convert history into nature (Barthes, 1972). In respect to this, it can be suggested that any sign of history traced in modernity can be converted into nature by the reader of this sign. In relation with that, Preziosi stated in 1979, that “there is no human society which does not communicate architectonically”. Having this in mind, the reflections of this may be traced in the examples of postmodern architecture, which are commonly called as ‘exotic image’, ‘revivalism’, ‘vernacular’, ‘eclectic’, etc. All these examples have one thing in common in their representations: they carry the traces of past time. In practice, they are concentrated on the use of historical elements of ‘collective memory’ which is called ‘historicism’. A particular form of these examples, in which the historical element is reproduced in contemporary context, is worthwhile to focus on. This is called ‘straight revivalism without inter-


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pretation’ by Akcan (1992), her particular criticism is that “any such revival of history is the denial of history. But, Tafuri (1980) claims that, architecture, due to its nature already allows a shared perception of reproducibility; a use that gives permission to “relaxation and reflection in those involved in the theatrical achievement”. Baudrillard's theory of ‘simulation’ is an explicit challenge to today’s world via these kinds of representations; calling it as a result of capitalism and states that “any concept of the real, or of meaning, or of history, has been eroded” (1988). By the above brief literature review for the concept of authenticity and reproduction, it can be seen that although there is a wide range of critical look to reproduction, but also the relation of it with the concept of authenticity is still remains as polemical. 2 SEMIOTIC APPROACH

2.1 Parts of meaning production To reproduce or to make a replica of a building from past –which has / transmits meanings in its original context – is to ascribe new meanings to it. The quest for intended meaning in a space evokes a spatial communication between the builder of this meaning and the receiver (reader) of that intended meaning. In other words, there is an encoding-decoding process –taking the terms from the field of Semiotics. In line with that, the touristic space is seen as a pre-coded system composed of architectural objects and distinguishes two parts that engage into meaning production process; encoder and decoder. For these distinctive parts the theories of tourism construct the basis: the tourist at one side (the individual who travels for his / her pleasure) and the tour (the destination; the services prepared for the tourist) at the other side. In this sense; the encoder is identified as a part of the tour: touristic space and developer of that space; where the decoder is the one who experience touristic space: the tourist. Consequently, the developer of themed resort hotels posits as the encoder of the resort space. The term developer is frequently seen as the architectural firm that inhabits architects, interior architects, engineers, landscape designers, etc. Moreover, management takes a crucial role in this encoding process because of the specific requirements which have to be supported for the sustainability of the resort hotel. Therefore, the intentions in the design of the resort [hotel] come to be an important quest as being the initiative conceptions towards the presupposed semiotic process. For an ideal semiosis to take place in a space, to produce meaning, primarily there should be, initially, an intention to ascribe meaning. With the aid of this statement it is questionable what these replicas try to communicate with and how? This can be discussed by penetrating into limits of tourism research. 2.2 Intentions of designer: authenticity One of the valuable examples of themed resort hotel trend is the Venetian Hotel in Nevada, Las Vegas which is built by the firm Wimberly Allison Tang & Goo. The hotel is constructed as a replica of the most famous buildings of Italian City: Venice. With respect to the semiotic triad, here is presented a variety of quotations of the developers of resort destinations in order to highlight the themes and the intentions that construct contemporary themed resort -interior- designs. At this point, it would be telling to look for the views of the developers of the Venetian Hotel, the most profound architectural firm among the resort developers, WATG (Wimberly Allison Tong & Goo). In this line, the senior leaders of the firm state that George ‘Peter’ Wimberly, the firm’s founder, has been creating architecture with a strong sense of place long before it was fashionable. Additionally, they claim that they are still heeding the principle of cultural authenticity. “We’re expanded the idea of ‘sense of place’ to include places that exist only in the imagination; lost cultures and created myths invite us to explore history as it might have been. …We think of our job as not just designing buildings but as scripting experiences” (cited in Wolff, 2001).

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This statement expresses a reflection of Norberg-Schulz’s criticism of ‘loss of place’ refined as ‘sense of place’. Thus, this intention of WATG leaders may be translated as a quest for recreation of the ‘sense’ of place that had been declared many times as lost. Moreover, the firm’s leaders refer, to the paradigms of post-modern and modern movement; the longing of contemporary people to the past times, lost cultures. The Disneyland Hotel in Paris Resort is defined as “the destination’s flagship resort” and “incorporates the entry gates to the Magic Kingdom in its design –a first for a Disney theme park”. The hotel is decorated in pastel shades, the spacious guestrooms incorporate Disney images throughout, such as on the tiled frieze in suite bathrooms (Wolff, 2001). The Disneyland Hotel at the Disneyland is designed by WATG, with the intentions of creating a ‘Disneyworld’ themed resort. The investigation of the intentions of the resort developers may reveal the origins of the code, the context that the encoder uses in order to transmit messages of the space. However, this cannot be considered apart from the intentions of the ‘decoder’. In Anatomy of Destination by Michael S. Rubin (president of MRA International and chairman of MRA Eventures, specializing in entertainment-based development) admits this statement as; In an age in which every place is electronically accessible but remote from our touch, we seek remote places that offer access to new perspectives, discoveries, and encounters. Creating a destination-a setting for leisure and renewal- is, therefore, a special kind of place-making. The destination is first and foremost an imagined place, an ideal experience we hope for in the future and cherish from the past. As an ideal place, the destination cannot simply be appreciated passively but requires participation in an experience that is, by definition, transitory. Physically and psychologically, the guest must leave a familiar world of routines to enter a novel realm of discovery and renewal (Rubin, in Wolff, 2001). Moreover, Sol Kerzner (chairman of Sun International Hotels Ltd.) states: “our role as resort developers is no longer as simple as providing services. “It entails providing visitors with unique experiences that stimulate their senses and surpass their imaginations -whether in the casino or out by the pool.” (Kerner, in Wolff). Therefore, mostly the intentions originate from the possible imaginations of decoders of the space due to the foreseeing of the encoders. Wherever Calder, explains how the interior-architects worked with historians to recreate with authenticity the feeling of being transported to Venice, complete with hand-painted frescoes, canals, and gondolas (with singing gondoliers): To build a replica of 15th century Venice in record time, architects used 21st. century technology. Working with a large team of consultants from different disciplines and locations, the architects established an Extranet-based Project management sys tem that served as a repository for the project’s documents and accelerated design and construction, in response to a very tight schedule” (Calder, Authenticity is the basis for fantasy in this Venice-themed resort hotel and casino located in the heart of the glittery Las Vegas strip, quoted in Wolff, 2001). The prior intentions that construct the design of contemporary tourism architecture are based on the concepts of ‘authenticity’ and ‘sense of place’. These concepts are being revealed in reference to periods in past times, past architecture, historical objects, past living styles, and presented to user, as ‘authentic attractions’. 2.3 Expectations in touristic experience: authenticity The crucial point in here is the kind of identity a reproduced ‘authenticity’ of a real building can represent and the legibility of these intentions during user’s experiences. It is clear that the meanings revealed or the ideas of authenticity are complicated in general. In the process of meaning production both by the creator of the meaning and the reader of the meaning, the idea of authenticity is not seen as a distinctive part of the space, but as “a cultural value constantly created and reinvented in social processes” (Cohen, 1988). Thus, the reader of the meaning, the user of the space, voluntarily enters in a pseudo experience. However, MacCannell, by interpreting these touristic settings as ‘staged authenticity’, claims that the primary motivation of tourist is to overcome the front regions of touristic space in order to experience authenticity in the back regions. In this light, authenticity, is “a projection of tourists own expectations” (Kelner, 2001).


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A part from that, tourist experiences have been seen by Mannell and Iso-Ahola to have some special quality, that is, to be more than simply an experience accompanying travel or tourist behaviour. The ultimate tourist experience has been described according MacCannell (1976); as a quest for authenticity; to Cohen (1979) as a quest for centre; for Meyersohn (1981) as a quest for meaning; and Przeclawski (1985) considers it as a quest for values (cited in Ross, 1994). A crucial analysis of touristic experience is done by Boorstin (1964) who indicates that “contemporary Americans cannot experience ‘reality’ directly but thrive on “pseudo-events”. The foregoing trends in touristic spaces are the prime example of these [pseudo-events] (Eco, 1986; Baudrillard, 1988). According to this understanding, the mass tourist who is away from the original environment, while travelling in guided groups and tours tend to enjoy with inauthentic contrived attractions, ‘pseudo-events’ and ignoring the ‘real’ world outside. MacCannell, however, is concerned with the inauthenticity and superficiality of modern life. The tourist as a metaphor in MacCannell’s work refers to the Western middle class sightseer but is also defined as a ‘model’ for ‘modern-man-in general’. Here modern condition is seen as a state of differentiation that creates a freedom which presupposes and creates risks, alienation, and longing for stability. The necessary result of differentiation is alienation that has a consequence of longing for “wholeness and authentic” (Olsen, 2002). Most of the theorists have proposed that primary touristic experience is a quest for authenticity, but there is not adequate study describing the features of ‘authentic’, ‘meaningful’ touristic events. The point here is to examine the factors that lead people to describe an attraction, an activity, or an event as ‘authentic’ tourism or touristic experience(s). Consequently, forthcoming is a case study and its outcomes are described in order to gather data and evaluate the discussions and ideas put forward up to now. 3 CASE STUDY: TOPKAPI RESORT HOTEL IN TURKEY

3.1 Significance of the case This phase of the study is concentrated on the case of themed resort hotels in Turkiye which happens to be an example of reproduction. Therefore it constitutes a case for the special type of themed resort hotels that in which a building of past architecture is rebuilt in contemporary context. The significance of this case is that the original building still exists as a product of tourist gaze in its original settlement in Istanbul / Turkey, which is one of the unique heritages of 15th century Ottoman architecture in Turkey. This constitutes an important concern in the search of ‘authentic experience’ of tourists with the touristic space. The TopkapÕ Resort Hotel (TPRH) is one of the ‘realm of Palaces’ and constitutes one of the rings of ‘WOW (World of Wonders) Resort Hotels’ chain, located in south-coast of Turkiye. The hotel is situated in the coast of Kundu which is a village of Aksu, in Antalya city. The Kundu village is significant as being the only touristic establishment in Aksu, composed of five themed resort hotels yet, labelled as ‘Realm of Placaes’ located along side each other: Kremlin Palace Resort Hotel, Venezia Palace Resort Hotel, Green Palace Resort Hotel. 3.2 Method The case study comprises a part of author’s unpublished master thesis “Semiosis of Resort Interiors” completed in 2004. This broader study includes an interactive analysis of the case; by conduct interviews with designers, and informal interviews with tourists to identify the intentions of the designer and meaning of the designed space –medium of these intentions- for the tourists. Three interviews are conducted with encoders of the space in site and outside of the hotel. The first of the interviews conducted with encoders is done with the director of the architect group of the developer firm, who is an architect in the headquarters in Ankara. The rest of the interviews are conducted with general manager and operation director of the TPRH, inside the hotel. Formal and informal interviews and questionnaires are done in different spaces inside the hotel with 150 tourists visiting the resort hotel for holidaying. Two questions of the questionnaires are re-evaluated and re-interpreted in here for this kind of study.


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Table 1. Definitions of “authenticity” as ‘difference’ _______________________________________________________________ Different Original: not ordinary Different as being out of time Something that has a typical characteristic of itself Different: interesting Traditional and Cultural East Food, color, building, music Something original and different from the rest Clothes Beautiful / Special Antique / Historic place Like Ephesus Antique City Local

The most explicit common point for the intentions can be detected as ‘culture’. This identifies the quest for authenticity as a quest in something that has a cultural value; which is defined in words: “local”, “cultural”, and “traditional”. The most significant one is that “different” and “cultural” is defined as “East”. Definitions as differences mark the quest for authenticity as a quest for something that has cultural value, indicated with the words as local, cultural, and traditional. 3.3.2 Authenticity as ‘reality’ A secondary group is categorized defining authenticity by using the words “real” or “reality”. The search for real in something that has authentic value is not every time for original reality, rather it seems satisfactory to experience something that seems realistic. Indeed these second group definitions demonstrate degradation in the concept of reality. Therefore, they are in a quest of the markers of the past in which they will evaluate the authenticity of the reconstruction with signifiers of the original building. Table 2. Definitions of authenticity as levels of “reality” Real Something original and not fake Just Real Close to reality Honesty to reality Similar to real thing Realistic Belongs to original place

Definitions of authenticity as ‘reality’ apprehended as levels of reality –beginning from the original real, and ends with ‘honesty to reality’. 3.3.3 Authenticity as ‘copy’ However the third group definitions demonstrates a relevant example to this, in which the definition of authenticity is emphasized as a ‘copy’ of the original. Each definition in the third group constitutes a signifier to an original signified. This expresses the place as a representation of something else.


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Table 3. Definitions of authenticity as “copy” Appropriate to its original Copy from original Copy of the real thing Something that is just like the real culture Something that reminds its original Something that looks like its original Like its original Something that does not destroy its normal. Copy of an original Honesty to its genuine Reminds its genuine / appropriate to its genuine Similar in decoration Something that is a copy of something without any change Reviving culture as close as possible to reality Gives feeling that accommodates with its surroundings Nearly regular, equal

Definitions of authenticity as ‘copy’ constitutes a signifier to an original signified. As can be seen from definitions authenticity is recognized as mostly as a counterfeit to its original one. 3.3.4 Authenticity as ‘past’ Consequently, there is a forth group of definitions made up from the responds of the tourists in TPRH which can be evaluated in the limits of third group with a slight difference: emphasis on past or history. The definitions pointed out a counterpart, a copy by giving reference to past. In this forth category authenticity is emphasized as a new construction but a re-construction of the past. This means that it has a complete and immaculate simulation of as it once was, as original opposed to a copy, as credible and convincing today. Definitions of authenticity as ‘past’ emphasizes authenticity as a new construction but a re-construction of past. Table 4. Definitions of authenticity as “past” Something that reminds past Something that reminds past as being a part of oriental culture Something very old and without any difference from original Something from past and need to remind something The history in today To enlighten our past Something that makes past alive To feel history in today Have an appearance of past Belongs to the past times That evokes the life-style of past: Anatolia Something that has a relation with past To keep historical monuments To be connected with historical pattern To experience history The reflection of history in a modernized form The one that is a heritage of the past and revitalized in today A design that revitalize the past


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Ultimately, the ideas of authenticity are heteroglot. These definitions indicated a counterfeit to the real thing in which the tourists are in search with the markers of original to name it as authentic. 3.3.5 Authentic: spatial correspondences The outcome of the results of the interviews and questionnaires marks specific spaces as ‘authentic’ in the case and directs to detailed analysis of their spatial characteristics. These spaces marked as ‘authentic’ from tourist’s point of view are namely ‘Lalezar Main Bar’ which is a smaller replica of a fountain in original palace; ‘Sultan’s Tent’ where traditional Turkish foods are being sold; ‘KÕraathane’ where special Turkish coffee is served; ‘Café Sofa’ where traditional Turkish deserts are being serviced. The summary of the indications of tourists while describing the authentic values of these places are as below: -Colours -Products -Furniture -Costumes of staff -Entrance -Wall treatments -High ceiling -Decoration -Information signs -Lighting quality -Facade -Panorama It is significant that the places marked are mainly public spaces decorated as ‘staged authenticity’ with signs of the originals. It is analyzed that these interior spaces tend to communicate more meaningfully. Indeed the costumes of staff, the visual elements, (signs, food menus, inscriptions, etc.) and the products are involved as the interior design elements which are totally transform the interior space into a theatre stage. 4 CONCLUSION In TopkapÕ Palace Resort Hotel meaning of authenticity challenges and produced in the experience. This is pointed out in four levels in which the authenticity is apprehended as ‘difference’ of something. This difference, on the other level, is apprehended as the levels of ‘reality’ – beginning from the ‘original real’ and ends with the ‘honesty to reality’. In the further level, the authenticity is apprehended as ‘the past’ in which the original is stated as existing in the past and has reflections in today, which presupposes that there is an original one which is better. In (consequent) level, the apprehension of authenticity is defined as directly as ‘copy’, a counterpart to the original one. The analysis consequently leads to a claim that the intended meaning in contemporary touristic space, in the case of reconstructions, is to create ‘authenticity’. Therefore the focus of the study oriented itself on these touristic interior spaces in which they are encoded in order to lead to a representation that is ‘authentic’. Consequently, the study displays possible assessment on the kind of identity a reproduced ‘authenticity’ of a real building can represent and how the meanings of ‘authenticity’ challenge and diverse in modernity. This is to declare indeed the dominance of authority that consists a part of encoder; the management system. Because the activities and facilities are organized by the management throughout the day to make the tourist away from private room –that is a standard 5 stars room. According to this, the concepts of management plays an important role in the construction of authentic atmosphere in the interior design of the resort hotel, orienting the fronts and back regions / stages according to the intended experience of authenticity for the tourist.

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REFERENCES Akcan, E. 1992. Utopia topia atopia: Place-architecture relation in the post-modern condition, Unpublished Master Thesis:123, Ankara: Middle east Technical University Faculty of Architecture. Barthes, R. 1972. Mythologies. NewYork: Hill and Wang. Barthes, R. 1967. Elements of Semiology. NewYork: Hill and Wang. Baudrillard, J. 1988. Simulacra and simulations. In M. Poster (eds) Jean Baudrillard: Selected Writings: 166-172. Oxford: Polity Press. Benjamin, W. 1998. The work of art in the age of mechanical reproduction. In E. Dayton (eds), Art and Interpretation, Peterborough: Broadview Press. Boorstin, D. 1964. The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America. NewYork: Harper. Cohen, E. 1972. Who is tourist? A conceptual clarification. Sociological Review 22(4): 527-555. Cohen, E. 1988. Authenticity and Commoditization in Tourism. Annals of Tourism Research 15(3): 371386. Eco, U. 1984. The Role of the Reader: Explorations in the Semiotics of Texts. Bloomington: University Press. Gideon, S. 1967. Space, Time and Architecture. Massachusettes: Harward University Press. Kelner, S. 2001. Narrative construction of authenticity. 96th Paper for Annual Meeting of the Ameircan Sociological Association. California. Küçükarslan. M. 2004. Semiosis of resort interiors. Unpublished Master Thesis: 115-135. Ankara: Cankaya University. MacCannell, D. 1973. Staged authenticity: Arrangements of social space in tourist settings. American Journal of Sociology 79 (3): 589-606. MacCannell, D. 1976. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. New York: Schoken Press . MacCannell, D. 1999. The Tourist: A New Theory of the Leisure Class. California: University of California Press . Olsen, K. 2002. Authenticity as a concept in tourism research. Tourist Studies 2(2): 159-182. Preziosi, D. 1979. Architecture Language and Meaning. Paris NewYork: Mouton Publishers. Ross, G. F. 1994. The Psychology of Tourism. Melbourne: Hospitality Press Pty Ltd. Tafuri, M. 1980. Theories and History of Architecture. G. Britain: Granada Publishing. Wang, N. 2000. Rethinking authenticity in tourism experience. Annals of Tourism Research 26(2): 349370. Wolff, H. J. 2001. Designing the World’s Best Resorts: Wimberly Allison Tang and Goo. Australia: Images Publishing Group Pty. Ltd.


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Heritage and tourism: squander or cherish? E. Ennen NHTV, Breda University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands

E. van Maanen NHTV, Breda University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands

J. Wynia NHTV, Breda University of Applied Sciences, the Netherlands

ABSTRACT: The relationship between tourism and heritage is an asymmetrical relationship: tourism needs heritage much more strongly and strictly than the other way around. Heritage is an interpretation of the past that occurs in the here and now, and it is about people and future. Tourism uses heritage as a tool to increase visitor flows, thus providing renewed energy and economic vitality to the destination concerned. In this paper we will discuss three different but interrelated dilemmas that will contribute to the discussion on heritage and sustainability. The first dilemma concerns the tension between the desire for the true and fact-based history, and the wish for as many as possible visitors. Three different types of discourse will be illustrated in relation to heritage. The second dilemma concerns the tension between commodification practices of the past and the urge for authenticity of the present. The third dilemma of money versus value discusses the tension between the different kinds of revenue generated by heritage.

1 INTRODUCTION This paper addresses three different but closely related issues. The first section focuses on the dilemma between history making and the creation of heritage. This part illuminates the paradox that can occur between heritage creation – often for the purpose of attracting more visitors to a destination – and history making. The paper then continues with the relationship between commodification in heritage tourism and authenticity. This section argues that the commodification of heritage may not necessarily be at odds with authenticity. The third section deals with the dilemma that exists between, on the one hand, the economics of heritage in terms of tourism revenues, employment opportunities and other economic spin-offs, and on the other hand, the possible loss of intrinsic heritage values as a consequence. Finally, by means of its conclusions, this paper wants to contribute to the ongoing academic discussion on heritage preservation, management and tourism development. With respect to the issues introduced above, the history of the port wine culture in the Douro River valley is an illustrative example. Nowadays the production of port is one of the most important icons of the Portuguese culture. However, it actually has its origins in British geopolitics of the 17th and 18th centuries, during which there was a demand for a good quality wine in Britain as a substitute to French wines. For quite some time the British monopolized the production of port wine in Portugal. At that time many British port wine exporters settled in the Douro River valley and the English names of the most famous port houses - such as Graham's, Dow's and Sandeman - are reminders of that period. Nevertheless, the production of port today is generally recognized as a genuine Portuguese tradition. However, when viewed from the perspective of our paper, this little historical fact may serve as food for thought to an interesting debate on authenticity, heritage creation and commodification.

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2 MAKING HISTORY VERSUS CREATING HERITAGE Central to this dilemma is the construction and coexistence of different realities in academic discourse, professional discourse and normative discourse. It is very important to recognize and understand the different kinds of discourse in the field of heritage and sustainable development which is the overall theme of this conference. Each kind of discourse has its own distinct context in terms of knowledge base, objectives, realities, and in terms of the types of questions it generates. The type of knowledge produced in academic discourse - or defined by Gibbons et al. (1994) as ‘Mode 1 knowledge production’ - is the more traditional disciplinary theoretical knowledge based on existing rules, conventions and procedures (i.e. hypotheses and research methods). The general purpose in academic discourse is to analyze theoretical concepts and principles in order to learn more about the reality, which is the academic reality. ‘What’ and ‘why’ questions are asked to describe and analyse academic themes. Professional discourse, Mode 2 knowledge production, is the type of knowledge related to the world of professionals and it involves practical applications in order to solve practical problems. ‘It has its own distinct theoretical structures, research methods and modes of practice which may not be locatable on the prevailing disciplinary map’ (Platenkamp and Isaac, 2012). Professional discourse occurs in different realities depending on the parties involved in the problem area. In addition to ‘what’ questions (to describe the problem), ‘how’ questions (to solve the problem) are asked. Kunneman (2005) added normative discourse, Mode 3 knowledge, to the other two modes because of the absence of normative and existential questions in academic (mode 1) and professional (mode 2) research (also see Platenkamp and Isaac, 2012). Knowledge in normative discourse is related to economic and political interpretations, the general aim being to understand different views of the subject studied. Different realities exist in normative discourse, depending on the economic and political rules in the context studied. The questions asked are mainly of the ‘who’ variety. We will try to illustrate, by means of a fictional example, why it is important to be aware of the different types of discourse. Let us suppose that an archeological site in area X is the topic of discussion. In academic discourse this is a site of great importance because of its valuable archeological excavations. Knowledge is produced along proven methods and academic rules. Excavation locations are meticulously mapped and any excavated soil is carefully replaced to avoid additional damage. The most important objectives apart from academic research and knowledge production are indeed achieved. At the same time, research is being carried out within the framework of professional discourse to uncover ways for this archaeological site to be developed into a proper tourist destination. What problems must be defeated, which parties should be involved to manage the site in an adequate way? However, the excavations do not match the prevailing political and religious ideology. The artefacts recovered from the excavations suggest, for instance, that the history of the area was in fact rather different from what political leaders deem desirable. Is this our heritage? Political leaders want to give minimal attention to the site and are even considering destroying it. Is there a possibility for these different kinds of discourses to be united? A clear understanding of this dilemma requires distinguishing of the concepts of past, history, memory from the concept of heritage. These concepts are strongly interrelated and are frequently used interchangeably. However, their meanings are quite different. The past is a simple concept: it is that which happened before the now, everything that is behind us. The concept of history is far more complicated. Although it relates to the past, that which happened before the now, its focus is from a particular pair of glasses: academic discourse. History tells us the ‘true’ story on the basis of facts, figures and numbers. It is about wanting to know what happened, when and how. History knowledge is produced in academic discourse according to academic rules that suggest objectivity. We use the word ‘suggest’ here, because history is still a story about certain pasts in certain contexts, told from a certain perspective. In doing so, the concept of memory, and in particular the collective memory, plays an important role. Events and experiences are selectively remembered and forgotten. Our national memory is taught in school whiles the formal memory causes us to remember an official past according to the views of contemporary political leaders (with attendant laws and rules (i.e laws regarding the preservation of


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historic buildings and sites). The collective memory is strongly formulated in normative discourse and takes care of conflicts between what is remembered and forgotten. The destroyed Buddha statues of Bamiyan are a good example in this context. These statues dated back to preIslamic culture and according to the Taliban regime they were reminiscent of a barbarian regime and therefore had to be destroyed even though they were included on UNESCO’s World Heritage List in 1975 (www.unesco.org). Heritage is not interested in objectivity. Heritage is a narrative of those facts which are said to have happened. It provides an interpretation of the past, matching the ‘true story’ to the audience in question. Sometimes aspects of the pasts are omitted whereas others are fabricated. For instance, where spatial planning is concerned, a clear trend can be seen on the interface of spatial quality and heritage. The number of locations where historicity is staged – also referred to as created heritage – is increasing (Ennen, 1999). Heritage is not 'what is protected and preserved by an institutionalized selection process’ nor 'everything that a society or individual gives through’ but heritage is a personal or group interpretation of elements from the past (Ashworth, 1991). However, what is real? And who decides what is real? Historical information is interpreted and experienced very differently. Elements from the past will only qualify as heritage if they have meaning to the individual concerned. In this way heritage can be created, despite the lack of an actual past. Venice in Macau and Las Vegas, Dutch cities in Japan, but also residential areas in the Netherlands such as Brandevoort in Helmond are all examples in which a past is chosen, complete with attendant story, in order to raise the profile of the city or district and to make the place attractive to live in or to visit. Although created heritage projects and residential areas are positively received by residents and visitors (confirmed by the substantial visitor flows and the demand for houses in such areas), using the past as a coordinated principle in new construction projects is criticized by architects in particular. Suggesting an era from the past which never actually existed is perceived to be history falsification and false romance (Feddes & Graaf, 2003). Apparently, the debate concentrates on the outer appearance of created heritage projects. However, this begs the question of whether the ‘true’ story is really damaged. Is heritage removing its own roots? The inexhaustible flow of progress has led to 'the erosion of a sense of place' (Walsh, 1992). This means that social processes and developments such as mass communication, mass culture and an internationally-oriented economy have ensured that places increasingly lose their uniqueness. Many city centres are becoming more and more alike, in various respects. As industrial activity retreated from city centres, shopping became the main function in the city centres. The arrival of large retail chains with uniform façades, advertisements, colors and materials, and their equally monotonous stores makes it difficult to establish whether one finds oneself in Rotterdam, Madrid of Lyon. This is also called ‘placelessness’: to an increasing degree individuals are missing a feeling of being connected with a place (Relph, 1976). The experiential aspects of created heritage are emphasized by its proponents in particular. Ennen (2004) for instance, demonstrated empirically the possibility that created heritage gives to individuals to connect emotionally to their housing environment. The use of cultural capital in the deliberate design of a distinct lifestyle constitutes the motivation in this process. This emotional connection could be understood in terms of identification. The individual derives part of his or her identity from the cultural identity of his or her spatial environment. Identifying with heritage allows the individual to give form and meaning to his or her own lifestyle and gives heritage meaning (Graham & Ashworth & Tunbridge, 2000). The meaning given to heritage strongly depends on the contribution of the identification to profile the own identity. Metz (2002) described heritage as ‘what we use from history to distinguish ourselves from others’ referring to the striking term ‘identity policy’. By interpreting certain characteristics of his/her living environment as being heritage, and subsequently emphasizing these characteristics, the individual marks his/her own entity and distinguishes him/herselves from others. Therefore, heritage may be considered as a commodity to be used to clarify one’s individual identity to oneself and to others. It is not only the individual that tries to distinguish himself, , also subgroups within a society and even societies as a whole try to create a distinct identity for themselves by selecting heritage that emphasizes this identity. With regard to the contribution of a shared identification process, Ashworth & Howard (1999) also asserted that heritage provides a feeling of mutual connectedness: …defining an inclusive (‘we are “us”’) through the use of heritage (‘because we have al-

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ways been “us”’) inevitable excludes others (we are therefore different from “them “‘) (Ashworth & Howard, 1999: p60). It is the awareness of the various types of discourse occurring at the same time - each with its own realities, objectives, rules and conventions – that may mitigate and clarify the dilemma between the preservation of the intrinsic values of heritage on the one hand, and heritage as an instrument for tourism purposes on the other hand. The next section involves a further analysis of the possible consequences of heritage products for the intrinsic values of heritage (such as authenticity). 3 COMMODIFICATION VERSUS AUTHENTICITY Along the lines of the previously described dilemma between making history and creating heritage is where the paradox between heritage commodification and authenticity can be found. In academic circles, the concept of authenticity in connection with the development of heritage tourism is receiving more and more attention. It is MacCannell (1973) who introduced the concept of authenticity in connection with tourism and it still receives ample scientific attention today. Gilmore and Pine (2007) described authenticity as the growing need among consumers for the real. They consider the need for authenticity as a reaction to the constructed reality that originates from the process commercialisation and technological advancements in modern society. Therefore, authenticity as a concept in this respect is closely interwoven with today’s experience economy. In the past, the focus was especially on the consumption of products and services, but by now these products and services have become secondary to the experiences built around them. In this altered consumption approach the main aim is to create, as much as possible, a feeling or sense of the real. Authenticity is often associated with a longing for ‘realness’, ‘genuineness’, ‘naturalness’ ‘originality’ and ‘uniqueness’ etc. (Boyle, 2003). However, authenticity is a frequently discussed, multi-interpretable and paradoxical concept. For example, one aspect of authenticity is that it is related to tangible objects, sites and sights, while on the other hand authenticity can be approached as part of a state of ‘being’ expressed in feelings and emotions, among other things (see also former section). Several studies about the relationship between tourism and authenticity confirm this dichotomy in which authenticity is divided into object authenticity and subjective or existential authenticity (Wang, 1999; Reisinger and Steiner, 2006). Following on from this line of thinking, it is a relatively small step to explore similarities within the development of heritage tourism. For example, heritage as an interpretation of selected resources from a past is a subjective phenomenon. It is the present in which communities make use of their past. Adding a political, economic and/or socio-psychological value to resources implies that these resources are transferred into commodities. By approaching heritage as a commodity, terms such as target groups (i.e. consumers), resources (i.e. products) and marketing (i.e. interpretation) become closely interrelated. This process of commodification is the transformation of resources into products through interpretation (Tunbridge and Ashworth, 1994). Heritage tourism defined by Timothy (2011, p. 4) as ‘seeing or experiencing built heritage, living culture or contemporary arts’ is just one example of this commodification process. He continues by saying that ‘its resources are tangible and intangible and are found in both rural and urban setting. Visits are motivated by a desire to enhance one’s own cultural self, to learn something new, to spend time with friends and family and to satisfy one’s curiosity or simply to use up excess time. In short, heritage tourism encompasses a multitude of motives, resources and experiences and is different for every individual and every place visited’. An interesting aspect of this definition is that it makes clear the dilemma between heritage tourism, as an example of commodification, and authenticity. After all, many activities, motivations, behavior and experiences in tourism are not necessarily triggered by a search for whatever authenticity. In fact, heritage tourism is about building tourist experiences in which the use of authenticity - as a part of this experience - is just a means or concept that may contribute to the creation of these experiences, either through object authenticity or existential authenticity. However, especially when heritage becomes part of this experience, existential authenticity is the most appropriate


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and interesting approach to study and explain the dilemma between heritage tourism and authenticity. After all, heritage tourism essentially does not focus on tangible objects and sites but on tourism experiences that inspire personal emotions and feelings, which is obviously much more in keeping with the concept of existential authenticity than it is with the authenticity of objects. In fact, it is exactly this point that makes it possible to identify several parallels in the discussion on the interpretation of heritage. An interesting viewpoint that can be extended towards this discussion was introduced by Smith (2006). With the introduction of the concept of ‘authorized heritage discourse’ she challenges a traditional widespread ‘heritage’ discourse in which Western ideas dominate and are institutionalized. She criticizes this traditional Western perspective on heritage because it tends to emphasize the tangible resources and places a restriction on nonWestern heritage perspectives. “The traditional Western account of ‘heritage’ tends to emphasize the material basis of heritage, and attributes an inherent cultural value or significance to these things. Furthermore, the sense of gravitas given to these values is also often directly linked to the age, monumentality and/or aesthetics of a place. The physicality of the Western idea of heritage means that ‘heritage’ can be mapped, studied, managed, preserved and/or conserved, and its protection may be the subject of national legislation and international agreements, conventions and charters.” (Smith, 2006, p.3) Therefore, according to Smith (2006) heritage discourse should be more concerned with and related to cultural and social processes in the establishment of values and meanings regarding the past and present. So, heritage is the manifestation of cultural processes and not objects, sites or monuments. These sites, monuments or objects are just the tangible resources and tools that form stages or environments in which social and cultural processes of remembering, commemoration and passing on memories and narratives take place, establishing values and feelings that create and engage an understanding of the past and present. Like heritage, authenticity is much more related to social and cultural processes that occur in a society. The commodification of resources from the past into heritage tourism and the concept of existential authenticity may be considered as an outcome of these processes. Therefore, in the experience of heritage tourism and authenticity it is not so much a question of whether a landscape, beach, historic city centre, tour, or holiday is ‘authentic’, ‘real’ or ‘unique’, but how it is interpreted and experienced on a personal or intra-personal level. That is why the approach of authenticity as being object-related is an inadequacy in the study and explanation of heritage tourism as a phenomenon. As a matter of fact, heritage and existential authenticity are all about interpretation, therefore always subjective and dynamic. That is why in the interpretation of heritage and authenticity some similarities can be found, for example in the way in which both concepts are related to a process such as identity formation. For example, identity is a term applied in a wide range of contexts, linked to an equally wide range of explanations. This plurality of identities depends on the multiplicity of its uses. This implies that there is a great variety in identities, because of the associated subjectivity in determining priorities on an individual as well as on a collective level. This means that the presumed dilemma between heritage tourism and authenticity may in fact be less acute than one might expect initially. For example, if heritage is predominantly interpreted from an authorized heritage discourse perspective, as described by Smith (2006), and authenticity is studied as from an object-related angle, the presumed dilemma will be less prominent. After all, in this way both concepts focus on tangible objects, sites and sights and have an emphasis on preserving, cherishing and passing on the past that is embodied in the objects to future generations. Furthermore, the presumed dilemma also turns out to be less acute than expected if heritage and authenticity are both interpreted as a phenomenon that originates from the social and cultural processes in a society. Viewed in this light, both concepts are valued on the basis of a personal and subjective interpretation. However, a significant dilemma between the concepts exists when heritage is seen from an ‘authorized heritage discourse’ perspective and authenticity is defined and characterized as existential authenticity. In this context, heritage mainly represents tangible listed buildings, places and sights, whereas existential authenticity places greater emphasis on the search for oneself, making this a unique, individual and personal activity. In conclusion, the current tendency in academic debate is for authenticity as a concept to be interpreted from a socio-psychological point of view, which is partly due to our present-day ex-

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perience economy. Seen from a tourism perspective, this is manifested in a search for oneself and one’s identity in the consumption of tourism products and services. Therefore, it is interesting to mention that in many tourism studies of authenticity the shift is moving away from an object-related authenticity approach. In essence, because of a socio-psychological interpretation of authenticity, a study of the authenticity of tangible sights, sites and places is becoming irrelevant. The focus lies on tourism in connection with an imaginative and a personal sort of reality. With regard to the dilemma between commodification and authenticity one may conclude that this dilemma is either lacking altogether or not that strongly present as one would presume. This occurs especially in situations where authenticity and heritage tourism are both primarily interpreted from a socio-psychological perspective. 4 MONEY VERSUS VALUE There is an asymmetrical relationship between heritage and tourism. Tourism uses heritage as a tool to increase visitor flows, thus providing renewed energy and economic vitality to the destination concerned. From the viewpoint of heritage as the contemporary uses of the past, very few heritage tourism objects, sites, events, personalities or narratives were created, are maintained or financed for tourism purposes specifically. In academic knowledge production heritage is valued for its intrinsic qualities, worth preserving and cherishing for future generations. In the process of the commodification of the past, as described in the foregoing sections, a selection is made from different pasts, interpreted for different purposes and transformed into marketable (tourism) products. Therefore, the meaning of authenticity balances between the wish to tell the ‘true story’ and having as many as possible visitors. However, does this mean heritage is squandered because its usage for tourism purposes will eventually affect its intrinsic value? Earning as much money as possible may signify the necessity to add something to the story or dismiss aspects in order to make the tourism products more marketable and thus profitable in terms of monetary value. At the same time, however, financial revenues are needed to maintain, conserve or restore heritage sites, particularly in times of retreating governments and financial crises. When we take a closer look at the different types of discourse mentioned in the first part of this paper, academic discourse states that heritage is an interpretation of the past, heritage in itself is therefore subjective and is indifferent to figures and facts. Academic knowledge production is not so much concerned with arbitrary issues like how much money is concerned. However, a growing demand for ‘objective’ measures and methods to understand the value of goods and destinations is observed in the field of heritage management. In professional discourse, of course, it is arguable whether heritage cannot simply be passed on or conserved without knowing, or at least trying to get to know, the present monetary value of heritage goods and destinations (in terms of costs and revenues) or more importantly, the potential revenues. Since there is no endless amount of resources available, decision makers have to select what is preserved and what is not. There are many studies available on the difficulties of attaching economic value to heritage goods or destinations. A key concern for economists is to develop methods and approaches that objectify the valuation of heritage. A first difficulty that has to be faced when valuing heritage is finding a clear definition of economic value. In neoclassical economic theory, economic value is most often expressed in terms of prices. In economist jargon valuing goods means pricing goods; they particularly focus on the moment of exchange because at that moment a price is set. The intangible aspect of many of the benefits of heritage makes it impossible for them to be priced in any existing market. Economic revenue is the degree of prosperity that heritage generates for society (Ruijgrok, 2006). Tourism is the most obvious choice in utilising heritage as an economic resource but not the only one. The degree of prosperity produced by heritage is much more than the financial benefits (i.e. money earned) of exploiting heritage tourism products. The benefits or revenues that heritage generates are generally divided in user and non-user benefits (see for instance, Ennen, 1999). User benefits are those revenues that can be derived from the direct or indirect use of a heritage site. Direct use concerns the benefits and costs for the residents or visitors, like entrance fees that have to be paid. Indirect user benefits concern multiplier


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effects on income and employment resulting from the direct use of the good. Non-user revenues are the intangible benefits associated with a heritage site, these are its option value (benefits from having the option to visit the site in the future), its existence value (benefits associated with knowing that a heritage site exist even if they do not intend to visit themselves), and its bequest value (benefit is gained from knowing that a site is preserved and can be bequeathed to their heirs). The non-user revenues cannot be measured through market transactions because there is no existing market on which these benefits can be traded. Sociocultural values, such as historical, symbolic or aesthetic values can also be regarded as non-user or non-market values. The aesthetic qualities of a building’s façade are an important locational variable and represent value to the owner of the building as well as to visitors or passers-by. A company residing in a historic building can use this as an important marketing feature: the building was built to last, so this must be a reliable company. The sociocultural values however can be classified as economic values because people would be willing to pay for protecting and keeping them (Throsby, 2002). Many non-user valuation methods have been developed, especially contingent valuation methods are widely used in decision making (Mourato, Mazzanti, 2002). By means of a questionnaire, a hypothetical market is created in which the heritage good can be ‘traded’. People are asked to express their willingness to pay for the benefits received or their willingness to accept compensation for their loss. Hansen (1997) described a study of willingness to pay for the Royal Theater in Copenhagen and concluded that the contingent valuation method worked well for this well-known Danish building. On the other hand the method is very resource–intensive, and therefore expensive, and the outcome of the survey depends strongly on the information provided. Respondents, who were told about the subsidy that the Royal Theater receives, reported a lower willingness to pay than respondents who were not told about this. The different methods have in common the aim of sidelining the heritage specialist by rendering the valuation process objective and democratic (Klamer, 2011). Only then will decision makers be able to make rational choices concerning the selection and financing of cultural projects. Another difficulty with measuring the earning capacity of heritage is that historic buildings, sites and areas are most often non-priced public goods. In most cases heritage is freely accessible or produced without the necessity of paying for production (Ennen, 1999). A public good has properties that make distribution through private markets impossible. Ennen (1999) named three basic concepts that are important and applicable to these public goods: the concept of joint supply or non-competitiveness (if a heritage good, e.g. a museum is supplied to one person, it can also be supplied to others without extra costs for the supplier), the concept of nonexcludability (if the museum is supplied to one person it is not possible to withhold it from other persons) and the concept of non-rejectability (even the persons who do not wish to visit the museum are supplied with it). The problem with the valuation of a public good is that those who benefit from it cannot be made to pay for these benefits. A supplier of a public good can therefore not recover the full costs needed to provide the good. With heritage assets provided essentially as free accessible goods, this means that there is always the danger of free riding, leading to excessive and unsustainable use (Garrod & Fyall, 2000; Grant et al., 1998). The degree to which a balance is achieved between the heritage destination and its users (both residents and other parties such as businesses, government, etc.) and visitors is crucial to the quality of the heritage destination. The balance between visitors, heritage destination and user is vulnerable; striving for an optimal balance requires constant monitoring of the effects of visitors. These effects can be positive in terms of monetary revenue (i.e. more entrance fees) but negative in terms of social well-being because of overcrowding. With a growing accessibility to travelers, there is increasing pressure on heritage destinations. A good example of this are the hot springs and travertine terraces at Pamukkale in Turkey, listed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Because of the growing tourism industry in the 20th century, hotels were built over the ruins of the old city, causing severe damage. Generating visitor flows means searching for the turning point from where positive experiences (and positive revenues) change into more negative experiences (and loss of revenues). It is important to realize that, when striving for an optimal balance, the monetary benefits are only a part of the total revenue that heritage generates. Apart from the monetary benefits, heritage destinations have a strong sociocultural, psychological and political meaning (see other sections of this article), which generate benefits that cannot be measured in an objective manner right now but only in the longer term.

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A shared feature of sustainability and heritage is that they are both concerned with future generations. We can speak of sustainable development as a process which ensures that ‘we pass on to the next generation a stock of (natural and built) capital assets no less than the stock we have now (Pearce, 1992). Additionally, heritage involves interpretations of the past that we want to preserve for future generations. Heritage is interpretation; interpreting the ‘true’ story in a way that makes the heritage product more marketable or profitable in terms of financial revenues is justifiable. When the vulnerable balance between the heritage destination and its users and visitors is disturbed or not optimal, it may affect the sociocultural value of the heritage destination in an irreversible manner. 5 CONCLUDING COMMENTS In this paper we discussed three dilemmas that together contribute to the insight into the asymmetrical relationship between heritage and tourism. For example, is tourism responsible for squandering heritage destinations? For heritage is used as an instrument to attract visitors and/or to give places renewed energy and economic vitality by which the intrinsic values of heritage, in terms of its cultural and historical values, are liable to be pushed aside. The first dilemma addressed in this paper concerns the tension between the desire for true history based upon facts as far as possible, and the wish for as many as possible visitors. It makes clear that although many heritage destinations are unique, there is to an increasing degree what Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) call a mismatch between sender and receiver. The problem often occurs if the intended meaning of a destination (the sender) is not perceived as such by its users (the receivers). Or in other words, it is quite difficult to combine the normative rules involved with professional targets. Identities of destinations are much more robust than identities that users derive from destinations: they change much more quickly as a result of all kinds of different trends in what is termed the ‘taste economy’ (Mommaas, 2000). The awareness of the existence of the different but interrelated types of discourse (with their own realities, objectives, rules and conventions) provides a far better insight into the debate around the intrinsic values of heritage. The second dilemma subscribes to the already mentioned role that heritage plays in the formation of identity. However, is important to realize that individual identity and collective identity are two different concepts. More often than not, these two are approached as if representing the same thing, which is not the case, as identity may have nothing to do with groups. An individual identity is the result of all kinds of personal characteristics or traits that make us unique individuals. In addition to these personal traits, other more communal characteristics may contribute to the construction of an identity based on a common background in terms of origin, culture and ethnicity (see also Van Maanen, 2011). Therefore, existential authenticity, as a search for oneself, can be seen as a psychological concept that may contribute, just like heritage, to the formation process of a person’s identity. The third dilemma showed the difficulty of the question ‘does everything that is selected to be preserved need to have monetary value? This may lead to decisions based on monetary value; close this museum because it worth less than another one in terms of money or future revenues? It is necessary to take into account that decisions made in this field can be irreversible. Heritage is not a static phenomenon; what is considered important enough to conserve today, may be worthless tomorrow, so who gets to make the decisions based on what reality? Is it society, heritage professionals or economists? Another problem is the problem in terms of optimizing revenues, even when there is a market for goods and destinations, in the way that introducing entrance fees to maximize visitor numbers can damage or overcrowd the destination, which will have a reverse effect on the sustainable development and conservation of the destination (Steiner, 1997). All the dilemmas addressed in this paper - each in their own way and discipline - contribute to the discussion on the relationship between heritage and tourism. However, it has become clear that when studying the relationship between heritage and tourism it is almost inevitable to approach it from different but contextually closely related perspectives. These perspectives are based on the predominant disciplines in today’s society, such as economic, social, political and


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cultural disciplines. The interwoven relationship that exists between these disciplines, as described by Bazelmans (2009), provides some interesting viewpoints for future debate on heritage and tourism. For example, all of our actions, values and standards are closely related with and influenced by these various disciplines. The individual as well as the collective, each with their own values and principles, make up an active and integrated part in all these disciplines. This means that studying the existing relationship between heritage and tourism in terms of a causal connection and/or cause-and-effect relation is actually based on a misconception. In other words, the development of heritage and tourism cannot be regarded in terms like cherishing or squandering. After all, these terms are the result of interactive processes that are taking place in society, as well as choices that are made within the various disciplines separately and collectively. To put it short, the supposed cherishing or squandering of heritage - the latter defined as a loss of intrinsic values - is not necessarily accountable to the economic exploitation of heritage. Furthermore, the changes in the interpretation of concepts such as authenticity, identity and values - caused by the constant state of flux within and between the various disciplines - may lead to a changing position and interpretation of heritage. This complex relationship justifies a study that focuses on the dynamics of the processes taking place within and between the disciplines described. To put it differently, what are the prevailing economic, political, social and cultural relations, values and standards in a society at a certain point in time, and what does this mean for the interpretation of heritage and its possible relation to tourism? REFERENCES Abelson, P., 2001. Valuing the public benefits of heritage listing of commercial buildings, for The NSW Heritage Office Ashworth, G.J., 1991. Heritage planning: conservation as the management of urban change. GeoPers. Groningen. Ashworth. G.J & P. Howard, 1999. European heritage planning and management. Intellect books. Exeter. Bazelmans, J., 2009. Wie betaalt, bepaalt? In: Het cultuurhistorisch argument. Essaybundel, pp 47-59. Roto Smeets Grafiservices. Utrecht. Boyle, D., 2003. Authenticity: Brands, Spin and the Lust for Real Life. Flamingo. London. Ennen, E., 2004. Bindingen in Brandevoort. Ennen, E., 1999. Heritage in Fragments. The Meaning of Pasts for City Centre Residents. NGO 260. Groningen. Feddes, F. & J. de Graaf , 2003. ‘en ook weemoedigheid, die kan niemand verklaren’. In: Stedebouw & Ruimtelijke Ordening, jaargang 84, nummer 3, pp. 8-11. Garrod, B. & Fyall, A., 2000. Managing Heritage Tourism, Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 27, No. 3, pp. 682-708. Gibbons, M., Limoges, C., Nowotny, H., Schwartzman, S., Scott, P. and Trow, M. 1994. The New production of knowledge. SAGE. London. Gilmore, J.H. and Pine, B.J., 2007. What consumers really want. Harvard Business School Press. Boston. Graham, B., G.J. Ashworth & J. Tunbridge 2000. A Geography of Heritage - Power, Culture & Economy. Arnold. London. Grant, M., B. Human, and B. Le Pelley, 1998. Who Pays for the Free Lunch? Destination Management and the “Free Good” Factor. English Tourist Board Insights, January, A95–A101 Hansen, T.B., 1997, The willingness-to pay for the Royal Theatre in Copenhagen as a public good, Journal of Cultural Economics, Vil. 21. pp. 1-28. Klamer, A., 2011. Cultural goods are good for more than their economic value, updated January 2011. Kunneman, H. 2005. Voorbij het dikke-ik. B.V. Uitgeverij SWP. Amsterdam. MacCannell, D. ,1973. Staged Authenticity: Arrangements of Social Space in Tourist Settings. American Journal of Sociology. 79(3): 589 – 603. Mason, R., 2002, Assessing values in Conservation Planning: Methodological Issues and Choices. In M. de la Torre (ed.) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage, Research report, The Getty Conservation Institute, pp. 5-30. Los Angeles. Mourato, S., Mazzanti, M., 2002, Economic Valuation of Cultural Heritage: Evidence and Prospects. In M. de la Torre (ed.) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage, Research report, The Getty Conservation Institute, pp. 51-73. Los Angeles. Metz, T. (2002), Zelfgemaakt verleden – gesprek met erfgoedhistoricus David Lowenthal. In NRC

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Handelsblad 06-12-2002. Mommaas, H. 2000. Over de culturele dimensie van de ruimte. Of hoe die te begrijpen en wat daarmee te doen. VROM. Den Haag. Pearce, D., 1992, Towards sustainable Development through Environmental Assessment. CSERGE Working Paper PA 92-11, London. Platenkamp, V. & R.K. Isaac, 2012. Ethnography of hope in extreme places: Ahrendt’s agora in controversial tourism destinations. Forthcoming in Tourism, Culture and Communication. Reisinger, Y. and C. J. Steiner, 2006. Reconceptualizing object authenticity, Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 33 no. 1 pp 65-86 Relph, E.C., 1976. Place and Placelessness. Pion. London. Ruijgrok, E.C.M., 2006. The three economic values of cultural heritage: a case study in the Netherlands Journal of Cultural Heritage 7, pp. 206-213. Smith, L., 2006. Uses of Heritage. Routledge. London. Steiner, F., 1997, Optimal Pricing of museum admission, Journal of Cultural Economics, 9(2): 1-34. Throsby, D., 2002, Cultural Capital and Sustainability Concepts in Economics and Cultural Heritage. In M. de la Torre (ed.) Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage, Research report, The Getty Conservation Institute, pp. 101-117. Los Angeles. Throsby, D. 2003. Determining the Value of Cultural Goods: How much (or How little) does contingent valuation tell us? Journal of Cultural Economics, Vol. 27, pp. 275-285. Timothy, D.J., 2011. Cultural Heritage and Tourism. Channel View Publications. Bristol. Tunbridge, T. & G.J. Ashworth, 1996. Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the past as resource in conflict. John Wiley & Sons Ltd. West Sussex. Van Maanen, E.G.O.M., 2011. Colonial Heritage and Ethnic Pluralism; It’s Socio-Psychological Meaning in a Multiethnic Community. NRIT Media. Breda. Wang, N., 1999. Rethinking Authenticity in Tourism Experience. Annals of Tourism Research. 26(2): 349 – 370. Walsh, K., 1992. The representation of the past: museums and heritage in the post-modern world. Routledge. London.


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The recovery of abandoned settlement heritage as a sustainable local economic development strategy: a wide area pilot project C. C. Falasca University “G. D’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara, Department of Engineering and Geology, Pescara, Italy

C. Lufrano University “G. D’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara, Department of Engineering and Geology, Pescara, Italy

ABSTRACT: Within a wide mountainous area of the Province of Teramo (Italy), 127 small and medium sized historic settlements are in a state of near total abandonment. The recoverability of this heritage was defined in the drafting of an Inter-municipal Unit Strategic Plan of local economic development based on the potential for re-use of forgotten local resources. The aim is to promote re-anthropization of the area through gradual resettlement that assumes man as protagonist with the needs and aspirations of our time. In order to define an appropriate methodology of approach, a pilot project was developed in a sample area as an experimental prototype as demonstration of the feasibility, of the idea, of a global strategic plan. The strength of the project is in the research of the settlement capacity, for the sizing of plan, of the historical heritage in the transition from old to new modes of use.

1 INTRODUCTION In the mountains and foothills of the Province of Teramo, within an environmental and landscape setting, one of the best preserved and most picturesque in Italy, there are 127 small and medium sized historic settlements, called villages in a state of almost total neglect. A forgotten heritage, disused, involving 15 municipalities over an area of about 56,000 hectares mostly within the Gran Sasso-Laga National Park of European interest, 40 km from the sea. Of this, 32 villages were the subject of detailed research comprising a total of 550,124 cubic meters, 923 building units, of which 256 abandoned and 341 in seasonal use. To this, housing stock of over 11,000 hectares of land under public ownership is added, largely ignored by local governments.

Figure 1. Panoramic view of the territory of the Monti della Laga.

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2 ISSUES INVOLVED IN WIDE SCALE HERITAGE: REUSE AS A STRATEGY FOR RECOVERY Given this situation, following an initial design trial on three sample villages with the aim of exploring the potential for recovery for a widespread receptivity, the question of just what to do with the other 124 villages was immediately posed. Given the sheer amount of heritage, it would be impossible to provide an answer, to be able to decide what to preserve and what to change, if the why were not clear, if a purpose is not determined which is, other than from a cultural perspective, socially and economically sustainable. That is, unless there is a vision of a possible future that reintegrates building stock within the area that generated it. Thus a wide area comprehensive strategy based on the potential for compatible reuse within a development model appropriate to the specificity of the places. The concept of reuse presumes a user, and therefore the revival of human presence even before building recovery as a necessary condition for technical and economic sustainability. A new human presence that expresses a new needs based framework in relation to that for which each settlement was established. It will therefore be within this context that the new needs based framework will be the filter through which it will be possible to decide what it is appropriate to do with the existing building stock, whether it should be preserved, transformed, integrated or replaced. More specifically, the categories of compatible intervention on each building consistent with the strategy implemented upstream can be established.

Figure 2. View of small sized historical settlement.

Reuse is therefore not meant as an operational category on building artefacts determined beforehand, detached from a socio-economic reference context but as a goal that is located upstream of it, expressing a broader concept that involves the attitudinal profile of the territory and is receptive to innovation in new housing standards. It places emphasis on the pursuit of the aim of the intervention within a systems perspective by determining the compatible modes of use of the building space. These modes will in turn be evaluated on a case by case basis for each building artefact in order to verify its compatibility with the relevant service faculties. It will be the use that is deemed compatible, assessed in relation to the architectural and historical "values" present, which will determine oscillation between what can be preserved and what needs to be transformed. This research into the "sense" of the recovery of the building heritage preceding the how to technically implement recovery was the strong point that led to the decision of the Provincial


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Administration of Teramo to proceed to the formulation of a long-term system programframework aimed at the area re-anthropisation in its globality to such an extent that it is considered more appropriate to speak of recovering the settlement system and not of a single village estranged from its local context or of the individual building. The program identifies in the ancient villages and in the countryside where they are located the potential to respond to the new emerging housing demand based on modern immaterial requirements of our time which refer to environmental quality and psycho-physical comfort. To this end, a Feasibility Study of the program was drawn up. The study identified two priority actions for the trigger: a) the drafting of an inter-municipal "Unit Strategic Plan" of local sustainable development; b) the identification of a priority intervention area to be promoted in the short and medium term. An initial scenario of possible local sustainable development was envisioned for this area, conceived as a model-structure orientation for the transition from a historically spontaneous anthropisation process to a process of systematically programmable reanthropisation. 3 THE PILOT PROJECT: DEFINITION OF THE AVERAGE STANDARD RESIDENTIAL HOUSING APPROPRIATE FOR RESETTLEMENT The vastness of the area of intervention meant the need to proceed with the establishment of a pilot proyect of a sample area subsystem.The aim of this project was to explore in detail the framework of possible actions intended for the integrated recovery of all the territorial components at stake, from which to draw the methodological and technical guidelines to be extended to the remaining area for drafting of the Unit Strategic Plan. The attitudinal profiles of the territory based on analysis of the actual state in relation to four categories of intervention were identified: consolidation, revitalisation, resettlement, regeneration. The need to define resettlement action for scaling of the intervention program was paramount for the purposes of re-anthropisation. The action of resettlement is determined by the settlement capacity that the territory is able to express that is, in this case, by the availability of existing building stock for reuse for residential purposes. To this end the volumetric consistency, conservation status and the condition of use for each building unit were identified and a map of settlement weights of the entire territorial subsystem was created, highlighting within it the conservation status of the typological and morphological native characters. The map is primarily aimed at restoring the framework of the potential use of individual settlements, both in terms of historical and architectural as well as functional value. On the basis of this cognitive data sizing of the Plan in relation to the new housing requirement was performed. It was considered appropriate to achieve sizing by not applying uncritically the conventional parameters dictated by current regulations (100 cubic metros/inhabitant), but through a complex assessment geared to the actual potential of available heritage, separated case by case based on their settlement, historic or new creation matrix, as well as typology character.

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Figure 3. The map of prevailing attitudinal profile.

In this sense, the procedure adopted was to draw out from the relationship between the land and the reconvertible housing stock the average compatible and sustainable housing standard, that is the number of potential inhabitants that can be reinstated in the medium and long term. One of the main factors of complexity is represented by the radical transformation over the last fifty years of the two main parameters in play: - the number of members of the average household, reduced to one quarter when compared to the national statistics and more than halved when considered in response to the local socioeconomic model under project; - the level of living comfort required, undoubtedly much higher compared to the past. To be able to determine the average standard of the project, consistent with the places, it was considered appropriate to commence with the original one determined based on a representative sample of type situations, with specific reference to the historic building stock purified of new buildings and of non residential premises (30% of the Se total) used for production activity service functions. The average value thus obtained was then updated in a manner appropriate to the new needs based framework through a suitable increase appropriately differentiated primarily in terms of the conservation status of the historical value of each settlement. Differentiation was necessitated, for reliability of the average value sought, given the large gap determined by the transition from a historical building based on real needs to post-war construction since the sixties of last century induced by the regulatory plan building index, generally oversized and widely dictated by speculative pressures of the moment.On this basis, the average values assigned are 45 sq. m/inhabitant for the villages and rudimentary historical clusters, 60 sq. m/inhabitant for villages with great transformation potential, 75 sq. m/inhabitant for isolated houses and 90 sq. m/inhabitant for newly built clusters. The total population for resettlement in the short and medium term within the entire subsystem sample was estimated to be 1,381 inhabitants, while for the long-term it amounted to 2,725.


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Figure 4. The definition of the average standards residential housing

4 ZONING OF THE PLAN: THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SETTLEMENT CAPACITY AND CHARACTER IDENTITY OF THE TERRITORY Based on the sustainable settlement load of the area, re-zoning was activated. This was namely the technical act aimed at representing the operational identity of the constituent parts of the area, identified as zones, that are able to express their own specificity of promotional actions of development in line with the natural and anthropogenic resources available. The zone in this sense is the operational area of the delegated Plan which would be of significance and play a role in the envisioned system framework. Therefore, in relation to the afore-mentioned attitudinal profiles, the area was divided into strategic territorial components such as territorial entities structurally endowed with their own

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character identity in terms of physical and psycho sensory benefits, each consisting of different types of settlement and indigenous production capacity which, of various kinds and levels of quantitative and qualitative consistency, contribute synergistically to the promotion of development. They were separated, in relation to the development mode, into areal and linear. The areal components in turn were divided in relation to their degree of complexity into three subcategories: in descending order, cell, pole and point of integrated development. Each component is itself made up of several homogeneous functional areas, which explain the specific aspects of the prevalent uses active within it.

Figure 5. The map of strategic territorial components

The completely abandoned villages are the springboards for the vitality of the cells, and as such are to be fully regenerated, which due to their strategic location in places of outstanding beauty, offer a strong incentive towards the creation of centres of excellence for different types of tourist accommodation. The objectives for reusing existing building stock were formulated with regard to the characteristic essence of the individual area component in accordance with a basic strategy that is the need to activate a two-way relationship between the work of resettlement and the action of promoting tourism in the area. That means achieving a true combination between stable and temporary users, between residential and touristic benefits. The union of these two factors, without one prevailing over the other, ensures the viability of the system is the essence of development, is the protection of values. These objectives are followed by the Plan through a series of specific actions defined for each component area according to a ratio of compatibility of the same with the performance capabilities related to its specific character connotation. For the purposes of understanding the methodology adopted for illustrative purposes, that established for cells C1 and C2 is stated: − for cell C1, which is distinguished by the high degree of conservation of the environmental and landscape features and the high level of natural environment accompanied by low settlement density, a predominantly agricultural character connotation (50%) and pastoral lives-


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tock (50%) was identified for which the overall specific characterising objective was established: the recreation of a condition of “balanced ecosystem” of the relationship between man and environment through actions that promote the cell as a place of a natural and artificial continuum where there is natural presence backdrop, of “scarcity of human action, of relaxation and mental and physical regeneration through direct contact with the practice of agricultural and pastoral activities, of the return to slow time, of silence; − for cell C2, that is distinguished by the morphological and environmental variety of the physical support and the resulting fragmentation of the relationship between man and environment that witnesses the prevalence of the naturalistic component, a basic character connotation was identified which also predominantly featured agriculture and sedentary livestock. To this end the overall specific characterising objective was established: to enhance the environmental qualities of the area through actions that promote the cell as location of the domination of widespread nature to be experienced in its many emotional performances, of visual changes, both limited and broad in expanse, that alternate between depths of field, of movement that alternates between ascents and descents, of spaciousness, of dynamism and lightness, of flight into nature and the sublimation of the senses, of constant emotion that peaks in poles of excellence.

Figure 6. The map of the pilot project.

In this vein, resettlement is invariably dependent on the productivity of the area. An extinguished productivity that the Plan aims to renew, to re-establish on its same patterns, those that resulted in the historical settlement. Certainly not reproducing like the original set-up, but through the modernisation of land use methods, of the forms of enterprise and production, of the organisational structure of commercialisation and through the integration of new suitably located complimentary compatible productivity.

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Figure 7. Panoramic view of the landscape of historical settlements.

5 CONCLUSIONS At the end of the training process, the pilot project has fully confirmed the feasibility of these purposes in its capacity as exploratory tool. In particular it highlighted: a) the high degree of spatial planning due to the multiplicity, the diversity and the widespread distribution of natural and human resources available; b) the feasibility of system strategies of the re-antropization program which is given by a wide range of performance capabilities of forgotten autochthonous resources; c) the large capacity of the existing settlement heritage to meet the new demand for intangible assets required in our time; d) the wide availability of resources which can express a high degree of attractiveness able to act as a trigger. All of the information gained, all the difficulties and the potentialities emerged finally provided the information necessary to formulate guidelines on methods, techniques and procedures for the design of Inter-municipal Unit Strategic Plan of the whole territory under analysis. The findings of that research, especially about the detailed reality-sample offered by the pilot project, shows a way of living that goes over the boundaries of the physical size of the housing. It invests variable spatial extent of the territory contrasting the uniform and static contemporary city with the heterogeneity and dynamism of natural systems. According to the new development model the complex net of existing settlements takes the form of an exemplary “eco-city” whose design does not need to be invented, but just reinterpreted in the light of the new users’ behavioral patterns. According to the impressions gathered during the surveys, this forward projection, that the recovery project intends to operate, provokes two opposite reactions in the opinion of local communities, mostly made up of elderly people. On one hand there is the pride of belonging to a vision of the future that makes them protagonists, on the other hand there is the lake of confidence in the operational capability of the higher-level governments (Province, Region, State) increasingly absent. The relevant element is the fact that about the local governments, which are smaller and smaller for the high rate of depopulation, are free of financial resources. On the other side the regional and national policy of the country shows no interest in the medium and long term strategies that a resettlement program requires. This is demonstrated by the fact that the project is currently is at a standstill in the hands of the Provincial Administration who promoted the drafting and has not yet had a public presentation which could allow the comparison with the citizens and the cultural and socio-economic authorities of the area.


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An other obstacle to the realization of the program is the inadequacy of the existing planning instruments, either too general or too specialized and sometimes even conflicting with each other, which at the present do not provide any idea of future oriented to restore habitability of places. The strategic approach aims to overcome these institutional gaps opposing to the risk of an inevitable re-naturalization of a forgotten land through the trigger of a virtuous process that sees the primary actor the man who lives in the places. This process is oriented to the construction of a new socio-economic identity which will be historically rooted and culturally advanced. REFERENCES AA.VV. 1994. I sistemi collinari abruzzesi. Pescara: Poman Poligrafica Mancini. Bonamico, S. & Tamburini, G. 1996. Centri antichi minori d’Abruzzo. Roma: Gangemi Editore. Cavallari, L. 1983. Il progetto di recupero. Note per un approccio tecnologico 31-51. Roma: Veutro Editore. Centofanti, M. 1978. Territorio e città: lettura dei valori storici, architettonici e ambientali. In Piano di sviluppo sociale-economico-urbanistico. Comunità montana Valle del Giovenco. Regione Abruzzo. Falasca, C.C. & Lufrano, C. & Vallese, G. 2006. I Borghi della Laga. Progetto di recupere per un sistema di ricettività diffusa. Paesaggio Urbano, n. 2 18-23. Germanà, M. L. 1995. La qualità del recupero edilizio 103-112. Firenze: Alinea Editrice. Maietti, F. 2008. Centri storici minori. Progetti di recupero e restauro del tessuto urbano fra identità culturale e salvaguardia. Sant’Arcangelo di Romagna (RN): Maggioli Editore. Miarelli Mariani, G. 1993. Centri storici note sul tema. Collana Strumenti n.6. Roma. Soc. Coo. R.L. Sistema-Ambiente. 1980. Progetto Regionale per una indagine qualitativa e quantitativa sul patrimonio architettonico dei centri storici minori abruzzesi. Provincia dell’Aquila – Regione Abruzzo. L’Aquila.

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Restoration of traditional architectural character. A cost – benefit analysis in a Greek mountainous town, based on the implementation of CVM S. Giannakopoulou National Technical University of Athens (NTUA), Metsovion Interdisciplinary Research Centre

D. Kaliampakos National Technical University of Athens (NTUA), Metsovion Interdisciplinary Research Centre

ABSTRACT: Greek mountain areas hold an important number of traditional settlements. However, most of them have undergone a severe decline of their traditional character. With the results of an aesthetic anarchy prevailing, the loss of their unique traditional identity is already evident. One of the basic arguments against preserving and enhancing old buildings’ architectural characteristics is the high construction cost involved. On the other hand, there are two parameters that can change the situation, cost wise. Architectural design based on fresh ideas and clever thinking can provide low – cost solutions, able to drastically improve the aesthetic quality of a place. The second parameter is that this aesthetic improvement can be translated into added touristic value, which can be expressed into monetary terms, by using modern economic tools, such as the Contingent Valuation Method. The Greek mountainous town of Metsovo was used as a case study. Several buildings along the entrance and the main street were selected as objects of restoration. Basic aesthetic problems were pointed out. The buildings’ facades were redesigned aiming at regaining their initial architectural characteristics as well as being harmonically embodied into the town’s traditional physiognomy. Then, a restoration proposal, regarding the overall enhancement of the entrance and the main street was made and restoration cost was estimated. Furthermore, a questionnaire survey, based on CVM, was conducted estimating the economic value of the aesthetic quality of the place. Based on the outcomes of this research, it is proved that restoration cost is reasonable. At the same time, the benefits derived from the enhancement of the place, revealed with the help of CVM, proved also to be well balanced with the cost, thus, helping the realization of the restoration project.

1 INTRODUCTION One of the most significant cultural characteristics of Greek mountainous areas is their traditional settlements. The vernacular architecture of them was created at the pre industrial era and comprises a well preserved reflection of past social structures. This heritage is threatened in many cases either by mass tourism or by a rapid and, usually, profit oriented development. In both cases there is a steady degradation of its characteristics that may lead to its distinction. A relative survey was contacted to a mountainous town that reveals the importance of the protection and preservation of the local vernacular architecture. It was proved that the visitors of the place not only welcome and encourage local architecture’s protection but they would also be willing to contribute themselves, economically, to it. Furthermore, a restoration project was studied for the recovery of the town’s local character and identity which was further completed with its analytical cost estimation. Comparing the necessary restoration cost with the total estimated economic value of vernacular architecture it comes into light that protecting the architec-

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tural characteristics of the town is feasible and multiply beneficial for the future local development. 2 TRADITIONAL SETTLEMENTS IN GREEK MOUNTAINOUS AREAS Greek mountain areas hold an important number of traditional settlements. Their creation dates back to the 14th and 15th ct. during the Ottoman Empire conquest in Greece. Greeks found refuge in the mountains where they built their first settlements that later evolved in larger villages and towns. The initial buildings were small sized, simple, one storey constructions that sheltered men and animals. Only when people started to gain wealth and safety did they built larger constructions. Houses became two or three storied and more rooms were added in order to cover the increasing needs. The building process followed the social needs and the available economic resources. Settlements’ evolution lasted almost four centuries. These settlements were steadily developing communities. Architecture was the cultural reflection of these communities’ evolution. It was during the 17th and 18th ct. that these areas reached the peak of their development. Male population of many of these areas was traveling all over Greece and Europe selling their products to many European cities that were the main merchant centers of the time. Merchants made money that they later invested in their home places bringing prosperity and wealth to their local communities. It was mainly during these centuries that most of the educational, religious and other public buildings were constructed in the Greek mountain regions. The social decline of these areas took place in the next century. Due to the general socioeconomic national condition many mountainous areas’ habitants left their home places searching for better life prospects in the urban centers. Many villages were abandoned and the social life of these areas stayed at the backstage of the national development planning. Hence, this social exclusion is largely accountable for the preservation of many traditional settlements in mountainous Greece. Lack of evolution was like an “ice shell” for the local architecture that kept it almost untouched for years. Greece’s mountains today are among the very few places, at national level, that hold an important amount of well preserved traditional settlements. 3 ARCHITECTURAL DECLINE IN TRADITIONAL MOUNTAIN SETTLEMENTS At the beginning of the 20th ct. Greece was transforming from a rural country to an urban one, in terms of its population’s habitation status. Rural way of life became, somehow, synonymous to social delay and non development. Urban lifestyle was at the focus of interest. In this sense, tourism in mountainous areas was out of the lifestyle choices of the time apart from few and specific mountain regions that developed ski tourism. It was not until many years later when mountain tourism began to grow and people returned to these areas, as visitors. Old houses were reconstructed, new ones were built and many abandoned villages became second house places. Despite of the general abandonment some regions managed to keep their population and present a permanent habitation and a steady development till today. Lifestyle habits were altered at these places, as well. New needs replaced the obsolete ones. Former social isolation was put aside, rather quickly, mainly due to the strong television’s influence as well as the improvement of the infrastructure facilities that brought these areas closer to the urban centers. Mountain regions were before a new challenge: social evolution that had to find its expression in old, vernacular building environments. Social changes and tourism, both unavoidable and necessary for local mountain development, revealed a strong threat to what abandonment and nature had well protected for years: the architectural heritage of these areas. Lack of design rules and inspired local authorities hold important responsibility for the decline that these traditional building environments undergo. A short – sighted and profit oriented touristic development tends to transform some of the most valuable architectural heritage to indifferent places of endless rows of “traditional like” resorts. On the other hand, new buildings took away an important part of their local identity. Structures with no architectural virtue seemed to have been “planted” among compact building environments that counted hundreds years of life. Lack of continuity in forms and function led to the creation of rather dull environments. Furthermore, the rapid invasion of new building and land uses did not let the necessary time for their smooth and even absorption


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and embodiment. The coexistence of new and old is a challenge that can lead to inspired creations and improvement of a place’s character. Unfortunately, this is not what describes the majority of mountainous settlements, in Greece’s mountains, today. 4 RESTORATION OF TRADITIONAL ARCHITECTURAL CHARACTER Vernacular architecture is a national cultural heritage. It is a valuable vehicle of the history, the social life and the technological development of the past. Once it is lost it can’t be replaced. Traditional settlements can not be reconstructed. Their physical existence in the natural environment where they were “born” is an important part of their value. Furthermore, they are not valuable as isolated buildings so as unities – it is the structure of the villages, the interconnections between different building elements (buildings, bridges, squares, open spaces, streets, e.t.c) that comprises the architecture. When it comes to the protection and the preservations of vernacular architecture many issues arise. Relative knowledge, necessary policy, constructive regulations, human skills, inspirational architects and cost are among the most important. Many times cost appears to be an important obstacle. Since economic resources are limited certain decisions have to be made, concerning the distribution of these resources. In many cases the protection of vernacular buildings requires work of high cost. Or, this seems to be the common feeling. Sometimes, just the idea of an expensive procedure is enough for it not to be realized. Restoration of vernacular buildings is a common field in the architectural process. There is a huge variety of restoration projects that demonstrates very good examples of embodying new uses into old buildings. In Greek mountain regions there are such examples concerning the restoration of old buildings and their transformation mainly to hotels or museums. Apart from other obvious advantages the reuse of old vernacular buildings offers an additional benefit to the improvement of the local communities’ living quality, as well. Restoration projects may as well concern modern buildings in an effort to regain their lost initial architectural characteristics. Redesigning of such buildings may contribute to the regaining of the declined traditional character of many places. 5 CASE STUDY: THE MOUNTAINOUS TOWN OF METSOVO In this paper a case study of a restoration project is presented. The project took place at the mountainous town of Metsovo, in Greece, a small town of 3,500 inhabitants. It holds an important amount of vernacular buildings along with new ones that have been built since the ‘50s. Many parts of the town undergo severe decline of the local architectural character. Loss of local identity is already evident and pointed out from the town’s visitors and its habitants. The restoration project concerns the redesign and enhancement of several buildings and the main entrance of the town. Aiming at the regaining of the lost traditional character it is focused mainly on the redesign of the facades of the buildings along with specific design proposals for the town’s entrance and the main street. The design proposals are accomplished with analytical construction cost. Furthermore, a survey was applied to the visitors of the town revealing their opinions on local architecture, the need for its protection and their willingness to contribute with an amount of money for the preservation of local vernacular architecture. The results of the survey proved really interesting. The visitors’ willingness to pay was revealed with the application of Contingent Valuation Method (CVM). It was proved that the total amount of money, the visitors being willing to give, can be compared with the local Municipality’s annual budget and justifies the amount of money required for the restoration project. 5.1 The vernacular architecture of the town of Metsovo Metsovo is located at an altitude of 1,150m. in the mountain range of Pindos. It is situated at an inclined slope surrounded by mountains and forests. Metsovo’s vernacular architecture bears the general characteristics of the local architecture of Epirus region holding at the same time some special, local peculiarities. Vernacular architecture in Metsovo, as everywhere else, is strongly

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influenced by the landscape, the climatic conditions and the available natural resources. The buildings are two or three storied taking full advantage of the strongly inclined land. The external walls are built with stone taken from the surrounding mountainous terrain. They are 0,70 – 1,00m. thick. In some cases part of the external walls of the second or the third floor is made of wood structure, painted on the external façade. Windows are few and small. They are placed on the south side of the building, in order to avoid thermal loss (from the north). A usual characteristic of the upper floor is a small wooden structured projection in the middle of the façade. It is made to raise the inner space and enable more light to the inside of the house. The buildings are covered with inclined roofs made of wooden structure and covered with thin stones (limestone). The roof extends the perimeter of the house (0,40 – 0,60 m.) in order to protect it from the rain and the sun. Being very close to one another (the buildings) the roofs’ extensions create shadow to the roads under them and protect people from rain. Fireplaces are put in one or two rooms of the house and their chimneys create a very interesting architectural characteristic throughout the settlement. Buildings are close to each other for the maximum use of limited space. The settlement is developed around a central square that is the social, commercial, religious and administrative center of the settlement. Several smaller centers, around churches, did develop through years in other parts of the settlement. Stone made fountains are dispersed throughout the settlement for the best public service. In the following pictures there are some representative vernacular buildings of Metsovo.

Pictures 1 – 4. Vernacular architecture of Metsovo

5.2 Modern constructions in the traditional environment of Metsovo The building environment is the spatial expression of the social needs and changes. The town of Metsovo is a vivid place under constant evolution. Its architectural characteristics today witness the development procedure that has been taking place. The first important alterations, at the building environment, took place at the decade of fifties, mainly, when new construction materials replaced the old ones. Concrete and aluminium were then used instead of the local stone and wood. New materials were easier to find and at a lower cost. Skilled craftsmen of stone or wood were rather scarce, since this occupation was becoming rare among young people. New


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materials also offered more freedom to morphological experiments and maximized the used space. (Thinner external walls enabled bigger inner space. Concrete constructions were free of storey limitations). New buildings were constructed in some parts of the town, irrespective of the local traditional character. Holding no architectural virtue, these new buildings covered specific needs when, at the same time, contributed to a severe loss of local architectural identity. Important parts of the town began to resemble to any other indifferent urban centers, of Greece. It was only in 1975 and 1978 when the town of Metsovo was included among 400 settlements, all over Greece, that were declared as traditional settlements and special law was applied in order to secure their architectural characteristics’ protection. Yet, there had been almost twenty years of construction activity, in Metsovo, that had already shaped firmly parts of the town. Protective building regulation did pose certain restrictions although it did not prove to be very efficient. Regulations made obligatory the use of stone at the external walls of the buildings (only to the height of the ground and first floor) as well as posed certain restrictions to the height of the buildings and the materials of their windows’ structure. But, detached regulations without an overall plan for the place are not effective. Therefore, there was not much improvement to the whole character of the town even after the building construction’s restrictions. A general view of the architectural characteristics of Metsovo is presented in the following pictures.

Pictures 5 and 6. New architecture of Metsovo

5.3 A restoration proposal for the town of Metsovo In view of regaining the town’s local traditional identity a restoration project was realized. Methodologically the project consisted of three steps: a. Analytical study of the existing buildings’ and public space’s condition. b. Detection of the main elements that contribute to the decline of the local traditional architecture and set up of the main design principles and goals. c. Presentation of the design project through sketches and drawings. Fourteen buildings along the main street of the town were selected according to their special characteristics. Three general building categories were identified: Old vernacular buildings that have undergone various changes to their external facades, newer buildings that bear some characteristics of the local vernacular architecture (i.e.: stone walls, wooden openings, e.t.c.) and newer buildings that are typical of the common urban, Greek architecture. Different kind of design approach was decided for each one of the three categories. Design proposals for the external facades consisted either of few slight changes or, in some cases, of a holistic new redesign of the building. The proposals’ aim was to reestablish a morphological dialogue between tradition and modernity. Reconstruction of parts of some buildings brought elements that combine the old with the new. The main principals of the design proposals were: The reduction of the openings’ size when this was possible (especially the window-frames of the shops), the use of

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stone on the external facades (following the local building technique), the use of wood on the openings’ frames, the use of wood instead of other materials for the construction of the balconies’ rails (according to local traditional rails construction techniques and patterns), the removal of every decorative piece of the buildings’ facades in accordance with the local austere architecture (i.e.: little statues), the removal and reconstruction of decorative stone facades, the removal and redesign of signs and labels on the buildings. One of the main aims of the proposal was the establishment of continuity between nearby buildings. Existing elements of buildings were taken under consideration during the design procedure. Furthermore, the open space was also studied. Several proposals were made for the open space between the buildings and the street. Part of the main street was redesigned as a cobbled road for pedestrians. Several parking places were designed along the pedestrian road. The open space’s infrastructure was also studied and design proposals were made for the signs as well as the general set up of the street tubs. Finally, a design proposal for the redesign of the main entrance of the town was made consisting of the creation of a special entrance landmark, the replacement of part of the asphalt with cobbled road (mainly for the optical signaling of the entrance), the creation of pedestrians’ sidewalks, along the street, that lead to the central square and the creation of parking space, near the entrance, outside of the sore of the town. Every construction work was cost estimated according to the relative building cost legislation. The construction cost of the design proposal was estimated to vary between 6,500€ and 25,000€ depending on the building. An average cost of 150€ /m2 was estimated. The cost for the reconstruction works for the fourteen buildings was estimated to 700,000€. Finally, the cost for the reconstruction of the whole proposal (including the cobbled road and the main entrance of the town) was estimated at almost 1,200,000 – 1,400,000 €. In the following pictures some characteristic examples of the design proposal are presented.

Picture 7 a. Existing building Unfinished upper floor, yellow walls, big signs and large openings are the building’s main problems

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Picture 7 b. Design proposal Stone walls, wooden construction on part of the upper floor, reduction of openings’ size

Picture 8 a. Existing building Picture 8 b. Design proposal Balcony’s rail, large openings, signs are the buildings main problems. Reduction of openings’ size, chromatic unification of the openings, redesign of the signs and replacement of the rail with a wooden one is the design proposal.

Picture 9 a. Existing building

Picture 9 b. Design proposal

Large openings, yellow walls, signs, rails are the building’s main problems. Stone walls, wooden construction for the unification of the two floors, reduction of openings’ size and removal – redesign of the signs is the design proposal.

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Picture 10 a. Existing building

Picture 10 b. Design proposal Large openings, pink frames, metal rails and general “mess” of the building were its main problems. Reduction of openings’ size, removal of pink frames and replacement with wooden ones, removal and redesign of signs and lighting, wooden construction on the upper floor and separation of the balcony in two smaller with wooden rails is the design proposal.

6 THE VISITORS’ OF METSOVO OPINIONS ON THE LOCAL TRADITIONAL BUILDING ENVIRONMENT In 2008 and 2010 two surveys were contacted to the town of Metsovo, regarding its visitors’ views on the protection of the local vernacular architecture. In both surveys visitors’ opinions were similar. It came out that an 18% of the visitors consider Metsovo to be a totally traditional settlement. Almost half of the visitors stated that Metsovo preserves its traditional character pointing out, at the same time, several elements that contribute to the decline of the local character. Almost 17% of the visitors point out many elements that lead to the loss of local traditional character. Furthermore, almost half of the visitors think that the preservation of the local traditional character is important because it is part of the national cultural heritage and it should be protected for the next generations. Another 45% of the visitors stated that its protection is necessary because it represents the identity of the place; if it’s lost the town won’t be an attractive tourist destination any more. Visitors of Metsovo pointed out the main elements that, in their opinion, contribute mostly to the local architectural character’s decline. The vehicle traffic in the town and especially along its main street and around its main square proved to be the most negative parameter of all. The morphological characteristics of the buildings (new materials and their way of use) along with the public space’s infrastructure (road signs, commercial signs, waste tubs, e.t.c) are the following two elements that degrade the local identity of the place. Among all, the buildings’ characteristics are considered to have the most intense impact. 7 ESTIMATING THE LOCAL VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE OF METSOVO WITH THE APPLICATION OF THE CONTINGENT VALUATION METHOD In order to estimate the economic value of local vernacular architecture of Metsovo CVM was applied. Visitors were given a hypothetical scenario to which they were asked to respond. This scenario was: “The protection and preservation of local architectural character requires several construction work – restoration of old buildings, restructure of cobbled roads, e.t.c. If an institution was to be founded in order to take on this kind of work would you be voluntarily willing to give an amount of money, to the institution?” “If yes, how much money would you be willing to give?” Almost 40% of the visitors, in both surveys, were willing to pay an amount of money that varied between 5€ to 500€. Visitors were then asked to state the reasons for which they would be willing to pay the amount of money. Almost half of them (45%) stated that that they would so because vernacular architecture should be protected as cultural heritage and be passed on to the next generations. Almost 25% of the visitors would support the institution because protecting the local architecture is actually a good “investment” in the town’s future development – preservation of local traditional character will attract tourists to the town. Almost 17% of the visitors would be willing to give an amount of money because, to them, protecting the vernacular architecture is synonymous to the protection of the local natural environment. Finally, another 15% of the visitors stated that they would contribute economically as a continuation to the local tradition of benefaction. In order to estimate the total value of the local vernacular architecture three elements were taken under consideration: a. The total annual number of visitors in the town of Metsovo b. The percentage of the visitors who were willing to pay an amount of money c. The average amount of money, per person, that the visitors were willing to pay


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In view of the above parameters the total annual economic value of the local vernacular architecture of Metsovo was estimated to vary between 900,000€ to 1,300,000€. Comparing the construction cost estimated in order for the restoration project to be realized with the total amount of money that the visitors of Metsovo would be willing to pay for the preservation of local traditional character it becomes evident that the realization of the project is feasible – in terms of cost. The assertion that protection and preservation of traditional architecture is impractical due to huge construction cost required proves to be groundless. Restoration projects do indeed require an attainable amount of money. Mostly, they require inspiration and practical solutions that will offer multiple added value with the less needed construction work. 8 CONCLUSIONS Many interesting findings came out of the survey. The building environment of a mountainous region plays important role to its development. A well preserved and of high aesthetic quality building environment adds important value to the place. It is actually one of the main reasons that attract visitors. To them, the architectural identity of a place is of primary importance and should be definitely protected and further enhanced. Although they are attracted by a traditional settlement they do encourage its protection mainly for its cultural and its bequest value. Restoration of the traditional characteristics of a place requires definitely some amount of money. Mostly it requires inspirited design proposals that will deprive the place from everything that ruins its identity and reveal its hidden, or lost, special character. Just a simple organization of the place with the removal of anything unnecessary can very much improve the place’s image with no cost. Architectural proposals inspired from the local tradition and history aiming at harmonically unite the old with the new can ensure a successful restoration project. Furthermore, CVM proved a very useful tool to the direction of estimating the real value of vernacular architecture and, mainly, to utilize the results in a documented argumentation in favor of the protection of vernacular architecture in mountainous areas. REFERENCES Apostolakis A, Jaffry S (2005) A Choice Modeling Application for Greek Heritage Attractions. Journal of Travel Research 43(3): 309–318. Bedate A, César H, Ángel S (2004) Economic valuation of the cultural heritage: application to four case studies in Spain. Journal of Cultural Heritage 5(1): 101–111. Giannakopoulou S, Kaliampakos D (2010) Valuing vernacular architecture: An innovative tool in sustainable tourism and development in mountain regions. International Conference on Global Change and the World's Mountains, 26–30 September, Perth, Scotland. Godde P, Price MF, Zimmermann F (eds.) (2000) Tourism and development in mountain regions, CAB International, Wallingford. Hampton MP (2005) Heritage, Local Communities and Economic Development. Annals of Tourism Research 32(3): 735–759. Harisis V (1995) Metsovo. In: Filippidis D (ed.), Greek vernacular architecture. Thessaly – Epirus (vol. 6), Melissa, Athens. (In Greek) Keppa C (2007) The traditional settlements of East Macedonia and Thrace. Texnografima 12/336: 12– 13. (In Greek) Kim SS, Wong KKF, Cho M (2007). Assessing the economic value of a world heritage site and willingness-to-pay determinants: A case of Changdeok Palace. Tourism Management 28(1): 317–322. Noonan DS (2003). Contingent valuation and cultural resources: A meta-analytic review of the literature. Journal of Cultural Economics 27(3-4): 159–176 Salazar S, Marques J (2005). Valuing cultural heritage: The social benefits or restoring and old Arab tower. Journal of Cultural Heritage 6(1): 69–77.

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Cultural tourism crossing the integrated development of the Bucharest metropolitan area I. Ianos University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

D. P. Radu University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

D. Peptenatu University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

C. Draghici University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

C. Merciu University of Bucharest, The Bucharest, Romania

L. Cercleux University of Bucharest, Bucharest, Romania

ABSTRACT: Cultural tourism is a traditional form of the Bucharest metropolitan area, characterized by a diversity of cultural objectives. The cultural resources addresses to a distinctive category of tourism demand, attracted to history and culture of the capital and its surroundings, numerous historic events related to the capital left their mark also in the adjacent area. The purpose of this study is to rank the existing cultural heritage of the metropolitan area of Bucharest in order to develop a process of delimitation of areas of tourist attraction based on objective criteria. The delineation of the concentration of the cultural tourism assets is designed to support the integrated development. Metropolitan area characteristics can be summarized in the existence of morphological features, based on the physiognomy of the urban landscape, with frequent "breakthrough urban" areas of attraction due to central areas generated by the historical ties between the city and its metropolitan area. 1 INTRODUCTION The interconnected impact relation between socioeconomic sustainable development and heritage conservation was increasing over the 1980s-1990s; but the significant impact started to take place by the end of the 1990s-2009 as a result of mass urbanization-modernization process (Shams, 2010). Cultural tourism means the “travel of people far from their regular residence, the purpose of the travel being to acquire new information and experiences and to satisfy their cultural needs. Cultural tourism is that branch of tourism that relies on the cultural heritage of a certain territory. Cultural tourism does not refer only to those material tangible things – sites and items – but those intangible, too, such as the language spoken, oral traditions, social practices, rituals, festive events, etc. Most times cultural tourism contributes to the discovery of a ‘lifestyle’, of daily habits, often reflected in buildings, sites and historical monuments. Frequently, cultural diversity is acknowledged as fundamental and in perfect harmony with the guidelines of sustainable development, whence the need that it should be familiar to and accepted by future generations (UNESCO, 2006). The cultural heritage is a key resource for the sustainable development of the current local communities (Altenburg, K. F., 2010, Oliveira and Ribeiro, 2010), but, the success of sustainable development requires the active participation of the local communities involved (Chou, 2010). From the point of view of development, cultural tourism is part of the “smart development” category. In the end, the integrated development of the Metropolitan Area of Bucharest is an instance of smart development, therefore cultural tourism in the area leads to Smart Metropolitan Development. This concept, similar to the concept of “smart growth”, emerged 20 years ago,

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and it is increasingly often used by urbanists, architects and historians. This concept concerns a long-term development, and the general term to best describe this concept is that of sustainable development, resource stewardship (Resource Stewardship) or best practices (Best Practices), which, basically, are not merely ideas (Ramos, 2010). The rapid development of the relations between tourism and creativity indicates in the recent period an increasing share of the role of creativity in the tourism industry, and simultaneously, the multiplication of the tourism studies that resort to the creative industry. The role of creativity in tourism is reflected in a positive manner in cultural tourist enterprises. Creativity in this field has the role of transforming traditional cultural tourism (the switch from the tangible cultural heritage towards the intangible culture, much more involved in the everyday life of local communities that conduct current activities in the respective destinations). The birth of creative tourism reflects the close relation between tourism and the various strategies for touristic development (Richards, 2011). This kind of tourism includes among others tourism in urban areas, especially in those cities marked by an important historical past, where the ancient buildings, testimony of past architectonic styles, are found, with a big load of historical wealth. Moreover, cultural tourism is also defined by museums, which retain and at the same time preserve history, by means of their themed layout. At the same time, the cultural side of tourism is also defined by theaters, which, by way of the actors’ unique talent, manage to stage works that recall to mind certain past customs. As a place of occurrence, cultural tourism can also be practiced in rural areas, by presenting the traditions and customs of local communities (costumes, traditions, festivals, customs, etc). A statement valid as a rule on cultural tourism is that the cultural tourism market sector is much more dynamic than the other sectors of that market. Because of the ever-rising popularity of cultural tourism, exploitation of cultural resources is an opportunity for economic development (Loukaitou-Sideris and Soureli, 2012). A recent report released by the OECD emphasized the important role of cultural tourism may have in regional development, in various regions of the world. By its contribution to the local budget, it turns out to be an important contributor to the economic balance of the local communities, where that sector is welldeveloped and even there where investments in this sector proved to be in incipient stages. On the other hand, culture and tourism are two important elements for development in general, as well as for economic development, in particular. In the context of current development, these are very difficult to tackle in separation. Environment, economy, society and culture are the four 4 sides of sustainable development (Sterner, 2010). Economic development must be viewed in such a way as to be integrated in a systemic manner. This presupposes that the sector of cultural tourism should be developed, alongside the other sectors of tourism, and tourism as the bigger economic venture should not disturb the natural algorithm of evolution and functioning of the respective territorial system. Some cities, with an important historical past, can find a genuine challenge in pleading for the support and development of cultural tourism. On the other hand, if that challenge resorts to less competitive tourist destinations, certain problems related to management, to funding capacity, and to the sustainability of the phenomenon per se, may arise (Suosheng et al., 2011). 2 MATERIALS AND METHODS The metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest, a functional entity made up of the City of Bucharest and 186 administrative-territorial units (cities, towns and municipalities) (Fig. no.1). As far as its functionality is concerned, currently the capital of Romania, although from the point of view of the number of inhabitants it would seem to be the sole city to comply with the prerequisites for the creation of a metropolitan area, it has not managed to establish a legitimate metropolitan area. The space around the capital has been organized into a natural manner, according to the written and unwritten laws of territorial development. The Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest was outlined by means of a complex methodology, grounded in the overlapping of several areas of influence (minimum three). The areas taken into account are the economic area, the demographic area, the socio-cultural area, the leisure and weekend activity area and the transport area. Bearing in mind that the urban influence of a city consists in several areas of ur-

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ban influence, one may say that its average size is determined by the intersection of the areas of influence of at least three elements (Ianos, 1987), so: n

Ia = I aj (n ≥ 3) ;

(1)

j =1

Ia = the influence area of a town; Iaj = influence area of an element; n = number of elements taken into account.

Figure 1. The Metropolitan Area of Bucharest and the main cultural and historical heritage

3 RESULTS

The core hypothesis used as the starting point is that cultural tourism elevates the territorial development of a metropolitan space. This is the consequence of the fact that tourism valorizes certain touristic resources. The client pool of this form of tourism is of a particular type. In general, it consists in people belonging to a medium-to-high social class, people with aboveaverage income, people with certain standards, who are eventually willing to allocate much bigger sums of money on such touristic enterprises, with the respective leisure services. Also in the map there are represented the main cultural and historical heritage. It can be noticed that around the Capital there are located a lot of old settlements, some of them are dated from the prehistorically era. In order to preserve the cultural heritage, in some towns around Bucharest were established some museums. Their role is to present for the next generations the customs and the tools, our ancestors used in the past. These, are also kept nowadays in some localities around, such are the pottery (ceramic) and wickerwork. The cultural heritage and the touristic activities specific to that niche, an improvement of the general or specific infrastructure, as well as an improved capitalization of the extant touristic patrimony, are highly recommended (Pintilii et.al., 2010).


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In order to develop the entire area, from the economic point of view, the tourism as a main component, acts as variable elements. By some correct decisional impulses, with a sufficient loading for attaining the some economic standards, other components of the territorial system can be set in motion to sustain the development process (Peptenatu et al., 2009). For the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest, cultural tourism is a form of tourism with a long tradition. The area encompassed by this study disposes of a diversity of assets with cultural historical meanings. In order to be able to create a consistent strategy to capitalize on the cultural tourist heritage, a first step has to be inventorying the touristic resources with a cultural value in the metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest, followed by their classification from the point of view of typology, in turn followed by an analysis of the general and specific infrastructure available to the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest. For the inventory of the cultural touristic resources, the list of historical and cultural monuments was used as the main source of data. Cultural-historical resources, in general, target a specific category of tourist demand. Thus, they are sought by that group of tourists who are attracted to history, to culture and to numerous historical events linked to the city of Bucharest and its surroundings. For this reason, one may justly say that cultural tourism in Bucharest and the neighboring area is an elite tourism. The touristic resources with a cultural-historical vocation, inventoried by the competent minister, were divided into 18 categories (Tab. no. 1). Thus, the biggest part of the cultural historical tourist attractions in the metropolitan area of the capital city is included in the “settlement” category. They amount to a total of 211, 3 of them fortified settlements. Table 1. Types of cultural heritage in the Metropolitan Area of Bucharest Site

Number of sites

Settlement

211

Church

110

Archaeological site

52

House

51

Palaces and manors

36

Memorials

13

Monastery complex

12

Religious monument

12

Ruins

10

Necropolis

9

Old schoolhouse

7

Curtain wall

5

Inn

2

Museum

2

Hospital

2

Fort

1

Mill

1

Park

1

Total

537

Source: INMI, 2012

Churches rank on the second place, with a total of 101. They are supplemented by a number of 3 places of worship exclusively built in wood. They all belong to the Orthodox Christian denomination, as mentioned in the name of the place of worship. Most of them are named after

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Saint Nicolas, Saint George and Saint Elijah. Archaeological sites (52) also hold an important place in the hierarchy of memorials. The houses, with a historical cultural value, are ancient constructions, which were inventoried and included on the list of historical monuments because of their architectural style as well as their age. The palaces and manors, the latter also known as “villa rustica”, as province residences of the medieval nobility, are relatively numerous in the metropolitan area of the capital city. After a refurbishing and restoration in the architectural style and using the materials typical of the time of their construction, they could be included in the tourist circuit, thus completing the cultural tourism offer of the Bucharest peri-urban area. Among them, mention should be made of the Mogoúoaia palace – Constantin Brâncoveanu’s summer residence, the Ghica Palace, the ùtirbey Palace, and others. These royal residences, located close to the capital city, are connected with the construction of the most representative churches and monasteries of classical Romanian architecture. The 13 historical monuments are complexes built in places with a particular significance for the Romanian people. They were built on the battlefields of the wars that marked the history and evolution of the Romanian people. Their purpose is to remind of the forebears’ valiant struggle in past wars, and their sacrifice in fighting to defend the whole of the Romanian state. The number of monastery complexes equals that of religious monuments, a total of 12. Some of the most representative monastery complexes are located within the metropolitan area of the capital city (Pasărea, Cernica, Snagov, Căldăruúani, Comana, among others). Some of them make up genuine complexes, and, in terms of location, they benefit from the presence of lakes or tracts of forest, which makes them wonderful places to spend leisure time, particularly on weekends. For cultural tourism, they are important because museum complexes are established on their premises which present the history of the places and the times past, but also artifacts that refer to the customs and trades of those respective periods. With a much more limited variety, less than 10 assets, the other cultural-historical attractions round up the cultural potential of the metropolitan area of the capital. According to the distribution in terms of counties of the number of cultural-historical attractions, inventoried inside the metropolitan area (Tab. no. 2), Ilfov county ranks on first place (237 assets – 44.13%), followed by Giurgiu county (108 assets – 20.11%). Teleorman county ranks on last place (21 assets – 3.91%). The figures in the table are influenced on the one hand by the number of townships in the respective county that are included in the structure of the metropolitan area of the capital city, and on the other hand by the history and tradition of the place, by the role and the function of the respective settlements in various stages of history. Table 2. Cultural-historical attractions, inventoried inside the Metropolitan Area County

Cultural resources

% of total

Prahova

35

6,52

Teleorman

21

3,91

Ialomita

46

8,57

Calarasi

54

10,06

Dambovita

36

6,70

Giurgiu

108

20,11

Ilfov

237

44,13

Total

537

100

Source: INMI, 2012

These cultural-historical assets may be grouped into areas of tourist attraction, so that coherent strategies for integrated development could be designed. The complexity of the metropolitan area of Bucharest is highlighted by the development of a new form of leisure tourism, which rounds up the tourist offer, mainly meant for the inhabitants of the metropolis.

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Because of the overcrowding of the capital city and the increasingly acute shortage of intraurban green areas, one could recently notice a need to accept a sustainable metropolitan development policy, which would take into consideration both the capital city, and its metropolitan area, as two sub-systems with mutual relations. The effects of the deindustrialization of the recent period could be countered by means of the development of tourism and especially cultural tourism. Tourism in the metropolitan area of the capital city presents a new and distinct model compared to urban tourism. The latter is different, function of the motivation, duration, dynamics and costs (Pintilii et al., 2011). 4 DISCUSSION Thus, cultural tourism developed in the Metropolitan Area of the City of Bucharest has an important contribution to the area’s integrated development, because of several factors. The complementarity of touristic resources was identified among these factors. Numerous cultural and historical assets, as well as assets of other kinds, were identified both inside the city of Bucharest and in its vicinity, and their role is to add to the man-made tourist potential of the entire metropolitan area. Another factor is determined by the direct and indirect effects on the built-up space. Experience has proved that the presence of tourist resources in a particular territory was able to (re)organize it in an improved way, giving (or restoring) it an improved and special functionality. At the same time, tourism in general, and cultural tourism in particular contribute to local and inter-local development. It leads to the growth of local and regional budgets, having a significant contribution to the economic balance. Therefore, due to the fact that the weight of cultural historical tourist resources of the total is quite significant, cultural touristic activities inside the Metropolitan Area of the capital city can contribute to an integrated sustainable development of the entire space analyzed. Thus, a series of mutual relationships can be established among the elements of that space, with lasting effects on the inhabitants, effects that have proven to be always positive. Historical cultural tourist attractions inside the metropolitan area of the city of Bucharest can be classified function of their historical value. They have a particular significance for the history of the region. In addition, the aesthetical value – by means of the degree of preservation and their embedding into the natural environment – and their architectural value led to the development of auxiliary services in high-potential areas. The development of cultural tourism can act as an important factor and premises for the development of the creative industries in Romania. One example in this respect is the development of the film studios in Buftea (the MediaPRO studios), as well as the creation workshops in Mogoúoaia. In addition, certain restored buildings are nowadays used as settings in the shooting of historical films or films whose action unfolds in the periods of time the respective buildings go back to. ACKNOWLEDGMENT This study was supported by the strategic projects POSDRU /89/1.5/S/58852 “Post-doctoral program for training of researchers in science” co-funded by the European Social Fund by way of the Operational Sectoral Program for Development of Human Resources 2007-2013. REFERENCES: Altenburg, K. F. (2010) - Values-based management at cultural heritage sites, Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development, vol 1 and 2 p. 11-18, Conference: 2nd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Location: Evora, PORTUGAL Date: JUN 22-26, 2010. Chou BKP (2010) - Politics in command: public participation and sustainable development of built heritage in Macao, Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development, vol. 1 and 2, p. 29-36, Conference: 2nd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Location: Evora, PORTUGAL Date: JUN 22-26, 2010.


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Ianos I. (1987) Orasele si organizarea spatiului geographic. Aplicatie la sistemul urban românesc, Editura Academiei Bucuresti. Loukaitou-Sideris Anastasia, Soureli K (2012) Cultural Tourism as an Economic Development Strategy for Ethnic Neighborhoods, Economic Development Quarterly, Vol. 26, issue: 1, p. 50-72 doi: 10.1177/0891242411422902. Oliveira M.D., Ribeiro J.T. (2010) - e-Cultural Heritage: comparative analysis at Iberian and European context, Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development, vol. 1 and 2, p. 1091-1100, Conference: 2nd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Location: Evora, PORTUGAL Date: JUN 22-26, 2010. Peptenatu D., Pintilii R.D., Draghici C., Stoian Daniela (2009) Territorial Disparities concerning the distribution of the tourist services quality in Romania, GeoJournal of Tourism and Geosites, Year II, no. 2, vol. 4, 2009, p. 105-117. Pintilii R.D., Peptenatu D., Draghici C., Schvab A. (2010) Weekend tourism as an instrument of local development, GeoJournal of Tourism and Geosites, Year III, no. 1, vol. 5, p. 44-51. Pintilii R.D., Merciu Florentina Cristina, Peptenatu D., Cercleux Andreea Loreta, Drăghici C.C. (2011) -

Sports and Leisure Time Tourism – A Way of Revitalising Emergent Spaces from the Metropolitan Area of Bucharest, Annals of the University of Oradea, Geography Serie, Tom

XXI, no. 2/2011, p. 323-332. Ramos, C. T. (2010) – Governance: politics as grounds for 'common heritage of humanity', Heritage and Sustainable Development, vols 1 and 2, p. 219-225, Conference: 2nd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Location: Evora, PORTUGAL Date: JUN 22-26, 2010. Richards G. (2011) Creativity and Tourism The State of the Art, Annals of Tourism Research, vol. 38, Issue 4, p. 1225-1253, DOI: 10.1016/j.annals.2011.07.008. Shams A. (2010) – Integrated cluster of centralized heritage-based nano-economies in the High Mountains of Sinai Peninsula, Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development, vol. 1 and 2, p. 421429, Conference: 2nd International Conference on Heritage and Sustainable Development Location: Evora, PORTUGAL Date: JUN 22-26, 2010. Suosheng W., Naoko Y., Brothers Linda (2011) A Case Study: Discussion of Factors and Challenges for Urban Cultural Tourism Development, International Journal of Tourism Research,

Vol. 13, Issue 6, p. 553-569, DOI: 10.1002/jtr.826.

Sterner, J. A. (2010) – Dynamics and dilemmas in the sustainable development of Sukur World Heritage Cultural Landscape, Heritage 2010: Heritage and Sustainable Development, vol. 1 and 2, p. 1193-1201. *** (2006) Tourism, Culture and Sustainable Development, UNESCO Report. *** (2012) INMI – National Institute of Historical Monuments.

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Industrial heritage as a sustainable resource: economic fact or political fiction C. Landorf The University of Queensland

ABSTRACT: An important issue currently facing many complex industrial heritage sites is the integration of sustainable development into their planning and management processes. While UNESCO has recently affirmed that heritage is ‘an instrument for the sustainable development of all societies’, relatively little attention has been paid to the implications of this for heritage practice. This paper opens with an examination of the theoretical dimensions of sustainable development before moving to consider the utilisation of heritage as a vehicle for sustainable development policy. Based on this understanding, the paper then aims to identify the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. The research is founded on a content analysis of management plans, and a thematic analysis of physical surveys and interviews. Ten issues facing the sustainable management of industrial heritage sites are identified. The paper concludes with the presentation of a management model that responds to the requirements for conservation as well as the sustainable use of industrial heritage sites.

1 INTRODUCTION Like many industrial regions in the developed world, the mining districts and manufacturing areas of the United Kingdom have experienced a steady decline since the turn of the twentieth century. A significant proportion of these areas remain amongst the most disadvantaged in terms of income, employment, health, education and housing (DCLG, 2011; Scottish Government 2009; Welsh Government 2011). While the relationship between influencing factors remains complex, such persistent disadvantage indicates long-term social as well as economic and environmental problems (Saunders, 2011). Many former industrial areas, therefore, represent a significant challenge for public policy and strategies for regional regeneration. De-industrialised areas do not generally conform to the stereotypical image of heritage as an aesthetically pleasing expression of artistic achievement nor do they stand as compact commemorative symbols of historically significant events. They do, however, represent a period, in the relatively recent past, of significant technical innovation accompanied by extensive socio-cultural change and the global ascendency of Western Europe. As time fades the memory of poor living conditions and unsafe work practices, a strategic shift has taken place in a search for the legitimacy of industrial heritage. Nowhere is the outcome of this shift more evident than in the trebling of industrial sites on the World Heritage List since 1997. Long championed by technical enthusiasts, there has been an increasing interest in industrial heritage amongst heritage professionals and the wider public. This interest has been prompted as much by curiosity in Victorian innovation and enterprise as it has by a desire to celebrate national achievement and compensate for a lessening of pre-eminence on the global stage (Alfrey & Putnam, 1992; Pendlebury, 2009). Industrial heritage has, through this process, become an essential expression of national identity in many former industrialised countries.

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Such nostalgic concern is matched by the utilised of industrial heritage in public policy. This is particularly evident in the use of historic environments as a vehicle for interventions aimed at combating the decline associated with de-industrialisation (Hospers, 2002; Reeves et al., 2011; Waterton, 2010 & 2011). The utilisation of heritage in this way is most obvious in Europe and the UK where strategies for the regeneration of historic environments have been linked to wider policy concerns with social inclusion and sustainable development (Pendlebury, 2009; Waterton & Smith 2010). Despite the strong theoretical impetus, however, more research into the practical outcomes of such policy is needed before a relationship can be positively established (Bramley & Power, 2009; Colomb, 2007; Landorf, 2011). Without this evidence any connection between the historic environment and social behaviour remains largely an assumed one. In addition to the developments noted above, industrial heritage faces several unique issues that impact on its perceived value and management as a sustainable resource. These include the scale, complexity, ordinariness and contaminated nature of many industrial heritage sites. Such factors are further complicated by the recent affirmation by UNESCO (2005) that heritage is ‘an instrument for the sustainable development of all societies’. As this paper will argue, such a statement carries with it two implications. The first relates to the implementation of a long-term and holistic planning process at heritage sites and the second relates to the engagement of multiple stakeholders in that planning process. Both of these concepts are well supported in the literature as contributors to sustainable development. However, like the connection between the historic environment and social behaviour, limited empirical evidence is available to support their effectiveness in practice. This paper aims to explore the impact of these mitigating factors on the management of industrial heritage sites and, specifically, the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. The paper opens with a brief examination of the theoretical dimensions of sustainable development before moving to consider how industrial heritage is being utilised as a vehicle for sustainable development policy. This understanding is used to inform a content analysis of management plans, and a thematic analysis of physical surveys and interviews. The analysis centres on six dimensions derived from the literature on sustainable development and heritage management – situational analysis, strategic direction, organisational design, and stakeholder identity, scope and continuity. Based on this analysis, ten key issues facing the sustainable management of industrial heritage sites are identified. The paper argues that these issues, evident in current management frameworks and collaboration processes, potentially limit the development of sustainable local commercial activities and associative attachments. The paper concludes with the presentation of a management model that responds to the requirements for conservation as well as the sustainable use of industrial heritage sites.

2 THE DIMENSIONS OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Despite the contentious nature of sustainable development, two key operational characteristics or strategic dimensions are evident in the literature. The first dimension is the use of a long-term and holistic planning process as the framework for stakeholder participation. Specific support can be found for strategic planning as a long-term and holistic planning process. While there is no universally accepted definition, strategic planning as a concept encapsulates the process of aligning an organisation’s resources with its external environment so as to improve its relative competitive performance (O’Regan & Ghobadian, 2002). Most definitions are also concerned with setting a long-term direction for an organisation, developing the capacity of an organisation to respond to a changing external environment, and increasing the sustainability of an organisation’s activities (Johnson et al., 2008). Strategic planning embodies many of the principles of sustainable development first defined by the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED, 1987). Simpson (2001:12) observes that strategic planning ‘implies a long-term perspective, requires consideration of multiple situational influences, is . . . goal oriented, and can accommodate a wide variety of conflicting perspectives’. This aligns with the WCED appeal for a coordinated approach to the parallel problems of environmental degradation and lack of equitable economic and social development. Strategic planning also adopts a circular model of integrated cause and effect (Simpson, 2001). This promotes the holistic and future oriented approach required for intra-generational and inter-generational equity, also promoted by the WECD as a critical sustainability principle. Further support is provided by Williams (2006) who argues that a strong strategic planning process establishes the accountability and evaluation frameworks considered necessary for sustainable development by the WCED.


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The second strategic dimension of sustainable development is the participation and empowerment of multiple stakeholders in any long-term and holistic planning process. As an idealistic concept, the meaningful engagement of multiple stakeholders throughout the decision-making process is generally accepted as fundamental to achieving a collective sense of ownership and responsibility for the sustainable development of a resource (Aas et al., 2005; Jamal & Getz, 1995; Wood & Leighton, 2010). It is this collective responsibility that is central to the concept of social cohesion and the impetus for much of the public policy in the area of social sustainability (Bramley & Power, 2009; Robinson, 2005). A fundamental assumption is that stakeholders, particularly local stakeholders, have a more direct need to reduce the inter-generational impacts of any resource use (Milne & Ateljevic 2001). There is also an assumption that local stakeholders have a greater understanding of the economic, environmental and social needs and resources of a community, and how these might best be integrated into broader regional and national systems (Evans, 2000; Richards & Hall, 2000). This aligns with the WCED principle that all development should be intra-generationally and inter-generationally equitable, and that economic, environmental and social concerns should be integrated into a holistic decision-making process. While theoretically supported in the literature, a significant complicating issue for the practical application of strategies for stakeholder participation is the identification legitimate stakeholders and, once identified, their equitable contribution to the process. While participation in community decision-making has been the cornerstone of Western democracy, the literature suggests it has been slowly eroded over time. Many reasons for this can be identified but three have direct implications for the sustainable management of historic environments. The first is the rise of knowledge-based expertise, a development that has been argued to diminish the equitable flow of dialogue between expert and community. Smith (2006) has, in particular, argued cogently about the ascendency of heritage experts as the recognised stewards of the past and the impact this has had on the promotion of, firstly, a more homogenised approach to history and, secondly, a reduced level of stakeholder participation in the management of that history. A second reason for the erosion of community participation in decision-making stems from the commercialisation of functions once performed by government. The argument extended here is that the private sector is not subject to the same public accountability as a democratically elected government, nor is it subject to the same requirement to respond in the public interest (Bull & Jones, 2006; Davidson & Lockwood, 2008; Davies, 2002). This has obvious implications for government initiated regeneration strategies in historic environments that are, ultimately, enacted by the private sector. Finally, a central strategy toward achieving social sustainability has been the adoption of more participatory modes of governance and the devolution of power from central government to local communities (Chhotray and Stoker, 2009). This would theoretically support an increase in stakeholder participation. However, Gallent (2008) draws attention to an inherent need to retain some level of central control over functions that might otherwise be the subject of considerable conflict and indecision at a local level, and have potentially negative consequences for sustainable development at a national level. Land use planning and development control is one such function where governments are struggling to balance strategic oversight with the empowerment of local communities. Having established two strategic dimensions of sustainable development, the following section examines the primary implications of those dimensions for the management of historic environments.

3 HERITAGE AS A VEHICLE FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT With limited evidence to support a connection between the historic environment and social behaviour, it is no surprise that there is little agreement on, firstly, the strategies that should be implemented to achieve sustainable development and, secondly, the indicators that should be used to evaluate the outcomes of those strategies. This is particularly so in historic environments where the relationship between sustainable development and heritage conservation is seen to be complex if not intrinsically contradictory (Stubbs, 2004). As previously mentioned, a further complication is the emergence of governance, seen as a response to concerns about civic engagement as well as the legitimacy of governments and their capacity to deliver services efficiently and effectively (McLaughlin et al., 2002). While practices vary, one platform of governance theory is a reduction in top-down hierarchical processes in favour of greater participation in decision-making at the community level (Chhotray and Stoker, 2009). Opportunities certainly exist within this framework for community capacity building and empowerment

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through the sustainable development evaluation process (Roberts, 2006). Where tensions arise, however, is that there is still a need for a level of overarching coordination if the dimensions of sustainability (economic, environmental and social) are to be prioritized and integrated successfully into national sustainable development policy and heritage practice. Strategy evaluation in this context is understood to be a procedure for expressing a value-based judgement about the impacts of a policy or an action on the natural or built environment, or on a community (Brandon and Lombardi, 2005). The evaluation of social sustainability can be distinguished from more established approaches to the evaluation of economic or environmental impacts (Colantonio, 2009). Wood and Leighton (2010) suggest the key issue is that ‘social value’ refers to non-financial impacts, such as individual well-being and community cohesion, which are difficult to quantify and measure using traditional quantitative valuation techniques. This point is also made by Snowball (2008) in relation to cultural value when she argues in favour of an evaluation methodology that combines qualitative and quantitative indicators. However, there are a wide range of sustainable development strategies and evaluation methods. Few take all the issues of sustainable development, and particularly social sustainability, into account in a comprehensive long-term and holistic manner (Landorf et al., 2008). Critics have noted that much has been made at a policy level of the opportunities for heritage-led regeneration and the potential for historic environments to enhance social inclusion (Hospers, 2002; Jones and Munday, 2001; Pendlebury et al., 2004; Waterton, 2010). Indeed, urban renewal and heritage-led regeneration policy carries with it the implicit assumption that the empowerment and mobilisation of communities will spearhead urban change, social integration and economic revitalisation. For example, a UK Department of Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS) policy initiative regarding social inclusion and the historic built environment argued that ‘a high quality well managed built environment [was] essential for community cohesion’ (DCMS, 2002:3). In 2004, a further DCMS policy initiative regarding cultural regeneration made reference to the ‘economic drawing power’ of culture and the importance of ‘quality of place’ in successful regeneration projects (DCMS, 2004:5). However, as noted earlier, there is little empirical evidence to support such claims. This is acknowledged in the 2004 DCMS report, Culture at the Heart of Regeneration, which stated that there is a ‘need for a stronger and more sophisticated longitudinal evidence base’ to support many of the social benefit assertions made in relation to the historic environment (DCMS, 2004:5). In Australia, a background paper to the 2007 Heritage Economics Workshop, convened by the former Department of Environment, Water, Heritage and the Arts (DEWHA), also suggested that without ‘comprehensive and consistent data sets on heritage’ traditional valuation techniques such as cost-benefit analysis fail to adequately capture the intangible benefits of heritage (DEWHA, 2007). Therefore, while much of the literature has inferred the social benefit of a sustainable historic environment, little work has been done to develop useful and reliable strategies and evaluation indicators. As Stubbs (2004) has noted, the challenge lies in ensuring that such ideas permeate into the operational level of heritage management where the focus to date has primarily been on the conservation of the more tangible aspects of heritage (Sullivan, 2003; Smith 2006). Any sustainable development framework will need to be robust and allow for adaptation to local heritage contexts but at the same time provide for regional and national comparisons. The following section introduces a case study that aims to determine the extent to which the principles of sustainable development are being applied at six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK.

4 CASE STUDY OF SIX INDUSTRIAL WORLD HERITAGE SITES

4.1 Methodology Strong support was found in the literature for case study as an effective research strategy for the investigation of contemporary and inter-related phenomena in changing real life contexts (Easterby-Smith et al., 2008). Given this definition, case study was considered an appropriate research strategy for an investigation into the sustainable management of World Heritage sites. However, a case study research strategy is concerned with providing a detailed description of a bounded system. Case studies allow the specifics of a case to be examined, revealing the complexity and detail within a case (Stake, 2003). While allowing comparisons across multiple case study sites, this would suggest that there are limits and boundaries to


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the case as a whole. In the investigation of a complex problem that would otherwise defy efforts to delineate boundaries and identify causes, such as the sustainable management of World Heritage sites, it was found that a case study research strategy would benefit from being combined with other research methodologies. Combining case study with an approach such as systems theory enabled the specifics of the case to consider the influences of broader systems and external environments. Using a multiple embedded case study approach in the context of a system offered, firstly, the benefits of an in-depth case exploration using comparative analysis between case study sites and, secondly, an enhanced understanding of the network of inter-dependent relationships both within the case study and between the case study and the broader environment (Anuf et al., 2007). Combining case study with a social problem solving framework further accommodated the dynamic nature of a complex problem (McCann, 1983; Williams, 2006). This is particularly evident in the design and functional viability of intervention strategies for sustainable development at complex historic sites. The combination of case study and systems theory research is shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1: Case study and systems theory research strategy

The case study is shown on the right as a systemic model of six sites within a bounded system. This allows the specifics of each site to be examined in detail and cross-case comparisons to be made to determine a current best practice model for heritage management. Strategic dimensions and evaluation criteria drawn from the literature are then applied to this current state to form a substantive theoretical best practice model for sustainable heritage management shown at the bottom of the diagram.

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The substantive model is then applied to the six case study sites and adjusted to form a final theoretical best practice model for sustainable heritage management. As the aim of the research was to inform the sustainable use of World Heritage and other complex historic industrial and urban sites, the validity and transferability of the study findings was important. As a new phenomenon, the application of sustainable development to World Heritage sites also required further theoretical elaboration. Therefore, a multiple embedded case study design utilising theoretical sampling and multiple data collection methods was used to enhance the validity and reliability of the results through cross-case comparison and triangulation (Ryan & Bernard, 2003). Eisenhardt’s (1989) approach, based on an iterative process of theory building from case based research, provided a flexible case study design most suited to the complex and dynamic characteristics of individual World Heritage sites. The data used in the research included documentary evidence, observational studies of physical evidence and semi-structured interviews with site managers and managers from each national heritage advisory body. The main documentary evidence was each site’s management plan. While noted by Rodwell (2002) as being primarily promotional documents aimed at achieving World Heritage status, the management plans remain the key documents guiding strategic action at each site (Wilson & Boyle, 2006). The data were analysed using qualitative content analysis for the management plans and thematic analysis for the observational studies and interviews. The data collection, analysis, synthesis and modelling process is shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2. Data collection, analysis, synthesis and modelling process

4.2 Sample frame World Heritage sites were selected as the sample frame for the research. This was done, firstly, because the inscription process is subject to independent evaluation against internationally agreed criteria and, secondly, sites are assumed to represent the benchmark of heritage management practice. Industrial sites were identified as a representational sub-category of the World Heritage List. Of the 41 industrial sites on the World Heritage List in 2008, 36 sites whose significance related to modern industrialisation were selected to further limit the sample and enhance cross-site comparison. Of the 36 sites, six fell under a consistent legal framework and had operational management plans. They also shared common management issues associated with their regional locations and complex site characteristics including diverse heritage attractions, extensive scales, indistinct boundaries, limited perceived aesthetic value, complex ownership issues, and demands on contemporary use that did not necessarily relate to the heritage values placed on the site. The selected sites, shown in Figure 3, were the Blaenavon Industrial Landscape, Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape, Derwent Valley Mills, Ironbridge Gorge, New Lanark and Saltaire.


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Figure 3. Location of the six industrial World Heritage case study sites

4.3 Analysis The data analysis commenced with the two strategic dimensions of sustainable development derived from the literature and outlined in the oping section – a long-term and holistic planning process, and the participation and empowerment of multiple stakeholders in that process. These two dimensions, together with a third heritage management dimension, formed the conceptual categories for further coding. The data analysis involved the identification of coding dimensions for each conceptual category. The literature revealed consensus in relation to six component coding dimensions from the three conceptual categories defined as follows: − Situation analysis – used to assess the extent that influences on the management of each World Heritage site were identified as a starting point in the planning process (Viljoen & Dann, 2003). This included internal influences, such as heritage assets and staff skills, and external influences, such as trends in heritage policy or tourism demand. − Strategic orientation – used to evaluate the extent that the planning process was long-term and holistic (Viljoen & Dann, 2003). Using the understanding generated in the situation analysis and stakeholder identity dimensions, a strategic orientation should establish a goal oriented approach toward the achievement of a collective vision. − Organisational design – used to evaluate the extent that the organisational systems and structures at each site were designed to support collaborative linkages between organisations and across policy fields (Wilson & Boyle, 2006), and encourage flexibility, innovation and organisational learning (Williams, 2006). − Stakeholder identity – used to establish the extent that stakeholder values, needs and expectations were integrated into a strategic vision for each site (Simpson, 2001). Establishing values, needs and expectations is a key step in establishing who the legitimate stakeholders are and then developing a holistic understanding of situational influences. − Participation scope – used to determine the breadth of stakeholder engagement and the degree of influence each stakeholder group had on the decision-making process (Simpson, 2001). Broad stakeholder participation is fundamental to establishing a collective vision for the future. Stakeholder empowerment through this process is also needed if long-term incremental change is to be effected (McCann, 1983). − Participation continuity – used to determine the extent that the breadth of stakeholder engagement and degree of influence, identified at the start of the strategic planning process, was maintained


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(Simpson, 2001). Appropriate and continuous stakeholder engagement facilitates ongoing interdependence and commitment, identified as necessary for the viability of a social problem solving intervention (McCann, 1983). These six coding dimensions were developed into a draft qualitative content analysis coding instrument. The draft instrument was used to code one of the management plans and a computer assisted key-wordsin-context approach was trialled as a means to sharpen the process (Ryan & Bernard 2003). This was followed by a manual review of the contextual use of words or phrases and colour coding to identify coding themes. The coding instrument was updated based on this closer reading of one management plan and then applied to all six plans. The thematic analysis of the interviews relied on the qualitative content analysis coding dimensions used in the management plan analysis. The coding dimensions were used initially to generate the interview questions and then to analyse the data. Each interview commenced with an outline of the research project. This was followed by a general question about the participant’s background and how they came into their current position. The primary difference between the qualitative content analysis applied to the management plans and the thematic analysis applied to the interviews was that the thematic analysis allowed for a stronger and more flexible process of iteration between theory and emerging themes.

4.4 Results The analysis indicated that the management plans did not generally meet the criteria for the integration of sustainability principles into the planning process. However, the interviews and physical surveys suggested a more complex and nuanced management situation as follows: −

Situation analysis – the analytical techniques normally utilised in a strategic planning process were not applied consistently across the six case study sites. The skills and resources of the partnership organisations and specialist consultants were critical to the provision of technical support for decision-making. Site managers did not have the logistical support or technical skill to carry out this type of work. A lack of performance indicators was also an issue.

−

Strategic orientation – the strategic planning processes and funding arrangements did not indicate a truly collaborative long-term and holistic approach. Few sites had an embedded evaluation and review process and all used specialist consultants, potentially problematic in relation to the development of consistent indicators and organisational learning.

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Organisational design – the complex and multi-faceted partnership structures at each site had an impact on collaborative decision-making. All sites needed to collaborate out of necessity but the level of collaboration varied and it was limited primarily to partnership organisations. The partnership structure did, however, provide flexibility and allow for innovation.

−

Stakeholder identity – there was limited evidence of broader community participation in the development of a mission/vision for most sites. There was awareness that each site had a broader role within the community. However, the constraints of the partnership structure and the principle commitment to conserving the historic significance of a site limited the capacity to develop extensive socio-economic strategies and to evaluate their outcomes.

−

Stakeholder participation – the integration of stakeholders into the formal planning process was limited, at the majority of sites, to those organisations who were members of the partnership structure. Broader engagement was sought but limited to a consultation rather than a participation process.

−

Stakeholder continuity – the roles of partnership members were not reviewed regularly. Reference was made to volunteer organisation input into working groups and other mechanisms for stakeholder input such as newsletters. However, there were difficulties obtaining broad participation. There were also problems associated with the collaborative evaluation of objectives and outcomes as part of a holistic planning process.


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5 A MODEL OF SUSTAINABLE HERITAGE MANAGEMENT The results suggest a model of current best practice heritage that remains inwardly focussed on situational issues of immediate concern to each heritage site. The model, shown graphically in Figure 4, indicates an inwardly focussed organisation with a dynamic central partnership core of independent key stakeholders (organisational design). The long-term or strategic orientation is segmented and project specific while key objectives are determined by individual organisational agendas rather than through collective negotiation amongst all partnership members. The partnership is fragmented and decision-making hierarchical, power rests with several major stakeholders which makes the management of collaborative inter-organisational relationships difficult. Stakeholder identity is driven by an insular vision. Beyond the key landowner and agency members of the partnership organisation, the scope of stakeholder influence is limited and there is limited review of the partnership membership over time.

Figure 4. Current best practice model of heritage management

The results suggest that a model of sustainable heritage management would be focussed equally on situational issues within and beyond the heritage site boundary. The model shown in Figure 5 indicates an outward looking organisation interacting with the macro-environment and moving toward sustainable development as a coordinated whole in response to internal and external situational issues and a strategic orientation that seeks to balance economic, environmental and social heritage value objectives. The organisational design is shown as a set of common collaborative management processes, organisational structures and funding frameworks founded on a common vision and mutual trust. Decision-making is centred on collective negotiation, contextual needs and broad stakeholder participation. Stakeholder identity is driven by community values, needs and expectations. There is multiple stakeholder participation in the process and that participation is subject to regular evaluation and review as part of a long-term and holistic planning process.

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Figure 5. Theoretical best practice model of sustainable heritage management

6 CONCLUSIONS This paper set out to identify the extent to which the principles of sustainable development were being applied at six industrial World Heritage sites in the UK. It was clear from the case study that there are some inherent problems with the model of heritage management currently in place at those sites. Firstly, limited technical expertise and data collection capacity restricted the ability to undertake a comprehensive strategic planning and review process at each site. Secondly, the partnership structures and decisionmaking frameworks in place at each site were difficult to coordinate and lacked a commitment to true collaboration. This emphasises the third problem, the reliance in this model on the individual skills and capabilities of each World Heritage site manager. Finally, the continuous participation of multiple stakeholders throughout the management process was shown to be problematic and initiated only when necessary. The results indicate that the sustainable management of complex industrial heritage sites require a broader approach to that proposed in Feilden and Jokilehto’s Management Guidelines for World Cultural Heritage Sites, the 1998 publication which formed the basis of each case study site management plan (Feilden & Jokilehto, 1998). There was an inconsistency between the organisational structures currently in place at each site and the World Heritage emphasis on community participation. Further inconsistencies were evident between the expectations for economic regeneration and social inclusivity, and current strategic planning and implementation capacities. This suggests a need for revised management guidelines that encompass a stronger strategic planning process at complex heritage sites, and a need for greater operational capacity linked to national funding frameworks. A model for sustainable heritage management that would address these issues was proposed. The model incorporates the conventional approach to strategic planning found in the organisational literature (see, for example, Johnson et al., 2008) and the collaborative decision-making framework suggested by McCann (1983). REFERENCES Aas, C., Ladkin, A. & Fletcher, J. 2005. Stakeholder collaboration and heritage management. Annals of Tourism Research 32(1): 28-48. Alfrey, J. & Putnam, T. 1992. The Industrial Heritage Managing Resources and Uses. London: Routledge.


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Anuf, S., Drummond, C. & Sheppard, L. 2007. Combining case study research and systems theory as a heuristic model. Qualitative Health Research 17(10): 1309-1315. Bramley, G. & Power, S. 2009. Urban form and social sustainability: The role of density and housing type. Environment and Planning B Planning and Design 36(1): 30-48. Brandon, P. & Lombardi, P.. 2005. Evaluating Sustainable Development in the Built Environment. Oxford: Blackwell Science. Bull, A.C. & Jones, B. 2006. Governance and social capital in urban regeneration: A comparison between Bristol and Naples. Urban Studies 43(4): 767-786. Chhotray, V. & Stoker, G. 2009. Governance Theory and Practice A Cross-Disciplinary Approach. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Colantonio, A. 2009. Social sustainability: A review and critique of traditional versus emerging themes and assessment methods. In M. Horner, A. Price, J. Bebbington & R. Emmanuel (eds) Second International Conference on Whole Life Urban Sustainability and its Assessment 879-899. Loughborough: Loughborough University. Colomb, C. 2007. Unpacking New Labour’s ‘Urban Renaissance’ agenda: Towards a socially sustainable reurbanization of British cities? Planning, Practice and Research 22(1): 1-24. Davidson, J. & Lockwood, M. 2008. Partnerships as instruments of good governance: Innovation for sustainability in Tasmania. Regional Studies 42(5): 641-656. Davies, J. 2002. The governance of urban regeneration: A critique of the ‘governing without government’ thesis. Public Administration 80(2): 301-322. Department for Communities and Local Government (DCLG) 2011. The English Indices of Deprivation 2010. Accessed 19 March 2011 at http://www.communities.gov.uk/documents/statistics/pdf/1871208.pdf Easterby-Smith M., Thorpe, R. & Jackson, P. 2008. Management Research. London: Sage Publications. Eisenhardt, K.M. 1989. Building theories from case study research. The Academy of Management Review 14(4): 532-550. Evans, M. 2000. Principles of Environmental and Heritage Law. St Leonards: Prospect Media. Feilden, B. & Jokilehto, J. 1998. Management Guidelines for World Cultural Heritage Sites. Rome ICCROM. Gallent, N. 2008. Strategic-local tensions and the spatial planning approach in England. Planning Theory and Practice 9(3): 307-323. Hospers, G-J. 2002. Industrial heritage tourism and regional restructuring in the European Union. European Planning Studies 10(3): 397-404. Jamal, T. & Getz, D. 1995. Collaboration theory and community tourism planning. Annals of Tourism Research 22(1): 186-204. Johnson, G., Scholes, K. & Whittington, R. 2008. Exploring Corporate Strategy. Harlow: Prentice Hall. Jones, C. & Munday, M. 2001. Blaenavon and United Nations World Heritage Site Status: Is conservation of industrial heritage a road to local economic development? Regional Studies, 35 (6), 585-590. Landorf, C. 2011. Evaluating social sustainability in historic urban environments. International journal of Heritage Studies 17(5): 463-477. Landorf, C., Brewer, G. & Sheppard, L. 2008 The urban environment and sustainable ageing: critical issues and assessment indicators. Local Environment 13(6): 497-514. McCann, J. 1983. Design guidelines for social problem-solving. The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 19(2): 177-192. McLaughlin, K., Osborne, S. & Ferlie, E. (eds) 2002. New Public Management Current Trends and Future Prospects. London: Routledge. Milne, S. & Ateljevic, I. 2001. Tourism, economic development and the global-local nexus. Tourism Geographies 3(4): 369-393.

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O’Regan, N. & Ghobadian, A. 2002. Formal strategic planning: The key to effective business management. Business Process Management 8(5): 416-429. Pendlebury, J. 2009. Conservation in the Age of Consensus. London: Routledge. Pendlebury, J., Townshend, T. & Gilroy, R. 2004. The conservation of English cultural built heritage. International Journal of Heritage Studies 10(1) 11-31. Reeves, K., Eklund, E., Reeves, A., Scates, B. & Peel, V. 2011. Broken Hill: Rethinking the significance of the material culture and intangible heritage of the Australian labour movement. International Journal of Heritage Studies 17(4): 301-317. Richards, G. & Hall, D. 2000. The community: A sustainable concept in tourism development? In G. Richards & D. Hall (eds) Tourism and Sustainable Community Development. London: Routledge. Roberts, P. 2006. Evaluating regional sustainable development: Approaches, methods and the politics of analysis. Journal of Environmental Planning and Management 49(4): 515-532. Robinson, D. 2005. The search for community cohesion: Key themes and dominant concepts of the public policy agenda. Urban Studies 42(8): 1411-1427. Rodwell, D. 2002. The World Heritage Convention and the exemplary management of complex heritage sites. Journal of Architectural Conservation 8(3): 1-21. Ryan, G. & Bernard, H. 2003. Data management and analysis methods. In N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln (eds) Collecting and Interpreting Qualitative Materials. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Saunders, P. 2011. Down and Out Poverty and Exclusion in Australia. Bristol: The Policy Press. Scottish Government 2009. Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation. Accessed 19 March 2011 at http://www.scotland.gov.uk/Resource/Doc/933/0115249.pdf Simpson, K. 2001. Strategic planning and community involvement as contributors to sustainable tourism development. Current Issues in Tourism 4(1): 3-41. Smith, L. 2006. Uses of Heritage, London: Routledge. Snowball, J. 2008. Measuring the Value of Culture: Methods and Examples in Cultural Economics. Berlin: Springer. Stake, R. 2003. Case studies. In N. Denzin and Y. Lincoln (eds) Strategies of Qualitative Inquiry, Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications. Stubbs, M. 2004. Heritage-sustainability: Developing a methodology for the sustainable appraisal of the historic environment. Planning, Practice and Research 19(3): 285-305. Sullivan, S. 2003. Local involvement and traditional practices in the World Heritage system. In E. de Merode, R. Smeets, & C. Westrik (eds) World Heritage Papers 13. Linking Universal and Local Values Managing a Sustainable Future for World Heritage. Paris: UNESCO World Heritage Centre. UNESCO 2005. Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention. Paris: UNESCO. Viljoen, J. and Dann, S. 3002. Strategic Management Planning and Implementing Corporate Strategies. Frenchs Forest: Pearson. Waterton, E. 2010. Politics, Policy and the Discourses of Heritage in Britain. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Waterton, E. 2011. In the spirit of self-mockery? Labour heritage and identity in the Potteries. International Journal of Heritage Studies 17(4): 344-363. Waterton, E. & Smith, L. 2010. The recognition and misrecognition of community heritage. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16(1-2): 4-15. Welsh Government. 2011. The Welsh Index of Multiple Deprivation. Accessed 19 March 2011 at http://wales.gov.uk/docs/statistics/2011/110831sdr1482011en.pdf Williams, P. 2006. The governance of sustainable development in Wales. Local Environment 11(3): 253267.


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The potential of integration of Shared Value Creation with strategy management as an innovative approach to environmental challenges L. Leandro Federal Rural University of Rio de Janeiro

E. Neffa Rio de Janeiro State University

ABSTRACT: The need to address environmental issues within production systems pressures organizations to incorporate the environment as an operational variable. This article questions whether Michael Porter’s proposal of Shared Value Creation (SVC), which would replace Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) without correcting the contradictions of the production system, can be a strategy for dealing with environmental issues within the production process. By reconciling economic development with a sustainable environmental policy, Brazil, under the aegis of government, is recognizing the problems caused by reducing the environment to a resource or obstacle to prosperity under the capitalist system. Because capitalism turns all resources into merchandise, and because this leads to the need for environmental issues to be factored into the value chain to enhance Brazilian companies’ positions in the global market, SVC may be a solution. From this perspective, this article examines the SVC proposal as an alternative to CSR in organizations and includes Social Technology in capitalist logic. This shows the potential and the constraints of a capitalist reproduction strategy in achieving proposed business goals of economic growth, environmental sustainability and human development.

1 INTRODUCTION Although governments and companies incorporate the environment as a variable in the development of public and private strategies and policies, these players still have little knowledge about the potential to incorporate this as an operating element in production systems (PORTER, 2011). This lack of knowledge is caused by tensions surrounding access to natural resources and changes in prevailing power matrices. Since capitalism needs a continuous supply of material to promote production and maintain itself (MARTINEZ ALIER, 2007) exponential growth of production and consumption is incompatible with a finite amount of natural resources. To solve this problem, corporations and governments must understand the following: 1) the concept of social-environmental sustainability; 2) the relationship between sustainable development and capitalist production system management; 3) the way the social-environmental sustainability question affects stakeholders’ lives; 4) how to make the environment operational in the value chain.

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Addressing these questions leads to others that are no less important within the same capitalist framework: how to balance growth targets and competitiveness levels with a sustainable socialenvironmental agenda and how to ensure social-environmental sustainability for future generations? In light of these questions, we note that the social-environmental heritage left by organizations and governments is widely compromised because the emerging problem involves the search for effective solutions. In 1998, Porter and Linde stated that through technological and managerial strategies for production processes, it would be possible to find solutions for environmental problems while maintaining the competitiveness of nations and companies. However, the solutions presented by these authors included only the material basis and excluded an analysis of social questions. However, other researchers (VEIGA, 2010; SILVA, 2010; MARTÍNEZ ALIER, 2007; LEFF, 2006; CARNEIRO, 2005; LITTLE, 2001; ACSELRAD, 1999; GILBERT, 1995) have deemed it unfeasible to dissociate the environmental question from the social problem. New ways of incorporating value to production processes, especially in Northern Hemisphere countries, and technological changes in the material production basis such as aeolic energy, solar energy and biomass, are increasing. These changes are aggravating social conflicts, such as increased unemployment, uneven income distribution, instability in health and education systems and urban decay. Addressing these issues is one of the largest challenges for governments and corporate organizations (MARTÍNEZ ALIER, 2007; VEIGA, 2010). Studies show that in the 1950s, organizations had already increased their market share through activities that would later be known as Social Responsibility (LEE, 2008; CARROLL, 1999). These activities were not integral parts of the businesses, but rather were treated as philanthropy that went beyond the production of assets and client and shareholder satisfaction. Companies’ concerns with Social Responsibility grew as governments and third-sector organizations linked to international conferences related to social-environmental questions that increased political pressure (GLOBAL COMPACT, 2011; WBCSD, 2011; WCED, 1987). Despite this political pressure, Porter and Kramer (2011) show that the capitalist model has not become operational and is not able to insert sustainability into Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). Porter and Kramer’s (2011) new proposition incorporates sustainability in the capitalist production model by replacing CSR with Shared Value Creation (SVC). Such replacement exceeds CSR’s philanthropic and small profitability vision and introduces the creation of profit and competitive advantage value. SVC, by changing problems into business opportunities at a strategic level, directs operations toward adding shared value to organizations and society. As a result, organizations increase the possibility of becoming more competitive in the market. Between the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, academic institutions and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) advanced the idea of new technologies as development options for less-developed countries. Such progress generated a movement that reflected on the role of technology in improving people’s lives. Included in that movement were profit maximization and capital accrual, which caused environmental degradation and social exclusion. After much debate among researchers, governments, international agencies and society, this movement evolved and became known as Social Technology (DAGNINO et al., 2004). As a result, Social Technology became a systematic effort to widen the application of knowledge about improving the quality of life of people excluded by the market actions by considering the nonscientific knowledge of each community as a means to respect their characteristics, culture and values (RITTO, 2008). Considering this perspective, this paper reviews the SVC proposition as an alternative to CSR, aiming to reflect the benefits of incorporating Social Technology methodology with capitalist logic. This incorporation strategy of capital social-metabolic reproduction has the potential to reach corporate goals of economic growth, human development and environmental sustainability, all drivers for future generations. Though this study is not intended to answer all questions inherent in the social-environmental sustainability problem of governments and corporate organizations, through bibliographic research and analysis of cases presented in the literature, it is a preliminary reflection contributing to a critical analysis of the capitalist production model.


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2 ECONOMIC GROWTH, SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIALENVIRONMENTAL RESPONSIBILITY: CHALLENGES FOR GOVERNMENTS AND CORPORATE ORGANIZATIONS After World War II, concern with the reorganization of the Northern Hemisphere countries’ economies caused the rise of 'development' as a synonym for 'economic growth and industrialization.' The old concept of progress spread through modernization campaigns in the late 19th century and early 20th century had lead to a vision where the growth rates of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per capita determined the economic growth level and categorizing a country's level of development as developed, developing or lesser developed. “Developing” assumed an inexorable path to becoming developed. To promote the integration of less-economically advanced countries into the world capitalist system during the 1960s, international organizations such as the United Nations, World Bank and International Monetary Fund established a modernization scale that was characterized as development planning. However, the inclusion of social indicators with economic ones has shown that such integration did not occur in many developing countries. That outcome led to the question of what the obstacles to growth might be. If they were merely economic obstacles, the solution would come with the import of machines and the creation of industrial complexes. If they were related to the workers’ lack of preparation, then labor training and technical assistance would solve the problem. However, if the obstacles were inherent to the lack of a mentality that would value the higher capacity of accumulating material assets as a (sine qua non) condition to happiness then this integration may have been contributing to problems rather than improving them. For Castoriadis (1987), the progress of human knowledge, production and exploration of natural resources is infinite and continues indefinitely, with the idea that producing more is good. This idea contrasts with the Aristotelian rule of essence - accomplishment according to nature. The ideology of indefinite progress is based on modern postulates such as the dominance of economic mechanisms over social ones and the belief that human beings would advance forever. The growth of foreign debt and misery in the twenty years after the initiation of progress development promoted by governments confirmed that the quantitative growth of the economy and cultural imitation did not contribute to public welfare, but rather deepened social injustices, cultural unraveling and environmental degradation. These results are the grounds for criticism of the traditional development model. In the 1980s, a new paradigm emerged—sustainable development. Its priorities assumed fiver factors: the integration of conservation and of development; the satisfaction of essential human needs; the accomplishment of equity and social justice; the search for social self-determination and cultural diversity; and the maintenance of ecological integrity. The global discussion of sustainable development in fact imbued society and development with a holistic concept of economic growth and postulated faith in technological solutions for the so-called externalities of the productive process. This favored taking politics out of the ecological debate. Nature, considered external to the social and political dynamics of society, was converted into a variable to be managed and administered to continue development. Combining economic growth with technical progress and sparing material resources without restricting the pace of capitalist accumulation, the market was presented as the institutional environment best able to consider nature as capital and sustainable development was converted into free-market environmentalism. This meant that the work-environment relationship was subsumed to the supremacy of capital with serious consequences to natural resources and to social relations. Presently, based on the principles of neoliberalism — competition growth, capital accrual and movement across borders, and the incremental increase of efficiency in the capitalist dynamics of value generation from the expropriation of added value — the discursive matrix emphasizes a revolution of efficiency to the detriment of a revolution of sufficiency. The notion of sustainable development that has become the dominant idea promoted by the media, companies and governments is pragmatic and short-term (short-sighted) and does not question the basis upon which capitalist production conditions are built. Instead, it is based on positivist instrumental reason (NEFFA, 2001; LEANDRO; NEFFA, 2010).

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According to Veiga (2010), governments and corporations have already absorbed the notion of sustainability, but the debate on its meaning still needs reflection, mainly regarding ecology and the economy. Reports by the World Bank say that there is a deadlock on the question of decreasing carbon emissions. According to this claim, the only way to solve the deadlock on the issue of the social-environmental inheritance left for future generations would be the radical reduction of carbon emissions globally. However, such a reduction could stop development, which would be harmful to developing countries. For developing nations to reach the GDP of developed countries, constant growth would be required and that would not allow a decrease in industrial production. Therefore, the question of how to accommodate the social-environmental costs for growth arises. In the midst of this discussion, governments, international organizations and some segments of civil society have started to put pressure on companies to take responsibility for the social problems caused by global market growth. According to Ameshi and Adi (2007), although papers on this theme began in the 1950s, in the 1980s and 1990s it became quite clear that pressure from governments, non-governmental organizations and other social groups instead lead organizations to implement Corporate Social Responsibility programs. As a result, CSR is most often understood by companies as outside pressure, and in some cases, viewed as squandering profit. In some instances, CSR is performed only to comply with legislation or to avoid imagined problems for an organization; CSR becomes non-operational, excluded from the business scope. Porter and Kramer (2011) suggest that companies, societies and governments have been conflicted about socialenvironmental responsibility. For Porter and Kramer (2011), the conflicts occur in part because governments, corporations and societies wrestle with balancing social-environmental responsibilities since capitalism that requires the production and accumulation of capital. 3 SHARED VALUE CREATION AND SOCIAL TECHNOLOGY: NEW POSSIBILITIES? Porter and Kramer (2011) think of capitalism as a means to improve production efficiency and a way to create jobs and wealth. However, these authors note that a narrow conception of capitalism has prevented governments and corporations from using all of their potential to face the challenges imposed by contemporary society. Presently, the capitalism crisis has demonstrated that the accumulation of abstract wealth, without the development of advanced social policies and the creation of value, is an efficient way to exacerbate inequality, poverty and environmental degradation. For Porter and Kramer (2011), governments and civil society often aggravate the problem, instead of solving it, when they try to solve social problems to the detriment of the production process expansion. Although governments are responsible for formulating socialenvironmental policies, large transnational organizations play an important role in advancing alternatives for the emerging social-environmental question. However, we note that there are several contradictions and conceptual problems implied in the notion of development and socialenvironmental sustainability. Often, these contradictions are not taken into account when questioning the capitalist logic of accrual that causes social problems since they are based on exponential growth of production and consumption and on the exploration of natural resources. Porter and Kramer (2011) propose that the solution to problems caused by capitalism is within capitalist logic itself. With that in mind, they present the methodology of Shared Value Creation (SVC), which calls for the creation of economic value both for corporations and society. With SVC, the notion of shared value becomes detached from the concept of Corporate Social Responsibility because it goes beyond philanthropy and the production of social reports and balances. The authors believe that the creation of Shared Value may generate a new organizational thought model where the shared value will be able to go beyond the organizational strategy and will become central to the production process. This debate around Shared Value Creation brings us to the discussion on the Social Technology (ST), a methodology considered as a kind of vector for adopting public policies. Social Technology is a set of techniques developed and/or applied in interacting with the public and is appropriated by the public. ST represents solutions for social inclusion and an improvement of quality of life and is


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highlighted as an alternative to local development - this can contribute to social changes caused by the imbalances between capital and work (LASSANCE JR; PEDREIRA, 2004; RODRIGUES; BARBIERI, 2008, RITTO, 2010). This notion of development, as opposed to the positions of governments and corporations, emphasizes local development and the autonomy of the community in creating collective solutions not only as the user of technologies imported or created by external specialists, but also as an integral part of the process. According to our analysis, the SVC proposal presents some premises already covered by Social Technology, a methodology developed with and for populations for problem-solving and social inclusion through the creation of value, innovation and assessment of local potential. The difference is that SVC moves the focus to the needs of large corporations. Although Porter and Kramer (2011) base their theory on questioning how corporations could ignore the welfare of their target audience, the depletion of natural resources vital for the expansion of production and the feasibility of key suppliers causes this reasoning to become detached from the vision of Social Technology and from a real creation of value for communities; instead, it boosts capitalist operating autonomy1 (FEENBERG, 1999). This autonomy is boosted because the technological partnership process is owned and controlled by the company that transfers the technology or grants the means for its development. Despite this, the technological transfer work proposed by SVC may contribute to the economic development of the small producer who shall submit to the corporation that is interested in keeping its competitive position in the market because it constitutes the core driver of capitalism (DUPAS, 2008; WALLERSTEIN, 2009). Thus, we note that even though SVC may be an operating element in the production process, it does not deny capitalist logic. On the contrary, it reinforces this logic by bringing a new approach to the treatment of the social-environmental problems as a business opportunity for governments and corporations. By adopting such a strategy, governments and companies expand their competitive advantage by directly facing the forces that threaten them and by generating value for partners, communities and all other stakeholders with the goal of keeping the hegemony and the power required to maintain their status quo. Porter and Kramer (2011) are categorical when they state that SVC is not directly linked to the notion of sustainability: “Shared value is not a social responsibility, philanthropy, or even sustainability, but a new way to achieve economic success” (PORTER; KRAMER, 2011. p. 4). Such a statement leads us to reflect on Social Technology, which is a more effective view of socialenvironmental sustainability because its intrinsic goals assume the promotion of economic and social autonomy and environmental sustainability of the communities involved in the process (RODRIGUES; BARBIERI, 2008). 4 FINAL CONSIDERATIONS From the analysis of Porter and Kramer’s (2011) proposal on SVC, we note that it is different from the notion of CSR because it is based on its centrality in the strategy of the corporations and of governmental programs. Therefore, we can see that this proposal changes the way the social players (for example, small producers and traditional communities) are explored by creating a new supply category in the production chain. Although it may provide local growth and social development, SVC is still following the logic of social-metabolic reproduction of capital with operating autonomy remaining in the hands of the large technology-transferring corporations which ensure that asymmetrical power will continue. By comparing the notion of SVC with the methodology of ST, it can be observed that the first, in fact, does not give opportunities of social-environmental sustainability strategies because ST: [...] imposes the necessity of a scientific and technological political agenda much more complex than a proposal to create technological information bases similar to those conceived for making the Conventional Technology (CT) available within an


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environment built by conventional companies previously existing and organized to optimize the CT (DADIGNO et al., 2004. p. 57). This means that even though Social Technology must reflect upon the managerial solution—how products and services generated from their production may be inserted into the production chain to create income and autonomy for the communities—it is much more autonomous and generates more social value than SVC. It develops a network of people connected with political, economic and social development, resulting in a decrease in inequality. The projects developed by a network of people who have specific knowledge discussing complex situations contribute to the identification of the most suitable ways to promote advances for individuals and for the collective. To a certain extent, organizations, universities and governments are, in this case, facilitators of the process. Universities help the technological transfer and improve existing technologies while governments promote the supply of credit and of funding for infrastructure. Companies help by including the communities as integral parts of their supply chains. We can see that Social Technology (ST) points towards alternatives that can contribute to social-environmental rearrangement that includes people who lack capital and access to technology. We conclude that the novelty of Shared Value Creation is propagating the idea that capitalism may contribute to the resolution of the imbalances that it caused, provided that it is within its own logic of competitive advantage. The methodology of the Corporate Social Responsibility presents a certain contribution, but, according to the Porter and Kramer (2011) analysis, even though it is sufficiently practiced, it moves away from the purpose of becoming an operating element in the organizations. Through the analysis of case studies (SINGER; KRUPPA, 2004; RODRIGUES; BARBIERI, 2008), we can see that Social Technology has potential and is quite manageable in meeting social demands. However, even though some problems are solved, ST gets caught in what we call a market trap. At a certain moment, communities long for a competitive position in markets, seeking more efficient and effective solutions which make them take a marketing stance that is similar to that dictated by capitalist logic. Therefore, potentially, the capitalism generated within societies may perpetuate itself in contradiction with the emancipation of the people. ENDNOTES 1

Power accrual process leading to the operating preservation and expansion and hegemony that is contained in the capitalist technical code

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DAGNINO, Renato; BRANDÃO, Flavio Cruvinel, NOVAES, Henrique Tahan. Sobre o marco analíticoconceitual da tecnologia social. In: FBB – Fundação Banco do Brasil. Tecnologia Social: uma estratégia para o desenvolvimento. Rio de Janeiro: FBB, 2004. FELLENBERG, G. Introdução aos problemas da poluição ambiental. São Paulo: Universidade de São Paulo. 1980. GILBERT, Alan. Third world: poverty, employment and gender roles during a time of restructuring. In: D’AVILA, Maria Inácia (coord.) UNESCO Chair on Sustainable Development. Social development: challenges and strategies. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ/UNESCO, 1995. Global Compact. The Ten Principles. Available from: . Access: 01 jun. 2011. LASSANCE RJ, Antônio E; PEDREIRA, Juçara Santiago. Tecnologias sociais e políticas públicas. In: FBB – Fundação Banco do Brasil. Tecnologia Social: uma estratégia para o desenvolvimento. Rio de Janeiro: FBB, 2004. LEANDRO, L.A.L.; NEFFA, Elza. Política Ambiental Brasileira: um caminho para a sustentabilidade socioambiental. In: I Congresso Brasileiro de Gestão Ambiental. vol. 1, 2010. Anais. Bauru, 2010. Available from: < HYPERLINK "http://www.ibeas.org.br/congresso/congresso1.htm" LEE, M. A review of the theories of corporate social responsibility: Its evolutionary path and the road ahead. International Journal of Management Reviews, v.10, n.1, p 53-73. 2008. LEFF, Enrique. Racionalidade Ambiental: a reapropriação social da natureza. Rio de Janeiro: Civilização Brasileira, 2006. LITTLE, Paul. Os conflitos socioambientais: um campo de estudo e de ação política. In: BURSZTYN, Marcel (org.). A difícil sustentabilidade: política energética e conflitos ambientais. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2001 NEFFA, Elza. Desenvolvimento e degradação ambiental - um estudo na região do Médio Paraíba do Sul. Rio de Janeiro, CPDA/UFRRJ, 2001 NHU HÔ, Pham. O desenvolvimento endógeno como alternativa. Potencialidades e obstáculos ao seu desdobramento. In: MACIEL, Tânia Barros (org.). Caminhos para o Desenvolvimento Século XXI. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ/Cátedra da UNESCO de Desenvolvimento Durável da UFRJ/EICOS, 2006 PORTER, M. E.; KRAMER, M. R. Creating shared value – How to reinvent capitalism-and unlash a wave of innovation and growth. Harvard Business School, Jan-feb. 2011 PORTER, Michael. O Capitalismo do valor compartilhado. HSM Management. Barueri, n. 88, ano 15, vol. 5, p. 42-48, set-out. 2011. PORTER, Michael; VAN DER LINDE, Claas. Green and Competitive: Ending the Stalemate. In: PORTER, Michael E. On Competition. The Harvard Business Review book series. Boston: Harvard Business School Publishing, 1998. RITTO, Antônio Carlos de A. Projeto Centro de Referência em Responsabilidade Social e Desenvolvimento Sustentável. Rio de Janeiro, UERJ, 2008. (mimeo) VEIGA, José Eli. Desenvolvimento sustentável: o desafio do século XXI. Rio de Janeiro: Garamond, 2010. RODRIGUES, Ivete; BARBIERI, José Carlos. A emergência da tecnologia social: revisitando o movimento da tecnologia apropriada como estratégia de desenvolvimento sustentável. Rev. Adm. Pública, Rio de Janeiro, v. 42, n. 6, Dec. 2008. . Available from: . access on 06 Jan. 2012 SINGER, Paul; KRUPPA, Sônia Maria Portela. Senaes e a economia solidária – democracia e participação ampliando as exigências de novas tecnologias sociais. In: FBB – Fundação Banco do Brasil. Tecnologia Social: uma estratégia para o desenvolvimento. Rio de Janeiro: FBB, 2004. WALLERSTEIN, Immanuel. The Rise and Future Demise of the World Capitalist System: Concepts for Comparative Analysis. Comparative Studies in Society and History, Jun. 2009. n.16, pp 387-415 doi:10.1017/S0010417500007520. Available from access on 02 set 2011. WCED (World Commission on Environment and Development). Our Common Future. New York, Oxford University Press, 1987.

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Urban regeneration as the driving force of economic recovery Casco Vello of Vigo: a project in progress M. A. Leboreiro Amaro Madrid, Spain

ABSTRACT: Neglected for many years, the so-called Casco Vello of Vigo went through a process of serious deterioration since it was occupied by marginal, even problem people. This led not only to the decadence of its architecture but also to a deep deterioration of its social and economic tissue. The Consortium, created by the local and regional governments, has started a process of urban regeneration as a comprehensive action, i.e. from building restoration to infrastructure renovation. We are interested in seeing how urban regeneration has the capacity to transform a situation that was considered irremediable. In the case of Vigo, activity has come back gradually; to the city limits first and spreading to other areas later. This is because building restoration has included ground-floor business premises. Private and public institutions go more and more for this area and the effects of this are being made visible –e.g. the Museum of Painting and specialized services.

1 INTRODUCTION The revival of the so-called Casco Vello of Vigo can only be seen as a “work in process” that still has a long way to run despite the progress made in the last years that allows speaking of a qualitative perception of change. The Casco Vello is the origin of the city known today as the administrative centre of a dynamic, functional area. It is not very big, there are not many buildings –approximately seven hundreds according to the Special Plan records, and its architecture is not monumental. Despite its old age, Vigo is a new city that only acquired de condition of city when the surrounding villages of Baiona, Bouzas or Redondela began to decline. At the beginning of the 20th century, Vigo had 22,000 inhabitants approximately, most of them living –as they do at present, in the different parishes this 101-km2 municipality is divided into. The fortified town lost its wall, just like many other Spanish ones, during the years of the First Republic (1861). In this period, the first urban expansion area was conceived; a nineteenthcentury expansion on land reclaimed from the sea and facing a prosperous port. The Casco Vello began to be seen as it really is; an uncomfortable place to live, a remainder of the original fishing life. The opening of new roads such as the currently known as Elduayen Street split the city into two. The urban continuum constructed by aggregation was broken and the social segmentation and differences that are still visible today appeared.

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Figure 1

2 CASCO VELLO The Casco Vello adapts to the difficult topography on which it is settled under two military defence castles: Saint George and Saint Sebastian. The former is still visible and its enclosure is complete, whereas there are only some walls of the latter left in a green area that constitutes a real viewpoint over the bay, being is ignored by the people from Vigo. The Casco Vello is a group of huddled buildings as shown on Coello’s plan of 1856. Taboada Leal states that in 1840, 2,767 people lived inside the fortified area. In the absence of other data, this can be considered its maximum occupation which today seems unattainable and even undesirable, given the size of the unit lots that make hard to imagine how such a number of people could live there under very precarious living conditions. Although it is not a monumental group –as mentioned above, its architecture based on wellworked stone even in the humblest homes is very interesting and shows a great variety of types, given the continuity of the occupation and its construction on itself over a long period of time from the first settlements in the 15th century on. Basically, today most buildings have two floors, are constructed in depth, and the “lareiras” (traditional fireplaces) constitute the centre of the home. The stonework was really good. The most popular and picturesque buildings were located in the Berbés area, next to the sea, where fishermen used to live. The elegant houses were located around Constitución square and Real Street, where the local bourgeoisie and noblesse used to live. In general, the façades are the elements that changed most; they usually have two or three openings, they were initially smooth but later good railing balconies were added and then replaced by covered balconies or even such covered balconies were added to a third floor. Arcades were related to the fish-selling activity in the Berbés area, and related to trade activities at Constitución square. We must insist upon the fact that the value of the Casco Vello is not based on its architecture –we just have to see other cities next to Vigo such as Pontevedra or Orense, but on its urban network of narrow and labyrinth streets that go up the hillside, turn into stairs or into small widening, real squares without a defined geometry when they run parallel to the level bends, paved with stone. The continuity of the vertical and horizontal planes is only interrupted by the sky that can be sighted in their narrow sections. A motley neighbourhood that was once full of life until its decline began as new urban expansion areas were constructed with buildings of better living conditions that the increase in the income level made affordable.


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Figure 2

The activity began to disappear gradually in the 1950’s and more quickly in the 1970’s, when the town hall left Constitución Square and the most dynamic activities were established in the Paseo de Alfonso-Elduayen-Policarpo Sanz-García Barbón area. This way, a decadence period that was once considered irreversible started; the population gradually grew old and an increasingly underprivileged population occupied the buildings, reaching a clear situation of social exclusion. The traditional prostitution in the upper area was soon joined by drugs and squatters, to the extent that many buildings were bricked up offering a perturbing image, besides the lack of safety that made people avoid walking on the streets. Such social degradation together with the abandonment of buildings forced their increasing deterioration. The lack of maintenance because of the loss of their economic value took the buildings to the ruin level that can be still seen in all its streets at present. 3 INTERVENTION INITIATIVES Under such situation, a first initiative arises with the approval of the Urban Regeneration Special Plan in 1981, a plan that catalogues and establishes protection categories for each building, more aimed at a physical restoration rather than at the comprehensive action that was already required. The authorities neglected the situation and this favoured the disappearance of interesting buildings and the identity of the maritime front, such as the Continental hotel or the A Laxe market, which were replaced by buildings of questionable architectural quality acting as a screen in their view from the sea. Such replacement only served to break the balance and harmony in some areas of the Casco Vello. The Casco Vello counted on an Urban Programme that was finished in 1999 and allowed to try a comprehensive management model according to the European Union guidelines, resulting in the renovation of great part of the public space (24,000 m2), and in the construction of buildings that are currently in use: Casa de Ames, two community centres, the new market of A Pedra, the House of the Galician Culture, the Central Library, the restoration of some façades and the promotion of the economic activity with the establishment of business premises that were later closed because the transformation of the social tissue was neglected. The Casco Vello Consortium was created in 2005 with the participation of the Department of Housing (90%) and the City council of Vigo (10%). The Consortium is aimed at reactivating the activity in the Casco Vello from several frontlines; on the one hand, the direct management of the actions, including the expropriation of abandoned buildings and their restoration for renting purposes, the management of financial support to private owners whether as regards the restoration of their homes or the establishment of business premises, and at the same time carrying out studies for implementing other actions.

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Figure 3

The Casco Vello was declared Heritage of Cultural Interest as Historic-Artistic Site in February 2006, one year before the Plan Especial de Reforma Interior (PEPRI)1 was definitively approved in April 2007. This way, the field of action in the Casco Vello is clarified through a catalogue that details building by building and includes a thorough specification of the potential actions based on three criteria that are not always consistent with each other: 1) protection, 2) densification as a criterion for economic assessment and therefore the encouragement of actions, and 3) incorporation of measures for improving the living conditions of the houses, not only through the implementation of compulsory regulation, but also the definition of inside alignments creating block courtyards. Such block courtyards mean the transformation of primitive typologies, neglect the real protection, and are unfeasible in many cases due to the characteristics of the existing buildings, the condition and occupation level of which make it impossible except on the very long term. Anyway, this is the planning instrument to work with and, under the Consortium’s boosting action that works by wide areas and is gradually involving the private initiative, slowly makes the transformation of the neighbourhood possible. There is a complementary element that would demand an independent study: the Technical Inspection of Buildings, which should lead to a quick improvement of the buildings that are still not in ruins, but this is difficult to do given the poor financial situation of many owners of the buildings. The Casco Vello has been declared Area of Comprehensive Renovation, so it has access to the Housing and Renovation State Plan 2007-2012, which already stresses on the development of a new model of intervention that favours “urban recycling” as an instrument of transformation of the city against its own growth. On the other hand, the concept of renovation as an activity focused on the recovery of historical centres because their heritage value has been overcome when speaking about comprehensive urban renovation. According to such Plan: “Urban renovation is the one that, in a joint and coordinated manner, takes the environmental recovery, the building and urban renovation, and the improvement of the social and economic conditions of the citizens into account”. Although the concept of sustainability is not directly mentioned, the truth is that the statement implicitly assumes the European Territorial Strategy, understanding the concept of sustainability beyond the preservation of the environment. This resulted in the


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Urban Initiative 2007-2013 for the comprehensive urban regeneration, aimed at “setting up innovative strategies of urban regeneration that, by means of a comprehensive approach that includes social, economic and environmental aspects, can favour a sustainable urban development”.

Figure 4

4 PRESENT SITUATION Speaking about urban regeneration means speaking about a process on a very long term, especially if we consider the situation of the district we are dealing with. According to the data from the PEPRI, there are 708 buildings and 2,139 homes of which only 1,206 are occupied. Consequently, 30% of buildings is in bad condition; 80 buildings are in ruins and 150 are at risk, and such situation is only worsening excepting for some punctual actions carried out. We must add the old age of its inhabitants, the low income levels, the presence of squatters, the detection of overcrowding, and the visible state of social exclusion in some areas that generates a lack of safety and detracts from the attractiveness of the district. Does speaking about economic reactivation make sense in this context? It should be possible, and everything points to this being achieved according to the experience in other latitudes. Despite it is not a long time since actions are being systematically carried out, the changes are already noticeable. It is clear that the economic activity needs a field for its development and this has very much to do with the adaptation of the space –whether public spaces or existing or adaptable business premises, with safety in the streets, the attractiveness of the urban scene and, last but not least, the liveliness of the streets, i.e. people walking in the area in order to obtain services or simply for aesthetic pleasure. The liveliness of a neighbourhood favours the attraction of both residents and tourists that visit the city in an increasing number, all of them looking for urban quality, history and services, and at the same time being potential consumers that were dissuaded by the degradation of the district. Maybe it is convenient now to do a small SWOT analysis; its intuitive and clear character allows viewing the reality we are facing under such situations. Weaknesses, Threats, Strengths and Opportunities allow defining a framework of actions and seeing its possibilities of success, and at the same time verifying the recent progress without going into quantitative assessments given the short time elapsed since actions are being carried out in depth. 4.1 Weaknesses Following the Spanish order, we must first consider the many weaknesses that mostly rise from the fact that people do not accept it as an identity space of the collective memory. The quick development of Vigo made that only in 1993, 50% of the inhabitants were born in this city. This is

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why too many people are not familiar with the Casco Vello, which is seen by most of them as an inhospitable, even dangerous district excepting at its border areas.

Figure 5

− As regards the tools used, we just have to speak about the lack of consensus in the processing of the PEPRI and the lack of mainstreaming in its elaboration leaving out the agents involved, who therefore do not see this project as theirs, besides their tacit distrust towards the government given the lack of reaction over many years. − The delay in granting the corresponding licenses complicates and lengthens the process, and as a result of this, actions are given up or postponed. − The lack of a monumental architecture demands an effort in the improvement of the urban scene in order to make those values that are the essence of the Casco Vello be perceived: its urban weave, the attentiveness in the discovery of a way of living still present in the building typologies or in the stonework. − At the same time, such buildings that housed spaces for living but not for working are an obstacle for creating the liveliness that must characterize urban life. They are building types mostly exclusively designed as homes. On the other hand, plots are very small, thus limiting the possibilities of the activities to be established. − The high degree of deterioration reached by the buildings demands a very strong financial effort and the recovery process evidences the existence of unbuilt plots or plots that have been precariously built from ruins which are hard to maintain, and detracts from the continuity of the urban image in a difficult coexistence. − Another situation to be considered is the rather sociological than physical barrier created by Elduayen Street and the clear difference between the upper area and the lower area, which minimizes the opportunities for the upper area. − It is important to highlight the scarce adaptation of the premises to the social and economic characteristics of the neighbourhood; there are just one religious shelter and one kindergarten, the old people’s home was closed and the Gota de Leche building is waiting for be given an use. − The scarce public space, excepting for Constitución and Princesa squares, since the Berbés area –the beach at which fishermen used to arrive in the past, can be considered a failed space. − The feeble intervention of private enterprises. − The existence of very big areas such as Panificadora and Barrio del Cura, “terrains vagues” that negatively affect the recovery of the district. 4.2 Threats Speaking about threats as external factors in the case of the Casco Vello seems excessive; there are no clear threats, excepting in the collective subconscious. The buildings restored by the Consortium have exceptional constructive and design conditions, and awards follow one another. Even though, young couples are reluctant to raise their children under such safety conditions. Its bad reputation, especially in the upper area, keep away the people with capacity to regenerate the neighbourhood, changing the profile of the demographic pyramid and contributing a higher education and income level together with more urban cultural and social demands. The existence of drugs is a threat itself, as well as the drug addicts linked to the Drug Dependence Centre that is the door of the upper area. They spread over higher-quality places such as Princesa square, translating their problems and disputes and corrupting a qualified central and


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busy space. However, the greatest problem is not this, but the distribution of drugs and the control of the space by the dealers. Another threat could be the persistence of the recession that prevents from renting houses and repeats the ownership model, thus miscarrying the desirable population mobility that could guarantee a greater social permeability. The first flats put in the market by the Consortium were sold instead of rented. Another conflict is the existence of road traffic despite the unsuitability of the streets, the indiscriminate parking, and the non-compliance with the loading and unloading hours, which hinder the perception and enjoying of the existent public space. The latter lacks the conditions to exercise its main function: a space for relation and coexistence, acting as a support and reinforcement of the other activities. 4.3 Strengths However, once the first challenges are overcome, we may say that the Casco Vello begins to show strengths and opportunities that were not so visible before, although they were latent. Perhaps the most remarkable strength of the Casco Vello is its central position as well as its farfrom-negligible position related to the port. Although it will be hard to deprive Príncipe-UrzáizGran Vía streets of their shopping activity, or Policarpo Sanz-García Barbón streets of their condition of tertiary space were banks and offices are located, there are already signs of approach or change, such as the Association of Building Developers and Constructors moving to Real Street, or the starting of works for the Registrars to move to the same street, or the recovery of Constitución Square to celebrate traditional festivals such as Mardi Grass or recreational activities in summer. There are also other aspects to be considered such as the increased land value as a consequence of the improvement of the district that is already becoming evident. Although we must not obviate the danger of “gentrification” that a rise in prices and a greater attractiveness may generate, to the detriment of the social variety that once characterized the Casco Vello. 4.4 Opportunities The port and the inclusion of Vigo in the route of big cruises, with an increasing number of passengers that spend at least one day in Vigo have more immediate effects. This means 250,000 passengers and 97,000 crew people arriving every year at the port, with an important peak in spring and summer. There are people with a spending capacity of some 30-50 euro per day and person and, more important, with the capacity of spreading the interest of the city. The problem is that, as far as the qualities of the Casco Vello are not improved, and excepting the established Port-Collegiate church-Constitución square-Puerta del Sol higher-quality route, the topography and the feeling of danger dissuade the tourists from staying there, so they go to other areas in the city thus eliminating the possibility of consuming in the Casco Vello, which has a repercussion in its economic reactivation. Other factors to be considered are the degree of urbanisation attained, even though it affects a reduced area, the set up of a microbus to improve the internal mobility, and initiatives such as the Berbés-Castle of Saint Sebastian stairs which are still being planned. Another positive factor to be considered are the car parks at its Puerta del Sol-Berbés ends, which should favour an intense pedestrianisation compatible with resident service policies, since although residents demand car parks inside the Casco Vello, it is unfeasible, given the dimensions of the plots and the street sections. On the other hand, the admission of vehicles is only justified by the tough topography that dissuades from walking and in no case by the dimensions of the Casco Vello. The existence of a privileged space such as Paseo de Alfonso, with a relevant spatiality due to its open character and a practically restored quality-architecture, is a viewpoint over the bay and a door for the renovated high area in the future. The Casco Vello Consortium is a guarantee in the recovery process of the Casco Vello through clear strategies such as the concentration of actions in the most deteriorated areas, acting by complete areas such as Abeleira Menéndez-Ferrería-Subida Castelo. This way, not very great actions have an important influence in both the recovery of the social tissue and the value

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enhancement of new routes in the Casco Vello, such as the access to O Castro hill, the parexcellence park of the city and viewpoint over the impressive landscape of the bay, thus becoming a must-route that would indirectly favour the shopping activity. All the same, the action that could have a greater influence in the economic reactivation is the policy of services spreading in the Casco Vello, first located at the border area and Constitución square such as the House of the Galician Culture, the Central Library and the Health Centre, and then extending the area of implementation with quality and city-scale services such as the Camǂens Foundation or the Fernandez del Riego’s picture gallery. This is complemented by the establishment of private initiatives such as the APEC’s headquarters or the establishment of the headquarters of the Illas Atlánticas Park by the Galician government (Xunta de Galicia), or maintaining others such as the city’s reference market of Berbés or A Pedra market. Other services such as the Museum of Photography and the Property Registrars headquarters will be coming soon. This gives the possibility of enhancing the value of greater routes such as Collegiate church-Berbés, one of the most emblematic spaces in the city and its origin too, which is at present under a process of façade renovation after the failed results of the urbanisation of its front through the Abrir Vigo al Mar (Opening Vigo to the Sea) project. This way, Real Street will be recovered as the district’s main street. There are other circumstances such as the maintenance, although with a residual character, of the traditional shops such as the basket-makers in the street of the same name, and a varied hotel and restaurant offer acting as an complementary attraction element together with a more specialized commerce, from accessories to wine stores or wine bars, art galleries or professional offices. 5 CONCLUSION At present, we can speak about an incipient economic recovery in the area, which turns the Casco Vello into a lab where to verify the validity of the policies of intervention in the historic centres. We can then state that strategies of action looking beyond the simple recovery of façades with the dramatization and museumization of the urban space, incorporating new population through a restoration that stresses on the living conditions and the construction and design quality, together with the protection of heritage, improving the environmental quality of the district through urbanization, and the establishment of quality services as an element of social cohesion, mean the possibility of economic reactivation in an area that was declining in the past through the creation of more sustainable spaces. This restoration process must, within a comprehensive proposal, encourage small isolated actions (micro-urbanism) involving multiple agents, always integrated in a strategy based on an overview capable of provoking a change not only in the perception of space but in the contribution of new population capable of influence by creating positive synergies in the neighbourhood. The concentration of cranes today in the Casco Vello shows how in recession times adequate intervention policies can preserve and boost the historic centres not only as identity spaces but as central spaces of economically active life.

Figure 6 ENDNOTES 1

Spanish legal denomination for the urban plan in historial areas, includes protection and renovation.


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REFERENCES Aparicio Mourelo, A. y de Nanni, R. “Modelos de gestión de la regeneración urbana”. Sepes. Entidad Estatal Urbana. Madrid, 2011. http:\\www.sepes.es/publicaciones/modelos_gestión_regeneracion_urbana.pdf Berger, M y Bengmes, P. “Bruxelles à l’épreuve de la participation. Les contrats de quartier en exercises”. Ministère de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale. Bruxelles. 2009. Evans, G. “Cultural planning: as urban renaissance? Routledge. London. 2001 Instituto Universitario Urbanística. Universidad de Valladolid “Regeneración urbana integrada en Europa” Documento de síntesis.pdf. www fomento.gob.es Pinson, G. “Urbanismo y gobernanza de las ciudades europeas. Gobernar la ciudad por proyecto”. PUV. Universitat de Valencia. Valencia, 2011. Rausell Köster, Pau. “Museos y excelencia en las ciudades”. XV Congreso Nacional de la Federación Española de Amigos de los Museos. 2007 Var den Berg, L; Van der Meer, J.; Otgaar, A. “The Attractive City. Catalyst for Economic Development and social Revitalisation. Euricur. Erasmus University Rotterdam. Rotterdam. 1999. Velázquez Valoria, I y Verdaguer Viana-Cárdenas, C. “Regeneración urbana integral”. Sepes. Entidad Estatal Urbana. Madrid, 2011. http:\\www.sepes.es/publicaciones/ regeneracion_urbana_integral.pdf

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Supplying the heritage industry: an analysis of UK craft companies’ experiences K. Loader School of Management and Archaeology Department, University of York

S. C. Norton School of Management and Archaeology Department, University of York

ABSTRACT: This paper presents the initial findings of an exploratory study which is investigating the experiences of craft companies operating within the heritage building sector. Based upon a sample of 15 case companies we have found that their work to conserve heritage buildings, their business characteristics and attitude to growth, their materials sourcing and ongoing training display the adoption of sustainable development practices. However there is a lack of opportunity for young people to enter the sector due to barriers. These are partly due to the current economic climate of public sector funding cuts but also to do with the interface between client and company. We have identified that the architect plays a key role here and this will be the subject of further research. 1 INTRODUCTION A country’s heritage can incorporate various dimensions including natural heritage, cultural heritage and heritage assets such as historic buildings and monuments. Heritage can provide significant economic and social benefits, for example through the provision of employment and engendering a sense of community. However, for these benefits to be sustained, heritage must be valued and cared for. In this study the focus is upon heritage assets and the historic environment. For these to be cared for effectively requires, amongst other things, the availability of skilled and experienced crafts people operating sustainably within the heritage supply market. Previous studies examining the levels of supply and demand for skills within the craft sector have suggested that there is a shortage of skills (National Heritage Training Group [NHTG], 2008). However, developing and maintaining an appropriate level and range of artisan skills is not sufficient. Craft firms must also have the resources and knowledge to be able to successfully compete for contracts for heritage work. Factors that can affect the ability of firms to be successful in gaining contracts include the nature of the contracting organisation, for example whether it is situated in the private or public sector, and the size of the supplier company. A growing body of work has determined that small firms can face challenges in successfully winning contracts. The inherent resource disadvantages of small firms can present additional challenges when seeking contracts, especially when combined with the formal processes employed by larger contracting organisations. In particular the public sector can provide additional challenges as a result of the need for government to adopt transparent procedures and the need to obtain goods and services which provide value for money. These issues are both relevant for the heritage sector. A characteristic of craft firms, including those within the traditional building craft sector, is their size, with most falling within the small and medium enterprise sector, and with a large number operating as micro businesses. A further feature relates to funding. Within the UK heritage sector, the public sector is a significant funder and procurer of heritage contracts. Therefore the suggestion is that small craft suppliers are likely to experience difficulties in obtaining work. However, a review of the literature indicates

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that there is a lack of empirical evidence, and thus a gap in our knowledge of the heritage supply market, and of the specific experiences of craft firms in their attempts to supply this market. This article hopes to make a contribution to our understanding of this issue, one which is especially pertinent in the current challenging economic climate which sees the UK public sector facing cuts. It is anticipated that the heritage sector will see change and uncertainty as a result of these cuts and this is likely to reduce employment opportunities and require a more adaptable workforce (Institute of Conservation, 2011). Specifically the paper has the following aim: To explore the experiences of the Yorkshire heritage building craft industry in the heritage supply market and to consider how this might affect our future capacity to conserve heritage assets. In our study we are focusing upon skills and the supply chain experiences of craft companies by examining how they get work, the nature of the work undertaken and the heritage market, their sourcing of materials and labour, and training and skills developments. 1.1 Definitions Within both the craft and heritage literatures, terms can be difficult to express precisely and definitions difficult to agree. Indeed, in the UK the term craft is not officially defined, but is recognised as being associated with skilled labour, natural and vernacular components, and an element of creativity (European Commission, 2011). Even the research published by the NHTG in 2008 did not pre-define what was meant by ‘traditional building craft skills’, instead associating them with skills demanded in the repair of pre-1919 buildings, and more generally with traditional materials and methods (NHTG, 2008). The survey of client groups showed a demand for a great range of crafts, including mason, timber preserver and glass painter, and questions remain about what exactly the NHTG means by ‘traditional building craft skills’ beyond any work on a historic building. In this study we are focusing upon those firms which are employed in the conservation, repair and maintenance of the historic environment, known as the traditional heritage building sector. The most appropriate definition of traditional heritage building skills is that provided by Bilbrough and Moir (2004): ‘Specialist building skills using traditional materials and techniques required to conserve, preserve and restore the nation’s historic buildings and structures.’ (p.212). Even then we need some understanding of what trades or occupations fall within this definition. Bilbrough and Moir (2004) provide a comprehensive interpretation of the types of traditional building skills that should be included: bricklayers/craft masons, carpenters and joiners (bench and site), roof slaters and tilers, stone masons (including flint workers), leadworkers, painters and decorators, steeplejacks, scaffolders, glaziers, hard landscapers, wall and floor tilers, plasterers (solid and fibrous), façade cleaners, thatchers, dry-stone wallers, cob and earth wallers, rural pargetters, wattle and daubers and blacksmiths (ironwork). (p.212). Whilst some of these can be readily identified with heritage, for example ‘cob and earth wallers’, for others we need to know more about the nature of the work they undertake in order to classify them as heritage workers. Whilst some may specialise in heritage work, others may work on both heritage and general building contracts. 1.2 Funding of heritage building projects Earlier we suggested that the source of funding is likely to have an impact upon the contracting process. Therefore it is appropriate to consider the funding environment within the UK. There are various sources of funding available for heritage projects. The largest source of public funding is available via the Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF). The HLF, which is a non-departmental public body accountable to Parliament, aims to sustain and transform UK heritage through funding innovative projects that have a long-term impact on both people and place. It is the largest dedicated funder of the UK’s heritage, claiming to be responsible for allocating about £375million a year (HLF, 2012). The value of grants awarded in 2010-11 was actually £211 million, and whilst this was a significant increase on the £101.9 million distributed in 2009-10, it is a 48% decrease on the 2002-03 figures. Success in obtaining grants is also down, indicating that it is becoming harder to obtain HLF grants (EH, 2011). Following the HLF, English Heritage (EH) is the second largest source of grant funding for heritage projects, awarding grants of


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£34.8 million in 2010-11. EH administers much of the UK’s heritage protection in its role as the Government’s statutory advisor on the historic environment. Funding is also provided by voluntary bodies and private individuals and organizations. The National Trust is the largest voluntary organisation involved in the management of historic properties and landscapes. It spends considerable sums in the operation of day-to-day activities but additionally funds capital projects linked to historic buildings. In 2010/11 this sum was £76.2m. There are no official statistics on private funding and so the input from this sector is difficult to quantify. However it is claimed that the majority of funding on the historic environment comes from this sector. There have been some attempts to estimate the scale on investment. For example the Historic Houses Association estimated in 2003-04 an annual spend of £3.5 billion on historic buildings by the private sector (EH, 2011). In addition to expressing the significance of the market through funding and economic contribution, its contribution to society can also be considered in terms of the value conferred upon it by the public. Bilbrough and Moir (2004) report a poll which found that 87% of the public in England value the cultural contribution of the historic environment and, significantly, think that the government should fund its preservation. The public can demonstrate their support through their participation in heritage related activities such as visiting sites, joining heritage organizations and volunteering. More recently, in 2010-11, a survey of participation showed that 70.7% of all adults participated, the majority through visiting sites (EH, 2011). Bilbrough and Moir suggest that the demand for heritage building skills is likely to increase, as the public becomes more aware of the value of the historic environment. However they also link this to a more affluent society, and so economic downturn is likely to affect this trend. However, developments in sustainability and a greater emphasis upon localism may also play a part. 1.3 The UK Heritage sector and sustainability The heritage sector has become the focus of growing attention in the UK evidenced by a range of reports commissioned by government and heritage bodies. The UK Government recognises that heritage and the historic environment can make an important contribution to a variety of goals, including economic, social and environmental goals (EH, 2010). Overall it has been estimated that heritage tourism generates more than £12.4 billion of expenditure per year and supports more than 195,000 full time jobs (HLF, 2010). The historic environment and buildings are seen to contribute towards a sense of place that engenders local pride, economic growth and community cohesion (EH, 2000 and 2002). It is also acknowledged that the heritage and building conservation sectors contribute to wider factors that relate to concepts of sustainable development. English Heritage estimates that over 3,000 volunteers spent 230,000 hours of their time at National Trust properties in Yorkshire and the North East of England in 2010/11, displaying a sense of social and community responsibility (EH, 2011). A study of craft activity (relating to decorative crafts such as jewellery making and ceramics), in Fife, East Scotland found it to resonate with principles of sustainable development fundamentally, as growth models were based on the health of people, society and the environment, rather than profit alone (Ferraro et al, 2011). The authors claim that the lifestyle patterns of the craftspeople interviewed reflect a sustainable development model where well being rather than continued growth, is the primary motivating factor (Ferraro et al, 2011). This complements Chambers and Conway’s argument that an individual’s livelihood can be seen as sustainable if it enhances or maintains local assets by contributing to another’s (or a community’s) livelihood (1991), thereby building social capital as well as contributing to a local economy. If the historic environment contributes to peoples’ way of life as English Heritage claims (2000, 2002 and 2011), then traditional building craft activity that maintains and enhances historic buildings can also be seen as sustainable. By finding out more about the sites that craftspeople work on, their practices and the supply chain that they become involved with, this study will seek to contribute to discussions about links between sustainability, building conservation and traditional craft.

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2 METHODOLOGY Our exploration of the heritage building sector in Yorkshire and Humber comprises 3 elements. Firstly we have undertaken a review of documents that address related policy and practices. These include academic, practitioner and policy based sources of literature. Secondly we have determined a range of appropriate heritage focused demographics for Yorkshire and Humberside. Thirdly, and most importantly, we have undertaken in-depth interviews with 15 craft companies in the region. The literature review comprised a methodical review of databases to ascertain contributions from the academic community, both conceptual and empirical. Search terms such as craft, heritage, and traditional building combined with supply, small company and historic environment were used. In addition documents produced by relevant policy and practitioner bodies were also accessed. Yorkshire and Humber, the 5th biggest of the 9 English regions, was chosen not least because it was known to the authors as having a healthy supply of traditional building craft companies that could be approached for interview and easily accessed. With both rural and urban areas, the heritage in the region is broadly representative of the national picture. A range of heritage related demographics are documented in Table 1. Table 1. Yorkshire and Humber Region Heritage Profile. Heritage Measure % of English world heritage sites % Scheduled monuments % Registered battlefields % Region in national park % Region classed as Area of Outstanding National Beauty % Conservation areas % Parks and gardens % Listed buildings Number of Grade 1 Listed buildings Number of Grade 2* Listed Buildings Number of Grade 2 Listed Buildings Number of pre-1919 buildings HLF: total value of awards 2010-11 EH: total value of awards % adult participation in heritage related activities Source: English Heritage, 2012 and NHTG, 2005 & 2008

Value 11 13 16 20 6 9 7.3 8.4 686 1510 29221 601000 £12.039,173 £3,060,602 70.8

The interviews provide the main contribution to the study. Original evidence has been obtained from 15 craft companies working in the traditional building sector and operating within the Yorkshire and Humber region. The evidence was obtained by conducting in-depth qualitative interviews with the owner or a senior manager from each company; someone we considered to have an overview of both the managerial and day-to-day side of the company. The interviews were loosely structured around a set of themes, namely: methods employed to obtain work, especially but not restricted to the public sector; sourcing of materials and labour; nature of work undertaken and market; and training and skills development. The interviews were conducted jointly by the 2 authors and, with one exception, took place at the companies’ premises or at a current site location. The choice of venue had two advantages. Firstly we wished the interviewees to feel comfortable in order to encourage open and frank participation, and we felt this would be maximized in a venue that provided convenience and familiarity. Secondly we were also interested in observing first hand the materials and / or work that the company was engaged in. This very often produced additional insights either through additional discussion with the interviewee, or meeting other workers as well as an opportunity to photograph the work and materials. All interviewees gave permission for our conversations to be recorded and these have been transcribed. Whilst our analysis is loosely based upon the themes mentioned, we have attempted to identify, categorise and incorporate any additional themes that have emerged from our conversations,

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in keeping with the exploratory nature of this stage of our study. This open approach has also encouraged us to develop our questions and prompts with each interviewee following initial and informal reflections by the researchers after meeting each company. 3 FINDINGS In this section we report the findings from our conversations with the 15 participant craft companies. We present our evidence structured around the four themes identified in the methodology, but begin with a consideration of the characteristics of craft companies. 3.1 Craft companies’ characteristics Bilborough and Moir identified that little was known about the specific characteristics of the heritage building market in 2004. The quantitative work of the NHTG has filled that gap to a certain extent on a national basis, but there are still gaps relating to qualitative characteristics and regional variation (2005 & 2008). The qualitative approach we have adopted, of undertaking semi-structured interviews with 15 craft companies located in the Yorkshire region of the UK, seeks to address this. It is said that 92% of people working in the heritage building industry work in companies employing less than 8 people (Bilborough & Moir 2004). In contrast the majority of our interviewees are working for slightly larger companies of between 10 and 20 people. However, this is more likely to be reflective of the researchers’ decision to find out about companies of varying sizes than of the construction industry itself. That said, the companies all had a high proportion of practicing craftspeople as employees and the majority of people we spoke to felt that having a craft background or an understanding of historic buildings was important in the sector. Details about the demographic detail of each company can be found in Table 2. Table 2. Profile of companies interviewed Co Craft Discipline Location 1 Plasterers Rural 2 Carpenters/joiners Urban 3 Stone masons Urban Urban 4 Roofing Urban 5 Carpenters/joiners 6 Carpenters/joiners Urban 7 General builders Rural 8 Blacksmiths Rural 9 Roofers Urban Rural 10 Stone masons 11 Roofers Rural 12 Painters/decorators Rural 13 General builders Urban 14 Stone masons Urban 15 Stone masons Rural

Employees 5.2 2 9 22 6 11 11 15 20 8 100+ 1 10 65 1

Craftspeople 4 2 8 17 6 11 11 10 15 8 Flexible 1 9 59 1

Recent performance Steady Steady Steady Workforce reductions Steady Steady Growth Steady Growth Growth Workforce reductions Steady Steady Workforce reductions Growth

Many of the senior managers we spoke to had begun their career in the workshop, as had many of their staff, with several talking about the length of time employees tended to stay with the company: [Of the 11 staff] ‘3 are family directors, of the other 8 only 1 has joined us from elsewhere in the last 5 years. All the others have been apprentice trained from school leaving. So, going up to the most senior member of staff being Chris, he’s in his mid 50s, he’s worked with us since he was 15. He’s got a son working for us now that’s joined as an apprentice. We’ve got another lad called Steve, we’ve recently taken on an apprentice and that’s his son. So, some say it’s a bit of a life sentence when you come here’.

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The length of time that employees tended to stay with companies and the high level of pastoral care that the senior managers showed towards their employees, with many discussing them by name, united a number of our interviewees. When asking about the distance companies’ travel for work we received a range of responses, with some travelling distances of 100 miles and others happy to travel internationally if it was feasible. Many companies were more likely to travel for a client they had developed a relationship with. This contrasts markedly with Bilbrough and Moir’s findings that most companies do their work within a 10-mile radius (2004). A characteristic that we have come across regularly and which can be seen to embody new and creative definitions of sustainability, which advocate locally based livelihoods (Parts et al 2011) or build social capital (Ferraro et al 2011), is that of motivations. Interviewees have generally indicated that they and their employees are driven and inspired by factors other than financial incentive: ‘They all have a passion for old buildings’ ‘Everybody that works for me, they have an interest. [] They like doing this work. So luckily we’ve got an interested workforce. And if they’re interested they’ll try and do the better job, than just doing something that they’re not bothered about, you know’. Another interviewee said that their employees needed to have an ‘artistic temperament’ in order to work in the heritage or bespoke sector. This evokes the idea of Sennett, which emphasises the joy of work itself (2008). The other motivations gained from conserving heritage buildings are demonstrated in the painstaking practices that some of the companies’ use (figures 3 and 4). Putting such practices in place to conserve aesthetics and heritage material take time and effort to design and implement, and are part of saving the heritage asset for the community and the future (Ferraro et al 2011). It could also be argued that the challenging nature of the work, which involves introducing materials and techniques to employees, has sustainable benefits in terms of education (Ferraro et al 2011). 3.2 Training and skills development The shortage of traditional building craft skills has been well documented, there is evidence to suggest that the shortage is not manifested ‘on the ground’ (NHTG, 2005 and 2008). Several of our interviewees reported that there were more skilled people than jobs since the economic crisis, reinforcing the belief that the craft sector is strongest in periods of economic growth (Bilbrough and Moir 2004). In addition, there is potential for increased competition from general builders without expertise as there is nothing to prevent them from diversifying into this sector (Bilbrough and Moir 2004). This challenges the NHTG research, which related the need for skills closely to numbers of heritage assets and predicted year on year growth between 2008 and 2011 (NHTG 2008). In an industry that largely relies on apprenticeship training for skilled craft workers, cyclical and sustainable training patterns rely directly on the health of the construction industry as a whole. Of the companies that we spoke to, around 200 employees were represented and only one company was considering recruiting an apprentice. Some cited the economic slowdown as a reason for not being able to offer training to new entrants, but it is perhaps more worrying that some companies considered taking on an apprentice too expensive even in times of growth. One company claimed that nearly all new staff recruited were from mainland Europe because they were better prepared with relevant training. Although these is little evidence to suggest that this is a trend, the lack of trainees in the sector is notable, especially as some interviewees reported receiving unsolicited letters from potential employees regularly.


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Figure 3. Technique adopted by company 7 for recording a wall prior to dismantling and rebuilding

Figure 4. Stones are individually labelled by company 10 so that they can be rebuilt in the same position

Overall the findings appear to demonstrate that despite people wanting to enter this sector there are certain barriers, due in part to the economic climate, preventing them. However, there may be other relevant factors: Sennett’s view that the primary motivator for craft activity is the work itself, rather than growth or educating new entrants, may be relevant (2008). Could it be that the ‘sustainable’ (Ferraro et al 2011), ‘slow’ craft activity of this demographic leans away from traditional company apprenticeship models that provide for future growth? The relationships at play here need further work as at the moment there are few opportunities for young people among our interviewees, whose companies we know can offer long-term, motivating employment in an activity that can be seen as socially beneficial. 3.3 Gaining work Our sample companies worked for clients across the public, private and third sectors. We found that with public sector clients, or where the funding was sourced from the public sector, the demands of the tendering process were more onerous than for private sector clients, reflecting a formal need to demonstrate value for money and transparency (Business Link). However they

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did not find the tender process obstructive and seemed more accepting of meeting qualification criteria, such as health and safety, risk assessment, and diversity, than has been reported previously based upon evidence from the broader small businesses community (Loader, 2011). Many of the interviewees reported that they didn’t have to actively look for work, but rather they were approached directly and invited to carry out the work, or to submit a tender. They felt that an important element to gaining work was developing a relationship with an architect or client, based upon reputation. Once this was established they would receive opportunities to tender for work regularly. This resonates with Bilbrough and Moir’s claim (2004) that word of mouth is important in getting work. The significance of the role of the architect was a common and prominent factor to emerge from our interviewees. This is an aspect which needs further research and we intend to follow this up in the next stage of our study. Another feature to emerge from our discussion was the presence of unknowns on conservation projects compared to new build for example. Such uncertainty is difficult to incorporate into a specification and is likely to lead to a need for further funding, or pressure to cut costs. ‘Yeah, cos things changes so quickly on site. You know, we were digging that trench down there and found a few bits of pot, a few bones. Archaeologist chap was there for two days, never found a thing. [The plasterer] was working at one side of the trench, I’d been working here, so we were literally this distance apart. I left a little ledge as a step down to the foundation, [] steps in and says ‘do you want me to take this ledge out’. I said ‘well I’m not really bothered, it doesn’t matter’. He said ‘oh I will do’. It was only a ledge in the, like that, puts his pick through it, found a culvert. All of a sudden that’s a fortnight worth of work lost’ You know, cos they have to come and scrape it off, photograph it, make sure its...Unless you’re unlucky you won’t find that on a normal building site’. A number of interviewees told us about jobs going unfinished, and completed jobs not being paid for. The situation can be difficult when clients are parish or church bodies and may be dependent upon grant funding. Some interviewees reported experiencing more difficulty in gaining work recently, but several thought this to be directly linked to increased competition from other larger companies ‘paying for work’ to maintain operations in the immediate term: ‘They’re trying to get their feet in again. So they’re buying the jobs, not buying in, they’re going really cheap, so they’re now sometimes cheaper than me. Well this is surprising’, The majority of our interviewees would not consider this approach: ‘We priced it tight because we wanted the job. I’m not going to start buying work 3.4 Heritage: the market and nature of work undertaken In the year before we began our research, two Yorkshire based companies involved with heritage building restoration had gone into administration: 135 year old Quibell’s and Irwins, which had live contracts at the National Trust’s Nostell Priory and Heslington Hall, a large listed building owned by the University of York (constructionenquirer.com accessed 2012). Then in Autumn 2011, a renowned West Midlands based company Linford-Bridgeman, which had operated for 130 years, working recently on prestigious projects such as grade I listed Apethorpe Hall owned by English Heritage, also collapsed (linfordbridgeman.com accessed 2012, Spankie & Law 2009). The experience of these craft companies further demonstrates the need to analyse the exact relationship between supply and demand in this sector, as well as companies’ own perceptions of the skills shortages. The Linford case seems to have particularly shaken the sector, with several of our interviewees mentioning it as indicative of current issues All of the companies we interviewed are still in operation and gave varied accounts of the strength of their business in the current economic climate. A few people reported growth, while many had remained stable and unconcerned by growing much beyond their current capacity in future, reflecting principles of sustainable development (Ferraro et al 2011): ‘I‘d rather just stick within our…what we can capably do. I don’t want to take on loads more men…I don’t see the point. I want quality of life. I want a life as well as working. And I love my work, so I’m happy, but it mustn’t be everything. And I want my lads to feel comfortable, that they have the time and they can do the job right’ It is perhaps noteworthy then that of the 15 companies represented at interview, only three of the bigger firms had undergone reductions to their workforce (table 2).


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In the main our interviewees seemed to be quite well positioned with clients in the public, private and third sectors as mentioned before. This reinforces the view that ‘specialisation is the exception rather than the rule’ (Bilborough & Moir 2004). However, that several companies mentioned public sector funding, sometimes via a third party client, appears to demonstrate the importance that intervention exerts in this sector, although budget cuts are in evidence. As discussed above, public sector intervention and competitive tender processes seem an established and understood part of our interviewees work. However, accepted though these processes seem to be, there is evidence to suggest that many of our interviewees considered that they had the potential to reduce the quality of their work: ‘But they always go by tender procedure and that actually militates against quality’. ‘Best value basically means cheapest price…’. 3.5 Sourcing materials and labour These discussions coincide with Sennett’s argument that a craftsman produces quality for the enjoyment of it, improving quality for quality’s sake rather than in a competitive climate or one of social enhancement (2008). Sennett suggests that while craft activity can operate within a competitive framework or be seen to embody sustainable principles, the principle motivation of the craft community is something quite different (2008). Indeed, we have found many of our interviewees to be deeply motivated, speaking with clarity and passion about the crafts, in a way that contrasts with research about indifference in the wider UK construction industry (Thiel 2005). The companies’ individual ways of working could be one reason why most of our interviewees felt that new employees needed some sort of training to work with them. The amount and type of training varied, with some suggesting that bespoke, on the job, non-accredited training was most valuable. At this stage there is not evidence to suggest that the skills conferred are valuable beyond the job at hand, but the existence and consideration of training and continued education can be seen to contribute to sustainable development models (Ferraro et al 2011). As mentioned above, several of the interviewees were concerned about the nature of the materials they used, with some suggesting a preference for ‘local’ or ‘natural’ products. Where sourcing materials was difficult, in the case of stone slates and certain types of stone particularly, some interviewees demonstrated intimate knowledge of where suitable sources were, while others kept stores for future use. The shortage of materials has been recognised in this sector for some time and Local Authority’s were encouraged in Planning Policy Guidance 15: Planning and the Historic Environment to establish ‘banks of materials’ for conservation. That some craft companies are fulfilling this role further implies their contribution to social as well as financial economies (Ferraro et al 2011), and community self-reliance (Murray 2011). Indeed, we found that most of the companies were committed to using local suppliers and materials: several used sand local to the relevant building site and two discussed the potential for doing a lime burn, thus manufacturing their materials on a micro scale. 4 CONCLUSION The study determines the factors which affect the companies’ success in supplying the public sector alongside an analysis of their behaviour and attitudes in order to contribute to our understanding between the supply and demand for craft skills. We have found that while craft companies experience few difficulties in winning work when the emphasis is on best practice building conservation, there are barriers to getting work when the detail is unknown because of a vague or absent specification document, or because of unknowns inherent in the project. In addition to writing the specification, we have found that it is also normal practice for the architect to invite companies to tender for work, thereby exerting some influence over who is competing. This is why we have highlighted that the role of the architect as an interface between the client and craft company is so important and something that needs further exploration. We have also found that the nature of the companies’ work conserving heritage buildings, their business characteristics and attitude to growth, materials sourcing and ongoing training display sustainable development practices. However, it is currently difficult for young inexperienced people to enter the sector because of a lack of opportunity. This can partly be attributed to

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the economic climate and falls in public sector spending, but there is some evidence to suggest that the issue is more deeply embedded, with several companies choosing to recruit ‘improvers’ over apprentices. The impact that this could have on our capacity to conserve heritage buildings is as yet unclear, but with a number of companies having gone into administration and a lack of younger people entering the sector, it is likely that numbers of skilled craftspeople will continue to decline. If this is the case, we risk not only the capacity to care for the heritage buildings around us, likely manifested in temporary but recurring skills shortages, but also the additional sustainable benefits that we have seen these companies are able to contribute. REFERENCES Bilbrough B and Moir J .2004. ‘Heritage Building Crafts’ in Collins, E. J. T. (Editor) ‘Crafts in the English Countryside Towards a Future’ Countryside Agency Publications: Wetherby Business Link. Overview on selling to Government. The Procurement Process. (http://www.businesslink.gov.uk/bdotg/action/detail?itemId=1073792570&r.i=1073792569&r.l1=107386 1169&r.l2=1073858827&r.l3=1074033478&r.s=sc&r.t=RESOURCES&type=RESOURCES ), 27th February 2012. Chambers R and Conway G .1991. Sustainable rural livelihoods: sustainable concepts for the 21st century. Institute of Development Studies: unpublished Construction Enquirer .2010. www.constructionenquirer.com/2010/11/26/leed-builder-irwinsgoes-under. Accessed February 2012. Construction Enquirer .2010. www.constructionenquirer.com/2010/11/29/quibell-sons-hull-goes-intoadministration. Accessed February 2012 Cox E and Bebbington J (n.d.). Craft and Sustainable Development An Investigation. Unpublished Department of the Environment .1994. Planning Policy Guidance 15 Planning and the Historic Environment. HMSO: London English Heritage .2000. Power of Place. English Heritage: London. English Heritage .2002. A Force for our Future. English Heritage: London. English Heritage .2010. Impact of Historic Environment Regeneration, Final Report. English Heritage: London. English Heritage .2011. ‘Heritage Counts England’, Historic Environment Forum. European Commission .2011. Final Report “Future Skills Needs in Micro and Craft(-type) Enterprises up to 2020 ” European Commission, DG Enterprise and Industry, Unit F.2 Ferraro E White R Cox E Bebbington J and Wilson S .2011. Craft & sustainable development reflections on Scottish craft & pathways to sustainability. Craft + design enquiry 3. GHK 2010 The Impact of Historic Visitor Attractions. Final Report. London. Heritage Lottery Fund .2012. ‘About Us’ http://www hlf.org.uk/aboutus/Pages/AboutUs.aspx (23rd February 2012) Institute of Conservation .2011. National Conservation Education and Skills Strategy . Draft for Consultation. Linford Masonry (n.d.) www.linfordmasonry.com/our_history. Accessed February 2012. Murray K 2011. Craft & Sustainable Design. Craft + design enquiry 3. National Heritage Training Group .2005. Traditional Building Craft Skills. Reassessing the Need, Addressing the Issues. England. National Heritage Training Group .2008. Traditional Building Craft Skills. Reassessing the Need, Addressing the Issues. England 2008 Review Parts PK, Rennu M, Jääts L, Matsin A and Metslang J .2011. Developing sustainable heritage-based livelihoods: an initial study of artisans and their crafts in Viljandi County, Estonia. Journal of International Heritage Studies 17:5. Sennett R .2008. The Craftsman. Penguin, London. Spankie K & Law B .2009. English Heritage. Oxford Film and Television Ltd. Theil D .2005. Builders the social organisation of a construction site. PhD thesis, University of London.


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XIXth Century coal mining settlements in Chile: the challenge for sustainable touristic reuse and heritage preservation M. I. López

Universidad del Bio Bio

ABSTRACT: Mining settlements and sites, established during the XIXth century, are a key testimony of industrial revolution in the world. As such, they are increasingly being valued as a particular type of industrial heritage, and promoted as tourist attractions. Particularly in Europe and the US, many sites have been turned into ‘open mining museums’, ‘ecomuseums’ or cultural parks, thus recognizing the value of its physical remains, the importance of a particular cultural landscape, and local identity among mining communities. Advocators of this trend have promoted mining tourism, as a way to revert dramatic economic decay and environmental problems, in the post-mining era. In spite of this enthusiasm, several questions remain to be answered; such as: 1. What should be the role of public agencies, the local community and in general the civil society, in this shift from mining, to cultural tourism and heritage preservation? Eg. Who should be the new manager of the buildings and sites, after the mining company departures? 2. What kind of urban processes, planning policies and tools, should be used in order to achieve sustainable touristic reuse of mining heritage? 3. And finally, how can local participation be a central aspect of urban change? Using the case of the former coal mining settlements of Lota and Coronel, at the south of Chile, the presentation addresses these issues and proposes: a set of steps for a sustainable cultural and touristic reuse of mining heritage.

1 INTRODUCTION Besides its artistic or historical value, the importance of industrial remains is mainly related to its testimonial significance. Industrial remains are a key testimony of a major social shift; i.e. the shift from an agricultural to an industrial type of society. Within this wider scope, mining remains can be regarded as a specific dimension of industrial heritage. From an historical point of view, mining was a key factor of industrial revolution. From an economical stand, it was a key contribution to the expansion of exportations. And from a social perspective, mining workers played a key role in the appraisal of the labor unions’ movement, throughout the world. Valuing mining and industrial heritage is also related with the recognition of industrial archaeology in Europe. For authors like Santacreu (1992) the notion of industrial archaeology emerged within the context of industrial revolution, and achieved widespread attention around de 50s and the 60s. As a result, several mining heritage societies were created. Within the concept of mining heritage, the notion of ‘mining-metallurgic remains’ include the traces of extractive activities as well as the ones related to metal production. This type of heritage is considered a paradigmatic combination of cultural and natural heritage because of the

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symbiotic relation between the mine and the geological heritage which is unveiled through mining. That is how the social and historical value, along with the technical and natural values are all components of this type of heritage (Ayala-Carcedo, 2000, Pg. 34). Thanks to the increasing recognition of mining heritage, various researchers such as López (2010); Orche (2004, 2003, 2002 and 2002b); Puche (2003 and 2000); Puche et al (1997 and 1993); and Carvajal et al (2003 and 2003b) have promoted the recovery of mining remains as cultural heritage; and have promoted its reuse for tourism. As a result, in various countries (specially in Europe) international organizations have fostered the creation of mining museums, eco-museums, open air museums, and cultural parks, sustaining: touristic, recreational, scientific or even therapeutic land uses (Sabaté, 2004; Carvajal, 2003 and Orche, 2003; Sabaté y Schuster, 2001). In spite of this enthusiasm, several questions remain to be answered; such as: i) what should be the role of public agencies, the local community and the civil society, in this shift from mining, to cultural tourism and heritage preservation? E.g. Who should be the new manager of the buildings and sites, after the mining company departures?; ii) What kind of urban processes, planning policies and tools, should be used in order to achieve sustainable touristic reuse of mining heritage?; and finally iii) How can local participation be a central aspect of urban change? Using the case of the former coal mining settlements of Lota and Coronel, at the south of Chile, the presentation approaches these issues and proposes a series of steps for a successful and sustainable touristic reuse of former mining areas. The proposal is based in the analysis of mining heritage tourism in Europe, and ‘in depth’ case study analysis of initiatives in the UK. The research methodology considered a descriptive, an evaluative and a prospective approach. The descriptive approach aimed to identify the main components of initiatives that succeeded to foster tourism and heritage preservation1. The evaluative approach aimed to identify the main contributions of these same initiatives to sustainable local development, according to a set of parameters based on preservation and sustainable tourism theory. And finally, the prospective approach explored the potential of the former mining territory of Lota and Coronel, in Chile, to implement a sustainable process of tourism reuse. The article is structured in three parts. The first part presents the main arguments supporting heritage significance of the former mining area of Lota and Coronel. The second part presents the main steps for a sustainable touristic reuse of heritage. And the third part presents the main conclusions regarding opportunities and restrictions for these kind o initiatives in former mining territories in Chile. 2 MINING HERITAGE IN LOTA AND CORONEL In Chile, coal mining developed mainly in three areas located at the south of the country: at the Arauco Gulf, in the Bio Bio Region (Mazzei, 1997); near the cities of Valdivia and Chiloé, in the Los Ríos and Los Lagos regions; and in the Magallanes basin, in the Magallanes Region (Martinic, 2010 and 2004). Above all, the mines of Arauco surpassed production anywhere else, leading coal production in Chile (Ortega, 1992). Within the Arauco Gulf, the biggest mining company was the one founded by Matías Cousiño in the year 1850, in Lota. The one founded by Federico Schwager in Coronel followed in importance. That is how by the end of the XIXth century Lota and Coronel (Fig. 1) were two of the main industrial complexes in Chile (Ortega, 1992). Accordingly, both urban settlements were deeply modified by a new way of life, the expansion of industrial installations, and the construction of various facilities, houses and open spaces that – even today – define local character and stand out as key elements of the urban image.


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Figure 1. The expansion of coal mining properties at the south of the Bio Bio river. Source: the Author

In Lota, the mining settlement, known as Lota Alto, was built beside the industrial installations. The urban layout follows a spatial hierarchy that expresses both the organization of work within the mining company (Muñoz, 2000) and the irregular relief, thus achieving a unique urban form. The settlement expanded at the same pace as the industrial complex. And the new technologies, originally meant for industrial purposes, were also used for urban development. In Coronel, pioneering mining initiatives started during the mid XIXth century in the area of Puchoco, at the north end of the Arauco Gulf (Aburto y Gutiérrez, 1999, Pg. 43). Mining attracted investment and workers; and in the year 1872, when the railway line was extended to the south border of the Bio Bio River, many new inhabitants arrived (Vera, 1984, Pgs 13 – 14). Finally, in 1982, the merging of the mining companies of Punta Puchoco and Boca Maule, in Coronel, produced one of the most important social, urban and economic transformations in the Bio Bio Region. Coal mining defined and fostered development in Lota and Coronel. However, international shifts in coal mining production - during the 60s – along with cost increases, led to a long crisis of coal production. That’s how – after several years of struggle - the coal field at Puchoco was closed in 1994 and so was the coal field at Lota three years later (Pérez et al, 2004). After the mines were closed the government implemented several measures to reduce unemployment. However these actions haven’t been able to attract investment nor to generate a relevant impact in the community. 3 KEY STEPS FOR TOURISTIC REUSE OF MINING HERITAGE Main results of the research suggest that fostering a process of touristic reuse of former mining settlements should consider the following steps. 3.1 Assessing heritage significance and other assets of the former mining territory This phase requires two types of analysis. Firstly, to assess the architectural, historical and cultural significance of mining remains, and secondly, to precise the limits of the management area. Heritage significance should be assessed regarding the physical remains of the site2 and other intangible expressions of mining culture. One important aspect is that the site expresses not only the working conditions, but also, the social aspects of mining culture3. Finally, heritage assessment should take into account whether mining remains have a local, regional, national or universal value.

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Regarding the management area, the analysis of successful mining museums suggests that touristic success of the initiative may require the following: 1. Achieving a balance between the scale of the site and accessibility from major urban agglomerations. That is how, small heritage areas (7 to 10 hectares) may only be able to attract an important number of visitors when located at the fringes - or within - major urban centers. Larger sites on the other hand (250 to 550 hectares) may only need to be accessible on a day trip from major urban agglomerations (i.e. at a maximum distance of 45 km. approx.). Achieving a balance between scale and accessibility of the site contributes to its touristic attractiveness and, consequently, to economic feasibility of the initiative. 2. Including the local community within the management area. This feature is important to social sustainability, for two reasons. Firstly, because it provides visitors with a more holistic grasp of mining culture; and secondly, because it facilitates participation of the local community. Mining heritage areas in Lota and Coronel, may be described as a coastal border located at the south of Concepcion: the region’s capital city. Mining heritage areas may be described as four heritage ‘stations’. The first two, when approaching from Concepción, include the former coal field and settlements of Maule and Puchoco in Coronel, and have a total of 64 hectares (Fig. 2). The following ‘station’ is the industrial area and coal settlement of Lota Alto, which has 198 hectares. Finally, the last ‘station’ is the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo and surrounding areas, with a total extension of 7 hectares. In this way, the summing up of the four ‘stations’, reaches around 262 hectares. Finally, mining heritage areas of Lota and Coronel are still inhabited by the former mining community. That is how, the management site of a touristic initiative in the area, should be conceived as: − The large type of site; that is: a site including at least the whole 198 hectares of heritage areas and, if appropriate, other areas withstanding natural or recreational value. − Including the inhabited historical settlements

Figure 2. The four heritage ‘stations’: Maule and Puchoco in Coronel, and Lota Alto and Chivilingo in Lota. Source: the author

Regarding accessibility, Lota and Coronel are two of the various urban centers belonging to the Metropolitan Area of Concepción (AMC). With more than 900.000 inhabitants, the AMC is the second most populated metropolitan area of Chile; and Lota is located 36.5 km south from Concepción (Fig. 3). On the other hand, even though the mining area is connected to the AMC through the 160 Route, various measures to improve accessibility, should be implemented4


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Regarding heritage significance, even though the mining areas of Lota and Coronel have no official designation as world heritage site (WHS), the analysis illustrates powerful arguments to support their designation. These results show consistency with the increasing interest among local, regional and national actors, to support Lota’s application to the World Heritage List.

Figure 3. Lota, Coronel and the Metropolitan Area of Concepción (AMC). Source: Rojas (2009)

The Arauco Gulf exhibits a rich cultural exchange that expresses the mixture of various groups of immigrants who were attracted by the coal industry during the nineteenth century. Immigration brought together ‘mapuche5 workers, Chilean farmers and entrepreneurs, and European engineers and technicians. Main aspects of intangible heritage include: the development of a rich network of social organizations and paradigmatic labor unions, as well as various cultural expressions such as the language, traditions, celebrations, and artistic manifestations linked to mining history. Also, cultural exchange triggered the development of the coal settlement of Lota Alto as a unique adaptation of the ‘industrial village’ urban model (Fig. 4), and the construction of pioneer engineering facilities such as the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo, designed by Thomas A. Edison (the first one in Chile and the second one in South America) and the railway bridge; the first bridge to cross the widest river in Chile: the Bio Bio (Fig. 5).

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Figure 4. The historical mining installations and settlement of Lota Alto. Source: the author

Within the settlement, the mining company built open areas of great beauty, such as the Isidora Goyenechea Park and various buildings of architectural value. Among them the most significant are the former house of the Park Manager (now reused as a Mining Museum), the Matías Apóstol Church, Thompson Mattews’ School and the Theatre of Lota (recently listed as National Monument) (Figs. 6 and 7). All these buildings are key elements of the urban image They stand out as landmarks because of their location (usually at corners or other key places of the urban layout), their condition of isolated buildings and its Art Deco style of architecture; the dominating style in Chile during the 40s. All of the above constitute examples of integration between public buildings and the urban space, a characteristic which expresses the importance of community life in Lota. Finally, the mining pavilions in Lota Alto stand out, as early adaptations of Fourier’s social utopia and as key elements of the urban image and the public realm (Fig. 8).

Figure 5. The iron bridge across the Bio Bio river. Source: Astorquiza, 1929.

Figure 6. View of the Park’s main entrance and the former House of the Park’s Manager. Source: Author’s collection

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Figure 7. The Theatre of Lota, one of the buildings expressing the Art Decó architectural style. Source: SURPLAN (2005)

Figure 8. A view of one of the galleries of the collective housing pavilions in Lota Alto and Matias Apóstol Church on the back. Source: Author’s collection

4 PROVIDE LEGAL PROTECTION TO MINING HERITAGE The second step for a successful process of touristic reuse is to ensure legal protection of mining heritage. Local authorities should use their powers in order to define as soon as possible, the area and the buildings that should be protected. Two types of historical buildings that should be protected in first place are: collective housing in mining areas; and the industrial installations. This is extremely important in order to avoid important threats. In former mining areas that have remained inhabited, housing will probably shift from only one owner (i.e. the mining company) to several individual owners (i.e. the former miners). The fact that the houses remain occupied diminishes the threat of decay due to redundancy. On the other hand, a major threat is that the new home owners modify their housing units, affecting integrity of the pavilions6 Regarding the industrial installations, the main threat is decay due to redundancy and lack of maintenance. Moreover, if the mining company sells the installations for a different productive use; pressures for alterations may be very high. That’s why, in all these cases it is extremely important to develop both compulsory and non compulsory preservation plans, as well as to foster local commitment to preservation. In Chile, two of the main tools for preserving built heritage are: the designation of Historic Conservation Buildings (HBCs) and Historic Conservation Areas (HCAs) in local plans. Demolition or alteration of protected heritage is forbidden without the authorization of the local authority. Another tool is the designation of National Historic Monuments (NHM) for buildings withstanding national significance. Applications to NHM status may be presented by any public or non governmental entity and are decided by the National Council of Monuments (CNM). Demolition of NHMs is absolutely forbidden; and any alterations have to be approved by the CMN. On the other hand this legal framework for preservation has proved to be largely insufficient for various reasons. Firstly, because it fails to ensure that the local government uses its power to protect heritage in the local plan. Twelve years after the mines were shut down, neither of the local plans of Lota or Coronel had been updated in order to protect heritage. Because of this lack of protection many pavilions and row houses have suffered inappropriate modifications affecting integrity and heritage value7 (Figs. 9 and 10).

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Figure 9. Pavilion No 81, in Lota Alto still preserving its original characteristics; including the public gallery as an intermediate space between the houses and the street. Source: Authors’ collection; captured before the earthquake of 2010.


Figure 10. Row houses also in Lota Alto. The unity of the original building can no longer be distinguished due to inappropriate alterations. Source: Authors’ collection

Also, significant open areas have been inappropriately developed. An example is the inappropriate occupation of the surrounding areas of the Grande Shaft8 (Fig. 4) with social housing. Besides the threat of occupying risk areas, inappropriate occupation has affected the importance of the winding tower as a landmark of the mining landscape; a visual prominence that was consistent with its historical and social significance (Figs.11 and 12) A second weakness of the institutional framework in Chile is the lack of a national policy regarding heritage preservation and a public agency in charge of leading it. Instead, there are various uncoordinated public entities – with other main responsibilities – which only tangentially support specific initiatives in this field.

Figure 11. View of the winding tower at the Alberto Shaft; in its original situation standing out as a landmark within the horizontal landscape

Figure 12. The winding tower at the Grande Shaft now surrounded by fences and the streets of a housing development. Source: Author’s collection.

5 CREATE LOCAL AGENCIES TO MANAGE MINING HERITAGE AND ACQUIRE KEY HISTORICAL BUILDINGS AND SITES The third step is to create the appropriate type of agencies that will lead mining tourism in the site. These agencies will have the goal of recovering the physical aspects of heritage, as well as promoting cultural, touristic and educational reuse of the installations. The acquisition process will depend on the initial situation before the mining shut down. In stately owned mining com-


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panies, handing over property or administration rights may be easier and less expensive. In privately owned companies, this process may require more bargaining and expenditure. If the former mining area has a national or regional designation as a regeneration area, the preservation initiative may find support from the agencies in charge. The analysis suggests that some important features of the preservation agency should be: − To include in the Management Board, representatives of both the local community9 and the local government. The participation of local organizations is important to foster community involvement in the preservation initiative. In turn, the participation of the local government facilitates linking preservation goals to wider objectives of local development. − To create the agency as a non-governmental and ‘not for profit’ type of organization. In Chile the non-governmental status, allows the local government to overcome important bureaucratic constraints applying to public institutions (such as: restrictions to hire professional support or to acquire loans with private banks, among others). Also, local governments are only allowed to participate in the Boards of ‘not for profit’ organizations. Finally, not for profit organizations are the only non governmental entities, which are eligible for public funding. In Lota, the former mining company (ENACAR) passed most property rights to a state owned agency called CORFO. Later on, a few of these historic installations and buildings became part of the touristic route “Lota Sorprendente”. CORFO entrusted the management of Lota Sorprendente to Fundación Chile; a national private corporation who has the Chilean government as one of its main trustees. Even if this formula met some of the requirements listed above; it didn’t fulfill the requirement of including local representatives in the initiative. This limitation resulted in a, long term, conflicting relation between the Foundation and the local government. More recently the administration has been passed on to a local organization called Corporación Baldomero Lillo; it is yet to be seen whether this new formula will be more or less successful than the one preceding it. 6 DESIGNING AND IMPLEMENTING A CULTURAL AND TOURISTIC FACILITY BRIEFING, FOR THE FORMER MINING SITE Mining heritage tourism should be oriented to implement various cultural and touristic facilities. In order to do that, the former industrial installations, the main buildings of the settlement and the open spaces should be reused. Also, new facilities (preserving local character) can be built. The briefing should aim to achieve the following type of attractions: − Museums allocated at the former industrial installations and facilities, such as: underground tunnels open to the public, theme museums showing different aspects of mining activity, other interactive scientific museums, etc. − Habilitated open spaces holding heritage significance, such as parks, main squares, pathways or other natural areas. Habilitation efforts may include building pathways and installing signage, which ‘explain’ the way in which these spaces were used during the mining period. − Cultural, educational and scientific facilities such as: theatres, arts and crafts fairs, libraries, documentation centers, institutes or colleges10 − Other touristic facilities such as dwelling places, Visitor Centers, parking facilities, restaurants, and others. These last two categories can be allocated either in newly built or in historical buildings (for example recycling mining row housing as bed and breakfast facilities, etc). Throughout Lota and Coronel there are some mining tourism initiatives that – in a disaggregated and disconnected way - approach this idea. One of the most important initiatives has been the already mentioned touristic route Lota Sorprendente. This route includes heritage sites of: Devil’s Shaft, Isidora Cousiño Park, the former House of the Park’s Manager (reused as a Mining Museum) and the Hydroelectric Central of Chivilingo. On the other hand the concentration of almost all initiatives in Lota Alto demonstrates the lack of a more holistic and comprehensive approach to heritage tourism; which would include: − Important cultural attractions located in other areas of Lota (such as the fair, the library or the former Miners’ Union) − The touristic potential of the costal landscape

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− The opportunity of connecting cultural routes of Lota to mining heritage areas in Coronel. 7 DEVELOP A PUBLIC & PRIVATE PARTNERSHIP The preservation agency should seek coordination with key regional public agencies holding statutory responsibilities within the site, such as: agencies of urban development and housing provision, public infrastructure and transportation, environmental assessment, and tourism, among others. Also the foundation should coordinate with other actors of the local level such as: local governments, local chambers of commerce and tourism, local NGOs, and educational centers. This coordination can be best achieved through the creation of a Strategy Group including the above mentioned actors. The main functions of the Strategy Group would be: − To coordinate the actions of the different public and private entities having responsibility, interest, or the power to affect the former mining site. One of the main goals in this respect is to avoid that the actions of some entities, undermine the potential of the site for tourism. − To guide the process of designing and validating a Global Management Plan. The Strategy Group should ensure that the Global Plan is consistent with other objectives of local and regional development. − To monitor the fulfillment of the Plan and to assume periodical updates. The analysis reveals important problems regarding regional planning in Chile, which have inhibited success and sustainability of public & private partnership initiatives in Lota and Coronel. These problems are: − The inexistence of a public agency capable of effectively approaching comprehensive regional planning. In Chile, regional planning is only one of the various responsibilities assigned to the Regional Secretary of the Ministry of Housing and Urbanism (SEREMI MINVU); which, in turn, has no effective tools to guide regional funds nor to influence the agenda of other regional secretariats (such as the SEREMI of Public Infrastructure or the SEREMI of Transport, among others) − The lack of efficient tools and incentives for inter - departmental coordination at the regional level; to a certain extent this is related to the overwhelming concentration of decision making at the national level, which undermines regional agents as partners in a local & regional board − The non compulsory status of regional plans Lastly, there are other weaknesses regarding the linkage of mining preservation and tourism, to a comprehensive urban regeneration strategy. This weakness relates to the relatively scarce experience of the Chilean government in large scale, public & private, urban regeneration projects11 8 CONCLUSIONS Historical coal mining in the Arauco Gulf has left an important architectural, urban and intangible heritage. In Lota and Coronel the significance of mining remains is related to the contribution of mining production to economic and territorial development at a local, regional and national scale; the importance of mining legacy for local identity; and the quality of urban morphology within former mining settlements. Additionally the presentation has proposed a series of steps to foster mining heritage tourism in the post mining era. One of the main considerations that stems out of the proposal is the importance of analyzing the location of the former mining site. In Lota and Coronel, the options of fostering tourism benefit from the integration of these two cities to the Metropolitan Area of Concepcion; the importance of Concepción as a major node of service and commerce; and as the region’s capital city. A location that is integrated to a major urban agglomeration may - or may not be - a characteristic of other former mining territories. It is clearly not the case of most nitro mines in the north of Chile, or other mines located near the Andes12. It is therefore a casuistic feature. Moreover, the analysis suggests that mining sites which are not accessible on a day trip from major urban centers, should radically modify their tourist development goals and possibly their expectations of attracting a significant number of visitors.


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The findings also identify two specific issues regarding heritage tourism within mining territories. These are: i) the concentration of land ownership in the mining company, and consequently ii) the complexity of empowering the local community in the management of the site during the post mining era. That is how, two main challenges for a sustainable management of mining heritage are the following. In first place, to hand over property rights - at the very beginning of the post mining phase - to an appropriate entity. That is, an entity which has an interest in preservation and cultural tourism and, at the same time, fully represents the interests of the local community. In the Arauco Gulf, the process of handing over property rights had important weaknesses such as: handing over most buildings and sites to entities that had no attributions or responsibilities in heritage preservation; and other installations, to entities that didn’t represent the local community13 In second place, to create a comprehensive management board that effectively integrates the various stakeholders that either have an interest or attributions to affect the site (the local entity leading preservation, various local and regional public institutions, other non governmental organizations, etc.). In this way, when the mining company ceases to be in charge, the board is entrusted with the mission of developing a shared vision of the site. Only in this way the local community will be able to foster urban regeneration and at the same time ensure preservation of mining heritage. In order to achieve the latter in Chile, it is absolutely necessary, in first place, to overcome important weaknesses of the legal framework of both regional planning and heritage preservation. Only in this way mining heritage areas – now in decay – may be able to initiate a new era. ENDNOTES 1

The analysis focused in four of the six mining museums in the UK receiving from 100.000 to 350.000 visitors a year (visitor numbers for the years 2000 to 2005): Beamish Open Air Museum, Ironbridge Gorge Mining Museum, National Coal Mining Museum and Black Country Museum (López, 2010b, Pg xx). The comparative analysis used a Conceptual Model, built from the system’s theory. 2 Eg. the number and heritage significance of the historical buildings. 3 What Cole calls the ‘sociofacts’ and ‘mentefacts’ of the mining culture, i.e. the ‘aspects of social and institutional organization’ and the ‘attitudinal characteristics and value systems including religion and language’ respectively (2005, p. 481). 4 Such as improving public transportation and moving the toll southwards the city of Lota. 5 ‘Mapuches’ are the indigenous population that inhabited the south of Chile before the Spanish colonization. 6 Obviously this threat is also related to a lack of community commitment to preservation. That’s why it is very important to ensure protective measures, as soon as possible after the mine is shut; before new generations, who may be more disconnected to the mining era, increase alterations of the urban fabric. 7 Such as: changes in finishing materials, extensions, fencing of the galleries, etc. 8 One of the three Winding Towers of the coal field. 9 Such as former labor unions, or other local NGO’s with an interest in mining heritage. 10 Offering careers such as geology, anthropology, architectural preservation or others which might use the site as a ‘living’ laboratory 11 Large scale urban regeneration projects including public & private partnerships began to be implemented in Chile during the 90s as Comprehensive Urban Projects (in Spanish: Proyectos Urbanos Integrales or PUIs); most of them have aimed to ameliorate housing conditions of an existing low income population. 12 Such as the former copper mine at Sewell, listed as a World Heritage Site in the year 2005. 13 That is to CORFO agency and Fundación Chile. The mission of the former is to foster investment. And has no responsibilities or powers within the field of planning or heritage preservation. Fundación Chile on the other hand is an exogenous entity that didn’t represent the local community. This condition was at the core of various conflicts between them and the local authority, for the management of heritage sites.

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REFERENCES ABURTO, H. y GUTIÉRREZ, M. (1999) Coronel: historia y sociedad carbonífera, Revista de Historia. 1999–2000, vol. 9–10, n 1-2. p. 111-122. ASTORQUIZA, Octavio (1929) Lota: Antecedentes Históricos, con una monografía de la Compañía Minera e Industrial de Chile. Concepción. Soc. Imprenta y Litografía. AYALA-CARCEDO, F.J. (2000) “Patrimonio Natural y Cultural y Desarrollo Sostenible: El patrimonio Geológico y Minero”. En Rábano, Isabel, (Ed) Patrimonio geológico y minero en el marco del desarrollo sostenible. IGME. Serv. Publ. Min. Cienc. Tecnol. Madrid: 8. Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre Patrimonio Geológico y Minero en el Marco del Desarrollo Sostenible y V Sesión Científica de la SEDPGYM, Esc. Univ. Politécnica. Linares (Jaén) 20 al 22 de Octubre. CARVAJAL G, Domingo & GONZÁLEZ, M. Arsenio (2003) La Contribución del Patrimonio Geológico y Minero al Desarrollo Sostenible. En Villas Bôas, Gido de A SÁ C. De Albuquerque (Eds. ) Patrimonio Geológico y Minero en el Contexto del Cierre de Minas, CETME/ISAAC/Cyted, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil, pp. 27 – 49. CARVAJAL G., Domingo; GONZÁLEZ M., Arsenio, (2003b) El Papel de los Parques y Museos Mineros en el Desarrollo Sostenible, Re Metálica. Boletín de la SEDPGYM, No1, Enero, 2nda época, pp 26-36. COLE, D. (2004) Exploring The Sustainability of Mining Heritage Tourism. Journal of Sustainable Tourism, vol. 12, no 6, pp. 480-494. Extraído el 16 de Marzo de 2007, desde LÓPEZ, M.I. (2010) Proyecciones Del Patrimonio Cultural Minero En Chile. La Reocupación Cultural y Turística como Estrategia de Revitalización: El caso del territorio minero del Golfo de Arauco; Tesis Doctoral, ETSAM, Universidad Politecnica de Madrid, España. MAZZEI, L. (1997). Los británicos y el carbón en Chile. Atenea, Revista de Ciencia, arte y literatura, núm. 475: p. 137-167. MARTINIC., M. (2010) El Carbón en Magallanes: Historia y Futuro. Punta Arenas: Minera Isla Riesco, Municipalidad de Río Verde.109 p. MARTINIC B., Mateo. (2004) La minería del carbón en Magallanes entre 1868 - 2003. Historia (Santiago), jun., vol. 37, no.1, pp. 129-167. MUÑOZ, M. DOLORES (2000) Ciudad y memoria, el patrimonio industrial en Lota, Coronel, Tomé y Lebu. Concepción, Chile. Ediciones Universidad del Bio Bio. ORCHE, E. (2004) La función multidisciplinar de los parques geomineros. Actas de la V Reunión Nacional de la Comisión de Patrimonio Geológico de la Sociedad Geológica de España. Molina de Segura, mayo de 2001, Universidad de Murcia (España). ORCHE, Enrique (2003) Puesta en Valor del Patrimonio Geológico-Minero: el proceso de Adaptación de Explotaciones Mineras a Parques Temáticos, pp.51-68 Villas Bôas, Gildo de A SÁ C. De Albuquerque (Eds.) Patrimonio Geológico y Minero en el Contexto del Cierre de Minas ORCHE, E. (2002) Puesta en valor del patrimonio minero. Aplicación al caso de las minas de Fontao (Pontevedra). Curso de verano "Defensa del patrimonio geológico y minero". Universidad Internacional de Andalucía. La Rábida (Huelva). ORCHE, E. (2002b) Parques mineros, desarrollo sostenible y ordenación del territorio. Simposio sobre Recursos Mineros y Ordenación del territorio. CYTED. Universidad de Moa. Cuba. ORTEGA M., Luis (1992) La Frontera Carbonífera 1840-1900, Mapocho 31, pp 131-148, Santiago. Primer semestre. PÉREZ, Leonel & MUÑOZ M. Dolores & SANHUEZA, Rodrigo (2004) El Patrimonio Industrial en la estimulación del desarrollo: Intervenciones y revitalización urbana en Lota Alto (1997 – 2000); Urbano, Noviembre, Pág. 9 - 18 PUCHE RIAT, Octavio (2003) Patrimonio minero-metalúrgico español: arquitectura y paisajes mineros. En: Mata – Perelló, Joseph M. (Ed). Actas del IV Congreso Internacional sobre patrimonio geológico y minero, VIII sesión científica de la SEDPGYM, sept., Aragón Vivo, SL Teruel. PUCHE, Octavio (2000) La Conservación del Patrimonio Geológico y Minero en 150 años 1849 – 1999. En Ministerio de Ciencia y Tecnología e Instituto Tecnológico Geo Minero. Estudio e Investigación en las Ciencias de la Tierra, Madrid, España, p. 73–101, ISBN 84 – 7840394 – 9 PUCHE Octavio y MAZADIEGO F. (1997) Conservación del Patrimonio Minero Metalúrgico Español: actuaciones y propuestas. Tecnoambiente 69. PUCHE Octavio y MAZADIEGO F. (1993) Conservation of the European Mining and Metallurgical Heritage – Part 1, CIM, Historical Metallurgy. Bulletin, 9, 1040. ROJAS C., MUÑOZ I. y GARCÍA-LÓPEZ M. (2009) Estructura urbana y policentrismo en el Área Metropolitana de Concepción. EURE, Vol. XXXV, N 105, pp. 47-70, agosto.


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SABATÉ Bel, Joaquín (2004) Paisajes Culturales como Recurso Básico par un nuevo modelo de desarrollo. En: URBAN, No 9, pp. 8-29, Depto. de Urbanística y Ordenación del Territorio ETSAM, UPM, Madrid SABATÉ, J.; SCHUSTER, J. M. (eds.) (2001). Projectant l'eix del Llobregat. Paisatge cultural i desenvolupament regional. Barcelona: Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya-Massachusets Institute of Technology. SANTACREU, J.M. (1992) Una visión global de la arqueología industrial en Europa, en ABACO, Revista de Ciencias Sociales, 2ª Época, No1 Oviedo, pp. 13-28. SURPLAN Ltda & ELIASH, Humberto (2005). Estudio e Identificación de Zonas de Conservación Histórica en las Comunas de Valparaíso – Viña del Mar – Independencia – Ñuñoa - San Miguel – Lota – Valdivia; Ministerio de Vivienda y Urbanismo, Chile. (pp.) VERA, D (1984). Tipología de pabellones de los establecimientos mineros de Lota y Schwager. Seminario de título. Concepción: Universidad del Bío Bío. 58 p.

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Merits goods, social capital and the total economic value of cultural heritage J. M. Maneiro Jurjo Universidad de Alcalá

D. S. Salem Universidad de Alcalá

ABSTRACT: The traditional approach to cultural heritage valuation is based on an anthropocentric vision, under this approach, the private market transactions, are the base for finding the true value of cultural assets. Due to this method, there are intangible non use values that are left aside, as they usually don’t enter in market transactions. The purpose of this work is, then, to set a comprehensive conceptual framework for analyzing the Total Economic Value of cultural heritage, in a way that both, use and non use values, are incorporated. In order to do so, we introduce the concept of merit goods and social capital and its relations with economic development. The characterization of cultural heritage as a merit good will serve as the base for the introduction of intangible non use values into the valorization, The work has three parts, the first one we introduce and analyze the concept of cultural heritage. In the second part, we expand the model to introduce the concept of merit goods and social capital. Finally, in the third part we present a framework for analyzing the TEV of cultural heritage.

1

INTRODUCTION

In recent years there has been a growing debate concerning the economic valuation of cultural heritage. Behind this academic interest lies the necessity of ensuring a sustainable use of the cultural heritage by means of a proper planning and management. As English and Lee (2003) point out “…values-based management has recently become a popular term, particularly in the field of the conservation of cultural heritage”. According to these authors, the determination of the nature of the value of cultural resources is the first step to find out “how it should be managed and what about it should be protected and respected”. This is especially relevant when referring to the built heritage, which has characteristics of a non renewable economic good or, as Mason (2005) says when we accept that“…historic preservation is both public and private, and has both monetary and nonmonetary purposes”i.


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channels like: the enhancement of local identity and the pride of belonging to a certain community, provision of education and economic spillovers that usually affects local business and tourist activities (Cui, 1980 in Mazzanti, 2002). Cultural goods have a symbiotic relationship with social capital. On the one hand, the preservation of cultural goods needs the existence of social organizations and collective actions, but in the other the presence of certain elements of cultural capital, like, for example, a cathedral, can boost the sense of belonging, trust and shared norms in a community, all of which increases the amount of social capital. For Dutta et al. (2007) “The mere existence of the site affords satisfaction to a person in the form of deriving pride in his heritage”. As Durlauf and Fafchamps (2004) point out, this is especially important in poor countries where the state is unable to provide public goods because “…its tax base and its capacity to organize are limited. Collective actions are a substitute for the state…”, two essential ingredients are required to set collective action in motion, leadership and trust. For the Office for National Statistics (2001) “…some consider trust as an outcome of social capital…others view it as a component of the shared values which constitute social capital, whereas some consider it to be both…” Within the Cultural Capital we can differentiate a subset of Cultural Goods that form the Cultural Heritageiii, according to Riganti and Nijkamp (2005) this term “refers to a set of recognized assets that reflect the historical, socioeconomic, political, scientific, artistic or educational importance of a good that has been created as a visible landmark by our ancestors” even when “…very often such a social capital was not deliberately created as a sign of history by the previous generation…”, the previous characterization has, as one of its more important parts, the term “recognized”, in fact, according to these authors, the supply of cultural heritage has two “relevant elements”, “the act of recognition” and “the maintenance task”. The process of “recognition” or “valorization” is the “(re)appraisal of the heritage goods by means of deliberation, pleas by art historians, debates in public media, and so forth” (Klamer and Zuidhof, 1999)iv. We must be aware that, as Klamer (2001) says; “…values may change. People develop values and adopt new values. They may learn to develop a positive attitude”. Klamer calls this process “Valorization”, “that is the enhancement and affirmation of value”. This concept is important when dealing with merit goods, government policies can modify the value a cultural good has for consumers, finding, in this way, a justification for these policiesv. 2

CULTURAL HERITAGE AS A MERIT GOOD

Cultural Heritage elements, besides its characteristics of public or semi public goodsvi, present those of merit goods. This category was first introduced in 1956 by Richard Musgrave. For him merit goods are those important enough as to make the authorities intervene in the market when the amount of it consumed is not the one expected. Ver Eecke (1998) defines merit goods as “those goods which are the condition for the possibility of something that is desired by the consumers, even and especially if these merit goods or services themselves are not preferred by consumers”. Within this category fall such important items as education and health care, in general, most societies consider that all of its members, no matter the level of its income, should get a proper amount of both goods. For Throsby and Withers (1985)vii, the merit good dimension of cultural heritage is one of the simplest explanations for the participation of governments on its management, restoration, and protection. In what regards merit goods, government and consumers may have different preferences and actions taken by governments could be intended to change consumer preferences.If the consideration of cultural heritage as a merit good gives a justification for the participation of governments in the conservation of the, for example, historic built heritage, and if, we think of cultural heritage as a form of capital, considerations about sustainable management must be present. Another point that must be taken into account, when valuing cultural heritage is that “…cultural heritage has an important feature that distinguishes it from normal economic goods. Cultural heritage is a social asset that cannot be substituted in case of loss or major damage” and that “these historic-cultural artifacts do often not stand alone, but form a portfolio of cultural assets (e.g, an ancient city is more than the sum of its constituent buildings…) (Riganti and Nijkamp, 2005)

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The economic valuation of cultural heritage must incorporate the fact that the consumers may not demand or “prefer” a certain good or service but, in the case of merit goods, the outcome that the merit good enables. Some authors postulate that merit goods should be treated as externalities and analyzed using neoclassical models (Duffy, 1992). The problem is that neoclassical models found hard to incorporate the change of preferences of the individuals over time, this is especially relevant when dealing with heritage goodsviii, in the case of heritage goods preferences may change over time due to changes in the perception of those goods by experts or the public in general. So, preferences cannot be considered as fixed (Peacock, 1994), and models must be constructed considering them as endogenous. Taking this into account, we can analyze the way Cheng (2006) models the process of accumulation of what he calls “cultural atmosphere”, according to him “Our principal hypotheses are that the continuous consumption of cultural services over time leads to an accumulation of cultural atmosphere, which is an intangible and depreciable asset...” and a “…form of social capital…” the dynamic generated by this model leads to a situation where “…the more cultural services consumed the more cultural atmosphere is likely to be generated…”. This “gives rise to external cultural benefits” and justify the intervention of the government in the provision of cultural services. In the creation of the cultural atmosphere we can imagine a change in the appreciation of the cultural services, the more cultural services consumed, the more cultural atmosphere created, the more marginal utility is obtained with the consumption of an unit of cultural services, the more willing are consumers to consume those services, that is to say, a change in preferences has taken place. 3

TOTAL ECONOMIC VALUE OF CULTURAL HERITAGE

If we accept the mechanism presented in the precedent section as an accurate description of the reality it is easy to explain the differences in the value that disciplines like History, Arts or Architecture attribute to cultural heritage and the value obtained from an economic point of view. The process of formation of value is different, in the first case, experts are the ones who certify what element can be consider heritage, in the second, the value is obtained from the changing preferences of public. Throsby (2003), considers the concept of cultural value multidimensional, unstable, lacking a common unit of measure and having elements not easily expressed on a quantitative or even qualitative scale. When dealing with the built heritage we assume that human beings are the source of its value. A building is made and intended to be used by man. An historic building has a social dimension, The society is the one who decides what buildings have value and what type of value they are embedded with. Economic theory has identified a series of economic functions of the cultural heritage that affects positively social welfare, these are: Cultural heritage enters as a production factor on many production functions, like those of tourism activities. Cultural heritage is part of the consumer’s utility function. Finally it has aesthetic, religious, symbolic functions. While for the two first functions substitutes can be found for the third cannot, and this constitutes the crucial feature that distinguishes common market goods from cultural heritage. The application of the Total Economic Value (TEV) methodology to cultural heritage valuation let us account for these particularities of this kind of goods. The first important division is that between use values and non use values. Use values are those derived from the real use of the cultural services provided by the cultural goods. These values can, in turn, be divided into direct use values, indirect use value and option values. Direct use value appears when cultural heritage is used to generate utility by individuals. Utility can be obtained through different ways; an example is the utility derived from the use by a firm of an historical building as headquarters. An element of cultural heritage has direct use value for all the persons who visit it for tourism, leisure, study, contemplation or any other activity related in any way with a consumptive use of it. When dealing with cultural heritage the consumption of its services is non extractive, even when, for example, tourism can cause damages to the pictures of the Altamira caves, these are caused as a byproduct of the tourism activity and not as result of the “extraction” of the pictures.


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The indirect use value appears when heritage is the origin of the utility enjoyed by a group of people that benefices from the existence of a good or service whose existence depends on the heritage good. Option value: has its origin of the existence of people that even when they are not actually using an element of heritage get satisfaction from the possibility of enjoying it on the future. Option value can have two meanings (Azqueta, 2002). The first one is the option value strictly speaking, and derives from the uncertainty people have about the future availability of the good. The second meaning is called the quasi-option value, and it is derived from the decisionmaker´s uncertainty which has its origin in the possibility that managers are not fully aware of all the possible repercussions that the loss of an element of the cultural heritage may have on society. The non use values are a kind of values not usually reflected in market transactions but that “can be substantial and may outweigh use values, especially were goods are unique” (Provins, 2008). These values are related to the consumptive or non consumptive utilization of the cultural good in the present or in the future. Within this kind of values the more important, when dealing with cultural heritage, is the existence value, that is, the value that an element of the cultural heritage has for some people for the mere fact of its existence. This value express the utility that an individual obtains from knowing that certain heritage good exists and will remain doing it in the future, even when he is not planning a consumptive use of the good. The bequest value is the one derived from the utility an individual obtains allowing the future generation to enjoy the cultural good. The vicarious value is the “satisfaction derived from leaving open the option to another member of its generation to derive direct use value from the heritage site. Other types of non use value, some of them of paramount importance in the field of cultural heritage, are : social value, historical value, scientific value, esthetic value, educational value. We begin with the historical and scientific value and end up explaining what we think is the most important component of the value of the historic heritage, the social value. Following Mason (2002) we define Historical Value as “…the capacity of a site to convey, embody or stimulate a relation or reaction to the past”. Within this value we can find the Educational Value…”the potential to gain knowledge about the past in the future” and the “Artistic Value” for an object having this value is “being unique…being the best, being a good example of…”. While Scientific Value is the value the heritage has as an object for scientific research. Social Value: the conservation of heritage, as is the case of the historic centre of a town, can facilitate the uprising of social networks, for example as the result of the creation of an association intended to protect historic heritage. Shultis (2003) presents an enumeration of the social benefits of leisure on protected natural areas that can be easily adopted for cultural heritage, the list includes benefits like: Community satisfaction; community, regional and national pride; reduced social alienation; community and political involvement, ethnic and cultural identity; family bonding: reciprocity and sharing; community integration. For Klamer (2004), when dealing with cultural goods, the utility the society gets from them “comes more from what they mean socially than economically”ix. Within the social value we can include values such as symbolic value or religious value. Use and option values along with those non use values related to different forms of altruism can be considered as extrinsic values, as long as the good is valued on a delegated way through the utility individuals get of it. The symbolic value, by contrast, closely related with the “prestige” value (certain good provides a collective with a sense of pride or identity as a symbol of its past and as bound between past and present societyx). This kind of value relates directly to the merit good nature of cultural heritage and can hardly be reflected on a model based on the conventional economic theory, as the main characteristic of this kind of non use values is that they do not relate a person or group whose utility is taking into account with an object but with another person or persons. Another point is that if, like happens with environmental assets, cultural heritage can be said to be the store of an intrinsic value. Intrinsic values, as a subset of extrinsic values, are considered as superior order values. The final motivation behind all this analysis is to establish, in a clear way, in which goods the relation between the agent that value the cultural good or service and the good or service value goes beyond use values,. not allowing the goods and services the society wants, to be produced according to market rules, and which ones hold special values that make them deserve a special treatment according to a logic apart from that of markets.


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When dealing with the conservation of cultural heritage, even when the social benefits derived from the preservation of an element of heritage could be less than the costs of preserving it, there could be another type of cultural values that must be taken into account and that could make the investment advisable. Economic valuation mustn’t pretend to replace the opinions from experts of other disciplines but to contribute with relevant additional information (Navrud and Ready, 2002). A way to find out the economic value of the intangible goods is not to value the good itself but its different functions. In the case of cultural capital this method would calculate the value of the cultural services derived from it. 4

CONCLUSIONS

The determination of the value of cultural heritage is especially relevant for its sustainable management and conservation. Cultural heritage, besides its characteristics of public or semi public goods, present those of merit goods. The merit good dimension of cultural heritage is one of the simplest explanations for the participation of governments on its management, restoration and protection. The economic analysis usually accepts that human beings are the ultimate source of the value of cultural heritage and their preferences are usually reflected through market transactions. The application of the total economic value methodology to total cultural heritage valuation let account for the particularities of this kind of goods. The problem arises when dealing whit non use values, not usually reflected in market transactions but that can be of far more relevance than use values. This kind of values (no use) relates directly to the merit good nature of cultural heritage. Cultural heritage is the store of intrinsic values than are considered as superior order values. A way to find out the economic value of intangible goods is to value the different functions of the good itself. 5 i

ENDNOTES

Mason (2005) also gives a list of more specific reasons that justify the need of an economic valuation of cultural heritage, these are: As a justification for public policies; rationales for advocating preservation over new construction; rationales for adopting conservative approaches to the built environment; Justification for supporting preservation as an expression of culture. ii Pag 19 iii In 1972 the UNESCO characterized “cultural heritage” as being composed of three main categories of elements. “Monuments: architectural works, work of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or structures of an archaeological nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combination of features, which are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science. Group of buildings: groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their architecture, their homogeneity or their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science. Sites: works of man or the combined works of nature and man, and areas including archaeological sites which are of outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view”. iv In this work, we will focus on the heritage goods, the cultural heritage and heritage sites, nevertheless, most of the conclusions apply also to the cultural goods and the cultural capital in general. v According to Klamer (2001), “get a cultural good listed on the Unesco world heritage list, and people will value that good more. The same may happen when a paint ends up in a museum, or when it gets sold for millions of dollars at auctions”. vi Cultural Heritage has public good characteristics. In the first place, cultural heritage goods are generally indivisible, “…the consumption of public-owned good is a priori identical for all consumers…” even when “…congestion may occur…” (Benhamou, 2011). In the second place, externalities are also found in this kind of goods, these externalities had to do with several issues like spillover effects for tourism derived from the conservation of historical monuments, legacy concerns, benefits to individuals who have no directly contribute to their preservation, etc. vii Mazzanti (2002) characterizes cultural heritage as a multi-dimensional, multi value and multi attribute economic good. viii The recognition of a good as belonging to cultural heritage is, in many cases, due to a process of valorization, in which, the opinión of experts or the public in general, may change over time,


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increasing or decreasing the value assigned to a good. In this case, preferences, in what refers to heritage goods, may change over time. Klamer (2004) continues: “…in a world in which economic values and economic capital dominate the political domain, social capital is easily conceived to be subservient to economic capital…but is it?, would it not make more sense to think of economic values as being instrumental towards social values?”. x Ballart (1997) ix

REFERENCES Azqueta, D. (2002), Introducción a la economía ambiental. McGraw-Hill. Madrid. Benhamou, F. (2011), “Heritage”, in Towse, R. (ed), A Handbook of Cultural Economics. pp. 229-235. Edward Elgar. Northampton.USA Coleman, J. (1990), The foundations of social theory, Harvard University Press. Cambridge. Duffy C, T. (1992), “The rationale for public funding of a national museum”, in: Towse, R. and Khakee, E. (eds.), Cultural Economics. Springer, Berlin. Durlauf, S. and M. Fafchamps (2004), “Social Capital”, NBER Working Paper 10485. May. Dutta, M.; S. Banerjee and Z. Husain (2007), “Untapped demand for heritage: A contingent valuation study of Princep Ghat, Calcutta”. Tourism Management, 38, pp. 83-95. English, A. J. and E. Lee. (2003), “Managing the intangible”, in D. Harmon and A. Putney (eds), The Full Value of Parks. pp. 43-58. Rowman & Littlefield. Oxford.UK Klamer, A. (2004), “Social cultural and economic values of cultural goods”, in V. Rao and M. Walton (eds), Cultural and Public Action. Stanford University Press. Klamer, A. and P. W. Zuidhof (1999), “The values of cultural heritage: margin economic and cultural appraisal”, Economics and Heritage Conservation, Los Angeles: Getty Conservation Institute. Mason, R. (2002), “Assesing values in conservation planning: methodological issues and choices”, in M. de la Torre (ed), Assesing the values of cultural heritage, pp. 5-31, Getty Conservation Institute. Los Angeles. Mason, R. (2005), “Economic and historic preservation: A guide and review of the literature”. Discussion Paper. Brookins Institution. Mazzanti, M. (2002), “Cultural heritage as multi-dimensional, multi value and multi attribute economic good: toward a new framexork for economic analysis and valuation”. Journal of Socio-economics 31, pp. 529-558. Musgrave, R. A. (1956), “A multiple theory of budget determination”. Finanzarchiv, XVIII, 3, pp. 333343. Navrud, S. and Ready, R.C. (2002), “Valuing cultural heritage. Applying environmental valuation techniques to historic building, monuments and artifacts”. Edward Elgar Publishing. Office for National Statistics (ONS) (2001), “Social capital a review of the literature”. Social and Reporting Division Office for National Statistics. October. UK Provins, A. et al. (2008), “Valuation of the historic environment: The scope for using economic valuation evidence in the appraisal of heritage-related projects”. Progress in Planning 69, pp. 131-175. Putnam, R. (2000), Bowling alone. Simon and Schuster. New York. Riganti, P. and P. Nijkamp (2005), “Benefit transfer of cultural heritage values: how far can we go?. Ersa Conference Paper. Ersa05p186. Sao-Wen, Cheng (2006), “Cultural goods creation, cultural capital formation, provision of cultural services and cultural atmosphere accumulation”. Journal of Cultural Economics 30. pp: 263-286. Shultis, J. (2003), “Recreational Values of Protected Areas”, in D. Harmon and A. Putney (eds), The Full Value of Parks. pp. 59-76. Rowman & Littlefield. Oxford.UK: Throsby, D. (2003), “Determining the value of cultural goods: How much (or little) does contingent valuation tell us? Journal of Cultural Economics, 27, pp. 275-285. Throsby, D. (2005), “On the sustainability of cultural capital”. Research Papers 0510, Macquarie University, Department of Economics. Throsby, D. And Withers, Glenn (1979), The Economics of the Performing Arts. St. Martin´s Press, New York Unesco (1972), Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage. http://whc.unesco.org/en/conventiontext/ Ver Eecke, W. (1998), “The concept of a “Merit Good” the ethical dimension in economic theory and the history of economic thought or the transformation of economics into socio-economics”. Journal of Socio-Economics, Volume 27, 1, pp.133-153.

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Food heritage for local heritage: italian experiences F. Miani Department of Economics, University of Parma, Italy

V. Albanese * Department of Economics, University of Parma, Italy

ABSTRACT: Traditional local food products, based on a specific conception of food heritage, play an important role in the development of area in Italy. They are part of a collective heritage of people living in a particular region, and result from the management of natural resources, landscapes and collective processes of transformation and commercialization. Authenticity is a central aspect of local distinctiveness. Italian foods are often authentic and ‘special’. Protecting the Italian traditional food heritage, promoting food quality and safety, and safeguarding and enhancing typical and traditional products are very important in ensuring consumer and environmental safety as well as economic, biological, environmental, and social identity. This paper analyzes the principal aspects of specialty foods, and focuses on the innovative view of food as cultural heritage, an economic and tourist attraction and a basic sector for a low environmental impact economy. It discusses Italian ‘Food Valleys’ in the light of a local and rural ‘renaissance’ based on foods and the food industry.

1 INTRODUCTION In today’s global economy, the centres of gravity are cities, growing rapidly as they eat up more and more agricultural areas, and transforming the cultural identity of regions, metropolitan areas, and small towns. In this complex context of post-industrial society, many people in large urbanized areas live and work in the conflicting dynamics of these spaces, in an extremely materialistic society undergoing continuous changes in networks of communication, production and consumption in the global context of competition. Speed has become a hallmark of many aspects of consumption, as is reflected and prompted by advertising (Knox & Mayer, 2009). People are increasingly forced to follow irregular and exhausting lifestyles in cities that are more and more uniform. Social links are becoming mundane, and are being substituted by anonymous meetings in the suburban shopping centers, in the multi-hall cinemas, in shopping rituals in enormous supermarkets, where consumption is more standardized from day to day and ‘McDonaldization’ is affecting local eating traditions. City-dwellers are increasingly constrained by metropolitan life, and showing signs of exhaustion and of harassment. There is a need to slow down everyday life and regain a ǥprivate’ living space, perhaps by moving into small towns, where it is possible to live at a lower speed (Miani, 2010, 2011b). Away from the roar of cities and the mass of shopping centres, there is a renewed desire to enjoy a sense of time and space, tasting rather than gobbling up leisure time, holidays and human relations, environments rich in beauty and cultural and physical landscapes. New consumers, in other words, are turning their backs on standardized modern life and searching for something different to allow space for creativity and the personal discovery of sites, itineraries and products.

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The search for a new relationship with nature, the need for identity of characterizing places, the desire to find and taste quality foodstuffs in safety is leading an increasing number of people to visit rural areas as places of values, resources, culture and products to discover and enjoy. In order to protect and exploit its ‘historical’ heritage as a link between local products, countryside, traditions and cultural values, farming and agriculture has taken on a multifunctional role. It is now necessarily linked with tourism in order to emphasis of the local nature of a place and transmit its values (Privitera, 2010). This profound change in thinking and consuming can be summarized in the words: local, authentic, slow. And the ‘Slow’ philosophy can be summed up in a single word: balance. Be fast when it makes sense to be fast, and be slow when slowness is called for. Seek to live at the ‘right speed’ (Knox & Mayer, 2009). The ‘Slow’ philosophy has been adopted in a variety of contexts, but the vanguard was the ‘Slow Food’ movement, launched by an Italian journalist, Franco Petrini, in 1989 (www.slowfood.com). In Italy, traditional local food products, based on a specific conception of food heritage, play an important role in the development of area. They are part of a collective heritage of people living in a particular region, and result from the management of natural resources, landscapes and collective processes of transformation and commercialization. So Italy is an interesting model and it is no coincidence that the ‘Slow Food’ movement was born here and only later spread to other countries. Although it has undergone a continuous process of urbanization with a significant decline in farming since the Second World War, Italy still presents an enormous wealth and a countless multiplicity of landscapes, sites, farm crops and products which comprise a unique and extremely variegated cultural heritage. There is a single Italy and an Italy of diversities, but today these are no longer visible in the image of Italy’s towns where more often than not historical and architectural features have been standardised and incorporated into the modern urban structure. They can however still be seen in countryside landscapes, in small hilltop villages, in the architecture of rural houses and in the economic activities taking place there. The ‘Bel Paese’ myth is not a new marketing creation. But a long time has passed and much has changed since the time of the ‘Grand Tour’ made by British travellers between the Eighteenth and the Nineteenth Centuries. Parts of Italy that have attracted visitors from all over the world for centuries are today in decline. Famous landscapes reproduced in guidebooks and travel literature of old are often subject to haphazard planning and urbanization, which sadly lowers their appeal. A few well-known tourist destinations still have a high profile. Italy, for a lot of foreigners, is still Rome, Florence, Venice, pizza and spaghetti! But things are changing; society today is able to remove ancient myths, and replace them with new ones. (Miani, 2007). Today, rather then following well-beaten tracks and common itineraries, it is possible to discover enchanting landscapes and small historical villages. Many of these have been rescued from abandonment and dereliction, and have become once again a focus of economic activity and interest of residents and visitors. Local culture, with its food traditions and farming calendar festivities and feast days that once animated small towns and rural villages, is now showing that it can transform local ‘folklore’ into different events representing new opportunities to attract visitors. The cultural landscape can manifest not only through historical continuity of customs and buildings made by the different local societies, but also through methods of land use, field layout, traditions, local customs and models of diet that still today characterize all the small villages and local areas that have managed to preserve their own identity. This paper discusses and highlights the principal aspects of Italian food, its authenticity, its role in the protection of Italian traditional food heritage and its role in transforming food products into a tourist resource able to improve the economy of a local area. 2 UNIQUE FOOD IN UNIQUE AREAS Food is quintessentially an expression of an area. It expresses the climate, the soil, the customs and the culture of the area it is produced. It shapes the landscape through the care and experience of the people taking part in its production. In Italy the result can be seen in the different


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landscapes all over the country, where diversity is revealed through cultural stratification and trade with surrounding areas. Agri-food is among those Italian products which always attract consumer spending. And specialty foods boasting a symbiotic link with the area can create the enthusiasm to travel long distances to taste and appreciate them. Such products may be showcased in fairs and shows, and are important in export flows. This interest stems from a generalized reaction to globalization. In fact, some Italian specialties have also ‘globalized’, and in Piazza San Marco in Venice you can buy so-called lasagna alla bolognese, and up in the Alps in the north of Italy in Valtellina you can get pizza which was originally from Naples in the sunny south. The trend to homologize foods for mass consumption has led to local dishes being touted as national specialties. Today there are moves against this phenomenon with the rediscovery of regional food traditions and coverage of local specialties. The aim is to defend local specialties in Italy and overseas by way of initiatives such as country fairs and tourist routes for products such as oil and wine. Italy was the foremost country for initiatives of this type in 2009: it counted 194 food products bearing a marker or label certifying designation (www.repubblica.it). The second and third countries were France and Spain. So rather than simply producing niche products, the quality food sector is thus a driver of the Italian economy. In fact the Italian gastronomic tradition is today protected as an important heritage. It is inspired by local features sometimes also safeguarded by regulations on the environment and countryside conservation measures which aim to promote tourism. The 2011 report by ENIT, the Italian National Tourism Agency, reveals that one in two overseas visitors particularly like the food in Italy, and food and wine is what 45% foreign tourists remember about the country. Many of the increasing numbers of overseas visitors choosing Italy because of its food are probably motivated by the Immaterial Human World Heritage status awarded to the Mediterranean diet by UNESCO in 2010 (www.unesco.it). But it is not only for the food itself; the appeal of Italy also includes the lifestyle, social customs and the multitude of rites and festivals linked to it. The fabric of events of every type are a real point of attraction. In every nook and cranny of the country, from cities famous for art treasures to small countryside villages, the availability of authentic and organic food is luring increasing numbers of visitors. Rural tourism is growing along with the opportunities to buy world famous food products at lower prices and with quality guaranteed, which is often possible on farms and farmstay agriturismi. This segment of tourism is one of the main elements of choice in what Italy offers the tourist, and has so far not been affected by decline. In Europe, Italy is the top producer of specialty products and boasts 214 organic products with designated origin, 501 wines with DOC, DOCG and IGT labels and as many as 4,511 traditional specialties overall (www.magazine.quotidiano net). As well as being of course good to eat, a specialty product needs in its spirit to express a combination of tradition, smells and rites which urban living is making us unfamiliar with. Italy has a heritage of tastes and flavours that is a true resource for economic growth even in poorer areas. Good food and wine appeal particularly to those who Calvino termed ‘gastronauts’ (Calvino, 1986), people who try to learn about deep rooted customs and every type of tradition of a place through its typical foods. A great deal of information can be gained from eating with awareness an autochthonous product. It can tell us about the production chain, traditional skills and know-how and processing techniques, as well as the raw ingredients all present in the area. Food can also have a symbolic value; the traditional New Year’s Eve dinner in northern Italy consists of lentils, which symbolize wealth, pork which symbolizes abundance, and pomegranates which symbolize fertility. And of course it can indicate opportunities for local development. Food and wine tourism is based on these regional specialties, and they can be considered as important as works of art in adding to the appeal of smaller towns and villages. Cultural and gastronomic globalization is leading to the rediscovery of the original taste of foods. The standardization of flavors is leading people to rediscover their roots often revealed in the bedrock of places and foods. In Italy an important food heritage is undoubtedly present, but it is a fact that the country is often associated with ‘pizza and spaghetti’. These have become so internationally popular that they can in fact be considered as globalized foods, rather than elements of appeal for Italian

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towns. They do not constitute a reason for travelling to Italy for refined foodie tourists; today such people are constantly tying to blaze a trail to new culinary niche products and dishes. They can however still represent added value and be better appreciated as genuine dishes in the country itself. Small villages and towns in Italy are today introducing and promoting new attractions. They are trying to leave behind the pizza and spaghetti image and are concentrating on local specialty foods instead. Globalization means that today they are part of an international network and they are now seizing en masse the opportunity to launch a new image. The current trend is towards the rediscovery of cooking traditions and local specialties which are still considered to be niche products but which are more closely associated with particular areas. Slow Food ideas help them particularly to enhance lower appeal smaller places. A large proportion of municipalities in Italy (72%) have a population of under five thousand, and these smaller units retain important legacy of skills and techniques as well as foods. They are particularly important for high quality farming produce and are in fact home to almost all agri-food specialties (99.5%). A big change is in fact taking place. There is a new emphasis on a slower pace of life which contrasts with the cities of today, the food we eat and the traveling we choose. Everything is pointing in the direction of slowing down. A minority of people are making drastic lifestyle changes, taking trips of longer than a year or perhaps just growing fruit and vegetables at home. But apart from more extreme behaviors, there is a widespread search for more relaxed lifestyles. Excessive slowness, like the excessive rapidity of today, would lead to distorted and unmanageable lifestyles. So people are looking for an equilibrium in lifestyle as in food. The search to enhance quality of life implies raising the awareness of producers, consumers, operators and retailers as they try to bring back quality and traditional food products. This poses the need for education of all those employed in tourism as well as the need for raising consumer awareness of quality products and food traditions. This trend is spreading in various countries, and in Italy several small medieval villages have become key players in the field of global competition. There have been many examples of food acting as a level of development in Italy; one of the best known is Varese Ligure (www.comune.vareseligure.sp.it). This small town was the first European municipality registered under the EU's Eco-Management and Audit Scheme in 1999. This village with a population slightly over 2000 in inland Liguria has become an important model for rural development in Europe. Combining environmental conservation, employment and business it has exploited its local resources by directing them towards environmental sustainability and creating employment. In 2004 the European Commission honored Varese Ligure as the ‘most eco-compatible rural community in Europe’ and it became an international point of reference for sustainable development. The award gave Varese Ligure the impetus to launch its image as attractive for tourism and the municipality touted organic farming methods for crops and animals. Local products have put onto the global market the image of efficacy, attractiveness and sustainability. Food is an important part of this; as well as being delicious it is also largely organic in harmony with what a tourist or city dweller expects from Italy. The international award, environmental sustainability and good organic food are the three key factors which Varese Ligure was able to use in raising its profile and promoting local products (Miani, 2007). Varese Ligure is but one example of how a small municipality can use specialty product enhancement to trigger rebirth of an area, launch a positive image for promotion of goods and sometimes promote tourism too. Disappointment in gastronomy can be extremely harmful to the image of a country, and visitors to Italy always have high expectations, which can even be the reason for the trip. There are many small villages of little interest to tourists which have succeeded in raising their appeal to a significant extent through local food specialties. 3 TRADITION AS AN OPPORTUNITY FOR ENHANCEMENT Gastronomic tourism is no longer based on consolidated attractions; the requirement today is for less standardized experiences that are increasingly innovative and unusual. Choosing routes and destinations is strongly individualized; online planning and booking means that itineraries and experiences are becoming increasingly personalized.


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A new trend is for hitherto little-known villages or towns to organize country fairs or museum visits to celebrate local specialties. Areas such as Chianti and the Langhe in Piedmont have long been traditional tourism destinations for this type of event, but today new initiatives are attracting high numbers of visitors to villages otherwise going into decline. An example is the small municipality of San Cesario in the province of Lecce in Puglia, where there is a new museum of food and cookery called ‘Quoquo’ (www.quoquo.it). It organizes gastronomic themed visits every Friday, cookery classes and events promoting specialty products, and is visited by tourists following food routes in the local Salento area. Quoquo has attracted widespread interest, including from a large Chinese TV network which came to film the museum and activities. In Maremma in Tuscany, workshops are held in Grosseto to revive local specialties by way of enhancing the appreciation of local specialty products. These are just a few of the examples of how local food can be an engine of development for smaller villages in decline. So the revival of food as a cultural and economic resource can undoubtedly help local regeneration. But it is difficult to decide whether it should be the area that enhances the product or whether it is the product that should enhance the area. Food has systemic connections with the geography, producers and cultural social and economic actors of an area, and these need to be considered in how the product is positioned in an area. Quality markers such as PDO, DOC and IGT in fact to a great extent are justified by territorial origin. Food products and models of diet need to be contextualized by their links with their place of origin; the connection between food and area is so strong that one cannot be discussed without the other. Food products are made good to eat by the area they originate in, and the area is enhanced by promotion of their typical foods. It is a virtuous circle whereby the two elements enrich and enhance one another in the eyes of users, which generates positive income. This is why ‘Food Valleys’ are becoming more common; areas where protection of status of food products goes hand in hand with promotion of the area. Ideally they coincide with production areas of specialty foods as laid down in product specifications for purposes of safeguarding standards. The areas can thus be promoted as islands of food quality. ‘Food Valleys’ are becoming frequent all over Europe, not only in Italy. In Italy the various Food Valleys compete for awards, to hold events, and sometimes even to ‘own’ products. Riding the crest of the wave, high visibility on internet search engines makes the name of an area and its products known to a much wider public. A close link with foods give big competitive advantage for several reasons. As well as attracting cash flow from tourism and agri-food, it is also a powerful factor in promoting all-season tourism. Food Valley areas play a key role in development and become increasingly attractive, and may even grow out of their historic role in residual tourism. Anthony Giddens (2000) says that globalization has brought about two main changes in the West: the disappearance of tradition and its subsequent rebirth. In this rebirth the novel element is the non-traditional way that people go back to their cultural heritage. Taking food as an example, gastronomy is in fact not repeating exactly the same patterns as in the past. It is rather following new patterns on the basis of choices made by users external to local communities and to a lesser extent on the basis of local consumption. Globalization brings down physical barriers, partly as a result of just-in-time strategies. The new philosophy is inspiring people far away from a food source to set up online groups to spread the word about specialty products. As local demand is often low, in many cases online demand is probably what allows traditional products to survive. Because today’s society is based on comparison, and vast amounts of information are available to one and all, online demand means that tradition is being rediscovered as authentic and typical. It is possible to make comparisons between different products, and the local producer is able to select what is most advantageous and profitable to save from cultural heritage. So today, traditions are being saved through a process of choice made with awareness, whereas in past centuries the ignorance of communities which knew no alternatives meant they were handed down from generation to generation without awareness. These traditions today have become a valuable resource for areas with potential in the food sector like Italy. And nowadays that nothing is left to chance, widespread availability of information means that Italy has become aware of its local heritage. It has decided to carefully protect the heritage

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for the long term, which will realize two aims; strengthen the appeal of the country and strengthen our national identity by raising the level of awareness. Tourists, citizens and city users are all individuals searching for their own identity. Information floods our perception at every point, but marketing has recently started to focus on sensory perception and tourism has become ‘slow’ in order to give us time to appreciate places (Albanese, 2011). So the perception of a place’s identity, which can be realized through gastronomy, gives a sense of belonging and deeper knowledge of which the individual, particularly as a tourist, has today sore need. Globalization has standardized everything, but has given rise to a new desire for diversification. People are increasingly searching for aspects which will make an experience unique. And specialty products, products of folklore and artisanship are thus becoming cultural goods rather than simply items for sale. There is thus increasing attention to the quality of foods, their authentic taste, smell and consistency; the desire to reconstruct the gastronomic heritage is becoming increasingly widespread. The various areas of Italy are aware of prospects for development afforded by specialty products and many are investing heavily in their enhancement and promotion. As a primarily economic resource with pronounced cultural features, food products can help even small villages suffering from economic and population decline to survive and come back into existence. The revival of traditional tastes, production methods and recipes as well as organic crops are all in vogue on international markets, and can provide the underpinning for a renaissance of small municipalities around Italy. The local area in this view is closely linked to products of the land and local specialties; it is this link that can make it unique and attractive, and it is this that offers the opportunity for local development. 4 CONCLUSIONS Italy and its food constitute a winning brand, known and recognized all over the world. The food industry represents a success chain for the national economy. Italian agri-food output, based on typical farm produce from particular areas, has generated unique landscapes and human settlements as well as products and places where they are manufactured. Protecting the Italian traditional food heritage, promoting food quality and safety, and safeguarding and enhancing typical and traditional products are very important in ensuring consumer and environmental safety as well as economic, biological, environmental, and social identity. As we have seen, it is also possible to transform a food product into a resource for tourism which can improve the economy of a local and regional area. The enhancement of cultural heritage through the promotion and development of cultural tourism, whereby local specialty products are emphasised, can make a significant contribution to the economic welfare of a country. This is particularly true today, given the current global recession, the geo-political crisis and the requirements for environmental sustainability. All these factors bring to the fore new paradigms for development less tied to international events and more closely connected to internal vocations of countries. Does this mean a revival of the past? No, it doesn’t, in that it is essential to have innovation and modernization of production and marketing systems. Yes, on the other hand, it does, in that it is essential to enhance values linked to the historical and cultural dimension of local and regional spaces. The local specialty product, presented as an expression of the culture of belonging and therefore of persistence, guaranteed by the rooting of identities in traditions, is part and parcel of the process of civilisation, and indeed of social change. The new flow of travellers looking for ‘experience tourism’ is likely to be attracted by creative business and craft activities, by gastronomy, by ‘green’ tourism in surroundings and accommodation facilities obtained from the renovation of historical buildings, villages and small rural hamlets (Miani, 2010). For all these reasons, the rural landscape can, once more, act as a springboard for a new way of using the local resources, drawing on culture and traditions, minor architectural heritages and urban planning, typical products and local customs. Cultural heritage could without much difficulty be integrated into daily life, and indeed it should be. Much planning policy needs to be rethought in order to be more accepting of the practical dimensions of heritage. It needs to conso-


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lidate the traditional bond between inhabitants and their land, promoting a culture of identity and a sense of belonging to a local space (Miani, 2010). As researchers such as Loulanski have stated, the correct integration of cultural heritage into development strategies and initiatives aimed at simultaneously addressing interconnected economic, environmental, social and community objectives and challenges would be a good way to provide diverse and wise use of heritage. It would also encourage realization of its significant multi-functional potential (Loulanski, 2006). From ‘Food Valley’ to ‘Slow Food’, from typical food products to labels and markers for the protection of products, research and statistics are increasingly indicating that food, with its culture and its tradition, can once again constitute an important element of Italian economic policy. But it is important to distinguish the ‘artificial’ revival of tradition, used as marketing slogan, from the wider and more deep-rooted concept of heritage and territorial identity. Food places are linked to rituals and processes on which it is possible to build the identity of a social group. The quality and reliability guaranteed by an area is the warranty of the specialty consolidated in history. Food and gastronomic traditions are extremely sensitive to change, imitation, external influences, and are in a continuous dialectic between identity and exchange. Using the concept of tradition means constantly testing its meaning, its components and the infinite possibility of enriching and perfecting it (Quintelli, 2011). The great innovation for the third millennium may in fact be the search for a new quality of life, accompanied by the search for quality of food. Only since industrialization, in the last two centuries, has food commanded less attention; throughout history in fact food was in fact a priority. Today the revival of tradition involves production of a wide variety of foods. It is accompanied by a new evaluation of the quality of life through the discovery and revaluation of small and large localities where traditional food quality is consolidated, as well as a new evaluation of food itself. It is mainly small local areas that are taking advantage of this process, which is paradoxical given that globalization is crushing local characteristics, including specialty foods, and is tending to exclude precisely these areas from development processes. So today we are facing a real revolution in eating habits. And through enhancement of its longstanding gastronomic legacy, Italy could be well placed to benefit. At present the outlook is positive. New trends in travel and the new concepts in the hospitality industry are replacing mass tourism of the recent past. There is key role for local small scale schemes and ruralisation of tourism. In order to experience diversity, visitors today travel hundred of kilometres to visit wine cellars and taste specialty products. The countryside has become attractive, especially if it can be ‘tasted’ and sightseeing in interesting towns and villages can be complemented by other experiences in surrounding areas (Miani, 2011a). Promoting local distinctiveness and a sense of place is almost as important as the enjoyment of good local food and wine. Sustainable tourism strategies incorporate the geographic and cultural aspects of small towns and country villages. The transformation of a whole village into a hotel, or ‘Albergo diffuso’, by developing affordable and authentic accomodations for tourists, restoring the local architecture and offering locally made crafts and food products at local shops and restaurants is one interesting programme emerging in various regions of Italy (Knox & Mayer, 2010). The rethinking of the past in the field of food is also helped by consumer demand for quality. Another important factor is the territorialisation of local development. In Italy there are favourable conditions for the ‘biodiversity’ of small areas and for high quality of food produced by small firms that contribute to maintaining the quality of life (Cantarelli, 2008). Such schemes and ideas are fundamental to maintaining the image of Italy as comprising distinct regions and villages and typical local specialities that together form the heritage of a country. The revolution in food habits is giving Italy the opportunity to develop a new order of production and new marketing levers exploiting its material and immaterial cultural heritage, the envy of the world. The challenge is to develop the ability to capitalise the old skills and techniques, improve local areas and enhance different sectors of the overall system. Product quality can be guaranteed by territorial quality, history and identity: a new synergy between trade and producers and local policymakers is indispensable.

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To conclude, Italy today requires a systematic enhancement of its gastronomic cultural heritage. ENDNOTES * Collectively, the paper is the result of cooperation by the two authors. Franca Miani however wrote the ‘Introduction’ and ‘Conclusions’ while Valentina Albanese wrote the middle sections ‘Tradition as an Opportunity for Enhancement’ and ‘Unique Food in Unique Areas.’

REFERENCES Albanese, V. 2011. Comment et si social network et experiences de tourisme sensorial coexistent. In IV Rencontre franco-italienne de géographie sociale. Geografia sociale e democrazia. Opportunità e rischi della comunicazione non convenzionale. Rome, March 30th - April 1st (in press). Albanese, V. 2011. Slow tourism and the era of web 3.0. Conference Proceedings -Regional Geographic Conference- UGI 2011. Santiago. Santiago: Local Organizing Committee for UGI 2011. Calvino, I. 1986. Sotto il sole giaguaro, Milano: Garzanti. Capatti, A. & Montanari, M. (eds) 1999. La cucina italiana. Storia di una cultura, Roma-Bari: Laterza. Clementi, P. & Mugnaini, F. (eds) 2001. Oltre il folklore. Tradizioni popolari e antropologia nella società contemporanea, Roma: Carocci. Di Renzo, E. (ed) 2005. Strategie del cibo. Simboli, pratiche, valori, Roma: Bulzoni. Giddens, A. 2000. Fondamenti di sociologia. Bologna: Il Mulino. Knox, P. & Mayer, H. 2009. Small Town Sustainability. Basel: Birkhauser Verlag AG. Loulanski, T. 2006. Cultural Heritage in Socio-Economic Development: Local and Global Perspectives. Environments Journal 34(2):51-69. Miani, F. 2007. Al di là della costa: un futuro turistico per i nuclei storici mediterranei. In Simonetta Conti (ed), Amate sponde. Le rappresentazioni dei paesaggi costieri mediterranei. Gaeta 11-13 December 2003, Formia: Graficart: 489-510. Miani, F. 2010. ‘The Big River’: Culturale Heritage and local identity for projects of development in the Po valley. In Massimo Bianchi & Luca Del Bene & Laura Tampieri & Sinisa Zaric (eds), Bacini territoriali e bacini culturali nello sviluppo delle piccole e medie imprese. Cesena: Il Ponte Vecchio: 279289. Miani, F. 2011a. Inventing a Food Capital. Innovation and cultural tradition in the evolution of Parma since the Ancien Règime. In Carlo Quintelli (ed), What do we mean by Food Valley, First Parma Food Valley Symposium. Parma: Festival Architettura Edizioni: 227-235. Miani, F. 2011b. Cultural Values and Sustainability in European Cities: New Strategies for the Future of Historical Urban Landscapes. Conference Proceedings -Regional Geographic Conference- UGI 2011. Santiago. Santiago: Local Organizing Committee for UGI 2011. Moulin, L. 1993. L’Europa a tavola: introduzione a una psicosociologia delle abitudini alimentari, Milano: Mondadori. Privitera, D. 2010. Heritage and wine as tourist attractions in rural areas. In Filippo Arfini & Sabrina Cernicchiaro & Michele Donati (eds), International EAAE-SYAL Seminar. Spatial Dynamics in AgriFood Systems: Implications for Sustainability and Consumer Welfare, Parma: Monte Università Parma Editore: 1-10. Salvatori, F. & Di Renzo, E. (eds) 2007. Roma e la sua campagna. Itinerari del XX secolo, Roma: Società Geografica Italiana. Teti, V. 1999. Il colore del cibo, Roma: Meltemi. www.comune.vareseligure.sp.it www.esteri.it/MAE/pdf paesi/ASIA/Cina.pdf www.magazine.quotidiano.net/enogastronomia/2010/12/15/stranieri-stregati-dal-cibo-made-in-italy/ www.ontit.it/opencms/opencms/ont/it/fonti/ENIT www.quoquo.it www.repubblica.it/ambiente/2010/01/14/news/cibo_e_territorio-1947970/ www.slowfood.com www.unesco.it


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Destination branding and social interaction in the urban heritage space: comparative spatial approach A. Michelson Tallinn University of Technology, Tallinn, Estonia

ABSTRACT: The aim of this research paper is to understand the interconnectedness of destination branding and social interaction in terms of spatial approach. The paper investigates how socio-economic activities making use of medieval architecture are conducted in public and semi-public urban heritage space and thus how these activities input into the construction of the symbolic capital used in the city branding. The paper adopts participant-observation within two case-study areas: Old Towns of Lübeck, Germany and Tallinn, Estonia that are characterized by the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval character and the fact of being a part of the history of the Hanseatic League. The research found that there are various ways that are spatially identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture with symbolic value.

1 INTRODUCTION The notion of destination branding has been widely researched during recent years. Some authors focused on the destination branding issues from the super-national, country and nation perspectives (Bianchi & Pike, 2011; Elliot et al., 2011; Huang, 2011; Hudson & Ritchie, 2009; Ramona et al., 2009; Ravichandran & Suresh, 2010; Ryan & Silvanto, 2011; Scott et al., 2011; Stokburger-Sauer, 2011; Therkelsen & Gram, 2010) or regional and rural perspective (Greaves & Skinner, 2010; Gyimóthy & Mykletun, 2009; Wheeler et al., 2011). Moreover, there has been an extensive research on the concept of destination competitiveness (Chen et al., 2011; Pike & Mason, 2011), the destination and tourism concepts within the customer-based brand equity theory (Bianchi & Pike, 2011; Boo et al., 2009; Gartner & Ruzzier, 2011; Pike, 2009; Pike, 2010; Pike et al., 2010; Ruzzier, 2010a, 2010b) and within the self-congruity theory (Boksberger et al., 2011; Usakli & Baloglu, 2011). In addition to the above-mentioned and other different aspects, the notion of city branding has been in the centre of the number of the research papers (Bickford-Smith, 2009; Brandt & de Mortanges, 2011; Chen, 2010; Cosma et al., 2009; Grodach, 2009; Merrilees et al., 2009; Okano & Samson, 2010; Paliaga et al., 2010; Shen, 2010), while some investigations have focused specifically on city branding from the perspective of urban competition (Medic et al., 2010; Zhang & Zhao, 2009). There are few researches that have focused on the destination branding issues from the heritage perspectives and the urban heritage in particular (Chang & Teo, 2009; Connell & Rugendyke, 2010; Gant & Cocola, 2011; Geary, 2008; Michelson & Paadam, 2010; Ryan & Silvanto, 2009; Stern & Hall, 2010) that do not uncover the complex interrelations between destination branding and urban built heritage that is deeply connected to the theme of the current study. Moreover, there have been a range of papers that challenge heritage in the urban context from the viewpoint of place or city branding either marketing (Chang, 1999; Agyei-Mensah,

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2006; Giovanardi, 2011; Ismail & Mohd-Ali, 2011; Lorenzini et al., 2011; Rothschild et al., 2012). In the before-mentioned literature on studies of interconnectedness of the notions of destination branding and urban heritage, tourism as well, it emerges that the aspects approached and challenged are rather place-specific and they rather do not conceptually involve the complex interrelations between the agents and urban heritage that is intrinsically connected to destination branding. The aim of this research paper is to understand the interconnectedness of destination branding and social interaction in terms of spatial approach. The paper investigates how socio-economic activities making use of medieval architectural landscape are conducted in public and semipublic urban heritage space and thus how these activities input into the construction of the symbolic capital used in the city branding. The method of participant-observation is applied within two case-study areas: Old Towns of Lübeck, Germany and Tallinn, Estonia. These two towns are characterized by the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval character and the fact of being a member of the Hanseatic League. The methodological approach applied in this paper is based on recent theoretical considerations on the production of space and on the construction of symbolic capital. The section on methodology considers the specification of the sites, followed by the presentation of results and discussion on them. Finally, concluding remarks and suggestions for future research are presented in the last section. 2 THEORETICAL APPROACH The paper combines different theoretical concepts regarding destination marketing, urban space and symbolic meaning. These theoretical considerations include the following notions: the tourist gaze (Urry, 1990, 2002), marketing places (Kotler, Asplund, Rein, & Haider, 1999), technology of symbolic power (Acuto, 2010), the production of space (Lefebvre, 1996), life between buildings: spaces for walking and places for staying; symbolic capital (Bourdieu, 1993), commodity-sign (Baudrillard, 1981), and consumption of the past (O’Brian, 1997). Branding is a central element in the strategic positioning of tourism products and destinations (Vanhove, 2011, p. 182) and it involves promoting the unique benefits that the tourist will experience while visiting the city, rather than the city itself (Kolb, 2006, p. 18). The concept of branding is connected to the concept of destination image. Within the theoretical model of destination branding, which integrates these concepts, Qu, Kim, and Im (2011, p. 465) propose that ‘the overall image of the destination (i.e., brand image) is a mediator between its brand associations (i.e., cognitive, affective, and unique image components) and tourists’ future behaviors (i.e., intentions to revisit and recommend)’. This implies that destination image contributes to forming destination brand; and as well to its success in the international market in case of a positive image (Tasci & Kozak, 2006). Additionally, aesthetic experience is another important concept provided that the construction of symbolic capital is investigated in the urban heritage space that according to Urry (1990, 2002) is perceived through the gaze of a tourist. It is described by Beardsley (1958) as a direct response on the part of the perceiver to the thing being perceived, as well is seen as an important human need in the urban landscape in many academic works (Matsuoka & Kaplan, 2008). O’Brian (1997) connects aesthetical experience with heritage built environment and argues that functional parts of the buildings become ornamental. Specifically, theses functional parts serve the interests of picturesque aesthetics through the conservation process that makes them accessible. He also identifies a typology of architectural objects conserved in modern heritage context: 1. the monumental past explicated in the sole function of ruins transformed into valued and picturesque sites signifying its own past, e.g. fragments of the medieval town wall; 2. the empty past maintained in intact buildings, yet, self-referential as dispossessed of the past, as well as modern functions while serving the interests of offering picturesque aesthetic, e.g. empty churches without religious functions;


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3. the simulated past maintaining the historic fabric, with the past functionality transformed into the ornamental, i.e. picturesque, in converted buildings, e.g. medieval warehouses of modified modern functions.

Figure 1. The Old Towns of two towns under the investigation; circled to highlight: the Old Town of Lübeck (the left map) and the Old Town of Tallinn (the right map). There is a border of the Old Town of Tallinn inside the ring. Scale 1:25000. Source: retrieved from Google Maps; author.

Being central to the experience of architecture, space "has a perceptual presence of its own", as summarized on Arnheim (1977) by Isaacs (2000). The space comprises commodity-signs, evolved by Baudrillard (1981). In case of architectural environment these commodity-signs are produced upon the heritage architecture, particularly through the socio-economic activities and they are spatially defined that refers to the representations of space in Lefebvre’s terms (Lefebvre, 1996). These commodity-signs are a constitutive part of symbolic capital elaborated by Bourdieu (1993) and they construct a symbolic-aesthetic significance of the buildings these commodity-signs are applied to. Thus buildings are endowed with iconicity, as it is suggested by Sklair (2010) who argues that iconicity plays a central role in the consumerist space. Through the use of symbolic capital, that is constructed upon the signs as a result of the interaction between space users and architectural environment, symbolic power is created (Bourdieu, 1993; Acuto, 2010). This power along with symbols, events, deeds, slogans and other communication tools being constituent parts of place marketing attract residents, visitors, managements, investors, entrepreneurs, foreign purchasers and location specialists (Kotler et al, 1999). Moreover, due to enormous socio-economic values heritage landscapes themselves are targeted as commercial resources (Starr, 2010). Upon such heritage landscape, symbolic power is applied that according to Acuto (2010) is an intrinsic part of the technology of symbolic power that could be effectively used by understanding the processes and dynamics that underpin the social world’s symbolic systems. Along with architecture another urban planning plays a crucial role in intensifying symbolic value mainly as Gehl (2006:259) refers due to the importance of the availability of a view in the choice of a place. The availability of a view is affected by the principles of urban planning, by humanistic planning that is the basic concept of the Gehl’s work (2006). Furthermore, he identifies various types of spaces according to its use: the spaces for walking and places for staying, standing, sitting landscapes (primary sitting, secondary sitting). 3 METHODOLOGY AND DATA Two Old Towns were selected as study sites: Lübeck, Germany, and Tallinn, Estonia (Fig. 1). They are characterized by the inscription into UNESCO World Heritage List, its medieval character and the fact of being a member of the Hanseatic League. Though there are other four towns that meet the before-mentioned criteria (Stralsund, Torun, Visby and Wismar), Lübeck and Tallinn are both more significant: the population is bigger than in others and both of them

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carry the sing of being a capital: Tallinn as an actual capital of Estonia and Lübeck as a former capital of the Hanseatic League what it is widely known for. The paper adopts participant-observation within these two case-study areas. The research techniques applied in the current paper are direct observations of the functional spaces through note taking, mapping and photo recording. The purpose of the visual observation is to identify the spatial qualities and activities of public and semi-public space of the study sites. Due to the application of the method, the spaces for walking and places for staying, standing, as well sitting landscapes, other spatial qualities, and urban practices mainly along the main streets, and on the squares could be identified and assessed based on the data derived from the notes of the visual observation and on-site participation that was conducted in the period September – October 2011. 4 FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION The comparative research in tow European towns found that there are various ways that are spatially identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture with symbolic value. Symbolic power that is created through the production of symbolic capital upon the urban heritage could be intensified through effective planning of public and semi-public space and management of various spatial combinations of spaces for walking and places for staying. As it is seen in Figure 2, public space is used in social activities according to its possibilities whether sitting, relaxing on the grass, walking, standing or socializing. The salient characteristic feature is the combination of these processes. In both cases walking or staying, aesthetical experience is supported and intensified by the views opened to the gaze of a walker or a ‘stayer’ in terms of interpreting the approach of Gehl (2006). Provided that any historical building occupies the space for staying, the opportunity to get the view over the surrounding architectural landscape potentially represents enjoyable space for staying. Functional construction parts of the buildings that were practice-purposed serve aesthetical purposes (Fig. 3) thus having an input into creation of signs and construction of symbolic capital. Generally, the more actively edifices with heritage value are involved into socio-economic activities, the more intensive symbolic power of them is. It also applies on edifices that are an active part of the transportation system (pedestrian and automobile). Nevertheless, the use of heritage buildings poses a challenge of sustainability with regard to the frequency of the experience. Whilst Lübeck positions itself on a website1 as ‘Hanseatic City of Lübeck - World Cultural Heritage and Gate to the Baltic’, then among the specific features there is only a logo with the town’s name on the website of Tallinn2. Though both towns widely use the pictures of heritage landscapes and provide textual information on it. Thus heritage plays a crucial role in the construction of towns’ identity. Therefore, successful destination branding in case of urban heritage environment is due to diverse uses of public and semi-public space by tourists, effective construction of view corridors to sustain the tourist’s gaze and aesthetical use of architectural constructions of historical edifices.


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Figure 2. Combination of spaces for walking and places for staying: Lübeck (the left picture) and Tallinn (the right picture). Source: author.

Figure 3. Combination of spaces for walking and places for staying: Lübeck (the left picture) and Tallinn (the right picture). Source: author.

In addition, identification and fostering the creation of secondary sitting landscapes (Fig. 2) additionally to primary sitting landscapes (Fig. 4) enriches the public space that potentially increases the consumption by users. Non-sitting landscapes that are identified as spaces with few sitting possibilities should be avoided, particularly in the places seen as places for staying. If both primary and secondary sitting landscapes provide a possibility to construct view corridors, then non-sitting landscapes potentially increase the gap between pre-visit and post-visit images of the place. The research reveals the specific characters of streets and the changing character of streets that mostly depend on the concentration of different activities along the streets and squares. The changing character of streets is identified is a street that consists of various segments with specific characters, e.g. from one side of a street filled with shopping landscape up to the other side of a street served mainly as a residential area. If some streets could be identified through the gaze of the walker as a shopping street (like Viru street in Tallinn) with lots of retail shops or as a residence street (like Große Altefähre in Lübeck), then other streets are perceived as a street of a combined type (like Mengstraße in Lübeck) or a street with a changing character (like Pikk street in Tallinn). Such diverse street patterns intensify tourist experience and thus serve the ultimate purpose of destination branding. Though the research does not identify any significant difference between Lübeck and Tallinn in terms of spatial socio-economic use (shopping landscapes and variety of different retail shops and their occupation of the urban space, availability of semi-public space, use and location of terraces in different spots, view platforms, storytelling on the sings on the objects) and in terms of the typology of representations of the past as well (there is no evident difference in number either concentration of monumental, empty and simulated types of the past), there are some specific economic and symbolic aspects that are different between two study sites.

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The first concerns the souvenir or salient, locally specific product widely sold in the shops. If such products in Lübeck are marzipan and wine Rotspon that are locally specific and historically specific to the place, then in case of Tallinn it is a combination of amber, linen and matrioshkas that are not connected to the identity of Tallinn or Estonia. Considering the positioning of two towns on the websites Tallinn lacks the intensive identity and positioning comparing to Lübeck. Thus socio-economic activities are interrelated with positioning and branding of towns. Another distinct difference between Tallinn and Lübeck is local market experience for locals and tourists on the main square in the old town in Lübeck that is not commodified. Waterfront along the river in Lübeck is an opened public space and thus an urban landscape is linked to the sea while in case of Tallinn waterfront area in city centre is closed because of low level of gentrification. The linkage of the urban space with sea should be intensified as the identities of both cities are historically linked to the theme of the sea.

Figure 4. Primary sitting landscapes on the Town Hall Square in Tallinn. Source: author.

5 CONCLUSIONS The current research primarily focused on the study of the socio-economic activities in the urban heritage space. To sum up, the research found that there are various ways that are spatially identified how socio-economic activities produce symbolic signs upon architecture with symbolic value. Various spatial combinations of spaces for walking and places for staying with different public and commercial activities, as well private space, intensifying of aesthetical experience opened to the gaze of a viewer, sustainable active use of edifices with heritage value for socio-economic activities, variation of the specific characters of the streets potentially, all together produce more intensive symbolic power upon the urban heritage landscapes that is implemented in the marketing and branding of the cities. Socio-economic activities are seen as the phenomena marketing and branding should be based on either have an effect on. The research revealed that there is no significant difference between Lübeck and Tallinn in terms of spatial socio-economic use except salient, locally specific product widely sold in the shops. Lübeck has a relative more powerful position in the tourism market due to opened urban space to the sea and the uniqueness of the widely purchased historically salient products – marzipan and wine Rotspon. The practical benefits of the approach applied might be of interest for city managers and marketers, as well for local and regional authorities in general. The results of the research indicate that urban planning decisions should enable to produce more powerful signs of the past in heritage space through constructing symbolic capital used in the city branding. Future research should involve more study sites and focus on more comparable aspects. Moreover, different performance management proposals should be elaborated and the use of quantitative methods could be considered to be implemented in the similar studies.


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ENDNOTES 1 2

http://www.luebeck.de/languages/eng/city_portrait/index html http://www.tourism.tallinn.ee/eng

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A question of trust: evaluating the benefits of building preservation trusts K. J. Moore University of Dundee, Scotland

ABSTRACT: Restoration projects increasingly require public funding. As with all publicly funded projects restoration must be seen to produce ‘Value for Money’ demonstrated through ‘Cost Benefit Analysis’ (CBA). Current CBA techniques fail with respect to restoration projects on two fronts. Economic toolkits adapted for this purpose have been shown to be inadequate with regard to the built heritage. Secondly, the methods used take no account of non-economic returns from investment in restoration projects and lack any public input, they are the domain of heritage professionals informing the public on what should be valued about the built heritage. This paper does not suggest that the toolkits in themselves are faulty, merely that they are being used in the wrong way. It argues for the need to further adapt and develop existing evaluation methods to arrive at more suitable models for evaluating the work of BPT’s.

1 INTRODUCTION This paper is drawn from ongoing PhD research into the building preservation trust (BPT) movement within the UK. Building preservation trusts are “not for profit” organisations that exist to restore and find adaptive new uses for redundant buildings of historic and architectural interest and generally depend on at least some amount of public funding to undertake this role. Under the current economic climate where public funds are becoming ever more stretched there is a need for BPT’s to be able to justify what they do to enable them to draw on those funds. Despite a proven track record within the restoration world, to date no suitable method has evolved that allows BPT’s to fully evaluate and promote the total of benefits that their work brings to society. More will be said on this later in the paper but first it would be beneficial to examine the current situation and some of the events that have lead to the position that BPT’s find themselves in today. During the 1980s the UK witnessed the introduction of New Public Management theory (NPM). At this time funding for the built heritage, along with many other aspects of the public sector, was subjected to the same rigorous economic philosophy as was being applied to the market place (Holden 2004). This meant efficiency drives and an increased emphasis on the term ‘Value for Money’ (VFM), leaving heritage agencies and BPT’s to compete for funds on a Cost Benefit Analysis (CBA) basis. Justification for heritage projects began to focus on the possible measurable financial returns, such as increased tourist or visitor numbers and increased business opportunities presented as economic values, often described as the input and output model. This led to a situation where those outcomes that were easily quantifiable in economic terms became all important whilst those less measurable concepts, such as intrinsic values, were neglected or downplayed.

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Since the 1980s successive governments have added their own desirable instrumental or ancillary benefits that they would like to see as outcomes of funding for the built heritage. This seemingly ever growing list now includes such things as economic and urban regeneration, educational benefits, social integration and an increase in health benefits. In doing so these successive governments have not only defined what should be of value to society but have used the system to first set, then meet, their own agendas. These ancillary benefits increasingly need to be presented as economic values and are judged on a VFM basis. “… in the world at large, the economic agenda is taking precedence over just about everything else” (Bluestone, Klamer, Thorsby & Mason 1998, 19). This has led to a situation where many BPT’s struggle to raise significant funds for potential projects and the movement is witnessing a dramatic reduction in the number of active trusts. Cost benefit analysis (CBA) has developed through the field of welfare economics into a set of tools for estimating and evaluating the total of social benefits from proposed projects. These benefits are then converted into economic values to be used in standard financial appraisals using discounted cash flow techniques to predict whether future benefits would justify the cost. 2 DEFINING ECONOMIC VALUES: CURRENT METHODS 2.1 Economic impact studies Economic impact studies into aspects of the heritage sector have their origins in environmental impact studies which were devised to assess the environmental damage which could take place during major construction projects. When employed with respect to the heritage sector studies are designed to equate all economic benefits, both direct and indirect. Direct benefits include such things as employment generated within the sector whilst indirect or incremental benefits include such things as an increase in ancillary employment and increased tourist numbers. On the basis of inputs and outputs benefits would be weighed against costs to discern whether or not VFM was being delivered. Such studies first became popular in the UK during the 1980s. At this time the creative industries and arts sector, which includes aspects of the built heritage, began to find itself increasingly having to justify what it did in order to compete for public funds. Early studies were directed at assessing the total of benefits across the sector as a whole (e.g. Myerscough 1988; Centre for Employment Research 1989). Despite a strong reliance on economic impact studies by policy makers, along with a substantial amount of academic research into the process during the 1990s and early part of the last decade, their popularity and use are currently on the decline. (Kelly & Kelly 2002; Reeves 2002). “The interest in economic impact studies appears to be waning, as the drawbacks become clearer” (Klamer & Zuidhof 1998, 33). Amongst the criticisms of the process Klamer and Zuidhof believed that studies often omitted important qualitative data (1998). Other commentators state that economic values, in particular with regards to multiplier impacts, are often over estimated to give a false picture. For example Kelly and Kelly (2002) acknowledge this fact with regards to employment figures stating that the short term nature of much of the arts and heritage generated employment may lead to an over estimation of the benefits. Another concern, as highlighted by Reeves (2002), is that the highly fragmented nature of the arts and heritage sector, with differing work patterns and employment rates and differing measurable outcomes, renders it difficult to compose a generic system that can equally measure benefits across the board. If Economic Impact Studies are to be of any use they need to be far more focused on individual types of projects or smaller areas of the sector and aimed at equating data in smaller bite sizes. The subject of economic impact studies and the potential for their adaptation for use within the built heritage sector, and more specifically BPT projects, shall be revisited later in this paper. 2.2 Willingness to Pay Surveys In recent years economists have been applying further procedures originally developed to ascertain economic values for aspects of the natural environment towards the built environment,


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namely ‘Willingness to pay surveys’ and ‘Value Transfer’. Although such studies into the economic valuation of the natural environment and its protection are well established and documented the first studies into the economic valuation of the built heritage did not take place until the 1980s. However, the vast majority of research has been undertaken since 2000 (Noonan 2003; Provins, Pearce, Ozdemiroglu, Mourato & Morse O-Jones 2008). Whilst it is the second process, that of Value Transfer, which is most relevant to this paper to view the procedure in context it is necessary to first give a brief account of Willingness to Pay surveys. Economic theory suggests that the wellbeing that individuals gain from none market goods can be measured through their stated willingness to pay (WTP) for those goods. Although the figures obtained through this method are not actual sums they are deemed as representing a consumer surplus (CS). In the case of the economic valuation of the built heritage wellbeing is measured by individuals stated WTP towards the upkeep and maintenance of the heritage asset in question. This figure in turn can be converted into a monetary value for that asset. Wellbeing = WTP = £ (CS) An economic value is obtained by combining the WTP of both users of the heritage asset, defined as use values (UV), and non-users, defined as non-use values (NUV). Use Values relate to members of the public that visit a heritage site along with those that live in the surrounding area. The current preferred method to assess the WTP of the visiting public is through the Travel Cost Method (TCM). This takes into account the total cost of travel to and from the site, wear and tear on vehicles, cost of entry, out of pocket expenses and a formula to equate the economic value of time spent travelling to and from the site before coming to a figure that represents the individual’s WTP to visit the site. This information, taken for all visitors over a given period, is then processed through a number of economic formulae which involves equating the mean WTP for the visitors surveyed and multiplying this by the total number of respondents thereby arriving at an overall figure. This figure is adjusted to take into account those visitors who never undertake a survey and further discounted by predicting trends in future years before arriving at a sum that represents the total of visitor values (VV). The WTP of local residents is a little easier to estimate but still gives us a hypothetical total obtained through the “hedonic property price method” (HPPM). The process is easier as it is based on market prices for property in the surrounding area and this information is usually readily available. The basic premise of the equation is that property prices in the vicinity of the heritage asset are affected by their location and that if the researcher can calculate what percentage of those prices are due to the proximity of the heritage asset this will represent the WTP of residents to live within that area. Again adjustments must be made to find a mean for the whole area and predicted discounted future trends accounted for. This sum represents the total of residents values (RV). The visitor values are then added to the resident’s values to arrive at a sum for the total use value (TUV) of the asset. VV + RV = TUV Non use values (NUV) are built around the concept that members of the public who may never see or use the heritage asset may still be willing to contribute financially to its upkeep. NUV information can only be collected through stated preference techniques. Very simply put a sample group is asked what they would be willing to pay, in the form of increased taxes, entrance fees or donations, towards the upkeep of the heritage asset. The results are then aggregated as before and adjusted for predicted future trends before arriving at finale NUV. The total use value is then added to the NUV to arrive at a Total Economic Value (TEV), or the economic valuation of the heritage asset. TUV + NUV = TEV At the present time there is no uniform way to evaluate the information generated or indeed how it should be gathered. Writing in 2008 in a review of only 30 valuation studies on the built heritage undertaken worldwide at that time, Provins et al. state that, “..... the nature of and the way in which benefits are evaluated varies widely” (2008, 13). Given that an agreed formula


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could be arrived at researchers will always only be able to sample a percentage of any given target group, be they users or non-users, and will never know for certain how representative the sample group is of the target group as a whole, and all answers received are on a hypothetical basis, that is to say stated WTP and not actual WTP, making any results subjective, or, as Brouwer puts it, “….fictive and merely symbolic.” (1998, 20). It would appear that the general consensus amongst economists is that there are many flaws in the techniques used but at present it is the best system we have so it should be used, developed and modified into a more uniform and reliable system. However, it may not always be viable, feasible or possible to undertake individual valuation surveys for each proposed project or asset. This situation introduces us to the second concept adapted from environmental economics that of “Value Transfer” which this paper will suggest could be better adapted for use with restoration projects. 2.3 Value transfer The current system proposes that once a valuation study has been undertaken for one site the total economic value (TEV) of that study, adjusted for regional and economic differences, can be transferred to a second site where no such evaluation has taken place for use in CBA. In theory there are many ways that value transfer can take place but they all involve the transfer of values from the completed study, deemed as the Study Site (SS), to the new site to be known as the Policy Site (PS). The simplest way to do this would be a straight forward transfer of the TEV for the Study Site into a TEV for the Policy Site. This is known as Unadjusted Unit Value Transfer (UUVT) and would be represented by the following formula. WTPss = WTPps For a straight forward UUVT to takes place both projects would need to be identical in regards to the buildings concerned, their condition, proposed scheme of restoration, end use and the social and economic groupings of both users and non-users alike. As this ideal situation is highly unlikely to occur further aggregation and adjustments must be made to the TEV of the SS to make it fit the PS. Said adjustments should take into account such variables as income, changes in the economic climate between when the SS survey was undertaken and the present time and differences in the densities, age and structure of both populations. A number of respected commentators (Riganti & Nijkam 2005; Ready, Navrud, Day, Dubourg, Machado, Mourato, Spaninks & Rodriquez 1999; Brouwer & Spaninks 1999) have looked into the reliability of value transfer and the differing degrees of error that can take place during the process. It must be pointed out that only a handful of these studies are solely concerned with the built heritage but the general principles are the same. At the present time there have only been nine relevant studies concerned with equating stated WTP into economic values for the historic environment undertaken within the UK and these are very wide ranging and diverse covering such things as the preservation of inland waterways and the effects of air pollution on historic buildings. Indeed there have only been around thirty such studies undertaken worldwide, making the selection of a suitable study site extremely difficult. Riganti and Nijkamp suggest that many economists do not sit comfortably with the concept as a whole, believing that the system is open to data manipulation and is capable of producing unreliable results (2005). A major problem is the margin of error that occurs when transferring between sites. Writing in 2004 Brown undertook a study into transferring the results of valuation surveys between three National Trust properties within the UK. Brown found that transfer errors between the properties ranged from 3.7% to 110.8% (2004). This margin of error seems to increase when value transfer is attempted across borders. In 1999 Ready et al undertook the same WTP survey in five European countries. The surveys looked at respondents stated WTP to avoid respiratory illness caused by air pollution in Amsterdam, Oslo, Lisbon, Vigo in Spain and a number of random samples from UK towns. The next part of the study looked at how accurately the resulting values could be transferred between the study sites and found an average transfer error of 38% (1999). Also in 1999 Brouwer and Spaninks undertook a review of seven transfer studies which had been undertaken at that time and found that the margin of error ranged between 56% and 475% (1999). At the present time the process of Value Transfer within all disciplines is not an exact science and all figures produced


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are at the least open to debate and interpretation and at the worst spurious and mere conjecture. In their policy brief on Value Transfer and Environmental Policy for the Concerted Action on Environmental Valuation in Europe (EVE), funded by the European Commission, Navrud and Bergland stated that, “… value transfer should only be applied to uses of environmental valuation where the demand for accuracy is relatively low.” (2001, 3). When it comes to the built heritage alone Kristofersson and Navrud believe that value transfer can only be a valid option if the Policy Site and Study Site are identical in all aspects (2005). As this is an extremely unlikely scenario, it would appear that the process of value transfer in its present form is not suitable for use with regard to the built heritage. Also from 2005 in a study into the economic valuation of the built heritage which was undertaken on behalf of English Heritage, the Heritage Lottery Fund, the Department for Culture, Media and Sport and the Department of Transport, eftec conclude that, “Overall there would appear currently to be limited scope for value transfer applications in heritage-related appraisal and evaluation exercises.” (eftec 2005, 9). 2.4 Proposed Adaptation of Economic Valuation Methods Whilst what some critics see as the unreliability of impact studies when applied across the whole of the arts and heritage sector has been highlighted above it is suggested that they could still hold a place in the evaluation of completed BPT projects where the benefits obtained are not perceived or predicted but already exist as measurable outcomes. As part of this research a data base on all Scottish BPT’s and the projects that they have undertaken is currently under construction. Although composed from data on individual projects once completed it will in reality become a very substantial impact study into the work of the BPT movement within Scotland. Moreover the data base holds information on the economic values generated by, or the economic impact of, individual projects. It is proposed that these values can be used to produce a Total Economic Benefit (TEB) for each project. For example Gardyne’s Land, a project undertaken by the Tayside Building Preservation Trust to convert a complex of derelict buildings into a much needed 100 bed backpackers hostel for the city of Dundee, produced the following direct and indirect economic values. In total the project received an input of £4,143,488 funded by a number of different organisations. To be balanced against this the project’s output produced employment for eleven professionals, thirty six construction workers, six archaeologists and four artists whilst providing three end use jobs resulting in increased spending power and an increase in tax returns. In addition to the employment generated through the project the hostel which was created has an average income of £404,250 per year. If the number of extra visitors to Dundee as a result of the provision of the new hostel is calculated in “bed nights” this totals on average 19,250 per year. Visit Scotland estimates that visitors to Scotland spend on average £53.41 in surrounding businesses per bed night (Visit Scotland 2010), which equates to an extra income of £1,028,142 for Dundee businesses each year. Additionally the City Council, which now owns the complex, receives an income from rental fees for the hostel and extra council and business tax payments from previously vacant properties. All of these factors generate economic benefits, some of which would need to be discounted for future trends. Once all calculations have been completed and combined this would give us a Total Economic Benefit (TEB) for the project to be discounted from the original project cost. Although the basic formula would stay the same differing projects would produce different data for analysis. For example as well as generating work for seven professionals and three hundred and sixty construction workers the Anchor Mill project in Paisley, as undertaken by The Princes Regeneration Trust at a cost of £12,116,000, also produced one hundred and sixty six new dwellings, four business units and one large retail unit all of which generate their own economic values. The above are only very rough outlines of the proposed methods and both of these projects will be used in further research to develop the economic formula and calculations needed in more detail. The economic tools to make such calculations already exist and have been tried and tested through traditional economic impact studies. Over the years BPT’s have worked on and completed thousands of restoration projects and as has been shown statistics from which economic data can be generated is obtainable for the ma-


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jority of these projects. Admittedly the economic data from projects undertaken in past decades would need to be further discounted to make it relevant to today’s economic climate but again these techniques already exist and are used in current CBA studies. Work is well under way on the data base of Scottish BPTs and their projects but even before the completion of this task it should be possible to use the information already generated for use in CBA type surveys for future projects. If a Trust, owner or even a private developer holds an historic property that they wish to restore, be it a two bed roomed cottage, castle or abandoned church, somewhere in the wealth of completed BPT projects there will be a similar building of similar age, size and condition with a similar proposed end use. Once a suitable completed project has been identified calculations such as those outlined above can be undertaken to find the TEB of that project. This value can then be represented as Completed Project Benefits (CPBs) before undergoing a transfer, discounted were necessary, to become the new Proposed Project Benefits (PPBs). CPBs = PPBs Once a TEB study has been undertaken information would then be retained on the data base for future use. Data on the new project would also be added when available to keep checks on the system and the reliability of the transfers undertaken. As information on the cost and TEB of completed projects grows the data base would also be advantageous as a development tool to estimate the potential costs and viability of a variety of proposed end uses. 3 CULTURAL CAPITAL AND CULTURAL VALUES In economic terms “capital” is defined as an asset or a collection of goods or stock that in turn can be used to generate further goods, services, values or income at some time in the future. Traditionally the term was only related to “physical capital”. That is to say things such as buildings, plant and raw materials. During the 1960s a second concept of economic capital was introduced, that of “human capital” (Becker 1964). Human capital is used to describe people as capital stock and recognises that investments in education and the acquiring of skills and experience are just as important to economic output as physical capital. More recently, as touched on above in the critique on WTP surveys and value transfer, economics has also adopted the concept of “natural capital” to describe the stock of both renewable and nonrenewable resources obtainable from nature. In 1997, in an attempt to highlight the intrinsic values of heritage, the Australian economist David Throsby introduced the concepts of Cultural Capital and Cultural Value (1997). Thorsby believes that, with regard to heritage, cultural values should be given an equal weighting to economic values. As Throsby sees it items of the built heritage should be defined as capital as their construction involved the investment of both physical and human capital and, as with other forms of capital, without further investment and maintenance their value would depreciate. They also produce a flow of services and values over time. Although aspects of the built heritage could very well be defined as physical capital Throsby argues that cultural capital should be separated as it embodies additional values such as historical and spiritual values. “…in addition, it has historical and other attributes that an “ordinary” building does not have. These attributes can be described as the building’s cultural value, and the same type of cultural value can be attributed to the flow of services it provides” (2002, 103). Throsby’s definition of cultural value is essentially concerned with and related to the purely cultural attributes of heritage or what have been traditionally deemed as its intrinsic values. 3.1 Assessment of Cultural Value There seems to be growing support for the argument that when it comes to assigning non economic values to aspects of the built heritage that the opinions and knowledge of professionals cannot be left out of the equation (Mason 2002: Throsby 2006). Whilst Throsby agrees with most commentators that the aspects of cultural value may not be measurable in economic terms he suggests that it can be defined. In Throsby’s view what is needed is some kind of set criteria or indicators to rate different aspects of the heritage on their


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individual intrinsic values and that these indicators should represent both public preferences and expert judgments. “......it might be possible to agree upon ratings according to levels of significance, importance, and so on, especially if they are assessed in comparative terms (object A is “more significant” against a criterion of, say, historical importance than object B)” (2002, 113). Whilst Throsby’s intention to include the public in such decision making on the value of culture should be commended as a welcome development there is a danger in rating aspects of the built heritage by degrees of importance or significance. All aspects of heritage are subjective and open to individual interpretation. Aspects of the built heritage retain different values for different people. To someone who holds deeply religious views the restoration of redundant churches would be a priority whilst those with an interest in the industrial past might prefer to see available funds spent on maintaining early mills. Who is to say which view should take preference and which type of building holds the most significance? Authors such as Lowenthal believe that decisions on what to conserve and what to let go are already open to accusations of political bias (1985), and such moves would lead us further down the road towards Holden’s “cultural mediocrity” (2004), where only certain aspects of the built heritage are preserved Throsby’s cultural value does exist but by grading that value by importance we would be leaving the conservation movement open to further politicalisation which could lead to a situation of mediocrity where only a few types of buildings are conserved. Perhaps it would be more productive to develop the tried and tested system of “Statements of Significance” but to involve the public in that process. 3.2 Statements of significance At the present time the favoured method of defining the cultural value of the built heritage are ‘Statements of Significance’ which have their origins in the “Burra Charter” (Australia ICOMOS Burra Charter 1999). Today, conservation plans and therein statements of significance, play an important role in all funding applications and no major restoration project can be undertaken without first drawing up a statement of significance. They are now an integrated part of the planning system and the conservation movement. In the absence of suitable economic tools to calculate the value of heritage, statements of significance now represent the only logical method of, if not measuring, then defining the intrinsic or cultural values of the built heritage. However, statements are compiled with very little, if any, input from the public. They are very much the domain of heritage professionals and this equates to experts informing and instructing the public on what it is about the built heritage that should be valued and treasured. “Experts can gather information, make educated judgments and predict how people might be affected. They cannot, however, determine how people feel, let alone what they desire or value. Experts in isolation cannot see the total picture.” (Roberts 1995, 26). What is needed to make the process more credible is some form of public involvement at the beginning of the assessment to complement the views of the expert. “When properly designed and implemented, a process involving the public in decision making can raise the level of community commitment to a project and establish a sense of ownership that can help communities create positive development impacts.” (Roberts 1995, 225). 3.3 Citizen Values Assessment Again it is the field of environmental economics and there in Social Impact Assessments (SIAs), that may provide the tools to equate the public and cultural value of the built heritage. SIAs originated in the USA during the 1970s as a way of predicting the impact of major construction projects on the surrounding population. Towards the end of the 1990s in a move to include public opinion in SIAs on the potential impacts of dyke reinforcement projects the Netherlands Ministry of Transport, Public Works and Water Management developed the process of Citizen Values Assessment (CVA). “The central idea behind CVA is that the values individual citizens attach to particular environmental characteristics often differ (at least partly) from expert judgments.” (Stolp 2006, 5). Although designed and developed to ascertain citizens’ values for the natural environment it would not prove difficult to adapt the system that has evolved for use with the built environment.

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The current CVA process consists of four phases. Phase four relates to applying discerned values to project alternatives and need not concern us here. What follows is a very brief outline of the first three phases and how they may be adapted for use with the built heritage. Phase one consists of an investigation into the geographical area in which the proposed project would take place, the local population that may be impacted by the project and the public bodies, organisations and interest groups that represent them. In relation to the built heritage this would equate to gathering information on the heritage asset to be valued, which should be readily available, people who live and work in the surrounding area along with those who visit and use the area for recreational purposes. Interest groups and organisations may include such bodies as community councils, the Civic Trust and local history groups. Phase two entails identifying and collecting information on those values considered relevant to the population groups identified in phase one. This information is collected by conducting face to face interviews with a number of respondents from each group identified. These interviews are very loosely structured and designed to encourage the respondents to present their own views on values in their own words. The final part of phase two is to list the key values identified, or compile a preliminary profile. In phase three the preliminary profile is used to compile a Citizen Values Profile. The preferred way to do this is by producing a survey on the perceived values using a Likert Scale. Under the present system for environmental values, where proposed projects can vary wildly, this stage, along with phase two, is undertaken for each new project. However in respect to citizen’s values for aspects of the built heritage it is proposed that once a number of case studies have been undertaken it should be possible to compile a generic survey for use in future CVAs. A Likert Scale comprises of a list of individual statements, or Likert items, which respondents are asked to rate. An example of a Likert item would be, “This paper proposes credible methods for valuing the built heritage”. Respondents would then be offered five options on the statement; strongly disagree, disagree, neither disagree or agree, agree, or strongly agree. Once the survey has been compiled data is collected through means of a quantitative survey taken from a set number of random members of the groups identified in phase one which should exclude any of the participants that took part in phase two. Responses to items are rated as follows, strongly disagree = 1, disagree = 2, neutral = 3, agree = 4, and strongly agree = 5. Each item should then be analyzed separately to find the mode or most frequent response. For example if the most frequent response were to be “agree” the mode for that item would be 4. Modes for all items should then be summed to obtain an overall total or value measurement. Again research into adapting this concept for use with the built heritage is in its early stages but it is suggested that if CVAs into aspects of the built heritage were to be conducted using Likert scales comprising of ten items the lowest possible score would be 10 and the highest would be 50 allowing citizens’ value or intrinsic value of the heritage asset to be measured on a sale of 10 to 50. Furthermore it is suggested that once such a formula for public input has been developed the same process of assessment should be repeated on the completion of restoration projects. If culture and heritage are to be defined as capital, as with all forms of capital their values will be subject to change. They can either increase or decrease over time. If the above process were to be repeated on the completion of projects it would give an indication of returns on investments in intrinsic values defined by changes in public opinion. If the process were to be taken up by the BPT movement and the information obtained was to be included on the data base it would also be a useful tool in highlighting the possible “added citizen’s value” of future projects along with the predicted total economic benefit. 4 CONCLUSION Building restoration projects increasingly require funding from the public purse and, as with all publicly funded projects, they must be seen to produce ‘Value for Money’ demonstrated through ‘Cost Benefit Analysis’ to be able to justify that funding. In today’s economic climate, where available public resources are constantly shrinking and being spread evermore thinly, the building preservation trust movement more than ever needs to be able to demonstrate the economic and cultural benefits that it generates for society at large to be able to draw on those funds. Using the cost benefit analysis techniques that are currently


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available, and in their current format, building preservation trusts are unable to highlight their full potential as there are no formula included to account for such things as job creation, increases in tax returns, new businesses generated or increases in the provision of new housing. This is not to say that the economic toolkits presently used to undertake such equations are in themselves at fault merely that they are being used in the wrong way and do not take into account all of the benefits generated by building restoration projects. As this paper has pointed out systems that would be able to measure the benefits already generated by BPT projects and predict returns from future projects, such as economic impact studies and value transfer, already exist and have been tried and tested in the field of environmental economics. It is suggested that further adaptation of these methods would allow them to better perform this function and aid in future funding applications. In addition to the economic benefits generated through restoration projects it is fair to surmise that they also result in an increase in intrinsic values. At the present time there is no agreed methodology recognised as being able to measure the intrinsic values of the built heritage or to include public opinion in the definition of cultural value. Cultural value is currently defined through statements of significance by heritage experts who, whilst being the most qualified people to undertake this task, may not always hold the same values as members of the public. What is needed to make the process even more credible is some form of public input to complement the views of the professionals. Again it is the field of environmental economics, and in particular Citizen Value Assessment, that can offer the solution to these predicaments. Citizen Value Assessment, as developed in the Netherlands, has evolved into a process of not only defining but also measuring the values that the public hold towards aspects of the natural environment. As demonstrated above the process of adapting Citizen Value Assessments for use with the built environment should not prove to be a difficult task. REFERENCES Australia ICOMOS, (1999) “The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance.” Becker, G. S. (1964) “Human Capital.” New York, Columbia University Press. Bluestone, D., Klamer, A., Thorsby, D. & Mason, R. (1998) paper, The Economics of Heritage Conservation: A Discussion. Presented at "Economics and Heritage" Conference, Getty Centre, Los Angeles, December 1998. Brouwer, R. (1998) “Future Research Priorities For Valid And Reliable Environmental Value Transfer.” CSERGE Working Paper GEC 98-28. University of East Anglia and University College London Brouwer, R., & Spaninks, F. A. (1999) “The validity of environmental benefits transfer: Further empirical testing.” Environmental and resource Economics, 14, 95-117 Centre for Employment Research (1989) “The Culture Industry: The Economic Importance of the Arts and Cultural Industries in Greater Manchester.” Manchester Polytechnic, Centre for Employment Research eftec, (2005) “Valuation of the Historic Environment: The scope for using results of valuation studies in the appraisal and assessment of heritage-related projects and programmes: Executive Summary.” London, eftec. Holden, J. (2004) “Capturing Cultural Value” London, Demos Kelly, A. & Kelly M. (2000) "Impact and Values, Assessing the Arts and Creative Industries in the South West." Bristol Cultural Development Partnership, Bristol. Klamer, A. & Zuidhof, P. (1998) paper, "The Values of Cultural Heritage: Merging Economic and Cultural Appraisals." Presented at "Economics and Heritage" Conference, Getty Centre, Los Angeles, December 1998. Kristoffersson, D. & Navrud, S. (2005) "Validity tests of benefit transfer – Are we performing the wrong tests?" Environmental and Resource Economics, 30 (3), 279-286 Lowenthal, D. (1985) The Past is a Foreign Country. London: CUP Mason, R. (2002) "Assessing Values in Conservation Planning: Methodological Issues and Choices." In Torre, de la, M. "Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage." LA, J. Paul Getty Trust. Myerscough, J. (1998) "The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain." London, Policy Studies. Noonan, D. S. (2003) “Contingent Valuation and Cultural Resources: A Meta-analytic Review of the Literature”. Journal of Cultural Economics, 27, 159-176

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Norman, G. (2010). “Likert scales, levels of measurement and the “laws” of statistics”. Advances in Health Science Education. Vol 15(5) pp625-632 Provins, A., Pearce, D., Ozdemiroglu, E., Mourato, S. & MorseO-Jones, S. (2008) "Valuation of the historic environment: The scope for using economic valuation evidence in the appraisal of heritagerelated projects." Progress In Planning, 69, 131-75 Riganti, P. & Nijkamp, P. (2005) Paper "Benefit transfers of cultural heritage values: How far can we go?" Presented at 45th Congress Of The European Regional Science Association, "Land Use and Water Management in a Sustainable Network Society". Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 23-27 August 2005 Ready, R., Navrud. S., Day, B., Doubourg, R., Machado, F., Mourato, S., Spaninks, F., & Rodriquez, M. X. V. (1999) "Benefit Transfer in Europe: Are Values Consistent Across Countries?" Paper presented at EVE Workshop on Benefit Transfer, Lillehammer, Norway, October14-16, 1999. EU Concerted Action on Environmental Valuation in Europe (EVE). Reeves, M. (2002) "Measuring the economic and social impact of the arts: a review." London, The Arts Council. Roberts, R. (1995) “Public involvement: From consultation to participation” in Vanclay, F. & Bronstein, D. A. (Eds.) “Environmental and Social Impact Assessment”. John Wiley & Sons. Chichester. Stolp, A. (2003) “Citizen Values Assessment”. in Becker, H.A. & Vanclay, F. (Eds.) “The International Handbook of Social Impact Assessment: Conceptual and Methodological Advances”. Edward Elgar: Cheltenham. Stolp, A. (2006): Citizen Values Assessment - An Instrument for integrating citizens? Perspectives into Environmental Impact Assessment. Thesis, Leiden University. Throsby, D. (1997) "Sustainability and culture: some theoretical issues" International Journal of Cultural Policy, 4, 7-20. Throsby, D. (1999) "Cultural capital", Journal of Cultural Economics, 23, (1-2), 3-12. Throsby, D. (2001) "Economics and Culture." Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Throsby, D. (2002) "Cultural Capital and Sustainability Concepts in the Economics of Cultural Heritage." In Torre, de la, M. "Assessing the Values of Cultural Heritage." LA, J. Paul Getty Trust. Throsby, D. (2006) Paper "The Value of cultural heritage: what can economics tell us" Presented at, “Capturing the Public Value of Heritage” conference 25–26 January 2006. Swindon. English Heritage. Uebersax JS. Likert scales: dispelling the confusion. Statistical Methods for Rater Agreement website. 2006. Available at: http://john-uebersax.com/stat/likert.htm. Accessed: Jan. 21st, 2012. Visit Scotland (2010) "TOURISM IN SCOTLAND 2009: Fact Sheet." http://www.visitscotland.org/research_and_statistics/tourism_statistics/national_facts_and_figures.asp x


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Formation and transformation of Kao Hong Market town, Suphanburi, Thailand N. Ongsavangchai Faculty of Architecture, Chiang Mai University, Chiang Mai, Thailand

O. Panin Faculty of Architecture, Kasetsart University, Bangkok, Thailand

ABSTRACT: This research aims to clarify the formation of market towns along the channel network in the Central Plains of Thailand by raising Kao Hong Market town as a case study. The town used to be a hub for conveying rice from farmland to Bangkok and to the world market, after Thai entered into the Bowring Treaty with England in 1855. In this period the market towns gradually developed by using channel network as a means of transportation, while shophouse were built in these market towns, as the principal living units and places for running trade. In term of spatial planning, shophouse seem likely to be simple but no ones are identical in spatial organization. Due to the boom of tourism in the old town areas of Thailand during the last several years, Kao Hong Market town is going to enjoy its new status as a place of nostalgic Thai ambience for tourist attraction.

1 INTRODUCTION AND RESEARCH OBJECTIVE The purpose of this research is to identify the major socio-economic and physical factor that influenced the formation and development of market towns along the waterways network in the Central Plains of Thailand. The case study was done on Kao Hong market town, one of the major market towns in Suphanburi Province located beside the Suphanburi River on the west of Bangkok (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. Location of Suphanburi Province (Left) and Kao Hong Market town located beside the Suphanburi River (right)

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This paper, in particular, brings into focus the spatial characteristics of the market town and analyzes the spatial structure of its urban architecture, shophouse, which is unique to the market towns of Thailand. The reason that market towns was selected for making research is that they possess shophouse took shape differently from those we previously carried out researches and this paper will be a part of an ambitious research project named Formation and Transformation of shophouse in the old town areas, Thailand. After Thailand opened to free trade economy in 1855 due to entering into a Bowring treaty with England, quantity of export of rice had gradually increased. Major rice farming areas was in the Central Plains of the kingdom. Water resource and good transportation were needed for rice farming for selling and exporting. Thus, at this period many canals were dug in order to link main rivers together and open new area for rice farming. With the advent of business dealing along the water courses, market towns were constructed and developed by Chinese who played a vital role in canal-digging, trading and construction of market towns. Kao Hong market town is one of many market towns that took shape according to this socio-economic mechanism. The objective of this research is developed from the above perspective, and thus will clarify the formation of Kao Hong market town along with its shophouse, and analyze the factors that shaped their built form and spatial characteristics. Lastly, spatial organization of shophouse and its transformation will be discussed as well. The study is based on the extensive field works conducted during April 2008 - September 2010. In the field works, understanding of background, history, physical features, distribution and spatial characteristics of market towns was done. At the same time, related documents, maps and research works were collected. Surveying of spatial planning, distribution of facilities and usage patterns of shophouse, and interview with dwellers of Kao Hong market town were also conducted. Moreover, measurement of shophouse was done as well. Up to now, there is no research work on Kao Hong market town about its planning and architecture in detail but information about its background and history could be obtained from researches, interviewing and articles scattered in various forms of documents. In this area, there is an invaluable scholastic work done by Jindamaneerojana, 1989. On the other hand, there have research works about market towns along waterways network in the Central Plains of Thailand, however so less in number. In this line of research Panin, 2001, is famous for extensive field survey of historical background, planning and architectural typology of market towns along the waterways in the Central Plains on the west of Bangkok. The comparative analysis from this research provides a broad view for the development of these market towns. The basic studies on the formation of waterway system in Central Thailand is done and written in various languages such as in English by Beek, 1995 and in Japanese by Jinnai, 2002. 2 FORMATION OF CHANNEL NETWORK: OVERVIEW OF SOCIO-ECONOMIC BACKGROUND Before Thailand changed her economy to modern system, economy in the villages and towns was subsistence economy due to the traditional economic administration, Sakdina system (the position was differentiated by amounts of land allocated). Rice is the main product of the country. Excessive parts of them from household consumption were paid to the state as Suai (tax in kind, poll tax), which then a part was exported by the Privy Purse Bureau (under Sakdina system, state (king) has full right for monopoly of trade). This system of trade and walk of life of the people came to an end in 1855 when Thai entered into Bowring Treaty with England. According to this treaty, Sakdina system was abolished, while liberal trade was put into practice. Sugar was identified by the Bowring Treaty as an export product with a great potential by the attractive prices offered in world sugar markets. It is at this period that canals were constructed to open the western Central Plains to sugar-cane cultivation. Between 1855 and 1868, four canals, initiated and financed primarily by royalty, were dug (Fig. 2, Table 1: Code 6-9).

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not cultivate their entire lands to paddy fieldsi. The cause is that each landlord received too large piece of land over his capability to cultivate the whole field. To get over the problem, with the same objective of digging as those of previous canals, Khlong Pravet Burirom was dug a year after completion of Khlong Nakhon Nuang Ket in order to shorten a distance between Bangkok and Chachoengsao as well. It is the first canal dug after the enactment of an act of legislation called Pragard Kud Khlong (The Declaration of Canal-Digging) in 1877. Its construction costs were mainly obtained from the Privy Purse Bureau, while a part of them were donated by the common people who would be awarded deeds to land on the canal banks for rice cultivation purpose. During 1881-5, there was nothing to do with canal construction due to declining period of rice price in world market. This slack season recovered in 1886 and four canals linking with Khlong Pravet Burirom had been constructed to accelerate rice production in the eastern Central Plains following increasing demand from foreign trade after long stagnation. From 1890, a comprehensive irrigation project called Khlong Rangsit was initiated in order to expand cultivation into entire virgin terrain of eastern lower basin. It was the first time in Thailand’s canaldigging history that government commissioned a company called Siam Land, Canals, and Irrigation Company (SLCIC) to carry out a task. The project finished in 1904. A small number of canals were also dug in this period but since 1904 there was no construction of new canals until the end of King RamaV’s reign in 1910 when transportation development was gradually turned its focus on modification of existing water courses and construction of railway and road. 3 FORMATION OF MARKET TOWNS AND ITS SPATIAL PLANNING After entering into Bowing Treaty, Thai opened the country to liberal trade and abolished monopolistic trade by the Privy Purse Bureau. Economy enormously expanded. At the end of the 19th century, rice became the first rank of product for export. It was mainly produced in the Central Plains but it was exported via Bangkok. Due to Bowing Treaty, Bangkok was rapidly developed. Its economy was extremely expanded by free trade. Many people turned their job to trade. City area was enormously expanded, while people gradually changed from their water basedliving to settle on the land side. Roads were constructed and paved; commercial buildings were constructed, while city was gradually transformed. Shophouses were introduced, developed and constructed for supporting transformation of the city and rapid expansion of trade. Most of trader were foreigner, especially Chinese. In 1905/06, 98% of export rice came from the Central Plains. It means that after Bowring Treaty, farmers changed their rice farming from for subsistence level to for selling. Thus basic economic system of the town and village was gradually changed for trading aim. It was the result of a demand outside the country for rice and other products that tied towns and villages in the Central Plains with Bangkok and foreign trade. Due to this economic expansion, business towns or market towns were gradually developed around Bangkok in the Central Plains by using water network as a means of transportation due to a small road network and its poor quality. Water resource and good transportation was needed for rice farming for selling and exporting. Thus many canals were cut in order to link the existing water courses and open new areas for plantation. It was Chinese who played a vital role in canal-digging. They were not placed under Sakdina system, thus they were not conscripted for labor force but government hired them to dig canals. A flood of Chinese immigrants to the country ensured sufficient number of labor for canal dredging, while two laws, right of land ownership in 1860 and emancipation of slave in 1874 made certain that a tempting rule for the right to acquire land, and new group of manpower will accelerate an increase in rice farming area and quantity of its product. Canals not only opened up land for cultivation, provided a means of conveying product from the farms to Bangkok but gave a way for sending commodities from capital to provincial towns as well. This circle gave birth to a new class of society, merchant class, which most of them are Chinese. As Peddler, Chinese traveled by boat to villages and provincial towns, where they sold goods bringing from other places and purchased rice in return. Subsequently, some of them settled in these villages indigenously inhabited by Thai people who acquired land for cultivation from the government. Initially, these Chinese made their living by doing labor work or small trade. Thanks to their industrious and thrifty inherited characteristics, they could gradually ex-


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part of shophouse leaving the upper rear space as open well. At present, the open well in the rear part of shophouse still can be seen in some shophouses. It agrees with information from interviewing with shophouse dwellers that in the beginning stage of construction there was only the front room on the upper floor and rooms in the rear part of upper floor are new extensions. That is the reason why each shophouse has a different pattern and size of open well. As a rule, the upper floor of shophouse is generally used for living purpose, if it is not left vacant, however, at the time of survey, most of shophouse are utilized for residential purpose or closed. Only a small number of shophouse are used for commercial activities such as hardware shop, grocery, game center, sweet shop, food shop and coffee shop. There are some cases where dwellers do not make use of space on the upper floor but spend throughout the daytime and night time on the ground floor only. They are usually found in shophouses with width more than one bay where area on the ground floor is spacious enough for running trade, living in the daytime, and staying overnight. Almost all of shophouses are rented buildings and thus most of shophouse dwellers are just tenants. The rent rates range from 150 baht to 1,300 baht depending on that shophouse belong to who, when dwellers moved in, and scale of shophouse. This rent rate is very cheap comparing to the same size of building in other locations. The stagnant atmosphere of the town makes Kao Hong market not a good place for running trade and too dull to dwell but the situation has been changing for the last several years. 6 TRANSFORMATION OF THE MARKET TOWN AND ITS SHOPHOUSE With the boom of tourism in the old quarter areas of Thailand, Kao Hong market turn itself to be one of the main tourist attraction in Suphanburi province where many touristy market towns is located along the Suphanburi River. The coming of tourist leads to the resurgence of business in Kao Hong market and makes the rent higher. Many shophouse are rented and gentrified for tourism related purpose by the outsiders. They utilize the space in shophouse for commercial activities as the main without dwelling objective. Most of them spend the time when tourist come, mostly only on Saturday, Sunday and long weekend, in the market and stay overnight in the other places outside the market town, so that only space on the lower floor of shophouse is paid attention by them for renovation in persuasive nostalgic manner, while the structure of shophouse and public space in the market are not received much attention to improve and restore. The revival townscape of Kao Hong market town in more lively and colorful mode may be the beneficial point by this transforming state, however, at the same time, it makes the town gradually alters into the theme market (theme park), which can be proved by the frequently visit by groups of movie makers. 7 CONCLUSION Following the above analysis, we can conclude that free trade economy, channel network, canaldigging, coming of merchant class, expansion of farming area and changing of social law have comprehensive relationship with the establishment and development of town and architecture in the Central Plains of Thailand. Kao Hong market is a good model for clarifying the role of market towns in trading circle along the channel network in the Central Plains. Shophouses are unique to market towns due to its versatile functions for trading and living and they are evidence of Chinese success in trading. Shophouses of Kao Hong market seems to have simple composition of space but each has a different spatial organization. Various patterns of spatial organization are the result of transformation following the trend of utilization of shophouse in each period, from initial commercial space to dwelling house and to nostalgic theme shop at the present. Moreover, due to long occupancy, spatial organization in shophouse is altered into various patterns by dwellers, that makes each shophouse has a spatial organization of its own. Transformation in shophouses brought about an irregular pattern to the rear structures of shophouses by the difference in spatial organization, structures, materials, height, colors and usage of space. The rear view of shophouses is completely different from the front one which still much main-

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tains uniformity in a total view quite perfectly. This is a common feature, that is to say a problem of shophouses in Thailand, even shophouses in the conservation area. It is the result from that much effort is paid to the preservation of the front facade of shophouses only, and almost all of the rear extensions are illegal. The advantage is that the town can preserve the original townscape but neglect and disappearance of original spatial arrangement in shophouse may be the weak point. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This research was funded by Thailand Research Fund (TRF). Without the support from them, perhaps none of these would have been possible. The authors greatly appreciate their help. REFERENCES Beek, S.V. 1995. The Chao Phya River in Transition. England, Oxford University Press. Jacobs, J. 1985. Cities and the Wealth of Nations. Vintage. Jindamaneerojana, S. 1989. Social History of Community Located along the Tha Chin River. Silpakorn University (in Thai). Jinnai, H. 2002. Reading the Riverside City. Hosei University Publishing (in Japanese). Natthapunwat, S.1998. Floating Market-The Way of Thai Merchant. Bangkok, STP World Media. Panin, O. 2001. Local Shophouse in Rural Town. Bangkok, J. Print (in Thai). Poplin, D.E. 1979. Communities A Survey of Theories and Methods of Research. Macmillan Pub.Co. Rapoport, A. 1969. House Form and Culture. Prentice Hall.


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(Re)using historic buildings as a retail differentiation strategy B. Plevoets PHL University College & Hasselt University, Hasselt, Belgium

A. Petermans PHL University College & Hasselt University, Hasselt, Belgium

K. Van Cleempoel PHL University College & Hasselt University, Hasselt, Belgium

ABSTRACT: As a method for differentiation, some retailers look for historic buildings to locate their store. This research tries to formulate an answer to the question how to strike a balance between respectful restoration and commercial exploitation of a heritage building. The first section of our paper describes the tension between retail and heritage in historic city centres by using a SWOT-analysis, and argues how the role of retail branding can bridge these positions in creating a retail design that respects the historic and architectural qualities of the host space. The second section analyses two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a historic setting for their stores through interviews with architects and retailers who were involved in the project. The conclusion states that retail branding may contribute towards a balance between interests of retailers and conservators.

1 INTRODUCTION In many historic city centres heritage buildings that have lost their initial function are being used for retail. This seems to present opportunities for the retail and heritage sector as these buildings are often well located in the commercial centre and their reuse may provide funds for maintenance and restoration. On the other hand however, it equally seems to present threats and obstacles according to the viewpoints of different involved stakeholders: retailers complain over strong regulations and high costs which may hinder commercialisation. Heritage consultants fear that restoration processes are too strongly retail-led, and thus threatening the heritage-value of the building. This research tries to formulate an answer to the question how to strike a balance between this seemingly paradoxical situation: respectful restoration and commercial exploitation of a heritage building. The first section of our paper describes the tension between retail and heritage in historic city centres and argues how the role of retail branding can bridge these positions in creating a retail design that respects the historic and architectural qualities of the host space. The second section analyses two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a historic setting for their stores: ⎯ Donum, a design and lifestyle store that has stores in Hasselt and Antwerp ⎯ Xandres, a fashion store that has concept stores in Ghent and Antwerp


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2 TENSION BETWEEN RETAIL DEVELOPMENT AND HERITAGE PRESERVATION IN HISTORIC CITY CENTRES The cultural and physical character of our towns and cities has always been influenced by the commercial activity they accommodated (English Heritage, English Historic Towns Forum, & Planning Advisory Service, 2005). But the nature of shopping and trading has changed radically in the course of time and consequently influenced the physical retail environment: e.g. demand for bigger shop units, rise of chain stores at the expense of the independent retailer, need for vehicle access for shoppers and servicing and demand for greater security (English Historic Towns Forum, 2008). These requirements present considerable challenges to historic towns. Jokilehto (1985) illustrates the tension between retail development and authentic preservation of historic fabric with the example of the historic town of Lübeck which could not be accepted to the World Heritage List because too

much of its fabric has been lost due to – among other reasons – uncontrolled commercial development. He concludes that in order to avoid unnecessary pressure for change and destruction, it is important to plan the type and scale of commercial and other activities for historic towns in a way that these can be absorbed by the historic structure. Also English Heritage, English Historic Towns Forum, & Planning Advisory Service (2005) have studied this tension and produced a set of guidelines to balance both aspects. Beside threatening the authenticity of historic towns, that of an individual heritage building is equally endangered due to retail activities on site. As the historic centre is often also the commercial heart of a town, the possibility for new construction is limited, and accordingly retailers often locate their stores in existing (historic) buildings (Plevoets & Van Cleempoel, 2009). In a SWOT-analysis we have presented the opportunities and threats in reusing historic buildings for retail (Table. 1) for the different parties involved, being conservators, municipalities of historic towns, retailers and designers. Table 1. SWOT analysis reusing historic buildings for retail

External

Internal

Opportunities

Threats

• To ‘use’ a historic building is considered positive in relation to its conservation • Retail can provide funds for maintenance and restoration of the building • Easier to find investors for retail than for social or cultural activities • Unique setting which may enhance ‘customer experience’

• Retail design in general is short-lived while restoration should be longstanding • Conflicting interests between different stakeholders involved • Potential loss of authentic heritage-values of the building • Limitations to the retail design • Additional cost for restoration and maintenance (partly) at the retailer’s expense

• Tax incentives or subsidy when the building is listed • Retail may enhance urban regeneration • Building receives a public function, in contrast with reuse into e.g. dwelling or offices

• Often time-consuming legal procedures for listed buildings

In general, conservation is a long-term activity which can be estimated on at least 30 years while retail is mainly short-term related - often no longer than five years (Douglas, 2006) - as a retail design has to be updated frequently to adapt to the newest retail concepts. In what follows we describe more in-depth the issues included in the SWOT-analysis above, based on literature review; whenever literature was scarce or not available, we give illustrative examples. Firstly we give the general opportunities and threats towards retail-reuse, secondly we make a distinction between the different parties involved: (1) conservators, (2) municipalities of historic towns, (3) retailers and (4) designers.


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(1) For conservators reusing a building for other purposes is generally considered a positive aspect towards its conservation. Eugène Emmanuel Viollet-le-Duc (1814-1879) argued that “the best of all ways of preserving a building is to find a use for it” (Viollet-le-Duc, 1990 [1854], p. 222). His idea was recalled by the Austrian historian Alois Riegl (1858-1905) who focussed on the importance of the “use-value” for monumental buildings (Riegl, 1982 [1903]). This approach was coined in the Charter of Venice in 1964: “the conservation of monuments is always facilitated by making use of them for some socially useful purpose” (ICOMOS, 1964, p. article 5). So on the one hand, retail can be a beneficial new function for abandoned historic buildings as it is often easier to find investors for retail than it is for social or cultural activities. On the other hand, many sad examples are at hand where the historic building is over-used to maximize commercial exploitation at the expanse of its intrinsic values (for an example see Plevoets & Van Cleempoel, 2011). But even if the owner chooses a qualitative conservation and restoration, the quality of the project is not guaranteed. In many cases, the building will be rented out to a user who does not always takes into account the specific characteristics of the monument. In the case of a tenant, heritage boards have almost no control over the use of the building after its restoration. Sometimes, interesting interiors are completely covered to create a faceless space, furnished in a house-style consistent with other interiors of the same brand (Plevoets, 2009). (2) On an urban level, reusing historic buildings for retail may advance the viability of historic centres and as such may stimulate urban regeneration. Additionally, Kirby and Kent (2010b) state that reuse of the city’s architectural heritage can act as part of the city’s image and its city branding. They explain that the purpose of city branding is to promote a city for certain activities and in some cases sell parts of the city for living, consuming and productive activities. An often applied strategy is to orientate the city branding towards reworking, repackaging and re-presenting historical and existing cultural qualities of the city. An example of a city that differentiates itself through heritage is àódĨ, a former industrial city in the centre of Poland, where many industrial sites became abandoned after the textile industry fell down in the 1980s. In 2006, the largest former factory was transformed into a large-scale redevelopment project, called Manufaktura. The project includes the restoration of existing buildings as well as new constructions and houses. There is an interesting mix of shopping, hospitality, leisure and culture. As there has been a lack of well-organized public space in the center of àódĨ, major attention was given to the creation of a central square. Since the opening of the project, other initiatives by private investors have been realized in the neighborhood. Today, Manufaktura strongly contributes to upgrade the image of àódĨ within Poland and beyond (Wycichowska, 2008). (3) Usually, the retailer chooses a specific building because of its location; the fact that a building is historically or architecturally significant is not always recognized as an added value from a commercial point of view. What’s more, when the building is listed as a monument there may be limitations to retail design, and forced restoration and maintenance of the building may result in additional costs. But for some retailers, being located in a historic building is a tool for differentiation towards competitors, i.e. when they ‘use’ their location to offer their customers an “authentic experience” (Plevoets, Petermans, & Van Cleempoel, 2010). In what follows we investigate if reusing historical buildings contributes to the retail branding of the involved retailers. (4) For contemporary designers, working with historic buildings is considered an interesting challenge and an important aspect of their work (Schittich, 2003). This, however, was not always the case; during the post-war era, architects primarily aspired to create new buildings which completely break with traditional building. As a reaction to the quickening tempo in demolishment and new construction, there is since the second half of the 20th century a growing interest in the conservation of old buildings (Cantacuzino, 1975). Currently, adaptive reuse is emancipating to become a proper discipline within the broader field of architectural conservation (Plevoets & Van Cleempoel, under review). As such, historic buildings of every kind are transformed for a variety of programs, among which retail.

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3 RETAIL BRANDING: HISTORIC ARCHITECTURE AS A DIFFERENTIATION STRATEGY Following the American Marketing Association’s (2011) definition of a brand, a retail brand should allow consumers to identify the goods and services of one retailer as distinct from those of competitors. Kent (2007) states that an essential factor in retail branding is the physical retail environment and the design of the retail space. This is confirmed by Michel Van Tongeren who says: A store environment is the ideal medium for communicating the values of a retail brand with great precision. The consumer can see, experience, touch and smell it; he has chosen to be there at that moment and is therefore highly receptive to it. Which is very different than watching a remote commercial in your own cluttered living room (Van Tongeren, 2003, p. 44). When consumers visit a store, they immediately make an association between the products sold in the store, their price, the store’s ‘tone of voice’ and ambience, and the retailer’s presence and identity. As a result, retail design and retail branding cannot be disconnected from one another. The role of retail design is to translate and develop retail branding into the practice of a retail store environment, in accordance with specific societal and temporal conditions (Van Tongeren, 2003, 2004). Few studies focus on the particular relationship between (historic) architecture and retail design (Hyllegard, Ogle, & Dunbar, 2006; Kirby & Kent, 2010a, 2010b; Maclaran & Brown, 2005). Kirby and Kent (2010a) examined the link between retail store architecture and the communication of brand identity through casestudies of four food superstores in the UK. They found four strategies which may be applied to communicate brand identity. However, they did not include reuse of historic buildings as a means for retail branding. In an other study Kirby and Kent (2010b) recognize re-use of historic buildings as a means for place branding. Hyllegard, Ogle and Dunbard (2006) explored the relationship between consumers’ identities and their responses to retail design at Recreational Equipment Incorporated (REI) flagship store at Denver. Although the store was located in a former industrial building, the research’s primary focus was on aspects of sustainability and not on historical features. Brown and Maclaren (2005) analysed consumer experience in the case study of Powerscourt Townhouse Center, a shopping centre located in a historic building. Their study demonstrated that prioritising commercialization over preservation of the genius loci of the building is detrimental to the consumer experience. However, no research has analysed if reusing historic fabric may be an added value for the retailer, such as in the context of retail branding or as a means for differentiation towards competitors. We want to make a first move into this gap through case study research. 4 CASE STUDIES

4.1 Selection and presentation of the cases We have selected two Belgian case studies of retailers who intentionally looked for a historic setting for their stores: ⎯ Donum, a design and lifestyle store that has stores in Hasselt and Antwerp ⎯ Xandres, a fashion store that has concept stores in Ghent and Antwerp The selection was based on three criteria. Firstly, we selected retailers that have more than one store located in a historic building. As such, we wanted to exclude retailers that ‘by chance’ are located in a historic building. Moreover, retailers with more than one such store may compare between the different situations and as such gain more inside in retail-reuse. Secondly, all stores are located in Antwerp, Ghent or Hasselt which are the most important retail cities in Flanders (Cushman & Wakefield, 2011). Thirdly, we looked for case studies where architects and retailers were willing to participate in this research as our aim was to compare the insights of the different stakeholders involved.


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Donum is a design furniture and lifestyle store. The owners initially had a small store in the centre of Hasselt but in 2000 they moved to a larger location: the ground floor of a former post office. In 1993, when the post moved out, the building was sold to a project developer who wanted to rehabilitate the upper floors into apartments and the ground floor into retail. The monumental character of the façade, however, with high but narrow windows which were above eye level and the presence of a staircase at the entrance door caused limitations to the retail design. But these limitations did not hinder Donum to buy the ground floor of the building for its location – just out of the main commercial axe – its size, and its unique character. In 2006, a second store of Donum opened in Antwerp. Again, the owners decided to locate their store in a historic building, being a former monastery in the centre of Antwerp. This time, the design of the store was done by another architect than the store in Hasselt as the owners wanted to work with an architect with local experience. Xandres is a women fashion brand which stands for ‘classical and timeless beauty’ (Xandres, 2011). In 2006 they opened a concept store in Ghent, in an imposing large corner house with neo-rococo/neo-renaissance interior. The same design concept was later applied by the architect in other Xandres stores such as the ones in Antwerp - also located in a historic building - and in Knokke. 4.2 Methodology The cases were developed through interviews with the retailers and the architects involved with the restoration or rehabilitation of the building. We interviewed five people: two retailers and three architects. Each of the interviews varied in length from 30 minutes to 1 hour. The interviews with the architects were conducted at their offices, the interviews with the retailers in one of their stores. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed verbatim, which allows for the nuances in the interview to be apparent in the text. Notes were taken during the interview to support the digital recording to maintain validity (Linders & Hijmans, 1995). After transcription, the interviews were examined for key themes which we defined based on the SWOT-analyses presented above: ⎯ Limitations to the retail design ⎯ Additional cost for restoration and maintenance (partly) at the retailer’s expanse ⎯ Retail branding and customer experience ⎯ Retail design in general is short-lived while restoration should be longstanding ⎯ Tax incentives and subsidy for restoration and maintenance ⎯ Often time-consuming legal procedures for listed buildings ⎯ Building receives a public function ⎯ Conflicting interests between different stakeholders involved Four of the aspects included in the SWOT-analyses were not discussed in the framework of this research: ⎯ To ‘use’ a historic building is considered positive in relation to their conservation ⎯ Easier to find investors for retail than for social or cultural activities ⎯ Retail may enhance urban regeneration ⎯ Potential loss of authentic heritage-values of the building We opted not to discuss these aspects, as our aim was to research the advantages and disadvantages of reusing historic buildings for retail in relation to retail branding. These four themes are more related to the opinion of conservationists, monument preservation offices and urban planners who were not interviewed considering the goal of this research. 5 FINDINGS In what follows, we describe the results of our interview analyses for each of the key themes of the SWOT analyses, listed here above. Selected typical verbatim quotations - translated from Dutch to English - are added for the sake of argumentation and illustration (Fetterman, 1997; Miles & Hubertman, 1994).


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5.1 Limitations to the retail design & Additional cost for restoration and maintenance The architects and retailers of all stores recognized strong limitations towards the retail design, for example possibilities concerning store front and shop window, branding and circulation. For the designers this limitation is outweighed by the unique and monumental character of the building. If you have the opportunity to work with historic buildings in an urban context … for an architect, this is as a gift. Therefore, the architect should show some respect for the building. If you don’t force yourself to the building, if you let speak the architecture for itself and you try to approach the building in a modest way … than it will work. The retailers, however, had different opinions about it. The owner of Donum explained that for him, this limitations did not really hinder their concept for the store. Although he recognized that the fact that nothing was preserved from the original interior – both in Hasselt and Antwerp the interior was removed before he bought/rented the space – was a major advantage. We couldn’t touch the façade but on the inside we were free to use the spaces the way we liked. The Managing Director of Xandres explained that the brand is currently looking to attract a younger clientele. Therefore, they want more people to enter their stores. The rather closed façade, stairs inside the building, limited see-through the store are all elements that hinder people to enter the store (for the first time). For him, the stores in Ghent and Antwerp are definitely beautiful stores, but they are not really commercial. This has also to do with the monumentality of the buildings. How do you deal with this? Who do you want to involve in generating a concept? You can either say ‘I have nothing to do with this and I cover the whole interior … This is always a tension which has also to do with investment. With money. It [rehabilitation] costs a lot of money. Nevertheless he explains that if you want to be at commercial location inside the city centre, you often have no other choice than locating your store in a historic building. 5.2 Retail branding and customer experience The owner of Donum explains that for their store in Hasselt, they did not intentionally look for a historically or architecturally significant building. But the reactions of the customers were very positive: They all say ‘wow, this is imposing, impressive’. It creates a kind of curiosity and as such many people enter the store. And for us this is good. We do not have to show everything we have to offer at the outside. We need to create curiosity and a building as this helps a lot. For us it was not at all a disadvantage that we could not destroy the façade or make large windows. Later, when the owners wanted to start a store in Antwerp, they specifically looked for a building with monumental qualities because they had felt that this suited them. For Xandres, their store in Ghent was their first concept store - before, they only sold their clothes through independent retailers. At that time, they needed a beautiful store which reflected the brand’s values. However, in times of economic recession commercialisation of the retail environment becomes more important. Xandres therefore changed the concept of its stores from being timeless and exclusive towards more fashionable, easier accessible and more transparent in an attempt to reach a larger – and especially younger – group of customers.


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For both case studies the stores were extensively reviewed in national – and for Donum Hasselt even in international press. Especially in the case of Donum, this press coverage gave an important boost to the store, in Hasselt as well as in Antwerp. The designers of the Donum stores also recognized this press coverage as an advantage because this was an opportunity to present themselves as architects with experience with reuse of historic buildings and this generated new reuse projects later on. 5.3 Tax incentives and subsidy for restoration and maintenance & Often time-consuming legal procedures for listed buildings All interviewees said that it is often not economical to apply for restoration subsidy if the building is rehabilitated for retail because of the time-consuming procedure. In Belgium, the possibilities for tax incentives are rather limited, instead subsidy can be obtained for about 40% of the restoration costs. Completion of the procedure however takes two years on average, which is very long in retail terms. Moreover, when the retailer is a tenant, the incentives are in favour of the owner – this for instance was the case for the Xandres boutique in Antwerp and the Donum store in Antwerp. 5.4 Retail design in general is short-lived while restoration should be longstanding For the case studies discussed in this paper – one single store instead of shopping centre – this was not considered a problem by the retailer, nor the designer. The designer of Donum Hasselt explains that it depends on the approach of the architect. If you work with low-budget, box-inbox construction, fashionable materials there probably is a tension. His approach, contrarily, is to analyse the given space by dismantling all later addition which do not have any intrinsic value for the building. He makes the space ‘readable’ again, and this for the construction elements, as well as the history of the building. By doing so, you make the physically functional and as such it may be used for any other function, without major alterations. 5.5 Building receives a public function The interviewed architects agreed that reusing an historic building is an opportunity to make the building accessible to a larger public than when the building is transformed into for example a museum or dwelling. However, the architect of Donum Hasselt explained that it is his experience that it is often not easy to find a consensus that fits the retailer and the monument preservation office: Today, they [retailers] are the only people that can afford to restore a monument without subsidy. Moreover, they open the building to the public, which is not the case for a private house. Sometimes this argument helps to convince them [the monument preservation office]. But the architect of Xandres did not experience this tension between the retailer’s interests and those of the monument preservation office. He explains that often the monument preservation office is very open towards reuse into retail, especially because the building receives a public function. They do not favour a ‘musealisation’ of monuments but instead they want the public to enjoy the monuments. But instead of a tension between the retailer’s interests and the monument preservation office’s interests, the architect did see a tension between the commercial interests and the ‘tourism’ in the store. His experience from earlier projects showed that emphasizing the building’s monumental value can attract tourists to the store who have no intent to buy, but disturb the functioning of the store. To avoid this, the mantelpiece is not shown in its full beauty but is partly ‘hidden’ behind a wall. The architects involved with the Donum stores did not consider this ‘heritage tourism’ as a problem for the retail activity, contrarily, they saw it as an advantage as these ‘tourists’ may become future clients.


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5.6 Conflicting interests between different stakeholders involved Only for the case of Donum Antwerp the designer experienced a strong tension between the interests of the different involved parties. Here, Donum was not the owner of the building but the tenant. The building was owned by a project developer and the rehabilitation was still ongoing while they were working out the retail design for the Donum store. They felt a strong commercial interest of the developer who did not consult the monument preservation office before interventions were done such as the addition of dormer windows, widening of some of the windows on the ground floor, removing the original interior of the church and the monastery, and even the demolition of the whole interior structure. Furthermore, there was no discussion between the developer and the architect of the tenant about the design of the retail area. At the time we became involved, the works had already started. I mean the stripping of the monastery. Additions were made, certain parts have been removed, in a very barbaric way. A new program was added to the building, completely separated from what we were doing on the ground floor – but it was a program I strongly disagreed with. The works were continuing at a great pace and we were not capable to adjust it but had no choice but to join in. 6 CONCLUSION The case studies illustrated two different experiences of retailers with retail reuse. For Donum, working with historical buildings was considered successful by all interviewed parties because (1) the unique setting created a kind of curiosity that triggered people to enter the store, (2) the store serves as an example how to combine historic architecture with design furniture, and (3) it created exposure by national and international press. For Xandres, locating the store in a historical building seemed successful for creating a specific brand identity, but, according to the manager of Xandres this approach is not commercially viable because (1) the design of these stores is too expensive, (2) the typology of the historical buildings causes limitations to the stores’ layout and design. Moreover, according to the architect (3) ‘tourists’ without any intention to buy disturb the regular shopping activity. As such, reusing historical buildings as a means for retail branding may be successful, however, the direct commercial benefits may sometimes be questioned. As such, these stores may serve as a pilot store to position the brand within the market. As explained by Van Tongeren (2003, 2004), retail design and retail branding are strongly related. Therefore, when a retailer wants to identify with values such as exclusivity, authenticity or sustainability, being located in a historic building may contribute to the concerned customers’ brandperceptions. As such, the retail branding may be borrowed from the store’s location or architecture - or in more general terms, its retail design. Moreover, reusing historical buildings may also be an economical advantage when the typology of the building at hand and its state of preservation leaves enough freedom towards the retail design and store layout. For example, the conservation of historical interiors may be more challenging towards commercial exploitation. Our research was limited to four stores of two different retailers for which we investigated the perspective of the retailer and the architect involved in the design of the store. To get a more complete understanding of the case studies we should include also the consumers’ perspective as well as the perspective of the monument preservation office. Furthermore, we may extend our research to a wider variety of retail companies, for example based on the classification presented by Guy (1998). REFERENCES American Marketing Association (2011). Dictionary. Retrieved September 8, 2011, from http://www.marketingpower.com/_layouts/Dictionary.aspx?dLetter=B, Cantacuzino, S. (1975). New uses for old buildings. London: Architectural press. Cushman & Wakefield (2011). Brussels ranked most versatile shopping city in the Benelux. Retrieved January 5, 2012 from


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http://www.cushwake.be/cwglobal/jsp/newsDetail.jsp?repId=c46900032p&Language=EN&Country= 1300094. Douglas, J. (2006). Building Adaptation (2 ed.). Oxford: Elsevier. English Heritage, English Historic Towns Forum, & Planning Advisory Service. (2005). Retail Development in Historic Areas. London: English Heritage. English Historic Towns Forum. (2008). Focus on Retail. Bristol: English Historic Towns Forum,. Fetterman, D. (1997). Ethnography Step by Step. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Guy, C. (1998). Classifications of retail stores and shopping centers: some methodological issues. GeoJournal, 45, 255-264. Hyllegard, K. H., Ogle, J. P., & Dunbar, B. (2006). The influence of Consumer Identity on Perceptions of Store Atmospherics and Store Patronage at a Spectacular and Sustainable Retail Site. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 24, 316-334. The Venice Charter. International charter for the conservation and restoration of monuments and sites. (1964). Jokilehto, J. (1985). Authenticity in Restauration Principles and Practices. Bulletin of the Association for Preservation Technology, 17(3/4), 5-11. Kent, T. (2007). Creative space: design and the retail environment. International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, 35(9), 734-745. Kirby, A., & Kent, T. (2010a). Architecture as brand: store design and brand identity. Journal of Product & Brand Management, 19(6), 432-439. Kirby, A., & Kent, T. (2010b). The local icon: re-use of buildings in place marketing. Journal of Town and City Management, 1(1), 80-91. Linders, H., & Hijmans, E. (1995). Kwalitatief survey. In H. Hüttner, K. Renckstorf & F. Wester (Eds.), Onderzoekstypen in de communicatiewetenschap (pp. 539-558). Houten/Diegem: Bohn Stafleu Van Loghum Maclaran, P., & Brown, S. (2005). The Center Cannot Hold: Consuming the Utopian Marketplace. Journal of Consumer Research, 32(2), 311-323. Miles, M., & Hubertman, A. (1994). Qualitative data analysis. An expanded sourcebook. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Plevoets, B. (2009). Retail-Reuse of Historic Buildings. Which type of buildings can be suitable for retail-reuse? And how can retail design respect the historic value of the monument? , Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Leuven. Plevoets, B., Petermans, A., & Van Cleempoel, K. (2010). Developing a theoretical framework for understanding (staged) authentic retail concepts in relation to the current experience economy. Paper presented at the DRS2010, Montreal, Canada, July 7-9. Plevoets, B., & Van Cleempoel, K. (2009). Retail-reuse of historic buildings: developing guidelines for designer and conservators. WTA Schriftenreihe. Building Materials and Building Technology to Preserve the Built Heritage, 33(1), 61-80. Plevoets, B., & Van Cleempoel, K. (2011). Assessing authenticity of 19th century shopping passages. Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development, 1(2), 135-156. Plevoets, B., & Van Cleempoel, K. (under review). Theoretical development on adaptive reuse a historic overview. Paper presented at the IE - reinventing the interior, Londen. Riegl, A. (1982 [1903]). The Modern Cult of Monuments: Its Character and Its Origin. Oppositions, 25(Fall 1982), 21-51. Schittich, C. (2003). Building in Existing Fabric - Refurbishment, Extensions, New Design. Basel Birkhäuser. Van Tongeren, M. (2003). Retail Branding. Amsterdam: Bis Publishers. Van Tongeren, M. (2004). Retail Branding. In H. Christiaans & R. Van Amerongen (Eds.), Retail & Interior Design (pp. 65-88). Rotterdam: Episode Publishers. Viollet-le-Duc, E. (1990 [1854]). The Foundations of Architecture. Selections from the Dictionnaire raisonné. (K. Whitehead, Trans.). New York: George Braziller. Wycichowska, B. (2008). A New "Heart" of Lodz. A Project Worthy of the 21st Century. Czasoposme Techniczne Wydawnictwo Politechniki Krakowskiej.

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Building virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage for sustainable development: strategies and instruments G. Pultrone Università degli Studi Mediterranea di Reggio Calabria, Italy

ABSTRACT: Today, the concept of “sustainable development” is inevitably mentioned in plenty of papers and international and local programmes. Yet, many challenges must be faced if principles and enunciations are to become real possibilities of economic growth, which can improve the living conditions of the present and future communities by protecting and enhancing the local environmental-landscape and cultural heritage. Since tourism is among the phenomena with the highest growth rate as well as a global business in a modern society where travellers are more and more demanding, it can help, if properly managed, reconcile economic growth, sustainable development and ethic dimension and strengthen the link between production of knowledge and local development. Nevertheless, the quality of cultural and natural heritage is an essential condition for the development of this economic sector, on which many territories are relying. In the light of these considerations, this paper analyses the tourism phenomenon and the main related issues and then focuses on the case of Calabria, a region in the south of Italy, investigating problems, opportunities, strategies and prospects and advancing proposals for a complex context, where the potentials of the tourism sector have not always been effectively and durably exploited so far.

1 INTRODUCTION. TOURISM AS A STRATEGIC LEVER FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT The extraordinary development of contemporary tourism, whose favourite destinations are natural sites and cultural monuments, corresponds to that of a new modernity, defined by Marc Augé (1992) as supermodernity, i.e. as the combined effect of acceleration of history, narrowing of space and individualization of destinies. The historical evolution of this phenomenon is closely related to the changes which are taking place in the whole of society at the fast pace of globalization. The map of world’s tourism suggests the idea of a cultural heritage of humanity that, however, is often considered as an object of consumption, quite decontextualized and deprived of the space-time dimension, which offers the eyes the splendour of time in its complexity and different depths. In any case, tourism plays a central role in the broad territorial transformations that not only impact physical aspects, i.e. urban space and its layout, but also socio-economic aspects, which characterize a more and more globalized territory. In a desirable scenario, it may play a role of cross-cutting catalyser able to improve the various sectors it is connected with, i.e. farming, energy, transportation, active protection of landscapes and cultural heritage and biodiversity conservation. In short, it is essential to elaborate new models that can be measured not only in terms of GDP increase and can be based on an economy, which is meant not as a “purpose”, but as a “means” able to produce fair and sustainable prosperity, integration, social cohesion, collective well-being and rebalanced territorial systems.

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If, on the one hand, the complexity of problems demands an integrated approach, able to overcome the sectorial attitude, which was often typical of both scientific debate and policies in the past, on the other hand, the role of urban planning is all the more crucial, since it has the task to regulate physical, spatial and functional transformations, including those resulting from a tourism development that is “not sustainable” for the highly sensitive territories which attract it. The term Cultural Heritage recurs in theoretical debates and action plans as the expression of new values and peculiarities of immaterial, intangible elements related to traditions, local creativity and social values and, therefore, as a factor of identity and social inclusion. In development policies, it is increasingly important for both knowledge and protection, consistently with the overall objective to preserve and maintain the system of values and meaning of places for the benefit of locals and visitors alike. Moreover, the concept of conservation is always connected with a management policy which should keep the “the spirit of the place” alive, beyond mere conservational aspects. Thus, cultural heritage conservation cannot be separated from the conservation of the environment and of the territorial contexts concerned. In this scenario, spatial planning proves to be an effective tool for protection and enhancement as well as for the creation of new spatial relations (Pultrone, 2011). These issues are particularly relevant in the Mediterranean Basin, the most important area of tourist interest in the world, due to its extremely rich cultural heritage, which has stratified in time, and to its extraordinarily varied environments. Yet, certain territories with a fundamentally weak capacity to control their own development may run the widespread risk of a too fast and short local growth, a real meteor that cannot ensure effective and lasting results. Environment, landscapes, identity and cultural traditions have often paid dearly for giving in to the temptations of a kind of tourism that has offered exclusively economic advantages to a privileged few and not to the whole local community. On the contrary, sustainable tourism is based on close inter- and multi-scalar relations between tourism industry, environment and local community: three protagonists – subjects and objects of the process of development, since it modifies them – that must be constantly interrelated in the different phases of planning processes. Hence, the protection of landscape and environmental resources and of the material and immaterial assets kept by local communities may become an innovative and effective way to ensure sustainable development. In this sense, it may play a significant role within the diffused development patterns founded on local identities and on the enhancement of local resources and increasingly become a fundamental lever of the cohesion policies promoted by a European Union enlarged to the East and outstretched towards Southern Mediterranean countries, which are more and more upset by periods of tensions, conflicts and political instability, with possible negative effects also on tourism dynamics, in spite of their resilience to global economic, political and social phenomena. Cultural and natural heritage, landscape and identity are more and more important economic factors for the development of cities and regions. Moreover, the presence of areas of natural and cultural interest is an essential condition for tourism, which has been given a key role for the achievement of the great EU goals: promotion of European citizens’ interest; growth and employment; regional development; management of cultural and natural heritage; strengthening of the European identity. From an operational point of view, in order to be effective, tourism development policies should include a wide range of measures concerning the various aspects of destinations and become part of a general policy of environment protection and management. Such measures should imply, for example, waste collection and management as well as the integration of the development of tourism infrastructures and of programmes of coastal protection within the urban planning tools of the different territorial government levels. The awareness that the problems related to the equilibrium between environmental, social and economic aspects of tourism should be properly tackled has turned into a concrete national, European and international commitment. However, the achievement of the different goals for each tourism destination demands a global approach focussed on tourists’ satisfaction and based on the principles of sustainable development. Such an approach has been defined “Integrated Quality Management” (IQM) by the European Commission (2000). At the same time, it is crucial that local communities always play a vital role in environmental development and management, in line with Local Agenda 21 (IC-


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LEI, 1995), which includes key environmental, economic and social aspects and is, therefore, a significant opportunity to integrate the different tools for sustainable tourism within a wider integrated strategy. There also exists a close link between sustainability and tourism competitiveness, as it is shown by The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2011 (Blanke & Chiesa, 2011) and by the methodological choices adopted to determine the Travel and Tourism Competitiveness Index (TTCI), which is used to measure the factors and policies that make the tourism development of a country attractive. All in all, the competitiveness of a country derives from the synergic interaction between primary (natural and anthropic) attractions, the infrastructures facilitating their fruition, tourism enterprises, complementary and supportive industries, local population and tourism demand. Therefore, it is necessary to plan territories and their tourism functionality at the largest territorial level and to intervene where inefficiencies and shortcomings are weakening their competitive system. Thus, competitiveness is strictly tied to the capacity of the local system to catalyse human and financial resources towards a common “vision”, to innovate, to favour the horizontal and vertical integration of accommodation and complementary services and products, to cooperate in order to buy services that can be shared and to create added value. In the light of these remarks, this paper focuses on topics useful to understand phenomena and to identify possible strategies and tools, first from a general point of view and then considering the specific case of Calabria, a complex region in the south of Italy where, in spite of the competitive advantage given by its important environmental, natural and cultural heritage, tourism potentials have not always been properly exploited, owing to shortcomings of the territorial government. It is fundamental to ensure visibility to unique heritages through interventions on landscape enhancement, on the training of relevant professionals and on the promotion of a culture of sustainable tourism so as to create virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage which can develop the human, social and cultural capital. 2 TOURISM IN THE SOUTH OF ITALY BETWEEN CHRONIC PROBLEMS AND NEW OPPORTUNITIES The various problems concerning tourism and sustainable development are particularly complex in the south of Italy, owing to a series of aspects which are different yet more or less directly interconnected, and should be considered in a wider national and international geographic context: previous deficiencies in infrastructures and accessibility; environmental and security problems; perennial waiting for a development which has never arrived to fill the historical gap with the rest of Italy; widespread inadequacy of territorial government and lack of far-seeing policies, which go beyond the logic of the immediate future and of emergency; but also new opportunities from the EU programmes for Convergence regions (Calabria, Campania, Puglia, Sicily and Basilicata, as phasing-out region); new developments in the national and regional legal framework about tourism, urban planning and territorial governance, landscape; new requirements of environment quality, public services and urban spaces; citizens’ higher demand for information and participation in political choices; widespread signals of local willingness to start initiatives for the revival and enhancement of the territory and its traditions, cultural values and specific identities, though without creating any network. Such a complex scenario calls for sustainable development as the only choice to develop and enhance the human, social and cultural capital and to fill a gap with the rest of Italy and of Europe otherwise destined to rise irreparably. If properly planned and managed at the various institutional levels, it may link, on the one hand, requirements of protection and enhancement of landscape, environmental resources and cultural heritage, and, on the other hand, requirements of economic and social development. There is still a long way to go for Italy, a country that, though ranking first in UNESCO World Heritage List and having the largest cultural heritage in the world, does not excel in tourism competitiveness. A reversal will be possible only if above all local institutions are able to take the opportunities, in terms of directions, strategies and actions, offered by the 2007-2013 EU Programming period, by the Italian law 135/2001 “Reform of the National Law on Tourism”, which concerns the Italian Local Tourist Systems, by its re-

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gional implementation, but also by the Regional Planning Laws and by the European Landscape Convention. Tourism in the south of Italy should be considered in a national context, since it falls within regional and national competences and there exists no EU financial policy or tool specifically designed for it. Nevertheless, interventions on tourism are part of wide-ranging EU policies, which may impact it significantly. In past times, in order to tackle a continuously growing tourism demand, Italy tried to take the opportunities offered by several small initiatives, which were started unmethodically and without a policy of promotion of the Italian product in its totality (as it happens in Spain). As a result, above all in the south, the tourism supply was the effect and not the cause of the demand. Tourism policies were not always adequate to a country which has a unique heritage in the world, despite the good intentions the national government had expressed through “Progetto 80” in the late ‘60s, which had highlighted the close link between tourism policy and those policies concerning spatial planning, land conservation and management, protection of healthy air and water, protection and enhancement of the historical, artistic and landscape heritage, urban renewal in old city centres, reorganization of urban transport and communication systems. The consequent effects on landscapes and territories are in full view of everyone: while the hinterland is depopulated and derelict, the coast has become the focus of the convergent interests of contractors, locals and tourists and, owing to the land use dynamics induced by tourism settlement strategies, it has sprawled leading to degradation and regional disparities. In fact, a WWF study, mentioned by Lucia De Stefano (2004), shows that, in Italy, over 43% of the 7,600 km-long coastline is completely urbanized, 28% is partially urbanized and less than 29% is still free of construction. Therefore, it is essential to take into account two different important aspects: a spatial aspect, concerning the importance of the coastal impact as the sum of settlement pressures due to various factors; and a social aspect, concerning the collective, i.e. individual and public, awareness of the problem of environmental degradation. Since global competition increasingly depends on the capacity to offer a single service and tourism has always been based on local resources and facilities, it is necessary to reshape the traditional “sun-sea” product by considering a new model, which includes the knowledge of local culture and of all its components related to natural environment, history, art, architecture, crafts, food and wine. Then, local tourism policies may be connected with the sustainable development paradigm (Gemmiti, 2006). The importance of local development and of the relations with the different local stakeholders has led to the definition of the basic principles of the “2007-2013 National Strategic Framework” and, in particular, of the link between tourism development and territorial development. Therefore, the policies of protection and enhancement of the different kinds of resources (natural, cultural and landscape) must be integrated, in spatial planning, with the policies for rural development and with those of tourism development. The different administrative levels are trying to offer tourism an alternative chance of development that can preserve both natural and anthropic resources in order to ensure their reproduction and use to future generations. Yet, it would be wrong to think that tourism works properly only when it is the leading sector of a regional economy and is able to integrate with farming or crafts, because its cross-cutting nature allows it to take varied roles and complement different development paths. The territory and its complexity always underlie any project and, as a consequence, it is essential to propose only hypotheses of development which are consistent with its potentials and limits. However, the first step in the search for innovative forms of tourism promotion should be the analysis of the territory and only later others’ experiences should be observed (Gemmiti, 2006). As a matter of fact, also the tourism sector should be analysed within its territorial system in order to study systemic relations in terms of opportunities and constraints, avoiding that its development takes an a priori leading role on the other components of the system and, above all, avoiding that the goal of economic growth prevails on sustainable development. Through the regional development policies planned in the “2007-2013 National Strategic Framework”, Italy has decided to take the challenge of the economic and social development of southern regions by operating on certain strategic sectors, such as tourism and renewable energies, with the introduction of an intermediate programming level to be implemented through interregional operational programmes. It is a concrete opportunity to test new development mod-


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els based on virtuous relations between tourism, natural resources and cultural heritage. Thus, the Interregional Operational Programme “Cultural and Natural Attractors and Tourism” becomes the main tool to promote and support the socio-economic development of the regions in the south of Italy through the enhancement, strengthening and interregional integration of their cultural, natural and landscape heritage (European Union-Italian Republic). The Interregional Operational Programme pursues the principle of the unitarity and inseparability of the actions of protection, management and enhancement, in compliance with the law in force and with the instructions of the European Landscape Convention. “Cultural and natural attractors” are meant as the pivot of the development of regional territories, since they are able to foster cultural and social growth and to be the strategic lever for the economic development of local communities by starting and strengthening the entrepreneurial chains connected with them. Among such chains, tourism is one of the main sectors that can lead to the development of the territories, provided that it is put into practice with sustainable modes which can reconcile the fruition of attractors and the inalienable protection of heritage as a precious entity to preserve and hand down to future generations. The action of the Interregional Operational Programme-ERDF, which is only limited to Convergence Regions, is complemented by the homonymous Interregional Implementation Programme for the South of Italy (PAIn-FAS), which shares the same strategy but encompasses all the regions in the south of the country. The strategy underlying the implementation of both programmes focuses its actions on Poles, i.e. on the areas with the highest concentration of cultural, natural and/or landscape attractors of great intrinsic value. Furthermore, it envisages the integration of such poles within interregional supply networks. The Regions are assigned the task to identify and select the interregional networks and the relative Poles after properly debating with the Central Government Agencies in charge of the protection and safeguard of cultural and natural heritage. Among the ongoing Interregional Operational Programmes, the one which integrates Sicily, Puglia and Calabria is characterized by a Network composed of two priority Poles located in Calabria, “Le Montagne Blu” (Blue Mountains) and “Gli Alberi bianchi” (White Trees), and of a Pole located in Puglia, “Il Salento”. Moreover, two complementary Poles are in Sicily, “La Sicilia dei Siconi e degli Elìmi” (Sicily of Sicanians and Elymians) and “La Sicilia greca” (Greek Sicily). The Network “Viaggio tra le identità culturali, le arti e le tradizioni popolari” (A Journey Among Cultural Identities, Arts and Popular Traditions) aims at intercepting the tourism demand mainly based on relax and on the rediscovery of ancient roots, far from the great tourist flows and from the typical routes of the concerned territories, and tries to foreground less known destinations. 3 CALABRIA AND ITS TOURIST “VOCATION”: WORK IN PROGRESS Tourism in Calabria embraces, and often magnifies, all the themes and aspects mentioned so far, as regards the strengths and weaknesses, risks and opportunities of a sector on which the region has been operating for over 40 years without achieving the expected goals in terms of economic growth and development. The wealth of natural, environmental, historical and cultural resources has not corresponded so far to an adequate government capacity and to citizens’ active participation to protect, enhance and promote specific identities. The local effects of a disordered development of tourism, occurred without any suitable programming and planning model, are evident critical factors to be taken into account when searching for possible solutions: widespread urbanization along the coasts, due to the construction of tourism facilities and infrastructures; phenomena of over-consumption of resources and of inadequacy of public services; risks of deterioration of cultural and natural assets because of an excessive and unrestrained growth of the tourism supply; erosive phenomena with the consequent regression of the shoreline due to the rapid increase in tourist flows in certain areas; excessive limitation of the supply to seaside tourism; highly seasonal character of arrivals and overnight stays; lack of specialized supply able to match the demand; inadequate and not homogeneous quality standards of fruition and supply of cultural and tourist services; weak infrastructures and accessibility problems; limited diffusion of separate collection of municipal solid waste and critical situations in the waste cycle man-

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agement; minimal contribution of renewable sources for energy production; need to reclaim many sites (Pultrone, 2010). The lack of an integrated tourism development planning negatively impacts the competitiveness of tourist destinations in the world’s scenario. Yet, the “quality” of a territory is an indispensable condition for sustainable development and the possibility to reorganize tourism depends on painstaking territory governance which envisages actions of strategic planning, protection and enhancement of resources, evaluation and management of interventions. In fact, in order to overcome the structural problems of tourism development, many resources could be turned into opportunities: the rich natural heritage (with three Natural Parks, six State Reserves, two Marine Protected Areas and several sites of Community interest); the diffused historical and cultural heritage; the important archaeological areas; the great variety of landscapes with their intact high environmental quality and the unique food-and-wine traditions. These should be the elements underlying policies and actions that aim to diversify the supply, to deseasonalize the demand and to develop an integrated promotion of inland areas in order to redress and renew the Calabrian territory, so that it can become a workshop of ideas, where the possible facets of the concept of sustainable tourism can be critically experimented. Over the last decade, favourable signals of change have highlighted the attempt to make up for the delays not only in tourism, but, above all, in urban and spatial planning, and to fill a gap of tools which has caused widespread urban and landscape degradation and strong territorial disparities. Indeed, a tourism-based development model demands a comprehensive view of planning, where the territory is a resource and not a constraint and the democratic participation of all subjects, involved through adequate models of multilevel governance, is a necessary condition. Specifically referring to tourism, Calabria implemented the law n. 135/2001, “Reform of the National Law on Tourism”, only seven years after its issuing and through the Regional Law n. 8/2008 (Regione Calabria, 2008), which reorganized regional tourism. The national law explicitly acknowledges the strategic role of tourism in the development of Italy and indicates only the principles the Regions have to observe when dealing with tourism and hotel industry, without identifying detailed characteristics of tools, institutions and organizational patterns to adopt in the local context. As a matter of fact, it gives the Regions complete freedom to suggest the most adequate legal form or to allow promoters to adopt the organization which may most suit local needs. One of its most significant aspects is that it is a new form of territorial governance of tourism resources which, thanks to a systemic and reticular logic, goes beyond any existing local interest and fragmentation and proposes a concerted bottom up planning process, thus enhancing a functional integration between tourism, environment and cultural heritage as well as a relation of complementarity between all the productive activities concerned. Moreover, it embraces sustainable development, since the organization of the Local Tourist Systems it provides for, and which involve the local population, favours the application of new criteria of tourism sustainability, taking into account the specific carrying capacities of the local system. In compliance with the principle of vertical and horizontal subsidiarity, a distribution of competences among Local Authorities is envisaged with a view to boosting local and regional responsibility. Art. 5 defines Local Tourist Systems as homogeneous and integrated tourist contexts that comprise territorial areas belonging to different regions and characterized by the integrated supply of cultural and environmental assets and of tourist attractions, including the typical products of farming and local handicrafts, or by the widespread presence of single or associated tourism enterprises. According to the definition provided by the law, the qualifying elements of Local Tourist Systems are essentially: the territory, since the real tourism product is the territory itself and the concrete experience a visitor can live there; the local community, meant as the whole of the public and private subjects who should work as a system and share the choices of local tourism development and territorial governance; the development project, because Local Tourist Systems are not organizations or new public bodies, but integrated projects of tourism supply development. Therefore, they should be considered as integrated project resources able to enhance human resources, properties and natural assets as well as the highly qualified reception services. The delimitation of these areas should be carried out on the basis of a principle of territorial rebalancing by combining mature or emerging destinations and fringe areas with the aim to deseasonalize flows and promote local typical economies.


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As to the implementation of the law in the various Italian regions, starting from 2002, after a pioneering period, different forms of Local Tourist Systems were defined and adapted to territorial contexts. This was due to the fact that the regional legislative autonomy was not supported by a real function of central coordination and, as a consequence, led to the definition of a tourist scenario strongly differentiated in terms of : models of regional tourism governance; forms and models of territorial tourism organization; definition, rules and regulations of tourism enterprises and professions; strategies of regional and local tourism development; local tourist systems; supervisory boards and procedures; and organization of marketing and promotion activities. This resulted in an uneven scenario which influences national and international competitiveness and requires more structured forms of coordination in order to promote a unified image of the Italian tourist system and, at the same time, to define internationally competitive local development paths. It is a complex phenomenon that calls for a new cultural approach from the various components involved in the implementation of the reform. In the light of what has been mentioned above and considering the complex context of Calabria, the implementation of the law, by structuring the regional territory into systems and meeting the need for territorial rebalancing, is an opportunity for minor centres, which can create common development paths in areas that share the same characteristics and critical factors and the same will to evolve. Once the Region Calabria recognizes Local Tourist Systems, it can choose a definitive legal form (consortium, Joint Stock Company, or anything), which is compatible with the funds to allocate. Local Tourist Systems will be able to formulate three-year Action Plans on the basis of a relevant Call for proposals issued by the Region and funded by Calabria Regional Operational Plan - ERDF 2007-2013, Calabria Regional Operational Plan - ESF 2007-2013 and Calabria Regional Implementation Plan – Underused Areas Fund 2007-2013. Guidelines indicate works and services that can be included in the three-year plans and concern environment, sport, cultural heritage and purely tourism products. Particularly worth mentioning is art. 12 of the Regional Law 8/2008, which introduces the general regulations on the “Albergo diffuso” (multi-building hotel). The purpose to create accommodation facilities, which are addressed to tourists interested in staying in an urban context of great value and in being in contact with locals, is translated into the adoption of a development model based on urban upgrading, on the reclamation of the existing heritage and on the enhancement of the tradition of hospitality. That is the reason why the law encourages its creation in “historic centres”. The goals of tourism and urban planning tend to converge, and often to coincide, when sustainable development models are pursued. These goals also underlie the Regional Law on Urban Planning and Territorial Governance, the Region Calabria has issued later than other regions that boast a long and solid experience in the field. The quality objectives of the territorialisation strategies included in the wider Territorial Plan, which is an integral part of the Regional Framework for Landscapes, provided for by the above-mentioned Regional Law on Urban Planning and Territorial Governance (Regione Calabria, 2002), are: rehabilitation of historic centres, enhancement of mountain and rural areas, upgrading and enhancement of coasts; sustainable development of urban areas; creation of hub territories; and creation of new central areas. The vision of an attractive, capable and cohesive Calabrian territory appeals to the most significant identity resources (coasts, hinterland mountains, historic and cultural settlements), including those which are still intact and those which risk to be endangered or are already partially endangered, in order to develop local vocational economies and introduce them in the global flows that influence the possibilities of development of a territory. Further goals are the improvement of accessibility, by intervening above all on mobility systems, and the quality of the services provided to companies and to tourism in general as well as the quality of the settlement conditions in urban territories. The implementation of the law is not simple, but it is part of a wider plan consistent with the evolution of European development policies, which pursue the following aims: to improve the quality of settlement and of life of both temporary and stable inhabitants; to redefine the directional and strategic functions of urban areas and the specializations of the main urban poles; to restore the identity and cultural values of urban systems; to protect and safeguard landscape through planning and management; and to consolidate territorial equal opportunities. As a result, a territorial governance process will be started, which will involve Municipalities by as-

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signing them important responsibilities in terms of greater attention to the recognition of the local values and resources on which they should build concrete possibilities of development (Scaglione, 2008). Landscape is one of the crucial values underlying sustainable development. This concept has been stressed and pressed for by the European Landscape Convention and also adopted by the Calabrian Regional Framework for Landscapes (QTR/P), which – in order to implement the legislative decree 42/004 “Landscape and Cultural Heritage Code” and to better interpret and know the existing peculiar characters of landscape– identifies regional landscapes, metropolitan landscapes and local planning zones, each with homogeneous characteristics defined on the basis of peculiar anthropic, cultural and natural factors. The proposed division, ranging from the general to the particular, tends to select the parts of the Calabrian territory whose study may allow to implement more detailed rules and regulations with a view to protecting and enhancing the recognized landscape values, which are essential preconditions for the development and the effectiveness of sustainable tourism policies. 4 CONCLUSIONS In spite of the economic crisis, international geopolitical disorders and natural disasters, which can periodically affect specific geographic areas, tourism has never experienced a crisis, to such an extent that, in this millennium, it has been defined as the driving sector of economy (Gemmiti, 2006). Available data show an almost relentless growth dynamics of this economic sector, which is considered as a driving force, owing to its capacity to produce top-ranking resources and employment. Moreover, within the whole of the economic activities, it emerges as crosscutting consumption since it involves all of them to various extents (Regione Calabria, 2011). If, on the one hand, tourism is often considered responsible for the risks deriving from its strong pressure on historic sites, urban areas and coasts, on the other hand, it is recognized as a strategic macroeconomic and microeconomic factor, which is crucial to the economy of a country. Hence the need to mitigate its negative effects by intervening on environment, mobility, information, new technologies and security. The extension of the planning processes from the city to the wider territory and the opening to impact evaluation processes are consistent with a vision which aims at integrating tourism and urban and territorial development following sustainability principles. But then again, it is not possible to pursue any policy without a large-scale strategy that is the synthesis of the different viewpoints and allows to connect institutions and seemingly different fields and sectors. Since attractiveness comes from the territory and not from a genuineness created on purpose, tourism policies should also consider the territory as a complex element, which has been built in time, involves social actors and is also social representation, recollection (landscapes and monuments) and anticipation (new projects of transformation). The real operativeness and the strategic policies and objectives of sustainable tourism can be ensured by issues more or less connected with town planning and territorial governance. In particular, they include: quality of life for locals and tourists; impact of transportation; active protection of the environmental and cultural heritage; protection and enhancement of the identities of tourist destinations and of the territories concerned; less squandering of natural resources, especially of water; management of waste collection and disposal; reduction and optimization of energy consumption and use of alternative energy sources. Among the available tools of best practices in tourist destinations, worth mentioning are: land use planning and control of territorial development; local Agenda 21; integrated quality management of destinations; application of Environmental Impact Evaluation and of Environmental Strategic Evaluation; Integrated Coastal Zone Management (ICZM). The achievement of the sustainable development paradigm implies a bottom-up process carried out through: the enhancement of the typical characters of the territory, respecting the integrity of the natural and anthropic environment; the involvement of all stakeholders, by enhancing their creative capacities on specific projects (governance); and the institutional achievement of the European principle of subsidiarity (the so-called multilevel governance) (Gemmiti, 2006). The qualitative difference will be made not only by the material resources already existing on the territory, but also by the capacity to create new, material and immaterial resources.


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Tourism models based on the enhancement of natural resources and of cultural heritage can give added value to the local and global economy in terms of materialistic and market values of the tourism supply and, above all, in terms of inalienable values typical of the landscape and cultural assets Calabria and the whole of the South of Italy are rich in. Furthermore, they can trigger virtuous relations within a process where growth and development can go hand in hand and sustainability is a fundamental choice, not only because it implies the ethical principle of intergenerational equity, but also because it enables the full and effective enhancement of the available resources giving equal opportunities of development to each element of society and of the territory. REFERENCES Augè, M. 1992. Non-Lieux, introduction à une anthropologie de la surmodernité. Paris: Le Seuil. Blanke, J. & Chiesa, T. (eds.) 2011. The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2011. Beyond the Downturn. Geneve: World Economic Forum. From http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_TravelTourismCompetitiveness_Report_2011.pdf. De Stefano, L. 2004. Freshwater and Tourism in the Mediterranean. Rome: WWF Mediterranean Programme. From http://assets.panda.org/downloads/medpotourismreportfinal_ofnc.pdf. European Commission 2000. Per un turismo costiero di qualità. La Gestione integrata della qualità (GIQ) delle destinazioni turistiche costiere. Bruxelles. From http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/newsroom/cf/_getdocument.cfm?doc_id=512. Europea Union – Italian Republic. Programma Operativo Interregionale (POIn) “Attrattori culturali, naturali e turismo” delle Regioni dell’Obiettivo Convergenza. From http://www.dps.tesoro.it/documentazione/QSN/docs/PO/In%20adozione/POIN_Attrattori_Deciso.pdf Gemmiti, R. 2006. Sviluppo sostenibile e sistemi turistici locali. Spunti di riflessione dall’Europa. From http://geostasto.eco.uniroma1.it/utenti/gemmiti/rapp_atripaldi.pdf. ICLEI 1995. European Local Agenda 21 Planning Guide – How to engage in long-term environment action planning towards sustainability? Brussels: European Sustainable Cities & Towns Campain. Pultrone, G. 2010. Tourism for a Sustainable Redevelopment of Towns and Territories. Paper presented at SB10mad Conference Sustainable Building. Revitalization and Rehabilitation of Districts. Held in Madrid, Spain: 28-30 April. Pultrone, G. 2011. The Mediterranean Cultural Heritage Between Conservation Needs and Growing Tourist Demand: Strategies and Instruments. Paper presented at Heritage 2011. Conservation of Architecture, Urban Areas, Nature & Landscape: Towards a Sustainable Survival of Cultural Landscape. Held in Amman, Jordan: 13-15 March. Regione Calabria 2002. Legge Regionale 16 aprile 2002, n. 19. Norme per la tutela, governo e uso del Territorio. Legge urbanistica della Calabria, modificata e integrata dalla Legge regionale 24 novembre 2006, n. 14. From http://www.consiglioregionale.calabria.it Regione Calabria 2008. Legge regionale n. 8 del 5 aprile 2008. “Riordino dell’organizzazione turistica regionale”. From http://www.regione.calabria.it. Regione Calabria - Assessorato al Turismo 2011. Calabria 2011. Undicesimo Rapporto sul Turismo. Cosenza: K S edizioni. Scaglione, G.(ed.) 2008. Calabria in trasformazione: progettare il futuro governando il presente. Urbanistica, 137: 117-132.

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Marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities: an exploratory research approach C. Vegheú Academy of Economic Studies in Bucharest, Romania

D. Dugulan Academy of Economic Studies in Bucharest, Romania

I. C. Popescu Academy of Economic Studies in Bucharest, Romania

ABSTRACT: The historical heritage represents one of the major resources the local communities may employ in order to support their development, together with other physical, economic, natural, human, social, and organizational assets. The capitalization of the historical heritage represents an important driver of the tourism activities developed in a specific area, and one of the potential sources of sustainable development of the local communities. Marketing of the historical heritage plays a significant role both in the promotion and capitalization of the local communities’ heritage, and for supporting the growth of these communities. The paper explores the connections between the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities based on a comparative analysis at the level of the five most preferred, as cultural tourism destinations, European countries, and Romania.

1 INTRODUCTION The historical heritage, as a part of the cultural heritage, is defined by UNESCO as an assembly of monuments (including architectural works, works of monumental sculpture and painting, elements or structures of an architectural nature, inscriptions, cave dwellings and combination of features), groups of buildings (groups of separate or connected buildings which, because of their architecture, their homogeneity or their place in the landscape, are of outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art or science), and sites (works of man or the combined works of nature and man, and areas including archaeological sites) which are of outstanding universal value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view (UNESCO, 1972), and represents a major asset of a local community. Seen from the perspective of the local communities, the historical heritage represents one of the major resources these may employ in order to support their development, together with Svendsen & Sørensen (2007) name forms of capital – physical (productive and tangible assets such as production sites, machines, infrastructure and buildings), natural (nature assets), economic (liquid assets, such as money, bonds and stocks), human (formal education and professional training), social (network cooperation based on regular face-to-face interaction and trust), organizational (organizational structures and everyday practices in a local community enabling things to be done), and cultural (shared local culture and identity, primarily transmitted from parents to children through history). The capitalization of the historical heritage, as a key element of the cultural attractiveness of a tourist destination, represents an important driver of the tourism activities developed in a

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specific area, and one of the potential sources of sustainable development of the local communities. Employment of the heritage as a capital can be studied using two approaches: first, by forecasting the tourism demand using demand elasticities, and second, by assessing all possible types of benefits accruing from built heritage (Dutta et al., 2007). Mitchell & Carson (1989) have observed that these benefits range, in terms of the values generated for tourists, from commercial (income and employment in related industries), recreational (satisfaction derived from leisure-based activities), existence (derived pride associated with the heritage, vicarious (satisfaction derived from leaving open the option to another member of his generation to derive direct use value from the built heritage), bequest (allowing the future generation the option to enjoy the site), to option (related to the preservation of the site for its adaptive reuse in the future), and quasioption (enabling a new use value from a heritage site). Cultural heritage may become a driver for development, which when properly managed, can enhance the livability of their surrounding areas and sustain productivity in a changing global environment (Pereira Roders & van Oers, 2011). Culture, cultural heritage and development have been making an incalculable contribution toward improving human livelihoods and well-being in lasting and sustainable ways (Bandarin et al., 2011). According to the Leask & Rihova (2010), the heritage contribution in tourism development, based on the capitalization of the available cultural (and natural) resources, can be enhanced through (1) implementing strategies of sustainable growth and effective diversification of the local economy, (2) developing heritage tourism policies and products that meet the needs of community, policy-makers and tourists, (3) improving the stakeholder communication and participation in the creation of the authentic and individual visitor experiences, and (4) connecting the sustainable tourism development with the heritage conservation, community integration, and stakeholders. The promotion of the cultural tourism requires the existence of the potentially attractive cultural resources and involves a process of commodifying culture i.e. transforming the cultural aspects into saleable but, also, authentic products meeting the tourists’ expectations (Hughes & Allen, 2005). The development of the cultural tourism could fail as a result of the lack of understanding of market demand, the lack of asset evaluation in terms of attractiveness and visitation intensity supported, the lack of clearly defined management objectives and priorities regarding the development of cultural tourism to be successful, and the isolation of product development (Ho & McKercher, 2004). According to the UNWTO, the sustainable tourism should: (1) make optimal use of environmental resources that constitute a key element in tourism development, maintaining essential ecological processes and helping to conserve natural heritage and biodiversity; (2) respect the socio-cultural authenticity of host communities, conserve their built and living cultural heritage and traditional values, and contribute to inter-cultural understanding and tolerance; and (3) ensure viable, long-term economic operations, providing socio-economic benefits to all stakeholders that are fairly distributed, including stable employment and income-earning opportunities and social services to host communities, and contributing to poverty alleviation (UNWTO sustainable tourism development conceptual definition in Pomering et al., 2011). The contribution of the cultural resources to the overall competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry, and to the sustainable development of the economies, is not always significant. In the particular context of the Central and Eastern European countries, the capitalization of the cultural heritage appears to be critical, and a more effective promotion and employment of the cultural resources should be reflected in significant increases of the international visitor arrivals, and of the international tourism receipts, and would determine a growth in terms of the generated revenues and the number of workplaces created (Dugulan et al., 2010). The marketing of the historical heritage plays a significant role in the promotion and capitalization of the local communities and their heritage aiming to make them more attractive, to get the attention of the potential tourists, and to stimulate their desire of experiencing the heritage and the cultural values of the community. Researching the integration of the management and marketing strategies at the heritage sites, Fullerton et al. (2010) have found that market research and marketing communication are vital in achieving a balance between targeting cultural tourists and tourists with no specific interest in heritage, helping in making the heritage more accessible and meaningful, satisfying visitors’ expectations, and maintaining the authenticity of the site. For cultural and natural heritage resources, communication is required to determine ‘what is’ from ‘what seems to be’, to differentiate between appearance, reality, and


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‘story’ (Edson, 2004). Heritage administrators must consider a proper integrated marketing communication strategy able to create the greatest persuasive effects on visitors, and to improve the awareness and image of the heritage destinations (Wang et al., 2009). There are two levels of the marketing contribution to the sustainable growth of the local communities: overall, through the analysis of the marketing environment of these communities, the design and implementation of a marketing strategy for their sustainable development, and the control of all the related marketing activities, and, particularly at the level of the specific projects and initiatives, through researching the community needs, communication with the community members and the stakeholders, and the impact assessment of the sustainable development projects implemented by the local community (Vegheú et al., 2011). Empowering and participation of the local community, that ensure collective vision and ownership of the process, as well as of the other partners, in identifying and implementing the development strategies is essential for the implementation of the sustainable strategies culminating in improving the local economies (Arthur & Mensah, 2006). Approaching the sensitive topic of creating a sustainable marketing framework for the heritage tourism, in the particular context of the museums, Chhabra (2009) has concluded that, as a relatively new phenomenon, marketing should help these cultural institutions (and, also, other similar ones) providing a tool to achieve their traditional objectives by communicating sustainable messages linking commercial and community viability through conservation and appreciation of the traditional resources and goals. In the same context of the sustainable tourism marketing, Gilmore et al. (2007) have identified that the core aim of the social and economic perspectives of tourism is to encourage more tourists to visit and to promote the growth of tourist value, with a focus on creating employment, achieving revenue return and developing some local engagement and interaction with tourists. A responsible marketing should take into consideration the needs of the local community and the expectations of the cultural tourists in order to prevent the “commodification”, “tourismification” or even “disneyfication” of the heritage site by capitalizing the opportunities provided by the rising educational levels, populations’ ageing, increased participation of women in cultural activities, high demand for authenticity and quality leisure experience, and growing demand for short trips combining cultural and non-cultural products (Hausmann, 2007). The growing demand for the heritage tourism, as a result of the casual or sightseeing cultural tourists, fundamentally uninformed of the destination’s heritage value, is driving a shift in the supply-side (Donohoe, 2012). In this context, both knowledge and capacities for an effective employment of the cultural resources become essential in the attempt to transform these elements in critical drivers of the travel and tourism competitiveness (Bălan et al., 2010). 2 METHODOLOGICAL NOTES Analysis of the connections between the marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities is conducted at the level of group including six local communities selected from the five most preferred European countries as tourist destinations, and Romania. Selection of the local communities has been made considering: (1) an overall similarity of these communities in terms of the demographic and economic characteristics (mainly the size of the community and the economic profile – with tourism being of a significant importance for the local economy); (2) the presence of at least an element of the cultural heritage of these local communities on the UNESCO World’s Heritage List, that balances the positive effects – such as drawing attention, providing protection and conservation, with the questionable aspects – such as the selection of sites, lower protection of sites not included, and potential deterioration of the sites by excessive tourism (Frey & Steiner, 2011); and (3) a similarity between these communities in terms of the content of cultural heritage inscribed on the World’s Heritage List. As the walled towns represent today a quintessentially European form of heritage site, and one of the tourism assets of Europe (Bruce & Creighton, 2006), have been considered the following communities: Carcassone (France), Cuenca (Spain), San Gimignano (Italy), Durham (United Kingdom), Quedlinburg (Germany), and Sighiúoara (Romania). A brief description of the cultural heritage sites of the selected communities is provided below.

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Since the pre-Roman period, a fortified settlement has existed on the hill where Carcassonne now stands. In its present form it is an outstanding example of a medieval fortified town, with its massive defenses encircling the castle and the surrounding buildings, its streets and its fine Gothic cathedral. Carcassonne is also of exceptional importance because of the lengthy restoration campaign undertaken by Viollet-le-Duc, one of the founders of the modern science of conservation. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscribed the Historic Fortified City on the World Heritage List in 1994 on the basis of criteria (ii) and (iv), considering that the historic town of Carcassonne is an excellent example of a medieval fortified town whose massive defenses were constructed on walls dating from Late Antiquity. It is of exceptional importance by virtue of the restoration work carried out in the second half of the 19th century by Viollet-le-Duc, which had a profound influence on subsequent developments in conservation principles and practice. Built by the Moors in a defensive position at the heart of the Caliphate of Cordoba, Cuenca is an unusually well-preserved medieval fortified city. Conquered by the Castilians in the 12th century, it became a royal town and bishopric endowed with important buildings, such as Spain's first Gothic cathedral, and the famous “casas colgadas” (hanging houses), suspended from sheer cliffs overlooking the Huécar river. Taking full advantage of its location, the city towers above the magnificent countryside. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscribed the City’s Historic Walled Town on the World Heritage List in 1996, on the basis of criteria (ii) and (v), the site is of outstanding universal value as it is an exceptional example of the medieval fortress town that has preserved its original townscape remarkably intact along with many excellent examples of religious and secular architecture from the 12th to the 18th centuries. It is also exceptional because the walled town blends into and enhances the fine rural and natural landscape within which it is situated. “San Gimignano delle belle Torri” is in Tuscany, 56 km south of Florence. It served as an important relay point for pilgrims travelling to or from Rome on the Via Francigena. The patrician families who controlled the town built around 72 tower-houses (some as high as 50 m) as symbols of their wealth and power. Although only 14 have survived, San Gimignano has retained its feudal atmosphere and appearance. The town also has several masterpieces of 14thand 15th-century Italian art. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscribed the City’s Historic Centre on the World Heritage List in 1990, on the basis of criteria (i), (iii), and (iv), San Gimignano bears exceptional testimony to the civilization of the Middle Ages in that it groups together within a small area all the structures typical of urban life: squares and streets, houses and palaces, wells and fountains. Its walls and fortified houses form an unforgettable skyline, in the heart of the Etruscan landscape. The historic centre of San Gimignano contains a series of masterpieces of 14th- and 15th-century Italian art in their original architectural settings. Durham Cathedral was built in the late 11th and early 12th centuries to house the relics of St Cuthbert (evangelizer of Northumbria) and the Venerable Bede. It attests to the importance of the early Benedictine monastic community and is the largest and finest example of Norman architecture in England. The innovative audacity of its vaulting foreshadowed Gothic architecture. Behind the cathedral stands the castle, an ancient Norman fortress which was the residence of the prince-bishops of Durham. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscribed the city’s Castle and Cathedral on the World Heritage List in 1990, on the basis of criteria (ii), (iv), and (vi), the Durham Cathedral is the largest and most perfect monument of ‘Norman’ style architecture in England. The small castral chapel for its part marks a turning point in the evolution of 11th century Romanesque sculpture, and the building, owing to the innovative audacity of its vaulting, constitutes a type of experimental model which was far ahead of its time. Around the relics of Cuthbert and Bede, Durham crystallizes the memory of the evangelizing of Northumbria and of primitive Benedictine monastic life. Quedlinburg, in the Land of Sachsen-Anhalt, was a capital of the East Franconian German Empire at the time of the Saxonian-Ottonian ruling dynasty. It has been a prosperous trading town since the Middle Ages. The number and high quality of the timber-framed buildings make Quedlinburg an exceptional example of a medieval European town. The Collegiate Church of St Servatius is one of the masterpieces of Romanesque architecture. Inscripted 1994. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscripted the city’s Collegiate Church, Castle, and Old Town on the World Heritage List in 1994 on the basis of criterion (iv), the im-


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portance of Quedlinburg rests on three main elements: the preservation of the medieval street pattern; the wealth of urban vernacular buildings, especially timber-framed houses of the 16th and 17th centuries, and the important Romanesque collegiate church of St Servatius. The original urban layout is remarkably well preserved: it is a classic example of the growth of European medieval towns. The history of the medieval and early modern town is perfectly illustrated by the street pattern of the present-day town. Founded by German craftsmen and merchants known as the Saxons of Transylvania, Sighiúoara is a fine example of a small, fortified medieval town which played an important strategic and commercial role on the fringes of central Europe for several centuries. According to the UNESCO’s Advisory Body Evaluation, that has inscripted the city’s Historic Centre on the World Heritage List in 1999 on the basis of criteria (iii) and (v), Sighiúoara is an outstanding testimony to the culture of the Transylvanian Saxons, a culture that is coming to a close after 850 years and will continue to exist only through its architectural and urban monuments. Sighiúoara is an outstanding example of a small fortified city in the border region between the Latin-oriented culture of central Europe and the Byzantine-Orthodox culture of south-eastern Europe. The apparently unstoppable process of emigration of the Saxons – the social stratum that formed and upheld the cultural traditions of the region, threatens the survival of their architectural heritage as well. Connections between the marketing of the historical heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities have been assessed using the Pearson correlation on the basis of a set of indicators regarding the competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry in the countries of origin of the selected local communities – environmental sustainability, travel and tourism sustainability, safety and security, health and hygiene, effective marketing and branding, air transportation, ground transportation, tourism infrastructure, information and communication and technology, travel and tourism price competitiveness, affinity for travel and tourism, the number of the World heritage sites, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness (as these are defined by the World Economic Forum). Beside these, indicators regarding the international tourist arrivals, the international tourist receipts, gross domestic product, and employment (both at the level of the travel and tourism industry and economy) in the countries of origin of the local communities selected have been considered. The paper presents only the results obtained assessing, at the level of the selected tourism markets – France, Spain, Italy, United Kingdom, Germany, and Romania, the relationships between the travel and tourism competiveness and its specific variables, the performances of the travel and tourism industry, and the contribution of the travel and tourism to the sustainable development of the economy. These results will serve as a basis for future analysis conducted at the level of the selected local communities mentioned above. 3 MAIN FINDINGS The measurement of the correlations between the international tourist arrivals, respectively the international tourism receipts and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in the selected countries reveals the relatively strong association between the number of tourists visiting these countries (r=0.6405), and the revenues generated by these visits (r=0.808). An increased number of visitors, as well as a higher volume of revenues, contribute to the improvement of the tourist destinations’ competitiveness.

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Table 1. International tourist arrivals, international tourism receipts, gross domestic product, and employment in the travel and tourism industry and economy in 2010 ________________________________________________________________________________________________ Countries TTC ITA ITR GDPi EMPi GDPe EMPe ________________________________________________________________________________________________ France 5.41 76.8 46.3 107.6 1.1 284.6 2.8 Spain 5.29 52.7 52.5 91.8 1.3 237.9 3.2 Italy 4.87 43.6 38.8 89.8 1.0 217.1 2.5 United Kingdom 5.30 28.1 30.4 89.0 1.4 231.2 3.1 Germany 5.50 26.9 34.7 79.1 0.9 273.3 3.2 Romania 4.17 1.3 1.7 3.4 0.3 9.0 0.5 ________________________________________________________________________________________________ Notes: TTC – travel and tourism competitiveness score; ITA – International Tourist Arrivals (in millions); ITR – International Tourism Receipts (in US$ billions); GDPi – Gross Domestic Product of the travel and tourism industry (in US$ billions); EMPi – number of jobs in the travel and tourism industry (in millions); GDPe – Gross Domestic Product of the travel and tourism economy (in US$ billions); EMPe – number of jobs in the travel and tourism economy (in millions). Sources: World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) and World Economic Forum.

The measurement of the correlations between the travel and tourism industry’s gross domestic product, respectively the employment, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in the selected countries reveals the strong association between the formation of the gross domestic product (r=0.8737), and the employment generated (r=0.7994). Also, the measurement of the correlations between the travel and tourism economy’s gross domestic product, respectively the employment, and the overall travel and tourism competitiveness in the selected countries reveals the very strong association between the formation of the gross domestic product (r=0.9612), and the employment generated (r=0.9569). These results suggest that an increasingly competitive travel and tourism industry contributes more consistently to the sustainable development of the economy. Table 2. Indicators of travel & tourism industry’s competitiveness in selected countries (2011) _________________________________________________________________________________________________ Indicators France Spain Italy UK Germany Romania _________________________________________________________________________________________________ Environmental sustainability 5.66 4.99 4.69 5.54 5.84 4.82 T&T sustainability 5.40 4.77 3.59 4.52 4.72 3.42 Safety & security 5.76 5.44 5.23 5.63 6.19 5.45 Health & hygiene 6.84 6.08 6.16 5.57 6.80 5.10 Effective marketing & branding 5.37 5.49 3.73 4.94 4.80 3.50 Air transportation 5.50 5.28 4.35 5.51 5.48 2.76 Ground transportation 6.45 5.72 4.54 5.54 6.52 3.06 Tourism infrastructure 6.19 6.71 7.00 6.16 6.33 4.99 ICT infrastructure 5.46 4.70 4.47 5.70 5.72 3.75 T&T price competitiveness 3.15 4.18 3.59 3.46 3.80 4.46 Affinity for travel & tourism 4.90 4.99 4.43 4.48 4.50 4.42 World Heritage sites 41 49 45 24 32 8 Overall T&T competitiveness 5.41 5.29 4.87 5.30 5.50 4.17 ___________________________________________________________________________________________________ Source: World Economic Forum.

The assessment of the associations between the international tourist arrivals, respectively the international tourism receipts, and each of the considered variables reveals that the number of the World Heritage sites determines the most significantly the competitiveness of the selected countries (r=0.8268, and r=0.9513). The World Heritage sites represent an important attraction for the tourists visiting the selected countries, and contribute significantly to their economic development. Other significant variables determining the international tourist arrivals at the level of the selected countries are the affinity for travel and tourism of the local communities (r=0.7696), the sustainability of the travel and tourism industry (r=0.7265), the health and hygiene conditions (r=0.7168), the effectiveness of the marketing and branding campaigns conducted in the market (r=0.6756), the price competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry (r=0.6713), and the ground transportation (r=0.6661). The tourism infrastructure (r=0.8577) and the air transportation (r=0.8111) are the variables that determine most significantly the international tourism receipts. Beside these, the revenues generated by the international tourists are


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determined by the ground transportation (r=0.7771), the effectiveness of the marketing and branding (r=0.7574), the health and hygiene conditions (r=0.7234), the affinity for travel and tourism of the local communities (r=0.7696), the sustainability of the travel and tourism industry (r=0.7185), and the travel and tourism sustainability (r=0.6950). The assessment of the associations between the gross domestic product and employment of the travel and tourism industry, and the indicators expressing the competitiveness of the travel and tourism suggest a stronger contribution of these variables to the formation of the gross domestic product than to the employment within the industry. Thus, the air transportation (r=0.8961), the number of the World Heritage sites (r=0.8331), the tourism infrastructure (r=0.8315), the ground transportation (r=0.8282), the price competitiveness of the travel and tourism (r= –0.7800), the health and hygiene (r=0.7262), the effective branding and marketing (r=0.7159), the information and communication technology infrastructure (r=0.7115), and the travel and tourism sustainability (r=0.7111) seem to determine more significantly the formation of the industry’s gross domestic product. Employment within the industry appears to depend more on the air transportation (r=0.8665), the effective marketing and branding (r=0.7543), the tourism infrastructure (r=0.7216), the ground transportation (r=0.6958), the infrastructure of the information and communication technology (r=0.6729), and the number of the World Heritage sites (r=0.6571). Finally, the assessment of the associations between the gross domestic product and employment of the travel and tourism industry, and the indicators expressing the competitiveness of the travel and tourism suggest a stronger contribution of these variables to the gross domestic product and the employment within the economy. Thus, with the exception of the safety and security, the environmental sustainability, and the price competitiveness of the travel and tourism (only in relationship with the employment), all the other variables are determining both the gross domestic product and employment of the travel and tourism economy. The marketing and branding contribute significantly to the specific performances and the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry: the relatively strong associations between the marketing and branding effectiveness and the international tourist arrivals (r=0.6756), the international tourism receipts (0.7574), gross domestic product of the industry (r=0.7159), employment of the industry (r=0.7543), gross domestic product of the economy (r=0.7494), and the employment in the economy (r=0.7780) suggest that a more effective marketing improves not only the results of the travel and tourism industry (the association between the marketing and branding and the travel and tourism sustainability is extremely strong – r=0.9423), but its sustainable development too. In the local communities where travel and tourism represents an important economic sector, the sustainability of the industry may generate an improved sustainability of the local economies’ development. The World Heritage sites contribution to the specific performances and the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry is even more significant. The World Heritage sites, through a proper capitalization, determine significantly the performances of the travel and tourism industry in terms of the international tourist arrivals (r=0.8269), and international tourism receipts (r=0.9513). There is also a strong association between the World Heritage sites and the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry: the capitalization of these sites impacts the formation of the gross domestic product, both at the level of the industry (r=0.8331) and the economy (r=0.7618), and the number of workplaces created within the industry (r=0.6571) and the economy (r=0.7215). The local communities that have a cultural and historical heritage and know how to capitalize it by creating, promoting, and selling cultural tourism products dispose of an important asset capable to support the sustainable development of the local travel and tourism, and of the local economy. 4 CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIONS The World Heritage sites – probably the most representative cultural and historical elements of a country’s heritage – represent an important attraction for the tourists visiting the selected countries. They tend to contribute to the specific performances and the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry – in terms of the international tourists attracted and the revenues generated. The proper capitalization of these sites impacts the formation of the gross do-

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mestic product, both at the level of the industry and the economy, and the employment within the industry and the economy. The local communities can benefit from the cultural and historical heritage by creating, promoting, and selling cultural tourism products, and, thus, supporting the sustainable development of the local travel and tourism industry, and of the local economy. The marketing and branding seem to contribute significantly to the specific performances and the sustainable development of the travel and tourism industry. A more effective marketing and branding improve not only the specific performances of the travel and tourism industry – international tourist arrivals and tourism receipts, but also its sustainable development – in terms of the gross domestic product formation and employment created. In the local communities disposing of a significant cultural and historical heritage and where travel and tourism represents an important economic sector, the sustainability of the industry may generate an improved sustainability of the local economies. The assessment of the relationships between the marketing of the cultural heritage and the sustainable development of the local communities is supported by the following ideas: (1) the cultural and historical heritage represents an important asset of the local communities; (2) the travel and tourism industry represents the economic sector capable to capitalize most effectively this heritage; (3) the proper capitalization of the cultural and historical heritage requires an effective marketing and branding; (4) an adequate heritage capitalization generates better performances of the travel and tourism industry, an improved gross domestic product and employment, thus a sustainable development of the local economies. The quantitative measurement of these relationships involves, first, the employment of a model including a set of indicators. At this point, the authors are considering the following options: (a) the “forms of capital” proposed by Svendsen & Sørensen (physical, natural, economic, human, social, organizational, and cultural; (b) the variables used by the World Economic Forum to assess the competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry – of course, in an adapted form (the present exploratory approach has revealed that safety and security, respectively the environmental sustainability – at least in the form they are defined by the original methodology – have a limited impact in terms of the industry’s competitiveness); (c) the criteria identified by Fyall & Garrod (1998) as determinant for a “successful” heritage destination – this must be inexpensive and visitor-friendly; physically and intellectually accessible to as wide as possible a range of social groups; managed in such a way as to balance the needs of visitors with the conservation imperative; able to maintain the authenticity and integrity of the site; and must give its visitors value for money; and (d) the framework proposed by Stubbs (2004) to develop a set of indicators of historic sustainability based on several topic areas (environmental, social and cultural, economic, and generic), issues to appraise (building construction/energy efficiency, visitor mode of travel, climate change adaptation; civic pride and sense of place, social inclusion, community, virtual heritage, arts and culture dimension; financial resources, employment, ‘multiplier’ effect; perception / evaluation) and specific criteria for appraisal. Building a set of indicators integrating elements of all three models mentioned above could be the solution to be employed later. Second, the measurement requires the existence of the proper data sources. The official websites of the local communities and the tourist information websites represent apparently the most reliable sources in this respect. Still, a summary exploration of these sites reveals that, on a hand, the official websites do not provide the appropriate or complete information, due to the lower transparency of the local tourism entrepreneurs, the absence of a city audit conducted at the level of the local community, or the lack of details regarding the marketing activities and resources employed in the promotion of the local community’s heritage; on the other hand, the tourist information websites are strongly oriented toward promoting the cultural and natural heritage, the local attractions, accommodation and eating facilities, transportation details, etc. and not toward providing specialized information regarding the performances of the local travel and tourism industry and the sustainable development of the local community. And, having in mind the meaning of the word “local”, smaller the local community is, lower the chances to obtain information on these topics are. A potential, complementary, solution could be represented by the websites such as tripadvisor.com or lonelyplanet.com. Knowing how important is the cultural and historical heritage for the sustainable development of the local communities, and what role plays marketing in its capitalization, and taking into consideration the local communities already selected, the authors plan to develop and use


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the set of indicators to be employed in the measurement of the relationships between marketing, cultural heritage, and the sustainable development of the local communities. REFERENCES Arthur, S. N. A. & Mensah, J. V. 2006. Urban management and heritage tourism for sustainable development. The case of Elmina Cultural Heritage and Management Programme in Ghana. Management of Environmental Quality: An International Journal 17(3), 299-312. Bandarin, F., Hosagrahar, J. & Sailer Albernaz, F. 2011. Why development needs culture. Journal of Cultural Heritage Management and Sustainable Development 1(1), 15-25. Bălan, D., Popescu, I. C., Vegheú, C., Fernolend, C. 2010. Historical heritage and sustainable development of the local communities: the case study of the Saxon villages in Transylvania, in Amoeda, R., Lira, S., Pinheiro, C. 2010. Heritage 2010: Heritage and sustainable development. 1, 353-360, Barcelos, Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development. Blanke, J., Chiesa, T. 2011. The Travel & Tourism Competitiveness Report 2011. Beyond the downturn. Available at http://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_TravelTourismCompetitiveness_Report_2011.pdf, downloaded March 3rd, 2012. Bruce, D. & Creighton, O. 2006. Contested identities: the dissonant heritage of European town walls and walled towns. International Journal of Heritage Studies 12(3), 234-254. Chhabra, D. 2009. Proposing a sustainable marketing framework for heritage tourism. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 17(3), 303-320. Donohoe, H. M. 2012. Sustainable heritage tourism marketing and Canada's Rideau Canal World Heritage site. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 20(1), 121-142. Dugulan, D., Balaure, V., Popescu, I. C. & Vegheú, C. 2010. Cultural heritage, natural resources and competitiveness of the travel and tourism industry in Central and Eastern European countries. Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Oeconomica 12(2), 742-748. Dutta, M., Banerjee, S. & Husain, Z. 2007. Untapped demand for heritage: a contingent valuation study of Prinsep Ghat, Calcutta. Tourism Management 28: 83-95. Edson, G. 2004. Heritage: pride or passion, product or service? International Journal of Heritage Studies 10(4), 333-348. Frey, B. S. & Steiner, L. 2011. World Heritage List: does it make sense? International Journal of Cultural Policy 17(5), 555-573. Fullerton, L., McGettigan, K. & Stephens, S. 2010. Integrating management and marketing strategies at heritage sites. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research 4(2): 108-117. Fyall, A. & Garrod, B. 1998. Heritage tourism: at what price? Managing Leisure 3(4), 213-228. Gilmore, A., Carson, D. & Ascenção, M. 2007. Sustainable tourism marketing at a World Heritage site. Journal of Strategic Marketing 15(2-3), 253-264. Hausmann, A. 2007. Cultural tourism: marketing challenges and opportunities for German cultural heritage. International Journal of Heritage Studies 13(2), 170-184. Ho, P. S. Y. & McKercher, B. 2004. Managing heritage resources as tourism products. Asia Pacific Journal of Tourism Research 9(3), 255-266. Hughes, H. & Allen, D. 2005. Cultural tourism in Central and Eastern Europe: the views of ‘induced image formation agents’. Tourism Management 26: 173-183. Leask, A. & Rihova, I. 2010. The role of heritage tourism in the Shetland Islands. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research 4(2): 118-129. Mitchell, R. C. & Carson, R. T. 1989. Using surveys to value public goods: The contingent valuation method. Washington, DC: Resources for the Future. Pereira Roders, A. & van Oers, R. 2011. World Heritage cities management. Facilities 29(7/8), 276-285. Pomering, A., Noble, G. & Johnson, L. W. 2011. Conceptualising a contemporary marketing mix for sustainable tourism. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 19(8), 953-969. Stubbs, M. 2004. Heritage-sustainability: developing a methodology for the sustainable appraisal of the historic environment. Planning Practice and Research 19(3), 285-305. Svendsen, G.L.H. & Sørensen, J.F.L. 2007. There’s more to the picture than meets the eye: measuring tangible and intangible capital in two marginal communities in rural Denmark. Journal of Rural Studies 23: 453-471. UNESCO. 1972. Convention concerning the protection of the world cultural and natural heritage. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/conventiontext, downloaded at March 1st, 2012. UNESCO. Historic Fortified City of Carcassone. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/345, downloaded February 29, 2012.

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UNESCO. Historic Walled Town of Cuenca. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/781, downloaded February 29, 2012. UNESCO. Durham Castle and Cathedral. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/370, downloaded February 29, 2012. UNESCO. Collegiate Church, Castle and Old Town of Quedlinburg. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/535, downloaded February 29, 2012. UNESCO. Historic Centre of San Gimignano. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/550, downloaded February 29, 2012. UNESCO. Historic Centre of Sighiúoara. Available at http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/902, downloaded February 29, 2012. UNWTO. 2011. United Nations World Tourism Organization Tourism Highlights 2011 Edition. Available at http://mkt.unwto.org/sites/all/files/docpdf/unwtohighlights11enhr_3.pdf, downloaded March 1st, 2011. Vegheú, C., Dugulan, D. & Popescu, I. C. 2011. The marketing of the local communities as a tool for supporting their sustainable development. Annales Universitatis Apulensis Series Oeconomica 13(2), 670-677. Wang, Y.-J., Wu, C. & Yuan, J. 2009. The role of Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) on heritage destination visitations. Journal of Quality Assurance in Hospitality & Tourism 10(3), 218-231.

Chapter 5 Heritage and culture


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Hosting the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in 2009: Ghana exemplified sustainability and diversity in cultural heritage and tourism E. Addo Memorial University of Newfoundland, Corner Brook, Canada

ABSTRACT: Ghana was deeply honored to host the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in September 2009. Pertinently, the country used the celebrative event to showcase the diversity in her cultural heritage and tourism industry comprising tangible and intangible European heritage, colonial legacies, traditional institutions and practices such as chieftaincy, music, arts, dance, gastronomy, and natural attractions. Public sector institutions and personnel, private sector businesses and entrepreneurs, and other stakeholders in the tourism industry participated in the special mega event to place Ghana on a higher pedestal of the global travel and tourism industry.

1 INTRODUCTION As indicated in another manuscript, any discourse on the diversity in cultural heritage and tourism in Ghana would be incomplete and myopic without first drawing attention to European heritage and colonial legacies (Addo, 2011a). Beginning in 1471, Europeans from Portugal, Sweden, Denmark, the Netherlands, England, Germany and France visited and settled in Ghana and traded in commodities and slaves for nearly five centuries. On 6 March 1957 Ghana became the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain political independence from European/British colonial rule. Since the dawn of independence, the country’s tourism industry has been thriving on European heritage of forts, castles, the trans-Atlantic slave trade and colonialism, and diasporarelated and traditional festivities. Although in recent years more attention has been paid to nature-based tourism and ecotourism, cultural heritage tourism is still the backbone of Ghana’s tourism industry. Other papers have also indicated that since the late 1990s Ghana’s tourism industry has been growing by leaps and bounds due to favorable public policies and tourism plans, private sector investments in hospitality facilities, and democratic governance (Addo, 2011b,c). These were some of the key national accomplishments that caught the attention of the African Commission of the United Nations World Tourism Organization (UNWTO) and consequently influenced its decision to select Ghana to host the IWTD event in September 2009, the first of its kind in subSaharan Africa. As the paper indicates, Ghana used the international event to exemplify the scope, diversity and importance of her tourism industry and cultural heritage including some of the European-built forts and castles that the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) has designated as world heritage sites or monuments. The information and data for this paper were gathered through participation in the international mega event as a keynote speaker and a think-tank panelist. The author also participated in

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three diaspora-related events [Panafest (Pan African Arts Festival) in 2007 and 2009, Emancipation Day in 2007 and 2009, and the Joseph Project in 2007] and interviewed tourism officials and event participants. some nature-based tourist sites were also visited. Additionally, secondary data were collected from the head office of the Ghana Tourist Board (now Ghana Tourism Authority) and the Ministry of Tourism in Accra, Ghana’s capital city. The rest of the paper is presented under five topics and sections namely, conceptual consideration: celebrative and mega events in tourism, contextual framework: geography and history of Ghana in brief, institutions and growth of Ghana’s tourism industry, planning the IWTD event: context and content, and the diversity in cultural heritage and tourism celebrated. The concluding section summarizes the major research findings and reiterates the importance and benefits of mega, special, and cultural events, like the IWTD, to host countries. 2 CONCEPTUAL CONSIDERATIONS: CELEBRATIVE AND MEGA EVENTS IN TOURISM Addo (2011b) acknowledges the literature of different authors on celebrative events and repeats it here. In the literature, Picard & Robinson (2006) maintain that “celebrative events” such as festivals and anniversaries have been an integral part of cultural tourism since the era of modern travel. Gee et al. (1997) and Goeldner & Ritchie (2006) also indicate how tourism, through the ages, has involved long journeys offering visitors unique opportunities to experience exotic destinations, events and cultures. Africans/Egyptians, Syrians, Phoenicians/Lebanese, Polynesians, Chinese, Indians, and Europeans (Romans, Greeks, English, and French) were among the early travelers who participated in events such as the Olympic (beginning in 776 B.C.E.) and the Grand Tour of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The literature further indicates that in recent years, celebrative events have become ubiquitous in the tourism industry. Destinations compete to host international events such as the Olympics, World Fairs, and IWTD partly because of their positive economic and socio-cultural impacts (Edwards et al., 2004; Addo, 2011b). The economic benefits and impacts of celebrative events include job creation, income generation, and infrastructure development. The sociocultural benefits of such events include preservation of traditional norms, (re)affirmation of local identities, preservation of heritage, and enhancement of destination image (Smith & Robinson, 2006; Goldblatt, 2008; Wendroff, 2004; O’Toole & Mikolaitis, 2002; Getz, 2005; Smith, 2009). The factors that account for successful celebrative events include political commitment and accountability, efficient organization and management practices, effective marketing, volunteerism, fund raising, and well coordinated planning at the micro (site), meso (destination) and macro (regional) levels (Armstrong, 2001; Gunn & Var, 2002; Addo. 2011b). Long et al. (2004) note that, even at the local level, an increasing number of events are being planned and organized to attract more international tourists who seek the opportunity to experience other cultures in the context of celebration. Globalization, commodification and commercialization of events are other reasons cited for this trend in the tourism industry (Picard & Robinson, 2006). Furthermore, Long et al. (2004) point out that as events become more dependent on international audiences, their economic objectives tend to supersede their socio-cultural objectives. In more recent years, planning strategies, public policies, marketing, management, evaluation, ethics and etiquette, stakeholders’ expectations, fundraising, sponsorship, and service quality of special events have been extensively studied (Allen, 2003; Long et al., 2004; Goldblatt, 2008; Beaven & Laws, 2007). The studies highlight the attributes of special events which include their uniqueness, multiplicity of goals, festive spirit, high quality, authenticity, tradition, flexibility, theming, symbolism, affordability, convenience, benchmarks, ability to meet basic needs, and diverse stakeholders’ interests (Getz, 2005). Invariably, these attributes are social constructs, value-laden, and have contested meanings. Mega events are special events that are defined by the extent of their economic impacts; cost involved in planning, management, implementation and evaluation; revenue generated; associated prestige; and the scope of financial investments made by stakeholders. Armstrong (2001) maintains that in addition to financial investments in special events, expressions of emotional and political interests could also qualify persons, agencies or organizations as stakeholders. Armstrong also notes that the factors that account for successful events vary and may include


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political commitment and accountability, efficient organization, effective marketing, volunteerism, efficient fund raising, conducive economic and political environment, prudent operational/tactical and strategic planning strategies, and realistic and timely objectives, goals, targets and benchmarks. Misconception or a lack of these factors usually accounts for the failures of special and mega events (Hoyle, 2002; Goldblatt & Supovitz, 1999; Allen, 2003; Smith & Robinson, 2006). The literature also draws attention to the controversies and complexity of mega events (Sandercock, 1998; Florida, 2002; Smith, 2009). Smith (2009), for example, explains how cultural events associated with tangible and intangible heritage have created political, economic, ethical, social and psychological controversies in post-independence countries like Malaysia and India. Addo (2011b) also discusses experiential controversies that have characterized Ghana’s golden jubilee of independence and Panafest. 3 CONTEXTUAL FRAMEWORK: GEOGRAPHY AND HISTORY OF GHANA IN BRIEF Ghana is located on the Atlantic coast of West Africa between latitudes 4.5o N and 11o N and shares borders with three former French colonies: la Cote d’Ivoire, to the west; Togo, to the east; and Burkina Faso, to the north (Fig. 1). The Gulf of Guinea, part of the Atlantic Ocean, stretches about 540 km (338 miles) along the southern border. The distance from the coast to the northern border is about 672 km (420 miles). The land area of the country measures about 238,540 sq km (92,100 sq miles), almost the same size as Great Britain or the states of Illinois and Indiana in USA combined. The topography of the country changes from coastal plains and rolling land to mountain peaks and plateaus in the eastern and central areas. The vegetation includes shrub, forest, and Savannah grass (Boateng, 1966; Briggs, 2002; Addo, 2011a).

Figure 1. Ghana: Location in Africa and Administrative Regions. Sources: Ghana Tourist Board (2004); Ghanaweb (2012).

Ghana has ten administrative regions (Fig. 1) which, more or less, reflect the major ethnic and tribal diversity of the country. The five major ethnic groups are Akan, Ewe, Guan, and GaAdangbe in the southern and central areas, and Mole-Dagbane in the northern area. The Asante, Fante, Akim, and Kwau are the major tribes of the Akan ethnic group (Library of Congress, 2010). National culture is portrayed in celebrative events such as festivals, visual and performing arts, gastronomy, funerals, folklore, religion, clothing, fashion shows, and diverse traditional, “highlife”, “hiplife”, and gospel music and dance (Addo, 2011a). The country’s population increased from 6.7 million in 1960 to 8.5 million in 1970, 12.3 million in 1984, 15 million in 1990, 17.2 million in 1994, and about 21.8 million in 1996. In 2010 the poorly conducted population and housing census registered about 24.2 million Ghanaians. The history of modern Ghana is linked with the ancient empire of Ghana that developed simultaneously with the Songhai and Mali empires between the fourth and eleventh centuries in the region north of modern Ghana. Trans-Saharan trade in gold, spices, salt and other commodities flourished until the arrival of Europeans on the west coast of Africa. The Portuguese were

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the first Europeans to visit and settle on the Atlantic coast of Ghana (the Gold Coast) in 1471. The initial objectives of the visit and settlement were to trade in commodities such as gold, spices, guns, gun powder and textiles and to solidify Portugal’s position in the process of European empire-building. The Portuguese visit and settlement were followed by those of the Dutch, Danes, Swedes, English, French and Germans involving trade in commodities and slaves (Boahen, 1975; Buah, 1998; Anquandah et al., 2007). To facilitate the trans-Atlantic trade in commodities and slaves, and to protect and solidify European political and economic interests, three castles and many forts (about 80) were built along the entire Atlantic coast of Ghana to serve as trading posts, residences, and strategic defence (Anquandah et al., 2007). The Netherlands built 37%; England, 20%; Denmark, 14%; Portugal, 9%; Sweden, 7%; France, 7%; and Brandenburg (Prussian portion of Germany), 6% of the forts and castles in Ghana (GTB, 2007). The three castles in Ghana are St. George in Elmina (often called the Elmina Castle) built by the Portuguese in 1482, Carolusburg in Cape Coast (often called the Cape Coast Castle) built by the Swedes in 1653, and Christianborg in Accra (often called the Osu Castle) built by the Danes in 1659. The St. George Castle holds a record of being one of the oldest European buildings in sub-Saharan Africa and perhaps outside Europe. The number of castles and forts built by the European settlers and traders strongly suggests the magnitude of exploitation of Ghana (the Gold Coast) and other colonies in subSaharan Africa. Britain officially abolished the slave trade in 1807 but completely colonized Ghana between 1874 and 1957. A political system of indirect rule which allowed traditional chieftaincy to play a major role in public administration of the colony was solidified. On 6 March 1957 the Gold Coast became the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to gain political independence from British colonial rule under the leadership of Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah and his Convention People’s Party (CPP). Subsequently, the country’s name was changed to Ghana. Ghana became a Republic on 1 July 1960 (Addo, 2011a,b). 4 INSTITUTIONS AND GROWTH OF GHANA’S TOURISM INDUSTRY Different political and socio-economic events brought many tourists to Ghana after the dawn of independence in 1957. However, the first indication of government interest in developing the tourism industry was a feasibility study in 1970 on the development of tourist attractions for a five-year (1972-1976) development plan (Obuan Committee, 1972). In 1992 the Ghana Tourist Development Company (GTDC) Ltd. was established under the companies’ code of 1963 to facilitate investments in Ghana’s tourism industry. The company’s initial shareholders were the Bank of Ghana, Ghana Tourist Board (GTB), State Insurance Corporation (SIC), and Societé General (SG)-Social Security Bank (SSB). In 2005 GTDC Ltd. bought back SG-SSB’s shares. Since its establishment, GTDC Ltd. has been a quasi-government organization with a board of directors made up of representatives of its three shareholders, and government appointees. In 1973 the GTB, now Ghana Tourism Authority (GTA), was officially established to implement national tourism policies and to co-ordinate tourism activities. It was charged with the key responsibility to regulate tourism enterprises such as accommodation, catering, travel, transport and charter operations through registration, inspection, licensing, classification and enforcement of decisions. GTB was also charged with the responsibility to promote and market tourism in Ghana and abroad, conduct studies and research into the trends in the tourism industry at home and abroad to aid decision and policy-making, promote the development of tourist facilities, and to carry out any other functions that would be conferred on it by legislative instruments (GTB, 1998). In the mid-1970s financial and technical limitations of the government necessitated more studies and evaluation of the country’s tourism potential by international development organizations such as the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and the United States International Executive Services Corps (USIESC). All the studies and evaluations indicated great potential for tourism development. Consequently, in 1993 the Ministry of Tourism (MOT) was established to formulate policies and plan for the development and promotion of domestic, regional and international tourism. In 1995 MOT, with assistance from the UNDP and World Tourism Organization (WTO,


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now UNWTO), prepared and introduced a 15-year (1996-2010) National Tourism Development Plan (NTDP) to stimulate growth and development of the tourism industry (GTB, 1995). Since the mid-1970s Ghana’s tourism industry has thrived on diverse natural and cultural resources including the European heritage and colonial legacies of castles and forts, unique political history, traditional festivities and diaspora relations. In 1998 Ghana moved from the seventeenth to the eighth position among the top 20 leading tourism revenue-earners in Africa (WTO, 1999) and in about a decade, the industry has grown to become the fourth largest foreign exchange earner, ranking behind mineral exports, cocoa exports, and remittances from overseas. The industry earned the country US$986.8 million in 2006, US$1,172 million in 2007, US$1,403.1 million in 2008 and US$1,615.2 million in 2009 (GTB, 2010). The industry’s contribution to GDP steadily increased from 3.6% in 1996 to 6.5% in 2008. Additionally, there were increases in employment from 90,100 in 2000 to 234,679 in 2008. The growth rate in 2006 was 6.0% compared with 12.5% and 13.9% in 2007 and 2008, respectively. The average tourist expenditure per trip increased from US$935 in 1993 to US$1,998 in 2007 and US$2,010 in 2008. Table 1 shows the steady increase in international tourist arrivals and receipts between 1987 and 2009. The increase in 2007 was mainly attributed to the golden jubilee of independence and Panafest that brought many international tourists to Ghana (GTB, 2010). Table 1. International Tourist Arrivals and Receipts 1987-2009 Source: GTB (2010) Receipts (US$ Receipts (US$ Year Arrivals Year Arrivals 'M) 'M) 1987 103,440 36.5 1998 347,952 284.0 1988 113,784 55.3 1999 372,653 304.1 1989 125,162 72.1 2000 399,000 386.0 1990 145,780 80.8 2001 438,833 447.8 1991 172,464 117.7 2002 482,643 519.6 1992 213,316 166.9 2003 530,827 602.8 1993 256,680 205.6 2005 428,533 836.1 1994 271,310 227.6 2006 497,129 984.8 1995 286,000 233.2 2007 586,612 1,172.0 1996 304,860 248.8 2008 698,069 1,403.1 1997 325,438 265.6 2009 802,779 1,615.2

Inbound international tourism has been the lifeblood of Ghana’s tourism industry. The main sources of Ghana’s international tourists are USA, United Kingdom, Germany, France, the Netherlands, Canada, Switzerland, Italy and the Scandinavian countries (Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland). Non-African developing countries from where most international tourists originate are China, India and Lebanon. African sources from where most of the international tourists come are the sub-Saharan countries of la Cote d’Ivoire, Nigeria, Togo, Burkina Faso, Liberia, Sierra Leone and South Africa. In general, the purposes of travel include business (23%), conference/meetings (9%), study/training (8%), visiting friends and relatives/VFR (25%), medicals (1%), holiday (19%), transit (10%) and others (5%) (GTB, 2010). Private sector investment in tourism facilities, public sector investment in infrastructure, political stability since 1992, and implementation of the 15-year tourism development plan have contributed to the recent surge in inbound international tourism (GTB, 1995; GTB, 2010). Ghana has had the privilege to host many international events in the past decade. The Accra International Conference Center (AICC) has been the site for most of the international events. Examples of the events hosted are: the World Trade Organization (WTO) ministerial conference, the Joint Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) meeting in 2001; the International Reconstructive Plastic Surgery Conference, and the 5th International Copyright Conference in 2002; the International Cocoa Research Conference, the 26th Conference of the African Parliamentary Union, and the 2nd Meeting of ECOWAS Ministers and Experts in Education in 2003; and the World Summit of the Information Society, and the Commonwealth Ma-

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gistrates and Judges Association Council meeting in 2005 (K. Appiah, AICC, Accra, personal communication, July 2010). In 2007 the number of events held at the AICC increased and included the African Commission Session, the 6th African Union (AU) Council of Ministers, the AU Summit, the ECOWAS Business Forum, the International Cocoa Conference, the 9th Summit of Heads of State and Governments of the AU, and the 6th African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA) Forum. Before the UNWTO nominated Ghana to host the IWTD event in 2009, the AICC had been the site for the 12th Session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), and the African Caribbean Pacific (ACP) conference in 2008. The climax of the events held at the AICC in 2009 prior to hosting the IWTD event was the US President Barack Obama’s address to the nation in July. 5 PLANNING THE IWTD EVENT: CONTEXT AND CONTENT World Tourism Day (WTD) is celebrated on September 27 each year. The main objective of the celebration is to foster awareness among the international community of the social, cultural, economic, political and environmental values and importance of tourism. Celebrations of WTD in Ghana have underscored the importance of tourism as a vehicle for poverty reduction, job creation, revenue generation, and sustainable development. In February 2008 when the UNWTO Secretary General was on a two-day official visit to Ghana, his mission was “to meet with government to take stock of the co-operation between Ghana and the UNWTO and also to discuss in particular the impact of the organization’s ‘Sustainable Tourism for Eliminating Poverty’ (STEP) programme on tourism and poverty reduction” (C.O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal communication, August 2009; GTB, 2011). Since 1998 the UNWTO has been designating continents and approving countries selected by its continental commissions to host IWTD events under specific themes (Table 2). The theme adopted for each year’s celebrations usually reflects on a phenomenon characteristic of the host country’s tourism industry and pertinent to the global travel and tourism industry. Table 2. Host Countries and Themes for IWTD Celebrations, 1998-2009 Source: GTB (2011) Theme Year Country 1998 Mexico Public-Private Sector Partnership: The Key to Tourism Development and Promotion 1999 Chile Tourism: Preserving World Heritage for the New Millennium 2000 Germany Technology and Nature: Two Challenges for Tourism at the Dawn of the 21st Century 2001 Iran Tourism: A Tool for Peace and Dialogue among Civilizations 2002 Costa Ecotourism: the Key to Sustainable Development Rica 2003 Algeria Tourism: A Driving Force for Poverty Alleviation, Job Creation, and Social Harmony 2004 Malaysia Sport and Tourism: Two Living Forces for Mutual Understanding, Culture and the Development of Societies 2005 Qatar Travel and Transport: from the Imaginary of Jules Verne to the Reality of the 21st Century 2006 Portugal Tourism Enriches 2007 Sri Lanka Tourism Opens Doors to Women 2008 Peru Tourism Sectors Respond to Challenges of Climate Change 2009 Ghana Tourism: Celebrating Diversity

At the 17th Session of the UNWTO General Assembly in Cartagena de India’s in Colombia, 23-29 November 2007, Ghana was elected for the first time to the Executive Council of the UNWTO and was also offered the position of the 2nd Vice Chairman of the Executive Council. The UNWTO also confirmed that Africa and Ghana would be the host continent and country, respectively, of the IWTD event in 2009. The positive attributes of Ghana that contributed to


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the selection included her active and extraordinary participation in UN peacekeeping operations since the early 1960s, invaluable roles played in Pan-Africanism since independence in 1957, a remarkable shift from the status of a highly indebted poor country (HIPC) in 2002 to a middleincome economy in 2007, a strong relationship with UNWTO, and a steady growth of the tourism industry (C.O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal communication, August 2009). The theme adopted for the 2009 international event in Ghana was “Tourism, Celebrating Diversity” which aptly underscored the diversity in the country’s tourism industry. Planning the IWTD event in 2009 for UNWTO’s endorsement was both a privilege and a major challenge to Ghana because the event was the first of its kind in sub-Saharan Africa. Additionally, the expectations of stakeholders were quite higher than those of other international events the country had previously hosted, for example, the 12th United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD XII) in 2008, and the Confederation of African Football (CAF) tournament also in 2008. GTB was the main public sector tourism institution charged with the responsibility to plan and manage the IWTD event in collaboration with MOT and some private sector event management companies. The IWTD event in Ghana was a weeklong in duration, 21st – 27th September. It was planned and managed to bestow many benefits on Ghana, in particular, and Africa, in general. Among the specific benefits identified by GTB and other stakeholders were: boosting Ghana’s international image and giving it worldwide publicity, creating investment opportunities in tourism super-structural facilities and services, increasing tourist arrivals and receipts and consequently contributing to the Gross Domestic Product (GDP), creating wealth through job creation and generation of income especially in rural communities where tourist attractions were located, and strengthening Ghana’s resolve to become the gateway of Africa because it would be the first country in sub-Saharan Africa to host an IWTD event (C. O. Bonsu, GTB, Accra, personal communication August 2009). A two-prong planning committee was set up to plan the IWTD event in Ghana. A national planning committee liaised with ten sub-committees: media publicity and marketing; invitations, protocol, safety and security, health and transport; accommodation, catering and entertainment; sanitation and beautification; tours planning and organization; finance, budget and sponsorship; programs; tourism exhibition and conference; think-tank; and secretariat. These functional areas had specific line items in the income and expense statements of the comprehensive budget plan for the event. An amount of Ghana cedi (GH¢) 382,000 (about US$ 290,000) was approved by the Ministry of Finance (MOF) from the 2009 approved investment in the tourism sector for MOT to be used for the organization and successful hosting of the IWTD event. Consequently, MOT engaged the services of an event management company, Royal Protocol Services, to conduct most of the protocol activities in collaboration with the protocol and secretariat sub-committees. All the ten regions of Ghana (Fig. 1) were active participants in the IWTD event. Their specific roles and financial statements of account were succinctly acknowledged and recorded by the national planning committee and appropriate sub-committees. The regional participation involved GTB, regional co-ordinating councils, municipal and district assemblies, regional centers for national culture, and tourism related institutions in the private sector. The sub-committees, in collaboration with the national planning committee, engaged in specific activities to popularize the international event. Television and radio stations, print media houses, hospitality facilities, and different tourism stakeholders also played active roles in publicizing the event. The comprehensive program for the weeklong celebrations comprised two main divisions. The first included pre-event thematic tours (cultural, heritage, historical, and nature-based) and other activities offered between 21st and 26th September in all the regions of the country to boost youth and domestic tourism. A program dubbed “Know Your Country” was organized for school children, tourist clubs, religious groups, companies and communities at reduced fees in order to sensitize the general public and increase participation in the international event. Other activities included orientation and press trips for international and local travel writers and journalists; tourism exhibitions; tourism conference/lectures; gastronomic fair; inauguration of “My School Travels”; “What Do You Know about Tourism” competition (finals); and official tour of cocoa trails, Bunso Arboretum, the Cocoa Research Institute of Ghana (CRIG), and Tetteh Quashie original cocoa farm. The second division consisted of activities that climaxed the event on 27 September 2009 including three think-tank sessions, a press conference chaired by the


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Figure 4. Kakum National Park: a section of the canopy (tree-top) walkway

The Accra City Tour included some tourism students of the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), University of Cape Coast (UCC), and the Ghana Institute of Journalism (GIJ). The tourist attractions and sites visited included the Accra Arts Center, Kwame Nkrumah Memorial Park, James and Usher forts, Makola market (an open, outdoor market), Osu Oxford Street, Light House, the Jamestown Mantse (Chief) Palace, and Professor Ablade Glover’s Artists Alliance Gallery. The gallery exhibits different African paintings and crafts. In general, the tour provided an insight into Ghana’s cultural and historical heritage through a collection of pictures, visual arts, and pre-colonial and post-colonial landmarks. The diversity in Ghana’s culture, heritage and tourism was further underscored when the journalists went to the Central, Ashanti and Eastern regions (Fig. 1). The Elmina and Cape Coast castles, UNESCO World Heritage sites, were visited in the Central Region. The visitors also went to the Kakum National Park to walk on the tree-top bridges measuring about 1000 ft long (Fig. 2). The park also features different flora and fauna species. The trip to Kumasi in the Ashanti Region accentuated the importance of traditional institutions and festivities in Ghana’s tourism industry. The Manhyia Palace of the Asantehene (King of the Asnates), Osei Tutu II, is a popular tourist site. The Manhyia Palace Museum is one of three museums in the city that provide well documented history of the Asante Kingdom’s encounters with the British army before, during and after colonization. The Ashanti Region also provided the international visitors the opportunity to see and experience wood carving, “kente” (traditional textile) weaving, “Adinkra” (textile embroidered with motifs) printing, and palm wine tapping. At the Cultural Center in Kumasi, diversity in culture was displayed by the artistic performances of different traditional and cultural groups. The trip to the Eastern Region further heightened the diversity in Ghana’s tourism industry. Tourist sites and attractions visited included Bunso Arboretum, the Cocoa Research Institute of Ghana (CRIC) at Tafo, and the Tetteh Quarshie original cocoa farm at Mampong-Akuapim. Ghana was the world’s leading producer of cocoa, the main ingredient of chocolate, until the mid 1990s when the position was taken by la Cote d’Ivoire. However, Ghana’s cocoa is still very popular among chocolate producers in Japan, Switzerland and England. The “Golden Tree Chocolate”, a product of Ghana, is effectively promoted and marketed by GTB on Valentine’s Day as part of the “Chocofest” event (Addo, 2011a). The diversity in culture, heritage and tourism was also underscored by the tourism exhibition which drew participants from all the ten regions of Ghana and many suppliers in the tourism industry. Each region showcased its nature-based and cultural tourist sites, attractions and products. Beach tourism was featured by the four coastal regions namely, Volta, Greater Accra, Central, and Western (Fig. 1). Ecotourism and cultural tourism were also featured by all the ten regions emphasizing diversity in performing and visual arts, dance, music, cuisine, and traditional institutions. The exhibitions were managed by an event company, Faar Event Management Services, in collaboration with MOT, GTB, members of the planning sub-committee, regional offices of GTB and the centers for national culture at all the ten regions. A three-day (22-24 September) tourism conference was a major component of the IWTD event. It was held concurrently with the tourism exhibition at the AICC and was organized by Faar Event Management Services. The conference topics and discussions emphasized the diver-

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sity in Ghana’s culture, heritage and the tourism industry. An opening presentation by Dr. Edward Addo indicated his participation in various international conferences in Leeds and York in UK, Riga in Latvia, Dubai in UAE, Rhodes Island in Greece, and Reykjavik in Iceland and the relevance of Ghana’s tourism industry to the diverse and contemporary conference themes. The other presentations indicated the challenges facing domestic tourism, the role of the national airline in tourism, tourism financing and investment, travel insurance, human resources and the roles of public and private sectors in the tourism industry, ICT and tourism, e-tourism, and sex tourism and sexual exploitation of children. The tourism conference also underscored tourism as a global socio-economic, cultural and political industry and stressed that diversity was one of the driving forces behind its growth. Tourism, it was noted, allowed nations to share the numerous benefits brought about by building stronger ties with other countries. The conference further stressed the fact that tourism was a catalyst for building understanding, fostering social cohesion, and promoting higher standards of living. Discussions echoed the fact that tourism was the largest and fastest growing global industry providing positive linkages with other industries such as agriculture, manufacturing, trade, health, construction, and transportation. Participants asserted that global partnerships provided a more effective response to all the issues discussed. The government of Ghana was eager to contribute to the global partnership and more resolute to make the tourism industry the leading foreign exchange earner in the near future. Hotels and restaurants that participated in the gastronomic fair provided distinctive Ghanaian cuisine and hospitality services and most of the international visitors had the opportunity to experience the art of preparing and eating a variety of Ghanaian foods (red-red, koko and koose, kenkey, banku and tilapia, waakye, gollof rice, ampesi, fufu, kelewele, emotuo, yor ke gari, aprapransa, kebabs, and nnuhoo/mpihoo, for example) and drinking local beverages (nsafufuo/palm wine, doka, akpteshie, brukutu, and fruit sap, for examples). The gastronomic fair and other food events also provided the international visitors unique and memorable experiences of Ghana’s unparalleled cultural identity and African hospitality. Side attractions of the gastronomic fair included menus from other West African countries such as couscous, eba, and akyeke. Hospitality facilities that participated in the gastronomic fair included: Traditional Caterers Association, Ghana Indigenous Caterers Association, Vida International Restaurant, Native Stew Catering Services, Asanka Locals, La-Palm Royal Beach Hotel, Traffix Catering Services, Golden Tulip Hotel, Labadi Beach Hotel (the only 5-star hotel in Ghana), Accra Novotel Hotel, and Somme Naturals. The Miss Ghana Pageant 2009 (Fig.3) which replaced a musical concert, and the think-tank sessions also highlighted the diversity in Ghana’s culture, heritage and tourism industry. The former was a colorful function that attracted officials of UNWTO, MOT, GTB and Ghanaians of all walks of life. The latter included officials of UNWTO and Ghanaian intellectuals, professionals, tourism practitioners, and tourism students of tertiary institutions. The three think-tank sessions were presented in this order: Session I – Diversity, Globalization and Tourism, delivered by Mr. Tidjani Hadad, former Minister of Tourism, Tunisia; Session II – Cultural and Environmental Diversity and Tourism, delivered by H.E. Mohamoud Dirir Gheddi, former Minister of Tourism and Culture, Ethiopia; and Session III – Tourism Strengthening the Ties among Nations, delivered by Ghana’s Minister of Tourism, Hon. Mrs. Juliana Azumah-Mensah. Other Ghanaian panelists included Professor Alex Asiedu Boakye of the Department of Geography and Resource Development, University of Ghana, Legon; Dr. Edward Addo of the Tourism Studies Department, Grenfell Campus, Memorial University of Newfoundland, Canada; and Nana Akuoko Sarpong, Paramount Chief of the Agogo Traditional Area and a member of the Council of State. The multisectoral, multidisciplinary and linkage attributes of tourism were highlighted within the context of the conference theme, “Tourism, Celebrating Diversity”. It was noted that tourism contributed to economic growth, employment creation, and income generation. The discussions were oriented towards contemporary issues in the tourism industry including globalization, cultural diversity, sustainable tourism, ecotourism, strengthening ties among nations, high dependency of the tourism industry in developing countries on international tourists and investments, capital flight from developing countries, mismanagement of public sector resources, and the need to foster stronger international relations. Tourism stakeholders who attended the sessions included representatives of tourism associations, national and local governments, accommoda-


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tion providers, transport companies, travel and tour operators, market intermediaries, educational institutions, non-governmental organizations, media houses, local community representatives, tourism trade associations, and event planning organizations. A press conference held after the think-tank sessions reiterated the notion that globalization was a viable means of improving economic collaboration and international understanding of the tourism industry. A communications workshop under the theme “Ghana: Tourism, Image and the Media” was also held after the press conference. Both the press conference and communications workshop pointed out the invaluable roles of the media in enhancing the benefits of the tourism industry. Participating international and local media companies shared ideas and experiences pertinent to the travel and tourism industry. The two events projected Ghana as an ideal destination for both leisure and business tourism. The climax of the IWTD event was the Ghana Gala Night held at the State Banquet Hall in Accra. It showcased traditional and contemporary Ghanaian lifestyles. It was an exposition of Ghanaian cuisine, dance, music, drumming, and fashion within the context of cultural and heritage tourism..Present to climax the occasion were officials of UNWTO, international travel writers, local media, members of the national planning committee of the IWTD, and officials of MOT and GTB. The décor of the banquet hall was truly Ghanaian and the Immigration Service Band played “highlife” tunes reminiscent of the first decade of Ghana’s independence from colonial rule. The National Dance Ensemble also performed dances reminiscent of the ten regions of Ghana. The final curtain of the event was drawn after presentations of made-in-Ghana products as gifts to distinguished guests and an announcement that China would host the next IWTD in September 2010. 7 CONCLUSION Ghana was highly privileged to host the International World Tourism Day (IWTD) event in 2009. The country used the occasion to showcase the diversity in her culture, heritage and tourism industry. The mega event highlighted European presence and heritage in the country since 1471, British colonization, and the importance of traditional institutions and practices. The diversity in the tourism industry was underscored by the activities planned for the international event which included Miss Tourism Pageant 2009, regional and city tours, a press conference, and communications workshop. Three think-tank sessions, conference presentations, and a gastronomic fair were also used to underline the diversity in Ghana’s culture and tourism industry. The IWTD event in 2009 further underscored the importance of globalization and international cooperation to the travel and tourism industry. The multisectoral and linkage attributes of the industry were discussed within the context of globalization and diversity was projected as one of the strengths of the world’s largest and fastest growing industry. Hosting the event against this backdrop offered Ghana the opportunity to demonstrate her responses to the changes and trends in the travel and tourism industry. Ghana also indicated how to develop and manage her tourism industry to become the largest foreign exchange earner. Irrefutably, MOT, GTB and the other stakeholders of the IWTD event in 2009 focused mostly on the diversity in the tourism industry. However, it was also realized that tourism was dependent on the well-being of other sectors of an economy; agriculture, trade, manufacturing, transport, health, power (energy or electricity), and education, for example. Active participation of governments at different levels, strong intergovernmental relations, flexible visa and customs procedures, favorable or enabling investment policies, and stable political regimes are all factors that contribute to the growth and development of the tourism industry, nationally and internationally. Hosting the IWTD event in 2009 offered Ghana the opportunity to exemplify the diversity in her culture, heritage and tourism. The country was put on a higher pedestal of the global tourism industry after setting a high standard for hosting such an event in sub-Saharan Africa for the first time. Political stability and democratic governance since the beginning of the Fourth Republic in 1992, contributions to UN peacekeeping operations, an active partnership with UNWTO and other international organizations, implementation of a 15-year national tourism development plan in 1996, and private sector investments in the tourism industry, particularly in the hospitality sector, together have been the driver of transition in Ghana’s tourism industry. The

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author strongly recommends that in future all political parties should come together to work assiduously and amicably to make special, mega, cultural, and international events more successful in order to put the country on a higher tourism pedestal. In spite of the few challenges that the national planning committee and the sub-committees encountered, the enhanced reputation that the country achieved by hosting the first IWTD event in sub-Saharan Africa is worthy of praise and emulating in other developing countries. REFERENCES Addo, E. 2011a. European heritage and cultural diversity: the bricks and mortar of Ghana’s tourism industry. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 29 (4): 405-425. Addo, E. 2011b. The Golden Jubilee of Independence and Panafest: “All that Glitters is not Gold”. In O. Moufakkir & P.M. Burns (eds), Controversies in Tourism: 186-200. Wallingford: Cabi. Addo, E. 2011c. Diversification of the Tourist Landscape on Ghana’s Atlantic Coast: Forts, Castles and Beach Hotel/Resort Operations in the Tourism Industry. Journal of Tourism Consumption and Practice 3(1): 26-50. Allen, J. 2003. Event Planning Ethics and Etiquette. A Principled Approach to the Business of Special Event Management. Etobicoke: Wiley. Anquandah, J.K., Opoku-Agyemang, N.J. & Doortmont, M.R. (eds). 2007. The Transatlantic Slave Trade Landmarks, Legacies, Expectations. Proceedings of the International Conference on Historic Slave Route held at Accra, Ghana on 30 August-2 September, 2004. Accra: Sub-Saharan Publishers. Armstrong, J.S. 2001. Planning Special Events. Excellence in Fund Raising Work Book Series. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Beaven, Z. & Laws, C. 2007. Service Quality in Arts Events: Operations Management Strategies for Effective Delivery. Event Management. An International Journal. 10(4): 209-219. Boahen, A. 1975. Ghana. Evolution and Change in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries. London: Longman. Boateng, E.A. 1966. A Geography of Ghana. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Briggs, P. 2002. Ghana. The Bradt Travel Guide. Guilford: The Globe Pequot Press. Buah, F.K. 1998. A History of Ghana. Revised and Updated. Oxford: Macmillan Publishers. Edwards, J., Moital, M. & Vaughan, R. 2004. The Impacts of Mega-events: the case of EXPO’98-Lisbon. In Long, P. & Robinson, M. (eds), Festivals and Tourism Marketing, Management and Evaluation Sunderland: 195-215. Business Education Publishers Ltd. Florida, R. 2002. The Rise of the Creative Class. London: Routledge. Gee, C.Y., Makens, J.C. & Choy, D.J.L. 1997. The Travel Industry. New York: International Thomson Publishing. Getz, D. 2005. Event Management & Event Tourism. New York: Cognizant Communication Corporation. Ghanaweb. 2012. http://ghanaweb.com/GhanaHomePage/geography/maps.php (accessed March 10, 2004) Ghana Tourist Board (GTB). 1995. The 15-Year National Tourism Development Plan. Accra: GTB Ghana Tourist Board. 1998. Business Development Unit. First Draft of Project Document. Accra: GTB Ghana Tourist Board. 2004. http//www.africaonline.com.gh/Tourism (accessed March 10, 2004). Ghana Tourist Board. 2007. Facts and Figures on Ghana’s Slave Castles, Forts and Lodges. Accra: GTB. Ghana Tourist Board. 2010. Tourism Statistical Fact Sheet on Ghana. Accra: GTB Ghana Tourist Board. 2011. Ghana Tourism Homepage [Online]. Retrieved March 30, 2011, from www.touringghana.com/events/index.asp. Goeldner, C.R. & Ritchie, J.R.B. 2006. Tourism. Principles, Practices, Philosophy. New York: Wiley. Goldblatt, J. 2008. Special Events. The Roots and Wings of Celebration. Hoboken, NJ:Wiley. Goldblatt, J.F. & Supovitz, F. 1999. Dollars and Events. How to Succeed in the Special Events Business. New York: Wiley. Gunn, C.A., & Var, T. 2002. Tourism Planning. Basics, Concepts, Cases. New York: Routledge. Hoyle, L.H. 2002. Events Marketing. How to Successfully Promote Events, Festivals, Conventions, and Expositions. New York: Wiley. Library of Congress USA. 2010. Country Studies: Ghana. [Online]. Retrieved April 8, 2011, from http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi Long, P., Robinson, M. & Picard, P. 2004. Festivals and Tourism: links and developments. In Long, P. & Robinson, M. (eds). Festivals and Tourism Marketing, Management and Evaluation 1-14. Sunderland: Business Education Publishers.


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Obuan Committee. (1972). Report of the Feasibility Study Committee on the Development of Ghana’s Tourist Attractions for the 5-year Plan Period 1972-1976. Accra, Ghana: Government of Ghana. O’Toole, W. & Mikolaitis, P. 2002. Corporate Event Project Management. New York: Wiley. Picard, D. & Robinson, M. 2006. Festivals, Tourism and Change. In Picard, P. & Robinson, M. (eds). Festivals, Tourism and Social Change. Remaking Worlds: 1-31.Clevedon: Channel View Publication. Sandercock, L. 1998. Towards Cosmopolis. Chester: Wiley. Smith, M.K., & Robinson, M. 2006. Politics, Power and Play: The Shifting Context of Cultural Tourism. In Smith, M.K., & Robinson, M. (eds). Cultural Tourism in a Changing World. Politics, Participation and (Re)presentation (1-17). Clevedon: Channel View Publications. Smith, M. K. 2009. Issues in Cultural Tourism Studies. New York: Routledge. Wendroff, A.L. 2004. Special Events. Proven Strategies for Nonprofit Fundraising. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley WTO. 1999. Tourism Marketing Trends Africa. 1989-1998. Madrid: WTO Commission for Africa.

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The conservation of the built environment in Suakin, Sudan - an overview of the current context K. S. Ashley Loughborough University, Loughborough, UK

ABSTRACT: The current intention of the Sudanese authorities is to re-build Sudan as a bridge between the Middle East, Africa and Europe, and that the old port town of Suakin is revived as a gateway. Despite numerous studies and proposals for the conservation of Suakin's built environment, little has materialised on the ground and much faith and interest has been lost. This paper forms an early part of on-going research with the aim to develop a sustainable cultural framework for the conservation of the built environment in Suakin. Through a literature review, this paper explores the drivers, practices, challenges, and incentives and enablers in the conservation of Suakin's built environment. The initial research findings reveal that the conservation process itself is often stalled and prevents, rather than promotes, the integrated and process driven approach that is so widely advocated. More specifically, this research has identified the lack of a strategy, or framework, and that could potentially act as a catalyst, to enable the effective approach required. This encourages an investigation of the potential role of a mediating agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various stakeholders and power levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local communities. Such an approach could work to mobilise necessary resources, and to overcome the recurrent obstacles and lack of collaboration between those involved.

1 INTRODUCTION This paper explores the conservation of the built environment in Suakin to provide an overview of the situation up to the current context. A dynamic approach as part of an integrated conservation process is widely recognised and as Vehbi et al (2008) state, that it is “the only way to make conservation sustainable”. However the potential benefit of this type of approach, such as that proposed throughout previous studies and in the case of Suakin, is often unrealised. Suakin provides a distinctive and challenging case study as the site's history has been heavily documented with numerous conservation proposals made since the historic town was abandoned following the opening of the new port, Port Sudan, in 1909 (Lane, 1994; Mallinson, 2010). Emphasised throughout Suakin's history following its decline is the need for constant maintenance of the historic buildings, and the level of urgency with which the site and its conservation must be addressed. Despite this expressed need very little has materialised. The available literature is then generally focused around Suakin's current physical condition and the proposals made, rather than an evaluation of these proposals being implemented on the ground. This paper identifies a number of recurrent issues that play a major role in the lack of implementation of Suakin's conservation, and that require further investigation. Influencing many of these issues is the lack of investigation of Suakin's current socio-cultural condition, and how this might impact future conservation plans. The potential incentives and enablers concerning the

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conservation of Suakin's built environment have been recognised since the earliest studies and proposals were made however their means of application and utilisation in the current context is not. This has identified the lack of a strategy or framework, and that could potentially act as a catalyst, to enable the effective approach required. This encourages an investigation of the potential role of a mediating agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various stakeholders and power levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local communities. Such an approach could work to mobilise necessary resources and to overcome the recurrent obstacles and lack of collaboration between those involved. This study explores the conservation of the built environment in Suakin to provide an overview of the situation up to the current context, and this has been carried out through a literature review, an initial site visit, and informal discussions. This forms part of on-going research with the aim to develop a sustainable cultural framework for the conservation of the built environment in Suakin. 2 CONSERVATION OF TRADITION AND VERNACULAR CONSTRUCTION The paper preceding this current study (Ashley, 2011) carried out a literature review concerning the conservation of tradition and vernacular construction in regions with relation to Suakin (Sudan), and defined the current scope of research. This revealed that the conservation of tradition and vernacular construction for their revival and potential benefit to the current context is often unrealised. This suggests the need to explore this potential benefit not only for the preservation of the historic environment, but also as a method of physical as well as social and cultural sustainability and as a generative tool for urban renewal. An overarching theme is the contrast between the legislative and ground based levels in vernacular processes and related projects and highlights a number of issues that require further investigation. As highlighted by Oliver (1986, quoted in 2006) this includes the need for local perspective and effective methods of transmission and, often lacking, a level of understanding that ensures elements are not used in isolation and so lose their relevance to the current local culture. Another overarching theme is the development required for cities to remain alive, and the potential to use the conservation of tradition and vernacular construction as a creative and dynamic process that revitalises both the physical and the socio-cultural context and that facilitates the essential role of the community. Although widely acknowledged throughout the available literature, this approach only seems to be implemented on the ground through a few cases and their long-term implications and full potential, such as the community's role and true involvement as discussed by Cueni (2007), remain to be investigated. 3 SUAKIN'S BACKGROUND Suakin was once Sudan's major port and the uniqueness of the site and surroundings are immediately striking despite its current physical deterioration, and the surrounding communities express a deep connection to the site through its stories and music (author's observations during site visit, January 2011). The natural lagoon harbour is backed by the Red Sea Hills and the historic town consists of an island joined to the mainland by a causeway and the immediate mainland area known as the 'Geyf' (Greenlaw, 1976) (Fig. 1). This is now surrounded by the sprawling development of modern Suakin (Fig. 2). As a vital part of a vast trading network the site was also a centre of distinctive cultural interchange. The town provided the gateway between Islamic culture and Eastern Africa hosting Sudan's oldest school and oldest functioning mosque, and is still the major pilgrimage route to Mecca. The 15th to 20th century coral block buildings are one of the last remaining examples of the Red Sea architectural style but sadly, as the historic town was abandoned with the opening of Port Sudan in 1909, many of these have now crumbled due to the local climate and lack of maintenance (Mallinson, 2010) (Figs. 3-5).


Figure 1. Plan of historic Suakin Island and Geyf (Greenlaw 1976).

Figure 2. Suakin's sprawling new town (Google Earth 2012).

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Figure 3. Historic Suakin's decline, Historic Island view (Sudan National Museum 2003).

Figures 4 and 5. Suakin's current state of physical decay (author's photo, Suakin, 2011).

A continuous cycle of assessment and re-assessment of the site’s condition with an emphasis placed upon the accelerated speed of deterioration and urgency to address this has been created. Greenlaw (1976) and Hinkel (Matthews, 1976; Hinkel, 1992) surveyed the buildings in the historic island and Geyf since the 1950s, and in addition to this Greenlaw (1976) carried out studies on the traditional skills that were used and the local ways of life. These surveys emphasise the rapid deterioration of the structures and the loss of the knowledge and skill used in their construction. The town has been on the World Heritage tentative since 1994 with full status never being gained, and seven reports have been made to UNESCO since 1953. These include a number of formal applications made for the preservation and reconstruction of Suakin's built environment and recognition of Suakin's World Heritage status (Hansen, 1972; Lane, 1994; Salim, 1997; Mallinson 2010). 4 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION DRIVERS 4.1 Cultural Significance Sudan's rich and diverse cultural heritage and the identity of the Sudanese population is explained by UNESCO (2007) as a strength and driving force for the reconstruction of the country, and the promotion and protection of cultural heritage highlighted as a key area of intervention. The importance of such intangible elements in the case of Suakin such as boatbuilding, fishing, the local 'Samaka' music and dance, and the area's religious shrine visitation and rituals, are investigated and emphasised throughout a number of sources (Greenlaw, 1976; Hansen,


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1973; Mallinson, 2010; Taha, 2011) as a valid reason to revitalize Suakin's historic centre despite its current physical condition. As the first Chairman of Sudan's Museum Board, Nasr el Hag Ali, stated in a letter to the Minister of Education in 1958: "...it is our duty towards the future generations of this country and the world cultural heritage to preserve this crucial landmark, the gateway through which the life line from the East steadily trickled in and accumulated the pool of our present day culture and national make up. These relics cannot be measured in terms of money, and they are invaluable in the development of this young nation" (Mallinson, 2010). Hansen (1972) also argues the monumental importance of Suakin in addition to the sentimental role of the town and its cultural traditions, and the unexploited possibilities that may result in better living conditions. Stating this as a justification for the town’s preservation to take place, Hansen suggests that Suakin's preservation is not the architectural example of the buildings themselves, but rather of an architectural culture and tradition. Mallinson (2010) continues this argument and suggests that the successful conservation of Suakin would provide a living expression of Sudan's culture. 4.2 Economic Development An economic strategic approach is argued as the only viable approach to the problem of Suakin’s reconstruction, as is highlighted by Lane (1994) and Mallinson (2010). Suakin's population consisted (and still consists) of a number of poor families. As explained by Salim (1997), Suakin's population was expected to double or even triple following the opening of the new harbour in the 1990s, and that the revival of the historic area would have the industrial potential to support the economic and social development and long-term survival of such a population. The Suakin Development Plan (Mallinson, 2008) integrates the current Suakin New Town Masterplan (Discussion in Port Sudan, January 9th 2011) with the historic core, and aims to attract outside investment and modern industry and to integrate these commercial efforts with cultural activity, following examples such as Fez in Morocco and Madras in India. 5 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION APPROACHES AND PRACTICES 5.1 Preservation Versus Dynamic Change The physical approach to Suakin's conservation has evolved with the decay of the site from one of preservation to reconstruction. Hansen (1972) proposed the preservation of a number of the existing structures and a number of others as ruins, while Hinkel (highlighted in Salim's text, 1997) later suggests the creation of a new quarter where the construction of new buildings would reflect the original layout of the site. Lane (1994) Salim (1997) and Mallinson (2010) have also suggested the need for reconstruction due to the extent of the site's physical decay. Reinforcing this is Um's (2011) description of Greenlaw's disillusionment with Suakin's preservation. Having surveyed the site and advocated its preservation since the 1940s, and producing a comprehensive set of documentation on Suakin's physical composition, Greenlaw then advocated to UNESCO in 1974 that the entire city should be razed and rebuilt from the ground. This approach could also been seen to be justified through the history of the site's construction. Suakin's historic buildings are inherently fragile and have always been in a constant process of rebuilding, but as proposed by Mallinson (2010), reconstruction under supervision and using the historical records as guidance could preserve their distinctive cultural style. In addition to the physical preservation and reconstruction of Suakin, the socio-cultural approach to the built environment in terms of use and associated meanings is conveyed as one that must also evolve. A number of sources argue that to simply reconstruct and preserve Suakin as it was will cause it to become a museum piece that is essentially frozen in time, and that this removes the dynamic process that has characterised its history and incredible significance as a cultural object. Hansen (1972) and Lane (1994) suggested that the abandoned historic core could be revived as a living town where the ruins would become part of the new buildings and continue the old traditions. Salim (1997) explained his philosophy as seeking the revival of the city rather than just the preservation of the historic structures due to previous schemes meeting local resistance because they only attempted to deal with the historical relics. Lane (1994) and

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Mallinson (2010) have argued that such adaptation to the current context is necessary, and that to enable new sustainable economies such as education, tourism and fishing, and acceptable standards of living, modern standards must be adhered to in terms of amenity and safety. This is reinforced by discussions held with the Red Sea State's Ministry of Physical Planning and Public Utilities (January 9th 2011, Port Sudan, Sudan) that expressed the need to reintroduce new viable and sustainable uses to the old buildings once restored. This does not mean that the authenticity of Suakin's built environment needs to jeopardised as such a process of change already comprises much of Suakin’s history. Um (2011) conveys a real sense of optimism through the town's physical evolution and an opposite perspective to that of many who have struggled with Suakin's constant deterioration (Hansen, 1972; Greenlaw, 1976; Lane, 1994; Salim, 1997; Mallinson, 2010). As Um (2011) states: "Even today, Suakin is on the brink of a revival. And if proposed schemes take shape, its buildings will be repurposed once again and redefined for new audiences, extending the city's long and contested visual life". 5.2 Masterplanning Emphasised, although none yet implemented, throughout the approaches to the conservation of Suakin's built environment is the necessity for a larger masterplan that addresses both the historic and new town areas. This is proposed to overcome the obstacles that have so far prevented many proposals from taking place, and to ensure the development that does take place is appropriate. Lane (1994) recommended the production of such a plan, noting that the circumstances that caused the decay of the town in the first place were likely to be reversed as the new port of Suakin was due to open in 1995. Salim (1997) highlighted that a comprehensive masterplan is essential to resolve legislative issues and that clearly sets out the roles and relationship of the state and the inhabitants. The 'Suakin Project', created by NCAM (Sudan's Corporation for Antiquities and Museums) in 2000, synthesises its recorded material into one coherent masterplan proposal for the revival of the site as a cultural and living entity worthy of World Heritage Status (Mallinson, 2010), states he intent to follow Lane's (1994) previous recommendation. The approach of the 'Suakin Project' differs from those suggested before by breaking the masterplan down into several smaller building contracts in an attempt to shed the large financial obstacle that has so far prevented any progress being made. 5.3 Integrated Development The proposals made express the need to carry out an integrated approach to the conservation of Suakin's built environment. This is intended to create links with other areas and interdependence between economic, social and cultural expressions of community life, and with a specific emphasis on human activity in terms of new functions and rehabilitation of the original structures. This is first conveyed by Hansen (1972) who stated that while the specialised community of merchants were immediately affected by the change of Suakin's port and economic environment, the poorer suburb with all its intertwined activities was able to resist, even when the main source of its existence (i.e. the port) was crumbling. Salim (1997), Lane (1994), and Mallinson (2010) all seek UNDP and UNESCO assistance for Suakin's revival with the objective of a multi-lateral approach to the alleviation of poverty, urban rehabilitation, the conservation of a cultural heritage site and the introduction of amenities. This approach is continued through NCAM's Suakin Project that utilises both international and local assistance. Mallinson (2010) explains the Suakin Project proposal as coordinating project areas with local interest as regional development will affect the site, and conservation and/or development of the site will also affect the region's development. 6 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION CHALLENGES 6.1 Financial Financial restrictions have been one of the major reasons that have prevented the physical implementation of many of the proposals for the preservation and reconstruction of Suakin's built


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environment. The National Museum has been severely under resourced since its creation, and with major levels of decay having now affected many sites including Suakin as its most extreme example. Proposals for government support have been refused since the initial suggestion made by the Commissioner of Port Sudan in 1933 that some building owners should receive support to repair their structures (Salim, 1997). This difficulty in obtaining funds is emphasised by Hansen (1972) who stated that previous attempts demonstrate the eager intention of the authorities and the property owners to preserve Suakin's historic environment, yet at the same time that there is an impossibility of obtaining funds from a state budget consumed by immediate necessities. Salim (1997) argues that in addition to these funding difficulties being primarily due to the limited financial resources of the Sudan Government, they are also due to the Antiquities Department having never tried to involve others, including Suakin's local population, in their approach to the site's conservation. 6.2 Legal Legal issues such as ownership and government guidelines are recognised as providing both protection for Suakin's built environment and the other major restriction on the successful implementation of proposals for its conservation. Lane (1994) and Salim (1997) have argued that the legislative restriction on the central government to spend money on the restoration of private property. However, under the local Suakin Town Building Regulation, the Governor (Red Sea State) is empowered to repair or demolish properties that have become uninhabitable at the owners’ expense. This restriction has created an atmosphere of frustration and distrust between Suakin's inhabitants and the Government's Department of Antiquities. Salim (1997) discussed the inability of the government to reach a settlement on land ownership with Suakin’s remaining inhabitants, and that once the buildings were to be recognised as historical relics, the owners were prohibited from carrying out alterations. Taha's (2011) investigations support this restrictive view having stated that the Sudan government's current definition of heritage continues to cause problems for its safeguarding and protection. Heritage is described as being compartmentalised so that the NCAM Antiquities Ordinance's narrow definition, as stated by Taha (2011): "limits the conservation of monuments and sites to a physical nature rather than also considering the social values, associations or personal emotions they also embody". Despite the atmosphere of distrust created by this restriction, Mallinson (2010) has considered the recognition of Suakin's built environment as a historical site under Sudan's 1999 Antiquities Ordinance as a base necessity for government money to be spent on any restoration work, and to enable private owners to be compensated accordingly. Mallinson (2008) also suggested that the memory of landownership still governs the development pattern as legal records identify every parcel of land, and that this ensures redevelopment will keep the integrity of the site’s identity and townscape. 6.3 Development For a long time Sudan's monuments have been protected by their isolation, but they are now under threat both physically and socially/culturally from the country’s increasing rate of development. Salim (1997) and Taha (2011) have discussed the opening of the new Suakin port in the 1990s as endangering the historic city as the resulting development of the surrounding new town would encroach upon it. Taha (2011) also expressed great concern over the proposals to widen the narrow medieval streets in the historic mainland Geyf area, and that the intended construction of a new waterfront corniche counteracts the social activity and values of the surrounding area's historic construction. PERGSA (the Regional Organisation for the Conservation of the Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden) (PERGSA 2004-14) have highlighted the inhabitants of these coastal areas as an integral part of the diverse cultural heritage, and that this is at risk of disappearing as many locals are replaced with imported labour and in competition with industrialized processes.

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7 SUAKIN'S CONSERVATION INCENTIVES AND ENABLERS 7.1 Community Participation and Development Emphasised in the case of Suakin and numerous published examples of sites and projects elsewhere as a way to enable or improve the conservation of the built environment is that the primary role must be played by the public sector, and that situations must be approached in response to local needs and culture. The UNESCO Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Sudan 2006 (UNESCO 2006) recognised the need to enlarge capacity at governmental, institutional, research and community levels. Salim (1997) explained the rights of Suakin's owners and provided consultants to assist them in preserving the historic character of the town, and with the response reported to be enthusiastic, committees were formed to initiate the project. Mallinson's (2010) discussion of the major aim of the Suakin Project also emphasised the importance of forming ownership committees to encourage reconstruction of the houses, and of the revival of the original community that first made them. In addition to the owners themselves emphasis is also placed on the local culture. Hansen (Hansen 1972) proposed that funds for a project such as the conservation of Suakin could be requested as a gift from some country or institution that recognises that the material welfare of people and its cultural achievements are linked together. During the 2007 Workshop discussions (Suakin Museum Workshop 2007) it was suggested that an investigation should be made into the relationship between Suakin's local life and the historic ruins, and that local workshops to facilitate this would be a future priority in the site’s conservation efforts. Mallinson (2010) has continued this emphasis on Suakin's local life, having stated that: “In essence it was a living culture, and not a dead monument, and that the life of the city was the heritage, albeit expressed in the current manifestation of the buildings visible. Once this idea is understood, then the importance for Sudan of Suakin becomes clearer”. 7.2 Institutional Collaboration and International Involvement Previous studies made on sites and projects elsewhere have argued that heritage conservation should be multidisciplinary, socially and economically sustainable, and linked to the current context of the area in which it occurs. In the case of Suakin these aspects are suggested as a way that the conservation of Suakin's built environment could move forwards and approach many of the obstacles that have so far prevented it. Salim (1997) and Mallinson (2010) have emphasised collaborative involvement and international recognition as a World Heritage Site as a means to overcome Suakin's major financial obstacle. Suakin's 2007 Workshops (Suakin Museum Workshop 2007) recognised that more cooperation was needed to inform other institutions of what is happening, and that links should be formed with other areas such as between Africa and Mecca/the East, connections to the Nile Valley, and foreign interventions such as mining. The aim of the UNESCO Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Heritage in 2006 (UNESCO 2006) was declared as the bringing together of relevant NGOs, representatives of local communities, practitioners from Sudan, and international experts in the field of intangible cultural heritage. This provided a place for information sharing as a first step towards defining and inventorying the intangible cultural heritage of Sudan, and is a process that could be followed to enable the involvement and collaboration of the various stakeholders in the conservation of Suakin's built environment. This dynamic sense of involvement and collaboration is reflected by Um's (2010) portrayal of Suakin's built environment, stating that: "...the Red Sea Style stands as a utopian construct because it may not be mobilised as a category that supports nationalistic agendas or advocates a unique view of a singular cultural heritage. Rather, the Red Sea style presents a tangible image of a hybrid culture that did not adhere to the boundaries of a nation state...".


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8 CONCLUSION This paper forms an early part of on-going research with the aim to develop a sustainable cultural framework for the conservation of the built environment in Suakin (Sudan), and prepares for the next stage of field-based investigation. The current intention to revive Suakin's historic built environment has seen little materialise on the ground despite the numerous studies and proposals that have been made. Through a literature review, an initial site visit, and discussions, this study reveals that sustainable and regenerative qualities of conservation are often recognised, such as those proposed in the case of Suakin, yet their effective implementation remains largely unexplored. A number of recurrent issues are identified that play a major role in this lack of implementation and that require further investigation. Financial and legal restrictions are the major restrictions highlighted throughout Suakin's conservation history, and these must first be approached before plans can progress. There has been a clear lack of successful long-term involvement of Suakin's local communities, organisations dedicated to the conservation of cultural heritage, and government and non-government bodies. An integrated approach that enables community participation and the involvement of other actors has been suggested as an optimal way to overcome these obstacles and to integrate the historic site's conservation with the wider area's development plans. Influencing these issues is the lack of an evaluation of the current socio-cultural context of Suakin, and how this will impact the area's future conservation. The distinctive context of Suakin and its constantly evolving socio-cultural nature emphasises the need for such an investigatin to be made through a qualitative method of enquiry and an individual case-based approach. The studies made in the available literature have focused mainly on the previous or 'original' community, but neglects to explore and identify who they are now and what their intentions are. The expressed need to reintroduce viable and sustainable uses to the historic buildings once restored, for things to take place in the near future with tangible results, and Suakin's conservation and development still being governed by land ownership, reinforces the critical necessity of such an investigation. The incentives and enablers concerning the conservation of Suakin's built environment have been recognised since the earliest studies and proposals were made however their means of application and utilisation in the current context is not. The process, or rather lack of process, concerning Suakin's conservation is often stalled and faith and interest is lost by locals and investment bodies throughout the lengthy and often fruitless legislative procedures. Therefore there is a need for a strategy or framework that could potentially act as a catalyst to enable the effective approach required. This encourages an investigation of the potential role of a mediating agent, such as a specialist body or activity, to act between the various stakeholders and power levels involved and to facilitate the empowerment of Suakin's local communities. Such an approach could work to mobilise necessary resources and to overcome the recurrent obstacles and lack of collaboration. REFERENCES Ashley, K. 2011. Conservation, Tradition and Vernacular Construction in Developing Regions. 10th International Detail Design in Architecture Conference Proceedings, 27th + 28th October 2011, Istanbul Technical University, Faculty of Architecture, Istanbul, pp. 181-90. Cueni, L. 2007. Learning to Live With the Past Cultural Heritage Preservation in Aksum, Ethiopia. ISP Collection Paper edn. Addis Ababa: Hamilton College. Dilawari, V. 2009. Process vs Product: Scientific Conservation vs Traditional Construction. In: M. HARDY, ed, The Venice Charter Revisited Modernism, Conservation and Tradition in the 21st Century. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, pp. 375-381. Greenlaw, J.P. 1976. The Coral Buildings of Suakin. London: Oriel Press. Hansen, E. 1972. Preservation of Suakin. Paris: UNESCO. Hinkel, F.W. 1992. The Archaeological Map of the Sudan Volume 6 The Area of the Red Sea Coast and Northern Ethiopian Frontier. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Lane, M.B. 1994. Suakin Mission Report. Paris: UNESCO.

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Lewcock, R. 1990. Conservation in Practice. Architectural and Urban Conservation in the Islamic World edn. Geneva: The Aga Kahn Trust for Culture. Mallinson, M. 2008. Suakin Coral Town Development Plan. Unpublished Plan/Report for Sudan's National Corporation of Antiquities and Museums. Mallinson, M. 2010. Suakin World Heritage Site Proposal background history and research. Unpublished report. Matthews, D.H. 1976. Red Sea Style. Dresden: VV Preiberg. Oliver, P., 2006. Tout comfort: Culture and comfort (1986). In: Built to Meet Needs Cultural Issues in Vernacular Architecture. London: Architectural Press. PERGSA (the Regional Organisation for the Conservation of the Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden). 2004. Strategic Action Plan 2004-14. Salim, A.R. 1997. Suakin: On Reviving an Ancient Red Sea Port City. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review, 8(2), pp. 63-74. Taha, S. 2011. Suakin's sacred landscape: shrine visitation. In: Sérgio Lira, Rogério Amodéda, Cristina Pinherio (eds.), Sharing Cultures 2011, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Intangible Heritage, Tommar, Portugal 3-6 July. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute. Um, N. 2010. Reconsidering Red Sea Architecture: Building Traditions at the hinge between the Mediterranean Sea and the Indian Ocean. Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Working Paper Series, 226, pp. 37-60. Um, N. 2011. Greenlaw's Suakin: The Limits of Architectural Representation and the Continuing Lives of Buildings in Coastal Sudan. African Arts, 44(4), pp. 36-51. UNESCO. 2006. Report and Recommendations on the Expert Meeting on Identification of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Sudan, Khartoum 21-22 March 2006. Paris UNESCO. UNESCO. 2007. Framework for Cultural Development in Sudan. Paris: UNESCO. Suakin Museum Workshop. 2007. Unpublished Report on the Suakin Suakin Museum Workshop Discussions, February 17-18 2007. Vehbi, B.O., 2008. Conservation of the Cultural Built Heritage of the Walled City of Nicosia for Sustainability, J. Al-Qawasmi, S. Elwazani and S. Malhis, eds. In: Responsibilities and Opportunities in Architectural Conservation Theory, Education, and Practice, 3-4 November 2008 2008, The Third International Conference of the Center for the Study of Architecture in the Arab Region (CSAAR), pp. 111-126.


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New technologies for inconvenient heritages: a defensive system of the twentieth century as a case study A. Atanasio Guisado Estrategias de conocimiento patrimonial. University of Seville, Spain

ABSTRACT: The new communication technologies are definitely changing the rules of the game. With a simple mouse click everyone can leave behind the conventional paradigm of being some product’s spectator-receptor and become its player-producer. In this sense the Cultural Heritage must use this opportunity to reach a model of comprehensive management that allows the research and valorization of the object of study. A concrete case of application is presented here: The defense system at Campo de Gibraltar, built between 1939 and 1945, whose implied characteristics require the search for new strategies that permit their adequate diffusion and marketing.

1 WHY THE ARCHITECTURE OF AGGRESSION1 The research group of the University of Seville HUM-799: Strategies for patrimonial knowledge, which is linked to the Higher Technical School Of Architecture, is following a line of work related to the defensive systems developed in the south Spain along history and their subsequent territorial establishment. The most recent and not yet published research carried out by the group describes three architectural models of territorial defense built along history, covering the period from the end of the Spanish Civil War to the end of World War II with the defensive system built in Campo de Gibraltar from 1939 to 1945. In all cases it is about approaches focused on the analysis of the military structures and their concentrated or scattered distribution in the territory they are supposed to defend. Reflections about the patrimonial, symbolic or landscape value of those battlefields appear only in a tangential way and it is the intention of this proposal to deepen these aspects that are so suggestive and at the same time so forgotten in our cultural expression. A defensive system of the 20th century was chosen because of its extraordinary capacity to reconfigure the territory: The continuous technical advances in artillery provoke the progressive and growing construction and dispersion of subterranean or camouflaged structures that can´t be located or beaten by enemy fire. Where there used to be a single defensive position, well visible and prominently situated in the territory, now there are multiple means to connect each single one of them by transmissions as well as by road traffic. Thus we wanted to reduce the objective of this presentation to a war scenario where new horizons could be created through the fusion of the natural and the artificial, as it occurs throughout Europe, where fortified fronts appear before and during World War II, like the Maginot Line or the Atlantic Wall, and as happens in Spain with the surroundings of Madrid during the Civil War, the defensive ensemble of the Pyrenees or the defensive ensemble of Campo de Gibraltar, which is the object of this study. The quintessence of 20th century military construction -the bunker, fortín (literally small fort or pillbox in English) or blocao (from the German Blockhaus)- converts itself by definition in the basic structuring cell of those new landscapes: “A tremendously efficient relation (maybe like it never existed in any other construction) exists between the landscape (the big open spaces), the orography (beaches, cliffs, mountains or plains) and men, derived both from the bunker’s particular morphology and the rules established by violence and war” (Ruiz de Samaniego et al., 2008)


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3 RESEARCH “With the date 22 of the current month and by telegram I said to Excellence el Generalísimo as follows By order of Y.E.. fortification regiment number 4 was assigned to the garrisons of La Línea, San Roque, Tarifa, without having carried out any work so far, for not receiving explicit order to do so nor having formulated plan of fortification. Seen the international incidents I submit resolution Y.E. convenience that, and subject to approval of project, concrete machine gun nests are built as hidden as possible vision Rock (…)’ I transmit for your knowledge” (Archivo General Militar de Ávila, AGMA.a) This is a postal telegram dated 25th April, 1939 and with the heading of the Commanding General of the Southern Army, Gonzalo Queipo de Llano, addressed to the Commanding General of Engineers of the General Headquarters of the Generalísimo in which he wants to transmit to him what he had previously communicated to Franco, who by then already had been proclaimed Caudillo de España. In the text figure the two slopes that converged in Campo de Gibraltar: On the one hand the very recent end of the Civil War and the necessary reorganization of the defense, on the other hand the probable commencement of hostilities between the different European countries that would lead to World War II. Thus the Fortification Regiment number 4 had been sent to La Línea de la Concepción by the General Headquarters weeks before the Civil War ended officially on 1st April, 1939 – the day Franco signed the last military war dispatch-. As throughout its history, the Strait of Gibraltar was once again the key to the beginning and the end of the battle, whether by the bombardments suffered in Ceuta, Algeciras or La Línea from Republican warships or by the passing of air convoys carrying National troops from Tetuán to the Tablada Airfield in Seville to avoid the naval blockade. The response to the request for the fortification of the border with Gibraltar was immediate. On 1st of May a postal telegram is sent to the Colonel of the Fortification Regiment number 4 transmitting the orders received from Franco. The orders are very explicit with a general distribution scheme of the defense facilities similar to the one that would be designed subsequently, but indicating the urgent necessity of the works. For that purpose twelve sapper companies are assigned to Campo de Gibraltar by early May, eight in the Algeciras Bay and another four in Tarifa, and the earthworks begin (AGMA.b) Finally some days later the news arrive: a specific committee for the fortification of Campo de Gibraltar has been created, the Comisión de Fortificación de la Costa Sur (CFCSur). Under the presidency of general Pedro Jevenois Labernade the basis of an overall configuration of the Campo de Gibraltar fortification system is established: More than 21 settlements for coastal batteries are built, about 120 km of roads and military tracks, an indeterminate number of antiaircraft settlements, more than 20 concrete shelters for searchlight projectors pretended to watch the shipping traffic in the Strait and at last a whole defense system against hostile landing at the coast, consisting of nearly 400 machine gun nests and/or anti-tank guns. This idea turns out to be fundamental and sets another target for this research: It is necessary to understand the Campo de Gibraltar defense ensemble as a system with one single purpose, where each of its components is part of the same network. Understanding them as individual objects the fortines lose part of their relevant significance: they belong to an arranged whole according to some tactical principles.

3.1 Identification and protection So the first fundamental question is the differentiation between the systems that each one of the implemented devices belongs to. The notion “bunkers of Campo de Gibraltar” usually mentions the land front and coastal defense system’s machine gun nests or those for anti-tank guns, which by far are the most numerous, but within the fortified ensemble existed also other types of networks like the antiaircraft batteries or the coastal batteries that entailed their own annex constructions. In the case of antiaircraft defense besides of the leveled area for the placement of the weapon, a subterranean shelter for troops or ammunition could be built. In the case of coastal defense the architectural variety is wider: It included shelters for troops, searchlight projectors, command and sentinel posts. The latter, which are easily recognized due to the horizontal layout of their loophole open almost up to 180 , are defined occasionally as machine gun nests, but they were initially designed for the work with a telemeter – which didn’t detract the possibility to adapt them as a nest-. Eventually all these are an ensemble of elements that configure several networks that generate the unique system established in the territory of Campo de Gibraltar.

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At an institutional level the existence of one legal figure is standing out: The Plan of Defense Architecture of Andalusia (PADA) by the Andalusian Government’s Ministry Of Culture, where a defense system like the one at Campo de Gibraltar perfectly fits. PADA advocates the consideration of all the defensive architecture of Andalusia as Bien de Interés Cultural, the highest figure of protection on regional and state level, because of the region’s borderline essence and its resulting historic and cultural consequences. The 20th century military architecture however is not implicitly included as a part of this defensive architecture to be safeguarded. We have to understand, as all the contemporary defense systems, the bunkers of Campo de Gibraltar are the last representatives of aboveground military architecture, because of the progressive advancements in aviation and artillery power. It’s this evolution of the artillery that since the 18th century provokes the gradual spreading and concealing of the facilities trying to prevent direct hits that destroy the entire garrison with just one shot. The defensive constructions around 1930-1940 are nothing but the culmination of this progressive compartmentalization, transforming the concept of concealing and entrenchment into material resistance through reinforced concrete. In this context it’s important to remember that these concrete structures are direct witnesses of a belligerent era. Witnesses that, in spite of having a function in common, present a variety of rich and abundant forms, which makes it even more attractive to study them.

Figure 2. Diversity of 20th century defensive architecture in Campo de Gibraltar

3.2 Documentation and registration With the demarcation work of every subsystem starts the use of software for the application of Geographic Information Systems (GIS). The intention is to include all the information concerning the defense ensemble of Campo de Gibraltar in one georeferenced cartography. This way we are able to include all the data associated to every single catalogue element in a base planimetry on a territorial level, may it be from field work or archived information. Eventually a tool is configured to carry out the study and inventory of all the components of the Campo de Gibraltar defense system.


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3.2.1 Existing material Among the located plans of the ensemble the schematic representation of the territory turn out to be common. In those times the drafting process consisted in manual tracing over a cartographic base including only the elements indispensable for localization at first sight. This implies certain difficulties when it comes to analyze those maps, leading back to a manual superimposition of the base plans and the subsequent risk of inaccuracy. In this respect the Cartographic Institute of Andalusia (ICA) is the main contributor to avoid this from happening in the present research work. It has abundant georeferenced material at various scales that can serve us a territorial base for varying levels of approximation. From there on it is only about adding shapes –layers- to our archive, depending if we want to bring up one type of information or another. Between the maps in use we point out the “Topographical Map of Andalusia, 1:100.000” for representing a basic scale that is adequate for our ensemble. And then more especially there is the “Cartographic Map of Andalusia of The Greater German State” at a scale of 1:50.000 implemented on paper from 1940 to 1944 and inserted into GIS by ICA, so it is georeferenced. This map provides us a contemporary planimetric base for our ensemble projects which makes the process of cartographic data input into the computer file enormously easier.

3.2.2 Computerization process It is important to point out the difference between raster and vectorial cartography. The first one refers to what we commonly consider a digital image, represented on a grid of equally sized cells, the pixels, permitting only a limited data input. The second, the vectorial one is geometric information consisting of points, lines or polygons, that allow us to associate the alpha numeric data we want to any object. While the Topographical Map of Andalusia, 1:100.000 is vectorial cartography, the German Map is raster cartography that we will only use as planimetric base. All the projects of the ensemble that are part of this work have been obtained from the Archivo Intermedio Militar Sur de Sevilla2 (Intermediate Military Archive South of Seville). The projects have a structure similar to the actual ones, where there are design brief, quantity determinations, budgets and plans. It is custom that the orders that lead to the authoring of it are transcribed in the design brief in addition to a brief summary of the fundamental characteristics of the planned elements and their corresponding justification, which means a very valuable first recognition of the facility. For their part the plans normally have a considerable length, nearly two meters in some cases, originally folded and bound to folio size. The option to work with photographs of these documents is not feasible because of the loss of scale and proportions that the presence of those creases implies. Therefore it is necessary to use a scanner to proceed with the digitization of those plans that are most interesting for the purpose of this study. Once the document is scanned conserving its real scale, and once it is georeferenced using the GIS software, we will have a specific raster cartography of the fortification ensemble at Campo de Gibraltar. That means we have a base cartography on which we can superimpose any kind of maps or plans that refer to the same coordinate system. The next step is the digitalización (Spanish term used to define the creation process of a vectorial object in GIS) of all the buildings to be catalogued, which will enable us to maintain the relation between the object and the system it belongs to.

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Figure 3. Partial result of the digitization of the plans treated at the Intermediate Military Archive South of Seville, with the German Map as base raster cartography. Each point represents a defense position.

3.3 Valuation and significance Once recognized the state of the question it is the right moment to do an exercise of reflection that allows us to configure a theoretical frame of general qualification of those defense systems. A frame that is translatable to each of the specific systems. To do so we use the base created by Paul Virilio in his work Bunker Archeology (Virilio, 1994), which is the main reference for interpreting possible patrimonial values of 20th century military architecture. Through texts and his own photos Virilio undertakes a valuable theoretical and practical approach to the Atlantikwall – a defense system of fortifications set out by the Germany of Hitler along the Atlantic coast, from Norway to France, to avoid the landing of allied troops during World War II (observe the parallelism with the case of Campo de Gibraltar). In Spain an article by Antonio Bonet Correa reviews Virilio’s work, summarizing in a single paragraph all the interesting and valuable content, or at least part of it, that the French author finds in the bunkers of the Atlantikwall: “Last examples of aboveground military architecture, because of their massive and compact forms as well as their typological variety and abundance, and the symbolic character they contain” (Bonet, 1976). This synopsis is very useful to configure a steady theoretical frame for the possible value that 20th century military constructions might have. Nevertheless it is considered opportune to add another point to the ones cited before: The landscape (of war) which Virilio dedicated an entire photographic chapter to. Besides, the landscape is a constant in Spanish reference books, all of them influenced by the French author. With all this a theoretical frame is established with its roots in Virilio’s work, but pretending and permitting to be translated to all the fortification facilities built during the European Civil War from 1914 to 1945 (Rodríguez de la Flor, 2000).


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3.3.1 The last aboveground military architecture Historically the fortifications of World War II represent a turning point in the development of military architecture. The overcoming of these defense systems symbolizes in a direct manner the new course of the planet and its inhabitants towards new ways of conceiving territory, finally culminating in a worldwide conception. The appearance of a third dimension in the battlefield as from the extraordinary technological advances leads us to the fact that any place on the planet can be exposed to an attack, as demonstrated with the bombings of Hamburg, Dresden, Hanover, London and many other cities. While throughout the history of mankind military architecture has been and still is continuously studied and revised, the constructions of the 20th century are getting removed from what would be a general archive of European architecture (Mallory & Ottar, 1973). This absence is justified by the need of a temporal perspective that maybe has to take place yet, but there are still very few initiatives to save these types of buildings from neglect.

3.3.2 Landscapes of war In times of war the bunkers were carved into the landscape, waiting for the arrival of the enemy from any point of the deserted horizon (Deleuze & Guattari, 2002). Just as poliorcetic manuals point out: The fortress is the expression of power in the territory (de la Llave García, 1925). The importance is subsequently concluded that the military command gives to the knowledge of the land to get better and more efficient defense systems, with dissemination and zoning of its facilities being a top priority, obliging not to resist the projectile but to avoid it. The conjugation of all these principles finally generates a mesh, a network overlaying the territory where the nodes are the fortifying elements and the infrastructures are the guiding threads that unite them.

3.3.3 Function and form This network of fortification facilities has one ultimate purpose, but not all of the fortines play the same role within the defense ensemble and it is this role and the resulting program of necessities that designs and builds the facility, being able to establish several bunker typologies depending on the different solutions that are adopted. Besides the specific needs of each location make every bunker an object of almost handcrafted design. Prepared to resist the most violent attacks it offers through its masking a space of privileged vision making it possible to see without being seen (Bonet Correa, 1976). Morphologically contemporary fortines have to respond to extraordinary fire range and power, which results in a set of frequent concepts in all the facilities: The monolithic design to prevent it from tilting at an explosion, the softened forms to avoid the casting of shadows visible to aerial observation, or the absolute sobriety due to the need of adjustment to its situation and a war economy demanding to multiply the positions.

3.3.4 The symbolism of concrete bunkers The fortín-object as such has transcended the strict functionality under which it was conceived at the same time that the defensive ensemble formed by all of them has exceeded the magnitude of its historic significance (Virilio, 1976). Nevertheless it doesn’t seem enough for this 20th century fortification to achieve acknowledgement, cataloguing and protection. One possible answer to this circumstance underlies in the discomfort that the bunkers still arouse. It is understandable that they represent abominable objects since the moment of their construction. But on the other hand any war object has to be understood from the proper dialectic of the battle: The attack and the defense, the gun and the armor. It’s not the loophole of the bunker that shoots, but the machine gun that is leaning out of it. Thus the bunkers today, built throughout Europe around the different fronts of World War II – Don’t they represent a defending army’s more or less effective answer against an attacking one? Once the confrontation is over and from this undetermined –but certain- moment on when this temporal arch of susceptibility has been overcome, all war content is vacated from the bunker, which is left behind out of its original context. That’s the moment when it gets rid of its inherent burden, or at least when it assumes it, having to pass in this very instant to the group of defensive architecture worth of attention.

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4 ACTION For evident practical reasons the phase of Intervention and Conservation within the value chain stays out of this research’s reach. First of all it’s necessary to complete the cataloguing of all the items to be able to research them and hence it’s required to complete the documentation transferred to Geographic Information Systems. From here on this phase can be linked to the two subsequent ones that facilitate the possibility to create new diffusion and reflection platforms that attend the process of the item’s socialization and thereby it’s perception and consistent conservation. Nowadays the Spreading and Socialization phase must be the keystone of any heritage valorization and is not yet treated in the traditional research methods. At present the progressive digitization of knowledge is leading to its democratization (Darnton, 2010) with the aim to promote the knowledge and appreciation of these cultural assets, facilitating their interpretation and encourage active participation. The possibilities of geolocation and photographic tagging featured by mobile devices nowadays help to alleviate the difficulties of physical access to many of these locations. It’s during the steps preceding the definitive establishment of an operative network with entirely interrelated content when, from a methodical and pragmatical point of view, it turns out to be essential again that all the information is fed into a territorially linked database (namely a GIS platform). As we have seen in the first two phases, which are rather linked to the Action concept, it’s necessary to complete the inventory of assets to be able to conduct their valorization. In the case of the Impact and Reflection phase it’s mainly about the exploitation of cultural tourism in a view to obtain the necessary sustainability which is required in the preplanning of any intervention in cultural heritage. Thus we can encounter the north american model of multiple signage (Diller & Scofidio, 1994) or other kinds of experiences gained in other European countries where the abandoned bunkers, that stake out of the beaches are resting on the terrain – and among them for instance the south of Spain- but simultaneously being understood as war objects. They configure themselves as authentic milestones and mark the points that configure another territory and a different geography, the new geography of war tourism.

5 A SIMPLE EXAMPLE OF DIFFUSION In their work Back to the front tourisms of war (Diller & Scofidio, 1994) the authors compare the profile of a soldier to that of a tourist in an ironic way making an exhaustive analysis of each single item that constitutes the equipment of both types of traveller. Only eighteen years later it’s possible to substitute more than one third of the tourist’s equipment by one single object: The mobile phone. Without a doubt dictionaries, film and video cameras, etc stay behind; for someone more habitual with the handling of the new devices (smartphones or tablet computers with internet connection) even the travel guide, flight tickets, magazines, daily press, pocketbook, etc. If the current progressive tendency continues, the usage of these devices will be widely spread and any person will be able to obtain information about a patrimonial element through a technology that includes GPS systems that are increasingly accurate3. It is obviously that in order to transfer information onto a mobile device it has to be generated beforehand, but never before were we so close to the possibility of making this work known and of socializing this knowledge. The only prerequisite in our case is the necessity to use georeferenced databases for the conjunction between the content and its coordinates to be immediate. From there on there are multiple ways to perform the information transfer to more accesible formats. In this case we opted for the QRcode, a barcode of Japanese origin that can be easily generated at no cost in internet and that can also be read by various cost-free applications that are available for all kinds of mobile operating systems for smartphones and tablets. Once it is read the QRcode will lead us to a web page, for example.

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ENDNOTES 1 Mention is made of Keith Mallory and Arvid Ottar’s book title, who presented an early work that became a reference for the recognition of contemporary military architecture as such. 2

“Proyecto de entretenimiento de las obras de campaña construidas en el Campo de Gibraltar y sectores de Cádiz y Almería”, 3982 1, 18/57 y 18/58. “Proyecto de construcción de 58 Obras de campaña correspondientes al plan defensivo del Campo de Gibraltar”, 3981, 6, 17/54 a 17/60. “Proyecto de entretenimiento de los caminos militares terminados en el Campo de Gibraltar para 1944”, 3984, 8, 22/55.

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The World Mobile Congress 2012 was held in Barcelona in late February of 2012 and a quick look at the innovations the big network and communication companies presented there can give us an idea of the way that is still to go in terms of this technology. REFERENCES Archivo General Militar de Ávila, Documentación Nacional, Legajo 475, Carpeta 8, Armario 10, n 2. Archivo General Militar de Ávila, Documentación Nacional, Legajo 475, Carpeta 8, Armario 10, n 4 y 5. Arévalo Rodríguez, F; Atanasio Guisado, A; Molina Rozalem F.J. 2011. Tres modelos arquitectónicos de defensa territorial en el sur peninsular (not published yet). Azkarate Garai-Olaun, A. 2010. “Archeologia dell’architettura in Spagna”, Archeologia dellárchitettura (ed. Brogiolo, G.P), Florence. Bonet Correa, A. 1976. “El búnker, monumento funerario al delirio nazi”, Triunfo, 685, 36-38. Brea, J.L. 2007. Cultura_RAM, Barcelona: Gedisa editorial. Cojean, A. 2011. “Digitalizar es democratizar”, Arquitectura viva, 135, Madrid. Criado, F. 1996. “Hacia un modelo integrado de gestión de investigación y gestión del Patrimonio Histórico: la cadena interpretativa como propuesta”, Boletín del Instituto Andaluz del Patrimonio Histórico, 16, Sevilla: Conesejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía. Darnton, R. 2010. Las razones del libro. Futuro, presente y pasado. Madrid: Trama Editorial. Deleuze, G. & Guattari, F. 2002 “Tratado de Nomadología: la máquina de guerra” Mil Mesetas. Capitalismo y esquizofrenia. Valencia: Pre-textos, 358-431. Diller, E. & Scofidio, R. 1994. Back to the front tourisms of war, Paris: FRAC Basse Normandie, Princeton Architectural Press. Franco Bahamonde, F. 1944. ABC de la batalla defensiva, Madrid Imprenta del SG Ejército. de la Llave García, J. et al. 1925. Reglamento para la instrucción técnica relativa a los trabajos de fortificación y castrametación propios de las tropas de zapadores minadores. Madrid: Estado Mayor Central del Ejército, Imprenta Cervantina. Mallory, K. & Ottar, A. 1973. Architecture of aggression. A history of military architecture in North West Europe 1900-1945. Hampshire: Architectural Press. Rodríguez de la Flor, F. 2000. Blocao, arquitecturas de la era de la violencia, Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva Ruiz de Samaniego et al. 2008. Atlantikwall, arquitecturas bélicas de las playas del oeste. Madrid: Maia y Fundación Seoane.

Virilio, P. 1994. Bunker Archeology. New York: Princeton Architectural Press.


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"A Moderate Drink, for a Moderate People": Canadian beer advertising and the rise of a beer-drinking nation, 1918-1939 M. J. Bellamy Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada

ABSTRACT: Canada was not always a beer-drinking nation. Only in 1925 did the level of per capita beer consumption surpass that of hard liquor. At no time since has the consumption of distilled spirits or wine been equal to, or greater than, the per capita yearly consumption of beer. The question that this paper explores is why? What factors led to the rise of a beer-drinking nation, and what role did the brewers’ advertising campaign play in determining drinking patterns and consumer behaviour? While there are admittedly material factors that help explain what alcoholic beverages Canadians chose to consume after 1918, these factors alone do not tell the whole story. This paper will highlight the “discursive formations” giving rise to a nation of beer-drinkers and the corresponding business rationales for its promotion. It is informed by Michel Foucault's interest in the “practical field” of discursive deployment and the “law of existence of statements” that occur in historically specific contexts.

1 INTRODUCTION In March 2000, a sixty-second television commercial became an overnight phenomenon and sparked a worldwide debate on the nature and spirit of the Canadian identity. The commercial was crafted to promote one of Canada’s top-selling beers, Molson Canadian, which since the early 1990s had been marketed using the tagline, “I am Canadian.” The commercial utilized the phrase at the conclusion of a minute-long rant by a “typical” beer-loving Canadian named Joe. “Canada is the second largest landmass,” Joe patriotically yelled as the advertisement approached its end, “the first nation of hockey, and the best part of North America… My name is Joe and I am Canadian!” The “Joe Rant” emerged as a passionate declaration of national pride and a definitive piece of popular culture. The fact that the advertisement resonated so deeply with Canadians has been seen as evidence of the profound link between beer and the national identity. Beer is to Canada what wine is to France, vodka is to Russia, tequila is to Mexico, Ouzo is to Greece, and sake is to Japan. “We are, and have always been,” in the words of one prominent public thinker, “a beer-drinking nation.” The privileged place of beer in Canadian society is supported by recent statistics. Today, the Canadian brewing industry is the largest component of the alcohol beverage sector, followed by distillery products, with the wine industry a distant third. Canada is the eighth largest exporter of beer in the world. At home, an estimated twelve million Canadians drink beer – more than one half of the adult population. These numbers give grist to the mill of those who view beer as Canada’s “national drink” and therefore intertwined with the “national identity” and Canada’s intangible heritage.

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But was this always the case? How “Canadian” is beer? When did beer become an identity marker, an expression of one’s Canadian-ness and why? That is, when, why and how did beer first become an emblem of Canadian national identity as well as a mediator of sociality? While there are admittedly material factors that help explain what alcoholic beverages Canadians decided to consume after 1925 (e.g. increased immigration from beer-drinking nations), these factors alone do not tell the whole story. This paper will highlight the “discursive formations” giving rise to a nation of beer-drinkers and the corresponding business rationales for its promotion. It is informed by Michel Foucault's interest in the “practical field” of discursive deployment and the “law of existence of statements” that occur in historically specific contexts. Prohibition and the post-repeal years provided a singular set of circumstances that enabled the rise and consolidation of a discursive framework concerning the ethical and normative dimensions of alcohol consumption. “The guardians of true temperance” -- i.e. the brewers -- aimed to re-make the image of their product into something “good” and to regulate personal conduct and construct subjective identities. The board-based embrace of moderationist discourse -- advancing notions of proper drinking, tolerance and citizenship -- is reflected in what Nikolas Rose calls a “technique of the self,” a mode of self-regulation that produces individual subjectivities aligned with larger social and political objectives. This paper explores the role of the brewers’ advertising campaign, and commercial consumption in general, in constituting the forms of discursive knowledge and accompanying “truths” that led to the rise of a nation of beer-drinkers. This paper therefore does not seek to make the case that beer has always been part of the Canadian-ness of the Canadian people. For much of Canadian history the issue of beer, brewing and beer-drinking divided the population more or less down the middle. Indeed, for a period of roughly a decade, the production and retail sale of beer was prohibited in Canadian society. Rather, by analyzing the brewers’ interwar advertising campaign, the paper explores the “discursive practices” underlying the changing patterns of liquor consumption and the making of a national culture that not only tolerated but celebrated the consumption of beer. 2 THE INTANGIBLE HERITAGE OF DRINK Why do some beverages hold special places in the collective imagination of a nation and others do not? That is, why are some beverages intertwined with the national identity, and thereafter part of the intangible heritage of a nation, while others are seen as “foreign”, the beverages of “others” and therefore divested of their cultural capital? The answer lies in the dynamic relationship between identity and drink. It has become fashionable of late to view identity as a person’s own definition in terms of group membership, which entails inter-group behaviour, or the identification of a person with the values, ideals and manners of a group (Turner, 1994). Notably, identities are constructed through differences with others, and the aim is to achieve collective self-esteem and group solidarity. Social theorists, especially those working in the field of intangible heritage, claim that “identity” is crucial to all people: it allows one to situate oneself and the “Other”, to give a sense to existence, and to order the world; it forges norms and values (Lira et al, 2011) Identity contributes to how individuals and groups perceive and construct society, how they give meaning, and how they act, react, think, work, judge, socialize, rejoice, eat and drink. They do so by referring to social, cultural, economic and political conditions and while so doing, affect the world in which they live. Traditional identity has been viewed as something stable and therefore transcendental. But defining identity this way is full of problems. If we are to see identity as something more dynamic, then perhaps a better way to conceive of it is as an act of identification. Identification is more than just sharing the common characteristics of a group or an ideal; it is a never-ending process of construction, or, perhaps even “fantasy incorporation” (Hall, 2006). In this view, identification is dynamic, operating through language and practice, or more appropriately, because of the interconnection between language and practice, through discourse and narratives (in the sense of how people think, tell and write about their lives). Through language, people internalize the attitudes of a group and they integrate and explain experiences, memories and expectations. Through practice, people participate vividly in the attitudes and rituals of the groups. It is thus deeply rooted in the intangible heritage of a nation/people.


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How does drink relate to the processes of identification? The short answer, according to sociologists, is that drinking relates because it is much more than a biological act. Drinking, like eating, crosses the border between the “outside” and the “inside”, and this “principle of incorporation” –- as Claude Fischler terms it –- touches upon the very nature of a person and ties them to a larger community. The “incorporation” is the basis of collective identity. Because people absorb drink, they seize the opportunity to demarcate their own group and concomitantly, those of the other. People drinking similar beverages are trustworthy, good, familiar, and safe; but people drinking unusual drinks are to be distrusted, viewed with suspicion and even disgust (Fischler, 1988). This is certainly the case in France where one drink in particular, wine, holds a special place in French culture. For the French, wine is what Roland Barthes has termed a “totem drink”, commonly drunk by those of every social class. In the same way that a primitive totem united all those who worshiped it, so the totem of wine in France unites those who share and serve its special meaning. Wine-drinking in France is an assertion of the national way of life. As Barthes notes, “a Frenchman who kept this myth [of wine] at arm’s length would expose himself to minor but definite problems of integration” (Barthes, 1973). Drinking wine remains a national technique with its associated sociability, self-control and culture of moderation defining an important part of what it means to be French. For French people, wine, or more precisely the love of good wines, characterizes French-ness in much the same way as being born in France, fighting for liberty or speaking French. As a result, in 2010 UNESCO declared “the gastronomic meal of the French”, which included the “pairing of food with wine” as a part of the intangible cultural heritage of humanity. What historians have added to our understanding of the relationship between drink and the processes of identification and intangible heritage is that this relationship is itself a product of time and space. Drinks have often played different roles at different times in the same place, and the same roles at the same time in different places. For instance, after World War Two, as Diane Kirby demonstrates, wine replaced beer as the Australian nation’s alcoholic beverage of choice and in the process not only transformed the Australian economy but helped create a new national identity as well (Kirby, 2006). The domestic wine industry played a significant part in creating a culture that celebrated the consumption of wine. It was a similar story in Britain during the eighteenth century when members of the brewing industry, the artistic community, and the government came together to promote the consumption of domestically-produced beer over the consumption of foreign-made gin. In all of these places business played a significant role in the process of identification. More often than not their actions were intuitive rather than highly calculated and, more often than not, they helped foster/reinforce the relationship between drink and identity through the used of advertisements. As the historian David E. Nye points out, not only do advertisements shape values, mould roles, and effectively promote needs but they also mirror “otherwise unspoken assumptions about the social order” (Nye , 1985). In this way advertisements not only constitute but also are constituted by the dominant social ethos. An effective ad, like other forms of communication, therefore, works best when it strikes a chord in the needs and desires, fears and hopes of the receiving agent. In short, ads have cultural power, and therefore should not be ignored when seeking to understand why certain consumer objects become intertwined with identity. If one reviews the list of foods and drinks that UNESCO has declared as part of the intangible cultural heritage of humanity –- be it the Mediterranean diet, traditional Mexican cuisine, or the gastronomic meal of the French – two material factors become evident: (1) the food and/or drink is made of raw materials harvested locally/domestically and (2) a long, significant and ongoing tradition of making and enjoying these domestically-produced drinks encourages a sense of identity and responsibility which helps individuals to feel part of one or more different communities and to feel part of society at large. In Canada beer has served this role, on and off, since the founding of Quebec City in 1608. What is unique about the Canadian case however is that the culture of brewing, beer and beerdrinking has often been contested. It would be incorrect therefore to state that brewing and beerdrinking have always fostered a sense of Canadian-ness. Prior to the end of the First World War, the act of beer-drinking and beer-making divided the population more or less down the middle, “wet” vs “dry,” and those people that did drink, more often than not drank something other than

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beer. Only after the First World War did Canadians start to see something sacred in the consumption of beer. 3 BEFORE A BEER-DRINKING NATION For most of Canadian history, the alcoholic beverage of choice was not beer. During the Ancien Régime brandy and wine filled most of the mugs of French-Canadians. Brandy was particularly popular. In fact, so much brandy was consumed during the first half of seventeenth century that it impeded the progress of the colony. Widespread drunkenness abounded in New France. In an attempt to wean the population off brandy, Jean Talon, the chief administer of New France between 1668 and 1675, constructed a state-of-the-art brewery. Fully state-owned and –controlled, the Brasserie du Roy operated in a protected environment devoid of competition and with unlimited access to raw materials, capital and markets. Yet in less than a decade the brewery went bankrupt, principally because there was no demand for beer in the colony prior to the English conquest of Quebec in 1759 (Ferland, 2004). It was a similar story in British North America. When the English author and traveler James S. Buckingham arrived on the east coast in 1843, the level of alcohol consumption immediately struck him. But it was not beer that was being copiously consumed. Rather the drink of choice among the English-speaking inhabitants was whiskey, brandy and/or rum. Buckingham did not have much that was favourable to say about the drinking population. In his view British North America had a disproportionate number of booze-soaked ‘blasphemers”. He was particularly appalled by the drunken behavior of his Canadian traveling companions. “Though we had been often disgusted with the tobacco-chewing passengers we had encountered in the steamboats and state-coaches of America,” he carped, “we would willingly have taken the worst of them in exchange for the drunken, profane, and still more disgusting brandy-drinkers, with whose oaths and imprecations, idiot stares, and unmeaning laughter, we were shocked beyond measure” (Buckingham, 1843). The nature of life in British North America was such that it increased the temptation to drink. Numerous instances are recorded of the prevalence of whiskey at the “logging bees” and the “raising bees” -- i.e. the communal events that saw the clearing of land and the erecting of buildings on the frontier. The most important person at these gatherings was the whiskey boss who was responsible for serving the spirits to the thirsty workers. Susanna Moodie, who moved from London, England to the Upper Canadian frontier with her husband in 1832, wrote soberly about the predominance of hard liquor in the rough Canadian bush. A teetotaler herself, Moodie understood that the only way to get frontiersmen to show up for her “logging bee” was to have plenty of whiskey available. “I had prepared for them… the best fare that could be procured in the bush. Pea-soup, legs of pork, venison, eel, and raspberry pies, garnished with plenty of potatoes, and whiskey to wash them down,” (Moodie, 1852). When Sir Richard Bonnycastle visited Canada in 1846 he noted that whiskey and “very atrocious brandy” were the only beverages excepting water that could be procured along the country roads (Bonnycastle, 1846). In the inns, taverns and grog-shops, Canadian men, women and children consumed an annual average of three gallons of whiskey (Clemens, 1972). Since it is inconceivable that all women and children consumed their “annual average”, it must be assumed that the percentage imbibed by the men was proportionately higher. There were few moderate drinkers who could restrict themselves to four glasses of whiskey a day. Thus, a preference for distilled spirits lasted well into the nineteenth century, especially as French brandy and West Indian rum become more widely available and local whiskey production took off (Heron, 2003). If there was any doubt that the “Canadian drink” was something other than beer, those doubts were cast aside along the road to Confederation. At the two meetings held in 1864 – the Charlottetown conference and the Quebec Conference -- to discuss Canadian Confederation, the delegates drank enormous amounts of whiskey, sherry, brandy and champagne, but very little beer. The most powerful figure at these conferences was John A. Macdonald. Elected as Canada’s first prime minister in 1867, Macdonald loved his whiskey. Indeed his biographer, the eminent Canadian historian Donald Creighton, called him a “two bottle man”, by which he meant two bottles of whiskey a day. A brilliant politician who set the genetic code for all successful Canadian prime ministers after him, Macdonald was given to excessive drinking. At the Quebec con-


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ference, for instance, Macdonald was nearly always drunk. On one occasion he had been found in his hotel room intoxicated, with a rug thrown over his nightshirt, “practicing Hamlet in a looking glass” (Martin, 2006) Macdonald’s affinity for strong drink was widely known to the press and to the public. Canada’s first cartoonist, J.W. Bengough, often caricatured Macdonald with bottle of whiskey in hand. Admittedly it was a time before the popular belief that any press is good press. Nevertheless, if there were ever a case to be made for a drink being intertwined with the national identity, certainly the picture of a Canadian prime minister thrusting a bottle of distilled spirits into the air would be it. For the rest of the century, Canadians continued to drink more spirits than beer. Indeed it was not until 1925 that more beer than hard alcohol was consumed. In 1869, Canadians on a per capita basis were consuming 2.29 gallons of beer and 1.25 gallons of distilled spirits. Then, as now, there was less alcohol by volume in a glass of beer as there is in a similar size glass of hard liquor. Indeed, the extant data suggests that a “typical” beer of the time contained 5% alcohol by volume while a glass of rum, brandy, whiskey or any other form of hard liquor contained at least 40% alcohol by volume. Based on these figures one can calculate how many units of alcohol exist in a given quantity of liquid, and express this as units of drink or “standard drinks”. When this conversion is made, we can see that, in 1869, Canadians were actually drinking over three and half times the amount of distilled alcohol than they were beer. On the eve of the First World War, Canada was still not a beer nation. In 1914, Canadians were consuming 77.4 standard drinks of beer and 88.5 standard drinks of hard liquor. But that changed after the war’s end. By 1925 Canadians were consuming 4.82 gallons of beer or 64 standard drinks and only .25 gallons of spirits or 26.6 standard drinks. At no time since that year have Canadians consumed more hard liquor than beer in any given year. By 1962, Canadians were consuming 150 standard drinks of beer (13.57 gallons) and only 77 standard drinks of hard liquor (0.87 gallons). Thus it was during the 1920s that beer first became the alcoholic drink of choice of Canadians. So how and why did this happen? 4 MAKING BEER CANADIAN: ROOTING BEER IN THE LAND During the interwar period, the brewers of the nation sought to make their product part of the cultural fabric of the nation. They did this by associating their product with the land, tapping into the anti-modernism of the period so as to sanitize their product from the problems of the city which had for so long, been associated with the bar and drunkenness. They aimed at having the beer seen in a new, positive light and as something healthy and quintessentially Canadian. The land held a special place in the hearts and minds of Canadians during the interwar period. The land/countryside was seen in a romantic light. The countryside was considered a sanctuary from the dangers and chaos of the modern urban world, and its products were seen as “natural”, “authentic”, and “pure”. This back-to-the-land anti-modern sentiment was manifested in a variety of cultural manifestations of the period, from the paintings of the Group of Seven (Jessup, 2002), to the writings of Harold Adams Innis (Evenden, 1999), to the quest for a rustic fisherfolk in Nova Scotia (McKay, 1994), to the creation of summer camps in Ontario (Wall, 2009), and to the establishment of national parks (MacEachern, 2001). It was also manifested in the advertisements of brewers and helps to explain why the brewers succeeded in their effort to get Canadians to (re)imagine beer as a quintessentially Canadian drink. The brewers tied their product to the land in two interrelated but separate ways. First, in their advertisements they portrayed people (who were always white, and often rural, and pre-modern) on the farm, in the country, near a lake or river, at a cottage, or in a park, but never in a “beverage room” or “social club” in the city. “If you want to make a fishing trip a success,” an advertisement for Frontenac beer advised, “you must look after your friends’ comfort. Whatever the catch may have been they will be ready for a good meal and a few bottles of a delightful summer drink.” Many other brewers used the same strategy and imagery. For example, during the 1920s and 1930s Molson Brewery, one of Canada’s largest beer manufacturers, gave away promotional calendars with depictions of countrified and communal settings positioned above a romantic text that read: “The Ale your Great Grandfather Drank”. Sometimes the images used were reproductions of original paintings. The calendar page for January 1931, for instance, used a reproduction of a painting by Cornelius Krieghoff, who was perhaps the most popular Cana-


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dian painter of the nineteenth century. The painting was a depiction of a mid-nineteenth century winter ball at a Quebec country inn. The anti-modernism text that Molson had written to accompany the picture read: Without motors or radios, life in Quebec was merry, the costumes colorful, entertainment popular. With its shorter days of greater leisure and longer nights, winter was the season of festivities. Verbal invitations were passed around and friends and neighbours would gather, some in city sleighs, some in bright coloured berlots and others in village-made traineaux. Men wore overcoats, generally white or grey homespun, with a bright ceinture fléchée…. An abundance of tasty food, the product of the countryside, and a variety of drinks were served at supper, and after refreshments the violin reigned supreme. The antimodernist language and imagery utilized by Molson and other Canadian brewers was aimed at distancing their product from the perceived problems of the city (e.g. civil unrest, white slavery, drunkenness). By linking beer, brewing and beer-drinking to rural folk and country places, brewers like Molson aimed to sanitize their product and to make it more appealing to mainstream Canadians. The second way that the brewers tied their product to the land was by emphasizing that it was made of natural ingredients gathered from the land. This allowed them to claim that beer was a “natural” product that was rooted in the land and by implication in the cultural heritage of the nation. In a series of ads entitled “A Canadian Ale, for Canadian People”, the Dominion Brewery noted that its beer was made with raw materials “harvested from the land and drawn from the lakes, rivers and streams: fresh water, barley and hops.” Similarly Carling Brewery claimed that its beer was “made from Canada’s finest barley and choice hops.” During the 1920s, Bernhardt’s Brewery issued postcards of its brewery in a country setting. Below the peaceful image ran the text: “Where hops and malt and sparkling water are made into Bernhardt’s celebrated lager.” O’Keefe’s ales, lagers and stouts were “the result of the scientific blending of nature’s gift -- malt and hops.” In Alberta, the Silver Spray Brewing Company boasted that its beer was “manufactured from the best natural products -- Canadian Malt and Choicest Hops.” The brewers’ advertisements tapped into an underlying cultural logic. At a time when Canadians were searching for uniquely “Canadian” ideas, events, experiences and commodities -- the makers of a national identity -- the brewers served up their product as an “authentic” piece of Canadiana. By associating their product with nature and the environment, they staked out a place in the hearts and minds of Canadians. They sought to strike only those notes that would evoke a positive resonance. 5 REMAKING THE IMAGE OF BEER AS “GOOD” In an effort to get Canadians to re-image beer in positive terms, the brewers aggressively promoted beer as a “good”, “pure”, “wholesome” and “moderate” drink. The advertisements that appeared in the popular press in the 1920s, 1930s and 1940s were remarkable in that they were not so much designed to carve out a greater market share for one particular brand vis-à-vis another. Rather, the objective of these ads seems to have been to appeal to the majority of English Canadians who were middle-class, white, Anglo-Saxon and Protestant, exactly those individuals who, during the First World War, had either explicitly or tacitly supported prohibition, and did not drink. Thus these ads were a part of the brewers’ campaign to keep Canada wet and designed to change the thoughts and feelings of Canadians towards beer. One of the successful strategies that the drys had used to steer people clear of beer was to argue that there was no discernible difference between beer, wine and spirits. Together, in the words of the editor of the Acton Free Press, these drinks were “the three poisons.” Each was capable of causing despair, depravity, violence, and decline. “Whether in the form of beer, wine or spirits,” noted another prohibitionist, “alcohol poisons those higher centres of the brain which control the moral faculties, such as patience, kindness, unselfishness, generosity, to a serious extent, before the other faculties are much affected.”


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Having watched passively as statements like these appeared in the national press during the first and second decade of the twentieth century, the brewers of the nation shot back at the end of World War I. In advertisements across the nation, the brewers painted a profoundly different picture of life with beer, at work, at home and at play. For working Canadians, beer was promoted as being “healthful”, “beneficial”, “nutritious in the winter”, and “refreshing and thirstquenching in the summer”. “A glass now and then during the day”, promised the Silver Spray Brewery in Calgary, “imparts strength and energy.” The Edmonton Brewing & Malting Company claimed that its beer was “the right beverage to build up strength, health, and happiness.” In Ontario, O’Keefe Brewery promised working Canadians that when they were “fagged after the day’s work, nothing is so bracing as a glass of Imperial Ale, Lager and Stout.” In a subsequent advertisement, O’Keefe guaranteed that its beer “put life into tired, aching limbs.” “Mildly stimulating,” the advertisement continued, “the tonic and food properties act as an antidote to the worries of the day.” Thus, contrary to the claims of prohibitionists, the brewers maintained that beer was not the cause of inefficiency, unhappiness and physical decline. Rather it was uplifting to the individual and thereby beneficial to the nation. Time and again in the advertisements of the period, the brewers used the words “wholesome”, “good”, “pure” and “clean” to describe their ales, stouts and lagers. By describing beer in these terms, the brewers were appropriating the language of the prohibitionists. Many of the prohibitionists were part of the larger social purity movement, which not only sought to suppress sexuality and vice (i.e. intemperance), but also to create a nation whose ethical identity was consonant with the values of middle-class, white, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant Canada. Since the 1880s they had voiced their concerns about prostitution, immigration, racial impurity, the threat of the city, and the consumption of liquor. In the minds of these moral reformers these “running sores of the human family” -- especially prostitution and intemperance -- festered in the urban bars and taverns where booze was served. They saw society as a body, an organic whole. In the collective view, liquor polluted the purity of the individual, and the drunkard compromised the wholesomeness of society (Valverde, 1991). “Drink is a cancer”, a “racial poison and a national curse”, stated one prohibitionist organization. Those prohibitionists within the social purity movement viewed things that were “Godly” and “Christian” as: “good”, “clean”, “pure” and “wholesome”. Liquor was none of these things. When the prohibitionist talked about liquor he/she described it as: “impure”, “unclean” “unpleasant”, “foul”, “poisonous”, “lethal”, “rank” and “toxic”. No distinction was made between beer, wine or hard liquor. In the period between the wars, however, the brewers utilized the language of the social purists and prohibitionists to sell beer and beer-drinking to the majority of Canadians. Labatt’s beer, for instance, was sold as “good for one’s body and soul.” Vancouver Breweries’ Cascade beer was an “absolutely pure, mild and wholesome beverage” O’Keefe claimed that its beers were “pure, wholesome and delicious.” Rock Brewery in Preston, Ontario maintained that its beer was “pure and free from drugs and poisons. Sounding a similarly purist chord, Frontenac brewery in Montreal marketed its beer as “wholesome, delicious and nutritious.” Not to be outdone, the oldest of Canada’s breweries proclaimed: “Molson’s famous ale is so pure and wholesome and good for you.” 6 CONSTITUTING A MODERATE DRINK AND A MODERATE PEOPLE If beer were to become the alcoholic drink of Canadians, the brewers understood that people would have to drink differently. The pre-prohibition period had seen too much drunkenness, too much drinking to excess. No one wanted to see the return of the working-class saloon, complete with its perceived attendant vices of gambling, prostitution, rowdiness and other improper behaviour. The brewers had long maintained that beer was not the problem – after all it was a “temperance” drink. Different brewers used different phrases to capture this “fact”. Cosgrave’s brewery, for example, proudly stated that its pale ale was “mild”. O’Keefe’s “light beer in the light bottle”, on the other hand, was “mildly stimulating” and “truly temperate.” John Labatt promoted his beer as “moderately invigorating.” Thus, the brewers maintained, it wasn’t their product but the over-indulgent consumer that was the trouble. “Let us again regard the drinker as the problem,” the brewers stated in an ad that appeared in the late 1930s, “not the drink.”

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There was nothing new about the advocacy that emerged between the wars, except for the allimportant fact that it took place on the backdrop of the failed “noble experiment.” Within this context, the brewers saw a new opportunity to promote their product as the only “truly temperate” drink. Prohibition had proven that people would always consume alcohol, even when legal obstacles were put in their way. “We submit,” stated the brewers in a lengthy opinion piece that appeared in the press in 1937, “that the folly of trying to make people sober by law has been so clearly demonstrated already that no sane person could wish to try that experiment again.” Instead, they contended in another ad that appeared a few months later, “the way to get moderation is to make the drinking of small quantities of mildly stimulating beverages both legal and public!” Given that “the history of prohibition all over the world has proven that words in a statue book will not change the tastes and preferences of men,” the brewers took it upon themselves to teach the gospel value of moderation. People were going to drink; the only question was what would they consume, and how would they do it. In making their case that Canadians should drink beer moderately and responsibly, the brewers tapped into the discourse on individual liberty, with its emphasis on public education, self-regulation, moderation and self-control. The strategy was first used in Quebec where, as early as 1918, the brewers felt it was “necessary to kill the prejudice that beer and wine are poisons, the same as whiskey.” The brewers maintained that, unlike hard liquor, beer was a “weaker drink”. Its relatively low (i.e. moderate) level of alcohol distinguished it from harmful spirits like brandy, whiskey and rum. Hard liquor, in the words of F.H. Bell, a one-time brewing industry lawyer who headed a committee to re-legalize beer sales in Nova Scotia after the war, was “poisonous stuff.” According to Bell, the consumption of distilled spirits needed to be prohibited along with the use of morphine and other drugs.” Beer, on the other hand, because of its moderate properties, should be available for widespread consumption in public. The emphasis on public drinking was a new twist on an old argument. Only by drinking publicly, the brewers maintained, would one learn the rituals and habits of drinking responsibly – something that all “decent citizens” should know. Drinking, like eating and smoking, was a “social custom” –- determined by the cultural norms and ideals of a society. Prohibition, they maintained, had deprived a whole generation of the opportunity of learning moderation. “Any insistence that the consumption of these wholesome, mildly stimulating beverages should only take place in private behind shut doors,” a 1937 brewers’ advertisement stated, “cannot give people the opportunity to learn to use them sanely, decently and to their own advantage.” The brewers were sanguine that in public places, under proper control, education would begin and public opinion would discourage anyone from drinking to excess. Moderation was the key. It was a way of life, a means of reconciling the tension between selfindulgence and social wellbeing, between the pursuit of pleasure and deferred gratification. Wisdom through the ages had shown that the lasting enjoyment of the pleasure of life depended on moderation, an ethos and approach to drinking which was largely absent during the age of excess that saw prohibition in Canada. The ideal citizen understood his obligations to community and country, and reflected these by being moderate in his thinking and moderate in his actions, which included drinking. In “A Dialogue on Moderation” ideal citizen Mr. B. told an agreeable Mr. A. that “moderation means the avoiding of extremes, being temperate in conduct.” Moderation was a call to drink less of a “good thing” –- i.e. beer. Preserving these ideals of personal freedom would require ongoing vigilance and self-control. That, in the discourse of the period, was the drinker’s obligation. In the service of this cause was moderation, now elevated to one of the chief safeguards of Canadian democracy. By being moderate in their thinking and actions, drinkers were doing their part in maintaining democracy and personal liberty. The discourse was in keeping with the calls for political moderation by Stephen Leacock and others in the late 1920s and 1930s in which liberalism was reframed in pragmatic terms. Moderation would defy intemperance, invoking virtues of self-control in defense of beer drinking. Tolerance and freedom would go hand-in-hand, refusing government interference in the lives of every day citizens by establishing the right to drink moderately and responsibly as part of Canadian culture. Nothing was demanded of those who chose not to imbibe other than the recognition that one was free to do so. The brewer’s moderation advertising generated positive feedback from the public and the press. Executives at Labatt’s and Molson’s received thousands of complimentary letters for their


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defense of a citizen’s right to drink moderately. A Canadian Business article in 1940 noted how the brewers’ ad had “revolutionized relations between a producer of goods and the public by “advocating moderation in all things.” A Reader’s Digest that appeared at about the same time reprinted a number of the brewers’ moderation ads as examples of the “new high in liquor advertising.” In a 1942 editorial, the Globe and Mail, Canada’s most widely read news daily, reiterated the brewers’ moderationist stance when arguing against wartime prohibition: “The wise use of any potentially dangerous article comes through sound upbringing, good education and self discipline and cannot be imparted by law.” Those who “drink as civilized people should not be prevented from enjoying the undoubted social advantages of stimulants which overcome diffidence and facilitate social intercourse.” Prohibition was never re-implemented and Canadians increasingly embraced beer as their alcoholic drink of choice. 7 CONCLUSION In working to steer Canada clear of a second prohibition era, the brewers cast their lot against the ominous forces of intemperance on the one hand and coercion on the other. Designing a new narrative, the brewers crafted a fundamentally “Canadian” story, revising the image of their product and its place in Canadian society by drawing inspiration from mainstream Canadian values. Those values were mirrored in the brewing industries’ advertisements, in the imagery and language that they used. Intuitively they associated their product with the idea of being Canadian. For more than a decade, in advertisements that appeared in the popular press, they tapped into the deep social assumptions of mainstream Canadians in order to make beerdrinking not only socially acceptable, but also an act that could signal “identification” with a larger group and therefore promote social unity and cohesion. REFERENCES Barthes, R. Mythologies, trans. Lavers, A. St. Albans: Paladin, 1973. Baumgartner, F. R. and Leech, B. L. Basic Interests: The Importance of Groups in Politics and Political Science. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1998. Bellamy, M. J. “The Canadian Brewing Industry’s Response to Prohibition, 1874-1920.” Brewery History, no 132 (Fall, 2009): 2-17. -- “’Rich by Nature, Poor by Policy’: The premature birth and quick death of commercial brewing in Canada, 1667-1675.” Brewery History, no. 137 (Fall, 2010): 48-70. Black, N and Brandt G. C. “Alcohol and the First Women’s Movement.” Canadian Studies, 35 (1993): 95-106. Boehmke, F.J. The Indirect Effect of Direct Legislation: How Institutions Shape Interest Group Systems. Columbus, Ohio: Ohio State University Press, 2005. Bonnycastle, R. Canada and the Canadians in 1846, vol. 1. London: H. Colburn, 1846. Clark, N. H. Deliver Us From Evil: An Interpretation of American Prohibition. New York: W.W. Norton and Company Inc., 1976. Clemens, J. M. “Taste Not; Touch Not; Handle Not: A Study of the Social Assumptions of the Temperance Literature and the Temperance Supporters in Canada West Between 1839 and 1859.” Ontario History, vol. 64, no. 3 (September 1972): 144-160. Cook, S.A. Through Sunshine and Shadow: The Women's Christian Temperance Union, Evangelism and Reform in Ontario, 1874-1930. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1995. Deschouwer, K. and Jans, M.T. Politics Beyond the State: Actors and Policies in Complex Institutional Settings. Brussels, Belgium: Brussels University Press, 2007. Evenden, M. “The Northern Vision of Harold Adams Innis.” Journal of Canadian Studies vol. 34, no. 3 (Fall 1999): 162-186. Ferland, C. Bacchus en Canada: Boissons, buveurs et ivresses en Nouvelle-France. Quebec: Septentrion, 2010. Fischler, C. “Food, Self, Identity” in Social Science Information/sur les sciences sociales, vol 27 (2), June 1988: 275-292. Gray, J. H. Booze: The Impact of Whiskey on the Prairie West. Toronto: Macmillan, 1972. Hall, S. “Introduction: Who Needs Identity” in S. Hall and P. Du Gay (eds.) Questions of Cultural Identity. London: Sage 1996: 1-17

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Hamilton, D. Sobering Dilemma: A History of Prohibition in British Columbia. Vancouver: Ronsdale Press, 2004. Hamm, R. Shaping the Eighteenth Amendment: Temperance Reform, Legal Culture and the Polity, 18801920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995. Heron, C. Booze: A Distilled History. Toronto: Between the Lines Press, 2003. Hopkins, C. J. Canadian Annual Review. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1920. Jessup, L. (ed.). Anti-modernism and the artistic experience: Policing the boundaries of modernity. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001. -- “Bushwhackers in the Gallery: Antimodernism and the Group of Seven” in Jessup L (ed.) Antimodernism and the artistic experience: Policing the boundaries of modernity. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001: 130-154. -- “The Group of Seven and the Tourist Landscape in Western Canada, or The More Things Change…” Journal of Canadian Studies, vol. 37, no. 1, (Spring 2002): 144-79. Kirby, D. E. Drinking 'the Good Life': Australia C. 1880-1980, in Holt, M. P. Alcohol: A Social and Cultural History. Oxford: Berg, 2006. Lira, S., Rogerio A. and Cristina P. (eds.), Sharing Cultures. Barcelos Portugal: Green Lines Institute, 2011. MacEachern, A. Natural Selections: National Parks in Atlantic Canada, 1935-1977. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queens University Press, 2001. Martin, G. “John A Macdonald and the Bottle.” Journal of Canadian Studies, Fall 2006: 162-85. McKay, I. The Quest of the Folk: Antimodernism and Cultural Selection in Twentieth-Century Nova Scotia. Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1994. Moodie, S. Roughing It in the Bush, or Life in Canada. London: Richard Bentley, 1852. Murchison, K. Federal Criminal Law Doctrines: The Forgotten Influence of National Prohibition. Durham: Duke University Press, 1994. Nye, D. Image Worlds: Corporate Identities at General Electric, 1890-1930. Cambridge, M.A.: M.I.T. Press, 1985. Spence, R E. Prohibition in Canada. Toronto: Ontario Branch of the Dominion Alliance, 1919. Swanson, D. (ed.). Oliver Mowat's Ontario: Papers Presented to the Oliver Mowat Colloquium.. Toronto: Macmillan, 1972. Turner, J.C. “Some current issues in research on social identity and self categorization theories” in N. Elemers et al (eds.), Social Identity: Context, Commitments, Content. Oxford: Blackwell, 1994: 6-34. Wall, S. The Nurture of Nature: Childhood, Antimodernism, and Ontario Summer Camps, 1920-1955. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2009. Woodward, K. Identity and Difference. London: Sage Publications, 1997. Valverde, M. The Age of Light, Soap and Water: Moral Reform in English Canada: 1885-1925. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1991.


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Community cultural festivals: content motivation and social impact N. H. Black Newcastle University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK

ABSTRACT: The rise in the number of cultural festivals in the UK has been dramatic particularly in the latter part of the last century. In the light of the proliferation of such events, and the perceived increase in competitive pressure for funding and audiences, the aims of this paper are two-fold. Firstly, the paper presents research findings investigating the factors motivating the inclusion of intangible heritage content in community cultural festivals (using three case studies of festivals in Northumberland, UK). Secondly, building on this, it presents a methodology for current research which considers how such festivals contribute to the social sustainability of their host communities and their potential value in terms of social capital.

1 INTRODUCTION In the decades following the 1980s the UK has witnessed ‘real expansion’ in the number and range of cultural festivals. Many theories have been attributed to the growth in ‘this area of cultural activity’ (Rolfe: 1992: 8), often focusing on ‘cultural dislocation’ during a period of rapid change in society (Picard and Robinson: 2006: 2) and in particular to increasing use of the festival as an evaluation tool for growth and regeneration, influenced by, amongst others, the publication of Myerscough’s 1988 study, ‘The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain’ (Myerscough: 1988). Expectations rose for festivals to ‘contribute quantifiable results’ (Finkel: 2006: 25) in line with an increasing focus, on the regeneration potential of the cultural sector (Finkel, 2006; Powell, 2011; Vall, 2011; Picard and Robinson, 2006; Arcodia and Whitford, 2007; Delbosc, 2008). Regional regeneration at this time was seen to instigate strategic economic development policies through the arts, as highlighted by Bailey, Miles and Stark in their critique of the culture-led regeneration of the North East of England (Bailey, Miles and Stark: 2007). That the ‘festival industry’ has burgeoned, and the content and style of these festivities is under transformation, is rarely contested. However, there is less consensus on the future development of such activities. Arguments range from the demise of the community-based festival with its emergence into ‘more civilised, commercialised, municipalised formats’ (Powell: 2011: 3) to the more optimistic declaration that ‘festivals continue to make an essential contribution to the artistic life of the UK, as dynamic and vibrant as ever’ (BAFA: 2008: 3). What is apparent is a growing call within the academic community for greater research into the social effects of cultural festivals on communities (Robertson, Rogers and Leask, 2009; Arcodia and Whitford, 2007; Powell, 2011), amidst increasing pressure for accountability (to stake holders) from fewer funds, greater ‘economic development goals’ and ‘competition for audiences’ (Finkel, 2009; Rolfe, 1992; Williams and Bowdin, 2008). The salient point made here is the perception that the concentration on economic outcomes and the perceived lack of emphasis on social benefits (arguably a correlation of the relative ab-

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sence of research into social effects) is influencing the style and content of the contemporary festival. The inclusion of ICH (the living, intangible essence of culture) is arguably at the heart of a festival, differentiating it from a ‘static’ display or exhibition. It can be said to reinforce the traditions and culture of the participants and thus exemplify ‘forms of symbolic continuity’ (Picard and Robinson: 2006:6) and the ‘creation and re-creation of embodied beliefs (Duvignaud: 1976: 15). By observing the content and the motivational factors which led to its inclusion, the aim was to explore the question as to how faithfully these events can depict current cultural heritage whilst competing to survive or whether they are becoming entertainment commodities. 2 DEFINITION The definition used in this article for the Community Cultural (CC) Festival is a recurring, short-term period of celebration, established by the community in which the event is held and focusing on display of and participation in the arts and culture of that area. It should be a collective experience openly accessible to participants either active or passive, performers and audience. (1) 3 PART 1. THE INCLUSION OF INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE (ICH) IN FESTIVALS: CONCLUSIONS FROM CASE STUDIES IN NORTHUMBERLAND 3.1 Methodology A total of 56 interviews were carried out at three case study festivals, chosen for their similarities in overall content, age, scale and origins. (Question themes are outlined in the following research sub-headings). Each case study had been in existence for over 10 years, had an income of less than £30K and an audience of less than 10,000. Each festival was originally conceived within the locale and either had or aimed to have an organisational committee based in the local community. (2) The three case studies selected were: Rothbury Traditional Music Festival, Glendale Festival and Morpeth Gathering. 3.2 An analysis of the ICH content of Northumbrian CC Festivals Each case study displayed a wide range of ICH, categorised as follows: Music, Language, Traditions, Dance and Art & Craft. Archival evidence reveals little categorical content change within the lifetime of the festivals, but variety in the range of performers. Reasons for these variations are many and include practicalities such as the availability of venues and performers. For the purpose of this paper the focus rests on an examination of the motivation to include ICH, by organisers and participants of the festivals and motivation to experience the ICH content by visitors to these events. 3.2.1 Organisers’ motivation to include ICH in festivals Interview questions with the festivals’ organisational committees focused on the aims and objectives of the festival, eliciting personal motivating interests and selection responsibilities and procedures. Funding sources and information relating to donors or organisations who have offered support was used to gauge external influences on motivation as was level of commercial input into the festivals. Despite the ‘competition’ element of content selection at two of the festivals, selection procedures and responsibilities lie ultimately in all cases with the committee. In addition, the use of themes on occasion had influenced the selection of the content and one organiser cited this as helping to ‘provide focus each year and assist in attracting funding’ (Organiser 3: 2011). The original aims of the festivals remain a priority to the organising committees: where these stipulated the promotion and preservation of elements of traditional and/or local culture, evidence for inclusion of this was apparent. Where the aims lay in community development and entertainment (Breeze Festival flyer: 2001), this had been maintained as a priority but with greater fluctuation of content. The origin of the committees appeared influential to the continuity of the


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aims: those originating within their host communities had changed little in their organisational structure and the inclusion of indigenous culture had increased since inception. In contrast, the committee which was formed as part of a wider regeneration initiative had seen variations in both its structure and in the level of inclusion of ICH with its content level varied over the event’s existence. Some committee members neither ‘recognised the inclusion of ICH nor deemed it significant to the success of the festival’, although evidence suggests it was ‘unknowingly’ included owing to its presence in the programme (Organiser 2: 2011). The growing body of academic evidence suggests motivation is becoming increasingly influenced by funding sources, under the pressure of ‘economic development goals’ (Finkel: 2009: 20). The increasing competition for funding and for visitors is widely perceived to be an influential part in the form and content of festivals. Organisers interviewed did stress the growing competitiveness and time spent in obtaining funds which may affect choice of content. However, they seem capable of largely resisting what Finkel calls the ‘homogenising’ of festival content (Finkel: 2009: 14), appearing instead to support the findings of a report for the British Arts Festival Association (BAFA) Festivals Mean Business (BAFA: 2008). The report states the findings from a survey of 193 festivals that they ‘are in good health’ and able to ‘commission new work’. The range of content and ‘new work’ in evidence at the Northumbrian festivals appears to back up this claim despite evidence of the negative impact of funding cuts. All three festivals aim to break even through a combination of grants applied for annually, local support in kind and in donation, ticket sales and by fund raising activities throughout the year. Funding contributions come from a wide number of sources including charitable trusts, Arts Council, Heritage Lottery, parish councils and many local patrons and organisations with attempts to ‘spread the load’ as insurance against losing contributors. There were little perceived obligations placed upon the festival by these funders with the exception being to provide postevent reports. However, funding bodies influence the content of the festival indirectly through their own objectives, for example funding for community-level involvement. Much support was made ‘in-kind’ by predominantly local organisations and individuals and although given freely, it could be argued that the provision of support by donors in itself influences the content. For the purposes of this paper, it is suffice to say that the benefits to the festival, provided by these ‘gifts in kind’ or donations, appears to outweigh any prescriptive influence as to the content and there is little evidence that funders are overtly affecting the content motivation. Commercial content in all cases is rarely included as each festival is held in a town centre and each aims to encourage visitors to support the local traders. 3.2.2 Participants’ motivation for participating in festivals The questions asked of participants to their involvement in the festival focused on motivation to attend, practice of cultural/art form, rewards from participation and visitors’ responses. Figure 1 shows the scale of reasons for involvement in terms of percentage of total responses.


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3.2.3 The Visitors’ motivation to attend the festival and response to inclusion of ICH Visitors were questioned on the reasons for visiting the festival. In order of priority these were: day out/entertainment, interest in the performance and culture of the event, learn about the festival cultural heritage, other (eg. food, stalls, friends and family involvement) and to meet members of the local community. Although appearing least directly influential on content, the visitor influences the content through their attendance and evaluation data. 3.3 Discussion The research suggests that the content of the festivals is most directly influenced by the organisers which could be argued to be contrary to the inclusive nature of festivals being ‘of the people’ (Smith: 2003: 151). Evidence suggests this is not the case. The organisers are not working in isolation and are reflecting both social and economic trends. All except one committee member are volunteers and thus not directly influenced by corporate, council or commercial aims. They predominantly reside and/or work in the festival locality and state they have ‘local interests’ at heart. It was noted that the personality of the organisers plays a part in content selection and thus may lead to an ‘exclusive selection process’ (Organiser 2: 2011). The nature of the committee and how truly it represents its community is called into question here and the degree to which other selection methods, for example competitions, are employed. The majority of participants stated ‘performing’ as the most enjoyable aspect of entering the festival and 45% stated ‘safeguarding heritage’ as a very important reason to be involved. The festival provides a stage for the performance of heritage culture. Although the evidence suggests that the inclusion of heritage culture in festivals is deemed higher in value to the organisers and participants than it is to the visitors, some interesting points arise from the data regarding visitor attitudes to heritage. Festivals are often attended by families and evidence was found that adults have a desire to show heritage to their children, even if they do not directly express an interest in it themselves. The fact they believe it important enough to show their children suggests they consider heritage and continuity of culture to be a valuable aspect of festivals, even if this is partially subconscious. During interviews with the organiser of Glendale Festival it was recorded that ‘people like to scoff at the traditions but always want to watch when they’re on’ (Organiser 2: 2011). She cited the inclusion of Morris dancers where ‘everyone laughs at them but they all want to watch’, almost like a guilty secret! The general conclusion here is that visitors do value cultural heritage but at an indirect, almost subconscious level. Despite what has been called ‘the increasing bandwagon of commercialisation’ of events of this nature (Bridger: 2010), there is little evidence in the case studies to describe these festivals as ‘commodities’. Visitors in general do not ‘purchase’ the festival as all have a ‘free’ element to them and ‘ownership’ in the form of tickets and fees is minimal. The data gathered provided much evidence to contradict the suggestion that festivals included commercial elements as all three events specifically excluded this aspect from their programme. Reasons behind this were overwhelmingly to support local business and community and to retain the traditional theme and ‘flavour’ of the event. 3.4 Conclusion The inclusion of intangible cultural heritage is an important aspect of all three festivals, particularly to the organisers and participants who largely chose the content, whilst having an almost ‘subconscious’ level of value to visitors. This combination of culture, heritage and entertainment appears to be the key to greatest satisfaction amongst all festival goers and organisers. Evidence in this research reveals festival organisers are concerned by this dependency on public funding, which Rolfe describes as ‘the principle cause of pessimism amongst festival organisers’ (Rolfe: 1992: 84). Despite of, or may be because of, these concerns for the future of arts funding it is imperative that festivals of this nature maintain strong community links and a distinctive local identity, that they tap into the indigenous (both tangible and intangible) cultural heritage. Smith identifies a determining feature of a festival: that of ‘sharing, determination and control of the event by the community’, being ‘a vehicle for showing contemporary culture here and now, of the people and for the people’ as opposed to being the display of ‘the best’, selected externally (Smith: 2003: 139). So much of the support these events receive is dependent on the

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good will and reciprocity of the local people and businesses, for all aspects of organisation and delivery. An increase in the exchange and support from the host community may relieve some dependency on public funding with a greater sense of identity and control over the event. The creation of social and cultural capital within the community through the ability to focus on their own cultural heritage has, in turn, the potential to increase the likely sustainability of the festival, particularly in the competitive environment. 4 PART 2. COMMUNITY CULTURAL FESTIVALS: THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE SOCIAL SUSTAINABILITY OF THE HOST COMMUNITIES Building on this investigation into the content and motivational factors of CC festivals, the aim of the current research is to determine the impact of these events on social capital and social sustainability within their host communities. It will consider in particular the potential for festivals to increase ‘connectivity’, through social networks and their ability to make connections with place through their heritage content. It aims to explore whether festivals contribute to the formation of ‘social ties forged by ...connective strategies’ and from which, it is argued, ‘society as a whole benefits enormously’ (Putnam: 2003). This research will take into consideration the increasing emphasis on the role of the voluntary individual to influence the development/structure of their community, changing demographics of rural life and increasing cutbacks in funding for the arts. It aims to investigate the changing dynamic of festival distribution and longevity and how this is influenced by the impact of strategies and policies on the organisers, participants and visitors to these events. The social impact of festivals on their host communities will be evaluated using existing frameworks for determining social/cultural impact, for example use of SIPs (Small, Edwards and Sheridan: 2005) and social benefit indicators (Macdonald et al: 2006). 4.1 Methodology Three festival databases (a general overview of cultural festivals, a database of specifically community cultural festivals and an historical, regional dynamic of these events since 1980) will initially be created using combinations of the following variables: location, name, duration, origination, content/type and scale. From the final database of CC festivals in Northumberland, case studies for the project will be selected to identify a number having commonalities of cultural heritage content and variations of years of existence. A contextualisation of the regional and national strategies and policies which have influenced CC festivals from 1980 to the present day will be made using a combination of archival material and qualitative interviews with festival organisers and strategic planners, attention being directed in particular towards Regional Development Agencies (RDAs) and Arts Council policies during this period. The focus of the research question lies in the social sustainability impact on festival hosting communities. A Literature Review of current theory on social impact and social sustainability will identify appropriate determinants to apply to the data collection methodology. This methodology will be developed through an evaluation of current social impact measures (SIMs) and social impact perception scales (SIPs) with the additional analysis of evaluation data from festival archives and interviews with festival organisers. Data for the research will then be gathered from the communities which host the case study festivals using a combination of postal questionnaires to residences within the community, interviews with organisers, participants and visitors and empirical observation at events. Questions will focus on involvement in community activities, ability to identify with the contemporary image of the locale and perception of the role of heritage within the locale. 5 SUMMARY Contemporary academic debate suggests that driving factors behind the trend in the proliferation of cultural festivals has been economic rather than social with greater emphasis placed on the quantifiable evaluation outcomes at the expense of ‘community well-being’. Initial research


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identified connections between (indigenous) cultural heritage and event sustainability. Extending this line of research to investigate the potential for festivals to impact on the social capital of their host communities meets the perceived need for greater enquiry into the qualitative, social effects of festivals within this environment, at a time when ‘the Government's vision of a society (is one) where individuals and communities have more power and responsibility’ (DCLG: 2012) and yet where public funding for culture and the arts is being reduced (Higgins: 2010). ENDNOTES 1) 2)

‘a celebration of a theme or special event for a limited period of time, held annually or less frequently (including one-time only events), to which the public is invited’ (Smith: 1990: 128) Scale was important in the selection of the case studies in defining the community cultural festival as having an income of less than £30K (BAFA: 2008: 8) and having an audience of less than 10,000 (Finkel: 2009: 6).

REFERENCES Arcodia, C. & Whitford, M. (2007) Festival Attendance and the Development of Social Capital Journal of Convention and Event Tourism 8, (2) 1 – 18 BAFA (2008) Festivals Mean Business 3. A survey of the Arts Festivals in the UK [on-line] availablefrom: ‹http://www.artsfestivals.co.uk/sites/default/files/FMB3%20Report%20FINAL3%20MAY%202008.p df› Bailey, C. Miles, S. And Stark, P (2007) Culture led urban regeneration and the revitalisation of identities in Newcastle, Gateshead and the North East of England International Journal of Cultural Policy 10, (1) 47-65 Breeze Festival (2001) Breeze Festival Flyer. Leaflet. Wooler: Glendale Festival Bridger, S. (2011) Festivals Britannia BBC4 [first broadcast 17.12.10] DCLG (2012) Building the Big Society [on-line] available from: ‹http://communities.gov.uk/communities/bigsociety/› Delbosc, A. (2008) Social Identity as a Motivator in Cultural Festivals. Visitor Studies 11 (1) 3-15 Duvignaud, J. (1976) Festivals A sociological approach Festivals and Carnivals: The Major Traditions. 3, (1) Unesco Press and la Baconniére Finkel, R. (2006) Tensions between ambition and reality in UK combined arts festival programming case study of the Lichfield Festival International Journal of Event Management Research 2, (1) 25-36 Finkel, R. (2009) A Picture of the Contemporary Combined Arts Festival landscape. Cultural Trends 18, (1) 3 – 21 Higgins, C. (2010) Arts funding cut 30% in spending review. theguardian [on-line] available from ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/politics/2010/oct/20/arts-cuts-spending-review-council› Macdonald, B., Taylor, M., Beattie, B. and Walker, S. (2006) Monitoring and Evaluation Framework for 10 Final Report. [on-line] available from culture ‹http://www.tourismnortheast.co.uk/pages/strategy/monitoring-and-evaluation-framework-forculture10› Myerscough, J. (1988) The Economic Importance of the Arts in Britain London: Policy Studies Institute Organiser 2 (2011) Interview with the Organiser of Glendale Festival [interview by N. Black] Wooler, 24 May 2011 Organiser 3 (2011) Interview with the Organiser of Morpeth Gathering [interview by N. Black] Morpeth, 17 May 2011 Picard, D. and Robinson, M. (2006) Festivals, Tourism and Social Change remaking worlds. Toronto: Channel View Publications Powell, D. (2011) The Street Value of Celebration economic impact and community festivals [on-line] available from ‹http://www.equalworks.co.uk/resources/contentfiles/3578.pdf› Putnam, R. And Fieldstein, L. (2003) Better Together restoring the American community New York: Simon and Schuster Robertson, M, Rogers, P. and Leask, A (2009) Progressing Socio-cultural impact evaluation for festivals. Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events 1, (2) 156-169 Rolfe, H. (1992) Arts Festivals in the UK. London: Policy Studies Institute Smith, M. (2003) Issues in Cultural Tourism Studies London: Routledge Vall, N. (2011) Cultural Region. Manchester: Manchester University Press

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Williams, M. and Bowdin, G. (2008) Festival evaluation: an exploration of seven UK arts festivals. in. Events and Festivals current trends and issues. ed. by Robertson, M., Chambers, D. and Frew, E. London: Routledge


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National trust contribution to sustainable heritage A. Briggs Murdoch University, Western Australia

ABSTRACT: The National Trust movement has established an international profile from its beginnings in the United Kingdom where the National Trust of England continues to be a significant conservation agency to this day. The National Trust of Australia (WA) (NTWA) was established in 1959 using the model of the English National Trust and was reconstituted in 1964 under a Western Australian Act of Parliament as an independent community based organisation. The NTWA has steadily been achieving great things for the community of Western Australia and conserving built and natural assets for local and international community appreciation. Having achieved its Jubilee Year in 2009 the NTWA continues to be a role model for other national trusts in Australia and beyond. This paper will reflect on the creation of national trusts and their achievements internationally. It will then review the progress of the NTWA from its beginning to its current place taking in its approach to creating a sustainable environment for its contribution to society. The aim of this paper is to raise awareness of the role of National Trusts for their contribution to cultural and social sustainability and their involvement of community in achieving their goals of conservation and education.

1 INTRODUCTION This paper reviews the background to the formation of the national trust movement, its expansion internationally and then focuses on the Australian trust movement and Western Australia in particular. The national trust movement evolved through community action to conserve and protect society’s heritage. There have been excellent achievements with the National Trust (referring to the collective of England, Wales and Scotland and is used thus throughout the paper) now responsible for a large number of significant buildings, land and coastline. Other national trusts have adopted a similar model and principles and many are supported by government legislation giving them ongoing sustainability with privileges associated with government agencies such as funding but often operating as independent community based non-profit organisations. Australia, a relatively young nation, adopted the national trust model in 1945 when community members determined to save a number of early colonial buildings in the heart of Sydney, the capital city of New South Wales. And so it began in Australia. Western Australia is considered a very successful National Trust model with its advocacy, independence and growing reputation in adaptive re-use of buildings and conservation and interpretation of Aboriginal heritage. The history of the national trust movement, its internationalisation and subsequent development in Australia, and Western Australia in particular, are explored.

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2 NATIONAL TRUST MOVEMENT The National Trust movement was started in England in 1895 by three individuals who were concerned for the conservation and protection of interesting buildings and opens spaces. They established the National Trust for Places of Historic Interest and Natural Beauty (Bailey, 1925; Sinclair, undated). According to Bailey (1925) by 1907 the National Trust was already well down the pathway achieving its conservation and protection of buildings and lands such that a special Act (the National Trust Act 1907) was established to re-incorporate it as an association for, among other purposes, “the permanent preservation for the benefit of the nation of lands and tenements” (buildings) (National Trust, 2011a). At the time it was also incorporated as a not-for-profit association under the Companies Acts 1862-1890. Since that time it has amassed considerable holdings of buildings and lands. It is the largest owner of coast line (709 miles (~1140 kilometres)) in England and currently has responsibility for 350 historic houses, gardens and open monuments including 255,000 hectares of countryside. The National Trust has a membership of 3.7 million, 61,000 volunteers and an annual budget of $412.9 million. More than 17 million people pay entrance fees into trust properties and “an estimated 50 million people visit open air properties” (National Trust, 2011b). The successful model established by the National Trust incorporating non-profit and charity (and tax deductibility) functions has been adopted internationally and the concept of the national trust movement has spread across the world with organisations becoming established across Europe, United States of America, Canada and other distant nations. 3 INTERNATIONAL EXTENSION The national trust movement has extended across the world to places including France, Germany and Spain in Europe to United States and Canada to Asia (Korea, Taiwan) Africa (Zimbabwe), Barbados and Malta. “Each organisation is different but they share similar goals, legal constitutions and structures, and for over 30 years have been coming together under the umbrella of the International Conference of National Trusts to share information and best practice, to develop solutions to common problems and to show solidarity with other members of the movement” (INTO, 2011). Following the10th meeting of International Conference of National Trusts (forum for national trusts to share information and best practice) in Edinborough members agreed to establish the International National Trusts Organisation (INTO) which was founded in 2007 as a non-profit organisation and a registered charity. INTO now represents “a network of 34 national trusts and similar organisations from around the world who share a common interest in conservation and enjoyment of heritage. Heritage includes built and natural, tangible and intangible” (INTO, 2011). INTO’s mission is to “promote the conservation and enhancement of the heritage of all nations for the benefit of the people of the world and future generations” (INTO, 2011). 4 AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL TRUSTS In 1945 the first state of Australia to adopt the national trust model was New South Wales. The threat to colonial buildings in Sydney raised awareness among the community of the need for the conservation and protection of historic buildings. The South Australian National Trust (SANT) was established in 1955 as a not-for-profit non-government body. SANT currently has over 100 properties, 28 nature reserves and around 200,000 visitors annually. In 1956 Victoria established a national trust as an independent community-driven non-profit non-government organisation. In 1959 Western Australia National Trust (NTWA) was established when there was identified a “need to promote heritage conservation” (NTWA, 2011a). NTWA was reconstituted under the National Trust of Australia (WA) Act 1964 as an independent community-based organisation (NTWA, 2011a). Tasmania National Trust was established in 1960 as a non-profit member based community organisation. Motivation for its establishment was for the conservation of an 1838 built Georgian style house. In 2006 it was reconstituted under a new National Trust Act proclaimed by the Tasmanian Government. Queensland established its National Trust


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as an independent body under the National Trust of Queensland Act 1963. It has 7,000 members, 300 volunteers, 12 properties and receives some 350,000 visitors annually to its properties (QNT, 2011). In 1976 the Northern Territory declared its national trust as a non-government organisation through the passage of an Act of the Legislative Assembly (NT, 2011). The Australian Capital Territory National Trust located in Canberra the centre of Australian government was also established in 1976. The iconic brand of the Australian national trusts, an old, current and new eucalyptus leaf, has become a well established symbol of Australian national trusts, symbolising the past, the present and the future. It epitomises the Australian character. A Council of National Trusts was formed in 1965 to better coordinate the activities and lobbying of the Australian national trusts (ABS, 1991). The ACNT is based in Canberra and its allocated powers vary from time to time with changing the needs of the independent national trusts. 5 WESTERN AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL TRUST Formed in 1959 and reconstituted under legislation in 1964, the National Trust of Western Australia (NTWA) celebrated its fiftieth year in 2009 with the release of a significant compendium on its achievements. Its origins arose from an awareness of the need to conserve and protect the state’s heritage. Today NTWA has approximately 4,500 members and 300 volunteers, over 120 properties under direct or shared management. NTWA Mission is to “conserve and interpret Western Australia’s heritage (historic, natural and Indigenous) for present and future generations” (NTWA, 2011a). The aim of NTWA is to establish its brand locally, nationally and internationally (NTWA, 2011a) and to work closely with the community to achieve its Mission. 6 SUSTAINABLE NATURE OF THE NTWA The NTWA is established under an Act of Parliament however that hasn’t stopped successive governments from reviewing its autonomous position and its independence. In 2010/11 the NTWA underwent its most recent government review. In the 2010/11 Annual Report the President reported “the Public Sector Commission formed the opinion that not only are the Trust’s current governance arrangements generally good, there is an organisational commitment to providing good governance as well as a focus on developing and improving governance procedures” (NTWA, 2011b, p4). This outcome, as with previous reviews with the same findings, provides support for the future of the NTWA. Forward planning is a key undertaking of NTWA. Strategic plans are developed for each aspect of operations. The NTWA also develops conservation plans for each of its properties, built and natural, and is assessed annually against criteria included within the Annual Reports which are tabled before Parliament through the Minister for Heritage. NTWA has a strong code of governance established to ensure protocols such as the Burra Charter are maintained for the conservation and protection of built and natural assets under its control. The Burra Charter is “considered the best practice standard for cultural heritage management in Australia”1 (ICOMOS, 2012) and these form part of the conservation guidelines for conserving properties. This approach enables NTWA to build on a strong foundation for fund raising to conserve and protect properties under its stewardship. Working closely with government agencies brings about relationships that improve the likelihood of achieving long term partnerships for exchange of expertise, planning and innovation where government buildings and lands are involved. Partnerships in conservation works for built and natural heritage ensure NTWA has a viable future with access to resources that would not be readily available to non-government and corporate organisations. Partnerships include the three levels of Australian government; local, state and federal. Each has its range of needs, wants and desires and some provide access to grants and other funding.

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The NTWA also has a strong community based focus and expresses itself as working with volunteers, not for volunteers. This presents opportunities for support to NTWA and for volunteers alike. Volunteers groups are encouraged to raise funds (through tax deductible appeals established under the NTWA) and apply for grants available for their areas of expertise or need for built and natural heritage. Recently the Avondale volunteer group has been successful in raising funds for land management while Aboriginal groups, in conjunction with NTWA, have successfully attracted funds for cultural heritage training, skills development and on-ground works (NTWA, 2012, p13). The NTWA provides support through sound governance, administration and recognition at local and annual functions. Creating awareness, providing advocacy and developing educational programs greatly assists NTWA to spread the messages of the national trust movement. By raising awareness of issues and providing levels of advocacy for a range of interests NTWA maintains a relatively high profile in the community. By developing school based educational and informative programs NTWA is also creating awareness of the need for action among teachers and school children, and the children’s parents. Programs such as East Perth Cemetery conservation and interpretation, school photographic heritage-based competitions and school visits develop a new level of understanding amongst the community. This then contributes to the sustainability of the national trust as it attracts future members and volunteers. Corporate sponsorship also plays a key role in assisting the NTWA achieve its goals. Partnerships which bring kudos to corporate industry are sought after opportunities in the climate of sustainability. By partnering with a high profile organisation such as the NTWA, corporate bodies can achieve considerable recognition in the community. Mining companies have partnered with the NTWA to conserve and interpret Aboriginal rock paintings in the Pilbara region of Western Australia. Other organisations have sponsored Aboriginal training and development programs such as the Gabbie Kylie Foundation based in the south east of Western Australia which provides archaeological and anthropological excursions with combinations of Aboriginal elders and youth, university students and academic experts onto remote lands and waters oncountry with benefits of cultural awareness as part of the activities. 7 OPTIONS FOR THE FUTURE FOR NTWA While reflecting on the achievements of the National Trust (England) it should be noted it has undergone considerable change during the past decade as the number of properties and their maintenance has increased and funds have diminished. Restructuring has played a key role in it regaining its momentum. This has provided salient lessons for other national trusts around the world. The policy on acquisition of properties has also taken on a different approach. Sunnycroft in Shropshire, a 1997 acquisition by the National Trust, was only accepted on the basis that a substantial dowry be provided, and it was (Sinclair, undated). This provides at least some surety that funds will be available for the sustainable management and maintenance of the property into the future. The NTWA has developed a policy similar to that of the National Trust so that donations and transfers of buildings and other assets are generally not accepted without substantial financial assistance. This has impacted the acquisition rate of properties however it has meant that properties should be better maintained into the future creating a more sustainable basis for heritage conservation and education. Despite its significant achievements for built, cultural and natural heritage, the NTWA aims to maintain a low profile. However, the NTWA achievements create awareness within the community, corporate and government circles. There may be community and financial benefits for the NTWA to begin actively promoting the national trust movement to increase membership, volunteer base and funding and sponsorship opportunities. Historically Western Australia has generally not been a positive place for philanthropy. However over the past decade there has been an increasing level of recognition by corporate society of the values of philanthropy. Partnering with corporate entities can be a double edged sword with a need for considerations of worthiness, obligation and public relations for both parties. With sponsorship there are commitments for recognition of the current partner and constraints on future partnerships for similar if not the same assets or programs. This can create a dilemma when additional opportunities for sponsorship and partnerships arise. With its positive approach to sound governance the NTWA


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does not yet appear to have encountered this situation. Additionally, its projects are widely distributed across Western Australia (WA) so far avoiding conflict of sponsorships. Building membership as has been done by the National Trust is a worthwhile goal however the small population of Western Australia does limit this opportunity. Increasing NTWA membership would provide a stronger base for advocacy and for volunteers. 8 CONCLUSION The national trust movement has established itself internationally basing itself on the National Trust and securing the support of government, in most cases, for legislation incorporating them variously as community lead, non-profit independent organisations. Governments may be subject to limited budgets for programs outside core budgets and is often without the ability to attract private partnerships and sponsorships along the same basis as the national trust movement. The movement provides an alternative to government management of heritage assets making national trusts an ideal mechanism for governments to conserve and protect heritage places and to provide heritage education, informing the community and tourists alike. NTWA has experienced several reviews in recent times. On each occasion it has been endorsed for its governance and its management of places. The legislation under which it is incorporated provides for its autonomy from government and this makes it attractive to corporate and community interests. NTWA’s sustainability policy adopted is to encourage a viable future for heritage assets and sustainable heritage conservation outcomes through appropriate use and adaptive re-use of heritage places (NTWA, 2011, web). Conceivably this can ensure a sustainable future for the nation trust movement in Western Australia. ENDNOTES 1

Australia ICOMOS (International Council on Monuments and Sites) is a non-government, not-for-profit organisation of cultural heritage professionals formed as a national chapter of ICOMOS International in 1976

REFERENCES Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) 1301.0 - Year Book Australia, 1991. Federal Government, Australia. http://www.abs.gov.au/ausstats/[email protected]/featurearticlesbytitle/0686B7CD3CF5A2BECA2569DE0025C1 8E?OpenDocument Bailey, J. (1925) The National Trust. The Town Planning Review, Vol. 11, No. 3 (Jun., 1925), pp. 150156Published by: Liverpool University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40101651 .Accessed: 25/02/2012 03:54 Dowling, P. (2010) In Trust for the Future – the first ACT Heritage Listings. Australian Council of National Trusts. International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) (2012) Charters. http://australia.icomos.org/publications/charters/ International National Trusts Organisation (INTO) (2011) http://internationaltrusts.org/about/ National Trust (2011a) National Trust Act 1907-71. National Trust, Heelis, Kemble Drive, Swindon SN2 2NA, National Trust (2011b) Going Local Annual Report 2010/2011. National Trust, Heelis, Kemble Drive, Swindon, SN2 2NA. http://www.nationaltrust.org.uk/about-us/annual-reports/ National Trust New South Wales (2011) http://www.nationaltrust.com.au/about/ National Trust Queensland (QNT) (2011) http://www.nationaltrustqld.org/aboutNTQ.htm#AR National Trust Northern Territory (NTNT) (2011) http://www.nationaltrustnt.org.au/

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National Trust Western Australia (NTWA) (2011a) http://www.ntwa.com.au/about ; http://www.ntwa.com.au/vision NTWA (2011b) Annual Report 2010-2011, National Trust of Australia (WA). NTWA (2012) Trust News-Western Australia. National Trust. Perth, Western Australia. Sinclair, A. G. M. (undated) Preserving a National Heritage. Archaeological and Contemporary Society. http://pcwww.liv.ac.uk/~Sinclair/ALGY399_Site/national_trust.html Other Australian National Trusts – for interest National Trust South Australia (SANT) (2011) http://www.nationaltrustsa.org.au/index.php/national_trust/about/ National Trust Tasmania (NTT) (2011) http://www.nationaltrusttas.org.au/about.htm National Trust Victoria NTV) (2011) http://www.nattrust.com.au/about_the_trust National Trust Australian Capital Territory (NTACT) (2011) http://www.nationaltrustact.org.au/?pageid=2


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Drawing the old agro-industrial landscape in Puglia: a case study to promote the rural sustainable development L. P. Caliandro University of Foggia, Agriculture Faculty, Foggia, Italy

P. Dal Sasso University of Bari, Agriculture Faculty, Bari, Italy

ABSTRACT: Rural territory is strongly identified by the presence of environmental components and different economic, aesthetic and historical-landscape value assets. In modern times, human activity have affected the extra-urban setting by fundamental and increasingly fast changes, readable in cultivation techniques, land tenures fragmentations, rural constructions functional to agricultural activities and, in general, planning operations. All the described elements help to uniquely define traditional settlements and cultural characters of a place. Rural sustainable development has for years pursued with European and international aimed actions and policies, and literature is unanimous in considering and discovering specific sites identity and endogenous resources in order to promote it. According to the above, this work aims to locate and describe the historical agro-industrial buildings placed in Bari province (Puglia). The deepening and spreading knowledge of such architectural heritage aims to highlight their importance and role in the territorial, social and cultural identity safeguard.

1 INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES Apart from agricultural components for the production, rural land consists of goods and structures of different economic, aesthetic and historical-landscape value, including natural landscapes, productive activities, as well as real historical and cultural landscapes. Human activity has caused over the centuries fundamental changes, readable in cultivation techniques, land tenures fragmentations and land planning. Genuine architectural monuments (castles, towers, abbeys, etc..) and buildings spread throughout the agricultural landscape, consisting of linear (stone walls, infrastructure links, networks) or point elements (cisterns to collect rainwater, drinking troughs, shrines) and "minor" or "popular" architectures (Zevi, 1996), often related to production functions ("masserias", snow cellars, millstones, barnyards), are also scattered in the extra-urban environment. The agricultural landscape, as described in its entirety, including all the elements characterizing it, such as old villages, homes, manufacturing facilities, forests and fields, can be interpreted as a document and historical witness. The signs of peasant societies slow transformations, of economic structure changes and of techniques progress are included in it, and are likely to be unstable and unsustainable if they occur too quickly (Hassler et al., 2002). Actually, especially when the new way of production, at the base of the industrial revolution, has caught on, also the territory in its physical characteristics, in addition to social relations among men, have changed in a radical and irreversible form, no longer allowing its residents to have their own identification (Borsi, 1978). For the purposes of this paper, the study of the agro-industrial historical buildings is a contribution to the reading of such complexity of relationships in the territory, especially if related to the demographic, cultural and production changes that have occurred over time (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010). Therefore, the research here described, aims to identify and

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catalog these historic farm buildings, falling within the being formed Metropolitan Area of Bari, chosen as study area, in order to complete the cultural landscape reconstruction of the historical agro-industry present here. As a matter of fact, the qualitative and quantitative consistency of such cultural heritage greatly characterizes the whole Puglia region and justifies the need for its promotion and protection, even in light of recent and innovative policies for rural planning, supporting and promoting the development sustainable (CoE 2000, 2001). 2 STATE OF THE ART The territory protection and governance, applied with regulatory procedures and planning instruments at different intervention levels, arose from the need to control and manage land transformation processes, mainly emphasizing the focus on the evolutionary dynamics of urbanized contexts, who first showed sudden and often uncontrolled expansion. Although awareness of the ecological-landscape and crop-productive value of non-urban contexts, only in relatively recent times these have been the subject of more targeted policies, recognizing the historic and identity role, as well as the economic, environmental and social one. Countryside, as briefly described in the introduction, embodies a complex set of relations and functions, and it's of crucial importance especially when considered in relation to its size (in Europe about 80% of the territory is rural type - Dal Sasso, 2001 -), to activities that take place there, and to its ecological and environmental aspects. Current planning trends now fully incorporate the concept of eco-compatibility and sustainability, as originally defined by the Brundtland Commission report (WCED, 1987). Both nationally and at European and international level (Valencia-Sandoval et al., 2010), and lately also in developing countries (Gossling, 2003; Reidsma et al., 2011), models for sustainable development and territorial policies were evaluated and proposed in order to direct human activities, the main causes of radical natural and landscape changes (Osterkamp & Morton, 1996), towards a proper integration and exploitation of the available resources (Lier et al., 1994). In this regard, various schemes have been defined clarifying the concept of "sustainability", and the practical actions needed to achieve it. The base model ("three pillar" or "three circles" model - UNIDO, 2005 -) considers three dimensions: the environment (enhancement and conservation of natural and environmental resources), economy (progress and productivity growth) and social aspects (equality, quality of life). In recent years this model has been further elaborated (Kain, 2000 - Fig. 1 -), starting from the observation that the progress qualitative aspects and social welfare are just as important as the purely material ones. To confirm this, it should also be mentioned the basic and secondary needs satisfaction theory, widely theorized by Maslow (1943), which analyzes how the latter are not always required only after having fully appeased the demand of the first. For this reason, an independent factor related to culture and heritage, as seen in its breadth and complexity (Keiner, 2005; Tweed & Sutherland, 2007), and the need to preserve it for the benefit of future generations (intergenerational equality concept - UNIDO, 2005 -) in addition to the three original dimensions, was also considered. With the same purpose, even the European Union in its original Treaty (Article 151, ex Article 128) stipulates the importance of spreading knowledge and conservation of cultural heritage, as well as the respect for its local specialties. According to the above, current research related to the same themes specifically applied in rural areas, are primarily addressed to the identification of indicators and procedures for evaluating projects and land use policies (Khalifa & Connelly, 2009; Reidsma et al. , 2011, Steiner et al., 2000, Volker, 1997), as well as to identify methodologies and tools to measure environmental quality (such as biodiversity) and production capacity of natural resources (Schultink, 2000). However, other studies highlight the need to rediscover and re-evaluate the identity and the endogenous resources of specific places, to dedicate them to multifunctional reuse associated with new development opportunities, in accordance with policies of protection, conservation and enhancement of the environment and its socio-economic and cultural factors (Cascone et al., 1996; McDonagh et al., 2009; Pašakarnis & Maliene, 2010).


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Figure 1. MAIN prism of sustainable development (Kain, 2000).

Recent European Community policies, on the other hand, promote the above, defining the priority themes to be pursued to restore the historical and balanced connection between human activities and territory (CEC, 2006), as already highlighted in the European Conference on Rural Development (Salzburg , 12-14 November 2003). This is performed by taking into account all the main sustainable development components mentioned above: environment, economics, society and culture, and also through measures protecting and enhancing the sites and the landscape and natural resources, with incentives to improve the quality of life in rural areas and to the diversification of economic activities carried out here, such as the promotion of recreational and educational functions (farms holidays, teaching farms, eno-gastronomic routes and promotion of quality products) (CEC, 2005). Furthermore, the European regulatory framework, as implemented by individual states (IR, 2003), recognizes that the cultural and architectural heritage plays a crucial role in defining and achieving rural sustainable development, as it is seen as an important component of quality of life and social well-being (CEC, 1998; CoE, 2005), likewise to what has been analyzed in purely urban contexts (Tweed & Sutherland, 2007). It’s a unique and non-renewable resource, both in urban and extra-urban areas, due to its stratification, historical characterization, and stylisticarchitectural value (Hassler et al., 2002). Its detection and knowledge keep the memory of the signs alive, characterizing the area where they are located. Therefore, the overall architectural and cultural heritage (Lynch, 1960), and the rural and industrial-archaeological one, treated in this specific case study, are vital in awakening the sense of belonging of a place, in contributing to give historical-landscape identity to a place, in defining the landscape image to which it belongs, as well as in reconstructing both the socio-economic past of the ancient production sites and the building techniques applied in different historical periods (Dal Sasso & Caliandro; 2010; Hassler et al., 2002; Marsden, 1993; Van der Vaat, 2005). 3 MATERIALS AND METHODS 3.1 The study area As study area of the present work the Metropolitan Area of Bari (Puglia, Italy) was chosen. It totally includes 31 municipalities and it stretches from the Adriatic coast to the Murgia ridge, partially excluding the inner municipalities and those located further south, if compared to the Bari province boundaries (Fig. 2). Due to the relatively small spatial extent, which has made the historical data retrieval and the sites inspections execution easier, as well as due to the coincidence with an already detected administrative bounding, the choice has perfectly adapted to the needs of this study. It also contains within it rural areas historically characterized by a thriving farming and extensive cultivated fields. For this reason, the widespread and considerable presence of historical agro-industrial buildings, objects of the present work and places of agricultural products primary processing and storage, is ascertained.

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Figure 2. Historical agro-industries distribution and classification by original intended use.

Table 1 (Istat, 2000) shows that in almost all the municipalities within the Metropolitan Area, the Used Agricultural Surface Area (UASA) exceed 50% of the territorial extension. Moreover, at national level, the Apulian territory is considered one of the most vulnerable. Within the Puglia region, the province of Bari was the most simultaneously affected by a significant increase in population and by a growing expansion of artificial surfaces, at the expense of agricultural land, as described in previous papers (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010) and how occurred in many other industrialized nations (Schultink, 2000). In the last 50 years, this resulted in the intensification and the poor differentiation of agricultural crops, in biodiversity loss, as well as in many rural buildings neglect and in agricultural landscape degradation. Therefore, in this area the need to proper rural development policies, also including actions to enhance and protect the existing historic cultural heritage, is strongly felt. 3.2 The buildings cataloguing In order to carry out a proper survey of the analyzed structures, a specific methodology for assessing both the architectural and the environmental characteristics of the historical agroindustries was followed. As explained in a previous work (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010), before the sites direct survey, the secondary or indirect resources have been very useful to verify where and what the structures to be detected were. For this purpose, the "Guide-yearbook of the land of Bari" (Di Cagno, 1921) and the "Historical, statistical and commercial yearbook of Bari and its province" (Mele, 1883) were considered as basic bibliographic, which allowed to draw up the initial list of agro-industries existing in each municipality. Thereafter, as a result of the onsite inspections and the use of more documentary and cartographic sources (local historians writings, archival documents, place names, historical Military Geographical Institute cartography and Urbanistic Territorial Thematic Plan), this list has been updated and expanded, allowing to objectively quantify the number of historical agro-industrial buildings no longer active, but still present in each of the 31 municipalities of the Metropolitan Area of Bari (Table 2).

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Table 1. Distribution of the surface areas in the Metropolitan Area of Bari in 2000. Not Used Total Used AgriculTerritorial Other ExtraUASA/ Agricultural Municipality Surface Forests surface urban Territorial tural Surface Area area Surface SA Surface Area Area Area (UASA) (ha) Acquaviva Adelfia Bari Binetto Bitetto Bitonto Bitritto Capurso Casamassima Cassano Cellamare Conversano Corato Gioia del Colle Giovinazzo Grumo Modugno Mola di Bari Molfetta Noicattaro Palo del Colle Polignano a Mare Rutigliano Ruvo di Puglia Sammichele di Bari Sannicandro di Bari Terlizzi Toritto Triggiano Turi Valenzano Total

(ha)

(ha)

(ha)

(ha)

(ha)

(%)

Total Extraurban SA/ Territorial SA (%)

13,098 2973 11,620 1762 3357 17,282 1765 1488 7741 8942 583 12,690 16,769

7795 2146 2211 861 2779 12,593 1084 794 4147 4786 327 7322 12,556

282 7 2 __ __ 156 __ __ 61 1488 __ 26 294

139 72 123 5 51 140 17 19 134 136 8 126 612

108 9 19 __ 22 72 3 9 51 18 7 75 243

8324 2234 2351 866 2.852 12,967 1104 823 4393 6429 342 7550 13,705

59.51 72.17 19.03 48.89 82.78 72.87 61.42 53.39 53.57 53.53 56.11 57.70 74.87

63.55 75.14 20.23 49.16 84.96 75.03 62.56 55.32 56.75 71.90 58.68 59.49 81.73

20,648

14,839

1410

116

323

16,689

71.87

80.83

4371 8060 3190 5076 5832 4116 7906

3597 4637 1381 3182 4127 3376 6300

1 46 13 19 1 11 0

8 22 69 37 50 22 53

9 13 12 14 85 14 95

3615 4719 1475 3252 4268 3424 6448

82.29 57.53 43.30 62.68 70.76 82.02 79.69

82.70 58.54 46.22 64.06 73.19 83.19 81.56

6250

3522

5

119

98

3745

56.35

59.92

5320 22,204

4083 13,826

0 311

185 224

10 128

4279 14,489

76.76 62.27

80.43 65.25

3387

2132

56

19

14

2221

62.94

65.58

5.600

2702

1

60

24

2788

48.26

49.79

6830 4237 7458 5791 2000 1399 7077 5852 1579 651 226,974 145,035

__ 345 1 55 __ 4591

23 77 136 135 44 2981

12 14 15 59 2 1577

4272 6227 1551 6108 697 154,207

62.03 77.65 69.93 82.69 41.22

62.55 83.49 77.55 86.31 44.12


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Table 2. Historical agro-industrial buildings cited in references and detected for each municipality. Of which: Existing agro- Existing agroOf which: active Agro-industrial Of which: industrial industrial Municipality buildings (cited in active in buildings between active after buildings references*, **, ***) 1883* 1883 and 1921*** (detected by (detected by bibliography) other sources) 1921** Acquaviva 26 2 2 22 1 2 Adelfia Bari

28

8

188

117

26

20

0

1

45

0

19

Binetto

7

6

1

1

0

Bitetto

12

4

8

4

5

Bitonto

25

11

14

0

12

Bitritto

8

3

5

0

1

Capurso

17

10

7

0

0

Casamassima

11

1

10

0

0

Cassano

20

12

8

0

0

Cellamare

2

1

Conversano

22

12

1

Corato Gioia del Colle Giovinazzo

40

19

1

28

18

17

1

Grumo

38

22

Modugno

24

1

1

0

0

9

0

8

20

0

0

10

3

1 15

15

0

16

0

1

24

0

5

Mola di Bari

17

8

1

8

2

27

Molfetta

39

10

6

23

3

6

Noicattaro

25

15

10

1

2

Palo del Colle Polignano a Mare Rutigliano

25

3

22

0

2

17

5

11

0

26

11

2

9

1

1

Ruvo di Puglia Sammichele di Bari Sannicandro di Bari Terlizzi

36

15

21

1

2

10

1

1

1

10 12

3

9

0

2

23

5

18

2

2

Toritto

20

7

13

0

1

Triggiano

17

7

10

0

0

Turi

21

11

9

1

2

Valenzano

23

16

7

0

0

1

Total 809 21 144 Data source: * Mele, 1883; ** La Sorsa, 1915; MAIC (General Direction of Statistics), 1891; *** Di Cagno, 1921.

It has been necessary to acquire a support, i.e. a recording card, in order to create an exhaustive catalog and to better address the survey and onsite inspections tasks. The recording cards represent the summary of the research work done, and they have been created to be both a point of arrival and departure for further analysis. Regarding this, the main European and Italian cata-


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loging models have been taken as references. Cues from previous works about the inventory of other types of rural buildings (Dal Sasso et al., 2009), or from English, American (Historic American Engineering Record), French and Italian (CNR Institute for Archaeological and Monumental Assets of Lecce) examples of censuses specifically carried out on the archaeological and industrial sites heritage, were taken. Based on the observed inventory cards, those drawn up in this research were divided into three sections. First, the descriptive elements were selected able to provide the complete description of the structure. Next, they were reported in sections A and B, respectively consisting of the buildings localization and census analysis, and C, containing their historical and descriptive analysis and the reuse proposal. The following parameters were detected to complete Section A: ⎯ basic identification data, including the presence or absence of architectural constraints and/or recommendations imposed on the considered structure; ⎯ typological characteristics of the building, evaluated according to its particular location than in urban or rural area; ⎯ geographical location described by Military Geographical Institute (IGM) cartography (1:50,000 scale), aerial photogrammetric survey excerpt, photographs or orthophotos. ⎯ The next section B consists of information regarding: ⎯ original and current intended use; ⎯ property nature and main modes of area access; ⎯ construction date, whose chronological limits were suggested by used archival and bibliographic references (Di Cagno, 1921; Mele, 1883); ⎯ conservation status of the structure; ⎯ presence or absence of equipment and machinery; ⎯ type of collection systems of product worked and/or wastes. In this case, the complete absence of such systems has been indicated both if they have not been found during the site inspections, and if their presence in the analyzed production site is ignored, due to inability to access. Furthermore, the metric and photography survey allowed to complete Section C. This one is composed by the structural and construction elements description of the analyzed object. For a more comprehensive work, it has also been integrated with a possible reuse proposal and with a historical perspective of the building, in case it can be deduced from various secondary sources. Not always it was possible to fill in the detected object recording card in an exhaustive manner. 149 buildings have also been completely cataloged, on a total of 165 identified. This was not possible for the remaining 16 detected objects, due to several reasons: site inaccessibility, due to safety issues related to its total abandonment; lack of information regarding the structures owners, to necessarily contact to perform the inspections; owners’ total unwillingness to provide information and to detect the study object. In this cases, a small card was designed, totally lacking of section C and partially lacking of section B. However, the last one was supplemented with information on the estimated reuse and on the elements characterizing and qualifying the analyzed structure. 3.3 The Geographic Information System Most of the information derived from the inventory card have been recorded in the geographic database, implemented with the Arcmap 9.3.1 software, released by ESRI®. This has firstly allowed the filing of the collected data. First of all, the work in the GIS environment was performed homologating all the available cartographic data, i.e. georeferencing them in the chosen reference system (Gauss-Boaga National reference system). Subsequently, it was created a shapefile made up of point features representing the single buildings, whose set allowed the drafting of the historical agro-industrial buildings location map in the Metropolitan Area of Bari (Fig. 2). Between each of the recording cards, corresponding to a single detected building, and each features attributes identified in the GIS environment and organized in an associated table, there

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is a correspondence, i.e. a "one by one" relation. This link allows to update, edit and subsequently expand the database in a contemporary way both in the card and in the geographic information system (Fig. 3). Finally, additional cartographic data, needed to complete the drafting of thematic maps on the historical agro-industrial buildings census, were spatially overlaid to the aforesaid shapefile (land use maps, administrative boundaries, constraints and architectural or landscape assets maps – Figs. 2, 4). The geographic information system was also useful, in this research work, to geographically check the relationship between the cataloged agro-industries location and their territorial and agricultural-productive context, analyzing its evolution and the land use historical changes, as detail shown in a previous paper (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010).

Figure 3. The Geographic Information System drafting.

4 THE HISTORICAL AGRO-INDUSTRIAL BUILDING HERITAGE Within the Metropolitan Area of Bari a total of 165 agro-industrial archaeology structures were detected (Fig. 2). It's important to note that the study of this particular building heritage has always been closely related, during the research, to the territorial analysis, and particularly to the rural-landscape and crop-agricultural one, as well as to its history and evolution. Therefore, it was chosen to properly extend the agro-industries census only to places where the main agricultural crops transformation was processed. Such crops appear to have been, over time, the most particular of the study area, as resulted by the analysis carried on the cultivation changes (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010). Consequently, it results that, of the 165 detected buildings, 8 were identified as wheat milling places, to produce flour or pasta, 41 were identified as wine production sites or distillation industries, and 106 as olive oil production places. The other 10 detected sites are composed by buildings having multiple production destination, in which the different activities listed above share the same complex (Fig. 2).


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Figure 4. Constraints map.

In a more detailed way, the different buildings description, distinguished depending on the product proceeded within them, also allows the recorded buildings typological and constructive common characteristics examination. The surveyed and cataloged buildings analysis and the thematic maps, produced as before widely described, has led to summarize some distribution aspects of the agro-industrial historical structures in the study area municipalities. It was noted that the coastal municipalities of the Metropolitan Area of Bari, both north-west (Molfetta, Giovinazzo, Bitonto - Fig. 2 -), whose territories partially include the historical "olive oil route" (Varricchio, 2000), and south of the capital city (particularly Polignano a Mare, Conversano, Mola di Bari) have best preserved the witness of their cultural and agriculturalproductive past. Indeed, only in the mentioned 6 municipalities is concentrated 60% of the surveyed agro-industries (Table 2). This is due to an extended area's productivity, to a large spreading of road links and infrastructures and, in addition, to a more felt cultural consciousness with respect to the study objects witness values, which also led to an assured presence and ease retrieval of bibliographical data related to these issues. Generally, as stated above confirms a lack of interest by social parties and responsible authorities in the historical and testimonial value recognition of such architectural assets. Only 27% of the analyzed cases is the exception (44 structures on 165 surveyed), including items reported in the Urbanistic Territorial Thematic Plan (Piano Urbanistico Territoriale Tematico/Paesaggio PUTT/P -), of which notable examples, in addition to assets subjected to architectural and landscape or archaeological constraint and recommendation, are the “trappeti” (olive oil mills) mainly located in Bitonto area (Fig. 4). Looking at Figure 2 it’s noted that the buildings are mostly located in extra-urban contexts. Historically, since these buildings are referred to a proto-industrial organization, production facilities were built in non-concentrated areas, i.e. in rural contexts where the economy and the social fabric were still very fragmented and not prone for sales markets expansion. The above said is further confirmed by the study area historical maps comparison. Urban areas growing expansion, occurred over time, led to currently classify as urban those structures that originally were in purely rural contexts or on the edge of town and country.

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In any case, collected data show that 25% of the surveyed historical agro-industries results to be isolated farm buildings, while 36% is added to a farmhouse complex. Whereby the total number of buildings identified and localized in areas outside the cities is equal to 61% of cases. Furthermore, site investigations also show that several agro-industrial buildings are in disrepair, ruined and decadent (30% of cases). Many other buildings, located in strictly rural areas, were already completely demolished to obtain probable land improvements, while 41% of the analyzed structures is in a good or excellent condition, thanks to restoration works aimed at their real or planned reuse. From the drawn up summary of all the descriptive characteristics listed in the inventory card, in its section C (or in section B of the reduced cards) an overall assessment of the described object was possible to make, defining the presence or absence of distinguishing features. This assessment comes from the application of the methodology described in a previous paper (Dal Sasso & Caliandro, 2010), which mainly takes into account the parameters listed there. They are considered as guidelines not only aimed to an in-depth knowledge of the surveyed structures, but also useful to determine the convincing need for their recovery. 5 CONCLUSIONS Depending on the above said, the presence and knowledge of cultural heritage, widespread in non-urban area, represent a strength to pursuit the sustainable development of that territorial context, for a long time confined to a secondary importance role if compared to human pressures and urban areas management issues. Moreover, evolution, development and sustainability in the enjoyment of the countryside and, consequently, of the cultural heritage contained herein, are closely related to its location than in historical and recently expanded urban centers. Indeed, as it's clear from this case study, historical agro-industrial buildings in residual rural areas strongly intertwined with urban areas, and their hoped restoration and enhancement, contribute to preserve the socio-economical and cultural identity and the historical memory of the productive past of this territory context, already severely compromised by new urban expansions. In these cases the analyzed structures integrated recovery, for instance, is a starting point to carry out tourist-cultural routes, ensuring development opportunities linked to social and cultural trends rather than exclusively residential, infrastructure and tertiary ones. Instead, as seen in the internal areas of the present study Metropolitan Area, where the settlements are more scattered and rural areas prevail with respect to the urban fabric (Fig. 2), the historical agro-industries protection and reuse, also if singly carried out, answer to the rural economic development prevailing need. This form of action is specifically related to the tourism sector and, as mentioned above, to the concepts of agricultural activities diversification and multifunctionality. All this is in line with the dual trends towards which the new European agricultural practices are moving: on one hand the "living countryside" model, on the other hand that of the agricultural activities "multifunctionality", both widely described by McDonagh et al. (2009). Briefly, in both described cases, the enhancement of the historical agro-industries heritage is especially desirable for those strongly featuring structures, according to the criteria set out in this work. Furthermore, depending on the specific context in which they are located, this requalification takes into consideration, enhances and involves one or more of the four rural sustainable development main components, as previously identified. Therefore, the census and the recognition of the historical, cultural and architectural-stylistic role of these structures highlight the importance of the local identity resources exploitation, in order to prevent their abandonment and the consequent environmental and natural degradation. REFERENCES Borsi, F. 1978. Introduzione all’archeologia industriale. (Introduction to industrial archeology). Roma: Edizioni Officina. [in Italian]


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Cascone, G., Di Fazio, S. & Pennisi, P. 1996. A method for evaluating the suitability for reuse of redundant rural buildings. In: Proceedings of the International Conference on Agricultural Engineering (EurAgEng), Madrid. CEC (Commission of the European Communities) 1998. First Framework Programme in support of culture (2000-2004) – COM (1998) 266, Brussels. CEC (Commission of the European Communities) 2005. Lisbon Strategy – Putting Rural Development to Work for Jobs and Growth. European Commission, Brussels. CEC (Commission of the European Communities) 2006. The EU rural development policy 2007-2013. Office for official Publications of the European Communities. Luxemburg. CoE (Council of Europe) 2000. European Landscape Convention, Firenze. CoE (Council of Europe) 2001. Council resolution 2001/C 73/04 of 12 February 2001 on Architectural Quality in Urban and Rural Environments. CoE (Council of Europe) 2005. Council of Europe Framework Convention on the Value of Cultural Heritage for Society. Available at http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/EN/Treaties/Html/199.hlm (last accessed in January 2012). Dal Sasso, P. 2001. Il paesaggio e l’ambiente nella pianificazione del territorio rurale. (Landscape and environment in the planning of rural territory). Foggia: Claudio Grenzi Editore. [in Italian] Dal Sasso, P. & Caliandro, L.P. 2010. The role of historical agro-industrial buildings in the study of rural territory. Landscape and Urban Planning 96: 146-162. Dal Sasso, P., Loisi, R.V. & Ottolino, M.A. 2009. Masserie in Puglia: censimento e analisi delle tipologie. (Masserias in Puglia: census and typological analysis). Estimo e Territorio 2: 42-53. [in Italian] Di Cagno, S. 1921. Guida annuario della terra di bari. (Guide-yearbook of the land of Bari). Bari: Primo Istituto Stenografico Pugliese. [in Italian] Gössling, S. 2003. Market integration and ecosystem degradation: is sustainable tourism development in rural communities a contradiction in terms? Environment, Development and Sustainability 5: 383-400. Hassler, U., Algreen-Ussing, G. & Kohler, N. 2002. Cultural heritage and sustainable development in SUIT. SUIT Position Paper, 3. Available at http://www.lema.ulg.ac.be/research/suit/Reports (last accessed in December 2011). I.R. (Italian Republic) 2003. Law no. 378: Disposizioni per la tutela e la valorizzazione dell’architettura rurale (Provisions for the protection and the enhancement of rural architecture), Official Gazette 13. [in Italian] Istat (The National Institute for Statistics) 2000. 5 Censimento generale dell’agricoltura. (5th Agricultural Census). Roma: Author. [in Italian] Kain, J.H. 2000. Urban support systems-Social and technical, socio-technical or sociotechnical. Gothenberg. Keiner, M. 2005. History, Definition(s) and Models of “Sustainable Development”. ETH e-Collection. Available at http://e-collection.ethbib.ethz.ch/cgibin/show.pl?type=bericht&nr=416 (last accessed in December 2011). Khalifa, M.A. & Connelly, S. 2009. Monitoring and guiding development in rural Egypt: local sustainable development indicators and local Human Development Indices. Environment, Development and Sustainability 11: 1175-1196. La Sorsa, S. 1915. La vita di Bari durante il secolo XIX. Parte II (dal 1860 al 1900). [The life of Bari during the nineteenth century. Part II (since 1860 to 1900)]. Bari: Ditta Tipografica ed. Vecchi e C. [in Italian] Lier, H.N., Van Jaarsama, C.F., Jurgens, C.R. & De Buck, A.J. 1994. Sustainable Land Use Planning. London: Longman. Lynch, K. 1960. The image of the city. Cambridge (MA): The MIT Press. MAIC (General Direction of Statistics) 1891. Annali di Statistica. Statistica Industriale. Notizie storiche sulle condizioni industriali della provincia di Bari (Fascic XXXI). [Annals of Statistics. Industrial Statistics. Historical information on the industrial conditions of the province of Bari (Collation XXXI)]. Roma: Tipografia Nazionale di G. Bertero. [in Italian] Marsden, T., Murdoch, J., Lowe, P., Munton, R. & Flynn, A. 1993. Constructing the Countryside. London: UCL Press. Maslow, A. 1943. A theory of human motivation. Psycological Review 50: 370-396. Available at http://psychclassics.yorku.ca/Maslow/motivation.htm (last accessed in January 2012). McDonagh, J., Varley, T. & Shortall, S. (eds) 2009. A Living Countryside? The Politics of Sustainable Development in Rural Irland. Aldershot: Ashgate. Mele, D. 1883. Annuario storico-statistico-commerciale di Bari e provincia. (Historical, statistical and commercial yearbook of Bari and its province). Bari: Stabilimento Tipografico F. Petruzzelli. [in Italian] Osterkamp, W.R. & Morton, R.A. 1996. Environmental impacts of urbanization and mining: an international project on global change. GSA Today 6(7): 14-15.

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Pašakarnis, G. & Maliene, V. 2010. Towards sustainable development in Central and Eastern Europe: Applying land consolidation. Land Use Policy 27: 545-549. Reidsma, P., König, H., Feng, S., Bezlepkina, I., Nesheim, I., Bonin, M., Sghaier, M., Purushothaman, S., Sieber, S., Van Ittersum, M.K. & Brouwer, F. 2011. Methods and tools for integrated assessment of land use policies on sustainable development in developing countries. Land Use Policy 28: 604-617. Schultink, G. 2000. Critical environmental indicators: performance indices and assessment models for sustainable rural development planning. Ecological Modelling 130: 47-58. Steiner, K., Herweg, K. & Dumanski, J. 2000. Practical and cost-effective indicators and procedures for monitoring the impacts of rural development projects on land quality and sustainable land management. Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 81: 147-154. Tweed, C. & Sutherland, M. 2007. Built cultural heritage and sustainable urban development. Landscape and Urban Planning 83: 62-69. UNIDO (United Nation Industrial Development Organization) 2005. The Three Dimensions: defining sustainable development. Available at http://www.unido.org/en/doc/3563 (last accessed in December 2011). Valencia-Sandoval, C., Flanders, D.N. & Kozak, R.A. 2010. Participatory landscape planning and sustainable community development: Methodological observations from a a case study in rural Mexico. Landscape and Urban Planning 94: 63-70. Van der Vaat, J.H.P. 2005. Towards a new rural landscape: consequences of non-agricultural re-use of redundant farm buildings in Friesland. Landscape and Urban Planning 70: 143-152. Varricchio, E. 2000. L’antica masseria “Caggiano” nel Parco Naturale di Lama Balice. Regione Puglia Assessorato alla Pubblica Istruzione CRSEC BA/9 e BA/10. (The old masseria "Caggiano" in the Lama Balice Nature Park. Puglia Region Department of Education CRSEC BA/9 and BA/10). Bari: Levante Editori. [in Italian] Volker, K. 1997. Local commitment for sustainable rural landscape development. Agriculture, Ecosystems and Environment 63: 107-120. WCED (The World Commission on Environment and Development) 1987. Our Common Future. Oxford: The World Commission on Environment and Development. Zevi, B. 1996. Controstoria dell’Architettura in Italia. Dialetti architettonici. (Counterstory of Architecture in Italy. Architectural dialects). Roma: Newton & Compton editori s.r.l. [in Italian]


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The form(at) of heritage: perspectives from Japanese food tradition V. G. Cang RINRI Institute of Ethics, Tokyo, Japan

ABSTRACT: From the time Jewish meals were deciphered by Douglas (1975), studies of food in other societies have revealed eating structures that in most cases ably serve as cultural heritage markers. Meals in Japan, viewed historically, have followed a particularly important and persistent form(at) that is exemplified by ichijuu sansai (one-soup-and-three-side-dishes), which has consistently remained the same for more than a millennium at least. Said meal form or format, though artificially created, has been naturalized and has become a critical mnemonic in the collective memory of the meal in Japan and the nation’s food heritage as a whole. It has also granted a sense of tangibility to the otherwise intangible notion of Japanese food “tradition,” while promoting the growth and development of other media/mnemonics in Japanese food heritage that have in turn become formally recognized heritage themselves, both tangible and intangible. Such representatives of Japanese heritage now include the objects as well as the techniques of various arts and crafts related to food in the Japanese cultural context. This paper is a preliminary exploration of the tangible-intangible juncture of food heritage as it focuses, for present purposes, on the form and/or format of the Japanese food tradition as mainly seen and basically formed in the kaiseki meal. The inseparability of the tangible from intangible heritage, including the roles of form(at) in creating and affirming the idea of heritage in general, is briefly discussed.

1 INTRODUCTION Scholars engaged in anthropological food studies are more than likely to come across Mary Douglas’s (1975) classic study and analysis of the structure of the “proper” meal. Her work showed that the way our meals were ordered complemented the pattern of interactions in the society. That is, the structure of the meal mirrors the social structure at large. We are not only what we eat, but we are also how we eat. Although what the Japanese have been eating has been revolutionized over the centuries (and over much shorter time spans), how they have been eating—the meal structure and/or format—has not changed as radically. There is one scroll from the late Heian period (794-1192), the Yamai no sǀshi [Diseases and Deformities], which helpfully contains an illustration of the meal style of the lower-class members of Japanese society during that time. In one scene, named “Man with the Loose Tooth,” a commoner is portrayed opening his mouth to a woman who is probably his wife. His meal is laid out on a tray in front of him. On the tray is a huge bowl of rice, paired with a similarly large-sized bowl of soup, and both accompanied by three tiny dishes, one of which clearly contains fish (see Kyoto National Museum, 2012). This pattern of “rice, soup,

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and three side dishes” eventually found its way into the formal meals, that is, kaiseki, that are associated with the tea ceremony tradition while said tradition was being established in the 16th century. The format endured, so that many of the meals served in Japan today, from the set lunches in small restaurants to the meals served in schools and company cafeterias, follow the same pattern with only slight variations (Cang, 2011). Said format is now considered the “bare bones” of the Japanese meal, whether it is served at home or outside, in other social settings (Ashkenazi & Jacob, 2000, p. 212). The Japanese epithet for the particular meal format mentioned above is ichijuu sansai [literally, one-soup three-dishes]; it is the meal’s bare form, in other words. (Rice, as Japan’s “staple” food, is considered a given.) Although it may have been invented at some point during Japanese ancient history, it is the tea ceremony with which the format is strongly identified, as it is the basic rule for kaiseki, the meal that traditionally accompanies any formal gathering involving the tea ritual. The format of kaiseki has expanded, however, so that it now “exist[s] in other meal forms [even] as the components are adjusted, tinkered with, [and] modified as the social and aesthetic circumstances dictate” (Ashkenazi, 2000). Nonetheless, it is “seen fully blown in kaiseki” (p. 212). This paper is a preliminary investigation of the Japanese meal format, with particular focus on kaiseki. Kaiseki is a good window, if not lens, into Japanese food tradition not only because of the wide influence it exerts on the way meals are structured in Japan. It is also important in the sense that kaiseki is considered the epitome (Cwiertka, 2006) as well as the foundation of what is considered to be “Japanese” cuisine (Cang, 2011). The following section offers an introduction to kaiseki with particular focus on its form of practice (that is, format) within the confines of the tea ceremony tradition. It is followed by a discussion on the distinctive manner in which such format has been retained in the context of Japanese food tradition, and consequently, within Japanese food heritage in general. 2 KAISEKI AS BASIC FOOD TRADITION AND HERITAGE The tea ceremony is one Japanese cultural tradition that is increasingly becoming more familiar to many; information from the internet and other media, as well as actual presentations in “cultural” events within and outside Japan have enabled many to come across it in some form or another. In almost all of these presentations, however, as well as in much of the literature concerning the tea ceremony, it is only the procedure of serving and drinking tea that is shown and discussed. The actual tea ritual, though, constitutes only half of the sequence of events in the actual tea ceremony: In the formal tea gathering, the tea kaiseki, or simply the kaiseki meal takes place before any of the participants or guests have their tea. During this meal, a succession of food courses are presented and consumed in a particular format and within a considerably longer period of time than the tea ritual that follows it. It entails an equal, or perhaps a greater, degree of complicated ritual procedures. Kaiseki may not be the first thing that comes to mind in most discussions about the tea ceremony, although it is an integral part of the tradition. Academic and other scholarly literature on the tea ceremony also tends to bypass the topic of kaiseki in discussions of the cultural tradition, which may be understandable: The tea ceremony is a ritual centered on tea, not food, after all. Although many studies have been undertaken with regard to the tea ceremony (recent extensive studies include Kato, 2004 and Chiba, 2010), there is a dearth of literature in English about kaiseki, much less its format. In probably the most exhaustive anthropological study of the tea ceremony tradition in English, Anderson (1991) wrote a 300-page tome that describes the practice down to the minutest details of movement and manners including tea ritual philosophy. However, less than 20 pages are devoted to kaiseki. It is nonetheless a relatively generous amount of attention given to this often-overlooked part of the tea ceremony tradition, so that for the present purposes, kaiseki will be described through her account, with additional descriptions from this paper’s author, who is himself a long-term practitioner of the tea ceremony.


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3 THE FORMAT AND PRACTICE OF KAISEKI Anderson (1991) begins with the general rules of kaiseki. General principles of the kaiseki require that all ingredients be of good quality and seasonal. They should not be especially expensive nor should they be exotic (because the guests may not like unfamiliar items). Foods should be attractively arranged and suit the dishes on which they are served. The cook should avoid excessive ornamentation such as elaborately carved vegetables and inedible decorations. Since etiquette requires the guests to wipe the empty dishes clean with the papers they carry in their kimono, anything uneaten (such as bones or garnishes) must be taken home in their sleeves, a potential inconvenience that may be avoided. Kaiseki meals of the most standard type are characteristically served on square black trays with matching sets of covered, lacquered bowls…(p. 166) These are enumerated as the general rules of kaiseki, but they actually form a typical description of the “Japanese” food and cuisine as generally known today: the emphasis on quality and seasonality, the simplicity of the ingredients, the attention to presentation, the importance of utensils, etc. The etiquette factor is also characteristic, if not stereotypical, of Japanese meal service. Kaiseki, however, is said to be the most representative of all Japanese meals: It revolutionized the manner in which food was regarded in Japan, being a “humanistic meal” that was the “first cuisine to reflect a sense of season and a sensitivity to human feelings” (Kumakura, 1999, p. 39). After a few more paragraphs of kaiseki rules, Anderson (1991) finally describes the partaking of the kaiseki meal itself. When the host…is ready to serve the meal, he places a shiki [food tray] in front of him and opens the door to the tearoom. On the front of the tray are two covered bowls of slightly different sizes. In the one on the left, as it faces the guest, is a scoop of soft white rice in the shape of the character for “one”…This symbolizes that among foods, rice is first and holds the place of honor. The other bowl is filled with…a soup of soy paste and a stock…made from seaweed and bonito shavings…Diminutive portions are served, emblematic of the hypothetically spartan nature of the meal. On the back of the tray rests a third bowl…made of ceramic…In it, the guests see a mound of raw fish…Special cedar chopsticks [that] rest on the tray in front of the bowls…are only used once. Such chopsticks are always dampened. The clean, fresh wood suggests purity (p. 167-168) At this point, the guests have not eaten yet. The setting is now complete, however: Throughout the meal, everyone will be eating from the same tray. As of this time, the rice, soup, and only one of the three major side dishes has been brought out. The format of the meal will be completed as it progresses. The host seats himself in front of the main guest and the [main guest] slides slightly forward to receive the tray. He lifts it slightly and inclines his head to show appreciation. As he places the tray in front of himself, he apologizes to the next guest for preceding him. After everyone has a tray, the host kneels in the doorway and bows. He invites all to enjoy their meal. The guests bow and the main guest announces their intention to begin. When the host has closed the door, the guests take the lids off their rice and soup bowls and place them to one side. Symbolic of its importance, the rice is eaten first, then the soup. The seafood dish…remains untouched (p. 168) The guests finally have the first mouthful of food, although they are inhibited from tasting the fish for now, as the rules dictate. This will soon be eaten, however, when the sake [rice wine] is brought out. After the guests have eaten a little rice and soup, the host reenters the tearoom carrying a black stand…which supports shallow, red sake saucers…He also

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carries a small iron pot…full of warm sake. The host sets the [stand] in front of the main guest who takes the bottom cup and passes the rest down the line. The host then pours sake for each guest. The guests do not eat their raw fish until after they taste the sake…(p. 168) The writer seems to be intent on making sure that the guests do not have any of the fish until the sake has been served. As for the sake itself, although the colors and shapes of the utensils used to serve it may vary, there is a stipulated method by which it has to be served to and drunk by the guests, which is more complicated than the description above. The format and etiquette for drinking sake during kaiseki also appears, to a certain extent and in one form or another, in other non-tea ceremony contexts today, especially when similar implements—stands and sake saucers—are used, such as during wedding ceremonies or at new year’s, when the first sake of the year is imbibed. Sake is served throughout the kaiseki meal as the other courses are brought out one after the other. …The next course is the “star of the show”…It falls in the class of boiled foods [nimono]. The smell of the nimono is as important as the taste. For a gathering such as this…the ingredients are carefully arranged with an eye to proportion and color…(p. 168-169) We have now reached the stage of the second major side dish, which, if one were to use the vocabulary of fine dining in non-Japanese contexts, would correspond to the entrée. The nimono is usually a non-meat dish that is served in a covered lacquer bowl, to trap the aroma, with one bowl for each guest. The dish normally includes vegetables in season which, together with the main ingredient, is usually half-covered in a soup. And as with all the other dishes in kaiseki, there is a “proper” way for eating the nimono: The covered bowl is lifted to face level, and the lid slightly opened towards the guest’s nose for her/him to take in the first whiff of the food’s aroma. The bowl is then fully opened as the lid is turned over and placed in its stipulated position outside the tray. Yakimono, broiled foods, are served as the next course. The course may include grilled meats but fish is the more common choice…Grilled foods are always served with fresh green chopsticks made in a special shape that indicates that they were made exclusively for yakimono (p. 169)

The grilled food is the third side dish; it is also usually seafood. It completes the main format of kaiseki. In actual practice today, however, two or three (or more) dishes—conveniently lumped together under the category of “miscellaneous sake accompaniments”—are also provided during the meal. Thus, kaiseki is not “spartan” in any way.

The host then announces that he will eat his meal in the preparation area and the main guest invites him to join the group. The host almost always refuses. He is there exclusively to serve his guests. He will eat in the tearoom only if there is a solitary guest. The commensal aspect of the tea ritual will be manifested later when a sake cup is passed back and forth between host and guests. Westerners tend to find the absence of a shared repast surprising as commensal meals are central to our ethic of hospitality. Such is not the case in Japan (p. 169) The meal goes on, with all the attendant rules on movement, etiquette, etc. The above section only scratches at the surface of the practice of kaiseki, but short as the description may be, it sufficiently provides a view of the meal’s complexity and its many rules of form and etiquette. On closer examination, one will also discover in the kaiseki description a fairly accurate and general overview of Japanese food tradition. For this and other reasons, kaiseki is the “fully blown” example of the format of the Japanese meal, as mentioned above.


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4 CONCEPTUALIZING THE JAPANESE MEAL FORMAT The meal has been defined as an artistic social construct [that orders] the foodstuffs which comprise it into a complex dramatic whole, as a play organizes actions and words into component parts such as acts, scenes…and exits, in all the sequence designed for them. However humble it may be, a meal has a definite plot, the intention of which is to intrigue, stimulate, and satisfy (Visser, 1986, p. 14-15) In this sense, kaiseki may be likened to a formatted play, the script of which forms a catalog of the essential qualities of Japanese food tradition; the whole script describes the essence as well as the sum of the Japanese meal. This consolidated form, as played out above, constitutes the “living catalog” of Japanese food tradition, including the “postures, techniques, strategies, and philosophy that comprise it” (Friday, 2001, p. 135). In the Japanese language, said catalog of form is called the tradition’s kata [literally, “form”]. Kata is a concept familiar to many students of the martial arts, and it is often thought of as applicable and confined only to such practices. However, it is “prevalent throughout Japanese traditional arts including, but in no way limited to, flower arranging, tea, traditional Japanese dance, and the kabuki and noh theaters” (Klens-Bigman, 2012, n.p.). As an integral part of the tea ceremony tradition, kata is the means by which kaiseki, and thus Japanese food structure and practice, has been practiced and transmitted. While kata is usually translated as “form” in English, its meaning is best understood through the term “pattern practice” (Friday, 2001, p. 135), that is, form(at). It is the “mold” by which practitioners of a Japanese cultural tradition learn the structures of the tradition, its “patterns of artistic and social behaviors, and moral and ethical values, in accordance with prescribed formulaic rules” (Matsunobu, 2007, p. 1107). The form(at) or kata of kaiseki, even in the simplified version provided above, is invariably complex. Even, too, if reduced to the seemingly simple pattern of “rice, soup, and three side dishes,” it is always accompanied by a host of other rules, etiquette, symbolic meaning, etc., which inform kaiseki practice as a whole. The nimono, for example, although “only” a dish of fish and vegetables boiled together, must be appreciated and consumed in a manner particular to it, in accordance to the stipulated form(at) established in kaiseki. It is the same with the other side dishes, as well as the rice and the soup. Such rules and manners—the kata of eating—are not in any way limited to kaiseki alone. For example, in the regular Japanese meal (served in the home or elsewhere), the soup bowl is invariably placed to the right of the rice bowl. There is no other way to “properly” arrange the two, for such is the meal’s kata, the foundations and hints of which may be found in kaiseki. 5 IMPLICATIONS The kata of kaiseki has led to the growth and development of other forms of tradition that have in turn become formally recognized heritage. These include lacquerware and ceramics, both as products and as techniques that are currently part of formal Japanese heritage discourse, as touched on above. Food heritage—as well as other forms of heritage—is often defined by its means of transmission, which is generally by crafts of memory or other mnemonic devices. If kaiseki were considered as the collective memory of Japanese food tradition, thus its form(at) as kata would be its mnemonic. By systematizing the Japanese meal as well as by stipulating its form of practice, among other roles, kata has aided in the safeguarding of food heritage in Japan. As intangible heritage, food tradition does not have a strong physical form; kata ably fulfills the role in its stead. In this sense, kata grants a notion of tangibility to the otherwise intangible notion of Japanese food tradition. Since it does not have a definite and concrete form, food heritage—whether Japanese or not—is more difficult to transmit and preserve as compared to other types of (tangible) heritage.

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The role of kaiseki kata in the safeguarding of Japanese food heritage thus becomes essential. A preliminary paper of this scope cannot dwell on the philosophical foundations as well as a detailed survey of kata, even if the analysis were limited to kaiseki and/or Japanese food heritage. Suffice it to say that the study of food tradition in Japan is best served by an analysis of its form(at), that is, kata. It is one of the chief means for safeguarding, and perhaps the primary way of understanding, Japanese intangible heritage. REFERENCES Anderson, J. L. (1991). An introduction to Japanese tea ritual. NY: State University of New York Press. Ashkenazi, M. & Jacob, J. (2000). The essence of Japanese cuisine: An essay on food and culture. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Cang, V.G. (2011). National cuisines as heritage: As viewed from the Japanese kaiseki meal. Conference on Intangible Heritage (Sharing Cultures 2011), Tomar, Portugal, 3-6 July 2011. Portugal: Greenlines Institute. Chiba, K. (2010). Japanese women, class and the tea ceremony: The voices of tea practitioners in northern Japan. London: Routledge. Cwiertka, K. (2006). Modern Japanese cuisine: Food, power and national identity. Wiltshire, UK: Cromwell Press. Douglas, M. (1975). Deciphering a meal. In Implicit meanings: Essays in anthropology (231-251). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Friday, K. (2001). Form/xing/kata/pattern practice. In T. A. Green (Ed.), Martial arts of the world: an encyclopedia (135-140). Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Kato, E. (2004). The tea ceremony and women’s empowerment in modern Japan: Bodies re-presenting the past. London: Routledge. Klens-Bigman, D. (2012). Creativity, bound flow and the concept of shu-ha-ri in kata. Fighting Arts. Retrieved from http://www.fightingarts.com/reading/article.php. Kumakura, I., 1999. Tea and Japan’s culinary revolution. Japan Echo, 26 (2), 39-43. Kyoto National Museum (2012). http://www.kyohaku.go.jp/jp/syuzou/meihin/kaiga/emaki/item04g.html Matsunobu, K. (2007). Japanese perspectives and research on the body. In L. Bresler (Ed.), International handbook of research in arts education (1107-1108). Dordrecht, Netherlands: Springer-Verlag. Visser, M. (1986). Much depends on dinner. Toronto: McClelland & Stewart.


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The industrial cultural heritage – a resource for sustainable tourism in Liguria S. De Maestri ARCH_IN - Industrial Archeology Laboratory, Engineering Faculty, Genoa University

ABSTRACT: This paper aims to present to a larger community the history of Liguria’ industries, merging a new tourist proposal with a more traditional valorisation of an industrial cultural heritage. We have selected those structures (active, disused or converted toward new functions) which being characterized by specific potentialities for position, typical features and value can be linked to a virtual network becoming part of a cultural tourism. During last years, we have investigated many of these realities by ARCH_IN (The Industrial Archeological Laboratory of the Engineering Faculty of Genova) and by a strong cooperation with Public Organization (Region, Provinces, Municipalities) and private companies and we have simulated preservation and exploitation by specific restoration projects, recovery and/or new employment within a more general process of urban and territorial sustainable qualification.

1 INTRODUCTION The object of the research we are conducting at ARCH_IN (the Industrial Archaeology Laboratory at the Engineering Faculty at Genoa University) is to get more people to know the history of industry in Liguria, by suggesting a new touristic itinerary as a complement to the existing traditional ones. The value of the industrial heritage of the last fifty years in Liguria has not yet been given sufficient recognition; yet lately, following the example of other countries, people have developed an interest in the preservation and valorisation of our industrial heritage. Such interest has been determined and fuelled by the recovery of a number of structures of great relevance converted to art galleries, such as the Bankside Power station in London and the Hamburger Bahnhof in Berlin; or connected in networks, like the 36 industrial plants in Catalonia, which form the Technology and Science Museum System of Catalonia; or the Zeche Zollverein, Red Dot Design Museum, etc. In Genoa, the requalification of the Porto Antico (Ancient Harbor) marked a significant step in the revaluation of our industrial heritage, and opened the way to what might become a policy of intervention in Liguria. Our ARCH_IN Lab research focuses on the analysis, knowledge and revalorisation of sites and buildings of historical, architectural and landscape interest. Its aim is to promote their preservation and revaluation. Our proposals deal above all with structures that are either disused or in a bad state of conservation, with the aim to salvage and suitably reuse them. The project for a sustainable tourism is part of the knowledge phase. To this purpose, we work on several programmes and initiatives, among which: - the census of the industrial buildings and sites of historical, architectural and technological interest in Liguria (in agreement with both the Superintendence for the Architectural Heritage and the Ligurian Landscape) and

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- the survey of structures of interest for modern tourism (in agreement with the Tourism Council of Liguria, Lombardia Piemonte, Emilia Romagna, and the Milan Triennale). The activity on ARCH_IN consists also in proposing studies of valorisation and developing them through feasibility projects. Many and varied are the elements of the industrial heritage: factories, plants, infrastructures, workers’ estates and villages, documents, files, company archives. Our project aims to point out the existing heritage in our region and make the most of it in the field of “cultural tourism”, by suggesting a series of thematic itineraries connecting the various elements. Liguria still possesses a great variety of examples of remarkable relevance, as these were early examples of productive plants and facilities; in my presentation I will focus on the emergence of the infrastructure network in the region. In Liguria, industrialization lead to the construction of a whole series of marine and terrestrial infrastructures, at various scales within the region. Many of those that still exist, especially those related to transportation, could become a resource for sustainable cultural tourism, not only because they involve the conservation and use of existing assets, but also because, in the case of public transport, they offer an important contribution to energy saving. Pollution is mainly due to an uncontrolled industrial development and demographic growth, and is in fact largely attributable to the high rate of motorization. Italy has low adoption rate of public transport compared to other European countries; the amount of air pollutants, particularly carbon dioxide, is increasing despite the EU commitment to cut 20-30% emissions before 2020. 2 LAND FACILITIES First of all in 1853 the Turin-Genoa railway line, among the first built in Italy, brought industrialization to Liguria; it still is a landmark of the valleys of our hinterland and offers the traveller magnificent views. The surviving buildings are interesting not only for their still preserved technological characteristics, but also for the many structures built along the railway line: bridges, railway stations, warehouses. The 1929 Genoa-Casella railway line has been recently rediscovered and revaluated by opening it to tourism (Fig. 1). It is one of the few still existing and working examples of narrow-gauge railway in Italy. Its winding route extends for 25km and connects places of naturalistic and cultural interest, such as the Fortresses Park and the city walls. It is now possible to travel in an historical train, recovered and restored, with the oldest electric locomotive still operating in Italy (1924), the passenger carriages and a bar carriage (1929) with wooden furniture and bronze and brass finishings. Even when disused, old railway lines offer the possibility of being converted to new infrastructures for an environmentally sustainable touristic use. An example exists in the western Riviera: the decision was taken of doubling some sections of the old line which winds along the coast, crossing old villages and towns; the railway line was moved up-hill, and the existing one was disused. As a consequence, a stretch of about 24km (from Ospedaletti to San Lorenzo al Mare) became available. This section of great beauty was converted in 1999 into a “green ribbon”, a route for pedestrians, cyclists and environmentally-friendly transportation. Our current ARCH IN project includes the reuse of the structures built for freights and travelers (Fig. 2); in agreement with the company in charge of the operations we have studied a plan for reusing these structures as accommodation for cyclists. The revaluation of public transport systems, from the more common types (tramways, underground railways, light railways, ordinary railways) to the less conventional ones (monorails, cable railways, lifts, cableways, etc.), greatly contributes to achieving “sustainable mobility”: a solution to the coupled issues of saving energy, providing a good quality of life in historical town centres, and reducing pollution. The EU itself has funded in recent years several research and 'best practice' sharing programs; these aim to identify virtuous models that combine fundamental values: guaranteeing freedom of movement and accessibility, while reducing pollution and resource consumption. Numerous Italian and European cities already focus on recovering or building these systems: in Genoa, Renzo Piano himself, the chief advisor to the Mayor of Genoa, promotes the preservation and valorisation of such structures: “the idea of town is founded on the availability of an adequate public transport service, able to free the town centre from cars, and, concerning the links with the upper parts of the town, cable ways and lifts are preferable”.


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Genoa, a town built on hills, has been endowed of such structures since the XIX century. In fact, at the time, in order to promote the urban expansion, two cableways on tracks were built: the S. Anna, (1891) and the Zecca-Righi (1895), together with a rack-and-pinion railway in Granarolo (1901), and several lifts, five of which are still operating today. In order to operate the S. Anna cableway, which is supported on a series of brick arches, a water counterweight was employed - one of the first in Italy (Fig. 3). In order to overcome the difficulties of the steep slope of Granarolo Hill, a rack-and-pinion railway was built. The line, now under repairs, still features the original arrival station made of timber with a pitched roof. Among the lifts still in use, the one that links Portello to Castelletto (1909) has been recently refurbished (Fig. 4). This lift is particularly interesting also from an architectural point of view, as it is partially enclosed in a shaft dug in the rock and its art nouveau top arrival station can be seen from many parts of the town. In Genoa there is also an underground railway: the first project, by Swiss Carlo Pfalz, dates back to 1907, but only in 1990 the short stretch Rivarolo-Di Negro was inaugurated with the two stations designed by Renzo Piano. It is still under construction and today it extends as far as the piazza De Ferrari. Also regarding cableways, Liguria holds a record of great importance: the Savona-San Giuseppe di Cairo line, built to carry coal in nine iron wagons, was planned in 1903 and built in 1912. At the time it was the longest in Europe – 17362m. Its innovative concept, and the large loading capacity, made it possible to carry coal continuously from Savona across the Appennino to the industrial area of the Bormida Valley. This cableway is still used, though load capacity is reduced (Fig. 5); so far it seems that the line will be preserved, but with some changes in the requalification project of the Savona waterfront. Also the preservation of some notable driveways, dating back to the twentieth century, can contribute to a sustainable tourism project, owing to the quality of these infrastructures, their harmonious integration in the context of the area, and the possibility of their reuse. A number of roads, too, are valuable examples of industrial heritage: the Genoa-Serravalle motorway, built in 1935 in two years only, is one of the first motorways in Italy The bridge over the Polcevera (1082m) on the Genoa-Savona motorway, designed in 1967 by Riccardo Morandi, is one of the most interesting for its structure characterised by “A” shaped pillars, linked at mid-height and on top (about 90 m high) where the tendons are anchored (Fig. 6). In Genoa, among the urban streets of remarkable relevance from both an architectural and structural perspective, the flyover, a superelevated steel structure on pillars, planned by Francesco De Miranda and built in 1965, extends like a long balcony of 5 km bounding the ancient port. Even if criticized by many because it acts like a barrier between the ancient town and the port, in a future reorganization of the urban road network it should be preserved and used for a touristic purpose as a pedestrian way (Fig. 7). A monorail train on the route might serve it, as Renzo Piano suggests “with much lesser (20 times) visual and acoustic impact. From there people will enjoy the panorama from above, which enchants whomever comes to town”. At the west end of the flyover people can enjoy an exceptional view of the operations in the harbour docks; this sight is not visible from the lighthouse walk, the new pedestrian way (2004) which links the town to the lighthouse, situated at one end of the natural bay of the Ancient Port. The walkway, built like a footbridge, follows the old access route to the town, performing the double function of entrance to the lighthouse (open to visitors since 1995) and of balcony on the port operations (Fig. 8). 3 MARITIME FACILITIES Liguria is also rich in port facilities, most of which are still in use: careening docks, the Arsenal’s structures, silos and warehouses. Most of these are still in use, while some have been converted to a different use. The oldest careening dock in bricks still in use is situated in Genoa by the side of the old dock-yard. It is located in an exceptional position, inside the pedestrian way from the General Warehouse to the lighthouse along the harbour arch. Designed by the colonel of Naval Engineers Damiano Sauli, built in the years 1844-51, for the maintenance of ironclad war-ships, the “bacinetto” (small careening dock) was 81m long (Fig. 9).

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The other docks in the port of Genoa are difficult for tourists to visit, as they are situated in areas reserved to ship-repairs (Fig. 10), but may be visited upon prior approval. The first of these docks was built in 1888 using the technique of pneumatic tanks, which made it possible for workers to operate safely underwater. Four more docks of larger and larger size were built in the following years, up to 1963. The fifth, 250m-long dock was built for ships that were then considered super-giants (60/65000 dwt oil tankers); it was built in the lighthouse dock, and consisted of fifteen floating prefabricated elements assembled by post-tensioning steel cables; it was then transported to the east port and sunk there, ready for use. Also in the Arsenal of La Spezia there are six docks, still used and perfectly working. Planned by Army Corps Major Domenico Chiodo, they were built around the inner dockyard; the first four docks (two of which were 110m long, the other two being 132m long) were ready in 1869 and 1870; the remaining two (160m and 220m long) were finished in 1891 and 1899. The docks could be built thanks to new techniques, such as digging systems earlier used on land, employed 15m underwater. Unfortunately it is not always possible to visit the docks and the other structures situated inside the Arsenal, because it is a military zone. They are open to visitors only on special occasions. Inside the Arsenal, itself an extraordinary structure, there are also numerous facilities besides the docks: from an steel swing bridge (Fig. 11), to the original sheds and the warehouses around the two dockyards; and the very special dam (1873-1879) designed by Chiodo to defend the Arsenal, which closes the gulf for a length of 2225 m leaving free only two openings of 200 and 400m near Cape S. Teresa and Cape S. Maria. In our laboratory, in agreement with the town and the Maritime Authorities, we have completed a number of projects for the recovery and reuse of some structures in the Arsenal that are nowadays disused or undervalued: the project of requalification of the Mardicchi Area proposes to convert the service barracks of the Arsenal into a new University campus; another project revaluates the outer dam and creates a new touristic island, built with the mud obtained from the dredging of the harbour (Fig. 12). Other structures would no longer meet the new requirements of commercial ports and were abandoned; however, once their special architectural and historical value was acknowledged, these were converted to a new cultural use: they were either renovated or re-qualified and are part of today's cultural tourism circuit. In the western Riviera it is possible to visit the Docks in Oneglia Harbour, as they have been converted into a Naval Museum. Built in reinforced concrete according to the Hennebique system, they were among the first buildings in west Liguria where this new technology was employed. Yet the biggest and most significant silos and warehouses are in the port of Genoa – the corn silos of Santa Limbania and the General Warehouses. The erection of the silos, designed by the engineers Crotti, Carissimo and De Cristofori for the building construction, and by the Brussels-based firm Hennebique for the structures, was particularly innovative because of the adoption of new technologies which made it easier and quicker to load and unload the ships, but above all for the large use of reinforced concrete (Fig. 13). At the time the silos were the biggest reinforced concrete construction ever built. The structure, of considerable dimensions, was designed based on the structural grid defined by the 334 cells (3x4m for a height of 15m) distributed around the central core, which hosted the technical offices. The building, which is located in the area of the old dockyard of the Genoa Republic by the side of the Maritime Station of “Ponte dei Mille”, will be restructured in the near future as part of the project of the waterfront requalification. The complex of the Cotton Warehouses, which extends along the Molo Vecchio (Old Pier) for a length of 360m, dates back to 1900. It was built to store and preserve various goods and provisions: cotton, phosphates, iron and cast iron (Fig. 14). Originally it was called “General Warehouses”, the name Cotton Warehouses refers to its last use. The General Warehouses were restored on the occasion of Columbus Celebrations in 1992, within the process of requalification of the Ancient port. In its oldest part, turned to cultural and commercial use, the requalification maintained the original structure, consisting of cast-iron columns and slabs supported on steel primary and secondary beams, while the last three buildings, dating back to the 1920’s, featuring a different reinforce-concrete structure, were emptied to create the conference centre with two large rooms which, together, can hold 1500 people. The General Warehouses building hosts other structures, such as the “Città dei Bambini e dei Ra-


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gazzi” (“the children’s and young boys’ town”), the Genoa Port Center, the first exhibition centre on the culture of harbours in the Mediterranean. In the area of the ancient port a number of equipments are preserved such as manuallyoperated and hydraulic cranes; these are part of the waterfront promenade, which will eventually be incorporated in the Exhibition Trail of the Galata Maritime Museum. Anchored to another quay, inside the area of the naval repairs and waiting to find a definitive lodging is the Langer Heirick, a floating crane built in Bremerhaven in 1915. The self-propelled pontoon has recently been masterfully restored. The structure, still in use, was also used as a thetre stage during cultural events (Fig. 15). On the same pier there is a building of great interest due to its making and state of preservation, known as “Naval Laundries”, dating back to the end of the 1920’s, which delimits the end of the Pier on its east side and acts as counterpoint to the “Cotton Warehouses” (Fig. 16). The industrial building was expected to be demolished to allow the construction of the new submarine tunnel. Our laboratory has filled in and recorded several information cards, and has completed various revaluation projects aiming at a cultural touristic reuse, which for the moment have contributed to their preservation. The maritime stations, too, should be included in the touristic itineraries. The Ponte dei Mille Maritime Station (1914), with its monumental facades of eclectic taste, decorated in artificial stone and with its wide representatives rooms, which were to show the increasing prestige of the town, hosts various commercial and service activities and, it also hosts cultural initiatives (Fig. 17). Next to the Maritime Station the Station of Ponte Andrea Doria, designed by architect Luigi Vietti, is characterized by the linear style of the 1930s–1940s (Fig. 18). 4 WATER, GAS AND ELECTRIC NETWORKS Another sector that is particularly significant for the history of industrialization in Liguria, and is still considerably evident in the territory, are the utility networks. With the increased size and complexity of cities, upgrading and provision of new utilities necessitate the construction of new plants, often of considerable size, which impact heavily on the structure of the landscape. Many of these have been preserved and are still in use, albeit with the necessary integrations; about others we only received a historical testimony. Among these, the most ancient one is the Genoa aqueduct, which provided the only supply for the city until the mid-nineteenth century and had then continued to serve the town, together with those built in the industrial age, up until the '50s of the twentieth century (Fig. 19). It runs from the city center along the valley of the river Bisagno up to the watershed, for a length of about 20km. It has now become a walk, which still serves on its path a number of considerable engineering works, like the two siphon bridges made in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, which at the time were works of exceptional architectural value and technology. Due to the novelty of the concept, an interesting infrastructure is represented by the system of reservoirs that the De Ferrari-Galliera Aqueduct Company realizes inland by damming the river Gorzente (1880) and its tributaries (1891 and 1906), and the exploitation of hydropower. The system, with the hydroelectric plant of Isoverde, a monument of industrial archeology (1914), stands against the backdrop of the mountains, is still in use and represents a sustainable source of energy (Fig. 20). These reservoirs, as well as those constructed later, are often contained by dams of considerable design and remarkable interest for the integration within the landscape, such as that of the Brugneto lake, which empoys the so-called “lightened gravity” system, where the reduced thickness of the concrete dam is made possible by the constructing the buttresses (Fig. 21). In the history of lighting and gas distribution in Genoa, the most visible testimony is the large gasometer in Val Polcevera, which still stands; however, to find the most significant remains it is necessary to visit the Bisagno valley, up to a place named Gavette. Here the last traces can be found of the plants where gas production occurred: with the closure of these plants (a result of the methane revolution), some buildings of considerable interest were kept intact; these were constructed in the Anglo-Saxon industrial style, in brick masonry. Our laboratory studied a project regarding this area and the adjacent ones, which provides for their recovery and rehabilita-

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tion; in addition to that, the new Museum of Gas and Water will be housed in these industrial buildings (Fig. 22). With regard to electricity, which dates back to 1895, the construction of the first major power station in Via Canevari, the Officine Elettriche Genovesi (OEG) commissioned AEG of Berlin with the design of the technological and plant engineering. The plant is still in use, even if converted to an electric substation; based on nineteenth-century canons of composition, its majesty still retains the vestiges of ancient grandeur, despite the demolition of the monumental chimney (Fig. 23). The electrification of the region is however closely linked to CIELI, the Ligurian Electricity Enterprises Company, founded by engineer Rinaldo Negri. From Western Liguria the company grew and changed rapidly, becoming a major actor in the production and distribution of electricity nationally. The company will maintain numerous examples of original structures: some, such as the hydropower plants, are still in use, while other, like power plants and electrical substations in urban centers, were abandoned, and now undergoing a requalification process. Among these, the most significant example is undoubtedly the power plant built in Savona at the mouth of the river Letimbro in 1910. At the time it was one of the largest in Europe, and was architecturally conceived as a kind of cathedral, with a layout that had many references to the Middle Ages, although the final result is an architecture that recalls secessionist taste. The redevelopment project (2005), in progress, includes residential and commercial activities, thereby depleting the inner core and the only preservation of the housing (Fig. 24). REFERENCES Brebbia, C.A. & Pineda, F.D. (ed.) 2010. Sustainable tourism IV. Southampton: Wit. Capacci, A. (ed.) 2002. Turismo e sostenibilità: un approccio multidisciplinare all'analisi del movimento e delle strategie di pianificazione territoriale. Genova: Brigati. Croci, E. 2009. Turismo culturale: il marketing delle emozioni. Milano: Angeli. Dallen, J.T. 2011. Cultural heritage and tourism: an introduction. Buffalo: Channel View Publications. De Maestri, S. & Tolaini, R. 2011. Storie e itinerari dell’industria ligure. Genova: De Ferrari. Fernandez, M. (ed.). Quaderns de didactica. Publicacions del Museu de la Ciencia y de la Tecnica de Catalunya Handszuh, H. F. 2011. Report on the outcome of the seminar on “industrial Heritage in tourism policies for sustainable development”. online publication. Icomos, 2009. Industrial and Technical Heritage bibliography. online publication. Maciocco, G. & Preite, M. (ed.) 2000. Da miniera a museo: il recupero dei siti minerari in Europa. Firenze: Alinea. Otgaar, A. H. J. (et al.) 2010. Industrial tourism : opportunities for city and enterprise. Burlington : Ashgate Radomski, S. (ed.) 1999. Katalog der Projekte. Duisburg: Internationale Bauausstellung Emscher Park. Richards, G. 2007. Cultural Tourism: global and local perspectives. Binghamton: Haworth Press. Romei, P. (ed.) 2008. Turismo sostenibile. Padova: CEDAM. TICCIH - The Industrial Committee for the Conservation of the Industrial Heritage, 1999 – 2010. Patrimoine de l’industrie: ressources, pratiques, cultures, n.1-23.

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Figure 1. Genoa-Casella Railway departure station. Genova (I), 2007

Figure 2. Arma di Taggia railway station. Imperia (I), 2005

Figure 3. Sant’Anna cable car in Genova (I), 2007

Figure 4. Castelletto lift in Genova (I), 2007

Figure 5. The coal cableway connects Savona with San Giuseppe di Cairo (I), 2011

Figure 6. Bridge over the river Polcevera in Genova (I), early ‘70s

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Figure 7. Flyover road in Genova (I), 2007 Figure 8. Lighthouse promenade in Genova (I), 2007

Figure 10. Docks in Genoa harbour (I), 1970’s Figure 9. The “Bacinetto della Darsena” (small careening dock) in a painting of F. Orsolini (I), XIX cent.

Figure 11. Swing bridge in the Military Arsenal of La Spezia (I), 2005

Figure 12. Project of an artificial island in the La Spezia gulf (I), 2010


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Figure 13. Corn silos in Genova (I), 2006

Figure 14. Cotton Warehouses in Genova (I), 2006

Figure 15. Langer Heinrick floating crane in Genoa (I), 2006

Figure 16. Naval laundry facilities, Genoa (I), 2004

Figure 17. Ponte dei Mille ferry terminal, Genoa (I), 2006

Figure 18. Ponte Andrea Doria ferry terminal, Genoa (I), 2005

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Figure 19. Ancient aqueduct in Genoa (I), 2010

Figure 20. Hydroelectric power plant in Isoverde, Genoa (I), 2011

Figure 21. Construction of the Brugneto dam, Genoa (I), 1958

Figure 22. Project of reuse of Gavette gas extraction plant in Genoa (I), 2005

Figure 23. Officine Elettriche Genovesi thermal power plant Genoaa (I), 1910s

Figure 24. CIELI thermal power plant in Savona (I), 1910s


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Identity, visibility, recognition and integrated digital survey for interpretation and promotion of the architectural heritage A. De Masi II School of Architecture, Milan Polytechnic, Milan, Italy

ABSTRACT: The neoclassical architecture studies developed in large regional centres where the political, economical and cultural power mostly manifested itself. In addition, they showed a grid of knowledge revealing the Connection keys (attraction indexes), that means, the physical places where the relationship between the architectonic elements and their environment is formalized. The Integrated Digital Survey has accelerated the knowledge aquisition of the anthropic environment and has highlighted the historical and cultural value of the urban and rural environments, the heritage images of the environment with the relevant concepts of visibility and recognition of the same, and the identity value of the new cultural districts. Hence the need to investigate a territory by identifying “characterizing aggregation systems” and their exchanges with nature and the anthropic reality in order to stress the physiographic systems of the “Territorial Areas (macro-areas)”, opposite to the smaller “territorial districts” (micro-areas that also allow to divide Landscape Areas into one or more Landscape Units). The aims of this investigation are: 1- stimulating the social dialogue among different cultures; 2- sensitizing the citizens Research Institutions to the sharing of the urban management; 3- setting up a spin-off to favour new entrepreneurial activities; 4- Preserving the economical function of each district and the cultural value connected to it. The sustainability of these architectonic units is connected to the studies of the micro areas, where the cultural districts and their economies can be located. The advanced techniques of survey and the 3D modelling facilitate a faster knowledge and promotion of such realities positively influencing the social education to these themes. The methodological approach comes from the studies carried out by the author for the 1st Report of the International Team Research, established by UNESCO World Heritage Centre, “Rural Vernacular Heritage”- 2007-2011 “Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Landscape and Rural Environments Governance” (October 2008).

1 COMMUNICATION PROCESSES OF THE IMAGE OF MILAN NEOCLASSIC MODEL 1.1 Identity and Recognisability of Milan neoclassical rationalism The articulation of the “Historic Urban Landscapes” as well as of the environmental mosaic of the Italian territory, which accounts for 25% of the world heritage depends on the way of developing the economic condition and on the methods of investigation on the places that have archaeological and historical Landscape Heritage being important for present and future generations. Hence the need to investigate the area in a targeted way to highlight the relationship between sites and production, urban infrastructure and physiographic systems of "Territorial Areas (macro-areas)” which are very useful to investigate in them smaller “territorial districts" (micro-areas) allowing to define Landscape Areas with one or more Landscape Units. That in

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order to protect the naturalness as a primary economic and cultural element of the community interacting with the urban landscape and the landscape vision. The “fragmentation” phenomena found in the investigated areas constitute one of the main factors of degradation, not only of the ecological landscape, but also of the visual landscape which in such a way loses its character of readability and recognisability, above all within the so-called cultural landscapes, product of a secular relationship between human activities and “nature”. Therefore, the study aims at starting the requalification process of the anthropic environment by analysing the problems arising from the strategic vision of the Trans-European Corridor 1 (tourism and cultural) Berlin – Naples – Palermo. This perspective promotes the sustainable development of the territory, supported by the lowest soil consumption, through the institution of an ecological network to be intended as an extended process of protection, requalification and connection of landscape and environment resources. The complexity of problems arising from management and transformation of the building heritage within the city pushes to develop a sustainability program on the of urban landscapes, both within the areas to be protected and in the surrounding areas. The balance between economic needs, ecological and social culture supports the sustainability of the city towards the establishment of a production system capable of operating without impoverishing the natural resources, that is capable of reducing the use of environmental resources with the use of renewable resources that do not produce accumulation of wastes. The most distressing problem however concerns the demand for energy and its relationship with air pollution and climate change affecting ecosystems, human species, territory and, ultimately, economy (IPCC Report (Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change – 1990). The complex articulation of the landscape and its sustainability should be compared with the results of explosive economic culture that has contributed to the following aspects: 1- Resistance and fragility of open and closed urban spaces; 2- Fragmentation of the green areas; 3Permeability of the environments built jointly with green areas; 4- Porosity of the anthropic environment; 5- Environmental disorder; 6-Integrity and connection of the green areas; 7Significant environmental attractors. The aim of the research work, therefore, lies in the knowledge of the “sensitivity levels of the territory anthropic” with which the production, cultural and infrastructure systems, - existing within Districts or Multi-district Areas - interact both among themselves and with the neighbouring territory to verify or to promote a steady relationship with the modern town planning (infrastructure and housing planning) and compare it with the historical, landscape and archaeological culture of the sites. 1.2 Programmatic and methodological lines of the research The programmatic lines of the research showed the maturity of the typological and formal language of neoclassical architecture, the richness and diversity of landscapes of cultural heritage as well as the defence of the identity of the urban centres of historical and cultural value thus favouring: 1- the identification and conservation of landscape assets of the urban centres having great historical and cultural value; 2- the management of the transformations of the urban centres with respect to the cultural, tourism and economic interests of the territory, and depending on the function of the Corridor1 (cultural tourism) Berlin-Palermo; 3- the upgrading of local infrastructures (transport, energy and water); 4- the promotion of land through application of appropriate indicators which contribute to the attractiveness of urban areas and to the maintaining of a sustainable balance between historical urban and peri-urban areas (urban attractors) ; 5- the sustainability of historical urban areas through the protection of biodiversity, large underground water basins as well as surface basins (historic city centre of Milan and the Naviglio river); 6the highlighting of the fragmentation phenomena found in the marginal areas to protect the natural environment of peri-urban areas, the process of biopermeability and the identity of urban areas in order to: - combat climate change (Kyoto Protocol) by developing renewable energies and raw materials from bio-energy (agriculture and forestry); - encourage the development of tourism as an important engine of growth with consequent enhancement of the cultural and natural heritage; - contribute to trans-European networks for the development of connections with companies and science parks;


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- use the potential of the Internet and broadband IPTV (Internet Protocol Television) to deliver multimedia contents and promote the interactive use. From the methodological point of view, the research was articulated according to: - Human semiology, natural and absolute views of the territory to identify new forms of visibility and accessibility of the sites; - Definition of territorial macro-areas and micro-areas having a landscape value resulting from territorial dynamics, to establish a cultural and managerial presence interfacing with technical Institutions, cultural Institutions, Universities; - Levels of sensitivity (trend threshold) of anthropogenic territories to encourage the process of interchange between urban systems on the territory (cultural-tourist-archaeological, urban system, manufacturing system and landscaping) that occur in fixed points known as "critical" within the neoclassical urban environments, and which are or may become characterizing places of attraction. The studies made on the nineteenth-century historical architecture were carried out by elaborating a grid of knowledges which pointed out the key connections (historical and cultural attractiveness indices represented by the great works of neoclassical architecture in the historic centre of Milan and forming a significant environmental and social habitat) with which the architectonic elements and their environment are enjoyed. From the key connections (architectural emergencies), where the exchange processes among urban environment, social culture and civil society are formalized, the extent characterizing the role of the neoclassical historical architecture. These form the image of the city in the world and laid the foundations for the formation of a modern architecture and the value of design in various fields. The uniformity of the nodal areas on land constitutes the areas of environmental and architectural value (district). The construction of sensitivity levels of the macro (historic areas) or micro-areas (district) is the final process of articulation of urban and peri-urban landscapes, and depends on the items listed in the programmatic and methodological lines of the research. The territorial systems present on the territory operate through significant "infrastructure nodes" where the systems themselves interact with the anthropogenic and natural reality. The specificity of the exchange is determined by the presence and by the nature of the systems, as well as by the conditions of their operation. This process determines a development of the district and its connections with the emergencies on the territory. The image of the landscape reflects the accessibility to the knowledge of places and it comes within a balanced view of the aspects of nature and anthropogeny. The level of sensitivity depends on the specificity of the exchange on which the territorial dominant features related to biodiversity and landscape are also shown according to quality and quantity of items being present in the process of exchange between social environment and territory. The methodological approach comes from the studies carried out by the author for the research “Program of digital multi-representation for the identity, visibility, recognisability of Milan neoclassical urban landscape” - Department of Architecture Planning - Milan Polytechnic, for the research Le trasformazioni dell’Ambiente Casertano dopo i Borbone and for the publication of the 1st Report of the International Team Research, established by UNESCO World Heritage Centre, “Rural Vernacular Heritage”- 2007-2011 “Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Landscape and rural environments governance” (October 2008). Within the computer representation the sector of the Visual Communication of the anthropic, urban, archaeological, environment assumed great importance being addressed to optimize: a) the historical and cultural value of the urban environments; b) the images heritage with the relevant concepts of visibility and recognisability of the environment, as well as the value of identity f the places of the new cultural districts. Therefore, the objectives of the research work focused on the development of Enlightenment thought in Milan, models of graphic representation used for the Encyclopedia of Diderot, the further construction models of the image used by Gaspard Monge after Napoleon's expedition to Egypt and, finally, on the outcomes of the technical studies conducted in the professional polytechnical schools regarding the design of public works for the construction of a modern future state in France and Italy (1765-1839). On the other hand, the French intellectual climate and then Milan circles formed as a result of the heated debate on the value of the academies and the new Polytechnic School, then established in 1839 based on the French model. The rational neoclassical movement and the publication of school and professional textbooks, published within the schools, contributed to the construction of a modern urban environment of great value, open to the European cities of the future. Therefore, the research is structured on the val-


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century treatise De Architettura. On the other hand, the design, since the birth of medieval manuals, was the first form of transmission of instructions to proceed to building. It is enough to consider the role that the use of the press played in the spread of the sixteenth-century treatises and later, of the manuals marked by scientific and educational purposes that in Italy will systematically document the use of drawing as a disciplinary tool able to allow operations for evaluation, comparison and transmission of knowledge. The graphical model used in the manuals of the past, from Serlio manual to the four Books by Palladio on architecture, from Vignola Treaty to that of Scamozzi, showed the usefulness of the manuals for all the sixteenth century and the subsequent centuries with respect to the large building production characterized by an indisputable quality. Therefore, the manuals published by the Polytechnics will be the main vehicle for the dissemination of scientific innovation and revolution of many types that are going to succeed over a century in public works and housing types. The texts of Guadet, Durand and Rondelet4 in France, as well as the works of Lodoli, Militia, Algarotti, Morozzi, Ruffo and the static survey carried out by Poleni on Michelangelo's dome at St. Peter testify to a deep ideological transformation in the field of architecture. Towards the middle of the century (1850), the figure of the engineer-architect in the French and then in the German area, will be ahead of the times coming already to forms of specialization; the architect that trains in the «University» or in the Academies will otherwise remain joined to the humanistic artistic area, with a hard connection between science and art, as Quatremère de Quincy had wanted. 1.4 The figure of the architect-engineer in the formation of Milan neoclassical rational thought At the end of the XVIII century, as a result of the transalpine events, Milan is ready to become the first among the modern cities of Europe. The neoclassical and Palladian architecture will be vehicle of the post-revolutionary ideas and new types of public buildings that will make the urban structure more complex. In 1770, with the arrival of Giuseppe Piermarini, a pupil and collaborator of Luigi Vanvitelli, a new language starts, being universally recognized as authoritative and innovative even in the wake of the classical tradition. The interventions performed in the Royal Palace, Villa Ducale in Monza, Palazzo Belgioioso (1775), La Scala theater of (1778), Academy of Brera, etc. are the expression of a refined and international culture. Simone Cantoni, Giacomo Quarenghi, Leopold Pollak, the Abbot Joseph Zanoja and especially Luigi Canonica and Luigi Cagnola have worked to transform the city into a monumental capital of northern Italy. Executives of the Academy of Brera and advocates of architectural theories of the Enlightenment Neoclassicism through a refined classical vocabulary, the typological characterization and the gigantism of the forms in public works were executors of the political will of the French rulers before and of the Austrians after. The figures of Piermarini and Cagnola were an expression of both the initial period and the last of Milan neoclassicism. Cagnola continued the professional activity of Giovanni Antolini that characterized the city of the Second Cisalpine, the French rule and its urban reform. Antolini is bound to great design of Bonaparte Forum (1801), political and administrative centre located in Castello Sforzesco in the centre of a square of 500 meters in diameter, cut from a straight road axis, surrounded by arcades and public buildings in Doric style and by the waters of Naviglio river. The plan was not followed but remained a model of urban renewal with respect to the traditional city. In 1807 the Commission Ornato, formed among others by Canonica and Cagnola, was commissioned to develop the Master Plan of the city and continue the work of Antolini. The members of the Committee worked hard on the regulation of private housing and on the building types of factories. Cagnola, perhaps more than Canonica, seemed to give the city a European neoclassical aspect reformulated through the giant forms and the Roman classicism, in an era dominated by the revolution of the state and professional apparatus wanted by Napoleon and the Austrian restoration. Porta Ticinese, the Arch of Peace (completed five years after his death in 1833), the Rotonda of Inverigo and the urban works (Corso Ticinese, Public Gardens, Botanical Gardens) are expressions of an ideal "rationalist" poster of Milan neoclassicism. (Figs.3-7)


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territorial vitality. Today this system is highly topical as the anthropic environment is influenced by the presence on the territory of actors (stakeholder analysis), that is protagonists being able to activate the circulation of innovations fit for the involvement of the entrepreneurial system with the research world. On the other hand, the sustainability of the areas subtend the knowledge of the key connections (attraction indexes) and the relations between the citizen-consumer and the cultural and productive Institution. The attracting elements (economical-social) of the urban territory are present on the urban meeting nodes of the territorial grids of urban planning and favour the cultural, productive and infrastructural exchange between environment and society of individuals. The attractors, when present, characterize a territorial environment and, according their importance, confer a district dimension of the same environment. The research, at the macro level, was performed focusing on the historical, production, physiographic, cultural, urban-rural and landscape complexity, of the study environment identifying "characterizing aggregation systems” and their exchanges with nature and the anthropic reality. In fact the rising of the urban macro-area for the Province of Caserta, encouraged the reading of the investigation data into the examined study. This is inserted in a “difficult naturalness” environment having a high specialistic urban vocation bordering with territories thaving an "eco-system fragmentation". The processes of self-recognition and self-organization of the local identities identified five "territorial dominant features" to form the main systems (urban, naturalistic, rural-cultural and landscape-environmental-cultural) are related to physiography of places and biodiversity. These systems coexist with a strong and meaningful presence of historical-artistic and landscape assets, in close contact with nature and with the system of inland waters. The dominant features connected to nature, agriculture, landscape, culture of the sites, have as a referent the ecosystem and the landscape. The latter, which brings together all categories, is a key component of the life environment of the populations, of the diversity of the common cultural and natural heritage; it is the foundation of their identities and opportunity for sustainable use of territory in respect of its natural and cultural resources. 2.2 The 3D Survey and multi-representation for district areas The survey is a complex procedure for the reading and graphic transcription of the architectural volume in order to highlight its formal , functional and chromatic values. The examined buildings were subjected to a program of multi-representation consisting of a set of cultural, geometric, morphological and dimensional knowledge for the formation of a digital 3D model; all implementable with multidisciplinary themes representing the result of a method of approach and integrated reading of data. From an operational perspective four phases were considered: measurement (laser scanning, contextual photo capture, acquired data processing), graphical depiction, iconographic and bibliographic research and issues processing (structural and technological aspects, state of preservation of the building, urban habitat, colour survey). The phases of measuring, graphical and three-dimensional depiction were particularly significant to document the plano-altimetric and morphological articulation. The first stage of land survey operations materialized with the identification of topographic strongholds, georeferenced to the national network and with the design and the beat of a topographic survey of manufacts with different open and closed polygonals. The positioning of the points of shot with the laser scanner instrument 3D IMAGER 5006h has been evaluated with the appropriate areas of overlap, and it was also necessary to perform scans from different socket stations, in order to integrate areas devoid of information and shadow zones in the following alignment phase. Laser shootings, acquired at high definition with the general and detailed metric sizes, have described the visible construction formal qualities, morphological distortions and geometric deformations. The acquired data are displayed on the field to check, in the point cloud representation, each scan. The alignment of the scans occurred with the use of iterative algorithms which carry out an automatic search of all the homologous points by performing a spatial roto-translation, without change of scale, compared to the reference system of the adjacent scanning. Once recorded the scans and automatically performed the cleaning of the point clouds, the reconstruction of the surface characteristic of the studied object was carried out to generate an IMMerge triangulated model being inspectionable with IMinspect application. This in order to correct anomalies in the resulting model. The survey returned a complete discrete model (point cloud) and then a DSM model (triangular mesh) mapped with orthophotos and digital photos from which you can obtain the ge-

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ometries of the complex. It is obvious that the introduction of 3D laser scanners has further accentuated the distinction between the two main phases of the survey, data collection and their processing and interpretation. Therefore, it proved to be necessary to make precise choices discretizing the whole matter and bringing it to a limited number of points. 2.3 Analysis, Digitization and Visualization The method of survey working using coloured point clouds, acquired by a limited number of photographs taken with a high resolution digital reflex camera, is a further step in the direction of multi-thematic knowledge of an historical architecture manufact. The construction of a 3DRGB digital model, obtained by some digital images of a real model, makes it possible to acquire not only geometric data but also chromatic and thematic data. Among the photogrammetric surveying techniques the applications of three-dimensional acquisition systems which allow the return of 3D models at high density of information have become increasingly frequent and widespread. In fact, the software Allplan Photo (Nemetschek) carried out a restitution from single frame of uniplanar facades according to a geometric mode in which the metrical information have been obtained with the knowledge of only two distances. The acquisition and importation of images allowed us to discretize the detected object in a finite number of pixels with specific algorithms, representative of a similar type of perspective transformation. With ZScan software (MenciSoftware) a procedure was used being divided into 3 phases: project of photographs captures, data acquisition, post-processing. The second phase was obtained by simultaneous acquisition of point clouds and "photo-scanning" textures based on an algorithm of tri-multifocal analysis of the image. The latter, using coloured point clouds, sees the images as input of information being metrically and chromatically valid in 3D coordinates of the points. The procedure for post-processing takes place through a multifocal correction algorithm by which the images are downsampled according to planes at different depths and identified by a number of features whose arrangement influences the subsequent stages of the calculation. The final phase was carried out through the process of multiocular image-matching with methods of dynamic programming. The resulting models were exported for the subsequent phases of editing and generation of plans, sections, profiles, contour lines, up to DEM (Digital Elevation Model). Furthermore, the use of the Z-Map Laser has allowed the alignment of the various clouds, the correction of errors, the generation of the orthophotos and the subsequent and possible vectorization. The phase of frame registration is carried out by manual and automatic collimation of homologous points. (Figs.8-9) 3 CONCLUSION The internationalization strategy of the historical centre, was drafted at that time on areas we now call urban districts of great socio-cultural and economic value and necessarily provided for the presence of actors on the territory (stakeholder analysis) – Porta Orientale, Porta Marengo, Porta Ticinese, Porta Nuova, Arch of Peace, La Scala, the Royal Palace, Palazzo Belgioioso, the Academy of Brera, Villa Reale, Palazzo Serbelloni, etc. - being able to activate the circulation of the innovations fit for the identification of the best intersection point among processes of involvement of the entrepreneurial system, research world and successful experiences in other contexts. The scope of the research consists in a net of territory districts, identified by “characterizing aggregation systems” (urban, rural-manufacturing, rural-cultural and landscapeenvironmental-cultural), a competences network and a Knowledge-network in tune with a strategic vision of the new planning of the urban anthropic. That to stimulate the social dialogue among different cultures and involve the citizen-consumer on the future of their own urban environment invested by the economical globalization process. The network of competences built on an economical-cultural model – environment, has as its spin-off the preservation, valorisation and safeguard of the landscape and cultural heritage, intended as resources – income for a model of eco-sustainable development. All this comes within a framework of structural strategic researches for the development of the territory as well as of the synergic process between scientific research, market and territorial dynamics skills. The need to promote the creation of districts represents also an effective reply to the progressive impoverishment of the biodiversity


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and, consequently to the landscape degradation, strengthening the biopermeability of the interested areas. On the other hand, the districts, while connecting the local diversities, as well as their specific competences, propose assemblies of different and significant historical cultures for the process of political and economic development. The creation of territorial districts and natural and anthropic cultures promotes the sustainable development of environment through landscape values supported by an ecological network.

Figures 8-9. From Left, drawings and models of Passaggio Centrale, Armorari Street 8 - Milan (students : F. Monaci, F. Bassani), drawings and models of Politecnico di Milano, Leonardo Place - Milan (students: M. Girgenti, K. Huanwei) – Course of Rilief and Representation of Architecture (Professor Alessandro De Masi) academic year 2010-11 - I School of Architecture – Milan Polytechnic (Italy).

ENDNOTES 1

The Ecolé poliytecnique was born in France in 1792 and spreads in Italy in 1839 by Carlo Cattaneo with the aim of enhancing the technical and scientific culture. The Treaty of Durand and the Treaty of Belidor will be the basis of a network of bridges, canals, roads, railways, ports, arsenals that will support the development of commercial activities and the advent of the industrial revolution culminated with the first major exhibition of London (1851), New York (1854) and Paris (1855). 3 Pierre Patte represents the world of the Academicians and since 1757-9 has a mandate to take care of the incisions of the "Encyclopedia" and in 1760, of the "Descriptions des Arts and Metiers" organized by the Academy of Sciences. The studies, however, of Perronet, head of the school of "Ponts and Chaussées", since 1747, on the lowered arch vaults are a further development of the science of construction also thanks to the theories of Belidor. The Soufflot (Contrôleur des Bâtiments du Roi in Paris) is the designer of the Pantheon in Paris. 4 Professor of the Ecolé Politecnique who in 1802 publishes Il Trattato teorico-pratico dell’arte del Costruire) 2

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4 REFERENCES Baltsavias, E. (1999) “Airbone lase scanning: existing systems and firm and other resources. ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote sensing. N 54, p.2-3 Biagini, C. (2002). “Information technology ed automazione del progetto Firenze”. University Press Ceccaroni, F. (2008) “ Zscan: generazione di modelli 3D per la ricognizione metrica e radiometrica dei beni culturali tramite immagini. In AA.VV. Atti della III Conferenza ASITA, Napoli, 9-12 dicembre 1999 CNR, Dipartimento Patrimonio Culturale (2008). “Technologies Exploitation for the Cultural Heritage Advancement”. Roma : Cangemi Editore Cundari, C. (2005). “Il rilievo urbano per i sistemi complessi. Un nuovo protocollo per un sistema informativo di documentazione e gestione della città”. Roma : Kappa De Masi, A. (2008). 1 Report of Team International Research - UNESCO World Heritage Centre, “Rural Vernacular Heritage” 2007-2011”: Campania Felix (Italy), Cultural Landscape and rural environments governance” De Masi, A. (2008). “Campania (Italy) Cultural Landscape and Rural Environment governance. (vol.2)”. In HERITAGE 2008 Proceedings of 1 International Conference World Heritage and Sustainable Development, 7- 9 May Vila Nova de Foz Còa (Portugal) Migliari, R. (2006). “Geometria dei modelli, Rappresentazione grafica e informatica per l’architettura e per il design”, ed. Kappa, Roma Guidi, G., Russo M., Beraldin, J.A. (2010). “Acquisizione 3D e modellazione poligonale”. Milano : Mc Graw-Hill Salvadori, F. (2002). “Article in conference proceedings, Three dimensional scanning techniques applied to 3D modeling of pottery find Wien”, Proceedings in Workshop 7 Archaologie and Computer.


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Synthesis of historical environment and modern society D. Dijokienơ Vilnius Gediminas Technical University, Department of Urban Design, Vilnius, Lithuania

ABSTRACT: Historical centres of towns constitute heritage of the modern man. Historical urban structures inevitably develop further, as this change is the engine of the town’s life. The question is, however, whether the modern man is able to speak one language with the historical environment and whether contradictions between material structures and life’s social requirements do not destroy the urban heritage, which has formed throughout centuries. The ideas presented in this research are illustrated using the examples of historical parts of Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, by briefly reviewing their urban development, changes of the built-up that were done during last century and that are happening nowadays, and by analysing the impact of the local community on the development of these historical parts of town. Also comments are provided on a number of projects (drawn up by both professionals and students) of conversing derelict buildings in these territories.

1 INTRODUCTION European towns had come into existence and developed together with Europe shaping this region in their unique way. European town and Europe itself share a common history, interrelated and monumentalised. Town, its environment is a daily experience of many Europeans (Ashworth, 1995). It is hard to imagine a European town without an old town. The historical centres of most European towns are several centuries or even millennia old. A town is a living system, the existence of which is supported by its constant development, change and growth. Building, demolition and rebuilding have always been taking place in towns – earlier the question whether development of towns should be allowed would not even be raised, as towns developed naturally and constantly. However, the industrial boom of the last century leaves no doubt that human activity poses an ever increasing threat to the environment. Nowadays the face of a town changes so quickly that parameters and townscape have been undergoing major alternations (Buþas, 2006). Achievements of the civilization of the 20th century have destroyed a big part of the cultural wealth inherited from the past, thus creating an abyss between us and our past (Tungo, 2001). The idea that the town’s past must be preserved for the sake of its future is not novel. Though the questions that still need to be answered by heritage protectionists and urban planners are: how to define, in the context of the town’s development, the territory of the old town that must be protected and that could become part of this development; what scale and type of innovations may be allowed in historical territories so that they do not lose identity of the area. Historical centres of towns are a heritage of the modern man and they are indeed an attractive place to live in. However, intense contradictions between material structures and life’s social requirements exist in historical environments. That is why old towns would benefit if they were inhabited by a certain contingent of dwellers – by people, whose demographic characteristics, way of life and interests would not clash with the environment. Old towns should be inhabited


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by people who are attracted by non-standard accommodation, the beauty and uniqueness of the surrounding space, and who are able to put up with the lack of greenery, narrow courtyards and noisy streets. The contingent of population in the old town determines not only the destiny of historical territories but also the quality of their public life, forming the general impression about the town and the block. Historical territories may be preserved only on condition that life there is a dialogue, not a conflict. The author of this article was in quest for an answer to the following question: is the modern man able to “speak one language” with the historical environment? Ideas presented in this research are illustrated using the examples of historical parts of Vilnius, the capital of Lithuania, by briefly reviewing their urban development, changes of the urban structure that were done during last century and that are happening nowadays, and by analysing the social composition of the population in these historical parts of town, as well as impact of the local community on the development of historical environment. Factors that organise the community and efficiently pull it together are defined. Also comments are provided on a number of projects (drawn up by both professionals and students) of conversing derelict buildings in these territories. The author uses in this article her own research, numerous sources of historical research of Vilnius, as well as public opinion presented in the local media. 2 DEVELOPMENT OF HISTORICAL URBAN ENVIRONMENT

2.1 Elements of urban structure Every town has a unique urban structure regardless of whether it has developed spontaneously or in a planned way. Frequently, this uniqueness is also determined by the surrounding natural environment. The entirety of structural elements (street, square, block, building, etc.) forms a tri-dimensional composition of the town – its spatial structure. Some researchers of the urban phenomenon emphasize importance of certain elements in the formation of townscape, while other researchers accentuate other elements. Some consider the street to be the key element organising urban space, while others speak about the block (or a set of land plots) as the key instrument shaping streets and squares. Still another school of thought view the built-up as the determinant of towns’ panoramas and silhouettes. All these considerations are valid. However, in order to understand the entirety and to analyse uniqueness of each urban object it is necessary to analyse distinctive features of the plan, built-up, size-and-space composition (Dijokienơ, 2009a). The following components may be singled out (Tab. 1): Table 1. Components of urban structure (Dijokienơ, 2009b). __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Components of urban structure Elements __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Plan

- Network of streets and squares - Structure of land holdings, blocks

Built-up

- Built-up type of blocks and land holdings - Complexes and ensembles of buildings - Materiality

Size-and-space composition

- Natural environment - Panoramas and silhouettes - Compositional ties between different components of urban structure __________________________________________________________________________________________________________

The structures of the old towns’ plans (such as street networks and blocks) are a most stable element because their change requires big investments and major initiatives. At the same time, the change of a building may be initiated and implemented by the efforts of a single person – owners may decide to demolish, rebuild or renovate a construction that is falling apart or that


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they no longer like, with their own funds. That is why the built-up in historical towns may change more radically or rapidly. Size-and-space composition depends on the evolution of the above two components of the urban structure (plan and built-up) and, in turn, changes to the same extent as these two components. In the following sections of this article the author briefly discusses a concrete example – urban development of Vilnius, which has been both happening naturally and undergoing radical changes. The focus is on the eastern part of the historical town, the former suburban territory. 2.2 Natural development and radical changes of Vilnius urban structure Vilnius, as the capital of the state of Lithuania, was for the first time mentioned in a written source in 1323, when the state was ruled by grand duke Gediminas. Today the town’s historical centre consists of: (i) the territory of castles; (ii) the historical kernel of the town, which was surrounded by a defence wall in the 16th century; and (iii) historical suburbs that formed by the mid 19th century (Medieval suburbs). Historical buildings represent various architectural styles. Nearly 40% of these buildings are of the highest architectural and historical value. Together they form a very rich, multifaceted and, at the same time, harmonious townscape. The plan and spatial structure of the old Vilnius is a good example of a naturally developed organism of a town, with all the development traces preserved and clearly visible. No major urban changes were undertaken in this town until the second quarter of the 19th century. The town’s plan developed spontaneously, its structure was mainly determined by the roads and topographic conditions – Vilnius’ Old Town has a typical medieval street network structure. From the 13th century until the middle of the 18th century Vilnius’ Old Town had a strong influence on architectural and artistic developments of the entire region (Lithuania, Belarus, the Ukraine and Poland) and is the most East remote town of Central Europe, in which a strong interaction of the cultures of Eastern and Western Europe took place. In 1994 the historical centre of Vilnius was included in the World Heritage List – it is thus recognised as having an outstanding universal value from the point of view of history, art, science, aesthetics, ethnology and anthropology and is classified as a living, developing and changing town (Dijokienơ, 2007). Though the development of Vilnius was natural for many centuries, the last couple of centuries (19-20th cent.) brought radical changes. Three waves of urbanization rolled out through the town (Grunskis, 2011). First major urban changes took place in Vilnius upon Lithuania’s inclusion into the Russian Empire (1795-1918). The Russian Empire was consistently eliminating signs of Lithuania’s statehood in the town: the city walls and the Lower Castle were demolished, Catholic churches were turned into Orthodox churches, etc. The first town development projects were drawn up and parts of them were implemented (Šešelgis, 1996). Fortunately, the historical part of the town did not undergo major urban changes; only separate buildings were reconstructed or rebuilt. The second wave of urbanization took place in the 20th century (19451990), during the Soviet period, under the influence of socialistic Utopian ideology. Fast industrial development and industrialised construction of residential houses markedly expanded the town’s territory and changed its townscape. Vilnius became a concrete symbol of socialist reality and welfare, praised throughout the then Soviet Union. The Old Town also underwent radical changes. In order to eliminate ravages of the war and solve the problems of hygiene, insolation, population density and transport, old and technically obsolete buildings were demolished, streets were widened, and whole blocks were “cleared out” (Drơmaitơ, 2009). Typical residential houses and factories were built in the town’s historical kernel. More new buildings were constructed in the former historical suburbs. The third construction boom started upon the restoration of Lithuania’s independence (from 1990) and may be considered as still ongoing. This boom is influenced by the “fast capitalism” that spread in the former socialist countries. Its key negative feature is the aim to build as fast and as cheap as possible and to sell at a highest possible price. Constructions of new buildings took place also in Vilnius Old Town. They transform the historically formed townscape and landscape, as well as panoramas and silhouettes of the Old Town and its environment. These changes are brought by voluminous concrete and glass buildings of contemporary forms and appearance erected during the current decade. In the town’s panoramas the silhouettes of new high-rises compete with the towers of churches. Drastic reconstructions change the plan and spatial structure of the historical built-up and inner courtyards (Gražulis, 2010).

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2.3 Urban features of the eastern historical part of Vilnius Vilnius has more than one historical suburb. The unique feature of this town is that the town’s kernel and the suburbs located closest to it have coalesced into one unit – sometimes it is even not clear where the border separating them goes. It is more visible only where natural barriers still exist today. Despite these natural barriers the suburbs blend smoothly into the town’s pattern. In many cases these borders link rather than separate the town’s individual parts. The plan structure and the composition of the population of the suburbs have made them different from the town itself and from each other (Dijokienơ, 2009b). The former suburbs of the eastern historical part of Vilnius have been chosen as the research subject in this article because the structure of their plan, built-up, size-and-space composition is most emphatic. It has undergone the highest number of changes and nowadays attracts most attention from various strata of society. In earlier times there were two suburbs in the eastern historical part of Vilnius: Užupis and Paplauja (currently Paupys), see Figure 1. The section below briefly overviews the urban characteristics of these two suburbs. “Užupis” means “across the river”. The town’s centre was just round the corner, or, to be more precise, across the river. This natural barrier caused Užupis to become a suburb (it may be considered the first suburb of Vilnius). Mills were built along the swift current of the River Vilnelơ and bridges – across the river. Building of roads, with houses being built along them, took place at the same time. The suburb expanded in the 15th century, when the “Russian town” started to grow on the right bank of the river. In the 15-17th centuries, Užupis was located on the main road going to the East leading to Pollock and Vytebsk, the then Russian trade and state centres. The Pollock road was the axis along which Užupis was expanding. Life in Užupis was busy. It was like a separate body attached to the town, with its own market-square, small church, the rich and the poor. Paradoxically, this suburb was both detached from the town and at the same time closely linked to it. The natural barriers, which still exist today, caused Užupis’ isolation to a certain degree and thus helped it to preserve its special character. Just like in the past, today Užupis is a blend of elements of the old town and the village, nicely merging together in the rich natural surroundings.

Figure 1. Zones of Vilnius Old Town.

By the end of the 19th century, urbanization forced small-scale trade and crafts out of Užupis. Its residential function became dominant. The suburb started to flounder, as it became economi-


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cally and socially neglected, even despite its favourable location next to the town’s heart. Even today many buildings have no heating system other than solid fuel furnaces and no hot water (Dijokienơ, 2009b). On the other side of the Vilnelơ, next to Užupis, was the location of Paplauja suburb (nowadays called Paupys, meaning “by the river”). This was one of the most beautiful and picturesque vicinities of Vilnius. There is no precise data when dwellers moved to this suburb and where its boundaries were at that time. It is known that since the end of the 14th century there was a settlement on a road leading to the town, but because of the narrow terrace of the steep side of the river this settlement did not grow eastwards. The swift and sinuous Vilnelơ caused this suburb to become the capital’s first industrial district. By the end of the 18th century, the urban network included only the western part of Paplauja. In this part of the suburb there were small houses of craftsmen, which served not only as homes but also as workshops for their dwellers. Further there was the land holding of a missionary monastery, with opulent gardens, ponds and kitchen gardens, and the Markuþiai estate. In the 18th century, most objects previously built in Paplauja no longer served their original function and purpose. Remains of the estate and a derelict paper mill still stood in the location of the present-day transport hub. The vicinity plans of the early 19th century do not even mention these buildings. By the end of the 18th century, a new channel was excavated and a new two-storey brick water mill as well as a house of call with a pub were built in the eastern part of Paplauja. However, all these objects were beyond the town’s border, which is likely why the fate of this picturesque suburb later was not very fortunate. Today the eastern part of Paplauja is probably the most distorted part of the historical landscape of Vilnius. The newly built plants, streets and main roads, the widest bridge across the River Vilnelơ have irretrievably destroyed the townscape that existed during the 16-19th centuries with water mills, paper mills, estates and other objects (Drơma 1991; Katalynas 2006). Contrasting urban pattern of Užupis and Paplauja historical suburbs are illustrates in Figures 2, 3. Since historically these districts were suburbs (not parts of the town), their historical and urban value did not attract attention for a long time. In the 20th century, three regeneration projects were drawn up for the Old Town of Vilnius and only within the context of the third one a detailed historical and architectural research was carried out in Užupis and Paplauja as well.

Figure 2. Contrasts of urban pattern in Užupis and Paplauja.

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Figure 3. Contrasts of historical and industrial buildings in Užupis and Paplauja.

The situation in eastern part of Vilnius Old Town (especially in Užupis) changed radically at the end of the 20th century, and this change was caused not by external factors, but brought about by the residents of this district. The author will analyse in the article this change in more detail, looking at it from the perspective of the relationship between the community and its place of residence. 3 HISTORICAL TOWN AND ITS MODERN RESIDENTS Town is inseparable from the society. Its essence is coded not in the abundance of buildings or architectural constructions but in the attitude of the society. In Užupis the impact of the local community on the running and preservation of this historical territory has been very strong and clear. In the eighties, Užupis attracted increasingly more attention from the society, articles about this district appeared one after another in the periodic press. These articles compared Užupis of Vilnius with such world-wide known districts, favoured by artists, as Montmartre of Paris and Soho of London (Kniežaitơ, 2000). The community of Užupis announced that they were founding a republic, free and open to everyone; after which a constitution of that republic was drawn up, as well as a calendar of annual events and a map (Fig. 4). Užupis became a subject of multiple and diverse discussions. Some prophesied the end of it; others anxiously awaited its revival. The part of the society that most actively took interest in the past and the destiny of this historical district have been the residents of Užupis. Vytautas Ratkeviþius, the “sheriff” of Užupis, characterises this community as follows: likeminded people, who jointly coordinate the course of life, seek common goals, and live in accord with each other. Even abroad one would hardly find a community analogous to that of Užupis (Vitkauskaitơ, 2008). Residents of Užupis may be classified into the following three groups: (i) old-generation residents, (ii) artists, (iii) newly settled entrepreneurs. Author of the article groups the residents of Užupis, on the basis of their involvement in public life and impact on the suburb, into “active” and “passive”. Old-generation residents (passive) – mainly poor population of the old suburb, inheritors of the buildings who await an opportunity to lucratively sell their flats and houses. As nowadays Užupis receives a lot of publicity, with a strong emphasis on the district’s architectural and urban values, the old-generation residents push prices of their real estate up, which makes it unattractive to investors. Artists (active) – the ones who during the Soviet period received workshops in run-down buildings of Užupis and moved to live there after 1990 (after the restoration of Lithuania’s independence). Actors, sculptors, painters, architects are the most active dwellers of Užupis. They organize a variety of events of the suburb, such as the entertaining celebration of Užupis’ Independence Day, erection of monuments, “house cleaning” days, fashion shows in the ruins of Užupis, art days, etc. Just a few years ago, an occasional intellectual would hurriedly pass through this suburb so as not to run into a gang of drunken commoners. Today the proportion of these groups of population has changed significantly and, if this tendency persists in the future, Užupis will soon become a major meeting place for bohemia and intellectual public. Artists, who highly esteem the authentic ancient spirit of the suburb, do not want it to become a place packed with hotels and buildings of obscure architectural style, serving obscure purpose.


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Figure 4. Attributes of Užupis republic – map, calendar of annual events, constitution, Angel of Užupis.

The artists of Užupis are a part of the community who show the strongest interest in establishing a dialogue with the historical environment. However, they have a limited financial capacity. Newly settled entrepreneurs (active) – during the last two decades they have been buying flats and houses in Užupis. This group of residents normally buy real estate in the most beautiful areas of the suburb and renovate it. In this way the part of Užupis with a view of the Old Town’s panorama becomes renovated and nice, while the remaining territory is left to flounder. All these three groups of Užupis’ inhabitants have their own attitude towards this historical suburb and express their interests and opinions in individual ways. It should be pointed out, though, that with time the residents of Užupis turn into convinced patriots of their district. Older generation of dwellers keep a close watch on whether reconstructions of buildings are implemented adequately and whether nobody makes inroads into their real estate. Artists worry first of all about the preservation of the “space and spirit of the artistic impact” of Užupis. Entrepreneurs present to the municipality a variety of proposals concerning renovation of buildings and take initiative themselves. Residents of Užupis assess their suburb mainly from the emotional perspective, not grounding it on the knowledge of facts about the value (historical, cultural, architectural, urban, etc.) of this historical suburb. This, however, is not a negative factor. The strong sense of belonging to the community and active life of Užupis’ residents play an important role in promoting this district, which will definitely help to change its image of a slowly dilapidating part of the town and turn a new page in its history. The former Paplauja suburb can not make boast of such an active involvement of its residents in the life of its urban pattern. It is simply because not many residents are left in this suburb as its bigger part is covered with industrial constructions. 4 HISTORICAL TOWN AND ITS MODERN URBAN DESIGNERS At the beginning of the 21st century, Užupis and Paplauja attracted attention of Vilnius municipal government. In 2008, Vilnius municipality initiated one of the most ambitious projects called “Park of Architecture”. This project is aimed at turning the industrial territory of the former suburbs into an exclusive place to live and work. Another aim of the project is to stop the capital city’s economically useless and purposeless expansion in width and to bring new life to its old areas. The municipal enterprise “Vilniaus Planas” has drawn up general guidelines for the area’s conversion. Afterwards, 20 architectural companies were invited to offer architectural solutions for the area’s built-up, of which eight were selected for implementation. The territory was divided into several smaller blocks; each of them was developed by a different architectural company (Architektǌros..., 2008). Conversion of historical parts of the town and their revival interests not only professional architects and urban planners but also students of architecture. Students often choose such territories for their term and graduation projects. Being a lecturer at a university and a tutor of graduation projects, the author of this article is able to compare in this research projects drawn up by students and professionals during 2007–2012 for the territories of the suburbs discussed in this article. Due to a high number and variety of these projects they are not dealt with separately, but, instead, a summary is provided in tables. Table 2 compares tasks of academic projects and architectural tenders concerning Užupis and Paplauja. Table 3 shows key ideas of project concepts underlying the territory’s plan structure, built-up and size-and-space composition. Both students and professionals in their projects seek

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to maintain contact with the historical environment as well as aim to preserve the valuable features of the urban pattern and to integrate them into the newly developed built-up. Sometimes solutions are successful, sometimes – less so. One Lithuanian architect, researcher of the old town’s composition, has once said “Success of synthesis of the old and new architecture depends solely on the mastery of the creator” (Jurkštas, 1977). Synthesis of the old and new architecture is not easily achieved in practice. This is a highly complicated task, somewhat like “synthesis of water and fire”. Concepts of the projects of “Park of Architecture” and students are presented in Figures 5, 6. Table 2. Comparison of tasks of academic projects and architectural tenders. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Concrete elements of tasks Academic tasks Tasks of professional tenders __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Urban analysis of the existing situation: − location of the territory within the town; Performed Provided by contracting authority − transport system; Performed Provided by contracting authority − natural conditions in the territory; Performed Provided in most cases − historical development of the territory; Performed Provided by contracting authority − structure of land holdings in the territory, its Performed Provided by contracting authority evolution in the course of various historical periods; − built-up analysis (morphotype, architectural Performed Performed (not always) value, height); − analysis of spaces; Performed Performed (not always) − visual links, dominants. Performed Performed (not always) Presentation of the urban-architectural concept Performed Performed underlying territory formation. Assessment of consequences of architectural solutions. Desirable Performed in most cases __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Table 3. Comparison of conceptual ideas of academic projects and projects of architectural tenders. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Components of urban structure and their regeneration/ Academic Projects of professional planning options projects architects and urban designers __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Plan: − routes of former streets are sought and attempts to Yes Often regenerate them are made; − new links between objects of attraction – cultural heritage Yes Often objects, public buildings and spaces, etc. – are sought and established; − public spaces are regenerated and new ones are formed; Yes Often − size of blocks is established based on examples from Yes Yes/No historical environment. Built-up: − preservation of old buildings and adaptation for new Often Rarely functions; − new built-up developed in accordance with the principles Often Rarely of traditional architecture; − search for new architectural forms. Often Yes Size-and-space composition: − built-up is adjusted to emphatic landscape; Yes Often − landscape and water are employed creating new quality of Yes Often public spaces; − in the formation of built-up attention is paid to visual links Yes Often to existing valuable dominating elements in the territory; − new dominating elements are created; Often Often − viewing spots are set up in characteristic viewing locations Often Often in the territory; __________________________________________________________________________________________________________


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Figure 5. Paplauja territory conversion concept (Architektǌros..., 2008).

Figure 6. Concept of conversion of industrial territory in Užupis (student N. Tukaj, tutor D. Dijokienơ).

5 CONCLUSIONS It is highly complicated to describe unambiguously the synthesis of historical environment and modern society and to judge whether the modern man is able to “speak one language” with historical environment. The thoughts and concrete examples described in this article lead to a number of conclusions. The urban structure of a town has always changed, is still changing, and will be changing in the future – change is the engine of its existence. Each generation makes an effort to preserve in the town what it considers valuable and changes what seems to need a change. A person with Western European mentality is more inclined to express, establish and immortalise himself/herself rather than preserve heritage of others. Consequently, the development of a town (e.g., Vilnius) is characterised by both natural evolution and drastic breakthroughs of evolution. It may be stated that analysis of signs of urban historical development and change has led to the formation of protection of historical urban heritage as an opposition to dominant urban processes. The idea that the town’s past must be preserved for the sake of its future is not novel but still highly relevant today. Dialogue between historical environment and modern society is vital to both parties – historical urban heritage sustains and fortifies identities of town’s communities, which are necessary for further development of civilisation. On the other hand, only a community is capable of preserving heritage. One of the crucial factors of cultural heritage protection is respect of the society to its past, traditions, the attitude towards the cultural heritage, national culture, language, and efforts to preserve and protect it. Education of the community is among the key elements in the strategy of revitalising historical urban structures. A dialogue between the historical environment and those conflicting with it (e.g., the old-generation residents and newly-settled entrepreneurs of Užupis) can be established by raising public awareness and strengthening the society’s identification with the historical environment. Founding of local communities, support of

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their activity and their active involvement in the protection of cultural heritage play a significant role. Residents are able to foster most effectively the unique character of historical territories (as clearly illustrated by the example of Užupis). Several factors help to organise and support communities: clear territory of residence; identification with the area of residence (which may be reinforced by, e.g., renovation of public spaces in the town’s historical structures and squares serving as meeting places for local residents); local cultural events; promotion of local historical values; establishment of partial self-governance; and support of the town’s authorities towards initiatives of local communities. Architects, urban planners and urban designers represent a segment of the society that is most capable of changing the town’s face. Success of their work depends also on perception of the special value of historical environment and ability to establish balance between “old and new”. Visual aspect of historical environment is among the key factors establishing individual and communal identity. Therefore projects of historical environment renovation should be assessed from the perspective of revitalising the cultural memory and strengthening the urban community. The synthesis of historical environment and modern society should maintain a subtle balance between realisation, fostering, and utilisation of the valuable features of the inherited urban structure, as well as attainment of new quality and development. REFERENCES Architektǌros parkas. Park of Architecture [online]. 2008. [cited 8 February 2012]. Available from internet: http://www.archparkas.vilnius.lt/main.php Ashworth, G.J. 1995. Heritage, tourism and Europe: a European future for the European past? In D.T. Herbert (ed.), Heritage, tourism and society 68-84. London: Mansell. Buþas, J. 2006. Demokratiniai proveržiai paveldosaugoje [Democracy outbreaks in heritage preservation]. Urbanistika ir architektǌra [Town planning and Architecture] 30(3): 143-158. Vilnius: Technika [in Lithuanian]. Dijokienơ, D. 2007. The impact of historical suburbs on the structural development of cities (based on examples of European cities). Urban heritage research, interpretation, education: 141-145. Vilnius: Technika. Dijokienơ, D. 2009a. Composition of urban space in historical centre of Vilnius. Urban and suburban. Architecture and urban planning 10(3): 129-134. Riga: Riga Technical University. Dijokienơ, D. 2009b. Urbanistinis istoriniǐ priemiesþiǐ paveldas. Urban heritage of historical suburbs. Vilnius: Technika. Drơma, V. 1991. DingĊs Vilnius [Lost Vilnius]. Vilnius: Vaga [in Lithuanian]. Drơmaite, M. 2009. Sovietmeþio paveldas Vilniaus architektǌroje: tarp lietuviškumo ir sovietiškumo [Heritage of the Soviet period in Vilnius architecture: between the Lithuanian and Soviet]. In A. Bumblauskas et al. (eds), Naujasis Vilniaus perskaitymas [New perusal of Vilnius]: 79-103. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla [in Lithuanian]. Gražulis, A. 2010. Vilniaus senamiesþio žaizdos. Pastarǐjǐ 15 metǐ pokyþiai ir tendencijos [Wounds of Vilnius Old Town. Changes and tendencies of the past fifteen years]. Kultǌros barai 3: 14-24 & 4: 1827. [in Lithuanian]. Grunskis, T. 2011. Pastabos apie Vilniaus miesto raidą [Notes on the development of Vilnius city]. In J. Reklaite & R. Leitanaite (eds), Vilnius 1900-2012 6-9. Vilnius: Baltos lankos [in Lithuanian]. Jurkštas, V. 1977. Vilniaus senamiesþio tǌrinơ-erdvinơ kompozicija [Volume-spatial composition of Vilnius Old Town]. Architektǌros paminklai 4: 36-120 [in Lithuanian]. Katalynas, K. 2006. Vilniaus miesto raida XIV–XVII amžiais [The development of Vilnius in the 14–17th centuries]. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla [in Lithuanian]. Kniežaitơ, M. 2000. Užupio respublika keliasi iš griuvơsiǐ [Republic of Užupis rises from the ruins]. Lietuvos aidas 39, 26 February [in Lithuanian]. Šešelgis, K. 1996. Lietuvos urbanistikos istorijos bruožai (nuo seniausiǐ laikǐ iki 1918 m.) [Lithuanian urban history traits (from ancient times to 1918)]. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijǐ leidykla [in Lithuanian]. Tungo, A. M. 2001. Preserving the World’s great cities. The Destruction and Renewal of the Historic Metropolis. New York: Three rivers press. Vitkauskaitơ, V. 2008. Užupis – ne rajonas, o mąstymo bǌdas [Užupis – not a district, but a way of thinking]. Lietuvos rytas. Sostinơ 167(3247), 30 August [in Lithuanian].


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Betwixt and between: the disappearing heritage of the craft artisan A. E. Dixey St Fagans National History Museum, Cardiff, Wales

ABSTRACT: Recent research in the UK and Slovakia has shown a danger that the heritage of working craftspeople is becoming lost somewhere between the conflicting UNESCO-based viewpoints of ICH and TCH and the adverse impact of globalisation. Avoiding the many UKbased workers within the post-industrial leisure-based ‘crafts’, the research was based on indepth interviews with craft artisans in the UK and Slovakia. It discovered real continuing links to their own heritages, but many crafts more or less divorced from the communities that would have once sustained the craft as part of everyday life. A contrast is shown between the palpable feeling of loss as UK artisans related how they had become ‘the last of the line’ and the more vibrant view for some in Slovakia, where some crafts and craftspeople maintain a status within their local communities. For some, museumisation is the only answer, but a model of the flow of human and economic resources around an artisan is suggested as a tool to identify possible management. This shows that the heritage skills training strategies that are used in the UK, which emphasise maintenance of the tangible artefact and not the intangible craft skill, undermine the importance of setting the latter into a working, sustainable, community-based system. As the emphasis of ICH under the 2003 Convention becomes more focussed on ‘living heritage’ in ‘cultural communities’ (Kurin 2007), craft within westernized societies is in danger of being sidelined. This heritage, still important in the lives of many working people, may become remembered only in the terms of an artefact that you ‘can’t get any more’.

1 INTRODUCTION We approached the house with some trepidation. The lady in the village museum had been very helpful, eventually suggesting that we go to the cake shop, as that lady’s mother was ‘the last in the village to weave the local patterns.’ The conversation batted to and fro before the cake shop lady admitted that her mother ‘might’ just do the odd bit of weaving still, but she didn’t know… she’s getting on now…, well, go to this address… The house was pretty typical of the original village architecture, with further additions at various periods over its lifetime. My heart sank as the old lady slowly approached the door, one leg in some sort of brace. ‘No, I don’t do it now…my leg is bad you see…’ Once again it took a little while of conversational tennis before we were invited in. ‘Well, come and see what I do…’ Down a corridor and into her large room in the multi-generational household, a bed-sit with kitchen area, sitting area, bed – and a large, old wooden loom taking up a large area in front of one wall. The cloth on the loom showed that she was part way through some work. ‘Not doing it’ meant not much of it, not a full-time occupation. But life went on and weaving was part of life. The separation of work and home life that was part of the industrial revolution for so many had not happened to her.

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As the emphasis of Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) under the 2003 Convention becomes more focused on ‘living heritage’ in ‘cultural communities’ (Kurin 2007), craft within westernized societies is in danger of being sidelined. Is this heritage still important in the lives of many working people, or might it become remembered only in the terms of an artefact that you ‘can’t get any more’? The research on which this paper is based attempted to view the present situation through the eyes of individual craftspeople in the UK and Slovakia. Avoiding the many UK-based workers within the post-industrial leisure-based ‘crafts’, it consisted of in-depth interviews with craft artisans in the UK and Slovakia. It set out to discover whether any real continuing links remained to their to their own heritages, and how this could be viewed in the light of the community focus of ICH. It considered how the craftspeople view themselves and their craft, and was there any difference in where they place themselves in their community? 2 CRAFT AS INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE Much work has been done recently, particularly in England, to measure the state of crafts within the UK. The most comprehensive treatise is Collins (2004), where the issue of ‘artistic’ against ‘rural’ crafts is raised early in the introduction, the rural crafts being considered to be ‘predominantly functional’(2004:5). They are linked with ‘traditional’ and ‘vernacular’, keeping alive ‘traditional skills’ (2004:6). They appear to be Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH), yet ‘the hereditary tradition is now more or less dead’ in England (2004:10), those coming into the crafts often being self-taught, post- high wage employment lifestyle changers. Bilborough & Moir (2004) analysed the crafts associated with building, which they termed ‘heritage building crafts’. Approaching it from the viewpoint of the historic built environment, i.e. Tangible Cultural Heritage (TCH), they consider that ‘the preservation of historic buildings is really no longer a living tradition … in a vernacular context’, with ‘revivals, close approximations or… entirely new interpretations of the practices of the past’ (2004:240). They note that thatching is perhaps the ‘only living vernacular building tradition left’ (date :240). This is interesting, as they had already classed thatching as ‘one of the most problematic’ of the building crafts (2004:218). It would seem that, if this is the last remnant of ICH in the building sector, the input of English Heritage (EH) has been very top-down, the community being outwith any decisionmaking process, to such an extent that a ‘resistance movement’ came into being (Ibid.). It seems to be a surprise that thatchers are ‘wary about sending apprentices on courses’, with many having the audacity to ‘believe they are the best teachers’ (Ibid.). This seems to be an example of the difficulty in western cultures in understanding the bottom-up focus that ICH has developed. The way the idea of ICH has developed and how the Convention details the way it can be acknowledged and safeguarded, shows that there is still a considerable distinction between how TCH and ICH are viewed and treated. Since the adoption of the 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICHC) (UNESCO 2003) many articles, papers and even books have been published which explain what it is, what it proposes and what might be its result. Kurin (2004 & 2007) and many of the papers presented in Smith & Akagawa (2009) describe how it came into being and note its concentration on identifying continuing heritage within a community and the requirement of States Parties (SPs) that they should produce a representative list for their country. The only mention of craft in the Convention is within the definition of ICH, which includes ‘traditional craftsmanship’ (UNESCO 2003: 1.2.2). That the word ‘traditional’ is so often used in this context, e.g. ‘traditional craft’ or ‘traditional handicraft’ in UNESCO (ACCU) 2007a & b), often in partnership with ‘authentic’, begs the question what exactly constitutes the traditional or the authentic (UNESCO(ACCU) 2007a:3.1). At Chiba, the point was made that although, in English, the word ‘traditional’ may suggest something only from the past: ‘The term ‘traditional’ does not necessarily connote stasis, and refers to the passing of certain skills, knowledge or practices from generation to generation.’ (Ibid.: 3.1) This resonates with Kurin’s point that a safeguarded ICH is alive, with change inherent in its vitality (2007:12), a point reiterated since (e.g. Skounti 2009:77). The ‘authenticity’ of the craft being transmitted is one of the elements that is inherent in The Convention. For Ito, ‘”authenticity” is inherent in Cultural Heritage in Asia and Japan’


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(1995:35-45). Yet Rowney reports how the Nara conference found ‘defining “authenticity” an almost impossible task, and that the concept was unknown to many cultures, some, such as the Arabic and Japanese, not even having a word for “authenticity” in their language’ (2004:126127). Underlying much of this, there is at the very least an implication that not all ‘craft’ can be considered ICH. It is fairly clear that Kurin (2007) is thinking of ICH in terms of language, song, ritual etc. – what might have in earlier times be looked upon as ‘ethnographic heritage’. It may be difficult to apply this to craft in many westernized societies as they now are, with the definition of ‘community’ being difficult. As the emphasis of ICH under the 2003 Convention becomes more focussed on ‘living heritage’ in ‘cultural communities’ (Kurin 2007), craft within westernized societies is in danger of being sidelined. This heritage, still important in the lives of many working people, may become remembered only in the terms of an artefact that you ‘can’t get any more’. These and other difficulties have brought Smith and Akagawa to question whether the ICHC is ‘capable of addressing the cultural complexity of heritage’ (2008:5). Although TCH and ICH have very different backgrounds, they are but two sides of the same heritage coin. Smith (2006:54) argues that all heritage is inherently intangible, as it is a mental construct; Ardouin (2006) sees ICH and TCH as inseparable. Be that as it may, it has been shown that they have been, and still are treated in a different manner by many (e.g. Stefano 2008, 2009 and Smith 2009). In addition to this continuing difficulty, it seems that craft lies at the boundary between ICH and TCH. Its very nature uses a possibly intangible technique to create a tangible entity – which may or may not be, in itself, TCH. Perhaps this goes some way to proving their inseparability. Investigating how the crafts/skills are passed on, many have been described in detail, or taught via formal courses. Are these still intangible? If not, how do the potential safeguards/preservation techniques that may include formal and non-formal education affect those crafts that are at present regarded as ICH? (E.g. UNESCO(ACCU) 2007a). This research informs on the way artisans view their craft, how they became part of it and, in particular, if they see their craft as having a sustainable future within their existing communities. It attempts to identify how this group of working people view their heritage, without necessarily voicing it to them in those terms. 2.1 Method The doubts raised by Collins (2004) and Bilborough & Moir (2004) as to whether craft still exists in the UK in a form that could be construed to be ICH, contrast with Earwood (1994), who suggests a continuation of traditional crafts could still be extant in Eastern Europe. As over 10 years had passed since Earwood’s research trips, I felt that there was an opportunity to investigate whether the situation had changed. This was done by personal, semi-structured interview, in Slovakia, England and Wales. Using Grounded Theory methodology, open-ended questions and open analysis, coding frames were developed from the questionnaire, itself initially developed in the field, adding further items that arose from interesting responses from interviewees. This was interpreted by content analysis. The research was small-scale, concentrating on a number of in-depth qualitative interviews – five craftspeople in Slovakia, one in England, six in Wales, with a reasonable spread across the age ranges, although none was under 30. There were also two interviewees whose positions vis á vis the craft could be qualified as that of the establishment, ‘official’ viewpoint. Additional data were obtained on any ‘official’ view at a seminar on craft skills at Beamish Open Air Museum, organised by North of England Civic Trust and during a visit to St Fagans: National History Museum by the manager of the UK’s Heritage Skills Bursary Scheme.

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3 CRAFT: EDUCATION, FAMILY AND TRADITION

3.1 The Craftspeople Although based on a small sample, there was a clear split between the Slovak family-orientated craft education against the UK’s non-family orientated /formal craft education. Many were extremely passionate in their feelings for their craft. “… I was quite passionate of the fact that … I think having spent so much time involved with the job … it’s sad that it’s not continued at the moment” Cooper (UK); “I don’t see it as a JOB... ‘paid hobby’ because I really enjoy making them - it’s ... FUN you know?...” Clogmaker (UK); “I only know one way – as good as possible – it doesn’t matter who it’s for. But it’s sad to think of an instrument I made never being played, just used as decoration. I’d prefer to send them to another maker.” Fujara maker (SK)1 The appreciation that they were doing an unusual job and the feeling of pride in the work go together. “I felt, uh, if I can say it, uh, privileged to have served and, and gained my apprenticeship as a pattern maker, because I knew, I knew there weren’t many about, and it was considered, or is considered, as quite a high skilled job.” Pattern maker (UK) Slovakia showed a tendency to a family tradition where the UK did not. The numbers in the survey are too small for this result to be statistically significant, but it was reinforced by the responses showing how the ages of those with continuing family tradition are spread across the Slovak generations. Once again, although this has no statistical significance, it points to a longer continuation in Slovakia of family- based tradition/ heritage. This confirms the feature of Eastern European traditional crafts described by Earwood (1994), which showed them having been maintained in a traditional way for longer. There were obvious modern alternatives to all the crafts studied. The alternative may be mechanically produced or even of a different technology or material, but the same purpose is fulfilled. Most of the crafters had changed to specialised buyers (often tourists) and niche markets. Their products are no longer the norm – only two respondents, both from Slovakia, considered their produce was still ‘for everyday use’. Yet even those selling to ‘ordinary’ people were selling at ‘special’ places (museums, tourist markets, shops). Half of those asked said that their craft had not changed at all since they started work. For some, many big changes had occurred prior to these craftsmen starting their careers. Or they are ‘relicts’, left behind in specialised niches while the rest of their craft develops and evolves towards more technological production methods. Even the Tesár2, whose main tool was the chainsaw, had seen no change, he worked as had his father before him. So the family/traditional craft continuum does not of necessity stop developments and evolution, but the change is not continuous. When questioned as to whether the craft is alive, dying or dead / sustainable in its present form? (e.g. in people and/or raw materials), the issue of parallel hand and machine produced products was often raised. Two crafts experienced big increases in production and sales; turned wooden items in the 70s and 80s in the UK, as a consequence of interest in making by hobbyists with sales through the new craft markets. In Slovakia, interest in the Fujara increased, both in making and playing at least partly as a consequence of the ICH listing and the resulting increased profile. There was a general feeling of pessimism, as not enough recruitment was happening. The Tesár bucked the trend: “the tradition is alive, it’s a living tradition in Slovakia… Yes (new recruits are coming in) – it’s popular in Zázrivá” Tesár (SK). The reason for this is purely economic – the Tesár is now uncommon in Slovakia as a whole and can command a comparatively large income. There was a strong general feeling towards encouragement of their children to enter the craft, without forcing, and this crossed the age ranges. “…I was really disappointed with X (his son), because I, uhh, I’m the last in the line you see, I, I am the last” Country Carpenter (UK); “If I was running a business, a coopering business which I felt that they could make a living, a reasonable living … and they showed an interest, I would encourage it … I wouldn’t push ‘em away, put it like that…” “…but you wouldn’t pull them in....?” “…there’s no point - if there’s


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not a living to be made there’s literally no point in spending many, many years learning something for nothing.” Cooper (UK) One interesting response was from a retired craftsman without children. He saw no point in attempts to bring apprentices into his museum workplace since they could not make a living away from that environment. He was convinced that it was “… impossible today to make a living from country crafts… and I mean the traditional country crafts.” Turner (UK) This statement flies in the face of the experience in England reported in Collins (2004) and Smith (2009). The turner’s opinion was clearly being voiced within a Welsh context, and if he was aware of the differences in employment or business potential between Wales and England he did not mention them. That there should be so great a difference within a geographical distance of perhaps some 120 miles at most, might be surprising, until the issue of geographical population size and the accompanying underlying economic factors that allow niche trades to continue to exist at the micro level are considered. The issue of how economic factors affect the continuation of crafts is complex. Overwhelmingly the craftsmen would refuse to change WHAT they did even if it became uneconomic to continue. But most of those questioned are now producing for specialized markets where the price can reflect rarity value and/ or where the matter of production being uneconomic does not matter (e.g. museums). Even within the specialized sphere, the craft itself was the most important aspect – e.g. the Fujara maker (part time) who had an order for 300 pipes and refused to do them all as he could not cope with that number in his normal way of working, or the Saddler: “…yeah, basically there is only one way of doing it and that’s the correct way” Saddler (UK) The issue of whether it was worth actually undertaking the craft WAS important. Both coopers implied financial difficulties; the Slovak wouldn’t change, the UK one has now left coopering. There was a general feeling that, even if they COULD change an element of style or technique to generate more income, they WOULD not. The Tkáþka3 complained: “The ÚďUV4 shops ask for a ‘Slovak’ style – it’s not correct, we have our own style – they want it more artistic” Tkáþka (SK). ÚďUV themselves see it differently: ‘Like other textile (or even non-textile) techniques, the development marked its signs in various techniques and patterns used in the different regions of Slovakia. Currently, several traditional weaving regions with their specific textiles such as twisted hatch patterns, ribbed textiles and linen fabric, where linen and cotton were used as material can be found in ÚďUV's offerings.’ (ÚďUV 2006) However the attitude against change was by no means universal: “If there was a way now of modifying, say, a portable hand planer to do the hollowing out of staves, umm, I would personally do it... I’d be silly not to do it, for the sake of the craft. If I was teaching somebody... I would make sure first they were competent to do it the old way, because if the machines don’t work you can still fall back on the hand tools… {more confidently} that’s great, nothing wrong with that” Cooper (UK). And thus a craft develops/ evolves technologically. Perhaps the first developers always do it in conjunction with the old ways, but how soon do the old ways become lost? In previous times the guilds and other craft societies in many countries slowed development – sometimes to a crawl – but maintained quality. (Cf. Germany/Austria/Switzerland, where traditional apprenticeships still exist). This allowed the economic imperative to be undermined by the cartel, keeping prices high and thus maintaining the craft. ‘Progress’ of the type advocated by Le-Duc in the 19th century allows revolution, where the final finish is all that matters (after Hassard 2009). A comparison can be drawn between the guilds and the strength of the Gujo Odori festival in Japan described by Cang5 (2007), where the Gujo Odori Hozonkai6 has codified the repertoire of dances, contextualising them with an ‘official’ history, eventually organising them under the iemoto system, whereby ‘only one designated successor receives training from just one master’(2007:52). Both structures give the tradition boundaries that allow evolution only at a controlled pace (too slow for some, too fast for others), but in doing so the tradition continues over time. This holds true as long as a sustaining system is maintained. As the number of participants in any craft decreases, the number of those within each level of excellence eventually decreases to the point that the natural checks and balances of a craft community become lost. This can result in accelerated bastardization instead of the steady evolution that is the mainstay of ICH as described in the Convention.

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The Country Carpenter talked of the impact of change on the generation previous to himself: “well they’d seen changes of course, … things becoming mechanised, … saws ‘n’ planers ‘n’ all that, … oh yeah it’ll never last, they used to say. Even my boss used to say, this modern fangled idea about building … it won’t last, it won’t last, you see, yeah…” Country Carpenter (UK). There was general agreement throughout the interviewees that their feelings were common across colleagues or co-workers they knew. There were some references to those doing it in the ‘modern’ (i.e. non-traditional) way agreeing with their view, but the economics meant that although it was a shame, they had to work in the way that brought them a living. Official recognition can make a difference. In Slovakia only accredited suppliers can sell via the ÚďUV shops, although the Tkáþka no longer supplied them due to differences of opinion (see above). One of the two Fujara makers had seen a big increase in interest following the listing of the Fujara by UNESCO. 3.2 The ‘Officials’ The official in charge of a major town craft event in Slovakia is confident in the ability of the event to obtain craftsmen for at least the next 10 years. In this, one is reminded of the attitude at the (then-named) Open-Air Museum at St Fagans in the mid 1990s, when questions were raised regarding the impending retirement of the then saddler. How about getting him an apprentice, who could then take over when the old saddler left? A typical comment at the time was that this would not work; it had been tried before and after the training period the apprentices had left to get employment elsewhere, not always in a heritage field. But the comment that resonates with the present view in Slovakia was: ‘we don’t need to; there are plenty of saddlers about to take his place’. In this both the Slovak craft event and the UK museum should be considered to be users of the resource. Neither sees it as part of their role to consider the sustainability of such a policy, either for the institution or for the craft. The UK museum is aware that this is not an ideal situation and there are nascent moves to develop a small training programme. The craft event gives a small nod to the possibility that something is needed, but any help they give is at a very low and very local level. 4 CRAFT IN THE COMMUNITY? This study shows differences in the ways that craft lives in the community, with a clear concern about the future, although as we get nearer the idea of sustainability of the craft, it gets increasingly difficult for the incumbents to analyse. There was often a sadness lacing the responses as people realised that their craft was ebbing away. Some were almost angry at this: “I suppose… they leave it… until it’s too late to do something about it, because when the very last one goes, if that was me… it’s too late now for me to take on apprenticeships… so it’s like a lot of other things… that’re in decline we always leave it until it’s too late … and then we’re sorry about it, but we say, well, nothing we can do about it now.” Country Carpenter (UK). The issue of sustainability has three main foundations; practitioners, raw materials, and customers. It is possible to look at this as a system with a flow of money from buyer to the supplier of raw materials, material from supplier to the buyer and people as raw recruits to retirees, the dead or the non-productive, all passing through the mid-point hub of the craft artisan (Fig. 1). In a small, localised situation it is possible that this can be a closed system, closely linked to its community. As long as each link in the system flows openly the system will remain in balance. When one link becomes blocked the system as a whole becomes unstable. Overlying all are the value judgements of each of the hubs that actually power and drive the system. Changes in the value judgements affect the system, but not necessarily immediately. A positive change in the value judgement of the buyer of the craft product will only influence the flow of new trainees into artisans over a long time scale. A negative change may affect it considerably more quickly, particularly in the issue of ‘willingness to pay’ (WTP), where ‘commoditisation and creating an exchange value is a fundamental operation’ if a culture is to be sustained (Sarashima 2011: 759). The days of the craftsman living in, and providing a product or service, for a largely selfsufficient, closely defined local ‘community’ are long gone over much of the westernized world.


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As the links in the system model get longer they break more easily. All the products (and therefore the craftsmen) that have been studied have been divorced, to a greater or lesser extent, from the communities that would have once sustained the craft as part of everyday life. Even the single craftsman who considered his main buyers to be ‘ordinary people’ buying ‘for use’, sells mainly at fairs and markets, which could thus seem, in fact, to be visitor-orientated. However, it may rather reflect a tradition of selling at local markets that in Eastern Europe continued well after it had all but disappeared in more westernized societies (cf Earwood 1994).

Figure 1 Model of the flow around a craft artisan, where the System = the Heritage

Once again the Tesár bucks the trend. This is probably linked to economics (the £ flow in the model at fig.1), but also to a feeling of a ‘living’ craft – these log houses are still relatively common in rural areas of Slovakia. Many ‘ordinary’ villagers would be prepared to do minor repairs and maintenance work, but more major repairs are needed on a regular basis. This ‘living’ situation means that it is still the norm to replace timber wholesale. It is part of the life of that community. But the community of those willing to pay has a geography that is expanding, as the cash flows from buyers from further afield (in this case Czech Republic, Germany and Italy), putting potential consumers within the original, local, community increasingly marginalised. As the willingness to pay remains, the system remains in balance, but the links show strain as they lengthen. In what might be seen as a parallel investigation, Stefano & Corsane have looked at possible management regimes for ICH and suggest using ‘ecomuseum ideal principles as part of a holistic heritage management approach that stresses the interconnectedness of heritage, community and territory’ (2008). This holistic approach does not view heritage, community and territory as separate entities, nor indeed ‘one as being more significant than the others’ (Ibid.). 4.1 Craft in which community? The idea of community is central to the concept of ICH as it is presently understood. But the definition of community is not precise. How big (or small) is a community? Some may consider that this should lead to a reassessment of the place of craft in the ICH regime. In the light of Kurin’s main criterion for ICH being the link to the community (2007), the lack in many areas of a clear community might bring the charge that crafts such as those studied cannot be ICH. But there clearly is a heritage, it is simply that the more ‘westernized’ and industrially advanced societies often lose or change their local community basis considerably. There is a danger that the move to define ICH simply in terms of its community could remove much traditional craftsmanship in the ‘developed’ world from within the ‘official’ remit of ICH. Quite where that would leave traditional crafts within those areas is unclear. Perhaps they are destined to be viewed and valued merely in terms of their contribution to the Tangible –

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as maintainers of the TCH of listed buildings and museum pieces. That seems to be where the practitioners are placed by the ‘officials’ who were interviewed and in the traditional skills reviews and bursary schemes of English Heritage and Heritage Lottery Fund–led projects in the UK, particularly for building-related crafts. There seems to be almost no mention of craft from an ICH standpoint. In the UK, the National Trust (NT) use their contract system for large projects to try to sustain the local community by limiting the number of employees a contractor may use from outside the immediate area. They also include training of local craftspeople – ‘upskilling’ - who then “go off and continue the work elsewhere” (NT Employee 2009 pers. comm.). Yet this is still linked to the outcome, the focus is still on maintaining a resource that is able to sustain the fabric of the buildings and estates. It just brings it into a more local sphere. The NT have also followed Ruskin’s ideals in their attitude to thatch at Llanerchaeron, an historic house in Ceredigion, West Wales (after Hassard 2009). The original thatch on a small workers’ cottage has been kept during restoration work ‘so that future researchers can see the original’ (pers. comm.) and the original thatch re-covered in corrugated sheeting. Although this is exactly what the original inhabitants had done, when the thatch needed repair, this ignores the original craft ethos of regular replacement (what might be termed the ICH ideal), which would maintain the thatching skill within the community. 5 CRAFT, ECONOMICS AND SUSTAINABILITY It is unsurprising that economics is one of the main drivers that affects whether or not the crafter remains with the craft (and even enters it in the first place) – this must always have been the case. What is surprising is how little the idea of a sustainable model for the future is addressed by the various training reports and regimes. There is a definite feeling of loss among the craft community, where there is even an appreciation that the ‘end is nigh’. EH’s and others’ tendencies to concentrate on the craft as purely a means to an end (that of the maintenance of the tangible) denigrates these feelings. The craftsman is being reduced to simply a tool instead of a part of a community. Do any of the craftspeople view themselves and/or their craft in terms of ICH? Those working at museums or through fairs and events probably do, although usually only from the ‘traditional craft’ angle. There is very little appreciation of ICH as an holistic concept of living heritage, part of a community-based evolving process. Indeed, why should there be? The Slovak interviews throw up three exemplars that characterise the situation. The most vibrant of all is the Tesár. He knows that what he does is special, unusual, but that’s what he does for a living and the living is good. He is part of a community- and family-based living tradition that is selfsustaining in almost all its elements, although the work is getting further and further afield. This could be viewed as ICH ‘in the wild’. The Tkáþka might be viewed as ‘on the cusp’ with an awareness of heritage in its broader context, but her craft was passed from her mother to her, from her to her daughter and is now being passed from her daughter to her granddaughter. This is a living heritage with a family-centred community, aware of its context as the links to the buyers are via fairs, markets and special shops. The part-time Fujara maker and player is fully aware of the ICH context, being present at the ceremony in Paris when the Fujara was inscribed on the UNESCO list. He might be viewed as ‘on the reservation’ or ‘in the zoo’, as he has no community-based link to the heritage, except when viewing the whole of Slovakia as the community. As to the sustainability of traditional crafts, whether recognized in terms of the 2003 Convention or not, there is an interesting investigation to be made on why training does not seem to be successful in sustaining traditional crafts in the more developed societies. In the UK there have been many project-based training schemes (although they are inevitably time-limited, and how sustainable is that?). It is standard practice to assess the effectiveness of the training itself, but what about measuring the success in producing a balanced system with the craft artisan at its centre. As well as the obvious economic drivers, perhaps the long and difficult apprenticeships of old weeded out the weak, only those with persistence and doggedness staying the course. Perhaps they would be more likely then to carry on and use those skills. A quote from the UK Cooper brings the two issues together: “if there’s not a living to be made there’s literally no point in spending many, many years learning something for nothing.”


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6 CONCLUSION This research attempted to view the present situation through the eyes of individual craftspeople in the UK and Slovakia. There are great similarities, as well as considerable, if not totally unexpected, differences. The continuation and strength of the family and local links of the crafts in Slovakia has potential to be the sort of guideline that could measure how far a craft has gone down the continuum from being ‘true’ community-based ICH along the ‘Kurin’ model to the rather looser, ‘non-official’ ICH of present-day western society. The differences between the UK and Slovakia (and other Eastern European nations) merit further research, but certainly imply that the way ICH is viewed and sustained is different for the two scenarios. Certainly the new community-based emphasis from UNESCO for ICH should not be seen as a one-size-fits-all. Communities need defining within the environment of their existence and what may suit in one situation may not suit in another. For TCH, at some sites this has already been recognised, e.g. at the Borobudur Temple World Heritage Site, Indonesia. This Buddhist temple now stands in an area with a community that is largely Muslim, with the potential to be seen as dissonant with the present local community. But Black & Wall (2001) found that it ‘still had great religious significance for many local people in the area, even though they were officially Muslim’. The opposite may also occur. Talking specifically of the ecomuseums in France, Howard asserts ‘visitors to the ecomusées are, twenty years on, almost exclusively tourists not locals’ (2003:240) and that, although local support established them, the ‘next [local] generation has virtually lost interest’ (Ibid.:242). Craft most definitely hovers round the fringes of ICH. It can be ‘traditional’ which might be ICH, or ‘artistic’ which probably is not ICH, but could be in some circumstances. This study shows that there are most definitely elements remaining in the traditional crafts within western society that are a continuation of the link to previous craftspeople. However, in the UK the links have become very tenuous. More training has been proposed, and is already taking place in some areas, particularly in the UK, but the emphasis is rarely on the maintenance of the craft as Intangible CH. It is as a ‘necessary evil’ that will allow the continued maintenance of Tangible CH. The holistic view of the craft as part of a community that allows it to be sustained is rarely considered. The situation in Slovakia seems quite different, in that there are crafts remaining as part of their local communities, with ongoing transmission via family and local links. It would seem likely that help in other parts of the craft artisan system could sustain the system’s balance and thus sustain the craft as ICH. More research is required to provide information as to whether the craft artisan system even exists in balance anywhere in the UK. I suggest that an amalgamation of this model with Stefano & Corsane’s proposal (2008) for the use of the Ecomuseum model to manage/sustain ICH would have a positive effect, being totally grounded in community, economic, geographic and museological forces. This might be seen as a greater system with the crafter at the centre, an holistic three-dimensional system where the pure economic imperative is countered within a system of checks and balances. This study has shown that, by developing a model of the system in which a craft artisan exists, poor or broken links within the system can be identified more easily. Could this lead to a more effective targeting of help to re-balance the system and allow it to sustain itself? ENDNOTES 1 2 3 4 5 6

the fujara is a 1.6m long 3-hole overtone fipple flute, Slovakia’s only representation on the UNESCO list of Masterpieces of ICH Slovak log-house carpenter weaver of linen table cloths and mats Ústredie ďudovej Umeleckej Výroby (Bratislava -based Slovak Centre for Folk Art Production) Gujo Odori is a Japanese Bon (festival for the dead usually held in midsummer), in this case a dance matsuri (festival) held annually in Gujo Hachiman, Gujo City, in Gifu Prefecture Gujo Odori dance preservation society

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REFERENCES Ardouin, C. 2006. ‘The Tangible and Intangible Heritage: Dichotomy or Integrated and Interdependent Realities?’ In Andrews, C. et al. (2007) ‘Conference Report: Tangible-Intangible Cultural Heritage: A Sustainable Dichotomy? The 7th Annual Cambridge Seminar.’ In International Journal of Intangible Heritage 2:124-129 Bilborough, B. & Moir, J. 2004. ‘Heritage Building Crafts’ In Collins, E. J. T. (ed.) Crafts in the English Countryside: Towards a Future. England, Wetherby: Countryside Agency : 211-312 http://www.craftsintheenglishcountryside.org.uk/full.html /27.05.08 Black, H. and Wall, G. 2001. Global-local Interrelationships in UNESCO World Heritage Sites. In Teo, P. et al. (eds), 2001. Interconnected Worlds: Tourism in Southeast Asia, Amsterdam, Elsevier, :121– 136. Cited in Hampton, M.P. (2005) Heritage, Local Communities and Economic Development, In Annals of Tourism Research 32, (3) :737 Cang, V.G. 2007. Defining Intangible Cultural Heritage and its Stakeholders: the Case of Japan., International Journal of Intangible Heritage 2:45-55 Collins, E. J. T. (ed.) 2004. Crafts in the English Countryside: Towards a Future. England, Wetherby: Countryside Agency http://www.craftsintheenglishcountryside.org.uk/full.html /27.05.08 Earwood, C. 1994. Ethnography in Eastern Europe: Peasant Crafts, In Folk Life 32:68-76 Hassard, F. 2009. Intangible Heritage in the United Kingdom: the dark side of enlightenment?, In Smith, L. and Akagawa, N. (eds) (2009) Intangible Heritage. London: Routledge: 270-288 Howard, P. 2003. Heritage: Management, Interpretation, Identity. London: Continuum Ito, N. 1995. "Authenticity" inherent in cultural heritage in Asia and Japan, In Larsen, K.E. (1995) Nara Conference on Authenticity in relation to the World Heritage Convention: proceedings Norway, Trondheim: Tapir :35-45 Kurin, R. 2007. ‘Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage: Key Factors in Implementing the 2003 Convention’ In International Journal of Intangible Heritage 2:10-19 Rowney, B. 2004. Charters and the Ethics of Conservation: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. Ph.D. thesis University of Adelaide :125-198 http://thesis.library.adelaide.edu.au/uploads/approved/adtSUA20050202.180441/public/05part3.pdf /23.05.08 Sarashima, S. 2011. Metamorphic tradition and Intangible Cultural heritage in Japan: Bingata, a traditional dyeing textile technique in Okinawa. In Lira, S. et al. (eds), Sharing Cultures 2011; Proc. 2nd intern. conf. on ICH., 3-6 July 2011. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute: 749-760 Skounti, A. 2009. The Authentic Illusion, In Smith, L. & Akagawa, N. (eds) Intangible Heritage London: Routledge Smith, L. 2006. Uses of Heritage. London: Routledge Smith, L. and Akagawa, N. (eds), 2009. Intangible Heritage. London: Routledge Smith, R. 2009. Finding the “First Voice” in rural England: the challenges of safeguarding intangible heritage in a national museum In International Journal of Intangible Heritage 4:13-25 Stefano, M.L. 2008. The Significance and Values of Three Intangible Cultural Expressions of the North East of England, In Liuzza, C. (ed.), Proceedings of the Fourth International Ename Colloquium. Ghent: Ename Center for Public Archaeology and Heritage Presentation Stefano, M.L. 2009. Safeguarding intangible heritage: five key obstacles facing museums of the North East of England In International Journal of Intangible Heritage 4:111-124 Stefano, M.L. & Corsane, G. 2008. The applicability of the ecomuseum ideal in safeguarding intangible cultural heritage in North East England, in Amoêda, R. et al. (eds), World Heritage and Sustainable Development: Heritage 2008 International Conference, Vol.1. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute:347-357 ÚďUV 2006. http://www.uluv.sk/en/web/goods-of-cratf/woolen-textiles/20.07.08 UNESCO 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, Paris:2.3 & Section III UNESCO (ACCU) 2007a. UNESCO-ACCU Expert Meeting on Transmission and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage through Formal and Non-formal Education Tokyo 2007 http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/pdf/b2007Expert.pdf /30.01.08 -- 2007b. What’s ICH? http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/whats/whats1.html /30.01.08


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Dubai: heritage house, alternative exhibitions, the vernacular as a codified expression of culture M. El Amrousi Abu Dhabi University

ABSTRACT: In the modern city of Dubai, the Deira district still retains intact remnants of the past. The historic section of the old city, Dubai’s textile bazaar in Deira sprawls along the creek connecting the traditional quarters of al-Shindagha and al-Bastakia that date back to Shaikh Saeed bin Rashed al-Maktoom’s rule (1912-1958). Deira’s heritage displays courtyard mansions that functioned as large family residences, centers for mercantile exchange, and schools. Currently they have been restored, and transformed into a group of small museums. Dubai’s textile bazaar and mansions have been described by Jonathan Raban in his novel Arabia as a cross-cultural hub, a space of multi-ethnic, multi-lingual social exchange. The bazaar still retains its vivid spatial attributes and practices, however, Dubai’s historic mansions have assumed different roles that range from art galleries to cafes and restaurants. Museulogy shapes their new functions confined within their traditional physique. The Municipality of Dubai played an active role in renovating these mansions, however, in the process age value and collective memory are lost since these monuments did not undergo conservation that would allow them to age gracefully, rather they have been restored to reflect a sense of newness similar to constructed heritage villages. This research examines the spatial attributes of Dubai’s historic mansions, discusses the boundaries between conservation and complete reconstruction that make it difficult to separate heritage from touristic dreamscapes such as al-Jumaira resort and Palace hotel that are themed on tradition. This paper interrogates the complex process of decision making in heritage restoration, how they are influenced by artistic, contextual, technical backgrounds and local taste, and is divided into three venues: the Heritage House, Mannequins and Period Rooms, Alternative Exhibitions.

1 INTRODUCTION From outside they were inscrutable- cubes of burned pastry without windows. But here and there a bit of wall had fallen out, and I caught passing glimpses of courtyards, vines stairways, lattices, carved doors and hanging balconies; all the essential ingredients of the inward-looking order of the Arab household. (Jonahan Raban, Arabia)

Dubai’s heritage is characterized by its adobe courtyard mansions lately reconstructed to offer a complete image of the past to the visitor. These mercantile mansions were stripped down to the foundations’ level, rebuilt entirely, with intentionally exposed fragments of the original coral stone walls. Its interiors were refurnished, in a standardized manner archiving little evidence of its collective memory. Devoid of excessive ornament, the practicality and simplicity of these

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buildings, coupled with their colors and textures produce a pleasant effect, inverted spaces secluded from the outside, their interior facades produce a warm space, limited by the structural systems of the past. However, with their windows closed and neon lighting, the visitor is offered little experience of the true environment and social-memory that took place within their walls. The majlis, low-rise cushioned seating, is still present for visitors to experience while Arabic coffee and dates are offered, however, no audio-visual memory narrates the social or official events that took place between the Shaikhs and delegates, merchants, or family members. Dubai’s vernacular heritage represents a codified expression that is still undelivered. Enclosed spaces around courtyards, retained and veiled Dubai’s historic mansions, have been mimicked in mega dreamscape resorts, that have taken the adobe texture, wind towers-barjeel as architectural emblems to manifest tradition. While Dubai’s lavish resorts such as Meena al-Salam, Al-Qasr in Jumeirah and the Palm Islands offer much entertainment within a hyper-real environment, Dubai’s real heritage in Al-Shindagha and Deira has been transformed into local museums, scarcely populated, due to the conservative modes of exhibitions they offer. In contrast Dubai’s historic textile bazaar still retains its vividness as described by Jonathan Raban in his novel Arabia, a space of multi-ethnic, multi-lingual and social exchange. They constitute a section of new, globally reconstructed and repackaged public space that is supplemented by an exclusive matrix of themed hotels and high end resorts such as Al-Jumeirah’s Palace Hotel, the Miraj Hotel, the Palm Islands, are all part of a wider matrix of simulacra’s ‘pseudoplaces,’ bypassing the real public space for a sanitized experience, solely and carefully designed for cultural consumption. Festival City Mall and al-Jumeirah resort even reconstruct the waterway, replicating the Dubai Creek, with miniature abra(s) offering boat rides within these artificial waterways. The pinnacle of these modern spectacles is Dubai Mall, includes one of the largest aquariums in the world, Burj Khalifa—the tallest building in the world, large bookstores, neo-traditional gold bazaars, and complete 'streetscapes' under a retractable roof. The bazaar manifests vivid spatial attributes and practices of exchange of culture and commodity intertwined. Transportation of merchandise and real people across the Dubai creek in traditional wooden boats offers a different ambiance from the touring tourists in artificial canals, it not only constructs its past but has cleverly evaded to be frozen in time as an urban museum, secluded for tourists (Fig. 1).

Figure 1: Dubai’s textile bazaar after restoration

Heritage is bound within the constraints of tradition, exhibitions use procedures of partitioning, and oppose to the intrinsic, adverse interest created by multiplicity. Socio-cultural space within local museums lags in comparison to the economic and visual attributes of Dubai’s modernity. Conservative formations and arrangements of exhibitions result in a desertion of local museums, regarded as technocratic space rather than one for interactions between subject and object. Preservation/Conservation are used interchangeably to refer to the architectural school of thought that either encouraged measures that would protect and maintain buildings in their current state, or would prevent further damage and deterioration to them. New mediums are necessitated to attract visitors to these monuments. "Interlacing with the Past" through new mediums such as the


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internet and interactive screens require specific installations within the monument that contradict the conventionalism of museum space. The Heritage House exemplified by the Shaikh Saeed’s museum represents a classical example of reconstructed heritage that has been transformed into a local museum. Given the intangibility of local built heritage to the process of self identification, the assessment of the value of national identity in relation the pluralistic culture of place is achieved through the display of the different arts and crafts used in restored monuments. Photographic collections were used to create an archive that sets the bases for arrangements of various curative themes, divided into sections the heritage house displays; social life and photos of official meetings with foreign delegates in chronological order. Other sections represent images of Dubai between 1948-1953, a marine life section showing coastal and the long history of pearl diving and trade. The exhibitions are created mainly from Ronald Codrai’s and Wilfred Thesiger’s albums. Other sections include ethnographic dress, coins, stamps, maps and jewelry, framed within glass casings and described by copper labels that mention brief information about the object, or names of those within the photograph leaving the spectator the choice to engaged or bypass the process of interpretation. The Dubai National Museum offers a more liberated narration of Dubai’s history through its mannequins and period rooms that represent an alternative to the traditional order of exhibition in the Heritage House. A more oblique mode of dealing with heritage in its post restoration phase is experienced in Al-Siraaj gallery that hosts displays specific interpretations of Islam via graphic representations, that transcend local and cultural boundaries. 2 DUBAI’S NATIONAL MUSEUM/MANNEQUINS AND PERIOD ROOMS The recent blossoming of construction activities has provoked deep changes within the culture itself, affected by globalization on the architecture of modern Dubai. Dubai is praised for its contemporary urban landscape and dreamscape resorts themed to emulate tradition, artificial islands such as the Palm set pace for future shorefront developments, and construct spaces were commodity and culture are exhibited for a secluded sector of the community. The city has changed since the time Jonathan Raban’s visit in the 1970s, however, open to all still remains the historic fabric represented by Deira which has retained its character; a densely populated intricate social geography chartered by patterns of peoples movement along its narrow intertwining passages. Dubai’s built heritage in Deira, offered a vernacular expression that was socioculturally suitable, virtually sealed off from street level, and bustling bazaar on the ground floor, Dubai’s historic mansions functioned as nuclear family residences. Raban described Dubai as a city with a strong presence of an Indo-Persiannate community, their popular culture displayed in the architecture of these houses through traditional Wind towers barjeel, floral and vegetal stucco ornaments. And on an urban level the surrounding cityscape offers a variety of Indian restaurants, merchandise and movies advertisements. The Hindu caste-marking the foreheads of some women as outlined by Raban during ethnic celebrations, a crowd were Indians, Iranians, Pakistanis, Arabs congeal in an aura of cosmopolitanism is present in Deira but has been excluded from traditional simulacra—Jumeirah, Festival City, the Miraj Hotel and the Palm Island. In Deira the Dubai National Museum, under Al-Fahidi Fort reflects on a solution to merge tradition with the modern needs of exhibition space. The traditional part/the fort houses the traditional exhibition, objects in glass casings that are not sensitive to light. The modern section of the museum has been constructed underground and includes period rooms were mannequins re-enact life in the old port and bazaar. In the real bazaar mannequins dressed in traditional Indian saree and Arab clothing exhibit textures of commodity for consumption, in the Dubai museum mannequins reenact social customs for the consumption of culture. Mannequins are not just means of seeing but also on the appearance of the object in conveying the curators intentions. It is always difficult to achieve the optimum balance between gallery and museum lighting design especially when taking into consideration the requirements of sight and movement. (Loe, 2008) The solution was to immerse the visitors in complete darkness as they depart from the central

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courtyard to a space were the collective memory reenacted. (Fig. 2) A young group of local girls who were celebrating the graduation from a religious school, known as the tawmina girls, is explicated. The vividly dressed girls with their local hairstyles and jewelry were even supported with newly recorded sounds of young girls reciting the Quran to explain the event to the visitor. A bed located under a local wind tower the barjeel, usually located in living rooms, here reconstructed with an internal air-conditioning to explain the optimal function of the now only ‘iconic’ symbols of built tradition. Cultural reproductions and approximations transform the experience of the visitor to culture that is acceptable to his own through mediums of exhibition and the labels and texts associated with the artifacts. In exhibitions of culture labels are not descriptive in a normative sense, it identifies the object using an interpretation, explanatory of the object in terms of cause, and it invokes the role of such figures as important objects in their culture. (Baxandall, 1991)

Figure 2. Dubai National Museum

Ethnographic sections in the museum have been intentionally darkened to merge the identity of real nationals which still dress according to tradition from mannequins, constructing, engaging the past in a real and unreal narrative. Additional elements enhance the visitor’s experience such a video displays, short films, musical recordings juxtapose in time and space the underground city as an exhibition and the real city as venue of cultural display. Curators’ narratives are enhanced by sounds and lights, period rooms displaying traditional shops laden with merchandise, desert and marine life, pearl divers, even a traditional water system the falaj and palms are implanted in real sand. A traditional dhow explicates Dubai’s image as a port city of trade, commerce and consumption, the past is revisited, selected, reshuffled and reinterpreted. Barbara KirshenblattGimblett outlines that the notion of context poses the interpretative problem of reference since it entails particular techniques of arrangement; labels, charts diagrams, booklets, catalogues and commentary; explanatory audiovisual programs, the latter are mostly missing in Dubai’s heritage houses and museums. It would have been preferable to construct a more productive notion of exhibition, to identify makers of objects and exhibitors which would help explain the staged scenery of the exhibition. And modes of production especially mannequins, their gestures, age and choice of characters and gender, which would help explain to the viewer the socio-cultural agenda of the curator. In context approaches establish a theoretical framework , schematic arrangement, and classification for the viewer, in other words there are as many contexts for an object as there are interpretive strategies. Coins, stamps, local jewelry, and fragments of old documents become objects of display that can either be exhibited in situ or in context. Both modes of display question the nature of representation, meaning, while an art of detachment in both cases is supported by the boundaries of display such as displacement, display in glass casings, roped sections, i.e. separating the artifact from its originator. While the fragmentary nature of the object enhances its realness, the notion of in situ entails metonymy and mimesis: the object stands in


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relation to an absent whole that may or may not be reconstructed. The art of mimesis, whether in the form of period rooms, heritage villages, recreated environments-places objects or replicas of them in situ expand the boundaries of display to include what was left behind. (KirshenblattGimblett, 1991) 3 THE HERITAGE HOUSE A number of issues need to be considered when examining heritage houses and local museums, namely that they lack the prestige that international museums have as iconic centers and their display of power through scale. As Hooper-Greenhill outlines that the British Museum has in many ways set the standards for the museum as an institution, and has become the museum archetype, “a classical large stone building replicating ancient Greek Temples, with crowds lined up to enter this sanctified repository of cultural representations. Shaikh Saeed’s Museum in Dubai offers only a simple refection of a ruler’s life with an emphasis on standardized collections of coins, stamps and old documents. Mega museums currently being constructed in Abu Dhabi by international renown star architects such as the Abu Dhabi Louvre, Shaikh Zayed Museum and the Guggenheim challenge local museum through their quality of exhibition spaces and collections offered. Another challenge to the local museum/heritage house is the themed ‘Mall’. For example Ibn Battuta Mall and Khan Murjan in Wafi City, gather and reconstruct cultural backdrops similar to those of a museum reviving the 19th century World Fairs. In Dubai the heritage house is challenged by the Mega Museum and the ‘mall’ that has assumed the role of a ‘museum’ leaving the heritage house to become only an ‘archive’. Dubai’s mansions, after restoration have become anthropological exhibitions of local traditions, vessels of culture, that serve the order of enhancing national identity. They do not display artifacts of aesthetic, age or historic value only mimetic displays reflect the curators’ efforts to focus the viewer’s attention on particular object. (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett, 1991)

Figure 3. Shaikh Saeed Heritage House

The house museum of Shaikh Saeed bin Makoom the ruler of Dubai (1912-1958) represents a classical example of an Emirati courtyard house that has been transformed into a local museum. (Fig. 3). The house offers a vision of social life in Dubai, leaving the visitor conscious of the different interpretations of its heritage, especially as they peek at the city from the upper floor terraces that overlooks the lively creek in Dubai. The most visible feature of the heritage house are the varying shapes of blind niches, solid walls and wind towers--Barjeel, which function as icons breaking the monotony of the niches and solid facades. The so called boutique lighting that has become in popular use for heritage buildings by restoration committees in recent years has a

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surreal effect to heighten the experience of the visitor with immersing him/her in the physicality of the building as an object of display. In the courtyard boutique lighting expose the beauty of the seven arched stucco panels in the blind niches on an otherwise decoratively plain house. These stucco panels with their palm frond abstract motifs reflecting local artistic expression, have become a reference for replication in Dubai’s Heritage Village, were they are on display as commodity for consumption. As outlined by Stephan Greenblatt, this form of lighting suggests the building as a form of wonder, lighting seems to emerge from within the windows, niches and barjeel rather than focus on it. Socially displaced, the traditional house as a museum is bound up within acquisition and possession. (Greenblatt, 1991) Circulation, is interesting through its unpredictability, as families grew, more rooms were added. Corridors, masses and staircases lead to upper rooms preceded by colonnades-liwans that were used as meeting spaces, and the constant exchange between exterior and interior space is remarkable. These liwans open to rectangular rooms that house the exhibitions, that display pictures, stamps, local jewellery and documents as well as recent models of traditional dhows used as centre pieces. Openings have been blocked to created niches in these heritage houses in the restoration process. (Fig. 4) Objects displayed against windows are displayed against a bright background, increasing the adaptation level of the eye, from the intense glare of the exposed courtyard which distracts the visitor from much detail and color in the objects that are lost (Wilson, 2006). The main problem is in the contrast between exterior and interior visitors move from room to room. Brightness from daylight produces reflections affecting the visibility of objects. The perception of the veiling reflection depends on the balance between the brightness of the reflection and the brightness of the object. A complex issue since many rooms still include fluorescent lighting, which provides a dull diffuse of light.

Figure 4. Shaikh Saeed museum coins collection in blind niches

The exhibition set within the constraints of heritage houses remains problematic and represents a challenge since little of its collective memory has been prepared for display. Boundaries are blurred between the focus on architecture and its relation to tradition, and an exhibition that needed to be displayed within different spatial contexts for better examination of culture. Labels only describe the names of the subjects and not the condition of their photographic framing. Limitations of explanation confine the visitor to a melancholic understanding the presented culture and collective memory of the artefacts within the house. Local people their shops, crafts, customs and some oblique celebrations in the bazaar are all part of the collection though not chosen to be displayed. In other words products of the past are used for the production of new social, political and epistemological orders, culture is dismembered and re-membered in new ways. (Preziosi, 1991) A certain spatial distance is established between the modern viewers and the objectified “traditional” culture, that needs to be approached through a perception of understanding and recognition that the physical setting of the object is part of what defines it as art. Conventional forms produced by desert architecture overtime, have withstood climatic conditions, and represent a solid form of undisputable heritage, however, today they are


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understood within an emotional and psychological context meant to reassure the community that their heritage remains unaffected by the urban changes. 4 BUILT HERITAGE AND ALTERNATIVE EXHIBITIONS Diversification of modes, themes of display and exhibitions represents attempts to attract visitors through obliqueness of content when juxtaposed with the traditions and socio-cultural openness in Dubai. The visitor is taken through a series of rooms that form a pilgrimage route commencing with scientific miracles of the Quran, creation of the universe, the messengers and last message. The second floor of the courtyard house continues the religious message through exhibitions titled the Judgment, Eternal Bliss and Eternal Damnation. Both message and medium of representation are alien to the physical envelope of the Emirati heritage house, which questions notion, and replacement of personal traces of life. Al-Siraaj exhibition in the house of Obaid and Jumaa bin Thani promotes a conservative Muslim message through graphics, broachers and seminars offered on a temporary stage in the center of the courtyard. The original function of the heritage house has changed from a secular vernacular expression to a center of religious dissemination strongly shaped by the intentions of the curators. Here the curators advocate themselves as presenting culture that is distant from commodity and see themselves as rather special places, preserving a past that may have never existed in a multi-ethnic port city that relies on the accommodation of multiculturalism for its survival. In terms of experience within a space distant from everyday life, that may however be appreciated by middle class people. The intention of re-collection, re-telling of diverse, less visible traditions, inclusion and exclusion offers a conjunction of loss and retrieval and raises the issue of fragmented, selected timelines chosen to construct historical narrative. Such contemporary exhibitions hinging on display through advanced mediums demonstrate their viability in new contexts, since they are subject to demands that may enable them to play new roles in contemporary times and space. (HooperGreenhill).

Figure 5. House of Obaid and Jumaa bin Thani transformation of interior

Al-Siraaj Gallery has succeeded in attracting more people while the kind of visitor remains the same, the heritage house has been re-contextualized and re-interpreted to allow the public to know that built heritage is not a broad frame through which the arts and cultures of a community can be inspected. (Vogel, 1991) In spite of the surreal effect the boutique little guides the visitor to authentic imprints of the different family members that lived in the house creating a mechanism were collective memory is lost and replaced by re-enacted exhibition mediums, images, and reproduced textures. The existence of galleries within a built heritage relate new forms of socio-cultural contexts that link between heritage and economic strategies. Perhaps this is more evident in galleries like al-Siraaj that hosts its own website with virtual tours and videos

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of the exhibition. It deplores social stratification through its exhibition since globalization is kept at safe distance, and the display overshadows true character and original function of the house of Obaid and Jumaa bin Thani that was one of the first houses of Al Shindagha, built in 1917, to reflect the prosperity of the region at that time due to the flourishing pearl trade. 5 CONCLUSION Contemporary trends in museum display promote the enunciation of the singular units from their glass enclaves to invoke a sense of exploration and unbinding of heritage in place. These artifacts then introduce the visitor to alternative memories of the local and regional cultures. Several culturally oriented projects are currently being built in the UAE, however, the recent emphasis on scale and richness in detail and materials has affected the symbolic and historic value of the simple adobe structures that constitute local heritage. The scale and power behind spaces of consumption of the spectacle with their variant modes of exhibition, diverse histories, and artifacts gathered challenge the museum as an institution. The conglomeration of the vast cultures, times and epochs reflect the evolution of Dubai as a post modern city. A city that is inhabited by multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and diversely religious spectators, that represent a challenge to any attempts of heritage and cultural display through a singular perception. A redefinition of exhibitions is warranted so that they act as adverse forces for the acceptance of intrinsic multiplicity rather than solid separations, and hierarchical networks has been attempted via three different venues, mannequins and period rooms, the heritage house and alternative exhibitions. Dubai's National Museum and its constructed socio-cultural experience of Dubai’s past through mannequins and virtual mediums retained neutrality, authenticity and modernity in one space, thereby stimulated a possible counter mechanism to the themed resorts, malls and forthcoming mega museums. Shaikh Saeed’s heritage house explored narrating history through photography and minimal museulogical intervention, while Al-Siraaj Gallery reconstructed the interior of the heritage house and its collective memory. A de-contextualization of heritage is much needed to explore new patterns, and socio-cultural spaces that are open to all, minority communities and sporadic visitors that constitute the post modern society. REFERENCES Baxandall. M. (1991). “Exhibiting intention : some preconditions of the visual display of culturally purposeful objects”. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Coles. S and Jackson. P. (2007). Windtower. London: Stacey International. Greenblatt. (1991). “Resonance, Wonder, and Toys”. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Greig Grysler and Abidin Kusno. (1997). “Angels in the Temple, The Aesthetic Construction of Citizenship at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum”. Art Journal, Spring 1997. Hobsbawm, E.J. (1990). Nations and Nationalism since 1780 Programme, myth, reality. Cambridge University Press. Kaufman, E. (2005). “The Architectural Museum from World’s Fair to Restoration Village”. ed. Gerard Corsane. Heritage Museums and Galleries, An Introductory Reader. (Routledge, London & New York). Kirshenblatt-Gimbeltt, B. (1991). “Objects of ethnography”, Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Musuem Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Loe, David. (2008). “Light for art's sake, lighting for artworks and museum displays”. Lighting Research & Technology, Sep-2008, Vol. 40 Issue 3, p259-259. Pieterse, Jan Nederveen. (2005), “Multiculturalism and museums, Discourse about others in the age of globalization”. ed. Gerard Corsane. Heritage Museums and Galleries, An Introductory Reader. (Routledge, London & New York).


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Preziosi, D. (1991). “Brain of the Earth’s Body, Museums and the Framing of Modernity”. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Musuem Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Raban, J. (1979). Arabia Through the Looking Glass. London: Collins Harvill. Riegl, Alois, (1982), The modern cult of monuments : its character and its origin. MIT Press. Whitehead, Chris. (2005), “Visiting With Suspicion, Recent Perspectives on art museums and art museums”. ed. Gerard Corsane. Heritage Museums and Galleries, An Introductory Reader. (Routledge, London & New York). Vogel, S. (1991). “Always true to the object, in our fashion. Karp, I. and Lavine, S. (eds). Exhibiting Cultures: the Poetics and Politics of Museum Display. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Wilson, Mike. (2008). “Lighting in museums: Lighting interventions during the European demonstration project, Energy efficiency and sustainability in retrofitted and new museum buildings”. International Journal of Sustainable Energy. Sep-Dec2006, Vol. 25 Issue 3/4, p153-169. Young, Linda. (2006). “Villages that Never Were: The Museum, Village as a Heritage Genre”. International Journal of Heritage Studies. Vol. 12, No. 4, July 2006, pp. 321–338.

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Cultural heritage management and the impact of tourism – the case of Tripoli - Lebanon K. El Barazi Lebanese University, Tripoli, Lebanon

ABSTRACT: Over the last two decades, remarkable progress has taken place in the implementations and impacts of different tourism tools and sub-titles. One of the newly presented subtitles for tourism planning is Cultural Heritage Management (CHM). This paper aims to investigate the CHM development at the old city centre of Tripoli in Lebanon. The local impact of CHM on the historical centre is expected to result in better tourism activities which will develop the local cultural, social, and economic sectors. The paper examines the improvement of the local economy depending on cultural management related to tourism activities in ‘Abu Ali’ and ‘Tall’ districts. These districts are the core of the old city where the Mameluks heritage islocated. The ‘Abou Ali’ district has witnessed local tourism and economic development based on a CHM project which will be completed at the end of 2012. This study defines the old city center starting from the ‘Abu Ali’ river to ‘Tall’ square. The unity of the two historical districts under CHM projects will be achieved through enhancing pedestrian access and creating efficient and pleasant cognitive map. Tripoli city offers the opportunities of investigative the CHM as “tourism planning tool”. A qualitative analysis will be hold based on qualitative and quantitative data. This analysis will be based on a theoretical and literatureframework, opinion survey, analyzing existing pedestrian accesses, questionnaire, data collection, site visits, and cognitive map examinedby using sketch map. In conclusion, the contribution and combination of Cultural Heritage with regional planning framework will result in better consequences for the tourism sector. This paper will show how an efficient management of the Cultural Heritage development as a “tourism planning tool” can have positive impacts on the local economic. The result will enhance the cultural significant side which will sustain the history of Tripoli and maintain the cultural role. 1 INTRODUCTION Recently tourism sector has been gaining more importance as an essential part of the local economic development due to the global economic reformation. Many cities have achieved tourism based on local economic development. The report of the 19th session of the UNWTO General Assembly presents forecast on international tourist arrivals to reach 1.8 billion by 2030. Moreover, the report confirms that international tourism will continue to grow in a sustained manner in the next two decades giving average 43 million additional international tourists per year (+2.2% a year) and in more advanced touristic areas (+4.4% a year). (8-14 October 2011, Gyeongju, Republic of Korea) Over the last two decades, remarkable progress has taken place in the implementations and impacts of different tourism tools and sub-titles. One of the newly presented sub-titles for tourism planning is Cultural Heritage Management (CHM). The concept of CHM has increasingly become an important subtitle for tourism sector with planning perspectives as a significant planning tool. Then, the weight of combining it with planning emerged from the fact that it is a significant category of tourism, an important tool in culture, and a main key for planning pro-

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jects through regional bases. The concept combines the cultural, social, economic, and touristic sectors for an enhanced wider plan. This research aims to investigate CHM on the case of Tripoli, Lebanon which has witnessed CHM development at its old city Centre. Furthermore, this research tries to analyze the local impact on Tripoli city and introduce a newly rehabilitated historical city centre for better tourism activities and an improved local development. The main focus is on the area consisting “Abou Ali” district and “Tall” district in Tripoli city. The “Abou Ali” district has examined local tourism and economic development based on a CHM project prepared at the city level. The aim is to improve its local economy depending on cultural management related to its tourism activities. Moreover, the research will re-define the old city center border adapted by the local government and used in its local projects. The new re-introduced old city center will be from the “Abu Ali’ river to “Tall” square combining between the two historical districts through CHM projects and enhancing the districts relation through pedestrian accesses and cognitive maps. As linkages are made between individual routes and locations, increased functionality is added to the cognitive map, such as the ability to devise shortcuts between destinations and create complex trip chains. Moreover, local regional knowledge may increase in the district of a route. Therefore, knowledge of an area may develop as a series of strips or corridors surrounding specific routes. This facilitates knowledge integration if the routes are known and are overlapping (Golledge, 1990). 2 THE CITY OF TRIPOLI, LEBANON

2.1 An overview Situated 85km North of Beirut along the Mediterranean coast, Tripoli is considered Lebanon’s second capital and the most important city in its region. The Tripoli or Al Fyaha region includes three municipalities; Tripoli, Al Mina and Baddawi. Today it has a total population of around 289,800 inhabitants or around one third of the total inhabitants in the North of the country. The municipality of Tripoli covers the largest area and includes 72% of the population. The city's history dates back to the 14th century BC. In ancient times, it was the center of a Phoenician confederation which included Tyre (Sour), Sidon (Saida) and Arados (Arwad), hence the name Tripoli, meaning "triple city" in Greek. Tripoli has a wide rich historic heritage which goes back to Phoenicians about 1500BC, and ends with the Ottomans. This coastal city is classified among the richest eastern shore cities in terms of the monumental heritage that represents the different historical periods, and is considered the second after Cairo due to its Mameluke monuments heritage. 2.2 Tripoli city advantages and problems Tripoli's geographic location and historic networks strengthen its position as a regional passage not only on national neighbourhoods but on international border. Physically, the city is characterized by a unique urban heritage core that not only extents significant periods in Lebanon’s history but also directories the larger history of the region. Moreover, it acts as an attractive pole for local, national and international visitors. Around 190 monuments including residential, religious and commercial structures have been classified as cultural heritage structures and are thus protected from destruction. Today, and despite changed international, regional and national circumstances, Tripoli still has considerable potential to become a regional pole of attraction on several levels. As such, its competitive advantages are based on three prime factors: a) Its geographic location and potential growth as a regional centre for trade, transportation and agricultural exports, b) Its environmentally protected islands as well as c) Its considerable cultural heritage assets.


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2.3 Monuments heritage and historical sites of Tripoli Tourism is one of the key assets of Tripoli with the potential to become the key engine of the economic growth in this city. It boasts a rich and diverse range of protected neighbourhoods, monuments, sites and nature preserves that include the historic core of the city. Nowadays, Archaeologists and historians consider it as being the second best preserved Mameluk city after Cairo. Its 40 standing medieval monuments in the old town extend to the foot of the towering Crusader citadel and remain as living witness to the lives and customs of a medieval Islamic city. 2.3.1 The most significant historical places are: Clock tower: The Clock tower is one of the most popular monuments in Tripoli. it has been constructed by the Ottomans as a gift to Tripoli city. Nawfal Palace: The Palace is used these days for cultural activities and conventions Takiyah Mawlawiyyah: Takiyah is a three floors Ottoman building and the Turkish government is funding its reconstruction which is expected to be completed by the mid of 2012. Tell Oulya Mosque:. It was built in 1872 during the Ottoman period. The mosque was reconstructed in the 1970s. Moussa café is an important social gathering area where its pavement and square turned into cafes where people gather to have nargile (or sheesha), play cards, and tawla (backgammon). Actually, it has very active and long nights, especially during the holly month “Ramadan”. 2.3.2 Old fountains in Tripoli The very famous old fountain called Millaha is located in the old souk. It is considered as a social gathering area and local landmark in the famous Bazirkan souk in the old city centre. Another famous fountain is the one located in Manshiyyeh in Al-Tall Square. 2.3.3 The old Souks of Tripoli Sagha (jewelries ), khiyateen (tailors), Aatarin (perfumery), Haraj (leathers), koundarjiyeh (shoesmakers), Bazerkan (Bazar), Nahhasin (coppers), and Khodra (Vegetables). 2.3.4 The Khans of Tripoli old city centre: Khan Al Khayyatin (Tailors’ khan) was built in 1341. Khan al Aaskar (Soldiers’ Khan): It is a Mameluk barracks and was used by successive Ottoman and French forces down to modern times. Khan Al-Misriryin (Egyptian Khan) so called probably because it was built by Egyptian Mameluks. Khan al Saboun (Soap Khan) The Khan was built at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Hammam Izz El-Din: Built by the Mameluk prince “Izzedin Aibek”, it was the first public bath in the new provincial capital. Hammam al Jadid (new Hammam) the "New Bath" because it was constructed in 1740 and was relatively new compared to the fourteenth century Hammams built by Mameluk governors of Tripoli. 2.4 Re-defining the border of the old city Centre This study is dealing with tourism and tourists’ cognitive maps as tool to facilitate the tourists’ visits and increase the tourists’ number. Therefore defining the borders should be related to touristic interests and should present definitions of different landmark in order to create cognitive maps. According to theories and studies of cognitive maps, landmarks are major necessity to help people drawing their own maps. Moreover, these landmarks can be effective in drawing or defining accesses to the historical Centre and connecting different squares and sites. Since Tripoli city boasts a rich and diverse range of protected neighbourhoods, monuments, sites and nature preserves, the border definition is a sensitive and critical task. Consequently, the selection is based on two objectives. The first is the historical value of the old city Centre, and the historical “Tall” district. The second is the importance of the landmarks to draw a cognitive map. Therefore, the new border is defined based on combining between the cultural heritage and

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the tourists needs. The border was extended to Tall Square, where there is important cultural heritage in forms of historical buildings and the existence of main shopping street. However, the Tall square is an important place where is centered the public transportation, and the arrival point from Beirut.

Figure 2. The re-defined border of the old city centre and the historical buildings and classified cultural heritage site

3 THEORY REVIEW AND FRAMEWORK After the completion of phase I and nearly phase II of the Cultural Heritage Management project in the old city centre, the area started to witness many architectural, social, and economic improvements. However the outcome of the project is not yet seen in the tourism sector and in the city level. Many reasons have contributed in such situation, but the most important is the absence of connectivity between different areas within the project border, and the project border itself. Obviously, the project defined the border based on specific architectural values in particular historical period which is the Mameluks. The border has not considered the other historical neighborhood related to different historical years, mostly the Ottomans. Despite their historical importance, Tall square, the clock tower and many other important historical places were not included. Moreover, the connectivity between the historical places within the defined bordered was not concerned and the entrance to the old city centre was not established and nearly restricted to the citadel side road. If this projects aimed to revive the fame of the cultural heritage, and enhance the old city centre as a touristic destination in Tripoli city, the connectivity between the districts, the historical architectural heritage, the different land use functionality and the other important city level land marks should be evaluated and activated. A network between the different functions and different areas should be considered. There are different types of Souks, Hammams, Khans, etc. but there is no clear connection among them. The tourists will not be able to find their way easily and can not to create their own cognitive maps that usually facilitate their way-finding within the historical centre. The more the way-finding is clear the more efficient the tourists’ trip will be, reflecting increases in the local activities and the local economy. Therefore, a framework based on re-defined borders, creating entrances, spatial usages, cognitive map, pedestrian axels, and nodes networking will be established to measure the connection among the existing historical potentials, and to link them to the local economic development. Concepts of physical, cognitive and economic linkages have become widely accepted and applied in many fields, including cognitive psychology, planning, architectural design and marketing. Use of corridors and paths has been implemented in city planning, architectural design, wildlife management, park design, community development, and transportation systems.


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This paper summarizes and synthesizes literature from diverse fields and applications to suggest a framework for community-based tourism using an integrated system of linkages. The frame work will be based on Benyon and Hook Way-finding theory and uses Lynch five concepts of cognitive map as tool to investigate and analyze the connectivity between the architectural heritage and the cultural heritage to establish successful touristic destination to integrate the different heritage values into one touristic destination. The landmark will be defined, the nodes will be investigated, the districts will be analyzed, and the paths will be considered to create an evaluation of the old city centre. 3.1 Way-finding, Spatial Cognition, and Spatial Social Science Successful way-finding depends a great deal on simplifying the messages presented to the first time visitor so they are not overwhelmed with excessive and unnecessary information. For tourist, destination must be attractive, their visit must be pleasant, and their new experience of the visited place must be memorable. Therefore, the way-finding is an important aspect for tourist to enjoy the destination. There are many definitions of way-finding, but the most related to this paper is what was identified under three different categories by Benyon and Höök: Object identification, exploration, and way-finding (Benyon and Höök, 1997). Object identification is using personal criteria to understand and classify the surrounding environment according to personal criteria and try to relate them physically. An example from the study area can be when seeing an old mosque, Burtassi mosque, by the river side facing an intersection of roads or transfer between pedestrian and traffic. Exploration is more related to objects and how are connected within the place. An example is the Burtassi mosque, the Khiyatin Souk, and an old fountain named Millaha and how they are connected. Way-finding is dealing with where the object is located and its value for individuals. It is the method people use to figure out the target they want to reach. It is mainly based to help visitors to find out their targets without being lost in the visited area and to enjoy their experience in the place. Tourists can find Tall Al Oulya café relating it to the Tall square and the clock tower. Way-finding is important for exploration since people will not be willing to explore a place where they failed to locate themselves and had uncomfortable experience with the place. People will often turn to other people for information on Way-finding rather than use more formalized information pieces. When navigating cities people will often ask other people for advice rather than study maps or follow signs; Information from other people has a huge advantage over information on signs and maps because it is usually personalized and adapted to suit the individual’s needs. We find our way through spaces by talking to or following the trails of others. For Down and Stea (1973) and Passini (1984) the way-finding process involves four steps: orienting oneself in the environment, choosing the correct route, monitoring this route, and recognizing that the destination has been reached. Psychologists were mostly interested to study the personal ability to find out the way in a new place (Kuipers, 1982; Gärling, 1982). The normal mental reaction in a new place is to define landmarks, then to connect them to location. This mental reaction to relate landmarks with location is known as cognitive maps, and it is directly related to the personal ability of spatial cognition. 3.2 Spatial Social Science Spatial Social Science recognizes the key role that spatial concepts, such as distance, location, proximity, neighborhood, and region play in human society; promotes research that advances the understanding of spatial patterns and processes; and invokes powerful principles of spatial thinking. Within economics, spatial perspectives have led to better modeling of human/environment interaction, better understanding of spatial dynamics, and new thinking about the relationships between micro elements and macro outcomes. Dawn Parker, Center for Social Complexity, George Mason University Spatial thinking offers logic for interpreting the world, a well-established set of models, and a rich set of tools for visualizing, analyzing, and integrating diverse sources of information (O’Sullivan and Unwin 2002). The basic principles include: Integration. Location provides an

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essential linkage between disparate forms of information and between the distinct processes studied by different disciplines. For example, maps of environmental quality and human health can be overlaid to examine correlations that may suggest clues for guiding future research. 3.3 Cognitive Map A sub-title of spatial cognition is cognitive mapping which has been defined by Downs and Stea as: “a process composed of a series of psychological transformations by which an individual acquires, stores, recalls, and decodes information about the relative locations and attributes of the phenomena in his everyday spatial environment”. (Downs and Stea, 1973) A lot of work has been done on how people find out their way and how they develop their cognitive maps. The mental presentation of a place is based on the individuals target and change according to the aim (Tversky, 1993). In Tripoli old city centre there are different targets and aims such Souks, Hammams, or social gathering places, which can present different combination of locations and targets. People develop knowledge of the space over time and through the experience of interacting with and within a space (Norman, 1999). Cognitive maps inform and help people explore, understand and find their way through spaces. People exploring the city need to know and form the surrounding urban components into a personal form to be able to create their way-finding mental maps (Lynch, 1960). In his book, “image of the city”, Kevin Lynch discusses the mental maps as an important method people use to understand and navigate in urban space. The mental map for him is formed by combining the space image and the mental picture. Lynch introduces the concept of “place legibility”, or what is also known as imagibility or visibility, which is essential to understand the urban place. Lynch cognitive map consists of a network composed of five distinctive elements: edges, nodes, districts, landmarks, and paths. Edges are the boundaries and breaks forming the ends of the urban place. The edges include physical limitation as city walls, and natural limitations as seashores. In Tripoli city the edges are the Abu Ali River and the Bishara Al Khoury Boulevard which is connected to Beirut highway with Al Noor Square and to Mitein Street. The Bshara al Khoury Boulevard separates the old city from the modern parts and creates border between the old historical city centre and today’s centre. Nodes are strategic focus points for orientation like squares and junctions. They are spots where there is an extra focus, or added concentration of city features. Prime examples of nodes include a busy intersection or a popular city center. Tripoli old city centre contains five important squares forming its nodes: Al Nijme, al Tall, Saraya al Aatika, Bab al Ramel, and Khan al Askar square. Nijme square is newly named Sultan Kalawoon Square and forms an intersection for four important streets. The Tall Square was an Ottoman administrative Saray, and in the present, it is the core of the city. The Tall area is surrounded by important historical building and it connects important parts of the city. Moreover, its strategic location according to the city emphasizes its role as transfer points, and its role as an entrance to the historical old centre. The Saray al Aatikah square is named after the old Ottoman army Saray nearby, which still standing up but need urgent restoration. This square is connecting many important parts in the core of the old city such Khan al Saboun, al Mansouri al Kabir Mosque, al Saghah Souk, Kindarjiyeh souk, Nihassin Souk and al Nijme square. The Bab al Ramel sqaure connects the Tall squares with the Moussa café and Taynal Mosque. It is also directly connected to Nijme – Saray al Aatika, and Khan al Aaskar squares. The Khan al Aaskar square is located by the end of the Churches Street where many historical churches are clustering. It is mainly connected to Saray al Aatika and the river side. Districts are sections of the city, usually relatively substantial in size, having a special character. A wealthy neighborhood such Beverly Hills is one international example. The old city centre of Tripoli is distinguished by its districts characteristics since it is formed from historical specialized souks: Sagha (Jewelries),khiyateen(Tailors), Aatarin (perfumery), Haraj and Khodra (Vegetables).

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Figure 6: paths connecting districts and nodes

In conclusion, it is important to keep the tourists desires as the main target when planning and re-introducing a tourist destination. Moreover, it is important to focus on the tourist’s initiatives and presented motivation of the destination. Tripoli old city Centre is presented as a cultural heritage touristic destination, the city combines many historical buildings, cultural heritage, and architectural heritage. Therefore, an effective network connecting its heritage is a necessity to make it a touristic destination. Tripoli city centre contains the main tools to facilitate the tourists’ way-finding within its historical area. The connection between the city elements (landmarks, nodes, and districts) within the existence of the edges, create helpful cognitive maps and clear way-finding. Therefore, tourists will enjoy exiting visit and consequently more tourists will be attracted and the increase of tourists’ number will lead to increase in the activities within the historical centre, increase in demands of goods, services and competitiveness. As a result, tourism sector within the old city centre of Tripoli will generates directly and indirectly an increase in economic activities. This increase will not be restricted to the historical centre but it will be generated to the city level. REFERENCES: Alexander, Ishikawa, and silverstein (1977), A Pattern Language: Towns, Buildings, Construction (Cess Center for Environmental) Buhalis D. and Costa C. (2006),Tourism business frontiers: consumers, products and industry Benyon, D. R. and Höök, K. (1997), Navigation in Information Spaces: supporting the individual Proceedings of Interact 97 Chapman and Hall Downs, R. M. and Stea, D. (1973), “Cognitive maps and spatial behavior: processes and products”, in Image and Environment Cognitive Mapping and Spatial Behavior, Downs, R. M., and Stea, D. (Eds.), 8-26. Chicago, IL: Aldine. Downs, R. M. and Stea, D. (1977), Maps in Minds Reflections on Cognitive Mapping. New York: Harper and Row. Golledge, R. G. (1993), “Geographical perspectives on spatial cognition”, in Gärling,


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T. and Golledge, R. G. (Eds.), Behavior and Environment Psychological and Geographical Perspectives, 16-46. North-Holland: Elsevier. Golledge, R. G. and Rushton, G. (1976), “Introduction”, in Golledge, R. G. and Rushton, G. (Eds.), Spatial Choice and Spatial Behavior Geographic Essays on the Analysis of Preferences and Perceptions, vii-xiii. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press. Golledge, R. G. and Stimson, R. J. (1997), Spatial Behavior A Geographic Perspective. London: The Guilford Press. Golledge, R. G. and Timmermans, H. (1990), “Applications of behavioral researchon spatial problems I: cognition”, Progress in Human Geography, 14 (1), 57-99. Golledge, R. G., Dougherty, V. and Bell, S. (1995), “Acquiring spatial knowledge:survey versus route based knowledge in unfamiliar environments”, Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 85 (1), 134-158.

Hillier B. (1997), Space is the Machine: A Configurational Theory of Architecture, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge.

Hillier B. and Hanson J. (1984), The Social Logic of Space, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge. Lynch, K. (1960), The Image of the City. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. McKercher B., and Du Cros B. (2002), Cultural tourism: the partnership between tourism and cultural heritage management. Rushton, G. (1993), “Human behavior in spatial analysis”, Urban Geography, 14 (5), 447-456. O’Sullivan and Unwin (2002), Geographic Information Analysis

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An interactive e-cultural hub for democracy practices and future heritage creation B. Reda Abou El Fadl Management and Development of Cultural Heritage (MDCH), IMT Institute for Advanced Studies, Lucca, Italy.

ABSTRACT: In the present era, we require a project such as this. It introduces the concept of thinking of democracy practice in a public space as cultural heritage. This unique cultural heritage should be represented and practiced collectively. This position is founded upon the recent events in Egypt where political and public interaction occurred in a physical public space (Tahrir Square) coexisting with a digital public space (Face book, ‘blogosphere’). Like other countries that are facing a problematic transition to democratic government, Egypt requires a practical solution: public space for the peaceful, equal, and meaningful interaction of the political and public spheres. The aim of this research is to support a new form of public space – an interactive cultural hub for democracy – with ICT concepts and engagement tools to be utilized within a built public space. The functional necessity of this project of a physical public forum is founded upon recent examples of grass-roots democratic action.

1 CONCEPT STATEMENT Theories about public space advocate that for reasons of democratic authenticity, spaces should be open - not just to the public as onlookers but as active participants as well. According to Hannah Arendt, there could be no exercise of freedom without the creation of a 'space of appearance' and even 'a right to appear’ (Ranciere, 2011). In Egypt we are suffering from a repression of alternative opinions, and likewise, from an inadequacy of public space for freedom of speech. Elsewhere, the unexpected worldwide phenomena of political refusal has appeared to reflected a ‘cultural revolution’ in the political use of public space (from Tripoli to Wall Street). These ‘cultural revolutions’ occurred in informal public spaces facing disconnection with their respective socio-political (and economic) establishments. This movement in popular ‘occupation’ protests demonstrates the gap between an informal public space (a square) and the more formal (e.g. parliament) as from exasperation with the latter the demos turns to the latter. Yet, in the twenty-first century this latter has also proven unsatisfactory given the rise of the cyber world, but as experienced in Egypt, it was a misplaced faith in digital communication as a democratic tool (the regime received more information through the internet than it might have ever received through informants). But the combination of the physical and digital public space is not a solution on its own. Such a project must be legitimized through a new cultural heritage of democracy. The artistic legacy of the blood and tears, the hopes and struggles of these revolutions are works of art with a remarkable impact and poignancy and must be the foundation for the future, and for the viability of a new hybrid public space for democratic engagement. Democracy must be commemorated in the same way that independence and liberation movements have always received. As a national public identity was created, so too must a democratic public be incubated and encouraged.

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ONCPT ELA ABORATION N 2 CO This paper demonnstrates the dire d need forr an adequatee public spacce typology ddrawn from reflecr s andd methods fo or what makees a successfu ful place for demod tions upon the conntemporary situation F , this paper advocates an n architecturral solution, a synthesis of the craticc practices. Furthermore, four spheres; s phillosophical, architectural, a , political an nd historical elements. Thhis will attem mpt to countter the mispllaced faith inn digital com mmunication as a democrratic tool. Thhis paper disccusses a new w design conncept for a ‘ddemocratic public p space’ by providinng ICT tools and conceptts (not as cyyber, but as physical) p forr creating ann interactive e-Hub that supports, s enccourages, and sustains the functionnal necessityy of a physical public forrum with reggards both thhe recent forrms of o social com mmunication. demoocratic actionn and its diveerse modes of Thhus, the e-Cuultural Hub becomes b the place wheree people and politics inteeract in a susstainable (iin this sense, legitimate, secure, and hospitable) physical spaace. The paper suggest th he use of IC CT as the key to creatingg “an Interacctive e-Cultu ural Hub.” The T concept design shou uld includee the followinng functions; education in i learning frrom previouss experiencee; awareness of the pervious and currrent politicall, cultural, soocial and eco onomical situuation; and ddiscussion an nd exchangge of opinionns on democcratic practice. This will create the fuuture democrratic cultural heritage as a summarizeed in Figure 1.

Figuree 1: Developiing project concept theory: ICT utilizatio on (By the reseearcher, 2012)

Thhis goal can be b released by b connectingg diverse arcchitectural zoones that expploit ICT to design d fractaals of culturral experiencces. ICT cann create a sp pace for praccticing demoocracy and a new functtion for cultuural heritage as a tool for political awaareness and education. e Itt can sustain an instant documentatiion for all vaaluable evennts that sustaain future cullture heritagee. This Interractive e-Culltural Hub (aas illustratedd in Figure 2) creates a new n platform m for the acceess of knowledge, expreession of creeative experiience, awareeness of ourr rights, and learning thee ethics of debate. d This new democrratic activityy becomes thhe political trradition, a froom of politiccal heritage as the practiice of demoocracy since the time off Athens’s Agora A to Libberation Square. It proviides a spacee for protestiing and freeddom of speecch, decreasin ng the gap beetween publiic and govern nment with one platform m for public communicattion. This caan provide a place for invviting the staate for conveersation on a public land - on public terms. t Thhe project aim ms to networrk the events of differen nt democraticc practice noodes. It guaraantees the acccessibility to t public spaaces with its active current events. It creates a creeative netwo ork for the cooordination and represenntation of sim multaneous events. e The project p sustaains the Libeeration Squarre energy wiith its new fractals f to the place. Thiss interferencce of ICT guuarantees to an a engaginng audience through creaative interacttion tools, th hus melting the t barriers of expressio on and freeddom of speecch, to even measuring m the mood with h high technoology indicaator tools (Ro onchi, 2009)). ICT also offers o a soluution to transscending a built b space foor practicingg democracy and a new function f for the disseminnation of culttural heritagee as a tool foor political aw wareness and d educationn, even for thhe instant doocumentationn for all valu uable events to sustain fuuture culture heritage. This T could be of particulaar value for the t virtual prreservation of o cultural m memories and political events e from direct d and im mmediate souurces and theiir interpretattion by particcipants.


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Figurre 2: Developpment of the Design D conceppt (the research her, 2012)

M CONSE EQUENCES S 3 MAIN The project p resurrrects vital ellements (of historical h an nd symbolic value) withinn the urban fabric of a city. c This addaptive reusee of public spaces s createes a permaneent synthesiss for politicaal and culturral practice. It utilizes thhe existing abandoned a heritage h to bee interactivee museum fo or ‘heroes’ and ‘memoories’. The prroject comm memorates no otable culturral revolutionnary events as the Egypptian revolutiions with alll its active cuultural signifficance. It viisibly promootes a uniquee form of cuultural heritagge which occcurred from the experien nce of revoluution and thaat can thus sustain its fuuture practicee. At a seconndary level, the t project crreates a new ‘touristic’ experience th hrough valorrization of fuuture cultural heritage. 4 IC CT CONCEP PTS AND TO OOLS The research r pressented here claims c that thhe implication of a successsful utilizatiion of ICT for f the field of democraccy and publicc space creattion is viablee. Moreover, that ICT - as interactive tool c efficientlly facilitate public p space towards acceessibility, coommunication n, and is opttimum as it can comm memoration of events. Remembering R g the fundam mental activitties of the pproject (educcation, awareeness, and discussion) d IC CT could brridge the gap p between digital d accesss and the ph hysical culturral experiencce. Mirroringg the three fuundamental activities, a thee use of ICT can be divid ded into thrree essential frameworks. Thhe first requiired ICT conncept - Digittalization by y Interactive Gesture Reccognition Arrchive Systeem - is for thhe documenttation of intaangible mateerial of revollutionary acttion through h compreheensive visuall reality. Thiis frameworkk would prov vide a detailed interface to navigate news, underrstand the toopological mapping m of a political eveent, index off images (relaated to geog graphical reference points that couuld emphasiis the diverrse nodes off revolution,, see DECIP PHER d proproject, 2009). It could createe a timeline database forr the revoluttion - holdinng videos and g l data, photorrealistic 3D models. Theerefore, the framef videss multimediaa content of geographical workk will providee digital acceess to explainn the historiccal and curreent physical events withiin cultural heritage sites. i notaable events w with in a geog graphThhe second conncept - Geo-location Conncept - is to identify ical location. By mapping thee historical and a symbolicc significancee of sites, tthis framewo ork fat choose thee event accorrding to the place p (CPSI - Multimediia Innovation n Cencilitattes the user to tre). The frameework also relies on an important sub-conncept - “A Augmented Space a enhancedd experience to reConteextualizationn” - to provides the phyysical public space with an discoover the histoorical events and re-imbuuing them wiith historical symbolic poower. It com mpletes the exxact context with integraating the reality (the existting conditioon) to the virttual (missing g part) by pllacing 3D obbjects and ‘m mood’ filters to create a collective im mage of cultuural heritagee as in

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Figurre 3. This wiill work in a similar wayy to ‘The Rom me Reborn project’ p wheen it tried to create 3D digital d models illustratinng the urbann development of anciennt Rome witth highly deetailed modeels of buildinngs to show its users the old originall condition (R Roman Foruum 320 AD, Rome reborrn 2.0 projectts).

Figuure 3: Enhanceed Reality supperimposes thee real world with w digital infformation to produce a Com mprehensive ouutput (The ressearcher, 20122)

Thhe third conccept - The Educational Innteractive Display D - creaates interactiive exhibitio on displayss of cultural heritage h for learning pollitical ethics and construcctive debate.. This space could be inside the ‘debbate academyy’ that couldd include inteeractive floorr projectionss, multi-user touch y practical exxperiences (CREATE prroject, wallss, and/or inteeractive tablle projectionns to convey 2003)). Several suub-concepts will w be requiired to suppo ort educationn. “The Senssor Media Tower” is a laandmark witth high sensiitivity cells to t discern the public moood. It is connnected to thee freedom platform witth a floor seensor. The chhanges of co olor act as a landmark too the public space p Acccordingly thiis tower can measure thee instant publlic sadepennding on the use of the platform. tisfacction and moood. Furtherm more, “The Augmented A T nication Hyp permeReality by Telecommun dia Display” D is a simulation of actual evvents from on ne public sppace to the oother space (ART( SENS SE project, 2011). 2 It proovides an inteeractive and digitally maanipulable soocial network k with an inntercommuniccation hyperr-network thrrough interactive walls set-up s the in ‘liberation public p spacee’. This will mirror in soomeways thee sub-concep pt of the “Innteractive H Holographic Touch T wall”” - an interacctive displayy screen withh multi touch informatioon wall to alllow people to express their opinioon and comm municate bettween diversse interactivee multimediaa walls. Thee final M N Narrative Waall” - is a reppresentation oof previous events e educaational conceept - “The Multi-Touch portraayed throughh creative diigital media. It is a noveel type of muultimedia obbject that willl produce Enhanced Multimedia M M Objects,, EMMOs (C Meta CULTOS prooject, 2003). D creaates interactiive exhibition disThhe fifth conccept; “The Educational Interactive Display” playss of cultural heritage h for learning poliitical and deebate ethics. This space ccould be insid de the debatte academy that t include interactive i fl floor projections, multi-user touch waalls, interactiive table projections foor practical experience e (C CREATE pro oject, 2003).. The sixth cconcept “Thee SenM Towerr” as a landm mark with higgh sensitivity y cells discriiminates the public mood d. It is sor Media conneected to the freedom plattform with floor f sensor. The changess of color act as a landm mark to the puublic space depending d on the use off the platform m. Accordinggly this toweer can measu ure the instannt public sattisfaction andd mood. Thee seventh co oncept; “Thee Augmentedd Reality by Telecomm munication Hypermedia H D Display” is a Simulation of the actuall events from m one public space to thee other spacee. (ARTSENSE project, 2011). 2 It prov vides interacctive and diggitally manipu ulable sociaal network with w intercom mmunication hyper netwo ork through interactive w walls in libeeration publiic space. Thee eigth conceept; “Interacttive Holograp phic Touch wall”, w is an iinteractive display d screen with multii touch inform mation wall to t allow peo ople to expresss their opiniion and com mmunib diveerse interactiive multimeddia walls. Th he ninth conccept; “The M Multi-Touch NarraN cate between tive Wall” W is a representatio r n by new teechnology co ontribution expresses e thhe previous events e throuugh creative experience. e I is a novel type of multimedia objeect that will pproduce Enh It hanced Multiimedia Metaa Objects, EM MMOs (CUL LTOS projectt, 2003).


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tural heritage. We have to predict that in the future there will be yet more serious consequences if the current disengagement between the public and their political establishments continues. 7 REFERENCES Council of Europe. 1999. Digital culture in Europe: A selective inventory of centers of innovation in the arts and new technologies, Council of Europe Publishing. Council of Europe (1999) Digital culture in Europe: A selective inventory of centers of innovation in the arts and new technologies. Council of Europe Publishing, Paris. EC. 1996. Multi-media access to Europe’s cultural heritage: Memorandum of Understanding. European Commission. European Commission, Brussels, S. Ross, M. Donnelly, M. Dobreva (2003) New technologies for the cultural and scientific heritage sector. Hoskyns, T. 2005. City/Democracy: Retrieving Citizenship Architecture and Participation, eds., New York, Peter Blundell Jones. Spon Press. Ronchi, A.M. 2009. E Culture: Cultural Content in the Digital Age. Springer. Ranciere. 2011. Critique of Hannah Arendt; Enacting the Right to Have Rights. European Journal of political Theory. Veltman, H. 2004. Understanding new media: Augmented knowledge and culture. Calgary. University of Calgary Press. www.a10.eu (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.artsense.eu/?page_id=4 (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.chessexperience.eu (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.cultura-strep.eu/home/vision (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.cultureclic.fr/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.cultos.org/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.eu-chic.eu/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.formula-d.co.za/multi-touch_wall_fdi100.html (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.formula-d.co.za/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.eternalgandhi.org (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.newseum.org/ (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.sensory-minds.com (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1) www.studioazzurro.com/news/view/78 (accessed 01/05/2012, 18:00GMT+1)

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Learning from traditional rural building cultures M. T. Feraboli School of Engineering-Architecture, Dept. INDACO, Politecnico di Milano, Milan, Italy

ABSTRACT: The aim of this study is to demonstrate that the building systems and traditional types – formed spontaneously over time in response to the climate and natural environment of various countries, especially in rural areas - are still a social incentive and technical assistance to the sustainable project in developing countries, particularly in Africa. This line of thinking and design practice, anticipated by Hassan Fathy, is now shared by several architects, among which Kéré in Burkina Faso, Carin Smuts in South Africa , Fabrizio Carola in Mali, all convinced that: “Culture is the product of a people’s history” (Wa Thiong’O Nogugi). Historically - despite the claim of ideological and practical materials and techniques of modern (reinforced concrete, steel and glass) - the building systems and rural housing typologies assumed a paradigmatic value in the minds of designers.

1 INTRODUCTION The first decade of the twenty-first century ended with an increasing attention from designers and academic culture for an architecture focusing once more on the man, his environment and its history. Perhaps owing to of the widespread and growing crisis, scholars and technicians seem to move away from the scenic formalisms of globalization in favour of a renewed commitment to the themes of living, health and education, extending its scope of research to both emerging and developing countries. Recent evidence of this have been the exhibitions Casa per tutti, Abitare la città globale (2008) at the Triennale of Milan and Small Scale, Big Change. New Architectures of Social Engagement (2010) at MoMA in New York (Irace, 2008; Lepik, 2010). The first exhibition underlined the theme of the house as a primary resource in any civilized society, both in the emergency created by conflicts, natural disasters or endemic poverty of the country and in the daily life in the Western world, where the variations of the household and social and working behaviours require renewed residential solutions. It brought back in the cultural scene a moral imperative typical of the early modern architectural movements, recalling how the architectural practice cannot exclusively take care of spectacular structures such as those implemented in museums, auditoriums or skyscrapers. If Casa per tutti has indicated the need to take a new path recovering a forgotten ethical commitment, Small Scale, Big Change has recorded the first steps in that direction, exposing projects characterized by a pragmatic approach to the issues of the physical and social context in which they are carried out. It is about works demanded by wordly-wise clients and often developed by a young generation of architects, in their thirties, whose works are mainly located in developing countries. Of the eleven works exhibited, in fact, only four are found in industrialized countries, France and the United States, and share with the others a truly feasible humanitarian goal. They are residential homes for the elderly and children, cultural centres for kids in

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need, self-built housing experiments at low cost or sensitive renovation of existing apartment buildings, made by applying criteria of psychophysical and environmental well being. The selected works in the poorest countries are small schools, such as those in Gando by Diébédo Kéré Francis (Burkina Faso, 2001) and Anna Heringer and Eike of Rudrapur Roswag (Bangladesh, 2006) or economic residential areas such as the fishermen homes near Tyre Hashim Sarkis (Lebanon, 2008) or La Quinta Monroy Ichique Alejandro Aravena (Chile, 2005). These types of projects - sometimes extended to the redevelopment of degraded areas through urban facilities and museums of social memory - reveal the willingness to establish an effective dialogue between architecture and the communities doomed to live it. This is an operational mode which uses the direct knowledge of the project areas, the natural environment, the economic conditions and cultural practices of the future users, so as to pull over - next to the materials and current technologies - building systems and materials maintained in local experience. This attitude is indeed the result of a pragmatic view that aims at solving practical problems, but also has the advantage of preserving the identity of a place and a community allowing its future and more responsible development. As stated by Kazuyo Sejima in the presentation of the 12th Biennale of Venice, of which she was the curator, architecture is the "mirror of the collective consciousness, the physical encapsulation of changing lifestyles. Each of our new perception of life is born from this changing society and develops as the result of the region, the culture or the city of origin ". (Sejima, 2010). It is, therefore, a real operational contribution what the building systems add to the traditional architecture of the XXI century in certain countries, not counting the soothing effect that the rural landscapes and traditional buildings convey also in the industrialized West, thanks to their ideally timeless and unchanged image. To date, in fact, rural building is often given recognition both for the ability to respect the natural and human environment, steadily fitting in with the environment through the use of local resources and labour, and for the reliability, rationality and technical responsiveness of the workmanships. 2 THE RURAL BUILDING TRADITION AS AN INCENTIVE TO THE SUSTAINABLE PROJECT Over the centuries, each region and rural areas - from the coast to the hill slopes, from irrigated plains to the mountains - was marked by the development of an economy and a housing connected to the context and the raw materials found there, favouring the onset of a human landscape with identifiable traits. The buildings from therein derived, in fact, are the result of a set of knowledge and practical solutions that have been spontaneously handed down from one generation to another, without being submitted to a critical theorization or authorship of a single designer. Rural buildings and houses are, therefore, structures born in relation to the climatic and environmental specificities of the place that preserve and pose again the effectiveness of techniques selected by time and use. In the industrialized West this tangible heritage of rural building has for decades become object of protection and study by the discipline of restoration, while the building systems related to it are now treated as a new kind of heritage, that of the "intangible of traditions" rarely preserved but still recoverable at restoration and preservation. This heritage, however, is still living in developing countries, especially in less developed areas of already poor nations such as Mali or Burkina Faso in Africa, or along some coastal areas of Lebanon or in different parts of Bangladesh, India or China, especially when as yet untouched by urban growth. Here the rural building and traditional building techniques continue to hand down in active way the sense of identity of the place and of the population, by assuming the value of communicative go-between among designers with an academic background, workers and local communities. Carin Smuts, South African architect, who works in contact with the new poverty, that of the townships, underlines from the site of her study how rural settlements are, in terms of distribution, a reference for the understanding and the intervention in these newly formed areas. She writes: “In this regard rural vernacular architecture provides solutions which are extremely interesting and relevant which are closely related to urban informal settlements”(Smuts, 2010).


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3 TRACKS OF THE INTEREST FOR THE RURAL BUILDING TRADITION BETWEEN THE MEDITERRANEAN AND AFRICA IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY Despite the fascination exerted by the materials and construction techniques of the Modern (reinforced concrete, steel and glass), the interest in traditional building culture has always been present in the twentieth century, even if relegated to an apparently secondary role. The attention to the anonymous vernacular building has remained especially in the design practice and has been definitely overshadowed in the historical construction of modernity, since the Pioneers of the Modern Movement by Nikolaus Pevsner (1936). Le Corbusier himself, however, after proclaiming the paradigm driver as "good news" for the man of his time, was open to a thoughtful rediscovery of the constructive habits of the past, blending them with modern lexicon. Since the end of the twenties he has regained full use of rough stone in the house for Madame de Mandrot (1929-1931), the Catalan vault covered by vegetation for the weekend house on the outskirts of Paris (1935) and the disposition of openings to take advantage of natural ventilation in the maison aux Mathes (1935). All solutions dictated by aesthetic and technical considerations: especially in the latter case where the limited financial budget and the inability to directly monitor the construction site have led the architect to use a local company and the raw materials available in place: stone and wood. So it is also in the not carried out projects of the house for Erruriz unrealized projects in Chile (1930) and for the farm Cherchell in North Africa (1942), where the lack of trained workers and the poverty of places have prompted the designer to assume the use of rustic materials and traditional techniques: blocks of stone, accompanied by sloping tiled roofs in the first case and vaults in hollow bricks in the second It is therefore possible that facing settings, climatically difficult and lacking in resources, the supreme confidence nurtured by Corbusier in the technological progress started to fade, giving way to the attention to traditional building methods that will have its greatest success in the building of Chandigarh, the capital of Indian Punjab (1951-1965). In the thirties, in fact, European architects develop a special attention for rural housing, especially that of the Mediterranean, as they read in this a timeless and anonymous construction model , which foresees the concept of standards established by the rationalist culture. With different shades José Luis Sert from Spain, Raoul Hausmann and Erwin Broner after moving to Ibiza, Giuseppe Pagano from Italy underline that the farmhouses and their outbuildings are born from a practical response to needs and climate, which specifies its characteristics over time through a rational and spontaneous selection of the best solutions. Pagano also extends his reasoning to all geographic areas of rural Italy that range from mountains to plains, from the coast to the hill. He carries out a photographic survey and offers the public the results with the exhibition at the Italian Rural Architecture VI Triennale of Milan, in 1936. Pictures of farmhouses in Lombardy and fishermen's houses, Tuscan farmhouses and rustic mountains homes alternate not as directly operating models, but as examples of a methodology sensitive to the characteristics of the climate, society and the environment, capable of innovation in case a change in these characteristics occurred. Example of such innovation are the houses designed in 1937 by the same Pagano for the Italian colonies in East Africa. Designed to "solve the national problems of the rural, artisan and worker house", they consist of concrete panels manufactured and standardized on-site and so introduce new technologies in agriculture. His solution is, however, the result of Western ways of life: it is designed to meet the same habits and the same social organization, in Italy and Africa. And, after a few years, it is this point to be called into open question by Hassan Fathy, engaged in the construction of rural villages in Egypt around the late forties. He denies the validity of the housing models proposed by the European rationalism as they are unable to express the interpersonal relations, social organization and building skills of the rural communities in Egypt. The principles of "rational standard" as taught at university, once transferred to the rural African context, turn into an incomprehensible imposition, intended to erase its history and peculiarities. This thinking is still present: the italian architect Fabrizio Caròla motivates many of his current choices with the attempt to oppose "the cultural disaster caused by placing blind architecture models of the Northwest". And Carin Smuts says: “The practice discovered that Western European models mostly taught at University were not always relevant to our local context”. (Caròla, 2007, Smuts, 2010). Fathy, also rejects the materials of the modern West - concrete, glass and steel – and recovers the construction systems of his land, the dried mud brick walls which combines a spherical vault

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roofing system that does not involve the use of wooden ribs, scarce raw material in Egypt. These are the vaults drawn with the wooden compasses in the Nubian tradition, which today Caròla Fabrizio has used once again, managing to make them pointed, thus obtaining a better air movement and better climatic comfort. The thinking of Fathy and Pagano are aimed at opposing objectives - the one to deny the validity of the rationalistic standards, the other to support it - but in both cases the rural housing is seen as a repertoire of design solutions and types form which the modern man can continue to draw, confirmed by what is happening today in non-industrialized countries. After the Second World War, in the fifties and sixties, interest in rural architecture by the architects of Europe also extends to the Mediterranean side of Africa. Several nations, in fact, still have colonies along the African coast: an example is France, which, on the work of their designers to Morocco and Algeria, publishes two quarterly issues of "L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui" in 1951 and 1955. The African land - agricultural or urbanized - become a noteworthy field of study and experimentation. But not only. In 1953, a group of young architects, some of whom will be part to the future Team X, take into consideration the slums of Casablanca and Algiers, presenting them at the 9th Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM) in Aix en Provence, causing a considerable stir. In particular, Georges and Roland Candilis Simonuet emphasize the "persistence and adaptive capacity of traditional dwelling practices", including the building ones, which continue to repetition in the slums. Their attitude is influenced by investigations initiated by the Service de l'Urbanisme that, since 1947, bind architecture and city planning to anthropology and ethnography. (Avermaete, 2010). They have the merit of extending the gaze from rural to suburban areas, anticipating the current thinking on the close connection between the life habits, building systems and the urban planning in the slums and in the traditional villages. Also in 1953, another of the future members of Team X, the Dutch architect Aldo van Eyck publishes on the magazine "Forum" an article entitled "Building in Sothern Oases" with photographs from his trip in the Algerian desert. He notices as the building he found is the result of a tradition deeply rooted in the climate, materials and customs of a culture deeply different from the Western one, but complementary to it. And he puts that forward publicly during the CIAM X in Otterlo, in 1959, showing a diagram - the Otterlo Circles - derived from the analysis of the rural architecture of the Dogon people. (Avermaete, 2010). A further manifestation of the continuing attention to the rural architecture of the Mediterranean occurs with the photo exhibition "Architecture without Architects", made by Austrian architect Bernard Rudofsky at the Museum of Modern Arts in New York in 1964. He claims that academic criteria are not suitable for the evaluation of rural buildings: the "vernacular" is not a style, but “it is a code of good manners that has no parallel in the urban world” free from the hustle and ideologies of designers. Furthermore Rudofsky, in parallel to the studies by the anthropologist Claude Levi-Strauss, emphasizes that a rediscovery of the origins can improve the civilized world and that the introduction of principles belonging to foreign cultures is a key to the revitalization of the West itself. (Bocco Guarneri, 2010). The fascination aroused by the exhibition and the relating catalogue may in part derive from the identification of anonymous building with an arcadian world that is dying: in the United States, in fact, exhibition and catalogue are presented in a moment in which culture thinks over on the damage caused by the indiscriminate growth of urbanization to the detriment of rural areas. To these considerations we add the energy crisis in the seventies that proves the planet's resources are not endless and that the industrialized world cannot ignore it. And this, in part, facilitates the appeal granted by the West to Architecture for the poor (1972), written by Hassan Fathy on his experience as an architect and builder in rural African villages, where he uses traditional techniques that do not involve the use of advanced technologies. (Fathy, 1972). In the eighties, finally, architectural historians begin to express interest in a view of history that is not only closely linked solely to the Western civilization and the most technologically advanced countries, opening up to new ideas and to a wider chronological span of the study. Modern architecture. A critical history of Kenneth Frampton (1980, 1985, 1992) and Modern architecture since 1900 by William Curtis (1982, 1987, 1996), starting from the second edition, ponder openly on the value of local traditions and culture in the spread of modernity. This analysis is addressed after both authors have charted their own interpretation of the relationship between architecture, tradition and place also through the definition of the controversial term


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"regionalism." This leads to our present in which the issues related to tradition and to the survival of local identities are increasingly being addressed in specific studies and international congresses. 4 NEW GENERATIONS AND ANCIENT BUILDING TRADITIONS IN AFRICA Interestingly, for some years, the West has been watching with growing interest the developments in design in the emerging countries and its protagonists. Perhaps tired of the phantasmagorical anonymity of the iconic architecture and encouraged by the need to reflect on the limits of our planning statutes, the directors of major magazines - "Domus", "Lotus International", "Detail", "L'Architecture d'Aujourd'hui ", " Arquitectura viva ", " Architectural Review ", " Architectural Record ", etc. - have gradually given place to the work of professionals engaged in contexts technologically backward, significantly entitling the articles, interviews and monographic issues dedicated to them. From time to time, in fact, these titles sum up the reborn ethical motivations of this architecture and its creators, or the social significance the interventions have for the communities they are designed to, or the adopted technical choices, emblem of an attitude that is respectful of the economic, environmental and human resource of the place. Clear examples are Architettura socialmente utile, in "Green", monographic issue of "Detail" (1/2011), about the schools by Kérè in Burkina Faso and Africa is everywhere in "Domus" (949/2011), as well as the series "Activism in architecture" (145/2011), "Favelas, Learning from" (143/2010) and "Sustainability?" (140/2009) of "Lotus International, or the foundation of" Boundaries " in summer 2011, Italian magazine entirely dedicated to contemporary architecture in Africa. A horizon of collective engagement seems to be taking shape, a commitment in which the concept of "sustainable design" has found an effective form of expression, which has not yet occurred just as evident in technologically advanced nations. Sustainability understood as proper assessment of the culture, economy, social organization and natural landscape, identified as the starting point for an evolution that allows the technical progress and the independence of these countries without penalizing their individuality "Help to self-help" is a statement of Diébédo Kéré Francis, an architect from Burkina Faso and graduated in Berlin, which condenses the "planning creed" of the professionals committed in Africa and in the most deprived areas of the planet. (Kéré, 2009). It is a young generation, in several cases coming from the same contexts in which it returns to work after studying in Europe or the United States, born between the early Sixties and the Seventies: Kéré (Gando, 1965) designs the villages of Burkina Faso and Hashim Sarkis (Beirut) for the fishermen’s settlements on the coast of Lebanon. And yet Edward Ng and Li Xiadong working in the most inaccessible rural areas of China. Carin Smuts (Cape Town, 1960) is engaged in the townships of South Africa, Giancarlo Mazzanti (Bogota, 1963) in the Colombian favelas and Alejandro Aravena (Santiago de Chile, 1967) on the outskirts of the largest settlements in Chile, while Teddy Cruz (Guatemala City, 1970) is devoted to the communities of the border between Mexico and California. About the same age are the Italians Riccardo Vannucci with Fare Studio, Raul Pantaleo with TamAssociati, Emilio and Matteo Caravatti that, held together by the will to work in rural areas in Africa, collaborate with non-profit associations. It is, therefore, a homogeneous group for age and goals, although geographically and ethnographically varied. The work of Anna Heringer (Rosenheim, 1977), mainly active in rural Bangladesh, tags along and is preceded by the generation of Rich and Peter Noero Wolff in South Africa, Jorge Mario Jaregui in Brasil and Fabrizio Caròla from Naples, the eldest , born in 1931, a forerunner of sustainable design in Africa. Importantly, all designers move between these two seemingly distant poles: the ancient poverty of rural areas not reached by urbanization and the new poverty in informal settlements, which arose out of each rule at the edge of major industrialized metropolitan areas. In the South African case, as evidenced by the previously mentioned words by Carin Smuts, these extremes are actually linked by systems of urban growth and distribution tied to ancient roots, connected to the aggregation modalities of the villages. Traditionally, in fact, a core housing is made up of small units, often circular in plan, among which intermediate spaces used for circulation and aggregation develop. Community buildings are few, separated by gaps that are used for the social life of the population, usually held outdoors. These free spaces, other than western streets and squares , represent an opportunity to create areas of interaction corresponding to the African

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culture and social organization. Smuts ,in fact, claims that : “The way in which the buildings are ordered and placed in the landscape also provides valuable information regarding social and cultural structures. In most traditional examples the use of decoration is important” (Smuts, 2010) The Guga s'Thebe Arts (1996-1999) in Langa, a suburb of Cape Town, is an example of the application of these principles: it is a cultural centre made up of several buildings separated depending on the paths people walk to reach the site. It is, therefore, a set of open and closed spaces defined according to the principle of development and operation of a village as opposed to the rigid urban grid imposed by apartheid. It houses artists' studios and workshops, an outdoor stage and a multipurpose space for events and performances that, with its conical shape, conceptually refers to the "rondawels", the traditional circular huts with cone roofs. This was expressly requested by the local community that the architect always consults, involving it in the course of the project and making it work at the building activity itself. The court and the front entrance of Guga s' Thebe Arts, in fact, are decorated with lots of colourful ceramic mosaics and murals, work of local artists, that tell the origins of the agricultural community, its culture and its history. (Fig. 1). The bearing structure is in brick and wood, but also steel, sheet metal and materials used in the slums of the townships. From this Carin Smuts ‘s motto "Do local: materials, details, labour" which is a sort of "toolbox" where there are constructive experiences of the past and the present. In fact, in addition to the legacy of social and formal value derived from the study of rural villages, Smuts analyzes also its technical heritage. And she claims that in the traditional structures the modalities of openings orientation , roof overhang and wall building with mud bricks represent “a perfect system of natural materials, natural use of light and it is thermally appropriate”(Smuts, 2010).

Figure 1. Carin Smuts, Guga s'Thebe Arts, Culture and Heritage Village, Langa, Western Cape (19961999).

This judgment is confirmed by Kéré Diébédo Francis author of the Primary School in Gando (1999-2001), his home town, agricultural village of Burkina Faso. He claims, in fact, that “one aim of my research and design activities is to use materials and develop traditional techniques and settlement principles that are already familiar to the local communities. I take note of even the smallest expressions of my land and people and study innovative technologies, testing typological solutions for extreme climatic solutions (Giani, 2010) . His goal, in fact, is to merge the


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new technologies learned in Europe with the building systems, practice and local materials, being aware that building in African countries is the result of a collective work, where the entire community is directly involved in the construction. Kéré, therefore, adopts the traditional techniques as the use of clay bricks trying to improve performance: so, in Gando, he teaches how to produce compressed and stabilized bricks in laterite, a local type of clay, and builds a simple building, rectangular in plan. It includes three closed classrooms, alternated with spaces without walls for outdoor lessons, all lined up under the same roof. The walls, strengthened by a chorea in reinforced concrete, are protected by a metal sheet cover strongly projecting and suspended on a reticular structure, which promotes natural ventilation. (Fig. 2).

Figure 2. Diébédo Francis Kéré, Primary School in Gando (1999-2001).

Similar principles have guided the long career of Fabrizio Caròla that, after studying at the Ecole Nationale Supérieure d'Architecture de la Cambre founded by Henry van de Velde, has worked in Morocco since 1961 and in sub-Saharan Africa since 1971. It is in this poor context, marked by the scarcity of economic resources and techniques, that the designer notices how the spontaneous architecture is "the result of a millennial adaptation to local conditions" and responds to models that are very different from those imported from the West. Hence the use of stone, clay brick and wood compasses to construct domes with arched profile, thus updating the technical construction of the Nubian vaults systematized by the Egyptian architect Hassan Fathy in the forties of the twentieth century. Also Caròla, hence, though starting from an image and a construction system consolidated in African culture, refines it and improves its performance. (Fig. 3). One example is the expansion of the hospital in Kaedi (1981-1984), a small town in Mauritania, where Caròla reintroduces the use of clay bricks that he cooks to make them resistant to rain and therefore suitable to a medical building. The ovens - expressly designed by him are operated with rice chaff, abundant in situ so as not to use timber, avoiding contributing to desertification. The new hospital complex also has a "phytomorfic" plan structure, composed of clusters of domed arched pavilions and is completely detached from the existing building, in reinforced concrete, square and anonymous like most of the local building. It is, therefore, a current architecture, new, as the cultural centre by Carin Smuts or the school in Gando but it comes from a deep knowledge of the culture, the local building memory and the environment it is fitting in. An architecture that Pierluigi Nicolin, director of "Lotus International", suggests defining "site specific" as some art installations. (Nicolin, 2011).

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Figure 3. Fabrizio Caròla, vaults for the Kaedi Hospital (1981-1984).

5 CONLCUSIONS During the twentieth century the tradition of rural housing has established - albeit quietly – as the "immense dictionary of the constructive logic of man" immortalized by Joseph Pagano with the exhibition "Italian Rural Architecture" at the VI Triennale in Milan in 1936. Bearer of values considered timeless, it proves capable of innovation when the conditions and technical possibilities of the context change. These considerations seem to anticipate the design concreteness and objectives today shared by designers such Kéré, Smuts and Caròla. They, in fact, have the ability to be relevant without renouncing their own people cultural and building history, aware that "giving value to traditional techniques is the way in which we can hold together the tradition with modernity”. (Picchi, 2010). Especially today traditional building systems add a real operating contribution in developing countries: technically improved, allow the population participates in a gradual renewal of the knowledge and the built environment. They constitute a sort of "start-up" towards the building site transformation and the construction industry growth , without harmful accelerations. Thus represent a first step to begin recovering the gap with the industrialized West, especially through the efforts of the younger generation of designers who have managed to combine the positive aspects of different cultures.


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REFERENCES Avermaete, T. 2010. CIAM, Team X, and the rediscovery of African settlements. Between Dogon and bidonville. In J.F. Lejeune, M. Sabatino (eds), Modern architecture and the Mediterranean. Vernacular dialogues and contested identities: 251-264. New York: Routledge. Bocco Guarneri, A. 2010. Bernard Rudofsky and the sublimation of the vernacular, in J.F. Lejeune, M. Sabatino (eds), Modern architecture and the Mediterranean. Vernacular dialogues and contested identities: 231-249. New York: Routledge. Caròla, F., Alini L. 2007. “Memorie di un architetto col mal d’Africa. Fabrizio Caròla a colloquio con Luigi Alini”. Architettura di pietra. http://www.architetturadipietra.it/wp/?p=524. Fathy, H. 1972. Architecture for the poor: an experiment in rural Eypt. Chicago: University of Chicago. Irace, F. 2008. Casa per tutti. Abitare la città globale. Milano: ElectaTriennale. Lepik, A. 2010. Small scale big change. New architectures of social engagement, New York-Basel: MoMA-Birkhäuser. Nicolin, P. 2011. Architecture meets People, Lotus International (145): 12-13. Picchi, F. 2010. “Diébédo Fracis Kéré. An Interview”. Domusweb. Accessed January 10, 2011. http://www.domusweb.it/it/architecture/diebedo-francis-kereinterview-/. Sejima, K. 2010, People meet in Architecture. Biennale Architettura 2010, Venezia: Marsilio. Slessor, C. 2009. “Primary School by Diébédo Fracis Kéré, Gando Burkina Faso”. The Architecural Review. Accessed January 10, 2011. http://www.architectural-review.com/buildings/primary-school-bydibdo-francis-kr-gando-burkina-faso/8600682.article. Smuts, C. 2010. “Philosophy”. Carin Smuts – CS Architects. Accessed January 10, 2011. http://csstudio.co.za/Philosophy.html.

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The decline of the Orczy Park – The position of historic gardens in society, culture and politics A. Firnigl Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Garden Art, Budapest, Hungary

M. Klagyivik Corvinus University of Budapest, Department of Garden Art, Budapest, Hungary

ABSTRACT: The judgement of urban green spaces is constantly changing, they can obtain new cultural and political roles with time, nevertheless, they can also lose these positions. The Orczy Park, which is one of the most important urban green spaces in Budapest, the capital of Hungary, serves as an outstanding example for the role of historic gardens in cultural and political life and hereby for their social appreciation alike. With reference to this garden, the aim of the current presentation is, on the one hand, to draw attention to the values and the importance of the protection and preservation of our green and built heritage, on the other hand, to emphasize the problems and obstacles of protection.

1 INTRODUCTION The Orczy Park is one of the most important urban green spaces of Budapest, Hungary. It lies in one of the biggest junctions of the city: the rectangular shaped area of the garden is encircled with the ÜllĘi Way with a particularly high traffic and three other smaller streets. The park was created outside of the fences of the former Pest at the end of the 18th century, and it is still an important green space of 14 hectares in the bad-aired, smoggy, crowded capital. During the centuries-old history of the garden, several different periods can be separated, in which even some recurrences can be discovered. The history of the garden has already been researched many times in Hungary, especially with one of its different phases in focus (Galavics 1999, Kiss 2000, Fatsar 2009, Klagyivik 2009). Concerning its complex history until today, it is a suitable theme for urbanists, researchers of green space systems or sociologists alike. As the Florence Charter declares: „No restoration work and, above all, no reconstruction work on a historic garden shall be undertaken without thorough prior research to ensure that such work is scientifically executed and which will involve everything from excavation to the assembling of records relating to the garden in question and to similar gardens” (The Florence Charter, Article 15). This paper endeavours to demonstrate that the pure architectural historical research in itself does not always bring forth all significant and inevitable pieces of background information, and thus new standpoints and aspects are needed to understand the full history of the garden. These aspects are, among others, the relation between the garden and cultural life, the garden and society or even the garden and politics. The description of the garden from these points of view may contribute to the recognition of those values that have earlier been overlooked or even misjudged, and hence also to the revaluation of the garden.

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2 THE HISTORY OF THE ORCZY PARK – THE ROLE OF THE PARK IN CULTURAL HISTORY, SOCIETY AND POLITICS

2.1 The Orczy Park and cultural heritage The landscape gardens endeavoured to reach a perfectly natural look by artificial manners. The curved road lines revealed the natural beauty of the garden and all the built elements, such as the so-called eye-catcher buildings, stone vases, monuments, moreover, also the wider panorama. This latter was an especially important help in smaller gardens, because the area of the garden could seemingly be extended with a well-chosen axis (Buttlar 1989, Hunt 1988). The fashion of landscape gardens reached Hungary at the beginning of the 19th century, owing to, inter alia, the growth of the economical role of baronial families. However, the country had a lack of qualified and experienced garden designers, hence the practiced professionals arrived from abroad, primarily from German-speaking areas (Galavics 1999). One of them was Bernhard Petri, born in Germany in 1767. Before coming to Hungary, he planned several significant parks, among others the famous designed landscape of Lednice-Valtice in the Czech Republic, which was inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1996. Although his Hungarian works were much smaller and less significant, his name is crucial in Hungarian garden history, because the first gardens of English landscape style can be connected to him. Petri utilized all of his botanical and agricultural knowledge in design, and he presented his plans and ideas also in written form (Petri 1797). He worked on several gardens in Hungary at the same time. The Orczy Park in Pest can be connected to his name and he probably made plans and supervised the implementation of the royal gardens on the slopes of the Castle Hill in Buda, moreover, he planned the landscape gardens of VedrĘd and Hédervár, which still have their original structure even today (Fatsar 2001, and see Fig. 1).

Figure 1. The situation of the Orczy family’s properties and Bernhard Petri’s works in Hungary and in Budapest and their spatial relationship with the World Heritage Sites of Budapest


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A garden is always a reflection of its owner, representing their wealth, their taste and their relation to society. The story of the Orczy family, the first owner of the Orczy Park, dates back to the 15th century: it was one of the greatest families in the former Somogy County, and its members had leading roles in Hungarian public administration and also in national defence. The family earned barony in the 1730’s. One of the most important possession augmenting person in the family was LĘrinc Orczy, a granger, general and poet, living in the 18th century. Due to his occupation, his family became really wealthy. The history of the castles, manor houses and gardens of their three important properties, Újszász, Gyöngyös and Pest were connected to each other, as can be seen in the following (Fig. 1). The paper is concentrating on the park in Pest (Fig. 2 and Fig. 5), but for better understanding, we have to deal shortly with the other two as well. The Orczy family had a possession in Újszász in Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok County (the middle part of Hungary, see Figure 1) since 1721 (Virág 2005), and the place became the residency of the family after selling their property in Pest in 1829. The Neoclassicist castle was built from 1831, at the side of which a green house was attached. The green house played an important role as the plants from the huge glass house of Pest were placed here after moving. The castle was surrounded by a landscape park of 37,5 hectares. However this so-called old castle with the park was sold to another noble family shortly after the building of a new castle in the 1880’s, which was only a few hundred meters far from the old one. The new residency was encircled with a 58-hectares-large park, created at the turn of the 19th and 20th century (Virág 2005). The other important possession was in Gyöngyös, in Heves County, where an U-shaped manor house was built in the 1770s in Baroque style. This castle was rebuilt several times, and it won its final form in the 1820’s and 1830’s, when the above mentioned old castle in Újszász was born (Virág 2005). At this time, it was rebuilt in the style of Neoclassicism, and a quadrangle was generated with the addition of a new, fourth wing. Also a landscape garden rich in tree and shrub species was established next to the building. This place was possessed by the family up to 1937, when the city bought the house and the park for a museum and library. However, even if the above mentioned properties played an important role in the life of the family, their most famous and significant garden – on which the current paper is focusing – was the Orczy Park in Pest (Fig. 2). The still existing garden has had many functions since its establishment, and the different functions resulted in different kinds of values. After being a private garden of the Orczy family, it soon became a public park (Galavics 1999). But then by selling it to the state, the garden gained a new function by becoming a military school garden which basically changed its characteristics. Since the 1950’s, it has become again a public garden, but in some years, it will turn to be the open space of a newly founded university, a school garden for the second time. These constant changes can be seen on the garden, too. Its cultural heritage is, therefore, connected not only to the original design, designer and the original owners, but also to its later periods which, however, are often misjudged and thought to be valueless. To reveal the real values, we have to deal with all of the above mentioned components and phases of the garden.

Figure 2. Significant elements of the Orczy Park

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The gardens story dates back to the end of the 18th century. At this time, parklands and reedzones and also several farmsteads were lying extramural of Pest which was located on the left bank of the River Danube (and from 1873, became part of the capital, Budapest). This place was also an excellent hunting area since the Renaissance, owing to its close position to Pest and to the good natural conditions. From 1783, LĘrinc Orczy bought here three allotments, the biggest one of which had an extension of 9 hectares. It was LĘrinc’s son, László, who commissioned the above mentioned Bernhard Petri, one of the most influential garden designers in Hungary in this period, to design a garden of English landscape style at this site in 1794 (Galavics 1999, Kiss 2000). The Orczy Park in Pest, though created in a rather small area, was an outstanding example for early landscape gardens in Hungary. The axis of the park was laid on the small manor house at the northern part of the site, and also the newly built Royal Palace and the hills at the other bank of the River Danube were composed into the sight (Galavics 1999, Bácskai 2000, Kiss 2000). Fashionable decorative elements like a large lake, grotto, an obelisk, stone vases, a small chapel and also cultivated parts formulated with decorative manner in the style of the so-called ferme ornée (for instance the hilly vineyard and the orchard) were created in the garden (Fig. 3). Thousands of saplings were planted in the first years. The garden was soon opened to the public, and became a popular destination for the citizens of Pest and Buda alike: it was the first and the only public park before the creation of the famous City Park in 1813 (Galavics 1999).

Figure 3. The plan of the Orczy Park from the early 1790s (Fatsar 2009)

A new turn came to the life of the park at the beginning of the 19th century: The city bought the whole estate in 1829, when the garden belonged to György Orczy’s property and was still a public park, to establish a new military school there. Though the ownership changed, the garden remained public until the start of the military academy in 1872, and even after that, some parts of it were open to the citizens until 1891 when the gates of the garden got entirely closed for a long time. Nevertheless, the time between the change of ownership and the start of the academy (from 1829 to 1872) was such an orphaned period in the life of the garden that it became quite neglected and this caused a temporary decay in its values (Priszter 1996, Virág 2005). Several significant events (see chapter 2.3 The Orczy Park and society) which delayed the opening of


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the military school before 1872 and also the fairground-like use of the garden diminished its beauty. The garden of the military school reached its final size of approximately 23 hectares with attaching further sites later. A good sign for the importance of the great governmental investment was that the main building of the school was designed by Mihály Pollack, one of the most prominent Hungarian architects of that time, who, among others, also planned the National Museum of Hungary at this time. The main building of the Maria Ludovika Hungarian Military Academy was constructed already between 1830 in 1836 on the western edge of the garden. A characteristic element of the landscape gardens, the so-called a-ha ditch designated the boundaries of the park originally, which did not prevent the visual axes and the panorama. But instead of it, a massive stone fence was built in the military period. Nevertheless, other garden elements were not changed instantly, only smaller alterations were made, like the increase of the lake with dredging. The biggest glasshouse in Hungary, built in the later times of the Orczyperiod (between 1817 and 1820) in the garden, was still standing there for a long time, only the plants were transported to the above mentioned new glasshouse in Újszász after the change of ownership. The Academy employed its own gardeners, and large-scale plantation works started in 1831 (Kiss 2000). The new function of the garden brought new values as well. From this time on, the garden gradually became a real school garden, filled with many elements of open-air education. The design of it makes the garden an exemplary one among Hungarian military school gardens.

Figure 4. The garden façade of the Ludovika Academy, drawn by Rudolf Alt, 1847

2.2 The Orczy Park and politics Schools have always been suitable places for politics, because lots of people – with an age still educable – could be educated and thus directed at the same time. Military schools were especially concerned and sensitive in this case, since the army was always a device of the actual political leaders. Military schools were highly appreciated before 1945 in Hungary, the inner affairs of military education were open to public at this time, as opposed to the later times when everything became hidden (Klagyivik 2009). Although the idea of establishing the Maria Ludovika Hungarian Military Academy was born already in 1808, its exact location at the western edge of the former Orczy Park was allocated only later, and so construction was carried out between 1830 and 1836 (see Figs. 4-5). As mentioned above already, the opening of the military school could happen only in 1872. From this time on, politics played an important role in the life of the garden. The political influence extended not only to the syllabus of the schools, but it infiltrated the students’ every day life and their environment, too. The direct representations of the actual political ideology were usually represented by sculptures and statues (this phenomenon was not a novelty – the political symbols used in sculptures were present e. g. even already in the Ancient

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times or in the Baroque period, see Firnigl 2011). In many open spaces and gardens, even the designs of the flower beds could demonstrate the political circumstances, however, the research has not found anything similar in the case of the garden of the academy, hence we will focus on the statues in the following. Until the World War I, the sculptures did not have such a direct educational role, they were rather just the expression of gratitude and memory. Two types of sculptures were typical in the military schools between 1867 and 1918 – both of which appeared in the Orczy Park as well. King Franz Joseph’s bust was often already in the garden at the time of the inauguration of the building or was erected at the celebrations of the Hungarian Millenium (1896) and it always stood in the most outstanding part of the school: in front of and in the main axis of the main building. The other typical bust was Queen Elizabeth’s which was erected after her death (1898), usually in the officer’s garden or in another garden laid especially for this reason. These sculptures represented the ruling conceptions: the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy was a state above nations. Both of them could be found in the garden of the academy as well. Another statue representing gratitude was the monument for the former queen, Maria Ludovika, who made the foundation of the school possible (Prohászka 1994). After the World War I and the Trianon Treaty, the disappointed Hungarian society could expect the restoration of the dismembered country, the retrieving of the disannexed territories primarily from the army, and hence from the military units trained and educated by the army. Therefore, the common people were allied with the army which had a considerably positive effect in its strengthening. The prevailing nationalist spirit and the irredentist movement of the time was also perceptible in gardens, hence in the garden of the academy as well. The nationalist spirit appeared in the garden by the use of many symbols. The spirit of the period was reflected, most of all, on different monuments of political purpose. From the three basic types of the Hungarian irredentist symbol-assortment (the vulgarization of Christ’s sufferings, the artificial parallel drawn with the revolution and the war of independence of 1848, and the hero protecting his land) the image of the self-sacrificing hero, fighting for his native land appeared the most often (Zeidler 2002). As a matter of fact, this was the type which gave the basis of monuments related to the World War, spreading from the 1920’s. The former Orczy Park was full of these kinds of sculptures and monuments from 1918. While the earlier busts, being in contrast with the new ideology, disappeared after the world war, new monuments appeared. The first of these was erected for the memory of three officers and a student who died in the revolution of 1919. The monument, created by Ferenc Sidló, expresses directly the ideology of the time: the Hungarian crown is situated on the top of a marble obelisk, while a sword with a wreath of thorns is on its side (Prohászka 1994). The ‘Memorial for the Anonymous Heroes’, unveiled in front of the main building in 1924, was also a determining nationalist monument: the sitting figure of Hungaria (a woman) is holding a slained officer in her arms and a stone coffin above them refers to the consequences of the war (Liber 1934). The ‘Memorial for the Slained Officers’, which was erected on a small hill on the shore of the lake in 1928, portrays a valiant Hungarian soldier from the age of the Árpáds (kings in Hungary until 1301) with a lion (Prohászka 1994, and see Fig. 5). After the World War II, the change of regime brought the change of the garden again. The artistic works of the open spaces were replaced with the works of the new political power and thus new symbolic system. The Ministry of Religion and Education regulated by decree in 1947 that all of the irredentist, national works and those representing the leaders of the past had to be removed from school areas. From that time on, only the Communist Party had any right to put up monuments and statues (Sinkó 1992). Even though the Ludovika Academy did not play role any more in military education in the Communist era, the area stayed in the ownership of the army, and some monuments were destroyed. Even a new work of art, the monument of three communist leaders of the short Hungarian Soviet Republic was erected in 1967 in front of the main building. While the above mentioned statues represented directly the political ideology of the era, educational, cultural and sport policy was also connected to it. The Ludovika Academy played an exemplary role in representing these policies, and also its garden adapted to the actual circumstances (Fig. 5).


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Figure 5. The still existing elements of the Orczy Park (photos by M. Klagyivik)

The garden was closed from public in 1872 when the school opened. Though some parts were still able to be visited, effective education needed a closed, inner atmosphere, therefore, the Minister of National Defence decided to close the whole garden in 1885. This called forth a long dispute and protest among the city and the local residents who had used the garden as a public green space, and thus only from 1891 did the garden serve exclusively the interests of military education. According to the academic education, several gymnastic apparata and sports grounds were settled in the garden, moreover the already existing elements of the garden were transformed to serve military purposes, too. A covered gym, a shooting range and a riding-ground were built, furthermore, the students could practice building bridges in the summer and skating in the winter on the former rowing lake. The garden formed a very important part of military life, the syllabus of the academy even ordained this: “Students should spend their free time between the lessons in the garden, and they should use the longer breaks for training practices (football, tennis, gymnastics, fencing). Rowing in the summer and skating during winter can be practised according to the terms agreed upon by the headquarters of the academy” (Kalavszky 1992, and see Fig. 6).

Figure 6. The park transformed into a school garden (Kalavszky 1992)

The role of open air physical training, which developed in the 20th century, gained an even more prominent role after the World War I. The minister of education, Kunó Klebelsberg announced the so-called ‘program of cultural superiority’ with the slogan: 'a sound mind in a sound body'. Thus, education put emphasis not only on learning, but on physical training as well, and many new courses (e. g. natural history and different kinds of sports) were introduced where the school garden could function as an active participant and scene of education, too.

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The Ludoviceum, being a military school where physical education was even more important, was a pioneer in this phenomenon. A general plan from 1929 delineates the actually existing conditions in details (Cartographic Collection of the Military History Museum, HT G1 h 1468). The former landscape garden became a real military school garden. The officer’s and the NCO’s garden was formed on the southern side of the park, next to the riding-schools, stables and the infirmary. These gardens contained typical elements of school gardens like two tennis courts and skittle grounds. The sporting fields, the shooting range, the technical drill-ground and the farmyard were laid on the eastern part, while vegetable gardens and orchards as well as the swimming pool and the stable of ill horses and mules were on the northeastern part. The northern part included the great manége, the nursery garden and the glass- and palm-house. Other stables and riding-schools were also on the western side, while in the inner parts, a large area functioned as tennis courts and there was also a small chapel there. The great central meadow served as an area for lining up. Statues existed in the garden not only connected to political parties, but also connected to educational policy, too. A specific group of statues, erected in 1939, represented the patron saints of the different corps: Saint László as patron for the infantry, Saint Borbála for the artillery and Saint George for the cavalry. The two first stood in front of the garden façade of the main building, while the latter was at the edge of the great meadow. Two years later, in 1941, the statue of Saint Christopher was put up in the other side of the garden. He was the patron of the immediate response force in the army (Prohászka 1994). As it can be seen, the educational role transformed the park in two ways: on the one hand it became a kind of ‘sculpture park’, on the other hand, many areas were taken up by diverse sporting fields and new buildings. The latter phenomena is usually considered as a negative effect, but keeping in mind that the school-period of the garden was longer than the period of the original landscape garden, the revaluation of this viewpoint is needed. From the aspect of school gardens, the Ludovika Academy is an outstanding example representing all important features of this type of historic garden. 2.3 The Orczy Park and society The relation of the Orczy Park with the Hungarian society was reflected in the garden all the time. The alternation between public and private uses changed the picture of the garden and thus the values, too. The first time when the garden became public was shortly after its implementation. As we have already mentioned, László Orczy opened the garden for the local citizens and thus it became the very first public park of Pest (Galavics 1999). At this time, the park still had an owner who lived there, hence it was properly maintained and enriched according to the garden fashion of the period. However, after 1829, when the garden got under the control of the city, it was constantly reduced to poverty. It was asylum during the great flood of 1836 and the revolution of 1848 (Csorna 1962, Gombos 1974), moreover, it was used as general headquarters in the 1850s, erecting thirteen tents on the great meadow. Although some embellishments occurred even at this time, the lower maintenance costs and the rivalry of the City Park, which opened in 1813, caused its constant neglect. After 1862, many areas of the garden were let to several owners, among others to a circus which resulted in serious damage in the plantation. In 1866, the area was used again as an infirmary, 60 barracks were built in it temporarily, when even the publicity of the garden seized for a while. The glasshouse burned down in 1870, which still increased the problems (Magyar 2008). The opening of the academy in 1872 soon meant the closing of the gates of the garden as well and this lasted until 1944, until the institution existed (Gombos 1974). The World War II devastated the garden to a great extent, lots of trees were injured in the bombings. The traces of the World War II are still visible also on the garden-sculptures of the Academy-period. The Orczy Park was given attention in the ideas of new urban development, being part of the suggested ‘green ring’ which could have been extended until the River Danube. This could have been a great step forward in creating a livable city, but the restricted economical possibilities turned these concepts into illusions (Preisich 1998). Instead of the great ideas, even if it was marked as green space in the urban planning of 1960 and was intended to be reconstructed, most of the garden was built up soon. Its area was almost entirely parceled after the war, a bus-garage, a


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shoe-factory, other smaller factories, a lung sanatorium and a youth camp was settled in the area (Preisich 1998), abducting these parts from the former park. The remaining green areas became parts of a public park again. A cinema opened in the former riding hall of the Academy, north from the main building, but it burned down in 1992 (Priszter 1996). After its renewal, the Hungarian Natural History Museum was placed in it. The garden gained a huge amount of fund for reconstruction from the EU in 1993, but as a result of misjudging its values, many problems were caused as well. The works mainly contained demolitions: the concrete walls, many edifices and concrete or hard court sports grounds and also an open-air theater were abolished. Therefore, the cultural heritage of the academy disappeared, almost nothing remained which could evoke the history of the school-period. New path system was created, many new trees and shrubs were planted in the garden, and even the original rock garden was tried to be reconstructed (Kiss 2000). In 2008, a new amount of money was spent for the restoration of the garden, again with little success. Thus, although the historical value of the Orczy Park was discovered at the end of the 20th century, still the current neglected condition of the garden is not worthy for its history, it stays below the real value despite the reconstruction efforts. The future of the area is uncertain: the Government founded the new University for the National Public Services from the former Faculty of Public Administration of the Corvinus University of Budapest, from the former Zrínyi Miklós University of National Defence and from the former Police Academy. This new institute started to work at the beginning of 2012 on the original places of the predecessor universities, but the plan is to move them to the former Ludovika Military Academy and into the Orczy Park in the next years. 3 CONCLUSIONS – VISIONS As we have already seen, those periods of the garden brought the greatest devastation, when it functioned as a public park: the time in the mid-19th century and the one after the World War II, which lasts till today, meant a kind of ownerless period. Nobody felt themselves really responsible for the garden, as opposed to its private periods when even dwellers (the Orczy family and later the cadets) lived there. Most of the values disappeared because of this phenomenon. On the other hand, the private use of the garden, which would help keeping the cultural heritage, does not favour the green space system of the city, because in this case, the city loses a huge green area, which not only has negative effects in urban biodiversity, but also causes problems concerning recreational possibilities. Hence, the recent political decision, the newly established university, which will be situated in the park, raises many problems. What social, cultural, political role will the Orczy Park gain in the future? Will history repeat itself and the doors of the garden be closed again? The government and the urban developers are trying to find the golden mean between the different interests. According to their plan the garden will serve both the university and the public. This can be reached with the subdivision of the area, leaving spaces that can be visited freely. Although this solution did not work well in the past, hopefully today it can. Otherwise the park, which is inevitable in the ‘green ring’ of the capital and thus in preserving biodiversity, climatic conditions, public health and recreational areas, would have to be replaced with another one. Protection of monuments is also involved in the planning process, therefore, there is hope that at this time development will not happen at the expense of historic values, and the heritage the garden has mediated for centuries will be preserved. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT We would like to express our special thanks for Christopher Cornelissen for the revision of the grammar and structure of the text and for his advices.

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REFERENCES Bácskai, V., Gyáni, G. & Kubinyi, A. 2000: Budapest története a kezdetektĘl 1945-ig [The History of Budapest from the beginnings to 1945], Budapest: Budapesti FĘvárosi Levéltár Buttlar, A. von 1989. Der Landschaftsgarten. Gartenkunst des Klassizismus und der Romantik. Köln: DuMont Csorna, A. 1962. A pesti Orczy kert [The Orczy Garden in Pest.] MĦemlékvédelem VI. (4) [Protection of Monuments VI. (4)]: 219-224 Fatsar, K. 2001. Petri, Bernhard. In Shoemaker, C. A. (ed.), Chicago Botanic Garden Encyclopaedia of Gardens History and Design: 1027-1028. Chicago: Fitzroy & Dearborn Fatsar, K. 2009. A történeti kertekben végzett terepkutatások összetett eljárásai. [Complex Methodology for the Field Research of Historic Gardens]. 4D Tájépítészeti és kertmĦvészeti folyóirat 13. [4D Journal of Landscape Architecture 13.]: 36-55. Firnigl, A. 2011. Sculptures in the Gardens. From the Historical Ages to the “Neo-embarrassing” Trends. Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Agriculture and Environment, Supplement 2011: 28-40. Târgu MureЬ: Sapientia Hungarian University of Transsylvania Scientia Publishing House Galavics, G. 1999. Magyarországi angolkertek. [Hungarian Landscape Gardens.] Budapest: Balassi Kiadó Gombos, Z. 1974. Régi kertek Pesten és Budán. [Old Gardens in Pest and Buda.] Budapest: Natura Hunt, J. D. & Willis, P. (eds.) 1988. The Genius of the Place. The English Landscape Garden 1620-1820. London: The MIT Press Kalavszky, Gy. 1992. Ludovika-album a Magyar Királyi Honvéd Ludovika Akadémia története, 18081944. [The Ludovika-Album the History of the Hungarian Royal Military Academy 1808-1944.] Budapest: Libra Kiss, J. 2000. A budapesti Orczy-kert és a szécsényi kastélypark helyreállítása. [The Reconstruction of the Orczy Park in Budapest and the Park of the Castle in Szécsény] In Galavics, G. (ed.), Történeti Kertek. KertmĦvészet és mĦemlékvédelem. [Historical Gardens. Garden Art and the Protection of Monuments]: 119-126. Budapest: Mágus Kiadó Klagyivik, M. 2009.: Magyarországi katonai iskolák kertjei a KiegyezéstĘl a rendszerváltásig (18671990). [The Gardens of Hungarian Military Schools from the Austro-Hungarian Compromise of 1867 to the End of Communism in Hungary 1990.]. Budapest: typescript Liber, E. 1934. Budapest szobrai és emléktáblái. [Statues and Plaques of Budapest.] Budapest: SzékesfĘváros Házinyomdája Magyar, E. 2008. „Társalkodási kertek, promenádok, népkertek.” A Habsburg monarchia közparkjai: magánkertek és városi parkok Buda-Pest társas életében (~1870-1918). [Social Support Gardens, Promenades, Public Gardens. Public Parks of the Habsburg Monarchy: Private Gardens and City Parks in the Social Life of Buda-Pest. 1870-1918] Budapest: typescript Petri, B. 1797. Der Naturgarten des Herrn Baron Ladislaus von Ortzy bei Pest, so wie er von Unterzeichnete entworfen und ausgeführt worden ist. In Becker, W., Almanach und Taschenbuch für GartenFreunde. Leipzig Priszter, Sz. (ed.) 1996. Budapest. Orczy-kert. [Budapest. Ocrzy Garden] Tájak-Korok-Múzeumok Kiskönyvtára 534. [The Small Library of Lands-Ages-Museums], Budapest: TKM Egyesület Prohászka, L. 1994. Szoborsorsok. [The Fate of Statues.] Budapest: Kornétás Kiadó Sinkó, K. 1992. A politika rítusai: emlékmĦállítás, szobordöntés. [The Rites of the Policy: Inauguration of Monuments, Pulling Down of Statues]. In György, P. & Turai H. (eds.): A mĦvészet katonái. Sztálinizmus és kultúra. [Soldiers of Art. Stalinism and Culture.]: 67-79. Budapest: Corvina Virág, Zs. 2005. Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok megye kastélyai és kúriái. [Castles and Mansions in JászNagykun-Szolnok County], Magyar kastélylexikon 6-7. [The Encyclopedia of Hungarian Castles.], Budapest: Fo-Rom Invest Zeidler, M. 2002. A magyar irredenta kultusz a két világháború között. [The Hungarian Irredenta Cult between the Two World Wars.] Budapest: Teleki László Alapítvány The Florence Charter on the Preservation of Historic Gardens.


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The (un)recognition of cultural heritage: the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim, Portugal M. M. C. S. Gonçalves ISEDEC, Universidade do Algarve, Faro, Algarve, Portugal

M. T. Pérez Cano ETSA, Universidad de Sevilla, Sevilla, Andalucía, España

ABSTRACT: In this parish of the centre of Portugal, heritage is essentially vernacular and could become a centre of knowledge and an attractive for the region. This heritage is not currently recognized by the people who live there. The present article intends to make a survey of types of heritage of this territory, aiming to make it better known to allow its protection. This work discloses what might be recognized as an emerging, essentially ethnological heritage. The divulgation and awareness of heritage is important, whatever their category might be. When there is recognition of the heritage, this can now be seen in a different way. We hope that this work may serve to disseminate and preserve this heritage. In the future, this might become one of the bases of sustainable development in this region, helping to establish population and to improve their standard of living.

1 INTRODUCTION This work is the study of the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim, located in the municipality of Sertã, district of Castelo Branco, in the centre of Portugal. This parish was established on January 5, 1544, and became a village on August 20, 1955 (Gonçalves, 2010). Despite the existing monographs or the various works that refer Cernache, there aren’t any recent works or sufficiently detailed surveys on the territory and on the heritage of this parish. Until now, this parish was no subject of studies in the field that we analyzed and this work is an asset in this regard. We have made an inventory of the heritage elements, and we propose an ordinance to group the assets found, with the objective to create the “heritage form sheets”, for an easier perception. The territory studied is consisted mainly of mountain areas, some of which are bathed by the Zêzere river or by the creek of Sertã. It is the second most populous parish in the municipality of Sertã (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010). It features mainly agricultural activities, having the forestry subsector a great representation. The secondary and tertiary sectors have been gaining preponderance (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010), although the agriculture of survival continues to be part of the domestic economy. The county continues with a high rate of illiterate people, compared to the national average (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010) and we can observe the progressive desertification of the villages. The cultural heritage can be an engine of development of places like this, in a sustainable way, but to reach this aim, their knowledge and protection is pertinent. Today there is several emerging heritage which needs to be protected. This work discloses what might be recognized as an emerging, essentially ethnological vernacular heritage. This heritage is not currently recognized by the people who live there.

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The divulgation and awareness of heritage is important, whatever their category might be. An example is the Law of Historical Heritage of Andalusia, which has been a great value since it was established in 2007 with the inventory of goods of Cultural Interest, named BIC. When there is recognition of the heritage, this can now be seen in a different way. We intend to make a survey of types of heritage of this territory, aiming to make it better known to allow that it may be protected. We hope that this work can serve to disseminate and preserve this heritage, and in the future, this might become one of the bases of sustainable development in this region, helping to establish population and to improve their standard of living. As a starting point we used the various existing publications on Cernache do Bonjardim, which are essentially monographs, verbal histories obtained through interviews with local people, recognition of land and field surveys. We had to face several limitations, whether temporal or geographical and by the absence of certain elements, for example, registration and mapping in general. The lack of clutter is due to the fact that there was a fire in the Town-Hall of Sertã in 1917, having lost a huge estate making it very difficult to “remake” the story of the houses, for instance. 2 MEMORIES OF CERNACHE DO BONJARDIM Based on field survey, we identified various heritage elements that were located using a GPS. At the same time, the bibliography search and interviews with local people allowed to consolidate the knowledge of those elements. These steps – field survey, literature search and interviews – can’t be addressed in isolation because they are interlinked and are mutually dependent. We have worked with military maps 1:25000 because it was more appropriate for the study of this territory (Gonçalves, 2010). 2.1 The Zêzere river and the parish of Cernache do Bonjardim This territory is partially limited by the Zêzere river, one of the biggest Portuguese rivers, and its Castelo do Bode dam, downstream of this area (Gonçalves, 2010). This river has always been a natural border that people used, both as a mean of communication or as a mean of livelihood (fishing, mining, irrigation, for example) (Gonçalves, 2010). With the construction of Zêzere’s dam much heritage was submerged, such as the old bridge in Vale da Ursa and the conheiras (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010), see section 3. The construction of the dam of Castelo do Bode is a very important milestone in the study of spatial planning in this region. We could even split the study in this parish “before and after the dam” (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2011), or speaking in the “old river” and “new river”. The dam had a huge impact on the waterfront of the territory under study, within the landscape, economy, heritage and the modus vivendi of the populations (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2011). In this area there are many creeks and springs, which makes it a region rich in water (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010), which might be exploited to create touristic tours, among others. An example of this heritage is the minas used for water supply (see section 3). 2.2 Heritage analysis methodology The heritage analysis methodology adopted in Gonçalves (2010) is based on the work of Torrejais (2010) and consisted in the division of heritage into three categories (natural, intangible and tangible heritage) and each one into subcategories, for an easier understanding and identification of each element found in a given group: Natural heritage: o Forrestal heritage o Landscape heritage o Natural medicinal mineral waters Intangible cultural heritage: o Important people o Legends Tangible cultural heritage:


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o Civil architecture: Public character buildings Buildings with historical-cultural interest Farms and manor-houses o Production architecture: Water supply Mills Ovens for bread o Religious architecture: Churches Chapels Edified groups o Urban equipment Busts and statues Fountains, drinking fountains and tanks Bridges o Industrial heritage Conheiras Wood based industries and dippers o Another edified heritage: Castros Roman villas Foz da Sertã Bandstands Based in this methodology, we have developed “heritage form-sheets” which contain several informations obtained for each element of heritage (Fig. 1). We do not consider, however, that this list is complete, but most of the heritage elements can be included in these categories. Although we found many heritage elements, we present only one example of each one, and if they appear more than one instance, it means that they represent the possible variants in this group (Gonçalves, 2010). For the natural heritage, the inventory sheet consists of the following topics, when applicable: category, location, classified heritage, property, environment, description and condition (Gonçalves, 2010). Each element of the intangible cultural heritage was associated with an inventory sheet, which consists of the following topics, when applicable: to “important people” – category, title, place of birth, date of birth and death, biography; to “legends” – category, location, description (Gonçalves, 2010). Each element of the tangible cultural heritage was associated with an inventory sheet, which consists of the following topics, when applicable: category, classification, location, address, classified heritage, property, initial use and current use or only use, framework, period of construction, type, materials, description, condition of conservation (just appreciation of the outdoors) (Gonçalves, 2010). 3 EXAMPLES OF THE HERITAGE ELEMENTS We came to the conclusion that there are more heritage elements than might be expected initially. It is easy to recognize a castle, but today there is several emerging heritage which needs also to be protected (Gonçalves, 2010). 3.1 Natural heritage In this item we intend to do a survey of important plant specimens and landscapes of the parish. For the category of “Forrestal heritage”, we began a survey of forest specimens of patrimonial value. Examples: the cork-oak of the Club Bonjardim, which is classified and is a very large and old cork tree, which is rare in this region. In the “landscape heritage” category, we considered landscapes as a whole, not just the forest or water courses, but the set. Example: lake of Castelo do Bode dam and its surrounding (Fig. 2). In the category of “natural medicinal mineral waters” was considered the only known mineral spring: Foz da Sertã waters (Gonçalves, 2010).


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the worthies of the parish, especially Nuno Álvares Pereira for being a national hero and a recently canonized saint. In the “legends” category, we began a survey of existing legends in the parish, having been elected the legend of St. Maria Madalena and St. Macário (Gonçalves, 2010). These are not inventoried. Nuno Álvares Pereira, also known as the Holy Constable, Beato Nuno de Santa Maria, or simply Nun'Álvares, was born in Cernache do Bonjardim on June, 24th 1360 and died on 1st November 1431. It was a fourteenth-century Portuguese general who played a key role in the crisis of 1383-1385, where Portugal played its independence from Castile. Nuno Álvares Pereira was also 2nd count of Arraiolos, 7th count of Barcelos and 3th count of Ourém. Camões, on literal or allegorical mean, expressed or implied, refers the Constable no less than 14 times in “The Lusiads”. There is a sculpture of him in the Arch of Street Augusta and in Praça do Comércio in Lisbon, another in the castle of Ourém and another in Cernache. He was beatified on 23rd of January 1918 and was canonized by Pope Benedict XVI on April 26th, 2009 (Gonçalves, 2010). The legend of St. Maria Madalena and St. Macário is a legend that tells us the martyrdom of these two saints and their brothers. It is linked to the chapel “da Santa”. This legend says that more five chapels were erected on top of several hills, where the brothers can see each other – Nossa Senhora da Nazaré in Palhais, St. Ana in Cumeada, Nossa Senhora dos Remédios in Sertã, Nossa Senhora da Confiança in Pedrógão Pequeno, Nossa Senhora da Graça and St. Neutel in Figueiró dos Vinhos (Gonçalves, 2010). 3.3 Tangible cultural heritage The inventory of civil architecture presents buildings – private or public, rural or erudite – that stand out from all the houses by their biggest patrimonial value, contributing to build up various types of architectural sites (Gonçalves, 2010). For the “public character buildings” category, we considered the examples of Club Bonjardim and movie-theatre Taborda; for the category “buildings with historical-cultural interest” we considered the example of the Seminar of the Missions; for the category “farms and manor-houses” we considered the examples of Santo António farm and Rua Torta Manor (Fig 3) (Gonçalves, 2010).

Figure 3. The Manor of Rua Torta. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

The Club Bonjardim is a private association based in Cernache do Bonjardim. It was founded on February 20th, 1885. At its building is located the movie-theater Taborda. It has a cultural and recreational architecture, from the end of the nineteenth century. The movie-theater consists of three volumes: the core, corresponding to the room, the side, housing support services to the public, as bar and clubhouse, and the east side, with dependencies to support the theatre, as the rehearsal room, dressing rooms and toilets (SIPA). Inventoried, a protection does not exist. The Mission Seminary was built in XIX/XX century. The architect is unknown (SIPA). It is a building that was the intellectual centre of the region, as a public school. It has a great importance in the formation of religious and lay missionaries to Africa and had several names: Seminary of the Missions, Missions Colonial Institute and currently, the Portuguese Missionary Society or Missionary Society Boa Nova. It is inventoried, but a protection does not exist. The Santo António farm is constituted by the main house and the chapel of St. António, which is a chapel erected within the limits of the property. According to SIPA the time of the

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chapel construction was likely the eighteenth century. Only the chapel is inventoried but a protection does not exist. The Manor of Rua Torta was originally the home of the Cernache’s Morgado. Presents a residential, baroque and nineteenth century architecture (SIPA). It includes a chapel in the building with the date of 1775 carved on the façade. This will probably be the date of construction of the house, with changes in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Gonçalves, 2010). The set is inventoried but there is no protection. In the inventory of production architecture we began the survey of all equipment used in processing raw materials into finished products or semi-finals for immediate consumption or for supply to other industries. For the category of “water supply” we’ve considered the examples of one mina (Fig. 4), a wind mill (Fig. 5) and a well. For the “mills” category we considered the mills from the village Moinhos da Ribeira and for the “ovens for bread” category we’ve considered an oven for bread existing in the village Brejo da Correia (Gonçalves, 2010).

Figure 4. Example of a mina. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

Figure 5. Example of a wind mill. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

A mina is a small gallery inside the open ground where the water is retained (Gonçalves & Rosendahl, 2010): it consists of a horizontal hole that goes into the earth, with a little wall at the entrance to serve as a reservoir. It is a typical form of capturing groundwater in this region. A wind mill is another typical way to capture groundwater. It is a device to pump groundwater to the surface, taking advantage of the wind (Gonçalves, 2010). What makes these wells so typical is the gazebo that normally exists on top, where climbing plants grow making shading. The type of device for drawing water is also very common in this area. This kind of wells characterized this region very well (Gonçalves, 2010). The mills of the village of Moinhos da Ribeira probably stood next to the bed of creek of Sertã, to harness water power for grinding grain. The literature speaks of cereal crops in the region. Being this village next to a water course, this was used to drive the millstones and grind grain. They are lost, probably submerged (Gonçalves, 2010).


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This bread oven in Brejo da Correia is situated on ruins of houses. Usually one or more houses had oven for baking bread and it is usual that there still are some. It was usual to have this kind of bread ovens at home, where they cooked the triga-milha, a bread made with wheat and corn flour, cereals that grew in this region (Gonçalves, 2010). For the inventory of religious architecture there was made a survey of all existing public and private temples, as well as now inexistent, which represent a long list. For the “churches” category we considered the example of St. Sebastião church or parish church (Fig. 6). For the “chapels” category we considered the chapel of Nossa Senhora da Estrela and for “edified groups” we considered the convent of St. José or Águias farm (Gonçalves, 2010).

Figure 6. Church of St Sebastian or parish church. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

The church of St. Sebastião is the main church in this parish. It was built in 1554/1555, the date of the creation of the parish of St. Sebastião of Cernache do Bonjardim and the construction of the church. It has a gilded altar and screens of Bento Coelho da Silveira (1630-1708) and a religious, mannerist and baroque architecture (SIPA). It is classified. About the chapel of Nossa Senhora da Estrela, Teixeira (1905) says: “it had a rich gilded altar which is raised in the parish church of Cernache and reveals a great antiquity. Brother Lucas de Santa Catarina, in his work printed in 1730 and entitled «Memoirs of the Military Order of St. John of Malta», speaking of Nossa Senhora da Estrela, says it was the tradition that the Templars lived there. He was also upright a Brotherhood in 1821”. It is now disappeared. The convent of St. José was founded in 1699 as a simple mental hospital where the religious of the convent of Sertã came to convalesce from their illnesses. It was only transformed into a convent in 1720 (Teixeira, 1905). The oldest document that, about this convent, this author found in the Torre do Tombo, dated back to 1707. It is inventoried but there is no protection. For the urban equipment inventory we started the survey of busts, statues, fountains, drinking fountains, tanks and bridges, existing elements that give a specific dimension to rural communities. In the “busts and statues” category we considered the example of Nuno Álvares statue. For the category “fountains, drinking fountains and tanks” we considered the Outeiro’s fountain (Fig 7), the Eira’s drinking fountain (Fig. 8) and a tank from Matos do Pampilhal (Fig. 9). And for “bridges” category we considered the Vale da Ursa’s bridge (Gonçalves, 2010). The statue of Nuno Álvares is from the twentieth century, of the sculptor José Manuel Valadas Corial, of commemorative, modernist architecture. The statue is in bronze on a concrete plinth coated with granite. It has the meaning or symbolism and historical memory of the birthplace of Nuno Álvares (SIPA). It is inventoried but there’s no protection. The Outeiro’s fountain has also a public washing. This is an interesting example because it is partially hidden, being necessary to descend a small staircase to access it (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried. The drinking fountain of Eira is built of concrete, with some tile and coated, with just one spring. It served to the public water supply (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried. The Matos do Pampilhal’s tank it is a tank form to wash clothes. It is a reservoir in which sloping stones are placed to wash clothes. Typical coverage is also with a gazebo that is ordinarily with vines as a shading device (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.

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Figure 7. Outeiro’s fountain. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

Figura 8. Eira’s drinking fountain. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

Figure 9. Tank in Matos do Pampilhal. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

The Vale da Ursa’s bridge is located on the river Zêzere, upstream of the dam of Castelo do Bode. It is a reinforced concrete bridge with spans supported by piers. It was built in 1951 with a project of Engineer Edgar Cardoso. This bridge replaces the existing bridge at the same location, but slightly further downstream, which was of stone and iron, built about 1895, which was submerged as a result of filling the reservoir of the dam of Castelo do Bode (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried. In the industrial heritage inventory was initiated a survey of all sites relating to conheiras, the zorros and to the activity of wood based industry and dippers. For the example of “conheiras” category we’ve choose the Várzea de Pedro Mouro’s conheira (Fig. 10) and for the “wood based industries and dippers” category we’ve choose the creek of Sertã’s zorro (Fig. 1) (Gonçalves, 2010). A conheira is, for Batata (1998), “an old gold alluvial exploration, which may have been exploited since the Chalcolithic to the XX century”. According to the same author, a conheira is characterized by “typical lots of large pebbles (conhos). The sands were washed and released directly to the river”. This conheira is almost entirely covered by the waters of the Castelo do Bode lake, leaving only a few mounds of conhos (Batata, 1998). A zorro is a groove in the side of a hill where the trunks of cut trees were slipped, reaching a water line, where they came down with the force of the stream to the place of sawmills. It was a


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way to transport timber using a natural resource. The early use was to bring down the trunks of pine trees to the creek of Sertã, to go down to the Zêzere and probably even for the Tejo river to reach areas of sawmills. Currently it is used to forestry plantation (Gonçalves, 2010).

Figure 10. Várzea de Pedro Mouro’s conheira. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

Figure 11. Creek of Sertã’s zorro. Source: Gonçalves, 2010.

In the another edified heritage category we initiated a survey of all local heritage with patrimonial value which was not included in the previous sections. For the “castros” category we have chosen the St. Maria Madalena’s castro. For the “roman villas” we’ve choose the Vila Gaia. The house of the “Foz da Sertã water” was choose for an example of “Foz da Sertã” category and the bandstand from Quintã was the example of “bandstand” category (Gonçalves, 2010). A castro was a town in a high place, that served as a defence against invaders. Batata (1998) says, “overall, it is a village set to be surrounded with at least one wall, over which no one has any kind of dating. By the materials found there, the castro was occupied from the Late Bronze/1st Iron Age, through the 2nd Iron Age and possibly by the Romans, or their influence. It is a large village, situated on a prominent hill that dominates the plateau zone of Cernache do Bonjardim”. Batata & Arsénio (2006) state that “there would be a secondary road in Roman times (if not before) that would link Dornes to Sertã. In Sertã, the path would begin, would go through Cernache, turned around the nascent of the St. Maria Madalena’s castro, Mendeira, Vila Gaia, crossing the river to Dornes, rising to Paio Mendes, Pias, Ceras, until traces back on the main path from Olisipo (Lisbon) to Bracara Augusta (Braga)”. We think that Vila Gaia would be a Roman villa that could serve as a sort of inn that existed in this Roman road. No excavations were made in this place (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried. In the house of Foz da Sertã waters there was the reception of the Foz da Sertã Hotel, were customers could stay while waiting for the river transport to give entry to the hotel (Gonçalves, 2010). It is ruined and it’s not inventoried. The bandstands are typically used to install a brass band, a musical ensemble, serving as dance zone or as an area to advertise something. This bandstand is located right in front of the chapel of St. Bento in Quintã, in the party place (Gonçalves, 2010). It is not inventoried.

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4 CONCLUSIONS The parish of Cernache do Bonjardim is located in an area with many forests and bathed by the Zêzere river and the creek of Sertã. In this section the river is included in the lake of Castelo do Bode dam, thus forming a huge mirror of water with great tourist potential. This parish, however, suffers from the problems of interiority, including poor roads and desertification. This contributed to the subsequent disinterest in this area, which remains isolated due to a near-zero accessibility, resulting in the lack of jobs which promotes migration and the consequent depopulation. Nevertheless, the past of Cernache was glorious, given its size. The Seminar of the Missions contributed greatly to promote the education in this parish and in the bordering regions (Gonçalves, 2010). We prepared a methodical collection of cultural and natural heritage of this parish, though in this paper we present only one example of each type. We produced also “heritage form-sheets” with the objective to order the survey made by us. It was a surprise because we never thought to find so much (Gonçalves, 2010). The knowledge of this heritage is essential not only to protect it but also to enjoy it. It would be important to propose measures that aim to fix the population. These measures would go through the utilization of the existing heritage. This could be the basis for creating jobs and improving the living conditions of populations in a sustainable manner. At the level of tourism use, although there is potential and something is being done, it is necessary to make the required preparations so that there is a structure that meets the needs but in a way not to lose what exists. Then, a good advertising campaign should be made to spread the region. The general mentality of the population is that there is nothing of interest here. This is explained to be a largely agricultural area, with an aging population, with a diverse and rich heritage, but as it is always there, it simply is not valued. We would like to change this mentality and preserve the memories of this territory. We hope this work will help us in this arduous task. REFERENCES (AFN) Ministério da Agricultura, Mar, Ambiente e Ordenamento do Território, Autoridade Florestal Nacional. Árvores de interesse publico. Consulted at September 2010, in http://www.afn.minagricultura.pt/portal/. Batata, C. 1998. Carta arqueológica do concelho da Sertã. Sertã: Câmara Municipal da Sertã. Batata, C., & Arsénio, P. 2006. Carta Arqueológica do concelho de Ferreira do Zêzere. Ferreira do Zêzere: Câmara Municipal de Ferreira do Zêzere. Gonçalves, M. M. & Rosendahl, S. 2010. Análise de vários factores que influenciam a definição das chaves do território: o caso da freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Actas de PLURIS2010, 4 Congresso Luso-Brasileiro para o Planeamento Urbano, Regional, Integrado, Sustentável. Faro: Edições da Universidade do Minho. Gonçalves, M. M. & Rosendahl, S. 2011. Impacte das grandes obras de engenharia. A barragem do Castelo do Bode e a freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Actas de ICEUBI2011 International Conference on Engineering UBI2011 Innovation & Development. Covilhã: Edições UBI 2011. Gonçalves, M. M. 2010. Freguesia de Cernache do Bonjardim. Território y patrimonio. Work presented to the Escuela Tecnica Superior de Arquitectura (ETSA) or Sevilla university, Spain, to obtain the Diploma de Estudios Avanzados, under the guidance of Dr. María Teresa Pérez Cano. Not published. (SIPA) Sociedade de Informação para o Património Arquitectónico. Consulted at June 2010, in http://www.monumentos.pt Teixeira, C. S. 1905. Sernache do Bom Jardim: traços monographicos. Lisboa: Papelaria La Bécarre Tipografia. Torrejais, A. 2010. Inventário do património do concelho de Ferreira do Zêzere. Consulted at June 2010, in http://www.ferreiradigital.com.


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The holy Christ of miracles and the its religious and symbolic signification G. Henyei-Neto PUC-SP – Department of Religious Sciences

ABSTRACT: The immigrants from the Azorean region that reached Brazil brought with them a huge line of tradition, heritage and symbols which embrace what we can call the instruments of identification with their original land. This work will discuss about the signification and resignification of a very important symbol of the Azores: the Holy Christ of the Miracles (o Santo Cristo dos Milagres). Based on linked origins, the Holy Christ and the Holy Ghost are two very significant symbols, strongly producing the identification of the original land, the Azores, and the new place, the district of Vila Carrão, in São Paulo city. This paper tries to indicate some of the differences, mostly because of the adaptation, of the rites and meanings of the Holy Christ in the Azorean community in São Paulo, Brazil. It is, also, a preview of a future dissertation about the comprehensive religious adaptation within the migration movement from Azores to São Paulo.

1 PRESENTING This paper talks about the signification and re-signification of a strong and powerful symbol of religiousness of the Azorean people: the Holy Christ of Miracles. This, right next to the Holy Ghost Festival, is one of the main characters of the path to the identification and belonging of the Azorean community. This specific symbol will be unveiled in the great social movement that is the immigration. The community in São Paulo, Brazil, is a very traditional and interesting feature of this process of bringing back the heritage and the memory of a very familiar method, but at the same time, a re-reading of it. This is one small part of a bigger research, which began its path in 2009, while a trip to the Azores, specifically in the Pico Island. Since then, this work has given several fruits, presented and exposed at this very own conference. One of those fruits is this paper, a tiny slice of the research, presenting some of the methodology and thematic of the main work, but unveiling this one specific and particular symbol, involving both the Azorean region and the migrating community in São Paulo, Brazil.

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Figure 1. The Holy Christ of Miracles – São Paulo/Brazil

2 IMMIGRATION The migration movements from the Azores to Brazil have been very strong in the later 19th century and early 20th. During both world wars, immigrants was slowly driven to rest in their own places, returning the diasporas during the decades after 1940’s and 50’s. Specially in the 50’s and 60’s, basically because the enormous pressure suffered by the Portuguese from the dictatorial government of Salazar, a large number of people left the country, seeking a new hope and a new beginning for their lives. There were some places which the Portuguese look for to be, but, for obvious reasons, such as language and culture, Brazil was the main arrival nation, which also received migrants from several other European countries. Escaping from nations at war or dictatorial leaders, Europeans were living a huge step back on the economic and political scenery. Looking for a place to regain structure, establishment and some life quality, they arrived at places from the earlier known as the “new world”, also known as the Americas. North America was a place directed to the rejects of British, especially for reasons of populating and promotion of the new place. In the religious theme, North America was populated by settlers who were flexible and able to fix in the region of frontier, between west and east of the USA. Richard Niebuhr(1992) say that the religion of frontier was basically made of catholic Christianity denomination, which could be malleable enough to bring the people of frontier to the western religious world and to criticize the current Catholicism. The Protestantism, especially Methodism and Baathist, was the tentative to regain the old Christian ideals in this new place, while bring those people together for a greater social and cultural interest. One of the root theories of Niebuhr is that the Christian denominations establishes in places where the interests are more likely to convene with the cultural and social manifestation of the religious characters. The theology opinions came from the social and cultural issues and the manifested theology is driven by those issues. As in the US the issues and interests was directed by the frontier, in Brazil, the social and cultural characteristics are more indicated for the Catholicism, a denomination less moral and less harsh in terms of methodology. Such an interest, to maintain a standard religious believe, was brought to Brazil in the very moment of the first colonization settlement. Nowadays, Christian Catholicism is the main religion in Brazil. Even if it’s not an official religion, the Catholicism establishes so deep in the country´s heart that a possible common identity of the Brazilian passes through the catholic beliefs and ideologies.


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The Portuguese, when arriving in Brazil, was faced with a place that is very familiar, not only because of the language, but as in cultural and even religious aspects as well. Being one of the largest communities of immigrants in Brazil, losing only to the Italians, the Portuguese arose some great deal of importance on the Brazilian cultural and economic backgrounds. The immigrants brought with them a strong line of signification, constructed and invented through tradition and cultural interpretation of symbolic elements of environment. The symbolic element that is going to drive the attention within this work is, in the limit, the religious traditions and signification, which is one of the basic structural tools for the modeling of a Portuguese identification. When we talk about identification, and not identity, we are dealing with the significant that retain and expose the traditions and its relations with acts and methods, brought together by lines of remembrance, memory and antecedents. The Portuguese identification, and obviously the Azorean, is produced by the remembrance of past factors, acts and symbols, present on what is called heritage, which is then driven by lines of signification. Those lines are the road, a possible path, that connect the tradition with the present, making the tradition alive again, but being defined within the modern environment, making it different from past significant, but maintaining the identification, that is what the lines are all about. Those lines, as Timothy Ingold´s(2007) statement makes clear, are not only connectors. They are not fixed structures or pathways in which we only are able to follow, by the same movements, past dwellers. The lines are, in fact, directions, a fluid movement that indicates what, and not where, you should be. The path is not previously drawn, but is left opened for infinite interpretations. 3 SÃO PAULO AND THE HOUSE OF THE AZORES The Portuguese immigration has not a single starting period, but, for this work, a specter of time was used to make the migration movement more clear and practical for the paper and even the dissertation. We will use the great movement from Portugal and the Azores from the 1950’s and 60’s. This period was established specially because of the signification of this movement from the Azores. The first reason is, what was already stated, the runaway from the dictatorial regime of Salazar and the post-war period. In Europe, the scenery was one of reconstruction and reestablishment of economy, politic and even social environment. People fled, looking for a new place to rearrange their lives. In this same period, Brazil was developing its economy, beginning to invest strongly on its inner industry. This was a major factor to bring immigrants to the country. Those were the economic and political issues that brought Portuguese, and Azorean specifically, to Brazil. The social and cultural reason for this period was that, then, the people who came from the Azores were fundamental to the foundation of the Casa dos Açores de São Paulo, the house of the Azores of São Paulo, a structure that contain the Azorean community of immigrants in São Paulo city. The house is located in the eastern region of São Paulo, in a neighborhood know as Vila Carrão. This village-like part of the city was once called textile village. This was basically because of the large textile factory that was funded in there. Guilherme Giorgio was its name and it was the great responsible for bringing city structure, housing and development for the region, as well as being the greatest arrival point of immigrants, eager for work and a better life. This is explained in a work called Eu não tenho onde morar(I don’t have a place to live, in free translation), from Eva Altman Blay(1985). This work shows the foundations of workers neighborhoods, especially the ones of immigrants. The House of the Azores in São Paulo is a place which concentrates a great deal of signification, identification, heritage and memory from traditional methods of cultural production. The most powerful cultural production is the identification through religious symbols, being stated in several works(Leal, 1994;2001, Henyei Neto, 2010; Elis Regina, 2011) that the religious facts organize the lines of signification in a resemblance point that structures and congregates the community in a moment that they can be united in one form of tradition/re-signification of tradition. The religious identification turns around, in the Azorean scenery, basically in two main symbols: the Holy Ghost Festival and the Holy Christ of miracles. The Holy Ghost Festival is well

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known in Portugal, both continental and islander, as one of the greatest moments in the catholic year. Leal says that the festival is one of the main identity structures for Azoreans, whom share the Portuguese necessity of reinforce the differential identify. “It has been, overall, interpreted in the board of a group of speeches of ideological nature which seek to enroot the national identity”. (Leal, 1994, p.16) The immigrant communities of Azoreans around the world also maintain its knots with this identification with the religious. The religious facts are important basically because its significants are one with the social and cultural foundations of Portuguese traditional origins. This heritage, as we may call it, of religiousness are brought together with the social movements; they are developed, re-structured and re-significated with the processes that the new environment, the new place, offers. This re-signification of religious symbols within migration movements is the focus of this current paper. The diaspora, as interpreted by Bela Feldman-Bianco, are the basic, fundamental and most preeminent of the processes which construct the Brazilian culture. She talks about the Portuguese diaspora, as being the reinforcement of the Portugal and Brazil as equals, not more as colony/capital, which was once before. The community in São Paulo was founded by immigrants who came from the São Miguel island, one of the east region of the Azores, from 1950’s and 60’s. They were seeking for a new life and found in Vila Carrão, the new worker village, a future, especially by the fact that brazil was living one of its highest peaks on the economic and industrial scenery. (Henyei Neto, 2011) In the 1970’s, the community (which, in that time, didn’t had a building or any structure to gather the members) started to revive their identity, heritage and religious symbolic reasons. It was the beginning of the traditional Holy Ghost Festival of the Azorean community in São Paulo. It was only at 22nd of june of 1980 that a building bought in the region, in the Dentista Carneiro Street, was reformed and re-opened as the House of the Azores of São Paulo. By then, another great symbol was also present in the religious life: the Holy Christ of Miracles.

Figure 2. The Holy Christ of Miracles – São Paulo/Brazil

4 HOLY CHRIST: ORIGIN AND LIFE IN SÃO PAULO The festivities for the Holy Christ of Miracles take part every year, in Ponta Delgada, capital of São Miguel, in the fifth Sunday after Easter time. It’s a very traditional celebration, which is produced as a moment of resemblance, bringing the people from the island of São Miguel, the micaelenses, closer to a common identification and belonging feeling.


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Its origin is dated from the 18th century. When in 1713, there was a huge earthquake, causing panic and destruction to the archipelago. The island of São Miguel was also much damaged. In December 17th of the same year, the Irmandade da Santa Casa de Misericórdia asked for canonic allowing to have a procession in the homage of the Holy Christ of Miracles, searching for protection and forgiven. After finished the ceremony, all the quakes were ceased and the land came back to normal state. This very odd fact had made the Holy Christ even more celebrated and important for the people of the Azores, specially the São Miguel’s island. The image of the Holy Christ is a bust of Jesus, wounded, with a thorn crown, dressed with a red cape. During the years, because of the devotion and prayers coming to visit the image, the bust became ornamented with an enormous variety of precious stones and other kind of accessories. The religious celebration resembles mostly with the Holy Ghost Festival: there is the procession, with hymns and anthems, while people are carrying the image through the small streets of the village ornamented as well with flowers carpets, while the martial band go along, playing and singing with the crowd. The image will be dressed with gold, driving the people all admired and joyful to the religious ceremony. The women are dressed in black for penitence, walking together with the procession, until the profane celebration begins to take part. There are all kinds of food, cultural manifestation, such as the cattle selling, which the inflow is reverted to charity. The Monday after, a mass is celebrated in the morning, closing the festivities, leaving the Holy Crist in its chapel for anyone to see, pray and leave some tribute. This is the main structure of the ceremony, which happens for over 300 years.1 The immigrant community in São Paulo is, mostly, of people coming from the island of São Miguel. Because of that, beyond the celebration of the Holy Ghost, which is considered by many one of the most important religious ceremonies of the Azores, the House of the Azores of São Paulo also promotes the celebration of the Holy Christ of Miracles. In the house, called empire, for religious and symbolic reasons related to the Holy Ghost Festival, they have a replica of the bust of Jesus, just like the one in Ponta Delgada. It was donated by the government of the Autonomous Region of the Azores for the Azorean community in São Paulo. With the physical structure and the cultural background established, the Azoreans in São Paulo were also granted the recognition of the council of the House of the Azores around the world. By that we can notice that the religious signification, while cultural heritage and symbolic reason of community manifestation, has a great deal on the identification and belonging process for the Azoreans. The most strong and preeminent lines of signification came from this symbolic reason of religiousness. They all come together by the resemblance and the performance created around religious significants. This, as culture, are a group of symbols, which are significant in several aspects, in some relations, at some period of time, in a cyclic manifestation, structuring the signification and identifying with some, we can call, traditional origins, within the lines the travel through time and space, connecting and making paths. Those paths, those ways that lines walk from tradition to nowadays practices we can call them lines of signification; those are most based and inspired by the works of Timothy Ingold, on the manifestation of lines and the ways them can signify their ways. To give a short resume, the lines are not straight connectors, linking one point to another, simply because they are alike. The lines that goes for a walk, as Ingold states, are those which wander through paths not yet walked, those which delineate roads that, in the identification permutation, from one knot to another, are one, only but transformed by environment. Let´s give a small example: see a map. It connects points, lines are traced separating areas, the roads are previously drawn in the surface; the movement is dead. Cities and villages are dull points, adventurous paths of before are now some inked manifestation of the static. But, when we draw a map, pointing and giving directions to a friend, we delineate as we speak; we draw lines as we virtually walk the way we intend to show. Those lines are alive, they wander, they do not follow static roads, but road the path one should follow after. The second map is an one-time way. When the friend arrives, the map is no longer necessary, because he already memorized the movements. In the first one, we do not need to memorize, because it do not show movement, but shows only directions and connections. The same thing we can infer from cultural manifestation of identity. The symbol is the Holy Christ; it turns around, making circles, movements in one place; a never-stopping movement, creating a twirl. Through time, space or any movements intended to differ from the current per-

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formance, the lines begin to travel, to wayward. It re-signifies the symbolic reasons, the signification and the very movement it conceives. While arriving in the Azorean community in São Paulo, the line does not connect two points, distant in time and space; it is the same line of signification, only manifested through other paths. The environment, the cultural background of the new place, the time continuum elapsed, even the very transportation from one place to another, impose signification, impose new significant, impose new aspects for the line to create its paths. The symbol is the same, but re-signified. So, in what terms it is signified now? As previously explained, the Holy Christ of Miracles has its own celebration date in São Miguel´s Island. It’s distinct from the Holy Ghost Festival, as both of them are two of the most important and significant religious and identification symbols of the Azores. Both of them have important dates, celebrations and are lines of signification. In São Paulo, on the other hand, the Holy Christ has no longer one specific date; the symbolic celebration is now part of the Holy Ghost Festival. In the immigrant community, the religious climax is, by far, the Holy Ghost Festival. It’s a huge ceremony, with procession, mass, the nonimmigrant neighbors participating and the secular celebration all around. Because of that, it is believable that, by factors of logistics and financial issues, the Azorean community intended to arrange a big religious homage to the two major symbolic manifestation of their tradition. Therefore, while the procession of the Holy Ghost takes part, the other great symbol appears as a guest, trimmed in the performance once traditional of the greatest of religious symbols of the Azores. The members of the House state, with pride and glory, that they maintain all traditional and historical factors of the celebrations. They use the same materials, the food is made with the same recipes, the procession and the mass are all of the same functional and emotional awareness. They also state that, different from other Azorean communities in Brazil, they do things as they are done in the Azores. It is possible to see that. In a surface analysis, things in other communities are mostly lost, over adapted or even caricaturized. In US and Canada, mostly because of the language and different cultural background; in Florianopolis because of the unlimited adaptation. In a limit, in fact, the Azorean community in São Paulo could be considered the most traditional, the one which still maintain the original methods. But, as said before, nothing can remain the same, even if it is the same. The manifestation of the identity, the religious factor, it’s re-arranged from the very first moment. The gathering of the Holy Ghost and the Holy Christ is the proof. It is re-signified, their paths are driven in distinct directions, but, eventually, they recall for the same feeling of belonging, the same symbolic identification with the religious significant. They are not the same; they are the paths in which the lines (Holy Ghost; Holy Christ) are driven by. The acting of the symbolic reason is what brings them to the identification with the historical, the heritage and the traditional. The acting, the performance, the re-memorization of the traditional is already a re-signification. The acting is what makes the lines moves to its paths. In here we see the manifestation through acting, role playing even. Its bringing the act of then to the environment of now, in another world, where it should be re-imagined, as Roy Wagner (2010) would say, as a new way of culture. The simple action of rememorize builds a whole new way, a whole new path, in which the lines are traced as they move. The action of imagine can be related with the etymology of the word religion. Religion has two distinct genealogies, as we may put. The first one, more famous and mainstream, tells on the origin of this word coming from the Latin term Religare, which means, reconnect, relate. Mircea Eliade(2010) tells about the myth of the eternal restart, a construction telling that we relate with the divinity by re-memorizing the original act. The second genealogical line supposes that religion came from Religio, in Latin, a careful observance. This line is more related with the methodical, strict learnt process of the religious rules. But, there is one more, explicated by Ingold, stating that the term might be original from the Latin word Relegere. It moves to the meaning of read, or knowing how to read, re-drawing the movements of the divine words, re-acting the acts of before. The one, who knows how to read the God’s writings, is the one whom will be able to act better what is expected in His desires. The acting of the religious themes, the bringing the lines to its previous paths, is what drives the lines through the new paths of re-signification. The Holy Christ, the religious feeling is the same; what is re-acted is the ways in which the terms will be imposed to the identification with the traditional.


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ENDNOTES 1

This very summarized and important description was based on the complete history of the Holy Christ of Miracles, which can be found in the website of the House of the Azores in São Paulo. http://www.casadosacores.com/

REFERENCES Eliade, M. Tratado de história das religiões. 4. ed. São Paulo: Martins Fontes, 2010. Wagner, R. A invenção da cultura. Rio de Janeiro: Cosac & Naify, 2010. Ingold, T. Lines: a brief history. London: Routledge, 2007. Leal, J. As festas do Espírito Santo nos Açores: um estudo de antropologia social. Lisboa: Publicações Dom Quixote, 1994. Leal, J. Etnografias portuguesas (1870-1970): Cultura popular e identidade nacional. Lisboa: Publicações Dom Quixote, 2000. Henyei-Neto, G. The Azorean identity and heritage through the Holy Ghost Festival. In: HERITAGE 2010, 2010, Évora. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development, 2010. Henyei-NetoO, G. From Azores to São Paulo: re-signification of religiousness within the migration movement and the character of religion of the historical and cultural heritage.. In: Sharing Cultures 2011, 2011, Tomar. Sharing Cultures 2011. Barcelos : Green Lines Institute, 2011. v. 1. p. 507. Feldman-Bianco, B. Brazilians in Portugal, Portuguese in Brazil: constructions of sameness and difference. Vibrant: Brazilian Virtual Anthropology, Brasília, v. 1, p. 1-56, 2004. Feldman-Bianco, B. A taste of Portugal: transmigração, políticas culturais e a mercantilização da saudade em tempos neoliberais. Ler História, Lisboa, v. 56, p. 105-119, 2009. Blay, E. A. Eu não tenho onde morar: vilas operárias na cidade de São Paulo. São Paulo: Nobel, 1985. Niebuhr, R. As Origens das Denominações Cristãs. São Paulo: ASTE/Ciências da Religião, 1992.

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The ancient-new city of Yerevan: conserving urban heritage from below A. Ivanov Russian Institute for Cultural Research, Moscow, Russia

ABSTRACT: The goal of this article is to analyze the situation with the conservation of the urban heritage in a modern city with ancient roots, complicated history and active urban development at the moment, when the established strong top-down administrative approach is close to discredit and failure. The article covers the first intellectual results of comprehensive understanding of Yerevan’s urban heritage, and describes the first practical cases in the field of actual Yerevan’s urban conservation from below. Some proposals for more efficient conservation policy including multi-actor citizen-lead activity are formulated as outcomes.

1 WHY THE “ANCIENT-NEW” CITY? One of the most popular slogans of Yerevan sounds like this: “Our city is 29 years older than Rome!” The first mention of the city, indeed, belongs to 782 BC (the foundation of a fortified town of Erebuni located in the north part of the state of Urartu). However, over the next centuries the development of Yerevan was not continuous, the town was repeatedly destroyed by many earthquakes and invasions by foreign conquerors; it served as a peripheral settlement for various empires. The national makeup of the city also changed substantially (Zakoyan et al., 2002). In the 1920s, when Yerevan quite suddenly acquired the status of the capital of one of Soviet republics, it was a rather small town with an appearance and development perceived as rather provincial, not meeting the new value of the city. That was when the attitude to Yerevan as a “new city” was formed. The master plan developed by the famous Armenian architect Alexander Tamanyan provided a substantial re-planning of the old town, the establishment of several large architectural ensembles, squares, avenues, and boulevards, with almost complete demolition of old buildings. No less important was the ideological and nationalist pathos. According to the idea of builders of “New Yerevan”, the global Armenian community (the Armenian diaspora is one of the largest in the world; millions of Armenians are scattered in different countries) for the first time received here a single capital, common to all local and foreign representatives of the nation. In was also a sort of compensation for the suffering during the Armenian Genocide, which occurred in the Ottoman Empire in 1915. As a result, the physical and symbolic novelty of the city outweighed its real historical structures, significance and traditions. Attitude to Yerevan as a city nominally ancient, but in fact new, that dominates in the Armenian society so far, has identified many of the acute problems of urban heritage preservation in this city.

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2 CHARACTERISTICS OF POST-SOVIET YEREVAN Yerevan is almost 2,800 years old; it grew up in the Soviet period from a population of about 30,000 till to 1.2 million (in 1989). Today, here in the capital of the independent Republic of Armenia, there are about 1.1 million residents – more than one-third of the country population, which was about 2.9 million people in the end of 2011 (official numbers). Most of the economically powerful actors of the country are concentrated in Yerevan. Such disproportion in the distribution of population and economic disparity which someone called hyper-centralization puts enormous pressure on the urban infrastructure, causing overcompaction of the city center and excessive pressure on the urban heritage. From another side, Armenia is now in a very hard geopolitical situation (tensions with major neighbors Turkey and Azerbaijan after the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the late 1980s – early 1990s) and is characterized by continuing emigration (labor emigration, which concerns the working-age men and is caused by the lack of jobs, as well as intellectual emigration because of dissatisfaction with the socio-political situation and the inability of the creative class to realize their capacities at home). As for the city itself, there are visible processes of ruralization of social environment, predominance of often corrupted and authoritarian politicians, inversion of urban-forming base (the collapse of most major Soviet industrial and scientific enterprises and the dominance of the “bazaar” economy), a lack of established and transparent systems of land regulation and heritage protection, an absence of understanding of heritage values among the most active actors of urban development. All this leads to environmental entropy, permanent losses of historically valuable buildings, public spaces and heritage in general (Sargsyan, 2011). 3 THE OVERALL STATUS OF YEREVAN’S URBAN HERITAGE Urban heritage of “Old Yerevan” is a set of heterogeneous, overlapping layers of material urban culture – from archaeological sites of the Kingdom of Urartu (8–7 centuries BC), medieval Armenian Churches of 12–17 centuries, “Persian” and “Turk” legacy of the 18th century (few last mosques and poorly preserved residential houses), civil buildings of the Russian Empire period (1830s–1910s), a fairly significant layer of self-developed, vernacular development of different ages to high-quality development in the “Armenian-Stalin-Empire” style (1930s–50s) and Soviet Modernism style (1960s–80s) (Ivanov, 2012a). (Fig. 1) But, despite the ‘nominal’ deepness and richness of Yerevan’s “heritage cake”, in reality the city looks like the Napoleon cake without cream between layers.

Figure 1. Yerevan mixture. On the main street of Yerevan – Abovyan street – there are samples of buildings of the early 20th century (center photo), 1950s (left), 2000s (on the right and in the background). Photo by the author, 2011


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The lack of visible and perceived links between the material layers of Yerevan’s heritage is partly compensated by means of symbolic saturation of the urban environment: the core of the city is filled up by numerous sculpture monuments to famous Armenians and other remarkable persons, memorial boards to important citizens, etc. Another, almost immaterial factor “gluing” together separate physical substances is the spirit of Yerevan, which reflects the specific set of Yerevan’s immaterial values (a combination of the “vertical” values of “Capital feeling”, ambition, individualism, and the “horizontal” values of cozy urban milieu, family-like respectful relations of neighbors, sincere love for the native places). This spirit is, in the author’s opinion, an equally important component of the Yerevan urban heritage. But without a real material “base” it could disappear very quickly (Ivanov, 2012b). So, the whole complex situation with the preservation of the urban heritage in Yerevan is, probably, close to critical. Permanent demolitions happen in the urban core, waste plots are filled with commercial buildings of poor architectural quality. The spirit of the city is “washed off”, according the feelings of many indigenous townspeople. Heritage is not perceived as a valuable resource, government and businesses regard the historical milieu just as a field for investments (Ivanov, 2011). In the core of all these negative processes is the top-down manner of the city governing in general and the heritage management in particular. Such attitude to the city and its environmental values is one of the worst remains of the soviet period. But this negative legacy has not been overcome in independent Armenia, but even enhanced because of the too close relationship between business and government, which took place in the post-Soviet period. However, in recent years, amid total devastation of the urban heritage of Yerevan, there have been grassroots efforts to preserve heritage, initiated by various non-governmental actors of the urban environment. Let's look more closely at some specific cases that characterize processes taking place today with Yerevan urban heritage. 4 SOME EXAMPLES OF REAL CONSERVATION PROCESSES 4.1 Demolishing under developers’ pressure The largest and very characteristic development project of the 2000s is punching a new pedestrian street through the old neighborhoods of Yerevan – the so-called North Avenue.

Figure 2. Northern Avenue stops in front of the remains of the vernacular buildings. The probability of preservation of this corner of old Yerevan is very low. Photo by the author, 2011

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It was conceived by the author of master plan of New Yerevan A.Tamanyan as early as in 1920s. Northern Avenue diagonally connected the two main city squares. Dozens of valuable historic buildings, including valuable architectural monuments of the late 19th – early 20th centuries, were demolished during the cleaning of the area. (Fig. 2) The construction area was declared a zone of special state interest, property was disposed, people were resettled by force, being paid just a small monetary compensation. This led to social protests, however, unsuccessful. As a result, the city received a new public space, rather popular among the townspeople, which is located at the foot of the almost uninhabited elite residential complex (apartment were purchased not for living but as investments). But Yerevan has lost a sufficient part of its historical identity. Several projects of a smaller scale are already implemented or being realized in the city center today using the same mechanism. Several areas of historic buildings (Kond, Kozern, etc.) are declared zones of special state interest and await their fate (Ivanov, 2012a). 4.2 Applicationism One of the methods of the pseudo-conservation of uban heritage adopted in Yerevan is the imposition of the stone facades of the demolished monuments on a new structure. A typical example is the rear facade of one of the North Avenue building overlooking the Abovyan street. (Fig. 3) Typically, these applications do not appear on the site of the lost monument and can be regarded at best as “large memorial plaques” of the disappeared authentic houses, but not as their “recreation” or “conservation”.

Figure 3. Façade application as pseudo-conservation. Photo by the author, 2011

4.3 The “Old Yerevan” project: an official approach to “comprehensive” conservation In the two blocks in the very center of Yerevan the city authorities are planning the construction of an architectural complex “Old Yerevan”. It is a place where, according to the project by LV + Architect, developed in 2005, the buildings of the late 19th - early 20th centuries should be removed, valuable from the historical and architectural points of view, but pulled down in other parts of the city. (Fig. 4) In the central part of the extended area (approximately 300x70 m), judging by a few leaked images of the project, it has been planned to create a glass passage with trading, food and entertainment enterprises, oriented to commercial benefits of investors. The author of the project architect Levon Vardanyan believes that “it is better to have something than to lose everything”, and that in Yerevan there are no other ways to save the remaining monuments of the Russian Empire period (Mirzoyan 2012).


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It should be noted that this project is on the verge of violation of Republic of Armenia Law “On protection and use of immovable historical and cultural monuments and historic environment”, adopted November 11, 1998. According to the Law, the historic monument can not be completely destroyed, but must be restored or re-created in the original form. However, the Law allows “re-creation” of the surviving parts of the monument only during its restoration, which means, of course, the place where it was initially built (Article 30). Removal of monuments may be made only in exceptional cases with the permission of the Republic Government (Article 21). Whether such authorization is obtained for those buildings that are scheduled to being “re-created” in “Old Yerevan” is not known precisely. Unfortunately, this only attempt of the “integrated conservation” of urban heritage by the City is taken in the approach, which is totally unacceptable in today’s world and provokes critics of the project on such terms as “inventing” or “cooking” of the past.

Figure 4. Area of the possible realization of the “Old Yerevan” project. Photo by the author, 2011

4.4 Alternative: some cases of the preservation from below By coincidence, just at the edge of the area that could be used for the construction of “Old Yerevan”, on the street, Brothers Mnatsakanyan houses built in 1898 are situated. The complex of historic buildings is preserved almost completely. The larger house was restored by a businessman from Italy, known as “Villa Delenda”, and properly used (guest house and a handmade ceramics shop). The smaller, one-story building is an inhabited private dwelling house in a good condition. (Fig. 5) Will these original buildings, the examples of prudent attitude towards heritage, also be demolished to be replaced by “re-created” monuments from the other sites?

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Figure 5. The former brothers Mnatsakanyan mansion in Kokhbatsi Street. Photo by the author, 2011

4.5 Kond: “island of resistance” Kond Hill just near the center of Yerevan is probably the oldest continuously inhabited place in the city. It is a maze of crooked streets, alleys, stairways, passages, a sort of a “carpet” area – one- or two-story houses molded with adobe bricks, clay, rotten logs, rusted pipes, pieces of iron sheets, plywood, roofing slate. (Fig. 6) Some of the houses date back to the 18th century that is rare in Yerevan. (Fig. 7) There are problems with drinking water here, many families live in overcrowded conditions, poorly. Although there are quite comfortable, neat courtyards with vine pergolas and expensive cars. There are also new homes in 3-4 floors, with shops below. The value of Kond is that it is a completely self-organized, handmade environment, with a sense of contact, dense neighborhood links that exist between the inhabitants (Ivanov 2012a).

Figure 6. Kond. A typical living street. Photo by the author, 2011


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Figure 7. Kond. The building of former Persian mosque, converted into an apartment. Photo by the author, 2011

Mishel de Certeau in “Les revenants de la ville” speaks of phenomena such as Kond as “islets of resistance” of the stubborn past: “They stick in the middle of the modernist, massive, homogeneous city, as tips of the tongue that shows you the unknown, and possibly the unconscious. They are amazing” (De Certeau 1983). A documentary “Kond” (1987) by the famous Armenian director Harutyun Khachatryan, was largely built on the contrast perception of the area from the inside and outside – from the balconies of the high-rise hotel built for foreign tourists. Today the hotel “Dvin”, one of the examples of Soviet modernism style architecture, is lifeless, and will probably be demolished, and Kond is still living... What can be more sustainable? (Fig. 8)

Figure 8. Kond. Construction of new private houses and the vacant building of the “Dvin” Hotel (1978). Photo by the author, 2011

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4.6 Awareness rising projects There are several examples of projects aimed at increasing public knowledge on urban and architectural heritage of Yerevan. These projects are carried out in the mainstream of modern approaches to the historical heritage, like informed conservation, community building, public-private partnership’s establishment, etc., and may contribute to the creation of prerequisites, or the mental framework to at least engage most active and educated citizens into informed participation in heritage protection and conservation. For example, a site dedicated to the whole development and separate buildings of historic Yerevan (http://www.iatp.am/old_yerevan) gives encyclopedic descriptions of both preserved and lost monuments of 19th – early 20th century. The author of this project is the architectural historian Marietta Gasparyan. Another example – the Armenian Monuments Awareness Project (http://www.armenianmonuments.org) aimed to increase awareness of Armenia’s historical, cultural and natural monuments by creating and installing printed, multimedia and online presentations at selected sites. The final goal of this project is to stimulate sustainable economic development that springs from the cultural and touristic opportunities at Armenian monuments and destinations. So, most of activities are disseminated all around Armenia, but some of multi-language, multiple media interpretive displays, directional signage are also installed in the capital of Republic. 4.7 From virtual activity to real deals Several online communities, social groups, NGOs have gone further than mere heritage informing. Their sites have focused on the implementation of actions to protect specific heritage sites or certain people – the owners of historic buildings affected by the arbitrariness of the authorities and developers. As an example one could mention the website of the non-governmental organization www.sos.tsirani.am, which regularly reports about numerous problems and abuses that Yerevan’s architectural heritage faces day to day; the ReArk team that is a think-tank engaged in research and diverse activities aimed towards studying and solving various problems in Armenian architectural realm (http://reark.org); public organization “Victims of the state needs”, which arose in the wave of protests of residents of the North Avenue construction site and areas of other major development projects, which strongly disagreed with government decisions on the disposal of their property to public domain (in fact – to developers’ interests). This NGO works to protect property of citizens of alienated territories, as well as to save the historical and architectural monuments located there. The website has a map of Yerevan on which all the alienated territories are marked, and numerous video and photo materials (http://pkz.am – in Armenian). 4.8 Public movement to protect the heritage sites The house on the corner of the Abovyan and Arami streets is only 100 meters from the main, grand square of Yerevan. This is a very humble, almost imperceptible historic structure. The building is not among the listed monuments. But the buildings like this, which are living, fully functioning, authentic, are too rare in today’s Yerevan. (Fig. 9) At the end of November 2011 the house was surrounded by a construction fence, which in Yerevan means preparation to the rapid demolition. Youth urban activists with the support of several NGOs, and part of the intelligentsia came to the defense of this building. Pickets, PR campaigns, articles in newspapers and on the Internet were held. As a result, the city authorities retreated, perhaps temporarily. They have decided not to touch this little house, thereby preventing the prolongation of the Northern Avenue towards the main square for at least one year. Thus, this house, in the case of its conservation, could be a turning point in the activity for protection of urban heritage in Yerevan.


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Figure 9. The house in Arami Street, 30 (right side of the picture). Photo by the author, 2011

Blogger Armen Davtyan wrote in the Facebook’s group called “Civilization of Yerevan”: “If you listened to the songs that actual citizens of Yerevan sing, the young people who stand in picket lines now, you would feel that, in contrast to Dubai or Moscow, residents of Yerevan are not becoming ‘the Babylonians’. The city authorities have taught them for 20 years that all the old has to break, and nothing is given in return. And people began to realize that that they are deprived of the last thing they have – their city”. 5 WHAT TO DO? SOME OUTCOMES AND RECOMMENDATIONS Having considered the problems and the actual processes that go with Yerevan’s urban heritage, some important suggestions can be formulated. There is a need to develop new, integrated understanding of Yerevan as a truly historic city, the reversal of consciousness of all urban actors (government, business, society, active citizens) towards the depth of their own history and the intangible environmental values, taking into account the world experience of successful solutions in the urban heritage conservation not contradicting the development. For today’s Yerevan it is very important to expand the circle of decision makers with respect to historic preservation, to legalize the “grassroots” activity of citizens, to form the coherent legal framework for the emerged preservation from below. Residents of Yerevan, burdened with countless experience of irrevocable environmental losses, but having miraculously inherited some remnants of the real old town, are beginning to realize and consciously maintain their real value. In Yerevan, there are many individual active citizens and community organizations who are already well informed about the value of heritage, and who do not want to put up with its destruction, with the denial of their civil rights to inherit the past of the city.

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The revival of Old Yerevan could be sufficiently supported “from below”, and it is only necessary to create the legal and economic conditions for those who want to participate. This requires an open public dialog between the city authorities and civil society organizations concerned about preserving the true legacy in Yerevan. An approach that is appropriate to use in the preservation and renovation of all the genuine remains of old Yerevan may be close to the one for which Jane Jacobs called half a century ago: “To get rid of slums, we should consider their residents as human beings, which they undoubtedly are, who are capable to realize their interests and act to implement them. We must recognize, respect and use as a basis the forces of the revival that exist <…> and obviously operate in real cities” (Jacobs 1961). REFERENCES De Certeau, M. 1983. Les revenants de la ville (Ghosts in the City) In Architecture intérieure/Créé 19293. Jacobs, J. 1961. The Death and Life of Great American Cities. New York: Random House. Ivanov, A. 2011 (in Russian with English abstract). Why Old Yerevan is not conserved and whether it can be saved. In Development Perspectives and Preservation of the Intellectual Heritage of Architecture and Urban Construction; Proc. intern. conf., Yerevan, 17-18 November 2011: 68-70. Yerevan: National Museum-Institute of Architecture. Ivanov, A. 2012a (in Russian). Northern Avenue leads to Kond. Essays on a Genius Loci. In Voice of Armenia 12 (20225), 9 February 2012. Yerevan // http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20225/society/16556/; http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20225/society/16557/. Ivanov, A. 2012b (in Russian). Yerevan: place of the scattered genius. In SPEECH 9. Moscow (to be printed). Mirzoyan, T. 2012 (in Russian). “Old Yerevan” in the center of capital. In Voice of Armenia 10 (20223), 4 February 2012. Yerevan // http://www.golosarmenii.am/ru/20223/society/16431/. Sargsyan, Y. 2011. The role of historical buildings in the culture of the city // http://reark.org/articlesentries/the-role-of-a-historical-monument-in-city-culture/. Zakoyan, G., Sivaslian, M. & Navasardian, V. 2002. My Yerevan. Yerevan: ACNALIS.


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The cultural context in sustainable development: approaches and resources to support the 4th pillar J. Jacoby University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, IL, USA

E. Cooper Emory University, Atlanta, GA, USA

ABSTRACT: Sustainable development is often conceptualized as the interaction between three overlapping spheres: environment, economy and society. More recently, culture has been proposed to be an essential fourth pillar of sustainability (Hawkes, 2001; UNESCO, 2010). In this formulation, culture is a vital component of sustainability, “a powerful contributor to economic development, social stability and environmental protection. As a repository of knowledge, meanings and values that permeate all aspects of our lives, culture also defines the way human beings live and interact both at local and global scales” (UNESCO, 2010). Cultural diversity is recognized as being just as essential to human well being as biological diversity is to a healthy environment. Sustaining the diversity of local cultures and lifeways has thus become an essential component—the 4th pillar—of sustainable development. At the same time, intangible heritage is increasingly recognized as an essential part of heritage management alongside natural heritage sites, monuments and other tangible manifestations of culture. In this paper, we explore the importance of the broader cultural context in sustainable heritage management and provide an overview of the information resources available in online and digital repositories that can help support a culturally-grounded approach. Gaps in the available resources will be highlighted in order to identify areas where cultural institutions should focus further efforts to develop these types of collections. 1 CULTURE AND INTANGIBLE HERITAGE Until recently, heritage management efforts generally focused on physical artifacts, tangible property, monuments and sites but as Ahmad (2006) has so meticulously traced through time and across borders, the scope of heritage has gradually expanded to include both environments and “intangible heritage.” This broadening of the definition of heritage developed unevenly in different places. In Australia, ICOMOS adopted an expanded definition of cultural heritage in the 1970s which included “place,” “cultural significance” and “fabric.” UNESCO laid the groundwork internationally in 1989 with the issuance of a Recommendation on the Safeguarding of Traditional Culture and Folklore, but it was not until UNESCO’s 2003 Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage that intangible heritage was formally recognized as intrinsic part of cultural heritage. The 2003 convention defined intangible cultural heritage as: The practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills—as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith—that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognise as part of their cultural heritage. This intangible cultural heritage, transmitted from generation to generation, is constantly recreated by communities and groups in response to their environments, their interaction with nature and their history, and provides them with a sense of identity and continuity, thus promoting respect for cultural diversity and human creativity. (UNESCO, 2003, Article 2:2)

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Specifically, this includes “traditions or living expressions inherited from our ancestors and passed on to our descendants,” such as “oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage; performing arts; social practices, rituals and festive events; knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe; and traditional craftsmanship” (UNESCO, 2003). In many ways, the evolving scope of cultural heritage reflects the range of definitions of culture. In common parlance, culture is most often associated with forms of artistic expression such as music and the arts–the high culture of great cities, museums and theaters. The other commonly held view of culture sees it as something distant in time and place from our modern experience, bound in tradition and rooted in the past. In this definition, culture is something reenacted in quaint folkloric performances for tourists or objectified in historic buildings or archaeological ruins. In anthropology, and in the sense intended in this discussion, culture is deeper, more pervasive and more present. In this broader definition, culture is comprised of a complex web of meanings, relationships, beliefs and values that frame people’s relationships to the world (UNESCO, 2010). It involves all forms of expression, from the artistic to everyday, and is manifested in the ways we walk, talk, and be in the world. Culture is inherently local, and is rooted in a particular place and historical trajectory of a distinct people, but is developed in interaction with other peoples and the global milieu. This more expansive definition of culture is largely coterminous with intangible heritage as defined in the 2003 UNESCO Convention, though some have pointed out that in practice the 2003 convention tends to foreground manifestations of intangible heritage that can be seen, heard or touched and caution that we must be mindful of this tendency to reify cultural processes (Kurin, 2004) Moylan et al. (2009:448) conclude that “intangible heritage has emerged worldwide as an important part of heritage management, and will require extensive cultural heritage knowledge to enable it to be identified, documented, evaluated, conserved and monitored.” This paper provides an overview of the information resources available in online and digital repositories that can help support a culturally grounded approach to heritage management. Gaps in the available existing resources are highlighted in order to identify areas where cultural institutions should focus further efforts to develop the information resources needed to support and document the study and preservation of intangible cultural heritage. 2 CULTURAL HERITAGE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT One of the most commonly cited definitions of sustainable development was presented in the 1987 Brundtland Report to the United Nations (United Nations General Assembly, 1987): “Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” Sustainability is often conceptualized as the interaction between three overlapping spheres: environment, economy and society. Some see the social and economic spheres as being embedded within the constraints of the carrying capacity of the environment (IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991), while others see the three as interacting spheres that affect each other through mutual feedback loops. McKeown (2002) explains it thusly: “If you consider the three to be overlapping circles…the area of overlap in the center is human well-being. As the environment, society, and economy become more aligned, the area of overlap increases, and so does human well-being.” This is an important corrective to the tendency to reduce sustainability to a purely environmental issue that can be addressed through technical or economic solutions alone. As Drexhage and Murphy (2010) note, “While sustainable development is intended to encompass three pillars, over the past 20 years it has often been compartmentalized as an environmental issue. Added to this, and potentially more limiting for the sustainable development agenda, is the reigning orientation of development as purely economic growth.” Indeed, the development community’s focus on a Western conception of economic growth as its overriding goal has long been seen as problematic (Escobar, 1995). More recently, the idea that the cultural dimension is an essential fourth pillar of sustainability has taken hold in both the sustainable development and cultural heritage communities. Hawkes (2001) argues that “Cultural vitality is as essential to a healthy and sustainable society as social equity, environmental responsibility and economic viability.” Likewise, the United


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Cities and Local Governments’ Agenda 21 asserts that “the protection, promotion and maintenance of cultural diversity are an essential requirement for sustainable development for the benefit of present and future generations” and has proposed to make culture an organizing principle for the 2012 United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. The preservation and maintenance of cultural diversity is thus increasingly recognized as a fundamental good and a common right, as essential to human well being as biological diversity is essential to a healthy environment. As a recent UNESCO (2010) publication asserts “Culture, in all its dimensions, is a fundamental component of sustainable development….a powerful contributor to economic development, social stability and environmental protection. As a repository of knowledge, meanings and values that permeate all aspects of our lives, culture also defines the way human beings live and interact both at local and global scales.” Sustaining the diversity of local cultures and lifeways, as a repository of meaning and knowledge, thus becomes a goal in itself, and the maintenance of distinct cultures is recognized as being inextricably tied to the preservation of our tangible and biological heritage. There is considerable evidence that approaches to heritage or development work that are not supported by the surrounding communities will not be successful and there are many stories about heritage sites whose success is marred by misunderstandings or outright antagonism with local community members (McShane & Wells, 2004; Bassi, 2003; Escobar, 1995; Kottak, 1991; Uphoff, 1991). For any project to be sustainable, it must articulate in meaningful ways with the beliefs and practices of the surrounding community and on some level be incorporated into local way of life. As a recent IUCN guide to sustainable management of tourism in World Heritage sites explains “diversity in these sites is not limited to their physical features, but also encompasses an inseparable human component…there are many stakeholders in World Heritage Sites: Local communities, traditional owners and custodians of these places have very strong cultural connections (Borges, 2011:3).” Based on an in-depth review of 68 development projects as a consultant for the World Bank, anthropologist Conrad Phillip Kottak (1990:724) notes the importance of the cultural dimension: “…successful projects respected, or at least did not work in opposition to, local cultural patterns… [and] incorporated indigenous cultural practices and social structures.” In contrast, as he goes on to observe that “Many project incompatibilities have arisen from inadequate attention to, and consequent lack of fit with, existing sociocultural conditions.” Just one example of the many “naive and socioculturally incompatible projects” Kottak analyzed was an irrigation and settlement scheme in East Africa: Traditional land rights were ignored. The herders’ territory was to be used for new commercial farms, and the pastoralists converted into small farmers. This project was designed to benefit not the herders, but wealthy commercial farmers… the pastoralists were expected to give up a generations-old way of life in order to work three times harder growing rice and picking cotton for bosses. Until recently, these sort of displacements were common when setting up a park or protected area since, as Borrini-Feyerabend et al (2004) explain “Conventional protected area approaches dominant over the past 100 to 150 years have tended to see people and nature as separate entities, often requiring the exclusion of human communities from areas of interest, prohibiting their use of natural resources and seeing their concerns as incompatible with conservation.” This, thankfully, is changing and involving communities as stewards and decision-makers is recognized as an asset rather than a liability. Environmental and cultural heritage are increasingly recognized as inextricably intertwined. While it seems self-evident that an approach to heritage management and preservation that recognizes the centrality of intangible cultural heritage is unlikely to overlook key sociocultural dynamics, it is nonetheless important to be cognizant of these pitfalls and develop a systematic approach to ensuring that a more nuanced understanding of the local situation. Kottak (1991) recommends a process that starts with background research and continues with direct field observation and community participation during all stages of project development and follow-up assessment. Australia Heritage Division (2004) outlines a similar approach of participatory planning grounded in an understanding of the sociocultural, economic and historical context of the site, and Borrini-Feyerabend et al (2004) also provides an excellent framework for establishing meaningful collaborations with local communities.

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3 RESOURCES FOR CULTURALLY-GROUNDED SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Understanding local culture and practices is important to successful sustainable development and heritage preservation programs, and it is important for anyone who wants to be successful in this sort of work to become familiar with the local practices, social structures, and priorities of the group with which they are working (Jacoby and Cooper, 2011). This is true not only for outsiders working in a new environment, but also for insiders who need to be consciously aware of the structures and systems in place in their own culture in order to successfully integrate new ideas and strategies into the existing order. It is also relevant to local populations that want to be able to preserve and access their own traditional knowledge in the future. In this section we will provide examples of resources for finding and using culturally grounded information for background research to supplement and prepare for direct, participatory engagement with communities onsite. Our focus will be on key online resources providing culturally grounded information that are freely available on the Internet, although several key subscription resources will also be noted. The resources that we will highlight include: ethnographic resources, research generated by developing countries, local news (sources of local voices), and indigenous knowledge. Other sources of information that can also be useful to understand local context include spatial information, historical information, travelogues, films, music and folklore (Chambers, 1991; Uphoff, 1991). The resources detailed below are key illustrative examples, not an exhaustive list. 3.1 Ethnographic Literature Cultural anthropologists study cultural variation among humans and have a tradition of analyzing and documenting cultural practices by writing ethnographies. Ethnographies are first-hand, descriptive written accounts (usually a book or an article), produced through participant observation of a particular culture or group. Ethnographies are some of the most useful published works available about local cultural practices. The information they provide is often invaluable and difficult to obtain from other sources. Accessing the anthropological literature and finding ethnographies can be somewhat challenging, as they are often not labeled as such. Some resources for finding ethnographies include article indexes as well as websites that focus on a specific culture: ⎯ Royal Anthropological Institute’s (RAI) Anthropological Index Online (AIO) http://aio.anthropology.org.uk/aio/ (free, depending on specific conditions) – An index to the anthropological literature from 770 anthropology journals in 40 languages held in The Centre for Anthropology Library at the British Museum. Many ethnographies are indexed, including those from outside the West. ⎯ The Virtual Institute of Mambila Studies http://lucy.ukc.ac.uk/dz/ - website developed by researchers interested in a specific culture/group that provide links to ethnographic articles and information about cultural groups and related topics 3.1.1 Online book collections ⎯ WORLDCAT http://www.worldcat.org/ – A database of the holdings of thousands of libraries worldwide. ⎯ HATHI Trust http://www.hathitrust.org/ – A database of of digitized library books. Depending on copyright status and whether your Library was a contributor, some books will be available full-text while others will be searchable but not available for full-text viewing. ⎯ Google Books http://books.google.com/ – A database of full text books and books that are searchable but not available for full-text viewing. These resources allow you to search many library collections and books at once and can help you identify ethnographic monographs and films. If the full-text of the book is not available online, you may be able to obtain the book from your local library or through interlibrary loan. Because the term “ethnography” is not an official Library of Congress Subject Heading it will not be a useful search term in a library catalog unless it is included in an item’s title, table of contents or text (in the later case it may just be a random word in the text, resulting in a false


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positive). Often there is no indication in the bibliographic record that an item is an ethnography. To identify ethnographic works, it is best to search keywords for your culture/region and topic with the word “ethnography” and then look through the records for items that might be ethnographies. Another useful approach is to identify key anthropologists working in the area and work from the works cited in their recent publications to identify key sources. 3.1.2 Subscription resources ⎯ eHRAF Human Relations Area Files http://www.yale.edu/hraf/ collections.htm full text ethnographies, coded and searchable by culture group, region and topic. ⎯ Countries and their Cultures (Ember & Ember, 2001) – A 4-volume encyclopedia, available as online subscription and in print, that provides overviews of various culture groups and their practices; good for getting an understanding of a group with which you are not very familiar. ⎯ Various area studies databases – these provide access to the scholarly literature about a region. Many will include articles with an ethnographic approach or articles by researchers from a country/region. Examples include: HAPI (Latin America), Index Islamicus (countries in the Islamic world), Bibliography of Asian Studies (Asia). Most regions have a database that indexes the literature related to that area. ⎯ Ethnographic Video Online http://alexanderstreet.com/products/ethnographic-video-online – online streaming ethnographic films and documentaries. However, you can also search your local library for films about the culture you wish to learn about. 3.2 Research Generated by Developing Countries Research and reports generated by non-Western researchers and institutions also provide insight on local culture. This research can demonstrate the issues that local institutions and cultures consider priorities, document work that has been done in these areas, and provide a perspective on issues that research by non-locals cannot. However as Gray (2010) writes, research generated in developing countries is often marginalized and difficult to access. It is not part of the global North’s commercial scholarly publishing culture and therefore is not included in the major research journals and indexes published there. One reason for this is that in many developing countries, the primary research output is technical reports, policy papers, and other modes of dissemination that are not included in the global North’s hierarchy of valued research output (i.e. ranked scholarly journals). Gray also recounts the editor of Lancet (a highly ranked academic journal) “describing how if he chose to publish African authors this might reduce the citation impact of his journal. The most cited articles in medical journals… are studies of randomised trials from rich countries and if he published African authors, these articles would score fewer citations.” The Lancet editor goes on to lament that the current system creates incentives to marginalize the very research that could have the biggest impact on the parts of the world that need it most. As Gray notes, several groups have been working to remedy this situation and rebalance the scholarly publishing models that currently marginalize and undervalue research generated in developing countries. Examples of some of the major portals to research articles and repositories produced in the developing world that aim to remedy this situation include: ⎯ SciELO (Scientific Electronic Library Online) http://www.scielo.org/index.php?lang=en – Developed for meeting the needs of scientific communication in the developing world, especially Latin America and the Caribbean, with the aim to improve access to this literature. An excellent open access full-text database of approximately 900 journals on a wide range of multidisciplinary subjects, with searching in English, Spanish and Portuguese. This portal fulfills a need not met by other resources which focus on the literature of the West, and Its citation impact measures are quite impressive. Overall, this is one of the most comprehensive, well-organized, and easy to use open access databases available. ⎯ OpenDOAR (The Directory of Open Access Repositories) http://www.opendoar.org/index html -- A directory of open access academic repositories that include electronic theses and dissertations (ETDs) as well as faculty and insti-


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tutional publications. Allows you to identity repositories from countries in which you have an interest, e.g. 30+ African repositories are included, and search the repositories’ content. However, OpenDOAR is limited to the number of repositories that register with it and there are many repositories in developing countries that are not included. To find other useful repositories you will need to search the Internet. ⎯ Websites of local research institutions are also useful, for example,: ⎯ KIPPRA (Kenya Institute for Public Policy Research and Analysis) http://www.kippra.org/ – Provides full text of reports, occasional papers and working papers written by the institute (look under the “resources” tab for publications and datasets). KIPRA is not included in OpenDOAR which demonstrates the need to supplement aggregator sites like OpenDOAR with an exhaustive search on the Internet to in order to identify all relevant research from a specific country. 3.3 Local News/Local Voices Another way to gain insight into local culture and an understanding of local perspectives on issues is to read the local news and blogs generated in a country. Some examples of resources that help the researcher to identify and access this information, especially if you do not speak the local language, are listed below. ⎯ Global Voices – http://globalvoicesonline.org/ An international community of bloggers and translators who report on blogs and citizen media from around the world. ⎯ Al-Bab, Best of the Arab Blogs http://www.al-bab.com/arab/blogs htm – English language blogs from around the Arab World (edited by the Guardian’s Middle East Editor). ⎯ AllAfrica.com http://allafrica.com/ (register to access current news; subscribe for archives/advanced search) – Aggregates news sources from around Africa. ⎯ Subscription news sources – There are numerous subscription news sources, examples include Access World News (from NewsBank) which provides full-text information and perspectives from over 700 international sources and Latin American Newsstand (from Proquest) which includes recent issues of 41 Central and South American newspapers. 3.4 Indigenous Knowledge The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) defines indigenous knowledge [IK] as “the knowledge that … [a local] community accumulates over generations of living in a particular environment…. [it] encompasses all forms of knowledge – technologies, know-how skills, practices and beliefs – that enable the community to achieve stable livelihoods in their environment.” The World Bank Group adds that “it is tacit knowledge and therefore difficult to codify, embedded in community practices, institutions, relationships and rituals” and is “commonly held by communities rather than individuals.” Indigenous knowledge is disappearing due to many factors such as the encroachment of modernization, the loss of elders, and the significant decline in emphasis on transmission of this knowledge to younger generations (IFLA, 2002). IK is important to the groups from which the knowledge originates, as well as for the rest of the world. Moylan et al. (2009) describe a recent project with a deeply collaborative approach to documenting indigenous knowledge that demonstrates this intrinsic and extrinsic value. Their Cultural Landscape Atlas involved working with local communities to map the entwined cultural and environmental histories of Culgoa National Park. The maps created document the meanings the landscape has for local indigenous and settler communities, provide a valuable resource for park managers and staff, and provide a richer experience for visitors to the area. Although there are some websites that provide access to IK itself, most are overviews to IK in general. Actual documented IK can be difficult to gain access to. This is for a variety of reasons including intellectual property issues. Some examples of IK websites include: ⎯ WIPO Portal of Online Databases and Registries of Traditional Knowledge and Genetic Resources http://www.wipo.int/tk/en/databases/tkportal/


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⎯ Convention on Biological Diversity, Traditional Knowledge Information Portal http://www.cbd.int/tk/about.shtml – As stated on its website, “does not provide or document traditional knowledge per se …[but] focus[es on] information relevant to and about traditional knowledge.” ⎯ UNESCO Natural Sciences Indigenous Peoples http://www.unesco.org/new/en/naturalsciences/priority-areas/ – Includes a section with links to information about different projects, books etc. related to IK – but is not a portal into the actual IK itself. ⎯ Russian Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East: IK in Disaster Management http://www raipon.org/ikdm/ – Documents how indigenous people manage natural disasters. Includes database of transcripts of interviews and provides researchers access to the actual data gathered. Although it provides excellent information, the database is still very small. 3.5 General Development Resources There are many excellent websites that gather development related information. However, as our focus is on culturally grounded development resources, we will only touch on a few of the key general resources that will, by their inclusive nature, also include culturally grounded information. Most of these have sections that are organized by region or country and therefore may provide some access to a local perspective. The University of Sussex, Institute of Development Studies (IDS) supports two major online initiatives that provide information to development practitioners and students. They are two of the best development related online resources available: ⎯ BLDS (British Library of Development Studies) http://blds.ids.ac.uk/ – Europe's largest research collection on economic and social issues in developing countries. The “Subject Guides” (which includes topics like “tourism” and “identity”) and “Country Profiles” link to searches in the BLDS library catalog that help identify useful books/articles you can request from your library. Many local/regional sources are included. ⎯ ELDIS http://www.eldis.org/ – Provides access to a broad range of reports and other publications on research, policy and practice from over 7500 development organizations – many generated from organizations within the country studied; organized by country and topic. 3.5.1 Gateways to regional development NGOs. Gateways that bring together links to NGOs operating in a particular region can help provide a local perspective to issues and related projects in a country. They can also be useful for identifying potential partners, key stakeholders, and other organizations working on similar projects. Two examples include: ⎯ Propoor http://www.propoor.org/ – Web portal that provides information, resources and news about development work in South Asia; links thousands of NGOS across South Asia allowing them to share information. ⎯ CHOIKE http://www.choike.org/ – NGO directory portal dedicated to improving the visibility of the work done by NGOs and social movements from the South. A selection of materials produced by NGOs including in-depth reports on key issues, highlighting the position adopted by civil society on these issues. 3.5.2 Subscription resources ⎯ PAIS International (Public Affairs Information Service) ⎯ http://www.csa.com/ factsheets/ pais-set-c.php ⎯ CIAO (Columbia International Affairs Online) http://www.ciaonet.org/ ⎯ These two subscription databases provide access to articles, books, reports and grey literature from international governmental and non-governmental organizations and research institutes, including those from developing countries, and include information related to

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development and public policy. Although they are not free, they provide access to some materials that may be difficult to find elsewhere.

4 REVIEW OF GAPS AND AREAS WHERE LIBRARIES AND OTHER CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS SHOULD FOCUS FURTHER EFFORTS Although websites and portals that provide access to information about specific projects policy, news, and research continue to proliferate, there are still many gaps in the culturally-grounded information that is available. First, there are problems with uneven quality. Many sites have broken links, are poorly organized, and/or have a limited amount of content. These problems arise for various reasons. Sometimes an organization loses momentum and never develops or maintains their site. In other cases, the portal has a very narrow focus and is only intended to provide access to a limited amount of content. Sites with a narrow focus can be problematic in that they scatter resources and focus and lead to a diffuse information landscape, where information is not linked to related resources and is therefore difficult to discover. This can be frustrating to researchers and makes doing research time consuming and inefficient, as many sources may be overlooked. This is why projects like OpenDOAR are so important – they help link small organizations and provide wider access to their content. Additionally, small sites with limited content may waste energy re-inventing the wheel, expending resources to create infrastructure for their content when their resources might be better spent in other ways (i.e., getting more content online). This problem reflects a trend in which several groups or funding agencies tackle the same problem with varying degrees of success, scattering limited resources among competing initiatives. Initiatives such as SciELO are key to helping resolve this issue. SciELO is well organized, easy to use, and already has a great deal of content related to research originating in Latin America and the Caribbean. Helping to build and expand a program like SciELO’s would be preferable to trying to start similar separate initiatives. An area where libraries have played a central role is expanding access to theses and dissertations in electronic format (ETDs). Theses and dissertations are key resources from developing countries and their content is currently extremely difficult to access offsite. Although online open access to theses and dissertations is new even in developed countries, the need for in developing countries is particularly acute as ETDs provide a window to researchers around the world on the important work being done in the developing world. There are currently projects in South Africa and other countries to digitize and provide access to ETDs, but working to expand similar programs and link them (e.g. through OpenDOAR) so that their content is not isolated should be a priority. Another problematic area relates to finding and utilizing indigenous knowledge [IK]. The United Nations, International Federation of Library Associations (IFLA) and other organizations have been working to preserve indigenous knowledge, especially in an online format. Although there are a number of online IK portals, very few of them actually provide access to IK. Most provide an overview of IK in general, describe their past IK related projects, or provide very limited information. Once again, we see the problem of the unfinished project or small, scattered projects. In addition, much of the work done with indigenous knowledge is not online as the Internet is not the preferred method of access by local people. As Lwoga, Ngulube and Stillman (2010) wrote in their study of the transmission of IK in Tanzania, “…farmers are more likely to continue using face-to-face communication and probably radio and cell phones, while other advanced ICT, such as the Internet and email, will have low use….On the whole it is important to adapt and apply KM [knowledge management] approaches to manage IK and integrate it with other knowledge systems in the local communities.” Therefore, although an online format would help to preserve IK and make it available to the world, currently, for those in the developing world, other forms of preservation and dissemination are more important. Many studies have shown that IK is disseminated more efficiently among local populations through personal networks and with some assistance from intermediaries such as extension officers. This also means that for researchers interested in accessing IK in a specific locale, it may be necessary to go to these areas and work with local organizations to access this information.


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Some of the sources detailed above are available only to subscribers or to individuals affiliated with institutions who have licensed access to that resources. These sources are not available to professionals that are not affiliated with institutions that subscribe to these resources. Making more cultural information freely available online, as with many of the ETD projects, gateways like SCiELO and, potentially, more robust IK repositories, would ensure that this vital information can be accessed by all researchers and communities. More generally, one of the most difficult issues related to using any of the information described in this paper is finding it. Unless one has a background in researching cultural information regularly, it can very difficult to know where to begin or what types of resources may be available. A more concerted effort to bring together the diverse resources available could greatly benefit heritage and development professionals. 5 CONCLUSION Heritage professionals, local communities, and the success of heritage projects themselves can greatly benefit from incorporating information related to the cultural context into heritage work. In this paper, we have provided some examples of the types of resources heritage professionals may use to gain a local cultural perspective and we have identified some issues related to these resources and gaps in their coverage. The goal here is to 1) demonstrate the importance of heritage professionals regularly including cultural research and a cultural perspective in their work, and 2) to outline specific steps and approaches to make it easier to find relevant cultural information. Often, research into the local culture is not built in a heritage project (McShane & Wells, 2004; Bassi, 2003). The question the profession must ask itself is how to make this type of research structurally part of all heritage work. Recent steps in this direction include Australia Heritage Division’s (2004) guidelines for participatory project planning grounded in an understanding of the sociocultural, economic and historical context of the site. Borrini-Feyerabend et al (2004) also provide a model for an approach to cultural heritage documentation based in a deep appreciation of local ways of knowing and understanding. Even those heritage professionals who would like to incorporate this type of information into their research and may know where to begin will face some of the challenges outlined above when trying to identify relevant, timely information. As anthropology librarians we have seen how students and researchers often struggle to find this kind of information, especially if they are new to the field (Jacoby and Cooper, 2011). Hopefully the resources identified above will provide some useful starting points for background research, while the review of gaps and areas needing further development will serve as starting points for thinking about how we can make this information landscape easier to navigate and more richly populated. At the other end of the information lifecycle, where information is created and disseminated rather than researched and consulted, focused attention to the ongoing documentation of cultural heritage is essential to sustaining cultural vitality and diversity. Smithsonian Institution’s “Recovering Voices” program provides a good example of the possibilities here. Since 2009, Recovering Voices has been working in partnership with local communities to record, share and preserve information about endangered languages and knowledge. These types of partnerships between major cultural institutions, researchers, and local communities are the bedrock to an approach to cultural heritage that can sustain the richness of our current lived environment. REFERENCES Ahmad, Y. 2006. The scope and definitions of heritage: From tangible to intangible. International Journal of Heritage Studies 12(3): 292–300. Bassi, M. 2003. “Enhancing equity in the relationship between protected areas and local communities in the context of global change: horn of Africa and Kenya”. TILCEPA Report. www.iucn.org/themes/ceesp/Wkg_grp/TILCEPA/community.htm#A. Borges, M.A., Carbone, G., Bushell, R. & Jaeger, T. 2011. Sustainable Tourism and the Natural World Heritage: Priorities for Action. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN.

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Chambers, R. 1991. Shortcut and participatory methods for gaining social information for projects. In M. M. Cernea (ed), Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development, 2nd Ed., Washington, D.C.: Oxford University Press. Drexhage, J. & Murphy, D. 2010. Sustainable Development: From Brundtland to Rio 2012, Background Paper prepared for consideration by the High Level Panel on Global Sustainability at its first meeting, 19 September 2010. http://www.un.org/wcm/webdav/site/climatechange/shared/gsp/docs/GSP16_Background%20on%20Sustainable%20Devt.pdf. Accessed: 29 May 2011. Borrini-Feyerabend, G., A. Kothari & G. Oviedo. 2004. Indigenous and Local Communities and Protected Areas. World Commission on Protected Areas (WCPA), IUCN, Gland, Switzerland and Cambridge, UK. Escobar, A. 1995. Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Gray, E. 2009/2010. Access to Africa’s knowledge: Publishing development research and measuring value. The African Journal of Information and Communication, 10: 4-19. Hawks, J. 2001. The Fourth Pillar of Sustainability: Culture’s Essential Role in Public Planning. Melbourne, Australia: Common Ground Publishing. IFLA. 2002. Statement on Indigenous and Traditional Knowledge. http://www.ifla.org/ publications/iflastatement-on-indigenous-traditional-knowledge Accessed: 15 June 2011. IUCN/UNEP/WWF. 1991. Caring for the Earth: A Strategy for Sustainable Living. Gland, Switzerland: IUCN Publishing Division. http://gcmd.nasa.gov/records/GCMD_IUCN_CARING.html. Accessed: 29 May 2011. Jacoby, J. & Cooper, L. 2011. “Sustainable development in the cultural context: A review of sources and analysis of gaps.” Proceedings of the Social Science Libraries: A Bridge to Knowledge for Sustainable Development Conference, Havana, Cuba, August 8-10, 2011. http://www.ideals. illinois.edu/handle/2142/25649. Accessed: 29 Feb 2012. Kates, R., Parris, T. & Leiserowitz, A. 2005. What is sustainable development? Environment 47(3): 8–21. Korten, D. C. 1980. Community organization and rural development: A learning process approach. Public Administration Review, Sept.-Oct.: 480-512. Kottak, C.P. 1990. Culture and economic development. American Anthropologist, 92: 723-731. Kottak. C.P. 1991. When people don’t come first: Some sociological lessons from completed projects. In M. M. Cernea (ed), Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development, 2nd Ed., Washington, D.C.: Oxford University Press. Kurin. R. 2004. Intangible cultural heritage in the 2003 UNESCO Convention. Museum 56(1–2): 66-77 Lwoga, E. T., Ngulube, P., & Stilwell, C. 2010. Managing indigenous knowledge for sustainable agricultural development in developing countries: Knowledge management approaches in the social context. The International Information and Library Review 42: 174-185. McShane, T. O. & Wells, M. P. (eds). 2004. Getting Biodiversity Projects to Work: Towards More Effective Conservation and Development. Columbia University Press, New York, New York, USA.. McKeown, R. 2002. The ESD Toolkit 2.0. www.esdtoolkit.org. Accessed: May 29, 2011. Moylan, E., Brown, S. & Kelly, C.. 2009. Toward a cultural landscape atlas: Representing all the landscape as cultural, International Journal of Heritage Studies, 15(5): 447-466 UNESCO. 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00022#art2. Accessed: 25 February 2012. UNESCO. 2010. The Power of Culture for Development. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/ 001893/189382e.pdf. Accessed May 29, 2011. United Nations Environment Programme. Indigenous Knowledge. http://www.unep.org/ik/. Accessed: 25 February 2012. United Nations General Assembly. 1987. Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development: Our Common Future. Transmitted to the General Assembly as an Annex to document A/42/427 - Development and International Co-operation: Environment. Accessed: 29 May 2011. Uphoff, N. 1991. Fitting Projects to People. In M. M. Cernea (ed), Putting People First: Sociological Variables in Rural Development, 2nd Ed., Washington, D.C.: Oxford University Press. World Bank Group. Indigenous Knowledge Program. http://www.worldbank.org/afr/ik/what.htm. Accessed: 25 February 2012.


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Literary Heritage or National Heritage? Landscape Preservation and Change in Dorset R. Jones Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia

T. Dolin Department of Communication and Cultural Studies, Curtin University, Perth, Western Australia

ABSTRACT: The largely rural landscape of Dorset is widely seen as being essentially and traditionally English. In part, this perception has been entrenched in the public mind by the late nineteenth and early twentieth century writings of Thomas Hardy and, in more recent years, by numerous film and television adaptations of his works. In an unrelated but in some ways parallel development, the Prince of Wales has encouraged the development of a present day version of a traditional English village at Poundbury on the outskirts of the county town of Dorchester (Hardy’s Casterbridge). In this presentation, I argue that the surface features of past landscapes are often preserved or even recreated for contemporary purposes that have little to do with the (often agricultural) functions for which these landscape features were first devised and more to do with contemporary visions of heritage and even nationalism. This will be illustrated through the results of a survey of tourists at a variety of Hardy-related sites in and around Dorchester which considered the extent to which they sought and/or found rural landscapes which they could relate to Hardy’s works. It will also consider the landscape of Poundbury, which has been developed as an idealisation of a traditional English village. Under the theme of heritage and sustainable development the paper will consider whether heritage(s) is/are being sustained, retained, transformed or creatively destroyed by literary tourism and royal property development in and around Dorchester.

1 INTRODUCTION The first sentence of the entry on Dorset in ”The Oxford Companion to British History” (Cannon(ed.) 1997:302) notes that “Dorset is one of the oldest and most beautiful shires.” However, having acknowledged the heritage potential of the county’s landscapes on the basis of history and aesthetics, the Companion continues in a very different vein, as follows: But it has been so immortalized in the novels of Thomas Hardy that to many people it is bet ter known in fiction than in fact – the land of Tess and of Gabriel Oak, of Giles Winterbourne and Marty South, of Eustachia Vye, the reddleman and Michael Henchard – trapped in time where Mrs. Yeobright sits dying on Egdon Heath and the effigy of Henchard swirls round and round the weir-pond outside Casterbridge.” In spatial terms, Hardy’s novels were set in South West England, an area which he fictionalised as ‘Wessex’ by changing nothing but the place names. Thus Dorset (the most common setting for his novels) became ‘South Wessex’ and its county town of Dorchester became ‘Casterbridge’ and so on. Although they were largely written in the late nineteenth century, the novels characteristically portrayed mid nineteenth century English rural life as it was observed and


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remembered by Hardy from his childhood in a small village just outside Dorchester. This was a critical period in English history, as Short (2005:177) notes in his evaluation of Hardy’s novels: He gives us a picture of the countryside in transition, a rural region rich in local ways and customs, being incorporated into a metropolitan society with national codes and standardised life styles. He is, in effect, describing the death throes of an authentically different rural society. Hardy, at the time he was writing, was, unsentimentally, describing the upheavals in the Dorset economy, society and landscape that came about as the industrial revolution took hold in Britain and as the coming of the railways ended both the isolation and, in many ways, also the distinctiveness of the English rural regions. Many twentieth and twenty first century readers of his novels – and viewers of their frequent television and film adaptations - however, would appear to agree with the Oxford Companion’s view that Hardy’s Wessex novels depict a bygone rural England, an England, furthermore, that these readers and viewers can idealise and view with nostalgia. Significantly, as Selwyn (1996) argues in “The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth Making in Tourism”, many will aspire to find, in the locations where the novels were set, at the very least, echoes and, ideally, tangible evidence of Hardy’s Wessex. The main intent of this paper is therefore to consider whether such echoes are still to be found in and around Dorchester/Casterbridge which is, arguably, the epicentre of Hardy’s fictional world. It will present some results from a survey, undertaken in 2009, of tourists at several Hardy-related sites in Dorchester and in Lower Bockhampton, his birthplace. The survey sought to identify the extent to which Hardy was a factor in their visits to the area and whether they could relate the contemporary Dorset landscapes to the narratives and the settings of Hardy’s work. However, since the broader theme of this paper is the preservation of aspects of a Hardyesque past into Dorset’s/Dorchester’s present, some attention must be paid to a major local development which, although it does not specifically reference Hardy and his work, also aspires to perpetuate, if not to re-create, traditional English landscape ideals. Poundbury is a major suburban development on the western edge of Dorchester. What makes it both distinctive and relevant to this paper is that this development is occurring on former farmland owned by the Prince of Wales in his capacity as the Duke of Cornwall and that it is being undertaken in accordance with the Prince’s views on modern architecture and on environmental and planning issues more widely (HRH the Prince of Wales, 1989). The development of Poundbury is deliberately intended to be strongly reminiscent of the village and small town landscapes of Dorset immediately prior to the industrial revolution and therefore of the village and townscapes, if not the rural landscapes, of Hardy’s Wessex. While both the ‘Hardy (tourist) industry’ and the Prince of Wales’ suburban development are idiosyncratic events, they are both examples of a much wider valorisation of the pre industrial past which figures strongly in the heritages and the imaginaries, not only of England but of many other nations. The conclusion of this paper will therefore consider both of these phenomena as examples of a much wider heritage movement that is, perhaps, particularly characteristic of villages, small towns and their surrounding countrysides in long settled and economically developed countries. 2 HARDY COUNTRY/HARDY TOURISM The impact of Thomas Hardy and his literary work on contemporary Dorchester and its surrounds is immediately apparent. As the town’s and, arguably, the county’s most famous son, his statue looks down on Dorchester’s main street from a site known locally as the “top of the town”. Further along this street, in the town centre, the Dorset County Museum features a Thomas Hardy Gallery which includes a replica of his study and extensive references, frequently topographic, to his Wessex novels. The Barclay’s Bank branch which dominates a pedestrianised town centre shopping street, is both an imposing nineteenth century building and clearly, from a number of textual references, the model for the residence of one of Hardy’s most famous fictional characters, the Mayor of Casterbridge. Its walls are therefore graced with both an


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automatic cash dispenser and the characteristic round blue plaque which, in Britain at least, always denotes an important cultural heritage association. Many businesses in the town have adopted trading names capitalising on Hardy and his works. Some of these are obviously related to the tourist industry, such as the Casterbridge Bed and Breakfast. Others, such as Casterbridge Mortgages, are not; and others again, such as Greenwood Carpets, may or may not be trading on the Hardy legend regardless of whether any local customers or Hardy tourists choose to see any association between this business and his novel, “Under the Greenwood Tree”. On the edge of the town and extending ca. five kilometres to its east are several sites of what might be termed Hardy pilgrimage. Max Gate is the impressive suburban house that Hardy designed (he was an architect by training) and in which he lived from 1885, after he became a successful man of letters, until his death in 1928. It stands in considerable contrast to the much more humble thatched cottage by an unsurfaced country lane in Lower Bockhampton, where he was born in 1840 and in which he spent his childhood. Between these two residences lies the church at Stinsford. This is the church that Hardy attended as a boy and, while his ashes lie in Poets’ Corner in Westminster Abbey, he requested that his heart be buried in its churchyard alongside the graves of his first wife and other family members. Hardy first attained popular success with “Under the Greenwood Tree”, which was first published in 1872, and, almost immediately, interested readers began to visit the sites where the novels were set, particularly after Osgood McIlvaine’s collected edition of the novels (with commissioned landscape drawings on their engraved frontispieces) came out in 1895 and Macmillan’s Wessex edition of the novels appeared in 1912. During this period several books and guides to Hardy’s Wessex appeared and the famous Wessex map, which contained both fictional and actual place names, obviously assisted early literary tourists in identifying the locations of scenes from his novels. This process was further assisted by a series of ‘tour pamphlets’ produced by the Thomas Hardy Society in the 1970s which, novel by novel, provided maps and itineraries for walks and car tours to all of these works’ identifiable locations. In 1994 several tourist, heritage and local government organisations combined to establish the Hardy Trail. This consisted of an ‘Inner‘ and an ‘Outer’ Tour. The inner loop included Dorchester, Stinsford and Lower Bockhampton and was entirely within 15 kilometres of Dorchester. The Outer Tour was considerably longer taking in much of Dorset and extending beyond it to such tourist centres as Bournemouth and Salisbury. While most of the 38 pages of documentation on the Trail focus on Hardy and on the settings of his novels, they also include information on “Accommodation and Refreshment Along the Trail” and on “Tempting Diversions.” A 2006 publication by the West Dorset Council and the Thomas Hardy Society depicts a modified Hardy Trail, taking in parts of both the inner and outer tours, but remaining entirely within the West Dorset District. It also provides information on the locations used in several recent and not so recent film and television adaptations of Hardy’s works, extending back to the classic Alan Bates and Julie Christie “Far from the Madding Crowd” made in 1967. By the early 21st century, therefore, a mature Hardy tourism industry had developed which was attracting considerable numbers of visitors to the area. Many of these viewed Hardy’s works as a major contribution to England’s literary heritage and, perhaps more arguably, they were seeking, over a century after the novels were written and a century and a half after they were set, a landscape and even a national heritage that they could associate with Hardy’s works. 3 THE HARDY SURVEYS To examine some of the relationships between Hardy’s work and the contemporary Dorset landscape, at least in the minds of tourists visiting various Hardy sites, two surveys were conducted in and around Dorchester in the summer of 2009. While the main survey was of tourists visiting any one of: Max Gate; Lower Bockhampton; the Hardy Gallery at the County Museum; or the Dorchester Visitor Centre, which offers a considerable amount of information to Hardy tourists, it is helpful to place these responses in the context of the views obtained from a survey of local residents. The local residents were surveyed at the Dorchester County Library and, while this sample may be somewhat skewed with regard to class/education and, possibly, their age structure, they do provide an indication of the views of the local ‘reading public’ on the contempo-

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rary relevance, significance and value of both Hardy and Hardy tourism to Dorchester. The findings of the residents’ survey are summarised in Table 1 below: Table 1. Local Residents (n=140) % agree/strongly agree

• Hardy is important to Dorset’s heritage 96.4% • Hardy is important to their own heritage 48.9% • Hardy is important to the tourist industry 97.2% • Tourists can still experience Dorset as in “Hardy’s Day” 58% • Tourists are well informed about Hardy 55.2% • Tourist numbers grow after film/TV exposure 89.3% • Dorset should grow its tourist industry 82% (Source: Local Survey, 2009) The discrepancy between the first two figures is notable. Fewer than half of the local residents, and indeed half of the local library patrons, feel any personal heritage link to Hardy and his work yet, overwhelmingly, they do see Hardy as being important to the heritage of Dorset (whatever they choose to mean by Dorset in this context) and virtually all of them acknowledge Hardy’s importance to the local tourist industry. It is unsurprising that there was strong support for the growth of Dorset’s tourist industry, given its contribution to local income and employment, particularly at a time of financial crisis. Elsewhere in the survey, respondents were given the open ended opportunity to identify local problems resulting from the growth of tourism. Very few respondents nominated anything other than (largely seasonal) traffic congestion. The fact that most local residents perceived an increase in tourist numbers following a successful Hardy film or television adaptation while very few tourists nominated such productions as the reason for their visit is perhaps more entertaining than informative. More relevant to the theme of this paper, however, are the final two statistics. A majority (albeit not a large one) of the local respondents felt that, not only did the ‘Hardy tourists’ arrive in Dorset with a good knowledge of Hardy’s works but that, with this as their grounding, they could still experience elements of ‘Hardy’s Wessex’ in the contemporary landscape. These findings help to place in context the responses of the tourists which are summarised in Table 2 below: Table 2. Tourist Survey (n=188)

• • • • • •

Have some/primary interest in Hardy 50% Lived outside Dorset 85.1% Had read Hardy’s novels 73.9% Had seen film/TV adaptations of Hardy’s work 86.4% Had visited other literary tourism sites 71.7% Considered Hardy to be very important/important/fairly important to their visit to Dorset 48.5% (Source. Local Survey 2009.) While most of the respondents had been ‘literary tourists’ elsewhere and had some familiarity with Hardy’s work, even at these Hardy tourist sites only about half could be considered to be true ‘Hardy tourists’ in that the author and his works were significant motivators of their visit. It was the views of these Hardy motivated tourists on the relationships between the contemporary Dorset landscape and Hardy’s oeuvre that were of most relevance to this project and this subset of tourists were therefore asked to respond to a further set of questions. Their replies are summarised in Table 3 below:


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Table 3. The Views of ‘Hardy Tourists’ (n=73)

• • •

Intend to make further visits 82.3% Feel that the area is strongly associated with Hardy 92.7% Consider that the local landscape enables them to better understand Hardy’s work 86.4% • Locations that over 50% associate with Hardy: agricultural landscapes; villages, pubs and lanes; churches/churchyards; Hardy’s houses; Dorchester (Casterbridge) • Words selected to describe Hardy’s work (n =286): Tradition 29%; Englishness 28.3%; Timelessness 19.2%; change 8.4%; modernity 2.1% (Source. Local Survey, 2009) Overall these results indicate that these Hardy tourists share the views of ‘The Oxford Companion to English History’ rather than those of Short. They see Hardy’s work as “trapped in time” and, more specifically, as trapped in an unchanging, pre-industrial time that is more quintessentially English than is the present day. Furthermore, they see a landscape which they can not merely associate with what they have read and seen in Hardy’s works, but one which is still, in their eyes, sufficiently in tune with the landscapes and the time about which Hardy was writing that it enhances their understandings of his work. It is not surprising that they can do so in locations that have not changed greatly (at least in form) since Hardy’s day, such as his houses or the churches and churchyards. That the twenty first century mechanised agricultural landscapes of Dorset and the town of Dorchester, with a population currently approaching 20,000, can also do this for them suggests that, perhaps for heritage reasons, the appearance, if not the function, of both urban and rural Dorset is being deliberately preserved in a way that conforms to these expectations. 4 POUNDBURY To the East of Dorchester, around Stinsford and Lower Bockhampton, the landscape remains rural and is being deliberately preserved in a manner that still allows for the evocation of the Wessex of Hardy’s novels. By contrast, Dorchester is being expanded to its west to accommodate, by 2025, an extra population of around 5000. But here, too, in a manner just as idiosyncratic as that of Hardy tourism, attempts are being made to create an environment that is also evocative of a bygone, pre industrial era. Prior to its selection as an area for Dorchester’s urban expansion, Poundbury was an area of farmland that was owned by the Duchy of Cornwall and therefore, since Duke of Cornwall is his subsidiary title, by the Prince of Wales. The Prince’s views on modern architecture and planning are widely known and were articulated in his 1989 book “A Vision of Britain: a Personal View of Architecture”. According to the Duchy of Cornwall website (http://www.duchyofcornwall.org/designanddevelopment_poundbury_masterplan htm Accessed 9/04/2012), the Prince commissioned Leon Kreider, “a champion of traditional urban design” to prepare the overall development concept for Poundbury and has maintained an interest in its construction. Construction of Phase 1 of Poundbury began in 1993 and, by 2006, the area had approximately 1450 inhabitants and 700 people were employed there. To quote the Duchy of Cornwall website once more: The architecture of Poundbury is unashamedly traditional, using a variety of Dorset materials, such as stone, slate and render. The architecture draws on the rich heritage of Dorset and, in particular, on the attractive streets of historic Dorchester itself. The development has also been planned in a traditional manner with road patterns designed to be pedestrian, rather than car, friendly. The pre-modern ambience was further emphasised by the naming of phase 1 of the development as “Poundbury Village”, and the organisation of its construction around a “Village Stores” and a replica Market Hall.

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Those features of Poundbury which have environmental and social underpinnings, such as the population densities which are higher than those in most suburban developments, the use of traditional building materials and the mix of building and land use types have generally been commended. But most commentators have reservations about the attempts to (re)create a nineteenth (or even eighteenth) century ambience in this twentieth/twenty first century development: The “character” is planned in and sticks out like a sore thumb. Period elements like bricked up windows (a feature of old English houses during the era of the Window Tax) look really hokey….Here it’s all a bit too exclusive and forced. Trying to keep the modern world at bay isn’t sustainable. An architectural flourish on a double garage just doesn’t seem right. (http://www.nothingtoseehere.net/2008/11/poundbury_dorchester html Accessed 9/04/2012) Spain (2010), who describes Poundbury as a “museum of a mythical past “ (p.2), could well be speaking for the Hardy tourists when he states “I was waiting for the film crew to come round the corner and pull away the façade”(p.3), and he also confronts us with the following claim: Nostalgia can be a comfort as people age and die and life changes but to choose to live in a space that seeks to comfort you that the country hasn’t changed at all, that we all hang out at the local baker and butchers, is to totally disregard any understanding of what it is really like to live in modern society. (Spain, 2010:5) 5 CONCLUSION Mythical and idealised pasts, like Hardy’s Wessex and the Prince of Wales’ “Vision of Britain”, exist both in and around Dorchester/Casterbridge and elsewhere. In some cases, as with Hardy’s Wessex, they stem from stories and legends that, paradoxically, may seem more ‘real’ than does our (frequently mundane) contemporary life. Selwyn (1996: 20-21) refers to this as ‘hot‘ authenticity which: will apply to that aspect of the imagined world of tourist make-believe – that aspect of tourist myths – concerned with issues of self and society. The unashamedly modernist suggestion is that underneath the surface structures of the post-modern tourist myths … are modern and even pre-modern concerns with the ‘authentic self’ and the ‘authentic other’. Selwyn is contending here that – at least as tourists - we see pre modern societies and even pre modern fictions as being somehow more real (and, therefore, more hotly authentic) than the coolly authentic and empirically verifiable circumstances of our contemporary lives. In a similar vein, Eco (1986:63) considers the “renewed interest in the Middle Ages to be a curious oscillation between fantastic medievalism and responsible philological examination” – or perhaps between Selwyn’s hot and cool authenticities. He then goes on to identify a series of ‘little Middle Ages’ which, not just as tourists but more generally, succeed in attracting and retaining our interest today. These include: Pretext – a mythological stage on which to place contemporary characters; Ironical Visitation – in the same way that Sergio Leone and other masters of the ‘spaghetti western’ revisit nineteenth century America; A Barbaric Age – of elementary and outlaw feelings; Romanticism; and Decadentism. All of these issues could also be said to direct our attention to the more recent, but still premodern contexts and contents of Hardy’s works and of Hardy’s Wessex. Eco’s (1986:63) list of ‘little Middle Ages’ however also includes “National Identities – a celebration of past grandeur; Philological Reconstruction; and So-called Tradition”. These three factors are central to the Prince of Wales’ vision for Poundbury and perhaps even for the nation. Distinctive and different as they are, Hardy’s Wessex and the Prince’s Poundbury are (admittedly high profile) examples of a much wider heritage phenomenon, namely the selective valorisation of aspects, and particularly the landscape aspects, of a pre modern past. That these aspects are characteristically celebrated by the arts, such as Hardy’s novels, and through nationalistic rhetoric, such as the Prince of Wales’ ‘vision’ only serves to intensify their power and influence as heritage icons.


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It is necessary, however, to conclude with a qualification. While we may wish to experience heritage sites, such as Lower Bockhampton, Max Gate and Stinsford churchyard or even to live or work in pseudo heritage neighbourhoods, such as Poundbury, and while we may, as Spain contends, draw some comfort from nostalgia, our visits (if not our visitations) are likely to be, in Eco’s terms, somewhat ironical. As Denis Cosgrove observes, with reference to the European countryside, we wish to experience and enjoy the hot authenticity of tradition while remaining within the cool authenticity of modernity: “We do not want to preserve landscapes necessarily because we want to preserve some kind of authentic peasantry in the way that was the case in the nineteenth century. We want to preserve it because we enjoy walking and hiking in it. That is why Europeans want to preserve landscape – it is an object of consumption.” (della Dora et al. (eds.) 2010:153.) This research was supported by funding from Australian Research Council Discovery Grant DP0877655 REFERENCES Cannon, J. (ed.) 1997. The Oxford Companion to British History. Oxford: Oxford University Press. della Dora, V., Digby, S. and Basdas, B. (eds.) 2010. Visual and Historical Geographies: Essays in Honour of Denis E. Cosgrove. Historical Geography Research Series 42. Eco, U. 1986. Travels in Hyperreality: Essays. San Diego: Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich. HRH the Prince of Wales. 1989. A Vision of Britain: a Personal View of Architecture. New York: Doubleday. Selwyn, T. 1996. Introduction. In T. Selwyn (ed.) The Tourist Image: Myths and Myth Making in Tourism. Chichester: Wiley. Short, J.R. 2005. Imagined Country: Environment, Culture and Society. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press. Spain, A. 2010. Poundbury: Architectural Shame with a Worthy Aim. ArchDaily 29 August 2010. Accessed 09 Apr 2012

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The second wave: development

aboriginal cultural centers in sustainable

T. Jones Curtin University Sustainability Policy Institute, Curtin University, Perth, Australia

C. Birdsall-Jones Curtin University, Perth, Australia

ABSTRACT: Over the past 10 years there has been a widespread, localized, uncoordinated effort across Australia to create Aboriginal cultural centers. Generally funded by regional development bodies and/or local government, these centers focus on leveraging culture to drive human development (training, employment) while meeting a range of social and cultural goals. Among their goals are cultural events, engagement with Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities, and education about Aboriginal cultural knowledge. They can be differentiated from the first wave of Aboriginal arts centers that began in the 1970s that were controlled by Aboriginal organizations in which the Federal government exercised influence via funding models, had the principle activity of facilitating the production and marketing of art, and tended to be in remote locations. The focus here is on an exemplar of the established, though still developing, second wave of Aboriginal cultural centers. This paper presents a hypothesis on the characteristics of the second wave of Aboriginal cultural centers and their alignment with state-defined priorities for sustainable development through the case study of an Aboriginal culture and heritage centre. Insights are drawn from key informant interviews about the creation and operation of Gwoondwardu Mia, the Gascoyne Aboriginal Heritage and Cultural Centre in Carnarvon, Western Australia.

1 INTRODUCTION Aboriginal culture and heritage is responsible for the expansion of cultural policy into a broad range of policy areas. The success of Aboriginal arts centers in generating incomes and employment in remote communities, and the entry of Aboriginal symbolism into the national iconography, had a profound and far-reaching effect on how Aboriginal heritage and culture is viewed and understood, including effects on its role in sustainable development. In this paper, we examine the case for a new model using culture and heritage within sustainable development in Australia: an uncoordinated and localized wave of Aboriginal cultural centers established since the mid-1990s. 2 THE CULTURAL POLICY CONTEXT IN AUSTRALIA Cultural policy analyst Jennifer Craik characterizes Australia’s cultural policy as a neopatronage approach towards elite arts, where an arms-length state-funded organization determines funding via peer evaluation that almost always protects the status quo, and an instrumentalist whole of government approach across agencies to non-elite arts and culture that were included in cultural policy from the 1960s (2007). The characteristics of Indigenous cultural policy were heavily influenced by the expansion of cultural policy. Indigenous culture has been

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the focus of a range of policy areas at the Federal level; the environment (Indigenous heritage), social services (use of arts programs), and languages and a range of arts programs. It has also been a focus of tourism strategies.1 Indigenous culture’s attraction to policy makers at the Federal level has been replicated at all levels of government, leading to a wide range of policies that aim to satisfy a variety of policy goals. A second development with implications for Aboriginal cultural centers is the use of culture in regional development programs. The role of culture in urban and regional development, particularly through ideas like the creative classes (Florida, 2002) the creative city (Landry, 2006; Landry & Biancini, 1995) and creative industries (Cunningham, 2002; Hartley, 2005; Venturelli, 2001), has increased the scope for state investment in culture and the arts in urban locations. Regional areas have also sought to take advantage of these trends through their capacity to use consumption, particularly tourism as a driver for jobs and growth (see for instance in Germany, (Drda-Kuhn & Wiegand, 2010), and for a global study across the USA, Australia and Europe, Duxbury (2009)). Gibson (2002) identifies tourism as crucial for understanding regional cultural industries in the Far North Coast of New South Wales due to its ability to fund infrastructure and reinforce regional identity The expansion of cultural policy, particularly into urban and regional development, provides part of the background to the emergence of a number of publicly funded Aboriginal cultural initiatives in the last decade. In order to understand why Aboriginal culture is now perceived as a potential driver of development we examine Aboriginal arts centers. 3 ABORIGINAL ARTS CENTRES AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON CULTURAL POLICY The Aboriginal arts centers set the context for the cultural centers their success by establishing that Indigenous culture was a viable driver of commercial, social and cultural benefits. An analysis of Aboriginal cultural centers needs to both recognize the importance of the history and experiences of the arts centers and be distinguishable from them. Prior to the 1970s, Aboriginal cultural objects were only perceived as art when they fit European conventions (such as bark paintings) and only then through a redefinition of art that started in museums (such as painted shields and other tools), so many objects were ignored or were not collectable (Morphy, 1998). In 1971, Aboriginal Arts and Crafts Pty Ltd was established and played a key role in establishing credible outlets for Aboriginal art. This organization controlled the supply of art by buying and holding all of the art, with the purpose of creating a market, albeit one that could only absorb a portion of the art produced. In 1972, self-determination became the central element of Indigenous policy, and the Aboriginal Arts Board (AAB) in the Australia Council was established. This all-Aboriginal board was accompanied by a new type of arts bureaucrat, entrepreneurial and focused on supporting and implementing the priorities of Aborigines, including buying much of the art in the 1970s (Myers, 2002). Hence at the time the first arts centers emerged, the two key sets of policy priorities around the arts centers viewed them as economic enterprises, and as a means for self-determination and Aboriginal expression. The AAB’s values and financial support were crucial contributions to what Altman calls the “arts centre model” (2005, p. 6). This model employed non-Aboriginal arts advisors (also called arts centre managers) who were directly accountable to the artists. Altman’s (2005) description concurs with Felicity Wright and Frances Morphy’s more focused definition that identified their “principal activity [as] facilitating the production and marketing of art and craft” (Wright & Morphy, 2000, p. ix), although he also notes the existence of a small number of urban centers (2005). To be successful, the arts centers have to bridge geographical and cultural divides while satisfying the requirements of artists, policy makers and the market. The relationship between these elements has shifted over time. The AAB (now the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Arts Board—ATSIAB) in the Australia Council focused its resources on specific projects, arts promotion and professional development for individual artists. During the boom years of 1981 to 1989 (Myers 2002) economic rationalization came to dominate the administration of arts centers. Exhibition and retail successes led to the entry of Aboriginal art into public collections and international exhibitions, and an association of Aboriginal symbolism with Australian cultural nationalism. The state’s policy emphasis became increasingly on the arts and crafts industry, rather than on arts as an activity of


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cultural preservation. Myers characterizes the third period, from 1989-2000 as a “privatization period” (2002, p. 124), shaped by the establishment of a calibrated market for Aboriginal fine art. The changes of 1989 ultimately resulted in less control for arts centers and continued issues of quality for dealers as the market suffered from an “entrepreneurial free for all” (Myers, 2002, p. 315), including a growth in highly questionable business practices that divided artists from their communities and took advantage of their immediate need. According to the 2007 Senate Standing Committee report, there were 110 arts centers in Australia, supporting the greater part of the 5000 arts producers whose work sells for between $400-500 million (Standing Committee on Environment Communications Information Technology and the Arts, 2007), although this is likely to be lower now due to a downturn following the start of the Global Financial Crisis in 2008. This provides an outline of the policy context and developments in the governance of art centers, but does not communicate arts centers’ range of tasks and goals. In the Standing Committee report (Standing Committee on Environment Communications Information Technology and the Arts, 2007), Desart presented the most complete list of arts centers’ roles: cultural and identity maintenance; places where culture and law is respected and renewed; a place of work and earning income; distributor to a range of markets; strengthening the community through youth, health and social activities; places of learning where artists teach, and artists and staff learn artistic and administrative skills; and places of respite, care and informal support particularly for older people and women (2007, p. 31). Other submissions added conservation of art work, educating the broader community, and contributing to Aboriginal control and self management. The Standing Committee report (2007) and Wright and Morphy (2000) draw attention to issues of governance, staff training, staff retention and infrastructure funding. For the art centre executives (largely composed of senior artists and custodians), Wright and Morphy found that less importance was attached to income and the centers were seen primarily as cultural institutions, emphasizing cultural maintenance, facilitating artists, and the production of art (2000). The attractiveness of arts centers to governments, like Aboriginal cultural enterprises more generally, are their capacity to satisfy a range of policy goals, including regional development, reconciliation, supporting regional and national symbolism, and Indigenous development. While these goals are broad and encompassing, some shared characteristics can be identified. First, they are Aboriginal controlled and owned. Second, they facilitate the production and marketing of art and craft as their primary activity. Third, they are social enterprises in that they produce a range of benefits for their employees, artists and communities, not just financial returns. Four, their intercultural role as mediators between Indigenous and non-Indigenous cultures and priorities shapes their characteristics as institutions and creates a deal of tension in the position of the arts advisor or centre manager. Five, they are for the vast majority reliant on government support in order to operate, which comes from Federal sources in particular Federal funding through Department of the Arts (DOFTA) and a work for government subsidy2 scheme. However, arts centers will also seek funding from other sources. Now we turn to the case study to see the degree to which an Aboriginal cultural centre differs from an Aboriginal arts centre. 4 THE CASE STUDY: GWOONWARDU MIA GASCOYNE ABORIGINAL HERITAGE AND CULTURE CENTRE

4.1 Methods The objective we pursue here is to determine the characteristics of an Aboriginal Cultural Centre’s (ACC) establishment and activities, before determining if that centre can be distinguished from the Aboriginal Arts Centers, and if there are grounds for further study of ACCs. The cultural centre used as the case study is the Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Aboriginal Heritage and Culture Centre, located in Carnarvon in the Northwest of Western Australia. We came to an agreement with Gwoonwardu Mia’s board and Indigenous Reference Group to assess its operations and social and cultural impacts in Carnarvon. We began by examining existing documentation on Gwoonwardu Mia, including meeting minutes and planning documents. Second, we undertook 21 interviews with 23 respondents,

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people who were involved in Gwoonwardu Mia’s activities. This covered people with a range of engagement including: board members, Indigenous Reference Group members, past and present employees, key people who were involved at the beginning of establishing Gwoonwardu Mia artists , employees of the key funding body, and people involved with the training programs. This included 15 Aboriginal and six non-Aboriginal people, all of who were or are involved in Gwoonwardu Mia. Respondents received a fact sheet, gave written consent to participate, had the goals of the research clearly explained to them, and were informed of their right to withdraw at any time. All respondents received copies of the transcript of their interview to verify its accuracy. One respondent chose to withdraw her interview on reviewing the transcript. The interviews were semi-structured and based around an interview schedule. The interview schedule included two categories of questions: questions about the establishment of Gwoonwardu Mia; and questions on its social and cultural impacts including its current, planned and potential roles and activities. Interviews were recorded, and ranged in length from 30 minutes to 90 minutes 4.2 Background The history of Gwoonwardu Mia is the history of the Aboriginal people who live in the Murchison and Gascoyne regions of Western Australia.3. (Tindale, 1974) the five language groups whose cultures are now presented in Gwoonwardu Mia are the Inggarda, Baiyungu, Talanji, Thudgarri and Mulgana. The Inggarda language group is widely accepted as the custodians for the land that includes Carnarvon, which has ongoing implications for Gwoonwardu Mia and language group politics in Carnarvon. Carnarvon has suffered from the declining returns from primary industries since the 1970s, with many in the town still employed in agriculture (primarily horticulture) and fishing. The largest economic shift has been the increasing importance of the tourism industry. For the year ending September 2008, there were 179 352 tourists to the shires of Carnarvon and Exmouth with an estimated expenditure of $141 million (Jones et al., 2011), making tourism the dominant economic activity. The primary attractions of the region as a whole are related to the Ningaloo reef, beautiful coastline and beaches, attracting a high proportion (25.3%) of international visitors (Jones, Hughes, Wood, Lewis, & Chandler, 2009). The town of Carnarvon does not have easy access to either Ningaloo Reef or an iconic beach. However, all visitors driving from Perth to the region and beyond must travel through Carnarvon as it is located on the only major coastal highway, and it sits between the Shark Bay and Ningaloo Coast world heritage areas. Regional development initiatives have been important for both Carnarvon and Gwoonwardu Mia. The Liberal-National conservative government introduced a development commissions initiative in 1993 as a response to effects from the deregulation of parts of the Australian economy in the 1980s, and due to the influence of the National Party leader Hendy Cowan, who was also the Minister for Commerce and Trade and Deputy Premier (Glasson, Jennings, & Wood, 1997). The purpose of the RDCs can be broadly summarized as stimulating regional employment, investment, coordination and development (Glasson, et al., 1997). The Gascoyne Development Commission (GDC) is one of nine RDCs in Western Australia. The introduction of the Royalties for Regions funding scheme following the 2008 elections also strengthened the position of the GDC as it administrated the scheme in the region.4 The Gascoyne Regional Development Plan 2010-2020 (GDC, 2010), developed by the GDC and the region’s four Shires, underlines the GDC’s role in coordinating and stimulating economic development. “Positive outcomes for Indigenous people” is one of 19 priorities for the region. Gwoonwardu Mia is mentioned specifically as an organization that connects Aboriginal residents with tourism and training. 4.3 Gwoonwardu Mia The idea for Gwoonwardu Mia began in the early 1990s with a group of Aboriginal elders who later formed the Gnulli Group of native title claimants, and discussions with the Gascoyne Development Commission (GDC) who were charged with assisting Aboriginal economic development. Kieran Kinsella, the first CEO of the GDC, had previously worked in acquisition of pastoral lands for Indigenous groups. In his interview, he described a meeting where the elders met with Minister for Commerce and Trade, Hendy Cowan:


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[We] had Hendy Cowan coming to town for another matter, but we had that meeting. [...] We had lunch around the board table. Hendy was there and he just sat and listened to them. One by one they got confidence. They ended up going on the white board and one guy started by drawing his country, then they all followed suit. At the end of it, maybe it was an hour and a half after lunch they all had fun. Hendy treated them with great respect, and they all left, and Hendy turned to me and said you can have whatever money you need to get this going. So we got $50 000 out of Hendy, and we employed some consultants to work with us and the steering committee to develop a brief for what should be in the centre, what’s all happened. (Interview P22, 7 November 2011) Through native title negotiations over a new estate in Carnarvon, a Land Use Agreement was put in place that provided the land for an Aboriginal cultural centre, $4.7 million in funding for building and running costs for 3 years, and an Aboriginal Economic Development Officer who was employed through the GDC. The officer, Rowena Mitchell, and a group of people through an Aboriginal Corporation called Piyarli Yardi, spoke to numerous groups, designed the building, and saw it constructed. However, two sets of conflicts prevented Piyarli Yardi from opening the building in 2005 when it was completed and ultimately delayed its opening until 2009. The first was within the Indigenous community, where Inggarda elders and other groups felt disenfranchised from the process of creating a cultural centre. A number of interviews indicated Carnarvon has been the location of other organizations that have been captured by family interests. The second conflict was between Piyarli Yardi and the GDC, particularly after the appointment of a new CEO who had little experience in Aboriginal issues. This led to the resignation of Rowena Mitchell (Interview C19, 2 August 2011) and PYAC writing to the responsible Minister, Tom Stephens, stating their intention to end all business relations with the GDC. Attempts were made in 2004 and 2005 to reconcile the groups.5 In 2005 the new Minister for the Gascoyne, Jon Ford, assumed responsibility for the cultural centre and introduced a new management structure that is still in place. The Board consists of three Aboriginal and three nonAboriginal members, and a Reference group of 15 Aboriginal representatives, three from each language group, advises the board. Kieran Kinsella was appointed by the Minister as the Chair, along with three Aboriginal elders, the Shire’s CEO and a well-respected local non-Aboriginal businessman. While the Board has been very engaged, the reference group has a small number of committed members. The Board and Reference Group changed the name to Gwoonwardu Mia, which means Carnarvon, or the place where two waters meet (Interview C7, 28 July 2011). The objects of association, largely taken from Piyarli Yardi, are very broad, but still provide the basis of the vision of the centre: To establish “a common meeting place for the people of the Gascoyne Region where lives are enriched, Aboriginal culture is recognized and practiced, quality employment and business enterprises operate and where youth are actively engaged in creating their own future.” (Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Heritage and Cultural Centre, 2009).6 The more focused “Core Activities” (see Table 1) from the 2009-2010 strategic plan indicate the priority areas for the centre, and provide a means of assessing what has been achieved since its opening. The goal of being a “meeting place” is achieved through the success of the other functions and its place in the Carnarvon community Table 1: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Core activities from Gwoonwardu Mia Strategic Plan 2009-2010 Meeting Place Conference / Function facility Outdoor Performance area Café Business Incubators Retail/Gallery Shop Artist in Residence Space and Display area Major Gallery – permanent Interpretive exhibition 3D audio visual Gallery Ethnobotanical Gardens

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Conference/function facility (1) and outdoor performance area (2) have been functioning since 2009. The first Centre Manager, Lorraine Hayden, oversaw a high-quality fit out with the most advanced meeting facilities in Carnarvon. The outdoor space consists of a large grass area, surrounded by small gardens and a high thatch fence, and has a stage. The outdoor space is free for Aboriginal groups out of hours, and the conference facilities has hire rates due to the costs incurred in cleaning and maintenance. Gwoonwardu Mia is not open when there are large events out of hours due to the staffing levels required and costs incurred. However, this works well in that the interior space is not suited to large numbers, and the outdoor space is robust. Events and meetings are essential for attracting people to Gwoonwardu Mia, but in different ways. Events were often commented on for the variety of people they attracted: The outdoor space seems to be essential as well. That’s another space where you get this interaction between Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people (Interview C21, 2 August 2011) Meetings raise Gwoonwardu Mia’s profile and are a revenue stream: It’s beginning to be a focal point for the whole of Carnarvon. People now tend to use the CC because of the state of the art meeting rooms. Sometimes they have a couple of hundred people at a meeting. Not just Aboriginal people, government, pastoral, Ministers often visit there and have their meetings. (Interview C17, 2 August 2011) Hence the building design, staffing issues and quality of the fit out have combined to shape the use of the space. Staff have also assisted in generating Aboriginal activities, particularly events. An Aboriginal lady who coordinated an event stated: I will say they opened that whole centre up to NAIDOC and they allowed me to do NAIDOC two years in a row without paying one cent. And when I did get funding, Justine [the Centre Manager] was there to acquit the money for me. It went straight into the CC account and Justine did that. (Interview C11, 30/7/11). An important element to remember is that the assessment took place in 2011, less than three years after Gwoonwardu Mia opened and before all of its infrastructure and staff training had been completed. Hence these facilities, and the other elements assessed below, were not at their full capacity. Gwoonwardu Mia incorporates a café (4), which is open from 10.30am to 3.30pm (the same opening hours as the shop). The cafe opened in the first year and two chefs were contracted to run it and provide training to Aboriginal employees. The quality of the food was very high and it immediately attracted a following and made Gwoonwardu Mia the location of the Durack Institute of Technology’s hospitality training for young Aboriginal people. While the original couple left Carnarvon after attempting to open a training restaurant, an ongoing relationship has been formed with Durack to continue the training and Gwoonwardu Mia have taken over operation of the cafe. Training is now provided by the company of celebrity chef Don Hansie, with Durack providing the training certification. The cafe is also the first restaurant in Carnarvon to attract large numbers of Aboriginals, and one of the only venues where Aboriginals and nonAboriginals eat together. I love going down there and seeing the cafe with both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people in there. There’s local Aboriginal people having lunch, there’s the tourists, there might be a table of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people having lunch together. That always gladdens my heart. You don’t see that in very many places to be honest, even places that have large Aboriginal populations. That’s what the cultural centre should be about. (Interview C21, 2 August 2011) Aboriginal trainees have gone on to work in other food venues in Carnarvon. Gwoonwardu Mia has also led to an Aboriginal art revival in Carnarvon. While the Artist in Residence program is the relevant activity (7), the facilities that relate to artists include sourcing work and assisting with pricing, running a gallery shop (6), and assisting with artists’ administration. The influence of Gwoonwardu Mia is perhaps best captured by their role with the Jillinbirri Weavers, a group of three Aboriginal women who weave a variety of different objects. The Weavers began working in a community house with an Arts Development Officer, Sarah Trant. When Sarah left Carnarvon, the Weavers became the first artists in residence at Gwoonwardu Mia, and one of the Weavers, Toni Roe, received funding from Gwoonwardu Mia and the Department of Culture and the Arts (DCA) to work full-time in Gwoonwardu Mia facilitating the Weavers’ activities. This now includes entering numerous competitions, trips to New Zealand and Alice Springs for conferences, an artist in residence program in Albany and run-


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ning a weaving workshop in Geraldton. The administration for the weavers was managed through Gwoonwardu Mia. Gwoonwardu Mia was also the location of the Carnarvon Arts Show in 2010, which had a large Aboriginal contingent, and the top prize was won by Gwoonwardu Mia affiliated Aboriginal artist Ruby MacIntosh. Three artists were located through Gwoonwardu Mia and invited to exhibit and participate in the Revealed Exhibition held in conjunction with CHOGM in Perth, 2011. Aboriginal artists have benefitted from the encouragement and the presence of an outlet for their work. Two artists stated that previously the art had been ‘stacked up’ in their bedrooms and that Gwoonwardu Mia was an appropriate place for their work. The venue itself caters primarily for tourist art, and that is what sells. It generates supplementary income for artists: You don’t make that much but if you’re thinking OK my rates are coming up soon, it’s going to cost me $600. If I make half a dozen sets of beads, then that money I can put aside, and when the rates do come up, I have money set aside without having to go into my pension. (Interview C6 27 July 2011). This success has occurred without any formal training programs for artists, or even a dedicated space for them to practice. The Artist in Residency program has been limited by the absence of artists studios. While the weavers were quite flexible in their practice, another artist in residence found the space difficult to use: It’s a nice atmosphere but it’s too professional here. It’s a workplace you know. I go home and everything is on the floor. You know what I mean? If I could just chuck my paint on the floor and sit down, I’d be right, but it’s too professional here. I feel like I can’t make a mess, and I always want to just run amok. (Interview C8, 29 July 2011) The Board and management have responded to this situation by sourcing the designs for men and women’s artist studios and are in the process of applying for funding. This would include a position that operates more like an Arts Adviser in an Arts Centre. Plans for the two galleries (8 and 9) are underway and the permanent Aboriginal Heritage display in the main gallery should be open by June 2012. Funded by Lotteries WA, heritage research has been undertaken by Maryanne Albrook and Malcolm Jebb, and has been described by one elder as “a history in our words” (Interview C7, 28 July 2011). Members of the Board and Reference Group are very excited about the display, and anticipate that it will address the wishes of one of the original men who spoke to Hendy Cowan, to have a place where his children and grandchildren could learn about “where they fit in the universe and the Aboriginal global universe” (Interview C21, 2 August 2011). The ethnobotanical gardens (10) are being developed in conjunction with well-known gardening expert and commentator Sabrina Hahn. The Business Incubators (5) consist of two computers and carrels located in the Gallery Shop. While there have been close calls, they have not been taken up for use by an Aboriginal start-up. The Board has rejected other offers for use from existing organizations. Employment and training in the Centre has been facilitated by funding from the Indigenous Coordination Centre (ICC) to train Aboriginal staff. This has enabled Gwoonwardu Mia to employ six people on a part time basis for four years, facilitating the creation of individual training plans for staff. Gwoonwardu Mia has been quite successful compared to other training providers in retaining staff, and staff have gone on to full time work with other businesses. However, working with people who have not generally previously had long-term employment creates staffing difficulties for the Centre Manager. There is flexibility for staff when managing family issues and an emphasis on communication. The Centre Manager position is also quite stressful and demands high levels of cross cultural understanding and communication, and high-level administrative skills. Staff also commented on the opportunities that working at Gwoonwardu Mia provides for cultural learning. Funding for Gwoonwardu Mia has been from a variety of sources, many of them coordinated through the GDC. The original $4.7 million was insufficient due to cost increases caused by delays in the project, and the original model was predicated on the existence of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission (ATSIC), the peak Indigenous body that was disbanded in 2005. The Chair of the Board stated: [As] it came down it got more expensive. Rather than get more money, they started to chop stuff off it. It was chop the landscaping, chop the fit out. So here you were, the most vulnerable group, you were setting them up to fail. We proved that it was $1.8 million dollars. The first thing that I sat down was to say to get the place to work will be to get the centre open. Let’s say

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it was $2 million short, and if not for Royalties for Region, we would be a long way short of where we are. (Interview P22, 7 November 2011) Money has been sourced for the fit out (Regional Development Scheme), business incubation pods and office and IT equipment (Lotteries West), the landscaping (Department for Local Government and Regional Development) and establishing the permanent heritage display (Lotteries West and Royalties for Regions). The ICC funding for staffing is also substantial. The Centre Manager is employed through the GDC, which provides a sufficient guarantee to attract quality applicants. Income streams are derived from the core activities, and will increase over time, particularly once the permanent exhibition is established. There was broad agreement amongst respondents that it was unrealistic to expect a Cultural Centre like Gwoonwardu Mia to cover its costs. The business case for Gwoonwardu Mia relies on tourism to generate revenue and broader regional returns, which also links with the place of Gwoonwardu Mia in GDC plans to connect Aboriginals to tourism and training in services (GDC, 2010). The presence of Gwoonwardu Mia has influenced the Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal communities in Carnarvon in four key ways. First, it is a “cultural place” where Aboriginal culture, heritage and traditions are respected. One of the Aboriginal board members stated: The involvement of the local traditional people on the ground has to be a very integral part of its whole functionality. Lose that, I think you start to lose site of the cultural aspects of the centre, of a building like that. You would never want to lose that and forget about those sort of people. It’s the authority, it’s the heartbeat, it’s the bloodline of information that people want to know about. Whilst these other things can be part of it, that I think is crucial to its whole being. (Interview C17, 2 August 2011) Gwoonwardu Mia is a place where cultural knowledge was discussed, imparted to Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal residents, and where tourists felt able to ask about Aboriginal connections and perspectives. Second, its establishment caused friction within the Aboriginal community. There is much talk of reconciling the different groups so that the community could be united in support of the centre, particularly amongst Board members, and some of those people are now using Gwoonwardu Mia for meetings and events. Third, it has been a place where nonAboriginal and Aboriginal people form relationships, particularly around events, meetings and the cafe. Perspectives from the non-Aboriginal community were initially negative due to the length of time the building was not used. However, opinions turned around quickly following the opening and the “big first year” (Interview C13, 1 August 2011), including a number of people dropping artifacts they had at home into Gwoonwardu Mia. Finally, it has created two new positions in Carnarvon linking Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal people for positive local outcomes. It has linked creative and capable Centre Managers with Aboriginal people who are undertaking cultural and other initiatives. It has also created an informal cultural interpreter and custodian position within Gwoonwardu Mia for an Inggarda person. This person, who recently passed away, became a facilitator for Aboriginal people through her invitation to use the Centre, and a range of non-Aboriginal people. The current Centre Manager said of her: She is a remarkable individual, no question. She does that with people across the board, so absolutely with other language groups in that comfort in being welcomed to the centre. She does it with tourists, she does it with government. (Interview C13, 1 August 2011) The picture that emerges from this description is a functioning cultural centre in its establishment phase that is dealing with politics within the Aboriginal community it serves. 5 COMPARING GWOONWARDU MIA AND THE ARTS CENTRES: IS THIS A SECOND WAVE? Gwoonwardu Mia differs from Aboriginal Arts Centers in a number of ways. First, it is not an Aboriginal corporation and the Board is not entirely Aboriginal. Instead, it has a mixed model and incorporates a reference group. This reflects a broader change away from Aboriginal selfdetermination in policy to self-responsibility. However, the attempt at a structure that was entirely Aboriginal and the history of capture in Carnarvon should be acknowledged, as well as the success of the mixed-model. Second, Gwoonwardu Mia’s design and spread of activity indicates that the production of art and craft is not its primary activity. Assisting artists and providing an outlet for local Aboriginal art is one of its activities. Its primary function as a “meeting


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place” is fulfilled primarily through its provision of high quality spaces and services run by Aboriginal staff for hospitality, events and functions. Gwoonwardu Mia is a social enterprise in that it provides a range of benefits for the Indigenous community in the form of training, administrative assistance and resources. It probably does not function as a ‘place of respite’ to the extent of the Arts Centers in remote communities, probably because other places fulfill this function in Carnarvon. Both are focused on cultural and identity maintenance through their activities. Gwoonwardu Mia does have a strong “intercultural” role through the way it trains Aboriginals in providing high quality services. Like the Arts Centers, the Centre Manager absorbs much of the tension, in this case between the demands and pressures of Aboriginal life in Carnarvon and work demands. Finally, Gwoonwardu Mia is likely to continue to be reliant on state funding, but through different funding sources (the GDC and the ICC for staffing costs). These structural and functional differences are linked to differences both within the Aboriginal community in Carnarvon and to the circumstances of its establishment in the 1990s. The elders who initiated the Cultural Centre expressed a desire for cultural and identity maintenance within Gwoonwardu Mia, which is also expressed within the functions of Arts Centers that are also cultural spaces. However, they also placed greater emphasis on enterprise creation and training. The building design facilitated cultural maintenance through exhibition and events spaces rather than arts practice, and the emphasis now is training Aboriginals to be employed in the services economy and facilitating cultural activities. The GDC is oriented towards regional development. It did introduce some of the elements that assisted the emergence of the arts centers, most notably entrepreneurial staff who were able to facilitate a cultural initiative of a group of elders. To place this in a larger shift in regional Australia, the GDC has assisted Gwoonwardu Mia as a cultural organization that links Aboriginals into the post-industrial shift in thriving regional communities towards services, particularly to tourists. Gwoonwardu Mia is an example of an Aboriginal cultural organization that provides a range of services to visitors, leveraging Aboriginal culture to provide employment and training while also being a place for culture and identity maintenance. The final question we address here is to briefly canvas if there are a number of similar Aboriginal cultural centers in Australia. A report in 2009 reviewed three ACCs in Western Australia and five in the rest of Australia {Centre for Aboriginal Studies, 2009 #2668}. However, this was not a comprehensive report, and the authors are aware of ACCs in the Swan Valley near Perth (Maalinup Aboriginal Gallery, which is privately owned and provides a range of cultural tours) and the Living Kaurna Cultural Centre in Adelaide (funded and run in conjunction with the City of Marion). A comprehensive Australia-wide study is likely to reveal more. If there are many Aboriginal cultural centers in operation, they constitute a second wave of Australian Indigenous cultural organizations inspired by the broad imperatives of Indigenous culture and identity maintenance, reconciliation, and shifts in regional sustainable development towards post-industrial services and consumption. ENDNOTES 1

Most recently, increasing the supply of labour, skills and Indigenous participation was a key plank of the National Long Term Tourism Strategy. 2 CDEP 3 The Yamatji region overlaps with the Gascoyne region, which is the settler name for the area covering the Shires of Shark Bay, Carnarvon, Exmouth and Upper Gascoyne, approximately 700 Kilometres north of the capital city of Perth. 4 The Royalties for Regions scheme was an initiative of the Western Australian National Party, which held the balance of power following the 2008 election. It aims to return 25 percent of the State’s mining and petroleum royalties to regional areas. 5 This included a meeting facilitated by Fred Chaney in November 2005. 6 The quotations are in the original, indicating its basis in the Objects of Association

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Centre for Leisure Management Research, Bowater School of Management and Marketing, Deakin University. Altman, J., McGuigan, C., & Yu, P. 1989. The aboriginal arts and crafts industry. Canberra: Australian Government Publishers. Australian Bureau of Statistics. 2007. 2006 Census Community Profile Series, Indigenous Profile, Carnarvon (S). Canberra: Australian Bureau of Statistics. Birdsall-Jones, C., Corunna, V., Turner, N., Smart, G., & Shaw, W. 2010. Indigenous Homelessness AHURI Final Report No. 143. Perth: Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute, Western Australia Research Centre. Borsboom, A., & Dagmar, H. 1984. Cultural politics: two case studies of Australian Aboriginal social movements. Bijdragen Tot ed Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 140(1): 32-55. Craik, J. 2007. Re-visioning arts and cultural policy current impasses and future directions. Canberra: ANU E Press. Crowley, F. K. 1970. Australia's Western third a history of Western Australia from the first settlement to modern times. Melbourne: Heineman. Cunningham, S. 2002. From Cultural to Creative Industries: Theory, Industry and Policy Implications. Media International Australia(102): 54-65. Currid, E. 2007. How art and culture happen in New York - Implications for urban economic development. [Article]. Journal of the American Planning Association, 73(4): 454-467. Curry, G. N., Koczberski, G., & Selwood, J. 2001. Cashing Out, Cashing In: Rural change on the south coast of Western Australia. Australian Geographer, 32(1): 109-124. Dagmar, H. 1978. Aborigines and poverty a study of interethnic relations and culture conflict in a Western Australian town. Doctorate, Catholic Nunversity of Nijmegen, Nijmegen. Drda-Kuhn, K., & Wiegand, D. 2010. From culture to cultural economic power: rural regional development in small German communities. Creative Industries Journal, 3(1): 89-95. Duxbury, N., & Campbell, H. 2009. Developing and revitalizing rural communities through arts and creativity: an international literature review and inventory of resources. Vancouver, BC: Creative City Network of Canada. Florida, R. 2002. The rise of the creative class, and how Its transforming work, leisure, community and everyday. New York: Basic Books. Gascoyne Development Commission (GDC). 2010. Gascoyne regional development plan 2010-2020. Carnarvon: Gascoyne Development Commission. Gibson, C. 2002. Rural transformation and cultural industries: popular music on the New Soluth Wales Far North Coast. Australian Geographical Studies, 40(3): 337-356. Glasson, J., Jennings, S., & Wood, D. 1997. Regional planning In Western Australia: new initiatives, but old problems? Urban Policy and Research, 15(1): 31-41. Gray, D. 1978. 'Identity' amongst the Carnarvon reserve mob Masters dissertation, University of Western Australia, Perth. Gray, D., & Saggers, S. 1990. Autonomy in Aboriginal education: a quest at Carnarvon. In M. C. Howard & R. Tonkinson (Eds.), Going It Alone? Prospects for Aboriginal Autonomy (185-199). Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. Grylls, B. 2010, 26 October. Seasonal staff accommodation site secured in Coral Bay, Media Release, Ministerial Statement from the Minister for Regional Development; Lands; Minister Assisting the Minister for State Development. Retrieved from http://www.mediastatements.wa.gov.au/Pages/WACabinetMinistersSearch.aspx?ItemId=134151&sear ch=Baiyungu&from=633979008000000000&to=634417056000000000&admin=Barnett&minister=Gryll s&portfolio=®ion= Gunning, F. W. 1952. Lure of the north seventy years memoirs of George Joseph Gooch and his pioneer friends of Western Australia. Perth: Western Australian Newspapers. Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Heritage and Cultural Centre. 2009. Gwoonwardu Mia Strategic Plan 2009-10. Carnarvon, Australia: Gwoonwardu Mia Gascoyne Heritage and Cultural Centre. Haebich, A. 1992. For their own good Aborigines and government in the South West of Western Australia 1900-1940. Perth: University of Western Australia Press. Hartley, J. 2005. Creative industries. In J. Hartley (Ed.), Creative industries (1-40). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Jones, T., Hughes, M., Wood, D., Lewis, A., & Chandler, P. 2009. Ningaloo Coast region visitor statistics: collected for the Ningaloo Destination Modelling Project. Gold Coast: Sustainable Tourism Cooperative Research Centre. Jones, T., Wood, D., Hughes, M., Deery, M., Fredline, L., Jones, R., . . . Catlin, J. 2011. Ningaloo Collaboration Cluster: rxploring the socio-economics of tourism through the Ningaloo Destination Model. Canberra: CSIRO.


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Kean, D. 2002. Measuring expropriation: enumeration of opportunity costs imposed on the remote community of Burringurrah, Western Australia. In F. Morphy & W. G. Sanders (Eds.), The Indigenous Welfare Economy and the CDEP Scheme (199-202). Canberra: ANU E Press. Landry, C. 2006. The art of city making. London: Earthscan. Landry, C., & Biancini, F. 1995. The creative city. London: Demos & Comedia. Lloyd, R. 2002. Neo-bohemia: art and neighborhood redevelopment in Chicago. [Article]. Journal of Urban Affairs, 24(5): 517-532. Mayring, P. 2000. Qualitative content analysis. Forum Qualitative Social Research, 1(2): 1-10. Morphy, H. 1998. Aboriginal art. London: Phaidon. Morse, K. 1993. Shell beads from Mandu Mandu Creek rock-shelter, Cape Range Peninsula, Western Australia, dated before 30,000 b.p. Antiquity, 67: 877-883. Myers, F. R. 2002. Painting culture the making of an Aboriginal high art. Duke University Press: Durham. Oakley, K. 2004. Not so cool Britannia: the role of the creative industries in economic development. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 7(1): 67-77. Pratt, A. C. 2008. Creative cities: the cultural industries and the creative class. [Article]. Geografiska Annaler Series B-Human Geography, 90B(2): 107-117. Standing Committee on Environment Communications Information Technology and the Arts. 2007. Indigenous art - securing the future: Australia’s Indigenous visual arts and craft sector. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia. Throsby, D. 2010. The economics of cultural policy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tindale, N. 1974. The Aboriginal tribes of Australia. Canberra: Australian National University Press. UNESCO Bangkok. 2005. Asia-Pacific creative communities, a strategy for the 21st Century, the Jodhpur initiatives. Bangkok: UNESCO, Bangkok Office. Venturelli, S. 2001. From the information economy to the creative economy: moving culture to the center of international public policy. Washington: Center for Arts and Culture. Wright, F., & Morphy, F. (Eds.). 2000. The art and craft centre story volume two summary and recommendations. Canberra: ATSIC.

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Five dimensions of community S. Krempl Curtin University, Fremantle, Western Australia, Australia

D. Marinova Curtin University, Fremantle, Western Australia, Australia

ABSTRACT: The Five Dimensions of Community concept places culture and heritage within the context of planet Earth and the cosmos. This allows space to discover what universal wonder means for people of different backgrounds and to share moments where natural experiences have taken your breath away and provided new sights. Through a greater awareness of the elements of the Five Dimensions of Community we can better engage in the interconnectedness between heritage and culture, the built and natural environment, corporate living and spirituality. This paper proposes that in order to contextualize our cultural heritage, we need to go beyond the triple bottom line and the four pillars sustainability frameworks that seem to separate us from the rest of the world, and look for the spiritual links that connect us to each other, the Earth and the universe so that new or renewed sustainable traditions can emerge.

1 INTRODUCTION Are we sufficiently proud of our contemporary cultures to confidently say that we wish to pass these on to future generations? As cultures homogenize through the dominating influences of urban cities and globalization, has our cultural heritage experience been narrowed to a point that it is unsustainable? This paper looks at our contemporary lives to see whether there are important aspects that we have overlooked in our business. It draws out contemporary meanings and values, different ways of knowing and communing with nature and spirit. More importantly it hopes to encourage reflection on the dominant worldview that human beings and other-than-human beings are two separate entities, and to grow an appreciation for a mindset that places human beings within a greater, more sustainable, whole. It is hoped that the concepts presented may provide different ways to review our cultural heritage and approaches to life and work so that new or renewed traditions can emerge towards living sustainably. A report for the International Network on Cultural Policy on Intangible Heritage (Deacon et al., 2004: 7) states: “globalization is feared as a cultural bulldozer capable of flattening marginal cultural forms in the same way that Hollywood and Bollywood floods the local film market”. Concepts such as the Triple Bottom Line – planet, people, profit or environmental, social and economic success (Savitz & Weber, 2006) are part of globalization, with the Four Pillars of Sustainability, which adds culture to the Triple Bottom Line (UNESCO, 2002), be-

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ing an attempt to humanize it. The Triple Bottom Line concept is aimed at business for trade accountability and is less suited for reviewing cultural wellbeing. It refers to monitoring and measuring of social, environmental and economic standards to be attained in undertaking trade. The added cultural perspective in the Four Pillars context, is more often than not used in anthropocentric contexts, such as the value of cultural diversity and the importance of Indigenous cultures for humankind. Despite their good intentions, these concepts may be contributing to a lack of consideration for anything other than human wellbeing. Many thinkers and leaders in the sustainability field see collaborating beyond human beings as critical to improving the health of the planet. For example, Berry (1999: 72) stresses that the four key establishments being governments, universities, religious traditions and corporations that play a significant role in the direction that human life takes “are failing in their basic purposes. They all presume a radical discontinuity between nonhuman and the human modes of being, with all the rights and all inherent values given to the humans”. It is not the purpose of this paper to discuss when and how this disconnection occurred; however it should be acknowledged that past communities and civilizations had a far greater connection, collaboration and a reverence for the natural world. Meanwhile centuries have passed influenced by Western philosophy as shaped by Descartes, Darwin and positivist thinking. At last a new layer of divergent worldviews, understandings and interpretations started to emerge to show that reductionism and species survival are only part of the picture and that an overarching collaboration between humans and nature exists. Kropotkin (in Ridley, 1996), asks whether the fittest species are those who are continually at war with each other or those who support one other. Kropotkin’s response is: “we at once see that those animals which acquire habits of mutual aid are undoubtedly the fittest” (in Ridley, 1996: 4). In our cultural heritage endeavors, are we separating humans and nonhumans? Or are we working to create habits of mutual aid, an awareness of interdependency and a collaborative and therefore sustainable path? Is mutual aid the best sustainability strategy? The Five Dimensions of Community is a new concept that extends the Triple Bottom Line and The Four Pillars to enable reflection on our way of life that is equally respectful of human and nonhuman cultural diversity and systems. This paper presents the work in progress in the use of this concept and draws on particular examples from this research. 2 THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY CONCEPT The Five Dimensions of Community has the potential for the intangible link between human and nonhuman to be explored. As such let us first introduce it in a way that allows a sensory experience: Imagine yourself being in your favorite place in the world. It is often the threedimensional place that you first recall. The colors, forms and textures you once saw and touched come to mind. However there is more to the place that makes it special. This place triggers, for you, a point in time in your life. You may recall the happiness or sadness that was with you then. Perhaps it conjures up relationships and experiences at that period of time. This space of identity, family and community is the fourth dimension. Are there other qualities attached to your favorite place? Perhaps you felt the wind when you were there, or saw a sunset or heard sounds that sparked a sense of universal wonder, and you were transported, in an instant, into a spiritual dimension. All these five dimensions make places special to you personally but also for any community. The Five Dimensions of Community (see Table 1) immediately places our culture and heritage in the context of the Earth and the cosmos. This has the capacity to include our expanded thoughts and relationships with humans, nonhumans, the planet and beyond and to many and diverse tangible and intangible ways of knowing and living. It includes a completely new dimension, the fifth dimension, to the three-dimensional reality that is associated with the Triple Bottom Line. The three dimensional world, because it is tangible and “real”, is much easier to put boundaries around and rules governing economic performance, regulations, processes and


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corporate systems exist in this three dimensional world. Interestingly enough, the three dimensional world can have a limited impact on how we view and express our lives and the world, in the same way that economic laws can have limited impact on culture and heritage. The fourth dimension is similar to the Fourth Pillar in that it is represented by culture, heritage and identity as it pertains to human beings. The fifth dimension however is very special. It refers to what is intangible and spiritual in our lives – extremely difficult to define but easy to succumb to. We describe it as universal wonder. In many ways this dimension holds the essence of community heritage and cultural relationships with the natural living and non-living human and nonhuman world. Whilst it could be argued that a sense of spirituality exists in the three dimensional world, which includes the natural world, and also in the fourth dimension, or the people space, the majority of Western Australian people interviewed to date have found benefit in having the fifth dimension, or a spiritual realm, as a separate consideration because it involves a different sense of being that could easily be overlooked if it did not have space dedicated to it. In the words of one research participant: “Spirituality is a way of looking at Nature and you can turn it upside down and Nature is an aspect of spirituality but if you don’t separate them, they just coalesce then you miss the intentionality of being spiritual.” In addition, time and consideration for spirituality was seen as essential for making decisions and following through with actions that were for the greater good, no just for humans but for all Earth communities. The words community and culture, in this context of the Five Dimensions of Community, are used interchangeably. The word community can mean a collective of people with a common background and this implies therefore similarities and shared life styles or cultures. Encouraging the interchangeable use of the words is a way of allowing communities to see themselves as having a culture which is important in a place such as Western Australia where it is common place to hear many communities, both urban and rural, say that they don’t have a culture and that only Aborigines and people from other countries have cultures. The term ‘cultural cringe’ was coined by Australian writer A.A. Phillips in 1950 (The Age, 2005: March 25) and reflects this attitude. Post-Colonial literature (Ashcroft at. el. 1989:2-12) refers to this attitude towards culture as an eroding of a sense of self due to dislocation caused by migration and other factors. It goes on to say that new settlers needed to be allowed to express their sense of ‘otherness’ through integrating natural settings and experiences for example the new landscapes, climate, seasons, flora and fauna and even creating a unique form of English into their everyday lives. Through statements in interviews it would seem that this ‘cultural cringe’ has not changed very much at all hence the use of community and culture interchangeably to enable participants to recognize that their way of life – who they are, their dreams, values, beliefs and how they communicate with each other and in their work processes, how they interact with the built and natural environment, how and where their history is kept, their customs and traditions, how they trade and what they trade in, how others see them – is their culture. Table 1. The five dimensions of community concept. The three dimensional refers to the world that can be seen and touched – both natural world and built. The fourth dimension comprises of the identity, the culture and heritage of human beings ranging from individual to groups and community and includes relationships within human individuals and communities The fifth dimension refers to a universal wonder – an intangible spiritual realm

The Five Dimensions of Community concept is intended as a framework that acts as common ground to enable dialogue and discussion of appreciation of the understandings of spirituality, the phenomenal experiences associated with these and how important these are to wellbeing, a deeper appreciation of culture and heritage and to sustainability. As one research participant as put it: “The people that I have known who work so well and independently within the cultural field have a sense of spirituality. And that could be from a deep belief in a religious perspective or from other. Creativity is one of the things, along with spirituality, that we tend to treat lightly and dismiss – for ourselves too. If we don’t see it as important for ourselves then we are not going to acknowledge the importance for others and therefore we have

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the power to deny others that opportunity and that recognition. So we withhold part of their wellbeing if we don’t provide that space.” For too long conversations on these topics have been declared politically incorrect and therefore removed from situations where people of different backgrounds come together – which in our urban life has become the norm. Contemporary communities are diverse. When you don’t find common ground, differences become barriers. When common ground is achieved differences are appreciated. Research conducted in Western Australian, using the Five Dimensions of Community concept as the common ground, indicate that communities recognize spirituality as part of their everyday life and appreciate opportunities to have their spiritual interpretations and experiences acknowledged and deemed credible. The fifth dimension has been prominent as well as forgotten throughout human history. The environmental attorney and governance specialist Cullinan (2011) examines the roots of our legal heritage prior to the birth of corporations. He takes us back to the history of law, when Cicero, a first century BC Roman philosopher stated that: “True law is right reason in agreement with Nature; it is of universal application, unchanging and everlasting… We cannot be freed from its obligations by Senate or People, and we need not look outside ourselves for an expounder or interpreter of it.” (Cullinan, 2011: 69). However, the first century BC law has evolved and the current law regards the connection between people and nature is as follows: “Animals, plants and almost every other aspect of the planet are, legally-speaking, objects that are either the property of a human or artificial ‘juristic person’ such as a company, or could at any moment become owned, for example by being captured or killed. For as long as the law sees living creatures as ‘things’ and not ‘beings’, it will be blind to the possibility that they might be the subjects (i.e. the holders) of rights. It is simply legally inconceivable for an object to hold rights” (Cullinan, 2011: 63). Rules of human dominance over others and over all nonhuman entities are present in all areas of the Triple Bottom Line and the Four Pillars and have repositioned our original thinking and values regarding our relationships with nonhuman in favor of economic and corporate management and growth for humans. These laws have also framed our cultural and heritage contexts. We have a very clear example of this in Australia. The year 1967 was very important for Indigenous Australians. Laws were changed providing Indigenous Australians the right to be reclassified from “Flora and Fauna” to “Human Beings”. As “Flora and Fauna”, Aboriginal Australians were objects, not subjects and not allowed to vote. In a Sydney Morning Herald article, Linda Burney (2007: n.p.), an Australian politician, is quoted as saying: “This is not ancient history. I was a child. It still staggers me that for the first 10 years of my life, I existed under the Flora and Fauna Act of NSW.” If the situation was reversed, and we were all “Flora and Fauna” instead of “Human Beings”, the importance of Nature to human culture may have been better appreciated and integrated into our culture and heritage. In retrospect, the categorizing of Aboriginal Australians under Flora and Fauna could be seen to imply that Aboriginal Australians have intimate knowledge of flora and fauna communities. This could also imply that government and administrators making those decisions were separated from this connection with the Australian bush. A lack of respect for the laws of nature is the Australian context has resulted in disastrous policies and agricultural practices that have destroyed vast expanses in Australia. In the Western Australian Wheatbelt that is 19 million hectares in size, approximately 93% has been cleared for European-style agriculture resulting in extensive wind, water, soil erosion and rise in salinity. (Men of the Trees WA, 2010: 4), However both the “Flora and Fauna” and “Human” classifications fall short of recognising the richness, intimacy and phenomenal experiences encountered within spiritual dimensions as is evidenced in this quote from a desert country Aboriginal elder (Robinson, 2010: 56):“Listen carefully this, you can hear me. I’m telling you because earth just like mother and father or brother of you. That tree same thing. Your body, my body I suppose, I’m same as you … anyone. Listen carefully, careful and this spirit ‘e come in your feeling and you will feel it … anyone that. I feel it … my body same as you.” The link between community and nature appears to be a recurring theme. However the links portray humans in conflict rather than in collaboration, asserting their domination over Nature. How strong is this link to Nature in our contemporary urban communities, our urban cultures, and what are the impacts on sustainable futures? The Five Dimensions of Community does


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not specifically focus on Nature. Nature has a place in the three dimensional world and there is scope for including Nature within the fourth and fifth dimensions, but it is not clearly articulated and could be missed. The Five Dimensions of Community does not have a specific focus for governance or corporate systems either and corporate systems play a very significant role in contemporary culture. So where does governance and corporate systems sit in the Five Dimensions of Community? 3 CORPORATE SYSTEMS AND THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY The Five Dimensions concept does not have a dedicated place for corporate systems because corporate systems are a tool, just as technology is a tool. Corporate systems, like technology, whilst essential and provide many benefits, are not a dimension of life. Using this same rationale, the economic area of the Triple Bottom Line or the Four Pillars is also a tool and not a dimension of life. Economics has been given the status as a dimension of life and Spirituality is not represented in the Triple Bottom Line. Yet, it could be argued that peoples’ belief systems influence their life and trade choices, what they determine as quality and what is seen as sustainable. The importance of a consciousness of Nature and Spirituality in every day life could therefore have significant impact on sustainability and likewise, the demise of Nature and Spirituality in every day life can potentially be very costly to human sustainability. Apply Newton’s law of motion that states that “for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction” (NASSA, 2010) to our current global situation and we have the current world scenario being the interest of human wellbeing and the preservation of all things human becoming human self-destruction! The shortcomings of this consciousness in governance matters and in applying corporate systems tools without an awareness of the interconnectedness of natural systems is reflected in the experience of a Western Australian forester interviewed as part of this research: “Currently, in thinking of a big system like the Rangelands of Western Australia, the governance is divorced from the nature of the land. The governors have an incomplete understanding and their decisions are dominated by political expediency and self-survival in the system – unconscious of the dynamics of the natural system that they are governing. This is not a judgment that they don’t know the system. They are just unconscious of the dynamics of the natural system. The more there is consciousness of Nature and Spirituality the better the decisions will be.” 4 A DIFFERENT VIEW OF THE FIVE DIMENSIONS OF COMMUNITY Without clear representation of Nature and corporate systems in the Five Dimensions of Community their relationship with spirituality and culture cannot be properly accessed. To this end, a second chart, the Connectivity Matrix (see Table 2) assists to further explore the Five Dimensions of Community and to better understand its applications in our contemporary lives. Table 2 is currently in development. It provides a different view and understanding of the Five Dimensions of Community. It brings corporate systems and Nature into focus. The Community, Corporate, Nature and Spirituality matrix is a human social connectivity matrix that captures the elements of life and our engagement with different ‘worlds’ in a different way. Through it we can reflect on how much time we spend in each area to try to appreciate what is or would be a more balanced and therefore sustainable life. Table 2 is not intended to segment life up into silos but rather for the sections to help us to focus on, and give time and space to each different element in turn, and then to view it as a whole. As part of community engagement work in the environmental sector in 2010, Krempl conducted three workshops as part of sustainability awareness events. These workshops were based on the Community, Corporate and Nature columns of Table 2. The spirituality column had not been developed at that point. One workshop was with government, one with a not for profit group and one was open to the public. Participants were asked to give a percentage to each of the three columns based on their perception of how much time they spent in each, taking their current life and work as a whole. The total for all three columns needed to add up to 100%. In all three workshops, the ‘Nature’ column failed to reach a 10% average. As a re-


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sult of this, we began to question the reliability of biophilia described as the love of nature that is inherent in all of us – as stated by a leading Australian environmentalist, (Flannery, 2010: 107 -108) in his quoting the work of evolutionary biologists Wilson and Fromm. Research done on the death of languages, (Nettle & Romaine, 2000:2-7), shows that once the application for words are lost, the context changed, or the focus of a community shifted from an earth rich way of life to a more common global language, the nuances and locally specific words can be lost within as little as one generations. If, then, communities have been detached from nature for two generations, could we loose this biophilia, this connection and love of nature, forever? It is a possibility. How would that disconnection impact on the decisions we make and the culture that we would pass on to future generations? Is the current level of disconnection already having an impact on environmental sustainability – including human survival? Is this connection with nature and spirituality a strong or weak part of our cultural heritage? And will the richness of our cultural heritage be compromised by a decline of nature and spirituality in our lives? On the other hand, it is also a possibility that a consciousness of spirituality can decommodify nature to ensure that biophilia is revived where it is loosing its connections within our communities. Table 2. Connectivity Matrix Community Culture (1st Person) Communication Oral Communication Skill required Listening / Observing Process Involvement Foundational Vision & element Tradition (identity) Essential Trust & respect conditions Intended outcome Belonging

Corporate Systems (3rd Person) Written Communication Writing / Speaking Detachment Management & Governance (stability) Facts and figures

Nature

Spirituality

State of Being

Universal Wonder

Flow

Silence / still

Interdependence Creation & Destruction (change) Time and space

Transformation Belief

Money

Sustainability

Love

(hope) Compassion

The Five Dimensions of Community and the Connectivity Matrix is being trialed as a setting for conversations about Nature and Spirituality, topics that would usually be far removed from contemporary urban social or work communities. The categories and dimensions have, so far, helped participants to work through and clarify different aspects, for example the difference between what we consider to be the environment and Nature. Through this process, staff in environmental organizations, have stated that it is a different thing to be carrying out environmental work and to be immersing oneself in Nature. This may seem obvious now that it is stated but in the busyness of corporate living it was, in many instances, overlooked. After the sharing of memories and experiences in Nature, it became apparent for some that time for Nature had not been factored into their lives and they were remiss of this. In other cases, where this difference was known and recognized, there was a consciousness of the need to make time to be in Nature and this was already part of their lifestyles. Environmental work was seen as detached and objective and belonging under the corporate system area as was scientific research that was also seen to fit under the corporate objective, reductionist category. Immersing oneself in Nature was described as being open with ones senses, listening, observing, smelling, becoming more aware of natural surroundings and the life within it, responding to it, feeling a connectedness. It was seen as a presence as well as being present in it. It was feeling a sameness, an ‘intuneness’ which did not happen unless you could unwind into it as described in this quote from a Western Australian environmental sustainability leader: “I can have time and space but my state of mind would have to have stillness. If I have created the time and space, empty of thoughts, then that is stillness. We tend to use the word spaces to mean not doing anything. But I was trying to communicate the stillness of mind rather than stillness from doing things.”


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Nature seems to have an impact on people. “When you are in nature – in that natural world – there is a sense of honesty and you can communicate honestly. I don’t really know why. Perhaps there are no distractions. You can be more open with people in a natural setting. It allows for that one on one time that you can spend with your family or by yourself. Some of the best and open conversations I’ve had with my family have been driving through the paddocks. Where as if you are sitting at home, the radio or TV is on and people walk in and out. When you are out there, there is just Nature, you and the other person or Nature, you and your family.” Krempl describes an experience of this impact that Nature had on people when she was on a Men of The Trees Society tree planting day with busloads of high school children. She first saw them get off the bus in rather rowdy fashion strutting an air verging on arrogance and very concerned about their looks. As the day went on she noticed them change and start to notice things around them. The teenagers calmed down and lost that egotistical element as their clothes and hands and shoes got covered with mud as they trundled through paddocks soaked with winter rain to collectively plant thousands of native seedling to rehabilitate degraded land. It would seem that Nature had tamed them. Marinova describes her experience with taking PhD students to maintain a section of the Bibbulmun Track – a 1000km long largest pedestrian path maintained by volunteers in Western Australia. The students have to walk for 20km while doing some work, such as cutting branches, removing fallen trees, pulling out weeds. The first 1.5km seem like an impossible task and very different from their everyday routines, but then something happens… They can start to see the blue skies, hear the sounds of the birds, observe the colors of the flowers, trees and bushes, feel the smell of the air… Walking is no longer a challenge, they feel they can jump, walk very quickly and even fly. Nature has given them energy and rejuvenated every cell of their bodies. Everything is interesting, there is something magic in the air. 5 TAKING UP THE FIVE DIMENSIONS CHALLENGE This research that explores Nature and Spirituality as important spheres of life has allowed a different kind of exploring to occur about how we live our lives. In one organization, it came to be known that some staff had often wished to be able to take their work outdoors in Nature as appropriate but assumed this would not have been supported by peers and management. Though opportunity for dialogue this permission was unanimously supported. This may seem like a simple thing but it was like the joy of a child being allowed to go outside to play. Although that analogy of a child enjoying going outdoors requires qualification these days as Louv, the person who coined the term Nature-deficit disorder, reminds us with a quote from a fourth-grader in San Diego which says “I like to play indoors better ‘cause’ that’s where all the electrical outlets are” (Louv, 2005: n.p.). The research provided the administrators in the organization with a greater appreciation of the complexities of feelings and intangibilities of the work done with communities and staff who work directly with communities. Administration staff themselves, once liberated from their corporate personas, shared rich experiences in Nature and Spirituality reflecting intriguing cultural diversity. It also provided community workers a chance to appreciate the complexities and pressures of the corporate system. As part of the research, participants from the organization were asked how much time they spent in each of the four areas as shown in Table 2 at this point in their lives, and, in the case of an organization, how much time each participant believed that the organization spent in each area. It was the domination of time for corporate matters, through the percentages exercise, that surprised this community service organization and this triggered a finding that the pace they were working at seemed to erode the noticing of small but important points required for the integrity of quality of life for those that the organization serviced. It was said, that it was easier to bring an awareness to these important intangible areas through discussing spiri tuality as spirituality brought values to the surface. Here is a quote from research with that organization: “There is a pace we reach very quickly that will leave others behind. And the ones that are left behind are the people that we are supposed to be sitting along side.” In other contexts the domination of corporate matters was dealt with in a different way. This is one person’s considered response to the percentage question. It expresses the benefit of spirituality in underpinning community and corporate worlds. “The spirituality part is in all areas.

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During the day there might be little bits of spirituality happening that are bigger than time. However, the time for spirituality transforms the other aspects of life. Spirituality and Nature need to be incorporated into community and corporate worlds. So I need to incorporate spirituality and Nature into me all of the time in order for me to operate best in community and corporate worlds.” 6 ALLOWING THE FIFTH DIMENSION So far, this research has found that persons who have close and active links with Nature also have a deep sense of spirituality. How have they defined spirituality? The following statements from interviews conducted in December 2011–February 2012 with Western Australian sustainability leaders and workshops with not-for-profit organizations show that there are differences in how spirituality is perceived in response to the different aspects as shown in Table 2. Spirituality is described as the inner intuitive gauge of right and wrong, respect, being what is done rather than what is said, the essence, the driver, a letting go of self, and a sense of being and being in the presence whatever one perceives as the creator of the universe. It is also moments when we are knocked out with some natural experience of wonder and amazement and beauty. Here are some thought provoking quotes on Spirituality from research participants: “As humans we transcend the physical by some mysterious, unquantifiable and unobservable but very important way, we are more than physical” “We need to find ways to be aware of spirit every moment whatever our proclivity is” “This is where we fall short as a species. I think that is why spirituality is expressed in so many ways because we don’t have a language for it. We will see spirituality expressed through writing, music, dance, prayer, meditation, objects. It is universal wonder. It is what the spiritual within us reveals and finds the doorway to. We use every tool in the book to try to communicate something that is incommunicable.” Aspects of commonality with regard to spirituality were also noted. These are the deep appreciation of stillness and an ability to hear the silence that enabled people to be aware of their spirit and the spirit of all things in Nature and the universe. Nature is recognized for its three dimensional physicality as expressed in a range of favorite places that included a person’s home and surroundings, to particular forests, oceans, beaches and other natural locations – but the connection goes beyond the physical form. The scope with the Five Dimensions of Community and its placement within the wider context of Earth and the cosmos allowed the recognition of common threads with favorite three-dimensional places to move from the threedimensional to the fourth and fifth dimension with ease. In this quotation, Nature’s physical and spiritual dimension is captured along with universal wonder and the human relationship to all these aspects: “Driving through the Kari Forest – it is like the air has a color to it and going into that space you become one with the world you are going into.” Another account states: “As soon as we reached the land of Pia, it was different. It felt like the trees, the earth and the birds all welcomed us along with the people. We could feel the spirit of the land and the spirit of the people instantly. You knew there would be a Grevillea bush there and a set of rocks and when you came back the next year –seeing the land was like seeing old friends.” The fourth dimension – the people realm, also had connectivity leading to a deep spiritual fifth dimensional place. Again, in this instance, the Five Dimensions of Community and the Connectivity Matrix provided the scope for the participant to consider different layers of relationships and their meanings for community wellbeing. The inclusion of the fifth dimension – the spirit realm – in the Five Dimensions of Community concept, provides time and space to share experiences and thoughts about Nature and Spirituality in every day living and working situations. The research shows that Nature is an accepted common ground for spiritual expression and engagement; however the majority of those interviewed supported having spirituality as a separate dimension from Nature as it provided a different entry point.


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For some this experience of talking about Nature and Spirituality was new. For these people, the love of Nature seemed inherent but not familiar and in some instances there was a resistance to engaging with nature, because it was unknown and because it contained living things, like ‘creepy crawlies’ that they saw as a threat. These persons preferred the comforts of city living and five star comfort rather than a night under a million stars! This was the same for Spirituality. Where there was not a close link to Spirituality, it was not initially familiar. In these situations there was also a resistance to engaging in spirituality because of preconceptions of what spirituality meant. Spirituality for these people meant religion and religion was something they would prefer to avoid. In most cases, dialoging about spirituality in its broader sense was seen to be enjoyable and appreciated. For some, their lack of engagement in Nature and Spirituality was seen as a stage of life where other aspects such as raising children and demanding careers were the priorities. On the other hand there were those in demanding senior positions who made it their priority to go for runs or walks through park and bush land or to take weekends away in Nature on a regular basis. The majority of people interviewed were not so fortunate or disciplined, or they felt guilty to take time out from being busy, but wished to have more time to engage in the spiritual realm be it Nature or in some other practice to reacquaint themselves in these areas. Practices such as yoga, the arts, martial arts, retreats, meditation, prayer and time for self-reflection, bushwalking, camping and even travelling was what they would do with this time. Initial findings from the interviews with sustainability leaders and workshops with not-forprofit community organizations indicate that the following are the key challenges in allowing the Five Dimensions of Community space in our lives: • Skills and customs are required to help us relearn how to quiet our minds: “Stillness in a way of shutting down all the busyness of the mind and the brain and the physical movement in order to be in the presence. Without it we are too busy looking at our self than to reality.” • There is a need for more teachers, guides and opportunities to experience Nature and to bring Nature closer to us in our life and work: “I think there is a lot that is inherent [about Nature]. Sometimes when you tell a story about the land or share with people about the land it opens their eyes to the land or they have an experience of the land. There’ll be something that wakes them up to that [Nature].” • Values need to be spoken and their application reinforced and taught. Values should not be taken for granted: “I underpin all projects with teaching the values of respect, nonjudgment and compassion. And I verbalize these often and encourage actions that demonstrate these values.” • Recognition that as human beings, we are part of a greater whole and have a responsibility to learn the languages of the other than human: “If there is a lack of opportunity [to be in Nature] because you are a city dweller then I can see that the lack of interdependence or interconnectedness that prevents you being able to be engaged with Nature and I could see that being a pretty dangerous position. This is because the engagement with Nature is nonverbal. Nature has a language of its own. If we ignore Nature then we have the potential to be very destructive.” 7 CONCLUSION Even though the majority of workshops and interviews were conducted in the built environment, the fact that the discussions focused around Nature and Spirituality seemed to allow a sense of being in Nature and Spirituality that opened, what has been described by participants as, honesty in discussion without the corporate and commercial distractions. The focus on Nature and Spirituality, which is seen by the majority as inseparable – although good to have as separate lenses to keep each alive in our mind and senses – are perceived as a requirement for community wellbeing and areas to be strengthened for the sustain ability of future generations. This would therefore imply that what is perceived as our contemporary culture as it currently exists in Western Australia, is not something that Western Australians interviewed would be proud to pass on to future generations. Nature and Spirituality is seen as necessary to draw out meanings and values, different ways of knowing and commun-

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ing with all things of the Earth, the cosmos and all dimensions within and beyond our comprehension and would provide the depth of culture required for sustainable futures. In Western Australia, the impact of governance and policies developed without a consciousness of the dynamism of nature has had devastating impacts on Nature’s own ability to find homeostasis and these same regulatory systems together have forged a main stream community that largely sees itself as cultureless with culture belonging only to Aborigines and overseas people. Yet the richness of heritage, life experience, tacit knowledge, a sense of wonder and connectedness with the world and the universe emerged once a credible setting was created and the words Nature, Spirituality and universal wonder were given time and space to allow people to journey through the dimensions of life, living and wonder. The visibility of words should not be underestimated. This ending quote states this quite profoundly. “[Languages] have no tangible existence like trees or people. In so far as language can be said to exist at all, its locus must be in the minds of the people who use it. …. A language is not a self-sustaining entity. It can exist only where there is a viable environment for them to live in.”(Nettle & Romaine. 2000:5) REFERENCES Ashcroft, B., Griffiths, G., Tiffin, H. 1989. The Empire Writes Back Theory and Practice in PostColonial Literatures. London and New York. Routledge. Reprinted with permission of Taylor and Francis on http://www.postcolonialweb.org/poldiscourse/ashcroft3f.html accessed on 8th March 2012. Berry, T. 1999. The Great Work Our way into the future. New York: Three Rivers Press. Burney, L. 2007. Sydney Morning Herald, 3rd May, http://www.smh.com.au/news/national/when-i-wasfauna-citizens-rallying-call/2007/05/22/1179601412706.html, accessed on 9 January 2012. Caterson, S. 2005. The Age. 25 March 2005. http://www.theage.com.au/news/National/Expatriategames/2005/03/24/1111525276948.html accessed 8th March 2012 Cullinan, C. 2011. Wild Law. A manifesto of Earth justice. London: Green Books. Deacon, H., Dondolo, L., Mrubata, M. & Prosalendis, S. 2004. The Subtle Power of Intangible Heritage Legal and Financial Instruments for Safeguarding Intangible Heritage. Cape Town, South Africa: Human Sciences Research Council. Flannery, T. 2010. Here on Earth. An argument for hope. Melbourne. The Text Publishing Company. Louv, R. 2005. Last Child in the Woods. Saving our children from nature-deficit disorder. New York. Algonquin Books of Chapel Hill. Men of the Trees WA. 2010. Diversity Across the Wheatbelt. Putting It Back, Together. Perth, Men of the Trees Western Australia. NASSA 2010. Newton’s Laws of Motion. Glen Research Centre. NASSA http://www.grc.nasa.gov/WWW/K-12/airplane/newton.html accessed 10th March 2012 Nettle, D., Romaine, S. 2000. Vanishing Voices. The extinction of the world’s languages. New York. Oxford University Press. Ridley, M. 1996.The Origins of Virtue. London: Penguin Books. Robinson, I. 2010. This Thirsty Heart. A journey in the deserts of Australia. Perth: MACSIS Publishing. Savitz, A.W. & Weber, K. 2006. The Triple Bottom Line How today’s best run companies are achieving economic, social and environmental success – and how you can too. San Francisco, CA: JosseyBass. UNESCO 2002. UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity. Adopted by the 31st Session of the General Conference of UNESCO. Paris: UNESCO.


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Culture, environment, and the quality of life A. La Vergata Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia, Università di Modena e Reggio Emilia, Modena, Italy

ABSTRACT: Answers to such questions as ‘What is to be done?’ and ‘How to do it?’ are strongly influenced by a variety of long-standing forms of cultural heritage. People do not have the same idea of what is meant by ‘culture’, ‘nature’, ‘environment’, let alone ‘quality of life’. No wonder that labels such as ‘ecological philosophies’ or ‘environmentalism’ cover an astounding, and confusing, variety of opinions. Biocentrism or anthropocentrism? Nature conservation or preservation? What is meant by ‘sustainable development’? The very notion of ‘natural resources’ a conundrum. Assumptions and cultural influences are unconscious in many cases. It is therefore necessary to bring them to the fore, in order to prevent (or, more realistically, to reduce) confusion, to keep off ideologies (as far as possible), and to increase the level of responsibility. Cultural studies, intellectual history and critical analysis of language and ideas are crucial in environmental issues and practices.

1 NATURE OR ENVIRONMENT? The term ‘environment’ is often used as an equivalent of time-revered ‘nature’ in the debates over the planet’s predicament. We speak, for instance, of ‘nature conservation’ or ‘environment conservation’ indifferently. However, there are cases in which ‘environment’ seems unlikely to replace nature completely. For ‘nature’ carries affective and moral overtones with it, and it is to them, however vague and variable they may be, that it owes its persistent grip on our minds. We are not (yet?) asked to ‘love the environment’ and even appeals to ‘respect’ it do not (yet?) produce emotional responses as intense as those with the word ‘nature’ in them, whatever one means by that word. The ancient moral maxim according to which we should ‘follow nature’ (naturam sequi) has been repeated many times and in various forms throughout the history of philosophy. It assumed the allegedly normal course of things as the standard of value, and the assumption has left traces in such common phrases as ‘let nature follow its course” or ‘nature is the best physician’. Everyday language prevails on us, so to speak, to prize what is described as ‘natural’ over what is ‘non-natural’ or ‘unnatural’, that is, according to any dictionary definition ‘contrary to the normal course of nature’; and ‘unnatural’ is sometimes simply another word for ‘wicked’. All of those are remnants of the normative use of the concept of nature in ethics, which J.S. Mill denounced (and to my mind demolished) as meaningless and abusive in his essay Nature, published posthumously in 1873. But in spite of Mill, and subsequent critics in the same line (for instance Warnock, 2003), the concept of nature as a moral guide has not entirely disapperared from ethics. In particular, its moral and emotional implications affect, whether consciously or unconsciously, many aspects of present-day environmental thought and practice (Cooper, 1992): to put it bluntly, one often writes ‘environment’, but what one really means is ‘nature’ (in the above sense).

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Generally speaking, ‘environment’ sounds less normative, more neutral and more suitable for scientific contexts. It also has the advantage of by-passing (or leaving aside for better times) some controversies in which ‘nature’ has been so long involved: ‘nature vs. society’, ‘nature vs. nurture’, ‘nature vs. culture’. If anything, ‘environment’ proves in many cases a convenient substitute for the concepts that are being opposed to nature, not only when ‘environment’ is used in the sense of education, social context and cultural influences, but also when we say, for instance, that the expression of the phenotype is influenced by the organism’s interaction with surrounding agencies. Indeed, the pendulum has often gone to the other extreme, and ‘environment’ has become for many people merely ‘what surrounds us’, outer as opposed to inner nature, or nature in the Cartesian sense. It has required considerable effort to come to a more comprehensive and balanced view of ecological problems and to develop in educated people a growing awareness that “the environment is no longer something ‘out there’ in need of protection” and that human beings are part of a network of complex relations of interdependence within a diverse biosphere. As a consequence, “attending to human welfare became part and parcel of environmental protection”. In other words, “human life has become increasingly ecologized” (Thiele, 1999: xxvii), and the process is still under way. Culture (including technology, institutions, social practices, political attitudes, aesthetic tastes, etc.) can no longer be opposed to ‘nature’ as such. It is impossible rationally to draw, once and for all, a qualitative separation line between the way of life of hunters-gatherers (once regarded as mere Naturvölker) and that of Norwegian whale-hunters, between the apple Eve offered to Adam and that which supposedly fell on Newton’s head, between wooden-spade cultivation of a few vegetables on stinting soil and modern mechanized agriculture, or, pace Heidegger, between the Rhine as simply a river with a wooden bridge over it and the Rhine dammed so as to become a water-power supplier. Whether one thinks it ideally better to dwell in a peasant farmhouse in the Black Forest or in New York City is a matter of personal taste. People enjoying big towns cannot be thought to be less ‘natural’, nor less human for that matter, by any universally agreed standard. Nowadays the domain of much recent environmentalism is an intricate weave of natural and social relations, or a “coevolution” (Thiele, 1999). What we need is not a new metaphysics or thinking cap, let alone a universal regeneration, but more information, discussion, pluralism in decision-making and shared responsibility. Whether we like it or not, politics always has the last word. The point is to have good politics, that is politics based on free and universal participation in public life, which is to say: democracy. 2 SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT Pluralism entails the rejection of all kinds of fundamentalisms, whether of the Arcadian or of the ‘business first’ variety. Discussion, in turn, cannot but result in decisions supported, directly or indirectly, by the majority. For these reasons, biocentric ethics (and, a fortiori, those attributing intrinsic value to ecosystems) are hardly applicable to practical life, however well-meant and thought-stimulating they may be. For the same reasonsņand also because nature altered by culture is still nature and can be as great a source of recreation and of intellectual pleasure as wilderness can beņaiming at conservation seems to be preferable to, and more practicable than, aiming at integral preservation (I adopt here the distinction made by J.D. Passmore, 1971). Nature conservation does not differ significantly from the so-called resource-management approach to ecological problems. Both influenced the notion of ‘sustainable development’ that has been consolidating over the past 20 years or so in the public debate at local, national, and international level. In fact, the sustainability approach is the most extensive and extended process of revision of traditional development theories and of research into new integrated methodologies for the management of both the environment and development at global, regional, and local level. When we consider the conditions prevailing in the environment on the planet (climate change, biodiversity loss, depletion of natural resources, impact on the quality of human life, etc.), which we now know with increasing punctuality thanks to research and scientific and technical knowledge, the theme of sustainability does not seem to be just one among others, but the theme that defines all others.


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The World Commission on Environment and Development, established in 1983 as an independent body by the United Nations Environment Programme and chaired by the Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundlandt, issued a Report which defined sustainable development as “development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs”. The concept of sustainable development “does imply limits—not absolute limits but limitations imposed by the present state of technology and social organization on environmental resources and by the ability of the biosphere to absorb the effects of human activities”. The Report included a sad (or realistic) note: “The rate of [unintended] change [occurring in the atmosphere as a consequence of the enormously increased human power radically to alter planetary systems] is outstripping the ability of scientific disciplines and our current capabilities to assess and advise” (World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987: 43, 48). Sustainable development is more debated in theory than defined in practice. Critics have pointed out that the development that had to be made sustainable according to the Report was still too much West-centred. Some went further and said the Report contained an implicit prescription for subtly imposing a Western standard of living, although in a more ‘humane’ form, on Third World countries. “‘Sustainable development’”, the Indian environmental scientist Vandana Shiva said, “protects the primacy of capitalism”. She went on to say that “True sustainability demands that ecological principles be incorporated into production processes to reshape them. Conservation has to be a basis and foundation of production. It cannot be an addendum. […] Life can be destroyed to create capital. This destruction will be more efficient and more rapid with the new biotechnologies which often are offered as miracle cures to the ecological crisis. But accumulated capital cannot recreate the life once destroyed” (Shiva, 1992: 191-192). This is true, but I am afraid not many of us would accept Shiva’s urge to obey “nature’s logic” and to “maintain the integrity of nature’s processes, cycles and rhythms”. In Western countries, we feel nature differently. We may well–indeed, we must–recognize the faults of Western history and civilization, and plead guilty of them, but we can hardly behave as if that history did not exist, or as if it was possible for us to brainwash ourselves. The ecological crisis, and its close interconnections with the economic and financial crises, may offer a historic opportunity to develop a collective response aimed at orienting the model of global development through concrete policies, initiatives, and actions able to redefine the quality of development. But this is possible only if there is a global political body issuing a few, clear directions and enforcing strict compliance with them. Politics must set the framework within which economic forces will be allowed to play under local control and in accordance with local demands and traditions. There is much truth in the formula ‘Think globally, act locally’. 3 QUALITY OF LIFE In 1989 the governing council of the United Nations Environment Programme identified eight priority areas: climate and pollution of the atmosphere, pollution and shortage of freshwater resources, deterioration of oceans and coastal areas, land degradation, biological impoverishment, hazardous waste and toxic chemicals, management of biotechnology, protection of health and quality of life. Unfortunately, most of these phrases are subject to different interpretations. This is particularly true of “quality of life”. What is meant by it? The problem of the quality of life is generally the object of moral philosophers, with whom it is increasingly replacing old-fashioned ‘happiness’, and of social scientists and economists (Lecaldano & Veca, 2001). The latter, especially economists, tend to conceive of it in terms of measurable quantities (commodity consumption, bank accounts, number of cell telephones, etc.). As to professional philosophers, as long as they debate with each other, confusion can be somehow reduced by traditional methods of discussion. But what about those fields where the ‘philosophical’ analysis of concepts, assumptions and arguments is neither the main task of the people involved nor a pre-requisite for decision-making and operating? Assumptions and cultural attitudes are unconscious in most of the cases. It is therefore necessary to bring them to the fore, in order to prevent (or, more realistically, reduce) confusion, to keep off ideologies (as far as possible), and to increase the level of shared responsibility. Cultural stu-

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dies, intellectual history and strict criticism of ideas are, therefore, crucial in dealing with environmental issues and practices. The concept of quality of life is essential for a discussion on the meaning of sustainability. Ideas about quality of life define the direction of sustainable development in the long term. If sustainability is about continuity, development is about change. Usually, development is seen as a synonym of economic growth, which, in most cases, can only be achieved with additional impact on the environment. Shared ideas about quality of life are essential for maintaining behaviour choices and policies in a sustainable direction. How can ‘quality of life’ be conceptualized and operated? The ‘utilitarian approach’ views quality of life in a subjective way, which may vary considerably. Personal notions about what a good life is are strongly influenced by the culture people are part of: the broad cultural heritage of a society leaves, as it were, an imprint on an individual’s frame of mind and values that endures despite modernization (whatever one means by that) and globalization. By contrast, the “capability-approach” proposed by Martha Nussbaum and Amartya Sen emphasizes the need for a systematic exploration of the content, reach, and relevance of the concept of quality of life, and of the ways to make it concrete and usable. Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi point out that measuring all features of quality of life requires both objective data, such as those given by the Human Development Index, and subjective data, such as cognitive evaluations of one’s life, positive and negative emotions. The combination of objective and subjective data not only adds to a better measuring of quality of life, but also leads to a better understanding of its determinants, which reach beyond people’s income and material conditions. Nussbaum and Sen do not offer a normative idea of human nature from which to derive a standard set of universal values that are to be guaranteed. Rather, they insist that political theory should take account of the quality of individuals’ lives in terms of their functionings and of their capability to function. Individuals should be enabled to make their decisions, and this is possible only if all are granted equal opportunities to be educated, informed and free to act under their own responsibility and according to their choice (Sen, 1992; Nussbaum & Sen 1993; Sen,1999; Nussbaum, 2011). This is hardly compatible with the neo-liberal views that have characterized the Western way of life since the 1980s, and that, significantly, have been under attack by environmentalists as well. The idea of quality of life involves many individual and social conditions which have to be assured both formally and materially, such as equal access to education, health and participation in the selection of the ruling classes. Whereas in the traditional national contexts these conditions were thought to be achieved in citizenship (based on sovereignty of the State and on the welfare system), in the new transnational context it is the idea of ‘person’ that is central in issues relating to the quality of life. Accordingly, the very concept of human rights is undergoing a process of redefinition. The universalistic interpretation of them is challenged both by defenders of a ‘cultural’ (or ‘communitarian’) interpretation and by defenders of a socio-economical interpretation. A crucial distinction must also be made between de jure authority and de facto authority. Today, authority is no longer exerted in the political arena only. Economic relations conceal real inequalities, which obstruct the achievement of individual autonomy. In discussing sustainable development and quality of life, it is therefore of vital importance to consider underlying values related to the aims and direction of development and progress. Many of these values are rooted in worldviews and religious traditions. This raises the issue of cultural relativism, and the need for a continuous, open, piecemeal negotiation between the different values at stake. 4 BIODIVERSITY I will now give a couple of instances of the ways the notion of quality of life bears on ecological problems. The first concerns biodiversity, a term that was coined in the mid-eighties of the last century and that right from the start has made a truly remarkable career. The text of the Convention on Biodiversity adopted by the United Nations conference held at Rio in 1992 described biological diversity on three levels: within species (genetic diversity), between species, in ecosystems. The convention urges the conservation of biodiversity on all these levels. However, it also allows the “sustainable use” of biodiversity, and advocates equal sharing of the benefits that might derive from it. Pursuing all these aims at the same time and in a balanced way seems a bit


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hard. In the meantime, human intervention is accelerating the ‘natural’ pace of species extinction by a factor of ten. Conservation of biodiversity is deemed vital for many reasons. Most of them, like the recently developed idea of ecosystem services, articulate a clear human stake. And it is here that the notion of quality of life comes directly into play. Emphasizing the economic and financial value of these services will certainly contribute to get real protection measures accepted and implemented, but it should be clear that this line of functional reasoning is likely to lead to selective action based on a more or less subjectively established hierarchy within nature, as not all biodiversity seems to contribute equally to these services. Some species and systems will be thought to have more to offer than others. Some might be left out, as they are supposed not to contribute in any demonstrable way to the services that are considered important for this or that human population. If the tough aim of conservation is to be substantiated we do need other (powerful) arguments and/or values to guide our behaviour in particular cases. What those arguments and values might be cannot be decided a priori. But it must be clear from the beginning who is going to decide: the whales (represented by whom) or the whale hunters? It should also be clear that this not merely a matter of ‘economy vs. nature’: whale hunting, although controlled by multi-national industries devoid of ecological sensitivity, is also a part of some populations’ way of life and culture, that is of their relations with nature. Horrible though it may sound, it can be more than that: a source of pleasure enhancing the quality of life of not a few persons. I detest the idea of taking pleasure in activities that entail any bloodshed whatsoever, but those people’s arguments (if any) in favour of whale hunting must be taken into consideration in the debate preceding decision, and they cannot be silenced by the mere promise of economic compensation. 5 LANDSCAPE CONSERVATION: FOR WHOM? My second instance concerns landscape, both ‘natural’ and human. Environmentalism is generally concerned with those who will come after us: “We do not inherit the Earth from our parents, we borrow it from our children” (Brower, 1995: 1). A well known joke replies, ‘But what have future generations done for me, that I should care so much about them?’ It is a serious question. Apart from philosophical considerations, do we really know what our children’s children will need? As G.B. Shaw put it, “Do not do unto others as you would others to do unto you: tastes might be different”. Demands and needs, no less than tastes, change over time. And it is quite possible that posterity will accuse us of having wallowed in fanciful speculations about nature conservation instead of providing them with more parking areas. This is one further argument against preservationist fundamentalism, and in favour of taking into account human artefacts as well as nature’s production when dealing with the environment. In the city where I live, Florence, there is an ever recurring debate on whether to bring the Piazza della Signoria, one of the most visited sites in the world, back to its original look by repaving it with typical Florentine red ceramic. A few years ago, excavations brought to light important remains of the ancient Roman city. This complicated matters by introducing one further option in the debate: why not cover the piazza with a glass surface for people to enjoy two sights of a glorious past at the same time? Nothing happened: the remains were buried again under a layer of unattractive grey stones, leaving the issue for the next generation. One could say that this is conservationism put in practice. I, for one, would not have replaced the Parisian Halles with the Centre Pompidou, nor would I have demolished the Covent Garden market in London. I would also have preserved the Wembley Imperial Stadium. But people, including I hope football fans like me, decided otherwise (although without consulting me). I could have spent hours in admiration of that temple of soccer, and this would have enhanced for a while the quality of my life. Too bad. Tastes are different. So are cultural biases. Cultural, and aesthetic, relativism is among us Westerners, too. The point is to allow different people with different tastes to express them on a footing of equality before a decision is made, and a decision, furthermore, that should damage the losing minority as little as possible. After all, the essence of democracy is respect for minorities.

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6 CONCLUSIONS To sum up: ‘Nature’ should be banished from moral (let alone political) arguments, and ‘environment’ should not be used as ‘nature’ in disguise. Human beings interact with a system of interactions. They are not unique in this. They are unique in the same sense as every species is, and for this very reason they cannot help being ‘anthropocentric’. For the same reason, biocentric ethical theories are rationally impossible as well as impracticable, and invitations to ‘think like a mountain’ and the like can only be considered as rhetorical means to awaken people from their dogmatic slumber and to stimulate sensitivity to environmental issues, but nothing more. The term ‘environment’ should be taken as including all products of human activity, whether biological of cultural. They belong to nature as much as beavers’ dams, anthills and coral reefs. Attending to the welfare of the human species must be part and parcel of environmental protection. Discussion on environmental issues should include evaluation of different cultural traditions and contexts, as well varying local economic demands. Not only arguments, but words and concepts used in the debates should be submitted to critical analysis, and their emotional implications brought to the fore. Environmentalists should always take into account cultural differences and take care of them as much as they care for biodiversity. The history of ideas in culture has much more to contribute to ecological debates than is commonly assumed. Ecological problems involve the past as well as the future. REFERENCES Brower, D. 1995. Let the mountains talk, let the rivers run: a call to those who would save the Earth. New York: Harper Collins. Cooper, D.E. 1992. The idea of environment, in D.E. Cooper & J.A. Palmer (eds), The environment in question. Ethics and global issues: 164-180. London and New York: Routledge. Lecaldano, E. & Veca, S. (eds). 2001. La qualità della vita. Rivista di filosofia 92(1). Nussbaum, M. & Sen, A. (eds). The quality of life. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Nussbaum, M. 2011. Creating capabilities. The human development approach. Cambridge (Mass.) and London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Partridge, E. (ed.) 1981. Responsibility to future generations. New York: Prometheus. Passmore, J. 1971. Man’s responsibility for nature. London: Duckworth. Sen, A. (1992). Inequality reexamined. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sen, A. 1999. Development as freedom. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Shiva, V. 1992. The real meaning of sustainability, in D.E. Cooper & J.A. Palmer (eds), The environment in question. Ethics and global issues. London and New York: Routledge. Thiele, L.P. 1999. Environmentalism for the new millennium. The challenge of coevolution. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Warnock, M. 2003. What is Natural? And Should We Care? Philosophy 78: 445-459. World Commission on Environment and Development. 1987. Our Common Future. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


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Hygienism, salubrity and regulations. The Oporto's collective dwelling in the 1st half of the 20th century G. Lameira PhD scholarship (SFRH/BD/72996/2010) - Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) Faculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade do Porto (CEAU/FCT) - Atlas da Casa, Porto, Portugal

ABSTRACT: This article aim is to question the regulation's role in the collective housing production, not only in the design of the domestic space, but also in the transformation of the city’s image and its morphological character at a specific historical period. The research framework proposes the concepts of "hygienism" and "salubrity" to support this aim and refers to the buildings that were conceived in Oporto between 1925 and 1957, and also to building and urban legislation applied in that period. There's a special interest in the housing’s typological transformations and their urban morphological consequences. This recent and relatively unknown heritage is worthy of consideration as it engages deeply changes in Oporto's building tradition. 1 A PARTICULAR SOCIETY AND CONTEXT. THE HYGIENE AND THE SALUBRITY AS HOUSING PROBLEMS In Oporto, the debate of the city´s hygienism and salubrity started to arise in the late 19th century, with growing diseases related to the inadequate housing conditions of the poorest population. As in other European cities, engineers, doctors and politicians started to handle these questions by creating building legislation. The General Improvements Plan of 1864 (Plano Geral de Melhoramentos das Cidades e Vilas do Reino) was the first regulatory framework from which some issues began to be considered, like soil treatment, infrastructures (water supply system, sewerage system and street lighting) and general building conditions (Matias 2002, 9-10). This national decree gave rise to the Plano de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Porto presented to the City Council in 1881 by the engineer J. A. Correa de Barros (1835-?). At that time, many other documents demonstrated hygienist concerns, such as the well known writings of doctor Ricardo Jorge (1858-1939), an emblematic figure in Oporto's research context (cf. references). The Dissertations presented by graduating doctors to the Medical and Surgical School of Oporto, at the turn of the 19th century are also particularly interesting, referring several subjects: sewerage systems (Oliveira & Vale, 1886), microbiological air analysis (Pereira & Pinho, 1894), safer water supplies (Fontes & Frias, 1908) or general housing hygiene (Braga & Brandão, 1894), (Antas, 1902), (Baía Júnior, 1909), (Lemos & Martins Junior, 1914). Contemporary authors, such as Seixas (2003) for example, are reflecting on the meaning of the hygienists written heritage in the contemporary city's construction. Authors such as Teixeira (1992), Trevisan & Matias (2002) and Maia (2000) inform about Oporto's context between 1830 and 1950 (housing policies/strategies, legislation and epidemiology, respectively), revealing a local administration that was increasingly aware of the need to control private construction and the housing conditions. Nevertheless the implementation of rules and laws, the general overview is that the municipal services were unable to get significant results in the field, especially in connecting buildings to the public sewerage system (Gros 1982, 11). The main reason given is the absence of urban planning Plans, integrating parceled interventions (Trevisan 2002, 31). Oporto only began to be thought in a planned way since 1932, with the presentation of Prólogo ao Plano da Cidade do Porto by engineer Ezequiel de Campos

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(1874-1965), in which he produced the first generalist considerations about this subject (Campos, 1932). This reality wasn't that far from what happened in European capitals like Paris, despite the gap of several decades. In this city, health policies regarding housing were being developed since 1850, producing significant theoretical treatises and debates (in this particular aspect differing hugely from Oporto's situation), but in fact, it was only by 1900 that they began to influence housing structures (Moley 1998, 11). In the 1st half of the 20th century, Oporto was effectively a technical and scientific city. The collection of Centro Português de Fotografia (CPF), based in Oporto, enabled the illustration of some ideas explained so far. Several themes emerge in the photographs that framed the existing city, or recorded the occurrences taken place there: events (visits from the king, military parades, presentations), thematic exhibitions at the Palácio de Cristal (new car models, medicine congresses, agricultural products). The most developed factories are also photographed, showing their advanced gear and their employees: it's the city of mechanical efficiency. These pictures also document everyday moments in the city, like the destruction and transformation of the urban fabric or the installation of transport infrastructures: the train, its station, the trams and their lines' installation. It's the emergence of a "techno scientific" city that is radically different from the one that preceded it. The town center wasn't being built from scratch, on the contrary it was clearly being built on a reasoned balance between new and pre-existence, as the photographer Domingos Alvão (1872-1946) documented (Figs 1, 2).

Figure 1, 2. Domingos Alvão, Public transport systems at Oporto, [19--], PT/CPF/ALV006666, (on the left); Domingos Alvão, Oporto, General view of the tram lines works' at Sá da Bandeira street, [19--], PT/CPF/ALV004696, (on the right), Centro Português de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.

Figure 3. Aurélio Paz dos Reis, Oporto, [Technicians at the Laboratory], [1882] - [1949], PT/CPF/APR2921, Centro Português de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.


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As in other European cities in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the subjects of salubrity and hygiene are carefully recorded: the doctor in the laboratory and the exhibitions of sanitary equipment in medical congresses, for example (Figs 3, 4). The question of healthiness is combined with the need for comfort, particularly in bourgeois rental housing. Therefore, these concerns were taking place not only through urban and building regulations (plot's occupancy, boundaries, courtyards), but also by the means of the apartment's technical apparatus. The "Modern Oporto" comes to us in these photographs, and at this specific subject through the work of Aurélio Paz dos Reis (1862-1931).

Figure 4. Aurélio Paz dos Reis, Oporto, [Exhibition at Market Ferreira Borges], [1882] - [1949], PT/CPF/APR0798, Centro Português de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC.

2 THE REGULATIONS AS CONTROL INSTRUMENTS Building regulations: "A system of control through which statutory standards on matters such as safety and energy conservation are enforced by local authorities." (Cowan 2005, 42) In the 1st half of the 20th century, the central and local authorities significantly expanded the number of instruments at their disposal to control the growth and the construction of the city, gradually overcoming the general considerations that ruled the housing sanitary field, which were evident in the general improvement plans in the late 19th century. In 1903 it was published the Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificações Urbanas (RSEU), a document of national implementation specifically about building. The replacement of this regulation, the Regulamento Geral das Edificações Urbanas (RGEU) was only approved in 1951, among other general use legislation. The RGEU is still in use today despite the repeal and revision of some decrees and in its origin had several objectives namely: • to regulate the activities of private developers; • to establish rules for both applicants and those who evaluate the licensing process; • to establish a minimum level of building's sanitary and safety conditions; • to include the scope of urban aesthetics. The RSEU of 1903 is essentially a regulation referring to salubrity and hygiene ignoring the last two given subjects, i.e. the building's security and urban aesthetics. Between RSEU and RGEU, the cities of Lisbon and Oporto approved some intermediate regulations aiming to specify and adapt the general rules to local conditions, an objective suggested by the RSEU itself. Looking at building legislation, the most significant of these intermediate regulations was the Regulamento Geral da Construção Urbana para a Cidade de Lisboa (RGCU) of 1930. It's interesting that in Lisbon, with the growing controversy surrounding the "quality of construction", the aesthetic control arisen as a relevant question (Agarez 2009, 40-47). It became one of the basic subjects of the RGCU of 1930, in conjunction with other important issues: the

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buildings conditions (elevation of building façades, courtyards, lighting, ventilation), the habitability of the interior spaces (ceiling height, areas, spans), and the construction elements' characteristics (floors, roofs, walls, stairs). Maintaining the chapters' structure of the RGCU of 1930, the RGEU of 1951 reinforces the issues of domestic healthiness, repeatedly invoking the need for proper geographical exposure to the sun, but clearly reducing the concerns about architectural aesthetics. Table 1. Synthesis of the main construction and building regulations approved between 1863 and 1957. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ General use legislation* __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 1863 1864 1903 1914 1915

Construções que ameaçam ruína (Lei de 16-7-1863) Obrigatoriedade de edificação nos terrenos confinantes com a via pública (Lei de 31-12-1864) RSEU - Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificações Urbanas (Decreto de 14-2-1903) Regulamentação da construção nas cidades de Lisboa e Porto (Decreto nº 902, de 30-9-1914) Utilidade pública das expropriações a efectuar pelas Câmaras Municipais (Lei nº 438, de 15-91915) 1918 Regulamento para o emprego do beton armado (Decreto nº 4036, de 28-3-1918) 1924 Recursos relativos às determinações municipais sobre prédios que ameacem ruína (Lei nº 1670, de 15-9-1924) 1935 Regulamento do betão armado (Decreto n° 25948, de 16-10-1935) 1936 Regulamento de segurança dos ascensores e monta-cargas eléctricos (Decreto nº 26591, de 14-51936) 1943 Regulamento do betão armado (Decreto n° 25948, de 16-10, com as correcções introduzidas pelo Decreto nº 33021, de 2-9-1943) 1943 Regulamento geral de abastecimentos de água (Portaria n° 10367, de 14-4-1943) 1946 Regulamento geral das canalizações de esgoto (Portaria nº 11338, de 8-5-1946) 1951 RGEU - Regulamento Geral das Edificações Urbanas (Decreto-lei nº 38382, de 7-08-1951) __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ * Regulations with national purposes.

In Oporto, despite several intermediate building decrees approved between RSEU and RGEU, it's a fact that there wasn't any document with the integrating basis of the Lisbon's RGCU (which clearly set up the basis for the RGEU). However, after the promulgation of RGEU the Oporto Municipal Services were able to introduce some novelties that didn't occur in the Lisbon's legislation. By the mid 50s, a new regulation emerged in Oporto, the Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto (RPRCP) of 1956. This apparently concise document with urban concerns took the opportunity to address and clarify some of the most ambiguous articles provided by the RGEU - those about the building's aeration. The RPRCP fixed clear restrictions towards building design, having an inevitable impact in new collective dwelling. Before the Oporto's RPRCP of 1956, the overview is that the building regulations' role is to set a "demanding framework" for private buildings, ruling over the public space (streets, building façades, building size, infrastructures) and the general quality (in terms of ventilation and lighting) of the dwelling interior spaces. The same occurred in the French context, where the central and local authorities managed carefully the balance between the private initiative and the public interests, avoiding restraints in private investment (Moley 1998, 22). Oporto has its own specificity regarding collective dwelling. It's a phenomenon that occurred only in the 1st half of the 20th century, first with the over occupancy of single-family structures. Around the 20s, new housing structures began to be constructed, which building regulations had necessarily to control and supervise. Although we're analyzing a short period of time (1925-1957) it's a relevant specific historical period, between the appearance of the first new collective housing buildings and the settling of some models/typologies in the early 60s (Barata 1999, 238-241). At the time, it's also relevant that the Oporto’s city image was changing, as “modern” buildings (at least engaged with sanitary rules) started to appear, exhibiting their large façades and "updated" floor plan typologies. In our perspective, these typological and morphological changes can be related to several factors besides legislation. But in the long run, it's a fact that some specific rules had severe conse-


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quences in this transformation process. Considering the content and scope of activity of those regulations, it seems important to understand and discuss their effective impact in collective housing production. Table 2. Synthesis of the main regulations approved in Oporto between 1869 and 1957. __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Oporto __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ 1869 1889 1901 1905 1915 1919 1924 1925 1929 1929 1929 1929 1930*

Código de Posturas do Município (Acordão do Conselho de Distrito de 4-3-1869) Código de Posturas do Município Regulamento Geral de Saúde Código de Posturas do Município do Porto (Edital de 11-2-1905) Regulamento da Comissão de Estética da Cidade Regulamento do Município do Porto relativo à Instalação do Saneamento Postura sobre obras particulares na Cidade Regulamento da Comissão de Estética da Cidade Regulamento de obras particulares na cidade do Porto (Edital de 28-1-1929) Distâncias entre prédios contíguos (Edital de 24-5-1929, modificado por proposta de 14-7-1938) Regulamento para a Instalação do Saneamento Urbano da Cidade do Porto Regulamento para o abastecimento e consumo de água (Edital de 28-10-1929) RGCU - Regulamento Geral da Construção Urbana para a Cidade de Lisboa (Edital de 6-121930) 1941 Varandas envidraçadas nas traseiras de prédios (Proposta de 14-8-1941) 1941 Ligação dos prédios urbanos aos aquedutos de águas pluviais (Edital nº 9/41, de 21-8-1941) 1943 Regulamento do Serviço de Saneamento da Cidade do Porto (Portaria de 29-11-1943) 1943 Instalação de elevadores em prédios (edital nº 9/43, de 26-5-1943) 1944 Regulamento sobre construção civil na parte referente à defesa contra incêndios (Edital nº 6/44, de 14-3-1944) 1944 Regulamento dos Serviços de Abastecimento de Água à Cidade do Porto e Concelhos Limítrofes (Portaria de 4-9-1944) 1956 RPRCP - Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto (Separata do Boletim Municipal nº 1036, de 18 de Fevereiro de 1956) __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ * Lisbon specific regulation. Just for reference.

3 THE NORMATIVE DISCOURSE AND THE COLLECTIVE HOUSING IN OPORTO Let us focus on two architectural aspects that are relevant in the design of Oporto's urban housing in the 1st half of the 20th century: the small inner yard - a ventilation/lighting enclosed area placed inside the building (Fig. 5), and one of the building's main dimensions: its depth. The normative discourse around these subjects does not express itself equally in Oporto and Lisbon, despite of RSEU (1903) and RGEU (1951) being common regulations. The Lisbon's RGCU (1930) and the Oporto’s RPRCP (1956), introduced important specifications to national regulations, that had effect only on their specific context of application. The small inner yard, or just yard as it was called, was a permitted enclosed area in both RSEU and RGCU. In this last document, the restrictions were stricter in terms of dimensions and areas than in the first one, following the normative references of the Parisian legislation. In RGEU, the small inner yard disappears from the normative vocabulary (references only to street, courtyard and backyard) and procedures were introduced that largely inhibited the use of this architectural element (but not with a textual prohibition). The authors Agarez (2009) and Reis (2009) have recently discussed the implications of these regulatory changes in the Lisbon context, namely the proliferation of buildings with irregular posterior façades, which tried to "open" the inner yards and therefore circumvent the stricter ruling concerning this sort of spaces. These authors express opposite perspectives towards the usefulness and value of the small inner yard in the design of urban housing. Agarez argues that already in the 50s, buildings with irregular posterior façades or inner aeration yards were outdated, while Reis explores the advantages of contemporary recovery of the small inner (open or closed) yard, acknowledging the added value of typological models that made use of it.

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In Oporto, we don’t find neither echoes of this current discussion, nor detailed studies on the use/reinterpretation of the small inner yards on new buildings (at least, while it was possible to make use of them). The only perspicacious clue seems to be given by F. Barata referring to the transformation of existing buildings, in the beginning of the 20th century. He alerts about the consequences of the pure and simple prohibition of the small inner yard in Oporto, implicitly mentioning the RPRCP’s 31st article (Barata 1999, 246): "Article 31 - In new buildings intended for housing, small inner yards are not allowed. § Single - By small inner yard is meant a space enclosed by four walls; when one side is the contiguous property boundary it will be considered as a façade." This article seems to clarify the ambiguities found in the RGEU of 1951, which permitted architects and constructors to build small inner yards in new buildings, stating exceptional circumstances. For instance, the "Building of Foz" designed by architect Fernando Távora, and licensed in 1954, has a small inner yard for kitchen's ventilation, making use of exceptions tolerated by the 71st Article of RGEU (Fig. 6, LO 0094/1954). Having as framework the Parisian housing buildings, C. Moley demonstrated that small inner yards gradually disappeared not by the constraints of regulations, but simply because the designer/builder needed its area. The author documented this progressive phenomenon, stressing how the small inner yard was increasingly used to ventilate only toilets, being recurrently located at the bottom of the apartment, and step by step being reduced up to become a conduit/shaft (Moley, 1998). In France, the "typological leaps" are not as evident as in Oporto, given the much older tradition in rental housing building (a reality that dates back to the 18th century). It is a fact that before the RGEU of 1951, and the peremptory RPRCP of 1956, it is possible to find buildings with or without small inner yards (Figs 6, 7). The reasons to include these enclosed areas are among several: the plot's width and the building's maximum depth (and therefore maximum profitability), the owner's preferences and the architect/constructor's references (and their ideal way of life representation). The dimensions of the small inner yards are also extremely diverse, and not strictly following the minimum stipulated by regulations, which indicates some sort of freedom.

Figure 5. Closed small inner yard in an Oporto building built in the mid 40s. Table 3. The small inner yard.* __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Regulation Kitchens Toilets, stairs, galleries __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RSEU (1903) RGCU (1930)

9 square meters 4 square meters 1/4 of the façade height (width) 1/6 of the façade height (width) 2,5 meters at least** 2 meters at least** RGEU (1951) 1/2 of the façade height, measured from the apartment floor (width); 3 meters at least*** RPRCP (1956) not permitted not permitted __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ * Minimum dimensions/area ** Kitchen and one bedroom


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*** Inner yard permitted as exception.

Figure 6. Oporto housing buildings WITH closed small inner yards (some floor plans conceived before 1956). From left to right: LO 1032/1935; LO 1471/1936; LO 0056/1939; LO 0260/1938; LO 0094/1954 Departamento Municipal de Arquivos da Câmara Municipal do Porto (DMACMP).

Figure 7. Oporto housing buildings WITHOUT closed small inner yards (some floor plans conceived before 1956). From left to right: LO 0400/1939; LO 0055/1939; LO 0090/1937 - DMACMP.

The Oporto's banishing of the small inner yard in 1956 was complemented by another restriction that indicated clearly how housing should be built from that point: "Article 30 - The depth of the buildings that have only two non adjacent façades (front and posterior) must not exceed 15 meters, usually measured from the axis of the street." Both RSEU of 1903 and RGEU of 1951 were quite silent on this subject. In the case of RGEU, the width of the street and backyard were strictly regulated (where the distance between façades should be equal to their height: the "45º Rule"), so the depth of buildings turns out to be a consequence of the street's width, the particularities of the plot, and the configuration allowing more profitability to owners. Nearly the same factors were involved in the option of including small inner yards. Before 1956, this resulted into an extremely variable set of buildings' depths, some of them 15 meters deep, but not by imposition (Figs 6-8, 10). Shortly before the Oporto's RPRCP of 1956, the Lisbon's legislation also produced regulations that established rules regarding to the building's depth (1955), but always in strict areas (core areas or new avenues), in certain cases requiring the parallelism of the façades. Oporto's legislation was clearly much stricter. The imposition of a maximum depth, together with recommendations for the alignment of posterior façades (which were not explicit in the Regulation of 1956, but were in fact being implemented by Municipal Services since the 40s in several streets like Sá da Bandeira or Ceuta) lead to the eradication of typological plans with irregular configurations (Figs 9, 10). The Municipal Services aim was to render hygienic both building and backyards, forcing more compact and aligned buildings, which created obvious difficulties to plots with narrow widths. By regulating and controlling parceled interventions,

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the building's shape and enclosed areas like the inner yards the Municipal Authorities were shaping the city, both in a typological and a morphological manner. Table 4. The depth of the buildings.* __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ Regulation __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ RSEU (1903)

not referred; restrictions in yards between buildings regarding their height: 18 meters - 30 square meters; more than 18 meters - 40 square meters RGEU (1951) not referred; restrictions in yards between buildings regarding their height minimum distance = the building façade height ("45 Rule") RGPRCP (1956) 15 meters __________________________________________________________________________________________________________ * Minimum dimensions.

Figure 8. Oporto housing buildings up to 15 meters deep (some floor plans conceived before 1956). From left to right: LO 0643/1948; LO 0673/1939; LO 0275/1952 - DMACMP.

Figure 9. "Compact" Oporto housing buildings (some floor plans conceived after 1956). From left to right: LO 0397/1957 and LO 0016/1958 - DMACMP.

4 SOME CONCLUSIONS. THE IMPACT OF REGULATIONS. HYPOTHETICAL TYPOLOGICAL (AND URBAN) CONSEQUENCES In Oporto, were the regulations the main cause of collective housing's typological change, in the period between the mid 20s and the mid 50s of the 20th century? At this point, we can state that they weren't. By referring to the French situation, C. Moley proposes releasing the idea of immediate causal relationship between regulations and architectural production. He alerts that architects and house builders are vehicles of a shared culture assimilated over a long period of time (consciously or unconsciously). This phenomenon is more connected to an "inherited culture", with particular "principles” and “codes", then with a set of constraints (Moley 1998, 271). This author also points out that throughout history, no decree on building's regulation has focused on the distribution of floor plans, so it seems abusive to see in the regulations the main cause of the fixation of certain typological models or specific floor plan organizations. These assumptions are essential to understand the production (transformation and adaptation) of some housing types and typologies. They are verifiable in Oporto, by observing the diversity of floor plans that were conceived since the mid 30s (Figs 6-10), but it doesn't change the fact that, in certain specific situations, regulations had remarkable consequences in architectural his-


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torical practices. According to F. Barata, the proscription of the small inner yard, interrupted historical processes of typological transformation, which used simple elements to adapt the existing architecture to newer conditions, such as the over occupation of single-family buildings. The inner yard permitted the migration of kitchens and bathrooms to the apartment central areas as a permanent solution to the collective housing program (Barata 1999, 245-246). In our opinion, it also interrupted recent parallel typological experimentation in new building design, leading to the fast disappearance of some types. With respect to the Oporto new housing buildings, the thesis we've tried to suggest (rather than demonstrate) is that prohibiting the small inner yard and limiting the building's depth by regulations enacted in 1956, more than giving rise to evident changes on building types, lead to the impoverishment of architectural design. A building type was being imposed, with regular shape and aeration conduits, on the grounds of "proper lighting and ventilation" of spaces. Only two building types seemed to succeed in consolidated urban areas, generating several models and different typologies. In large plots the privileged model was the 15 meters deep slab, with regular configuration and compact volume. In narrower plots, which historically had relied in long depth and small inner yards to ventilate the central areas of the apartment, profitability problems naturally occurred. The kitchen's inner location was no longer possible. According to F. Barata, the solution for building in narrow plots was apparently found in the association of two parcels (approximately a 12 meters façade building), with a standard structure of 2 apartments on each story, sharing a common staircase. This solution was widely spread in the 60s, with varying degrees of architectural quality (Barata 1999, 245-253). Therefore, it represents an enormous reduction of design possibilities, taking into account the typological richness and adaptation possibilities of floor plan designs that can be found from the mid 20s to the early 50s, particularly those that made use of small inner yards and explored the association of several housing units. This is where we consider the Regulation of 1956 a "shortsighted" instrument, transforming a "demanding framework" into a prescriptive one. This doesn't mean that regulation changes can't generate typological innovation. The emergence in Lisbon of buildings with open posterior yards (redentes) in the 30s was a manifest way to overcome stricter rules on inner ventilation yards, imposed by the RGCU. The Lisbon's house builders were clearly following the solutions presented by the French building tradition, which was an historical important reference. It is a fact that the Oporto's regulation of 1956 was imposing building types, but neither this document nor RGEU addressed restraining decrees about floor plan disposition. Therefore it's unlikely that these regulations are the only justification to the typologies similarities that were becoming ordinary: more compact plans, simplified household and aggregation of bedrooms/bathrooms at one side and kitchen/living room at another. In this line of ideas, it seems important to transpose the warning of C. Moley to the Portuguese reality: the (contemporary) argument that the continuity of some housing models/typologies and their uncritical reproduction is the result of the growth of regulatory restrictions it's a misjudgment. The consolidation of certain building types or typologies is the result of the slow process of architectural, social and economic validation of shared inherited logics (i.e. a cultural process). Consequently, the transposition and revision of depleted models/typologies will have to naturally fit into these long-term cultural processes, and it's unlikely that the solution can be proposed or imposed by regulations of any kind.

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Figure 10. Buildings between party walls conceived between 1925 and 1957. Some examples.

REFERENCES Agarez, R. 2009. O Moderno Revisitado: Habitação Multifamiliar em Lisboa nos anos de 1950. Lisboa: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa. Antas, A., Monterroso, M. 1934. A Salubridade Habitacional no Porto (1929-1933). Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional. Antas, A.C.F.; Lima, C.A. 1902. Insalubridade do Porto, Porto: Officinas do "Commercio do Porto". Baia Júnior, J.S.F.1909. Contribuição para a Hygiene do Porto. Porto: Typ. a vapor da "Encyclopedia Portugueza". Barata, F. 1999. Transformação e permanência na habitação portuense. A forma da cidade na forma da casa. 2ª ed. Porto: Faup publicações. Braga, J.R., Brandão, A.H.A. 1894. Subsidios para a hygiene da habitação: ventilação, iluminação, aguas e remoção de immundices. Porto: Typographia Peninsular. Campos, E. 1932. Prólogo ao Plano da Cidade do Porto. Porto: Empresa Industrial Gráfica. Cowan, R. 2005. The Dictionary of Urbanism. Tisbury, Wiltshire: Streetwise Press. Edificações Urbanas. 1944. Legislação Geral de Uso Corrente; Regulamentos e Posturas das Câmaras Municipais de Lisboa, Porto e Coimbra. Porto: ed. Lopes da Silva. Fontes, A., Frias, R.B.R. 1908. Contribuição para a Hygiene do Porto: analyse sanitaria do seu abastecimento em água potavel. Porto: [s.n.]. Gros, M.C. 1982. O Alojamento social sob o fascismo. Porto: Edições Afrontamento. Jorge, R. 1899. Demografia e hygiene da cidade do Porto: Parte I: Clíma-população-mortalidade. Porto: Câmara Municipal do Porto/Repartição Municipal de Saúde e Higiene. Jorge, R. 1885. "Higyene Social applicada à Nação Portuguesa" in Conferências Feitas no Porto. (Porto, 1885). Porto: Civilização. Jorge, R. 1888. Saneamento do Porto: Relatório apresentado à Commissão Municipal de Saneamento. Porto: Typ. de António José da Silva Teixeira. Lemos, A.G.F., Martins Junior, J.L.S. 1914. Contribuição para o estudo da higiene do Porto: ilhas. Porto: Imprensa Nacional de Jayme Vasconcellos. Maia, J.J. 2000. Transição epidemiológica, infra-estruturas urbanas e desenvolvimento: a cidade do Porto. In Análise Social, vol. XXXV (156), 2000 (1 ), p. 583-604. Matias, I. 2002. O pensamento higienista na segunda metade do século XIX. In Alexandra Trevisan & Isabel Matias. Higiene e Salubridade no Porto (1850-1930). Porto: Centro de Estudos Arnaldo Araújo. Moley, C. 1998. L'Architecture du Logement. Culture et logiques d'une norme héritée. Paris: Anthropos. Oliveira, A.A.C., Vale, I.A.P. 1886. Estudo sobre os diversos systemas de remoção das immundicias adoptados nas principaes cidades da Europa e sua applicação à cidade do Porto. Porto: Typographia de A. J. da Silva Teixeira. Pereira, J.A, Pinho, C.A.C. 1894. Contribuição para a hygiene do Porto analyse microbiologica do ar. Porto: Typographya Occidental. Reis, N.M.A. 2009. O saguão na habitação urbana. O interior da casa em torno de um vazio vertical nuclear. Tese de Doutoramento. Lisboa: FAUTL. Seixas, P.C. 2003. Higienismo: Textos que Fizeram Cidade. In Isabel Patim (org). Literatura e Medicina. I Encontro de Estudos sobre Ciências e Culturas, Porto: Universidade Fernando Pessoa, p.119-137. Teixeira, M.C. 1992. As estratégias de habitação em Portugal, 1880-1940. In Análise Social, vol. XXVII (115), 1992 (1 ), p. 65 a 89. Trevisan, A. 2002. Higiene e Salubridade urbana nas primeiras décadas do séc. XX. In Alexandra Trevisan & Isabel Matias. Higiene e Salubridade no Porto (1850-1930). Porto: CEAA. Regulations Plano de Melhoramentos da Cidade do Porto. 1881. Apresentado à C.M.P. por J.A. Corrêa de Barros. Regulamento Geral de Construção Urbana. Lisboa. 1930. Edital de 6 de Dezembro de 1930. Lisboa: Câmara Municipal de Lisboa. Regulamento Geral das Edificações Urbanas. 1951. Decreto-lei n 38382, de 7 de Agosto de 1951. Regulamento de Salubridade das Edificações Urbanas. 1903. Decreto de 14 de Fevereiro de 1903. Lisboa: Imprensa Nacional. Regulamento do Plano Regulador da Cidade do Porto. 1956. Separata do Boletim Municipal n 1036, de 18 de Fevereiro de 1956.


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FIGURE REFERENCES Figures 1 – 4: photographs from the archives of Centro Português de Fotografia/DGARQ/MC. Figures 5 – 10: author’s photographs and representations concerning licensing floor plan drawings, held by the Oporto Municipal Archives (Arquivo Histórico e Arquivo Geral da Câmara Municipal do Porto).

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Restoring the social and historic heritage of Meliana X. Laumain ARAE Patrimonio y Restauración S.L.P., Spain

A. López Sabater ARAE Patrimonio y Restauración S.L.P., Spain

ABSTRACT: By the mid 19th century Nolla’s Floor Tile Factory, whose historic relevance is unquestionable while unknown, arose in Meliana. It was one of the driving forces of Spanish industrialization. The beauty and endurance of the Nolla manufactures, as well as its endless possibilities, brought an immediate national and international success. Countless Art Nouveau buildings hold compositions made with these tiles. In order to reach such an excellence, it was necessary that everyone taking part of the process had exceptional knowledge and know-how. Actually, in 1871 the founder and some of his employees were honored with the Cruz de Isabel la Católica, from the King Amadeus I of Savoy. An exhaustive study of the social history of the factory, and Palauet Nolla, has been done, in order to document and enhance such a relevant heritage; as well as the manufacturing process of Nolla flooring tiles, its social impact and artistic merit.

1 INTRODUCTION In Spain the Industrial Revolution was developed in three big phases. The first stage, still tepid, saw the development of the industry in some areas of the country, mainly placed in the Northern part. Among them, Catalonia would play a key role in the textile manufacture, whose bond with our factory will be shown below. However, we often forget that it was actually the Second Industrial Revolution what initiated the most relevant period at a national level, and that one of the catalyst companies of this movement was from Valencia: the Nolla Floor Tile Factory. It was in 1860’s when a Catalan entrepreneur, Miguel Nolla Bruixet, set up a totally innovative factory in the Spain of 19th Century, using imported technology and conceptions from England. Although he was originally from Reus, where his family was dedicated to silk manufacturing and trade, his businessman nature led him to move to Valencia where he would developed his textile business, which he would be running until 1866. Nevertheless, his biggest achievement was the establishment of the Nolla Floor Tile Factory, situated in Meliana. After starting out in the tile industry with his brother-in-law Luis Sagrera, Gaspar Dotres and Francisco Moltó, he went deeper into this business embarking on the construction of an imposing industrial complex, of almost 20.000m2. The complex will become a milestone to the life of the Northern Huerta and to the industrial history of the region. A family property, that fulfilled all the requirements for the activity he had in mind, was the place chosen for establishing the installations. Strategically placed, it consisted of a large expanse of land and a formidable 17th Century alquería, a building attached to farming activities that had recently been renovated by his parents-in-law as a summer house. This building would be an unshakable reference in the evolution of the complex, as well as a privileged meeting place for the European high society of that time, which was interested in contemplating the possibilities offered by these tiles. (Fig.1)

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Figure 1. The Palauet Nolla and the Factory, in the Huerta. (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

The products from this factory achieved an immediate success, as commercial as institutional, and Miguel Nolla saw how his floor tiles were recognized everywhere he went, accumulating quickly a large number of awards and medals at regional and national fairs or World’s Fairs. This important publicity, together with an extensive network of contacts in the highest society of Spain and Europe, allowed him to reach an extraordinary renown. His mosaics captivated all who had the chance to contemplate them, decorating his flagship building, the Palauet Nolla, the building just noted above. Their spreading was on a global scale, and the exportations to other continents, provided by the economical relations with the colonies, were multiplied. But, which was the reason of such a success, and, what consequences will it bring to the social fabric of Valencia? 2 THE NOLLA FACTORY: A PIONEERING COMPANY IN SPAIN In 19th Century, the Orientalism prevailed over the European artistic sphere. Decoration was inspired by drawings and colours from distant countries, bringing some exoticism to the Old Continent. Attuned to businesses, and consequently used to look for the most suitable product for the taste of his customers, Miguel Nolla was immediately captivated by the mosaics produced in England by the companies Maw and Minton. There is no doubt, considering his exceptional business sense, that from the very first moment he was aware of the possibilities of this material, with its tiny tesserae allowing the design of fine and elaborate colourful drawings, often inspired by the Persian carpets. Suffice it to see the flooring at the ground floor of what will become his showroom, the Palauet, or the exterior decoration of its tower, to understand it. So, Miguel Nolla decided to import the above tiles and produce them in Valencia. In order to carry out his project, he built a factory in Meliana, on the greenery environment of the Huerta, a centuries-long agricultural belt around the provincial capital, and comparable to the famous ghuta of Damascus. Thus, the first impact was a visual and environmental one, since on a rural landscape an industrial complex was established, with its chimneys giving off a black dense smoke, with its noises and its frenetic activity; diametrically opposed to the farming tradition of the place, but at the same time generating one of the most interesting periods of its history. The industrial complex, which will evolve according to the requirements of the production, will also change its owner at the beginning of 20th Century, passing into the hands of the Swiss firm Gardy. This company, currently named Schneider Electric, was one of the world leaders in electrical components, and its plant in Meliana was one of its leading installations. Its uninterrupted continuance of the activity at the same complex for more than a century and a half is a very remarkable feature of this factory, and it always kept excellence in the field that was being undertaken. For the construction of the original installations, Nolla not only broke with the landscape, but also with the local constructive tradition, he used English shaped bricks, smaller and thicker than the ones used in Spain; and he made them himself, as showed the stamping on both sides of


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the pieces. The bond, and even the volumes and typology of the building, were inspired by British models.

Figure 2. Left: The gate of the Factory. Right: Administration building (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

But the businessman not only imported ideas and conceptions, he also bought the machinery in England, copied the types of pieces (also using formats in inches instead of adapting them to the metric system), and even reproduced entire parts of the original catalogues. Considering all mentioned above, we could think that Miguel Nolla only plagiarized an English product for his own advantage. The truth is actually quite far from it. Indeed, although he reproduced an already known system, he contributed with his particular touch, what would distinguish his products from what had been done until then. Nolla’s contribution was triple, and it would constitute the core of a specific industrial and social heritage. It is about the introduction of new conceptions for the production management, the creation of specialized trades and a notable social concern for his workers. 3 NOLLA’S CONTRIBUTIONS

3.1 New production and trade concepts In the factory of Meliana, although the production was based on English systems, Nolla adapted it all to the conditions he had at his disposal, as to his vision of what an optimal management of this sort of business might be. His idea was developed around the clear wish of a total control of the whole production process, from the raw materials supply to sale, including all different industrial phases, transportation and even the layout of the products. This search would lead him to create a number of technical and social specificities that will constitute a unique heritage, of a great richness and variety, which unfortunately will be almost completely lost along with the demise of the company at the end of 20th Century. With the aim of being unconnected with the price fluctuations and the availability of raw materials, he bought some quarries from where to mine kaolin, a fundamental component of the mass used for his ceramics, instead of porcelain which has a different composition, production process and firing. The extreme quality of the materials mined from his quarries allowed him to work with relatively simple installations, like the kilns, getting over the common problems arisen for the uniform and controlled firing required by this sort of ceramics, just with the help of ingenious systems. But, anyway, he introduced a cutting-edge technology for that time, like steam engines. In particular, the grinding mill, which made a task that previously had to be outsourced, was one of the scarce existing examples in Spain. His eagerness to not depending on anyone led him to produce his own materials to build or restore his premises. Even the bags used in the factory were woven in-house. As the company was developing and achieving quickly renown, other businessmen resolved to produce a similar product appeared. The clearest case is the Piñón one, also located in Valencia region. Therefore, the Manufacture Royal Privilege obtained in 1860 for five years wasn’t enough. Using its imminent renewal he applied for an Invention and Exclusivity Privilege,

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which he got from Queen Isabella II in 1864 for a period of ten years; thus, he got rid of any initiative from possible competitors. This shows Miguel Nolla’s nature, his company policy and the reach of his power. As for the distribution of his products, Nolla planned a very complete commercial strategy, addressed to all possible customers. For the general public, he used the catalogue system developed in England, offering hundreds of designs, based on modules that can be repeated infinitely, covering any floor or wall, regardless its size or shape. It was only necessary to place an order indicating the reference number of the model and the required area. The packing system was also studied so the pack was as small as possible, what was very important for long-distance transportation or exportation. For more important orders the Nolla Floor Tile Factory had a group of designers who created unique compositions, especially designed for a given place, according to the requirements of the customers. Wonderful carpets, elaborated geometrical compositions, floral motives or even coat of arms and figurative allegories are some of the aesthetic resources used for floorings of some Spanish, French and Russian palaces. One of the regular customers of the company, apart from several European families of the bourgeoisie and nobility, was the religious order of Jesuits. Across the entire country, we find a massive use of the Nolla mosaics as flooring in classrooms, corridors and refectories. The services offered by the company, in these significant cases, were not only the design of the composition; but specialists, the mosaiqueros, were sent to the place for laying the ties. These workers were the best in their trade, and worked directly for the factory. Thus the businessman was certain of the correct laying of the tiles, and the satisfaction of his distinguished customer. There are two clear examples of this procedure, the case of the Church of the Immaculate Conception and its old school in Gijón and the case of one of the underground stations of Moscow. In the first case, the artisans moved in with their families, and ended up establishing themselves in Asturias. Beyond the anecdote, this example shows some aspects. First, the creation of a truly specialized trade, and the recognition that mosaiqueros had. But it also shows that the society of Gijón received enthusiastically this new decorative system, since the artisans could develop their job after the initial work, settling and making a living by it, what means an important quantity of commissions. This trade was the most outstanding one, but it was just the end of a production process constituted by a big number of phases, each of which required an already forgotten savoir faire. 3.2 The workers: the human assets The main façade looks over a large rectangular square oriented towards the south, with the lengthwise axes of the square and church coinciding. The church is completely free-standing, having previously been located against the side of the mountain and its topographical elevation was also higher. In order to connect the square to the road network and make it part of a oneway system, a section of the mountain was removed in order to make way for the road and a standard retaining wall built of masonry was constructed. Its elevation was therefore considerably reduced and, over time, further work was undertaken, leading to alterations to the original morphological conditions of the terrain.

Figure 3. Workers in front of the gate (left) and inside the factory (Right) (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)


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As noted above, the complex production of the Nolla mosaics involved a large number of trades, most of them specialized and constituting an essential link in the chain. Hundreds of people carried out these works, mainly women, but also men and children. During the period of the biggest activity more than a thousand people were working in the factory, inhabitants from Meliana or other nearby villages. We must also take into account all the people that were related to the production of the factory, and therefore worked indirectly like suppliers, hauliers, or the famous mosaiquers about whom we will talk later. The savoir-faire of all these workers is a real intangible cultural heritage of prime importance, whose memory is almost extinguished nowadays. Machines and tools used in the production have disappeared, leading to the consequent obscurity of the gestures that generations of workers have repeated thousands of times, until they achieved a unique dexterity. (Fig.3) So, the Nolla Floor Tile Factory had a large number of specialized trades, standing out designers, the workers in the kiln and the mosaiqueros, as symbols of the beginning, middle phase and ending of the process. The first ones were responsible for creating the compositions displayed on the catalogues, as for the exclusive drawings for the most distinguished customers of the company. Today, when one has the chance to see the sketches on a thin squared paper and how they were developed as a wise mixture of the different shapes, sizes and colours of the pieces, notices the most elaborated and artistic side of those who had to combine stylishly tesserae in order to achieve models that would mean to be a fashionable stylistic reference. The sensibility of their work is especially noticeable in the combinations of colours that simulate shades, giving depth to the surfaces. In a much more pragmatic aspect, but equally important, the kiln workers were responsible for the correct firing of thousands of pieces. They must be able to control the heat and a stable temperature during the whole process, about 1250-1300ºC, using very basic methods. The quality of the refractory brick is essential, as the load of the kiln, or the previous drying. The experience acquired with time allowed these workers to be able to arrange and control the delicate firing process, despite using combustion materials or installations that couldn’t be standardized.

Figure 4. Left: Bricks and boxes of material. Right: Oven (Ayuntamiento de Meliana)

Finally, the mosaiqueros, the most known and visible side of the company, were the symbol of the savoir-faire of this industry. Through the recent study of the Palauet Nolla, it has been found that their knowledge wasn’t only technical, in order to perform a correct laying of the mosaics, but also artistic. Indeed, there’s no doubt that this artisans were very skilful and able to lay large dimension floors without faults. More exactly, they were able to fix or hide possible faults without altering the final composition. Buy they were also ingenious and accurate solving problems on site. Joints, especially corners, were great challenges. When laying floorings based on a repetitive model, the designs didn’t fit exactly to the size of the room. Therefore, the mosaiqueros had to improvise, playing with the drawing to minimize defects. From this point of view, Palauet Nolla is a real gem. The staircase skirting, many floorings, or even isolated compositions show an impeccable skill from those who made them. Moreover, in over 1.200m2 of mosaics in the building, tile-to-tile joints are less than half a millimetre; what means that mosaiqueros had no margin of error. But the paradigmatic example of their accuracy can be seen on the dome of the miramar tower, where the squared pattern composition softly

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adapts to the hemispherical shape of the shell, joining vanishing lines on the sides of each fourth part of the dome, dropping the number of lines step by step, all imperceptible from the ground. The quality of Nolla Factory workers was highlighted in 1871, when Miguel Nolla and six of his workers received the Cross Isabella the Catholic from the King Amadeus I of Savoy, as recognition for such a relevant work. We shouldn’t underestimate the importance and scope of this intangible heritage which, in our opinion, is even more relevant that the remaining material heritage from that period. 3.3 Unprecedented social measures The bond between the company and its workers was always close. Miguel Nolla had a strong paternalistic attitude towards his workers, as it is shown by the social measures he adopted. One of the most outstanding symbols of the ambiguity or the mixture between the wish of control and the generous character of the businessman is the presence of his portrait on the Western façade of the Palauet, towards the courtyard of the factory. This picture shows his omnipresence, his wish for being with his workers, but at the same time keeping an eye on the correct running of the company. The good relation between the owner and the workers was evident during some moments of social tensions, when Nolla workers refused to go on strike, despite the requests from the workers of other companies, and kept on working. The motto “Subordination, ethics, award to work” placed over the access to the factory wasn’t in vain. Miguel Nolla, indeed, demanded a close involvement to his workers, as well as a blameless morality; but, for those who fulfil his requirements, he had planned notable gratifications. He offered to the oldest workers a dwelling in the surrounding of the factory. Eventually, these buildings together with the industrial complex created a neighbourhood named after the owner’s surname. Nowadays it keeps this name, showing the importance of the factory and its social bond. There were also other sorts of gratifications or bonus, as well as other measures addressed to the workers welfare. All of them led Nolla to obtain an official recognition in a World’s Fair that highlighted the commitment of his company. The social impact was huge, as the most part of the inhabitants of Meliana, Foios, Bonrepós and Mirambell and other nearby villages worked directly or indirectly for Nolla. There were consecutive generations, and there‘s no family in Meliana without one or some ancestor, or even all of them, who have worked in the factory. Thus, it is part of the identity of the people. 4 NOLLA FLOOR TILES: HISTORIC AND ARTISTIC HERITAGE Despite of having only a limited technology in the beginning, Miguel Nolla was able to produce a high quality ceramics. The products manufactured in Meliana had exceptional features. Their mechanical strength is equal to the best marbles one and, since their dyeing process started from the paste, their colour was unaffected by any harmful agent, both chemical and natural (like acids, sunlight, erosion, etc.). Tesserae themselves, unlike the hydraulic materials, resist hydrochloric acid too, which was used for cleaning mosaics with no damages at all. This exceptional strength is the most relevant aspect in the preservation of this heritage throughout time, even in abandoned or neglected buildings, and it was the reason of its fame among the customers of the company. But it is not the only and not even the main feature that explains the relevance of Nolla products as historic and artistic heritage. Actually, first of all, its reputation and people’s fervour for using these tiles was because their variety of colours and fineness could create beautiful decorations. Catalogues displayed innumerable models; once they were laid, they made real carpets and not only a simple finish like other paving materials. This fabric-like appearance came from different elements. Almost in every case, the flooring did not only use a given drawing but it was placed on the centre. Surrounding it (in the case of rooms) or on the sides (in the case of corridors and staircases), there’s usually a fringe that finishes off the composition, enhancing and framing it, like tapestries and carpets. It’s, therefore, the same visual language. In turn, between the main design and the walls, there’s usually a simple, neutral and mostly monochromatic mosaic, which reinforces this idea of unity. This trend is even clearer when the design

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was purposely done, using always this composition. Stylistic codes from textile industry were used in these designs, with a quite evident Persian influence. As for its diffusion, it can be said that it was widespread. We should remember that Art Nouveau architecture from all Europe have profusely used Nolla tiles, obviously in Spain its use was more intense. Most of 19th Century emblematic buildings in Valencia, Eixample bourgeois apartments or even some old renovated palaces were decorated with Nolla mosaics. It was a sign of good taste and social standing. It was Antonio Gaudí who became the most famous representative of the company, since he used the high quality tiles from Meliana in some of his buildings, especially for floorings. Unfortunately, the ignorance about the value of these mosaics, and the cost of its renovation and laying, has led to its continuous removal when the building have been renovated or restored. Thus, the number of examples has decreased but they are still numerous. The case of Meliana, the birthplace of this industry, is remarkable. Most of the houses had Nolla mosaics on their floors, façades or any other sort of decorations, since many mosaiqueros were living there, as well as many other workers (who sometimes got tesserae sacks as gratifications or bonus). Today, despite most of these examples are lost, there is an astonishing concentration of them. Although Meliana has a lot of examples, most of them of medium quality, it also hosts the most important example of this art: the Palauet Nolla. This building was turned into the showroom of the company when Miguel Nolla began his production in the new factory. It was a key tool in his commercial strategy; it showed the best possible artistic resources and became a reference of beauty. After visiting the place, the famous poet Vicent W. Querol wrote: “Nolla performed like God did (excuse me the sacrilegious concept) he created thousand things from dust and saw that it was good”

Figure 5. Left: Front page of a Catalogue. Center: Detail of the dome. Right: Restitution of a mosaic tile floor from the Palauet Nolla (Laumain, 2011)

Obviously, the mosaics placed in the Palauet were designed by the best draftmen, and their laying was performed by the most skilful mosaiqueros, as it’s shown on the surveys from the last study of the building. This research gave the information to calculate that the whole area covered with mosaics is over 1.200sqm, from different periods and with different sort of motives, but always keeping their excellence. A careful and accurate reproduction of the existing designs allowed to discover the laying methods used by the mosaiqueros, their tricks to offset those faults that arose during the works, and even some mistakes. But it also highlighted an astonishing capacity to improvise with a certain freedom, making possible to solve occasional problems on site.

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Such a collection of mosaics, with a high artistic and decorative quality, made by the best materials from the Nolla factory and made by the most skilful masters, makes of the Palauet Nolla an incomparable material and intangible heritage. Unfortunately, its progressive transformation, and its final closure in 1968, has generated an unavoidable process of deterioration which nowadays is putting seriously at risk the integrity of such a heritage, a symbol of a time, an industry and its workers and its exceptional artistic and social legacy. 5 THE DECLINE OF NOLLA FLOOR TILES The appearance of the hydraulic tiles in 20th Century, meant a severe blow for Nolla company. Its low-cost manufacture, but especially its low-cost laying, prevailed over the quality and beauty of Nolla mosaics, and in 1980’s the factory was forced to close. This also meant not only the loss of jobs in the factory, but also the trades related to it. Not mentioning the social activity that it had generated. It is very interesting how in few decades this legacy was completely forgotten, erased from collective memory, like if its evocation was too sour or painful. In Meliana there’s no evidence of a sense of nostalgia for the lost splendor; not even the pride of have been a reference in Europe, or even a global one. They just turned the page, and it is even difficult to find people who know the history of such an important industry. The first blow for the company came with the beginning of the 20th Century, when the kaolin quarry was run out. This forced Miguel Nolla’s sons, who were the owners of the business at that time, to use a lower quality material. This matter made impossible to keep using the old kilns on, it was necessary to use gas-based systems because they were more stable. Instead of adapting the installations, they were sold and the factory moved to the centre of the town. Since then the company became weaker and weaker, especially from mid 20th Century. 6 THE RESTORING OF THE SOCIAL MEMORY: HOPES FOR THE FUTURE Such a precious legacy is nowadays at risk of disappearance. The Palauet Nolla, victim of a fast process of deterioration, is in a critical situation. The mosaics placed in private houses are disappearing because a lack of knowledge of the owners and the high cost of its restoration. This heritage is at a real risk of disappearance, sweeping along the social and historical memory of those who took part of this wonderful industry. Conscious of it, the Council of Meliana is decided to get involved in the restoration of this community legacy. The first measure was elaborating an extensive study of the Palauet. As a result of this work, there is now a desire of elaborating a Master Plan, with the aim of restoring the building step by step. Nevertheless, the most immediate measures weren’t addressed to the building but to its social bonds.

Figure 6. Left: House in Meliana. Right: Restitution of the Palauet Nolla (Laumain, 2011)


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Indeed, an intensive didactic task was done; it consisted in some initiatives devoted to the recognition of such a heritage. A large number of lectures, writings and exhibitions were done, at a scientific, particular or institutional level. A straight consequence of those activities was a tremendous awakening of the population, and the creation of a strong movement longing for the restoration of the splendid past of the town and the memory of their forefathers, reinforcing their own community identity. From our point of view, the support of the population, which is indispensable to achieve the ultimate purpose of restoring the historic, artistic and social heritage of Nolla and his workers, means the most notable achievement. Although part of the history of the factory is still alive thanks to some of its remaining premises, old pictures and the testimony of some workers, its knowledge and savoir-faire have been lost. A research line is being developed about this heritage with the aim of keeping and recording its legacy, even achieving its complete restoration, it is to run it again, recovering certain trades which are lost nowadays. Thus, the ultimate goal is the restoration of the historic and artistic heritage (the material one), through the Palauet Nolla, as well as the social heritage (the intangible one), formed by the trades and the women, men and children who practiced them. REFERENCES BARBERA NOLLA, María Rita, “Evocación de la fábrica de mosaicos Nolla”, Meliana. Bodas de Oro de la Cooperativa Eléctrica, 1923-1973. Meliana. 1973 LAUMAIN, X.; LÓPEZ SABATER, A. and RIOS ALOS, J., “Estrategias para la vitalización del legado industrial”, I Congreso Internacional de Investigación sobre Paisaje Industrial. Sevilla. 2011 LAUMAIN, X., “Meliana i la Fàbrica de Ceràmica Nolla: una Història compartida”, Meliana i la fàbrica de Nolla, una historia compartida. Meliana. 2011 LAUMAIN, X.; LÓPEZ SABATER, A. and RIOS ALOS, J., “Identidad, Patrimonio y Creatividad: El caso de Palauet Nolla de Meliana (Valencia)”, diseño + imagen + creatividad en el Patrimonio Industrial. Gijón. 2011 LAUMAIN, X.; LÓPEZ SABATER, A.; ALONSO BURGAZ, C.; RUBIO GALÁN R. and RIOS ALOS, J., “El Palauet Nolla. Patrimonio en peligro de extinción”, Actes del III Congrés d’Estudis de l’Horta Nord. Valencia. 2011 LAUMAIN, X.; LÓPEZ SABATER, A. and HUERTA GABARDA, C., “Virtual Technologies for archaeological Studies of Nolla’s ceramic mosaics”, Electronic Visualisation and the Arts Conference (EVA London 2011). Londres. 2011 REIG FERRER, A. Mª and ESPÍ REIG, A. La aplicación del diseño a la industria del mosaico valenciano del siglo XIX Nolla y Piñón. Archivo de Arte Valenciano. Valencia. 2010

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Designing the landscape of memory: conditions for sustainable development M. Leonardi University Kore, Enna, Italy

ABSTRACT: The proposed contribution is part of a research conducted for the Department of Architecture and Urban Planning at the University of Catania, based on the study and analysis of the archeological component of the territorial subsystem settlements in Catania with the aim of drafting a plan of the landscape (2004-08). The survey was focused on the reading of the archeological findings and the interpretation of environmental implications. Essential to the interpretation and classification of data acquired during the analysis and synthesis of the research was the creation of a GIS platform database of reports, analytical methodologies, proposals and maps. The guidelines followed in the drafting of the project were aimed at the creative development of landscapes with special archeological importance, redesigning those areas which have been affected by anthropogenic intervention. The investigation has also been devoted to the development of a Geographic Information System created for cultural heritage. The evolution and history of ancient landscapes reflect the relationship between the physical substrate of the territory and the human community that lives there. Throughout history the way we study the landscape has developed to include different sources and documents that can guide the reader along the path of transformation that the sites have gone through over time. In the ancient world in particular, contact with the landscape was a stimulus for the understanding of its diachronic and historical depth through the study of its stratification. The archeological landscape is not exclusively agricultural, based on the teachings of Emilio Sereni, but is also a constructed space with a story to narrate of how it was perceived, represented and contextualised by the ancient peoples. In our approach to such a landscape, a profound understanding of local conditions has to be included in planning our research so as to create strategies aimed at mediating between the cultural traces of the past and the social conditions and identity dictated by its present state. To safeguard the archaeological component of a landscape it is fundamental that we the use the different sources and processes that are employed in the research of an ancient landscape, to understand the existing traces of the past, and through the planning process, bring the expressions left by history into the present. According to Alberto Clementi: «The signs of memory, (…) shouldn't be treated (...) as objectified reconstructions of a past that no longer exists. Rather they should go back to speaking a language (…) capable of recounting the many lives of the places and buildings, (…) comprehensible to the world of collective memories». (Clementi, 1990) “Musealisation” means preservation within a context that promotes opportunity for educational and cultural enjoyment by the public. As regards to archaeology, it is of fundamental importance to respect the topographical authenticity of our cultural heritage and to safeguard the environment within which this heritage is located. Even if the archeological remains that enable us to rebuild houses, villages, and shrines and to create the contexts to help us understand the relationship between the land and its heritage are present, they are often missing from projects to promote these assets. Moreover, it is impossible to take entire

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territories and freeze them, an action which would paralyse their economic activity. Therefore, by viewing the territory as a great cultural basin, we are proposing an open air museum – created in close collaboration with the disciplines of archeology, through its investigative and scientific work, architecture and landscape design. Using the interpretation of ancient environmental presences and the implications that they have on the territory, the project guidelines were the creative development and the preservation of cultural landscapes of great importance. The aim was the promotion of archaeological sites within a framework of strategies integrated into the development of the landscape and the reclamation of those areas which have been affected by anthropogenic interventions. The research has given us the possibility of adding to the knowledge already gained of the history of ancient landscapes with the use of a chronological scan. This has been a major contribution in the interpretation and the reconstruction of a succession of multiple cultures within the province, highlighting the stratification of the anthropogenic combinations from prehistory to the Middle Ages, combining the GIS with the ancient perception of the landscape. To this research, field visits, a comparison of information from other archaeologists, analysis of literary texts and iconographic documentation were added. 1.1 Perceptions of the ancient landscape In the provincial landscape, archeology is characterised by contrasts between changes and permanence; the landscape has been a meeting place and a frontier for multiple civilizations for thousands of years. The province of Caltagirone, for example, has been intensely inhabited since Neolithic times and presents a continuity of settlement that includes the entire panorama of the prehistoric civilizations of eastern Sicily. The remains of a cave necropolis and Stentinello pottery in “Poggio Salvatorello” and along the 124 Caltagirone-Mirabella-Imbaccari road, seem to be connected to those of the “Montagna” area, with its terraces of Siculian settlements and burials in grottos dug into the limestone rock. Most of the tombs date back to the Pantalica civilisation to the north of Caltagirone while others are from Castelluccio. Located a few miles south of Caltagirone, with an excellent strategic position for the control of the surrounding area, “San Mauro” was also inhabited in prehistoric and protohistoric times. The site was then chosen by the Greeks as a base in the VII cent. BC, which became an important reference point for cultural and commercial exchanges in Gela. Traces of the Romans which were superimposed over the prehistoric and Greek civilisations, are still present in the ruins of a likely latifundium at “Contrada Racineci”, contemporary with the remains discovered at the estate at “Poggio dei Cresti” and “Poggiodiano”, where traces of a permanent settlement date back to the Republican Age, the Imperial Augustan Age and late antiquity respectively. These discoveries are mixed with Byzantine and Medieval traces found in the necropolis at “Racineci”, at “Masseria Cutuminello”, “Poggio Pizzuto” and “Piano Cannelle”. The provinces of Mineo, Castel di Iudica and Ramacca also show continuity in their prehistoric settlements. In Mineo this can be seen in the remains of a necropolis dating from the Ancient Bronze Age at “Contrada Fausia”, in the remains of a burial cave from the Neolithic Age and Bronze Age at “Contrada Sacchina”. There are traces from the Early Bronze Age in the settlement at “Contrada Casalvecchio” and at “Castello di Serravalle”, “Casa Balata”, “Costa Finocchio” and at “Fontana dell'Inferno”. At “Piano Casazzi e Erbe Bianche” the settlement and the necropolis date back to the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age. Here, there is also a Hellenistic indigenous settlement (VII-II cent. A.D.), characterised by cave dwellings, rectangular rooms cut into the rock, the remains of foundations and outer walls, and the ruins of a fortification. The site is also home to suburban cave sanctuary that overlooks the necropolis. Ramacca in “Contrada La Montagna” is a complex area with a Hellenised indigenous city. Traces of inhabitation date back to the Ancient Neolithic times and continue until the Copper Age and Ancient Bronze Age. The site was inhabited from prehistoric times until the end of the fourth century A.D. You can see the remains of an ancient city (Hellenised indigenous) with a cave sanctuary and a shrine. Portions of the settlement have been uncovered which show an urban framework and traces of an acropolis. Also in Ramacca there are remains of a Neolithic settlement typical of the Castelluccio area with burial caves from the Bronze Age. Settlements


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from the Hellenistic, Roman and Byzantine periods up until to the Norman times can be found at “Cozzo Santa Maria”. At Paternò, near “Poira e Poggio Cocola” there is an area of fragments from the Bronze Age and Iron Age. The structures of a Hellenised indigenous settlement, similar to that at “Monte Castellaccio” remain with habitable structures and traces of a boundary wall from the Ancient and Classical Greek periods. At “Monte Castellaccio” there is a Hellenised indigenous settlement with several levels of inhabitation dating from the Early Bronze Age and the IV cent. A.D. Preserved at “Castel di Iudica” are Hellenised indigenous inhabitations and necropolis, ruins of houses and tombs from the Archaic period, a necropolis (VI – IV cent. A.D) at “Monte Iudica”, “Masseria Iudica” and “Monte Santo”. At “Monte Turcisi” are the remains of massive boundary walls and five water cisterns for water conservation dating back to the Archaic Greek period. A Roman villa with a mosaic floor is located at “Contrada Castellito”, in the province of Ramacca. Similarities with this architectural complex, near the Catania-Agrigento Roman road, can be found at the “Massa Capitoniana”. the first Roman watchtower for those coming from Catania. Traces of a rural settlement, evidenced by the remains of walls belonging to a building from the Roman Republican period can even be found at “Contrada Lavina” at Castel di Iudica. These are just a few examples of an immense cultural heritage within the province. A heritage that is often distorted by environmental pressures. This does not mean however that the archeological landscape has lost the ability to transmit cultural messages, emotional values and a sense of identity. 1.2 Bridging the gap with the contemporary landscape Among the aims of landscape architecture is an attempt to rebuild the relationship between the ancient and the modern, and the retrieval of the bond between them as they were and us as we are. Among the many achievements of modernity, we can also insert the hope of reconstructing the image that the ancient civilisations had of their own landscape. Sometimes a place name does not provoke any reaction in the visitor. The reason could be attributed to a lack of information, or a forgetfulness that characterises many local communities, even those with a good reputation for social and cultural preservation. The strategies put in place to increase communication are of a primarily cognitive character. The first step was the creation of an integrated database of information. However where this research differed from that done in the past was that it was planned with its end purpose, namely communication, narration and promotion of objects, monuments and sites in mind right from the start. Archaeological finds often become uninteresting when viewed through the glass case of a museum. Excavations are abandoned, they become an enclave, a place name is just a piece of lost landscape, far off the beaten track. This meant thinking of the research as a way to trigger a virtuous circle. People see the welldisplayed remains in a museum and they become interested in the place and the landscape where these objects were used. The primary aim of the Information System is to highlight moments in history and culture which have been, up until now, presented in an incomplete, inaccurate or ideologically-skewed way. In the organisation of the parks, the research project could also emphasise the profound interpenetration between the environmental, historical, and cultural values of a site and suggest pathways to guide the visitor around the ancient countryside. This not only serves to help the public understand the structure of the different past eras on the landscape but it also helps to reconstruct the image that our ancestors had of individual remains. This is why the communication network, that up until now has given the public the opportunity to enjoy the natural landscape and its archeological or architectural history, should be integrated to take the visitor from a total unawareness of the territory to a complete vision of the landscape, creating an appreciation of both nature and the different anthropic forms present, that are two sides of an identical, very long and complex historical process. With this objective in mind, the study of the usability conditions of each geographical location has been added to an examination of the emerging features of the archaeological components. At this stage the site is evaluated in its interrelationship with the landscape from which the “critical

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endogenous elements” and factors of “exogenous vulnerability” are derived. At the same stage of the investigation, “elements and qualifying thematic connections” are identified as a suitable panoramic position for the settlement, the archaeological remains and their interrelationship with the natural elements, with settlements and historic centres, or with pathways and scenic viewing points. Before the Legislative Decree 42 of 2004, the traditional model of preservation restricted or rejected “a priori” any intervention or modification of the status quo of a territory on the basis of the presumed inviolability of the historical or archaeological context. It was a cultural choice that did not achieve great results. This model ensured the protection of an archaeological area but in an inappropriate way, freezing the territory in time without considering the possibility of developing the landscape in terms of sustainability, operability and durability. The alternative is to configure a preservation model which on the one hand seeks to ensure the maximum preservation and promotion of our cultural and environmental heritage yet at the same time relates to the landscape as an economic resource on which to base the solution for structural problems, such as commercial activities and occupation, and importantly to recognise the needs of the city. Following studies of the evaluation of the potential of the ancient sites and property on the landscape and on the advice of the “Linee Guida Regionali del Piano” (Guidelines of the Regional Plan), proposals have been made to highlight the archaeological finds for their inclusion in a circuit of cultural and / or tourist use, to design the reclamation of sites subject to anthropogenic pressure and to incorporate archaeological elements into the fabric of the modern city with their preservation oriented towards areas of cave settlements. The aim of the intervention is to construct a scientifically proven history of how landscapes were created in different periods, how they were seen and perceived by human beings and the societies who lived there. REFERENCES Albanese R. M., Procelli E. 1988-89, Ramacca (Catania)-Saggi di scavo nelle contrade Castellito e Montagna negli anni 1978,1981 e 1982, in N.S.A. XLII-XLIII, Suppl.I Amore G. 1979, Nuove acquisizioni sul Neolitico nel territorio di Caltagirone, Kokalos XXV. Bejor 1992, Caltagirone in Bibliografia Topografica della colonizzazione greca in Italia meridionale e nelle Isole, Vol. X, Pisa-Roma. Belfiore R. 2000, Il centro abitato indigeno-ellenizzato di Piano dei Casazzi (Mineo) in Sicilia Archeologica anno XXXIII, fasc.98 Cambi F. 2003, Archeologia dei paesaggi antichi: fonti e diagnostica, Roma. Catanzaro C., Maniscalco L., Pappalardo G., Russo P., Vinciguerra D. 1975-76, La stazione preistorica di Poggio Monaco nel territorio di Paternò, in Cronache di Archeologia 14/15. Clementi A. 1990, Il senso delle memorie, Laterza, Roma. De Seta C. 1982, Storia d’Italia, Annali, 5, Il paesaggio, Torino. Di Maria M. 1996-97, Insediamenti di età romana a Caltagirone, in Bollettino della Società Calatina di Storia Patria e Cultura n.5-6. Frasca M. 1996-97, Rodio-Cretesi e Calcidesi sui colli di Monte S. Mauro, in Società Calatina di Storia Patria e Cultura, Bollettino 5-6. Frasca M. 1975, Il villaggio preistorico di Torricella presso Ramacca in Sicilia Archeologica VII, 27 Frasca M. 1976-77, Ramacca: campagne di scavo 1970-71 in contrada Torricella in Kokalos, XXIIXXIII. Lagona S. 1973, La ricerca archeologica nel territorio di Caltagirone, Archivio storico per la Sicilia Orientale, LXIX, fasc II. Leonardi M. 2005, Progetto urbano e memoria archeologica, Galatea, Acireale. Manacorda D. 2007, Il sito archeologico: fra ricerca e valorizzazione, Roma. Mc Connell B.E. 1997-98, Scavi e ricerche tra Monte Castellaccio e Poggio Cocola (Paternò) tra il 1994 e il 1997, in Kokalos XLIII-XLIV


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Pompeii sustainability between preservation and modern use G. Longobardi Dipartimento di Studi Urbani, Università Roma Tre, Rome

ABSTRACT: In the 1990s I was the coordinator of a master plan of the archaeological area of Pompeii called Un Piano per Pompei. It began to plan the archaeological site management following sustainability standards, putting forward a possible analogy between natural and “cultural” ecosystems. The plan was launched following the scathing comparison between the state of preservation of the town in the 1990s and the forty years before one, and it triggered a process of restoration of the archaeological heritage and renovation of the tourist facilities. This process has been, however, stopped, over the last few years, by a considerable change of perspective which has diverted attention from the “daily” care of the resources, stressing the “exceptionality” and “emergency” of everything occurring at Pompeii and preventing the development of any public cultural and management policy. The paper aims at taking stock of the master plan’s tenyear management.

1 INTRODUCTION I dealt with the relationship between heritage and sustainable development for the first time in 1997, when the World Monuments Fund and the Archaeological Superintendency of Pompeii entrusted me with the task of carrying out a study of the state of preservation of the Pompeii archaeological area. At that time the ancient town was in an evident condition of decay, due to a series of factors which involved the idea of sustainability both in a narrow sense, i.e. with reference to the preservation of the cultural resources for the future global generations, and in a wider sense, that is to say with reference to the duration of the local economic development based on the archaeological area existence and on its tourist potentials enhancement. The results of the study were shown in a master plan, whose title was Un Piano per Pompei, dealing with the planning and management of the ancient town. In brief, the paper was divided into three parts: a. the first historical part addressed the problem with a process approach, trying to find the causes of the decay of that time in distant and recent past events; b. the second operational part aimed at knowing, accurately, for each place – on the whole town scale – the quantity and the preservation state of structures, buildings and decorative elements; c. the third planning and management part, dealt with standards, guidelines and transformation interventions to lead again the archaeological area to a condition of stability and sustainability. It was necessary, in other words, to consider Pompeii no more as a static complex of archaeological ruins but as a sort of “cultural ecosystem” in which heritage preservation issues had to be interlinked with the dynamics of tourist development, of the logistics of people, goods and

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means of transport which are, daily, present in the archaeological area, and the dynamics of the not insignificant aesthetic and functional relationship with the contemporary neighbouring town. 2 POMPEII UNTIL 1997 The ancient town had, several times, generated concerns and fear because of its state of decay since 1748, when it was discovered. Carolina Bonaparte, in 1812, rightly complained about the non-methodical way of carrying out works and she wished a project which “aimed at speeding up finds, but ensuring at the same time the preservation of everything concerning arts” (Mascoli, 1981). The decay of Pompeii i.e. was already evident in that period still characterized by the Revival of Antiquity which had to make it one of the most desirable cultural destinations in the world. In the past century, the first “modern” view of the places buried by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, in their complexity of archaeological, preservative, organizational, educational and tourist subjects, was the one put forward by Amedeo Maiuri during the postwar period. Firstly, the removal of earth banks which, since the Bourbon period, had progressively surrounded the town, secondly, a conscious plan to give excavations “a cultural and tourist attraction function at the international level” gave the town a completely renovated appearance. The Antiquarium, restored and enlarged after bombardments, the Auditorium (where conferences, illustrations on the occasion of official visits, conventions, but above all a more ordinary and daily educational activity addressed to visitors, were organized), the pinewood which functions as big green lung, the piazza Anfiteatro new entrance and the piazza Esedra renovated entrance, the restaurant in the Terme del Foro, were objects of a tourist-cultural policy to which the organization of summer night shows, the lightning of the Foro and of the approaches to the Teatri area were added. In the early 1950s Pompeii received only 300.000 visitors per year, who enjoyed accessibility which was much better than today: the motorway, three railway stations, five different entrances to the excavations. During the following years these facilities were only partially adapted to the change in needs and to the increase in visitors; rather, many of them were left to fall into decay until they became unusable. Then, a series of workers and restorers always working: looking at the photos of that time, compared with the today’s ones, a fresh and tidy image of home and urban landscapes, with tidy plaster and well-kept gardens, can be seen.

Figure 1. Visitors per year in Pompeii 1965-2010.


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After what can be considered a “climax state” of the archaeological area, because a balance between preservation and fruition was achieved, the system fell progressively into decay, two divergent phenomena taking place: a descending one (the heritage preservation state), and an ascendant one (the tourist use). A key episode is the earthquake which hit Naples in November 1980, which caused severe damage to the heritage that had already been degraded by time. The events which followed were the main causes of the following crisis. So huge investments in cultural heritage, in Italy and in Pompeii in particular, had never been made before, and the available economic resources have never been used so freely. The mechanisms of financing, allocated through concession, imposed often excessive projects, which could be managed only by big engineering companies, that overshadowed the usual procedure of making modest but continuous investments in the maintenance of the urban fabric, reducing to a few people the internal structure concerning the daily maintenance. So, while dozens of Pompeii’s most important and famous monuments became unsafe for normal use because of their state of neglect, hundreds of billion lire were used for oversized projects, which often turned out to be useless, proved not to be coordinated with each other and weren’t often aimed at being practically carried out. At the same time, the few human resources of the Superintendency were used within an incessant programme of temporary exhibitions organized in Rome and Pompeii. The irresistibile ephemeral fashion, on the one hand, canceled the interest in permanent collections (Pompeii, actually, hasn’t got its Antiquarium any more, and, in addition, it was separated from its natural Museum, the museum of Naples, because of the institution of the local Superintendency) and in the demanding but obscure heritage care work, on the other hand, it concurred to hail, definitively, the Vesuvian site as a star of the world mass tourism, even if no structures able to manage its impact were set up parallel to it. In 1997 the comparison with the 1950s situation was alarming: in 40 years 56 important houses or public buildings and nearly 35 hectares out of 50 hectares excavated were in a state of advanced decay. The decay concerned also the “knowledge” of phenomena, since there weren’t any data which made it possible to reconstruct a heritage and its conditions map. 3 UN PIANO PER POMPEI Decay, however, is a phenomenon difficult to remove at Pompeii, because it isn’t a small object but a town; in addition, it is an uninhabited town where the normal maintenance activity that people do, each of them by himself on his things, has to be replaced by a comprehensive intervention plan. The urban fabric is fragile, because it is rich in the tiniest decorative elements that the instantaneous burial has preserved and that time hasn’t been able to crumble little by little, as in most archaeological sites. On the other hand, the decay of Pompeii can’t be avoided stopping its fruition, because experience has shown that decay speeds up in those buildings which aren’t visited any more. As a matter of fact, the daily frequenting makes it possible to detect the first and smallest signs of deterioration and to promptly take action. A certain decay, therefore, is inevitable, but a town management which can be defined sustainable should aim to a dynamic balance in which Pompeii continues to be offered to the public of the world spreading culture and economic development. In this balance, however, the town should deteriorate as slowly as possible keeping itself intact and fit for the typical cultural industry fruition standards. The problem data are, therefore, in a sequence of interlinked actions: - defining the consistency of Pompeii as a physical artifact; - assessing its intactness and state of preservation through the use of appropriate indicators; - identifying the main external agents which cause its decay; - determining a possible carrying capacity of the system and consequently some use thresholds of the resource. These objectives are the linchpin of Un piano per Pompei, which, in 1997, began to plan the management of the town according to sustainability standards (for a more in-depth treatment cf. Longobardi, 2002). Defining the consistency of the town involves the need to measure some significant sizes which make it possible to manage the quantity of basic goods which are part of the resource and

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objects of the maintenance care. It consists, therefore, even if for a strictly instrumental purpose, in expressing Pompeii’s qualities in some measurable quantities. In the Piano, which was developed starting from the creation of a digital 79 AD cadastre, the main parameters needing to be quantified on the urban scale were identified: masonry, plaster, paintings, floors, decorative elements, protective coverings. From 1999 to 2001 some teams of interdisciplinary operators conducted reconnaissance campaigns collecting quantitative, typological and preservation information about these objects. The collected data were organized in a GIS system able to render both analytical details and synthetic plans with variable aggregation levels.

Figure 2. Screen example from the GIS of Un Piano per Pompei.

On the basis of large numbers, quantities of constituent materials of the urban fabric can be summarized as follows: - wall surfaces: 294,000 sq. m - plastered and frescoed surfaces: 60,000 sq. m - floored surfaces: 29,000 sq. m - protective covering surfaces: 20,000 sq. m Simplifying the different possible readings of data, one might say that the state of preservation of about 50% of the Pompeii’s built heritage was assessed as bad and about 17% as very bad. It gives some measure of the seriousness of the situation at that time. As far as the detection of agents causing the town decay is concerned, the main trace can be found in a study (Adam, 1983) which found the main factors in meteoric waters, in spontaneous vegetation, in exceptional events (earthquakes), in air pollution and in tourist erosion. As for tourist erosion, which isn’t the main decay factor, it is necessary to highlight other aspects related to preservation, but pertinent to other fields. On the one hand, they are linked to the use of an archaeological town like Pompeii in the cultural industry age: this condition requires that visitors are provided with basic services, whose essentiality is constantly increasing due to the diffusion and development of this type of tourism. When people stop in a place for an hour or for a longer time, they need toilet facilities, water, safety and security, customer care, rest, catering and entertainment services, producing garbage in proportion to their number and to the quantity of offered services. These facilities need human and natural resources, energy and they


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take up space. The relationship between Pompeii and the number of visitors, in other words, can’t be set once and for all but it can change over time, and the variation not only requires some functioning thresholds but also new investments in services. And the number of visitors who can be accommodated doesn’t depend only on damages that they can cause to the heritage, but also on the quantity of services, on the size of structures arranged to accommodate them and on the size of the part of the archaeological town which is open to be visited. On the other hand, it is undeniable that, however reduced, the tourist use of Pompeii leads in any case to consumption. If consumption can be reduced to the lowest level, it is reasonable to think that also use can be limited, in particular considering that even if an excessive crowding doesn’t damage monuments considerably, it will reduce, in any case, the possibility of enjoying them, highly limiting the fruition conditions of places. It makes sense, therefore, to talk about a carrying capacity. Studies carried out at that time led to some general guidelines which can be summarized in the following observations: - carrying capacity increases, widening the enjoyable area of the town through renovation; - carrying capacity will increase if visitors are distributed within the area; - carrying capacity will increase if the peaks in the daily presence of visitors are limited and visitors are distributed in a regular way over time; -visitors concentration in particularly interesting confined places has to be limited, if necessary through rationing measures; - carrying capacity will increase if the number of interesting confined places is raised. It obviously doesn’t mean that it is necessary to limit the number of visitors in Pompeii: within the difficult balance between preservation and fruition there might be complex ways of management and cultural policy choices. But, generally, if the enjoyable “base” of the town widens thanks to renovation and preservation it will be possible to visit a larger part of Pompeii, where every area or monument will undergo even long maintenance operations periods. In brief, the physical consistency of the objects examined in Un Piano per Pompeii is, if one might say so, the “cultural capital” of the town. If its size and features are known it will be possible to assess the extent of technological, human and financial resources necessary to plan both a wide renovation of the urban fabric and efficient maintenance cycles. It is necessary, in other words – as in a living self-regulated system which opposes decay – to set up artificial regulation mechanisms which make it possible to limit consistency erosion ensuring the future fruition of the archaeological resource. These mechanisms will have to be able to adapt the system to the changes in the maintenance capabilities and in the stream and ways of fruition, preventing it from heading for a process of out of control decay. So, the Piano began to serve as a support for the town management decisions. At least up to a point. 4 THE 2000S On the basis of considerations and simulations made possible by the GIS of Un Piano per Pompei, the Superintendency, headed by Pier Giovanni Guzzo, launched an intervention plan concerning both heritage renovation and a reorganization of the logistic and reception structures of the site. In order to distribute visitors in the ancient town more homogeneously, the Porta Stabia entrance, which had been closed for long time, was reopened and the Superintendency’s scientific and administrative bases were situated in the neighborhood – in a complex of deteriorated 19th century buildings – starting an operation of relocation of a lot of functions which, over time, had been concentrated in archaeologically interesting buildings within the excavations. As for renovation, heritage urgent interventions and ordinary maintenance were restarted, and the decision to intervene with particular intensity on the axe of the urban cardo maximus in via Stabiana was taken in order to make it possible, through renovation, to concentrate touristic load in the centre of the ancient town, distributing it in a more homogeneous and sustainable way. Pompeii at that time, according to the 352/97 law, enjoyed both a new financial autonomy – thanks to which considerable takings obtained through the selling of tickets were available – and the arrival of a city manager (at the beginning Giuseppe Gherpelli) who had all the administrative tasks which were previously assigned to the Superintendent (cf. Guzzo, 2003). Thus, the prearranged objectives seemed to be realistic and achievable.

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Yet, the perspective of change linked to autonomy had a short life, in particular since the 2001 second Berlusconi government, characterized by a new political climate: firstly, through the replacement of the city manager, secondly, through the taking away of 30 million euro from the Superintendency fund, decided by the 51/2006 law, all the renovation processes which had been initiated were drastically slowed down (cf. Guzzo, 2011). Later, in 2008, the archeological area was put under special administration, following some sensational articles which put the stress on the decay of the archaeological area, on stray dogs inhabiting it and on some wastepaper out of the wastepaper baskets. According to a widespread national custom, emergency and exceptional measure features should be given to important issues such as the conservation of Pompeii, so that they can be addressed with the political advantage resulting from the media exposure. On the other hand, recent news has shown as these features have constantly been associated with ill-reputation and misappropriation of public funds phenomena. And Pompeii has always received large public funds, except the latter case. As a matter of fact, the special administration didn’t receive any funds and the two commissioners, who followed one another between 2008 and 2010, spent part of the already existing funds for already planned restorations – confirming implicitly the validity of their planning – and the remaining part for advertising and linked activities, which slowed down the initiated process even further.

Figure 3. Restoration interventions in Pompeii 2001-2010 (in dark grey).

The last 10 year debate accompanied by a bombarding media overexposure, has been characterized by frequent polemics against Pompeii issues and by an enduring lack of data. And it’s no accident. As a matter of fact, finding data concerning heritage interventions made in the 2000s isn’t simple, documents aren’t homogeneous and are distributed in the different offices which have decided and managed them over time. These documents deal with works carried out often in several succeeding lots, with uncertainties linked to the nature of archaeological heritage interventions; some of these works are distinctly localized, others are distributed in large areas; others are in the planning papers, others need to be urgently carried out. Those data which have been found, however, even if incomplete and with some inevitable approximation, show an implementation of the plan, between 2001 and 2010, which can be quantitatively summarized as follows. Restoration interventions, on structures, decorative and furniture elements, were made in 102 premises out of a complex of 1336 premises by which the excavated town is constituted, but data don’t express exhaustively the intervention size because a lot of premises are very small. As for larger premises, of more than 400 sq. m (which are 215, in all), interventions concerned 48


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of them (i.e. 22%), among which there are not less than 30 of the most important and known domus in Pompeii (Casa dell’Ancora, Casa dell’Efebo, Casa dei Vettii, Casa di Giulia Felice, Casa del Moralista, Casa dei Mosaici geometrici, Villa dei Misteri, Casa degli Amorini dorati, only to cite some of them). As for the extent, these interventions concerned nearly 9.1 hectares premises out of the 33.7 total hectares of the land areas of the excavated town, i.e. nearly 27%. It is more realistic to indicate this percentage as about 25% of the building consistency, applying a correction coefficient which takes account of the not uniform distribution of the wall masses. If also the several smaller interventions, whose feature is often urgency, are considered, the premises area on which interventions were carried out will rise to nearly 13 hectares (38% of the total land area). Finally, this datum will rise to 20.3 hectares (about 60% of the land area) if the different interventions carried out on the protective coverings of the whole town, situated on the most valuable parts of the urban fabric, will be considered. Giving more certain economic data about investments required by these interventions is more difficult. On the basis of collected and organized information a figure of 44 million euro can be determined, considering interventions, the asbestos removal plan and the restoration of the Canale Conte Sarno. Further 20 million euro were invested in the same period in fringe works, such as: the arrangement of the entrances of the several buildings intended to house the Superintendency, safety implementation of the electrical system works, drainage system and fencing works, maintenance of green areas and disabled access works.

Figure 4. Pompeii, Dicember 2011.

5 CONCLUSIONS A variegated situation difficult to summarize and which certainly needs further in-depth information and interpretations emerged from the data synthetically presented. We go back to the previously mentioned situation, highlighted by surveys conducted between 1999 and 2001, which led to the intervention plan of the following decade: i.e. a worrying state of conservation of 67% of the building heritage (50% assessed as bad plus 17% as very bad). Compared with it, the datum of 25% restored heritage (even if preventive, as said before) can be considered insufficient; it is sufficient to visit Pompeii to note that there is still a lot of work to do, not mentioning the recent collapses, whose news has circulated all over the world. But, on

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the contrary, the same datum could be considered even gratifying if one takes account of the different obstacles encountered by the plan in its implementation and the chronic shortage of funds to fulfill a so huge task. Ten years ago the number of houses that could be visited at Pompeii was reduced because of decay, today a lot of houses which have been restored over time can’t be open to public because of the shortage of guards. There is the risk, therefore, that decay advances again without being detected beforehand. Today the ancient town, which has left the emergency management, is on the eve of a European funding which amounts to 105 million euro that should give birth to a new restoration interventions plan, which, however, has difficulty in becoming operative. So, the restoration of the archaeological resource and its need for patient, ordinary and daily care, continue to be deferred, while the practice of sustainability, even at Pompeii, proves to have not a merely technical but an eminently political nature. CREDITS Un piano per Pompei - Program for the conservation and management of historical and archaeological heritage of the ancient city was coordinated by Giovanni Longobardi and Andrea Mandara with the collaboration of Alfredo Galmuzzi and Giovanna Spadafora, and Maria Paola Guidobaldi and Fabrizio Pesando for archaeological aspects. The first phase of work, 19972000, was funded by the American Express through the World Monuments Fund, at that time represented in Italy by Stephen Eddy. The second phase, completed in 2001, was funded by the Archaeological Superintendence of Pompeii. I thank Paola Rispoli and Bruno Sammarco, architects in the Archaeological Superintendency of Naples and Pompeii, for the retrieval of data on interventions in the last decade. I also thank the archaeologist Silvia Panti, for processing of GIS data. REFERENCES Mascoli L. et al. 1981. Architetti, «antiquari» e viaggiatori francesi a Pompei dalla metà del settecento alla fine dell’ottocento. In Vallet G. et al. Pompei e gli architetti francesi dell’ottocento. Napoli: Macchiaroli. Adam J.-P. & Frizot M. 1983. Dégradation et restauration de l’architecture pompéienne, Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique. Longobardi G. 2002. Pompei sostenibile. Roma: «L’Erma» di Bretschneider. Guzzo P.G. 2003. Pompei 1998-2003. L’esperimento dell’autonomia. Milano: Mondadori Electa. Guzzo P.G. 2011. Pompei, tra la Polvere degli Scavi. Napoli: Valtrend.


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Cultural bridge of linking past and future: military dependants’ villages in Taiwan Y.-C. Lu Department of Architecture and Built Environment, University of Nottingham, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT: Historical urban area is a sort of storage which is richly filled with developing traces of culture and society. Both the culture and the society are lived when the original residents are dwelling in the area. Nowadays, they are threatened to be disturbed or demolished by urban development, even though, the issues of urban conservation have been discussed for several decades. Culture, including tangible and intangible, has to be conceived and perceived in the place and the time. It is impossible to get back to the time, but the physical setting of the place maybe preserved in proper ways. In Taiwan, Military Dependants Villages (MDVs), a kind of military community with interesting developing history are undergoing the threat. Some of the villages are protected and adjusted because they are supported by conservationists and government. The physical settings of MDVs are still there, but the time and sense of place have gone when all or part of the original residents has left and new users are involved in. How can the culture and the society be conserved in the future? What kinds of role can conservationists and new residents play in the conservational acts? In the paper, two cases, Shi-Shi South Village and Treasure Hill in Taiwan, will be reviewed critically. The conservational methods and procedures will be discussed. Moreover, the paper will evaluate the benefits of the events that are applied to represent culture in the past and to introduce the new culture to citizens. The adjusted historical areas have become the sites of producing and re-producing of culture. It is lived culture, but not the original one.

1 INTRODUCTION Past is great fascinating, especially when we found that any of it is not existing in the world, but only can be followed its traces in some people’s memory or historical materials. In Taiwan, as other developing countries, pursuing modernisation and economic development were most crucial national policies in the second half of 20th century. Part of Taiwanese citizens, however, found thatthe places in which there were rich of their lived traces had been bulldozed down to give the space for building better modern life in the future. Their lives were forced to be transformedinto new and modern type.Their lives might become better, but sometime they felt a little sadwhen they looked backward and found that they had lost some things in their life which can be shared with their future generations. Modernisation changed people’s lives and also social context. Some buildings become empty and decadent since peoplethought that they were not suit for the new society.Lived stories leave, while people had gone. The stories of the built environment may be told via some appropriate media, whereas it may be impossible to create present stories which are continuous episodes following thestories in yesteryear unless the places become lived again and the past is appropriately represented. It generally changed to be understandable that people are the better narrators and lived stories composers, especially those who originally live in the place. To conserve a historical place, particularly in urban area, is not

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This paper suggests a structure of multi-layers historical landscape narratives to display how a historical heritage can tell its landscape narratives and to be a cultural bridge which transmits its past to future generation.(Fig. 3) At the first, the historical landscape is considered as a text in the multi-layers structure. When people read the text, it can be analysed into three factors, history, settings, and narratives. Both participants of conservational act and landscape readers can directly read from historical landscape. Or, they can understand the landscape through history or others narratives related with the place.Participants of conservational act and landscape readers may communicate their perception getting from landscape. Both of their perceptions may echo to the first text of landscape and may enrich it. In addition, the response may improve the conservational strategy. Finally, the linkages between history, settings, and narratives are to evaluate a conservational act. 3 THE PRACTICE OF MDVS CONSERVATION Military Dependants’ Villages are immigrant villages appeared after 1945 in Taiwan to accommodate soldiers and their dependants who came from China. The immigrant villages usually were fenced as enclaves because of the political conflicts and the differences of national and cultural identification between locals and immigrants. Those buildings were not designed by architects, but most of them were reformed or extended by residents themselves. They are full with sense of place in M. Heidegger’s words. Most of those villages, however, were bulldozed during the process of urban development. How to conserve the special spaces and to write their narratives became one of important issues in Taiwan recently. There were more than 800 MDVs in Taiwan. The building type and spatial context are various. Plus, because the residents were from different provinces of mainland China, every village has its culture which is developed by its population. The stereotype of MDVs is that the buildings are very poor, most of them are built with slate roof which is supported by bamboo plaster wall, and around by bamboo fence. Thus, bamboo fence is another term of MDVs. The residents had experienced cruel war. Their culture and accent are very different from local people. This maybe a stereotype of MDVs and their residents, but it is the popular image in most of local people. The first case Shi-Shi south village is a formal MDV. It was one part of the accommodation of Shi-Shi Military factory. The factory became urban area after the expanding of Taipei City. Treasure Hill is an informal MDV, similar to a squatter community. It was developed around 200 year ago. It is located beside a military barrack. Some soldiers and veteran who was serving or had been serving in the barrack built their home by themselves without official permission. Both villages are important and interesting cases of MDVs conservation act. In 1997, Mr. Curtis Smith’s proposal which suggested Shi-Shi South Village should be conserved as a heritage site was the first case of spatial conservation of MDVs. After negotiating

Figure 4 - Shi-Shi South Village


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with Taipei City Government, four buildings of Shi-Shi South Village was ascribed to historic heritage in 2001, and they are used to be Sinyi District Public Assembly Hall and MDV Cultural Park. The functions of the four conserved buildings include special exhibition House, MDVs museum, restaurant, and community house. (Fig. 4) There were two main issues when the village became a historical site. One was how to protect the culture of the village. The other was what the place would be. Because this is the first MDVs conservation project, there was no reference case. Moreover, the original residents would move out to their new home, therefore it was impossible to maintain those important heritages. After a competing, the solution for conservation act is collecting as many as historical materials of this village and exhibiting in a MDVs museum in the conservational site. In addition, opening the site and transforming it to a park and community hall are the methods which assemble new users of the place. It is a very pity that there only outlook of the four buildings are preserved, but the original partition were removed to make the space suit for new function. In the MDVs museum there are the traces of partition wall foot on the floor pavement. Even though the museum manager tries to rebuild the original interior scene, it is still very far from the original one. Beside every rebuilt interior scene,there is an interpretation panel which offers the only linkage between visitors and the village’s past, if they are not experienced any MDVs history. After all of original residents had moved, there will not be any new lived material or story produced by the community which is the continuation of MDVs life. That is why some people argue that the left space likes a kind of specimen which has lost the sense of real MDVs and cannot disseminate the real culture of MDVs. Moreover, the exhibition of MDVs culture and history is too simple and uncrea-

Figure 5 - MDVs Museum

Figure 6 - Simply Market in weekends

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tive to attract visitors to visit again. (Fig. 5) The project of Shi-Shi South Village does not only focus on the exhibition of MDVs culture and history, also offers most part of space for public acts which include those about MDVs. Nowadays, the popular and attractive acts are enjoying nostalgic handmade food in the restaurant and visiting the Simply Market in every weekend. This conservational mode is still fully controversial because some people argued that the two acts are not related with MDVs culture or history of Shi-Shi south village. Oppositely, many citizens love the two acts very much. Almost every day, the restaurant is occupied with crowds who enjoy handmade food or nostalgic atmosphere. Every weekend, many people gather in the centre square enjoying music or looking around every stand to find some interesting stuffs. Comparing with the new acts and MDVs museum, the former is much accepted by citizens and creates more new stories than the later. (Fig. 6) The conservation of Treasure Hill is a special case in the history of settlement conservation in Taiwan. Treasure Hill was developed in late 17th century when Han defeated the aboriginals and erected the Treasure Hill Temple. In Japanese colonial period, the Sindian Stream nearby the Treasure Hill was the source of tap water of Taipei City, in consequence Treasure Hill was marked a water source preserve. During the World War II, Japanese army built aerogun battlefields, forts, and ammunition depots at here. After receiving from Japanese government, the Army of the Republic of China used it as the same kind of barrack. In 1950s, there were only 3 to 5 illegal houses, the temple, and the barrack at Treasure Hill. In 1960s, the leader of the barrack tacitly agreed some soldiers to build their illegal house around the barrack. It gradually became a settlement with 50 to 60 houses. The barrack moved away in the early of 1970s. The settlement grew rapidly, and it finally became a more than 200 houses, around 4 hectares community in 1980s. Moreover, the background of the residents has become complex from pure soldiers to mixed with urban immigrants and students. At the same time, Taipei City Government redefined Treasure Hill as park on urban plan and planned to remove all illegal houses on the site for regularising urban landscape and protecting the source of water. In 2001, the Treasure Hill Work Team, organized by some students of Graduate Institute of Building and Planning National Taiwan University, and some NGOs advised that the Treasure Hill should be assigned to cultural heritage and should be conserved dynamically with the original residents. It was certified by Taipei City Government as a group of historic buildings in 2004. Inconsequence of residents’ illegal ownership, they had to move out before 2007. (Fig. 7) The strategy which the NGOs suggested was transforming the squatter settlement to be a public housing and the identity of original residents from illegal owners to tenants. In 2003, Taipei City Government hosted an experimental plan —Global Artivist Participation Plan (GAPP) at Treasure Hill. The plan introduced artivists over the world to cooperate with inhabitants to reinterpret the spirit of the place and to imagine the settlement’s future. The strategy is fully controversial. Some people argued that the government cannot deprive of the ownership belonging to the original residents. Others criticise the experimental conservational activity for that it has destroy the original relationship of residents by importing new residents. The conservational plan, however, is a bold and hypothetical act, and it also is a reference for other conservational project

Figure 7 - Treasure Hill


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in the future. (Shih 1998; Chen 2000; Shih 2000) The Treasure Hill conservation and revitalisation programme adjusted the squatter community into artist village, youth hotel, and residential area for original residents and renamed the community as Treasure Hill Art Village (THAV). The youth hotel is still being constructed. The other two parts were opened in October of 2010. THAV offers 14 studios for selected artists to use temporarily in 3 or 6 months. It also provides 2 rehearsal studios, 3 exhibition room, and

Figure 8 - One of yellow chair project

Figure 9 - Drama — Out of Nothing (courtesy of The Assignment Theatre Group)

Figure 10 - Resident narrate her story to visitors


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to motivate citizen to learn what our city, what its past and our future lives are via artists’ projects. Exploring the historical physical setting and artist’s works in person is one of main method to experience the historical landscape narratives. (Figure 11) Or, following the guide offered by manager is another way to learn the sense of the place. (Figure 12) After Treasure Hill Art Village opening over 1 year, there are more visitors post their experience on the internet. All of the three are different layers of landscape narratives. The narrative is still going on. It is can be predicted that there will be more and more different narratives about Treasure Hill in the future. Those narratives will offer the meaning of Treasure Hill from different point of view. 4 CONCLUSION A lived heritage conservation should be a kind of continual linked multi-layers narratives. The aroma of past can be pervaded in historical place where people can totally immerse in it, but not be tightly strained to be choked. Like a palimpsest, people can follow the remained traces to imagine the culture in the past. The structure of multi-layers historical landscape narrative tries to develop a concept of sustainable conservation. The structure suggests an echo route to collect people’s responses about historical landscape. Furthermore, those responses may make previous narratives become enriched. They may also give another interpretation about the meaning of the place and make the meaning easier be conceived. Those responses could be references on readjusting the historical landscape. Most important is that the sustained narrative creating supports the conservation alive and transmits the past culture into the future, if the three aspects, history, current setting, and narratives, are linked well and easily perceived and conceived. Shi-Shi South Village shows the exemplary of unlinked culture conservation. Past, present, and future are not linked well, like a parallel stratum without any crosses between them. People may visit the historical site to grieve the past things. Or, they, just like tourists, come and enjoy the place and the nostalgic atmosphere, but not learn much about what the heritage attempts to pass down. Opposite the conservational strategy of Shi-Shi South Village, the THAV presents better linkage between history, setting, and narratives. Part of the original residents is living there now, and new participants are invited to create new stories of the place. New act and art works attempt to involve citizen and visitors to be part of them, even just temporal participants. These acts and conserved physical setting evoke more emotional experience about what the place was and is. Of course, they trigger people to imagine what the place will be. All conserved heritage are a kind of bridge which links past and future because we think past is treasure,which should be cherished. On the aspect of protecting past culture and transmitting to future generation, the strategy used on THAV is better than the one on Shi-Shi South Village. REFERENCES Australia ICOMOS (1999). The Burra Charter: the Australia ICOMOS Charter for places of cultural significance, Australia ICOMOS. Chen, Y. C. (2000). Reseeing Bao Tzang Yan - Building Process and Forms of Urban Informal Cultural Landscape in Developing Countries. Graduate Institute of Building and Planning. Taipei, National Taiwan University. Master. Copeland, T. (2006). Interpreting the Historic Environment. Heritage Interpretation. A. Hems and M. R. Blockley. Abingdon, Routledge: 83 - 95. Crossley, N. (2001). The Social Body: habit, identity and desire. London, Sage. Jenks, C. (2004). Culture. Abingdon, Routledge. Kroeber, A. L. (1952). The nature of culture. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn (1952). Culture : a critical review of concepts and definitions. Cambridge, Mass., Peabody Museum of American Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard University. Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space. Oxford, UK and cambridge, MA, Blackwell. Merleau-Ponty, M. (2002). Phenomenology of Perception. New York, Routledge.

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Shih, M. (1998). "Homeland or Park? The Past, Present and Future of the Treasure Hill." Living Psychology 243: 50 - 60. Shih, M. (2000). Squatter Settlement and Wealth Accumulation. Graduate Institute of Building and Planning. Taipei, National Taiwan University. Master. Williams, R. (1995). The Sociology of Culture. Chicago, University of Chicago Press. Williams, R. (2005). Culture and materialism : selected essays. London, Verso.


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Landscapes as ancient heritage in Béziers area: from appreciation to enhancement S. Marchal Université du Maine, Parc Culturel du Biterrois, Nissan-Lez-Ensérune, France

ABSTRACT: This abstract questions in a historical perspective the way the ancient heritage of the Béziers area called the ''Biterrois" has been perceived, appreciated and classified since the Renaissance up to now so as to highlight how it has been enhanced. The awareness of local heritage in the Biterrois emerged in the 1640s. At that time, it was seen in architecture but throughout the 18th century, it has fallen into oblivion. What is perceived nowadays as Heritage in the Biterrois is more related to landscapes and agrarian structures than to ancient monuments. Since the early 2000s, heritage enhancement actions have taken place within the framework of the European Union and that of a Cultural Park in the Biterrois, the “Parc Culturel du Biterrois”. The Regional Council of Languedoc-Roussillon (South of France) has recently launched a tourist promotion campaign focusing on the theme of water. A series of posters has been published, each presenting a toponym, a brief comment, and an aerial photograph. One of those posters called “the Ensérune Oppidum” is focused on the western Biterrois, the area situated around the town of Beziers in France (Fig. 1). Our attention is immediately attracted to the midsection of the poster where we can see a sun-shaped area below the following comment: “Oppidum d’Ensérune (Hérault): l’irrigation façonne le paysage depuis l’époque gallo-romaine, comme à Ensérune.”, meaning that the Ensérune Oppidum is a good illustration of the fact that irrigation has designed landscapes since the Gallo-Roman area. I think such a poster clearly highlights how the heritage of the Biterrois has been treated through many years, that is, very paradoxically, leading to a situation that questions its long term viability. Indeed, the natural and historical heritage of that region is extensive enough but it has been seldom or wrongly identified, seldom or wrongly recognized as such. As a matter of fact, the text refers to an oppidum but shows a land division. Likewise, it refers to irrigation but shows a drained pond. It mentions the Gallo-Roman area but shows a proto-historical site and another site that was developed in the middle ages, that is to say, as you may have identified it, the famous sun-shaped land division of the Montady pond that was drained during the 13th century (Abbé, 2006). Irrigation is actually used here as a cultural referent in the landscaping of the Mediterranean areas which enables to create a convenient focus on the role of man's work's influence on his environment. Beyond that paradox, the choice that was officially made to promote the tourist development of the Languedoc-Roussillon Region significantly reveals that the heritage of the Biterrois is not properly appreciated and has been too often underrated. The discrepancy between what that heritage really is and how it is perceived has been constructing a snapshot of reality and a lack of visibility throughout many centuries. Heritage in that area is indeed rich, varied and extensive, even when restricted to its most common definition, that is to say, what has been built according to an elaborate architecture or to archeology (Choay, 2010), in other words, what can be plainly labeled as “historic monuments”. The Ensérune oppidum, for instance, or the remains of an amphitheater in Béziers, a

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Gallo-roman villa in Vendres called “the Temple of Venus” and the Via Domitia are just some of the many examples of those historic monuments dating from the proto-historic and the ancient periods. The religious heritage which had reached a great extent during the Counter Reformation under the influence of Italian Archbishops, was already noticeable through the Blue Penitents Chapel, the Magdelene Church, Saint Nazarus Cathedral, and St Aphrodise Abbey, among others (Sagnes, 2000). In the realm of Civil engineering, the Biterrois area has been profoundly molded by the works of Riquet who created the Royal Canal of Languedoc in 1666 known as the “Canal du midi”-, and the tunnel of Malpas, or also the bridge of Colombiers, and the 9 successive sluices of Fonsérannes in Béziers (Clavel-Lévêque, 2009). Finally, in the 19th century, a prosperous winegrowing sector boosted the economic development of the Biterrois through the construction of the canal over the Orb river, of many “pinardiers” castles imitating the Bordeaux region style and Haussmann-like approach of urban planning through the theater, the fruit and vegetable market, known as “les Halles”, the Poets' Garden for example (Sagues, 2000). Some of those monuments have gained well-renowned and prestigious or international classifications. For instance, the Ensérune Oppidum has been classified as a Historic Monument since 1935, and the Canal du Midi has been part of Unesco World Heritage since 1996. What's more, the Biterrois not only includes architectural heritage but also abounds in natural heritage with many different landscapes ranging from dunes to garigues through waterlands with protected fauna and flora like “the petite Camargue” around the lake of Vendres managed by the French coastline conservation authority. Consequently, the discrepancy between what that heritage really is and how it is perceived raises issues questioning the long-lasting process of construction of the very concept of Heritage in the Biterrois area. Far from being a self-assured reality, heritage depends indeed rather on the image constructed by who observes it (Chape, 2010). It is necessarily to be appreciated through a combination of past and present values in order to give authority to what some experts call “the future of its past”. For example, Ancient sites in the South of France had been re-discovered, appreciated and fully acknowledged at the Renaissance, constructing the imagined basis of common cultural references in Europe. The Biterrois corresponds to the territory of the Roman colony funded by Octavio in 36/35 AD for the veterans of the 7th Roman Legion. However, even though it had been the most vivid in language or in toponymy, its heritage was utterly acknowledged only many centuries later until the 18th century when it stopped being fully appreciated. How come? How has the heritage of the Biterrois suffered from a lack of visibility for so long? To answer those questions, I shall focus first on the 17th century perspectives when heritage had been considered for the first time. Then I shall examine how it fell into oblivion in the 18th century, so as to assess the way the ancient Biterrois landscapes have been deemed so far. Finally, the way that heritage is being enhanced and promoted nowadays shall be pondered upon.

Figure 1. Localization of Béziers


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1 BECOMING AWARE OF ANCIENT HERITAGE From a historical perspective, I shall try now to put down clear markers about the progressive construction of the very concept of Heritage which enabled the awareness of the local heritage of the Biterrois to emerge. Following the example of their peers from the 15th century Italy, many humanist scholars artists, doctors, professors, students, ambassadors, and engineers from all the nationalities- traveled through Europe in the 16th; 17th and 18th centuries and they made a quite thorough inventory of ancient ruins (Lemerle, 2005). In that context, the Biterrois -as a city and then as heritage itself- was re-discovered rather belatedly, given its localization in the ancient Provincia between Italy and Spain. 1.1 A belated acknowledgment in the 1640s Heritage of the Biterrois was not mentioned once in the first cosmographies identifying and listing ancient sites. The case of Béziers had only appeared for the first time in 1575 in the text published by the French André Thevet in which no information was given. Moreover, in his Cosmographie, François de Belleforest only alluded to the destroyed monuments of Béziers. In his Description contenant les antiquités, fondations et singularités des plus célèbres villes published in 1611, François Des Rues mentioned Béziers without describing it. In 1614 only, André Duschêne published the first description of the city in his thorough inventory of the ancient monuments in the French Kingdom. He qualified Béziers as an “episcopal” and “ancient” city but he only used the Jesuit College as an example. Louis Coulon was the first scholar to label and acknowledge Béziers as an ancient city in the 1640s. In Ulysse françois, he was the first to describe the city heritage that he developed in details in his two following publications Les Rivières de France, in 1644, and Le Fidèle conducteur pour les voyages de France, in 1654. In that text, Béziers was described for the first time as both a landscape and ancient heritage. Indeed, for him, that heritage was to be associated with a bridge -not to be seen as such-, a church, the ruins of an amphitheater – the “ruines d’un amphitheatre”, a citadel and the Jesuit College. In Les Rivières de France, he mentioned a new element in1644 referring to another bridge made by the Romans (“ouvrage des Romains”) on the Capestang lake. It was said to be in ruins and partially silted up. It was by implication the trace of the famous Via Domitia he was referring to, a trace which was materialized by the Capestang viaduct and the bridge of Béziers. Likewise, we can infer that Louis Coulon had been able to make the first written description of the ancient ruins of Béziers because he most likely benefited from his reading of the Mémoires de l’Histoire du Languedoc published by Guillaume Catel in 1633, that is, 10 years earlier. Therefore, that successive multi-layered construction of what was heritage in the Biterrois seems to be quite essential for its very definition. 1.2 “Biterrois” heritage perceived and conveyed by a local Ancient historian Guillaume Catel was a member of the Parliament of Toulouse (South West of France). In the 1620s, he wrote a major piece of work entitled the Mémoires de l’Histoire du Languedoc from a genuine historical perspective (Delprat, 2001). He referred to many monuments that he perceived as being part of heritage since he regarded them as traces of the Biterrois ancient past. Among them were an amphitheater -or its ruins-, a monument in Vendres called the “le temple de Vénus” or the temple of Venus, and a bridge in Capestang called “Pontserme”. According to him, Béziers and the Biterrois clearly encompassed the characteristic monuments that defined a Roman city. In the following extract, the city of Béziers was even quoted next to that of Toulouse, and most especially along with Nîmes which appeared as the typical Roman city with its numerous remaining ancient monuments. «(…) la Gaule Narbonnaise a été régie et gouvernée par des Prêteurs, quelques fois par des Proconsuls, et d'autres fois par des Présidents de Provinces(…). Le grand nombre d'inscriptions que nous trouvons tant en la ville de Narbonne, que de Nîmes, outre le témoignage que les anciens nous ont laissé, nous font assez voir combien les Romains ont aimé et fréquenté ce pays,

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n'y ayant nulle ville célèbre du Languedoc où ils n'aient laissé pour une éternelle mémoire plusieurs grands et magnifiques temples, édifices, capitoles, amphithéâtres, ponts, aqueducs et château : comme Nîmes le temple de Diane, à Toulouse le temple de Pallas, à Vendres le temple de Vénus, les Capitoles de Narbonne, Toulouse, Nîmes. L'amphithéâtre qui se voit encore quasi entier à Nîmes, celui de Béziers duquel on voit les caves dans le logis de la Croix blanche, celui de Toulouse qui est près du Château Saint Michel, le pont bâti par eux sur la Rivière Gardon, appelé communément le pont du Gard, le pont Septimius, appelé aujourd'hui Pontserme, entre Narbonne et Béziers ; L'aqueduc qui se rend à Nîmes et passe sur le pont du Gard, celui de Toulouse qui (…)passait au château de Peyrolade, et après venait dans Toulouse ; L'aqueduc qu'on voit à la porte Saint Etienne de la ville de Toulouse, et passait bien près de la ville, au lieu appelé à Terre Cavade, et allait non dans Toulouse, mais du côté de Guillemeri, duquel on voit encore les masures et canal fait de briques et pierres brisées ensembles avec un excellent ciment ; Le Château de Lates près de Montpellier, le Château Narbonnais de Toulouse, le canal tiré du Rhône par le commandement de Marius, et une infinité d'autres masures, reflets des bâtiments faits par les Romains, desquelles j'ai fait particulière mention en parlant des villes de Languedoc(…).» It was quite an impressive list, indeed, focusing on very accurate landmarks, all the more so that many of those monuments were not to be re-discovered until the 20th century or even the st 21 century in Lattes, Narbonne or Toulouse. Some are yet to be re-discovered, like the Septimius bridge. 2 THE ISSUES OF IMPARTING KNOWLEDGE AT STAKE The awareness of local heritage in the Biterrois only emerged in the 1640s. Actually, the method used by humanists and scholars and for locating monuments can be a key element in understanding that slow process. In the 16th century, indeed, humanists gave more credit to what was written about the monuments than to the monuments themselves. The reality perceived through ancient writings prevailed on the reality given by the ancient monuments which only asserted the prevalent value of the pre-existing reality of texts (Choay, 2010). As humanists could only locate the monuments that had been previously written about, they did not look for ruins in the Biterrois which was sometimes mentioned in Ancient literature. For example, the case of Narbonne is quite revealing. Humanists most probably used the texts by Cicero, like Pro Fonteio, to look for Roman ruins. So they went to Narbonne but they did not go to Béziers, which is only distant from 20 kilometers. 2.1 Anne de Rulman's manuscript: a missed opportunity The Biterrois was however mentioned in a manuscript by Anne de Rulman studying the ancient monuments of Béziers while Guillaume Catel was writing his Mémoires de l’Histoire du Languedoc. Anne de Rulman was a notorious lawyer who came from, and worked in Nîmes, a city full of ancient monuments which are still famous worldwide today, such as “la maison carrée” -a temple- or “le Pont du Gard”, a few kilometers away. In addition to his profession, and his passion for grammar and archeology, he was also locally known as being an “antiquarian”, a man who was passionate about Antiquity and its ancient monuments (Sauzet, 1993). In Récit des anciens monuments qui paroissent dans les départements 1° et 2° Narbonnaise, he published a thorough and well-researched report not only on the ancient monuments of Nîmes but also on what he found in Béziers where he must have stayed for a while in 1628. Then, he wrote a short report on Béziers with many drawings attached under the title La représentation des plans et perspectives des anciens édifices publiques que les Romains ont laissés dans Béziers, et le profil des statues, colosses, figures, trophées d’armes, pièces de triomphe, mausolées, colonne, sacrifices, épitaphes et inscriptions. He must have planned to get his manuscript published as he wrote a preface to his King Louis XIIIth but, unfortunately, he failed to do so. Today, you can find a copy of his manuscripts in the National Library of France.


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2.2 From in situ heritage to displaced and relocated heritage In the second half of the 17th century, Anne de Rulman, Guillaume Catel and Louis Coulon studied and referred to ancient monuments which had already been deteriorated through time. However, those scholars could identify without a doubt the monuments as ancient because they relied on the writings by ancient authors. The monuments could be defined so, at that time, because they were made with columns. The column was the vertical element that symbolized what was, in essence, antique. In his manuscript, Folio 147, for example, Rulman included drawings that made visible how the monuments used to look like with columns (Fig. 2). With that sort of ahead of time anastylosis, he made the symbolic importance of the landscape stand out quite significantly for in situ heritage. In his drawing of the temple of Venus, the monument was taken as a part of the landscape situated between the lake of Vendres and the Mediterranean Sea. At that time, Béziers colony was indeed not far from the sea which was in contact with the lake. Therefore, through his drawing, Rulman did manage to enhance the close link between the sea and the Biterrois that ancient authors had established much earlier. What stands out from Rulman's work is the fact that many of the ancient objects he could see were already more or less displaced from the countryside around Béziers -the villages of Maureilhan, Vendres, Montady, or the road to Pézenas- and relocated to Béziers. The Roman statues Rulman may have come across were the properties of rich inhabitants of Béziers like Mr Marion, Mr Portes or Dr Dortouls... Throughout the 17th century, heritage of the Biterrois had been displaced from in situ and relocated in town, in the antique collections of a happy few. What's more, in 1844, ten statues of the heads of the Imperial family were discovered in the center of Béziers, under the ancient Forum. These Augustan sculptures, major pieces of art of that period in Béziers are still being part of the collection of the Museum of Toulouse, despite the conservation policies set up by Prosper Mérimée in the 19th century (Balty & Cazes, 1995).

Figure 2. Anne de Rulman's manuscript, folio 148, ms 8648, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, 1628.

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In that sense, the innovative and visionary approach that Anne de Rulman adopted in La représentation des plans et perspectives des anciens édifices publiques que les Romains ont laissés dans Béziers gave a very graphic dimension to his representations of ancient monuments. In -what is called today- his “reconstructions” of what ancient monuments used to be, he induced the representation of landscapes a core issue in the way heritage was perceived. Such a work could have been a watershed in the way the Biterrois heritage was acknowledged. Actually, in the Renaissance period, drawings, sketches or any visual representation gave credit to the very existence of ancient monuments as such. With the publication of Rulman's manuscript, the Biterrois heritage could have been fully acknowledged. As it had never been published, that heritage tended to remain unknown and it seemed to have fallen into oblivion during the 18th century. 2.3 Significantly absent from Ancient Heritage in the 18th century It is quite telling, indeed, that the Biterrois heritage was not mentioned even once in the journey diaries of the numerous European aristocrats who traveled around Europe and especially in the South of France. What was called “the Grand Tour” was the opportunity for them to get in touch with the monuments and landscapes and to deliver their perception of them in their writings. In that literature, Béziers ancient monuments got to be all the more noticeable that they repeatedly seemed to be unnoticed by travelers. For instance, in 1740, in Nouveau Voyage de France, Piganiol de la Force described the bridge, the church, Saint Nazarus Cathedral and the citadel ancient site and the Jesuit College. Furthermore, he did mention the ruins of the two temples that were destroyed in the Gothic period, but he never alluded to the presence of the Roman amphitheater. In 1777, in Voyage de Londres à Gênes, Guiseppe Baretti reported that nothing was worth seeing in Béziers just like Gauthier de Simpré did, in 1778 in Voyage en France de M. Le Comte de Falckenstein. At the end of the 18th century, in Voyages en France pendant les années 1787,88, 89 et 90, what was nonetheless worth seeing for Arthur Young was the Canal built by Ricquet. The sort of invisibility characterizing the Biterrois heritage perception -except for the Canalseemed to be part of a larger global phenomenon connected to the discovery of ancient sites in Italy such as Herculanum in 1713, Paestum in 1746 and Pompeii in 1748. In that context, French antiquarians rather turned their attention to another kind of heritage, the Christian monuments built between the 5th and the 15th century labeled as “Antiquités nationales”. However and paradoxically, as Rulman might have sensed, most of the ancient heritage in the Biterrois was not to be found in monuments but in landscapes. That specific heritage can be appreciated and acknowledged directly in and on the soil. 3 ANCIENT LANDSCAPES AS HERITAGE AND THE NEW CHALLENGES OF PRESERVATION What is perceived nowadays as Heritage in the Biterrois is more related to landscapes than to ancient monuments or architectural remains. That change of perspective in the very definition of that Heritage has been enabled by the progressive displacement of focus from the Roman column in the 16th to the landscape a few decades ago. And the Biterrois landscapes have been recently acknowledged as many traces of the way the Romans used to cultivate the land through agricultural landmarks, agrarian structures or farm localizations....Just like those landscapes which have evolved over time as human activity has changed, heritage has acquired many layers of meaning. It can be plainly seen -and it is widely accepted as such- as a historical and cultural construct (Leveau, 2000). Those historical landscapes are now as legitimate and ancient as architecture, which used to be the only valid evidence of Roman power in the colonies. They are yet to be plainly identified and appreciated in the scientific community as well as in the policies implemented by the local authorities to be properly promoted as Heritage and protected as such. Indeed, from their very essence, they are likely to undergo quick degradation and to face to the risk of disappearing. That sort of new past Heritage raises many issues related to its preservation and its enhance-


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ment. How can these landscapes and agrarian structures leave a legacy and continue to be “passeurs de mémoire” (Lévêque et al, 2009)? How can this heritage be safely preserved over time? 3.1 Identification and appreciation of these historical heritage landscapes Historical landscapes as Heritage have been identified as the combined works of nature and man over time and as archeological documents since the 1970s. They have been the subject of research at the University of Besançon (France) through the works led by Monique Clavel-Lévêque about ancient agrarian structures in the Biterrois (Clavel, 1970, Clavel-Lévêque, 1995a, Clavel-Lévêque, 1995b, Clavel-Lévêque, 1998, Mauné, 1998, Evelpidou, 2003) which have been also developed by two European scientific Actions called COST (European cooperation in the field of Scientific and Technical Research). They both highlighted the fossilization of Roman cadastral surveys and they put forward the keys to understand the evolution of the present-day landscape through diachronic readings showing how ancient roads, lands or fields left their marks until today. The ancient agrarian structures in the Biterrois characterized by vineyards have imprinted the landscapes as well as the people's memories. In that sense, those historical landscapes are also cultural landscapes, and Roman country planning is still reflected in nowadays rural areas (Fig. 3). Vineyards have constructed and structured the Biterrois landscapes for nearly more than two thousand centuries. With the other ancient lanes like the famous Via Domitia, they are considered as essential parts of ancient heritage (Clavel-Lévêque, 2008).

Figure 3. Ancient cadastration surveys and villas in Vendres

3.2 The issue of preservation at stake However, despite the development of conservation policies in the 1990s and despite the European Convention on Landscapes signed in 2000 and enacted on March, 1st 2004, protecting those rural cultural landscapes revealed to be difficult (Negri &Odiot, 1990, Chiva, 1994, Chiva 1995, Molinas, 2008).

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The growing number of housing schemes around villages and the current techniques used in agriculture are as many obstacles to the protection of landscapes which fail to be preserved like the castle, the abbey or the “masets” that are small wine growers huts in the Biterrois (Vitaux, 2009). Even waterlands can be hardly preserved. For example, the Montady pond, which has been classified by the French Ministry of Ecology as “site pittoresque” since 1974 for its picturesque circular shape, has been yet at the heart of many conflicts between farmers and cultural institutions trying to protect that part of heritage being deteriorated. 3.3 The role of Cultural Parks I think that the preservation of those fragile historical landscapes and more generally, that of rural heritage needs to be achieved through official awareness and enhancement campaigns in France and in Europe. For example, the Biterrois heritage has been partially but nationally acknowledged with the classification as Historic Monument of the Ensérune Oppidum and of the underpass drainage gallery of the Montady pond. Nevertheless, and contrary to many other cities in the LanguedocRoussillon Region such as Mende, Uzès, Villeneuve-les-Avignon, Nîmes, Pézenas or Narbonne, Béziers has not been recognized as a City of Art and History (“Ville d'Art et d'Histoire”). Likewise, as long as the Biterrois as a whole is not classified by the French Ministry of Culture as Country of Art and History (“Pays d'Art et d'Histoire”), how can territorial policies be implemented? How can that specific heritage be enhanced and rendered visible to public opinion without a national framework? Indeed, since the early 2000s, heritage enhancement actions have taken place within the framework of the European Union through the two COST Actions called G2 Paysages anciens et structures rurales and A27 Understanding pre-industrial structures in rural and mining landscapes which have aimed at improving the understanding, the appreciation and the enhancement of rural and historical landscapes throughout the 1990s-2000s (Clavel-Lévêque et al, 2002). Those actions led to the creation of a Cultural Park in the Biterrois (“Parc Culturel du Biterrois”) thanks to the support of the General Council of Hérault and “La Domitienne”, which is the name of the local “Communauté de Communes” authority, an association of municipalities. In that context, the Biterrois Cultural Park was state-approved and declared of public utility in 2011. Actually, by definition, like any Cultural Park, it has been designed to make public opinion and authorities realize that landscapes are cultural Heritage which needs to be protected as a non-renewable resource as it is nonetheless essential to local economic development (Orejas et al, 2002). The Biterrois Cultural Park which is a non-profit organization can therefore constitute strong foundations for the strategy of sustainable development implemented locally (Fig. 4). It shall also serve to ensure that the Biterrois landscapes are identified and acknowledged as Heritage so as to be better preserved. So, the choices made in favor of the enhancement of the local heritage in the Biterrois are in the process of being clearly identified and promoted today. They are an integral part of the European network under construction which shall ensure that the European historical landscapes are enhanced in a consistent and efficient way. The issues of cultural development which need to be considered in a sustainable perspective are huge and they represent challenges we shall face in the future, keeping in mind the opportunity Béziers and its antique heritage had already missed in the 17th century, in the hope it will not happen again.


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Figure 4. A brochure from the Biterrois Cultural Park with guidelines for the visit of the Temple of Venus (Vendres)

REFERENCES Abbé, J. L. 2006. A la conquête des étangs. L'aménagement de l'espace en Languedoc méditerranéen (XIIe-XVe siècle). Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail. Balty J.C., Cazes, D. 1995. Portraits impériaux de Béziers. Toulouse: Musée Saint Raymond. Chappe, F. 2010. Histoire, Mémoire, Patrimoine, du discours idéologique à l’éthique humaniste. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes. Chiva, I. 1994. Pour une politique pour le patrimoine culturel rural. Paris : Ministre de la Culture et de la Francophonie. Chiva, I. 1995. Le patrimoine rural in Acte des Entretiens du Patrimoine: 227-232. Paris: Editions du patrimoine. Choay, F. 2007. L’Allégorie du patrimoine. Paris: Seuil. Cicéron 1960. Pro Fonteio. Boulanger, A. (trad). Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Clavel, M. 1970. Béziers et son territoire dans l’Antiquité. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Clavel-Lévêque, M. 1995a. Cité et Territoire. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Clavel-Lévêque, M. 1995b. Le réseau centurié Beziers B, Atlas des cadastres de Gaule I. Paris : Les Belles Lettres

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Clavel-Lévêque, M. 1998. Cité et Territoire II. Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Clavel-Lévêque, M. 2008. La voie Domitienne et l’aménagement de l’espace de Narbonnaise: un marquage durable. In R. Compatangelo-Soussignan, J.R. Bertrand, J. Chapman, P. Y. Laffont, Marqueurs des Paysages et systèmes socio-économiques, Proceedings of Le Mans COST Conference. Rennes : Presses Universitaires de Rennes. Clavel-Lévêque, M. 2009. Un paysage en ligne: le Canal du Midi. In Lévêque, L., Ruiz Arbol, M., Pop, L. (Eds), Patrimoine, Images, Mémoires des paysages européens. Paris: l’Harmattan. Coulon, L. 1643. L’Ulysse françois. Paris : Bibliothèque nationale de France. Delprat, C. 2001. Officiers et seigneurs. In Les Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques, numéro 27. Paris. Desrues F. 1611, Description contenant les antiquités, fondations et singularités des plus célèbres villes. Paris : Bibliothèque nationale de France. DRAC. 1995. Les arènes romaines de Béziers redécouvertes. Béziers: AFAN. Duchêne A. 1614. Les Antiquitez et recherches des villes, chasteaux, et places plus remarquables de toute la France. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France. Evelpidou, N. 2003. Analyse spatiale, méthodologie et modélisation : géomorphologie et géoarchéologie du sud biterrois, thèse de doctorat, Histoire et cultures de l'Antiquité, Besançon: Université de FrancheComté. Lemerle, F. 2005. La Renaissance et les Antiquités de la Gaule, L’architecture gallo romaine vue par les architectes, antiquaires et voyageurs des guerres d’Italie à la Fronde. Bruxelles: Brepols. Leveau, P. 2000. Le paysage aux époques historiques : un document archéologique in Annales d’Histoire et de Sciences Sociales, 55e année, N. 3. Paris. Mauné, S. 1998. Les campagnes de la cité de Béziers (partie nord orientale, II av – VI après J.-C.). Montagnac : Edition Monique Mergoil, Montagnac. Ministère de la Culture, réseau des Villes et Pays d’Art et d’Histoire: www.vpah.culture.fr Molinas, J. 2008. Pour une politique de préservation du patrimoine rural. Paris: revue Paysans et Société, N 307, janvier-février. Negri, V., Odiot, T. 1990. Protection et conservation des parcellaires antiques dans le paysage actuel. Paris : Revue archéologique du Centre de la France, tome 29, fascicule 2. Orejas, A., Battaglini G., Clavel-Lévêque, M. 2002. La valorisation des paysages culturels antiques: un parc à partir d’une région. In Clavel-Lévêque, M. A. Orejas, A. (Eds), Atlas historique des cadastres d’Europe, II, action COST G2 « Paysages anciens et structures rurales»: dossier 8T. Luxembourg: Office des publications des Communautés Européennes. Parc Culturel du Biterrois: www.parc-culturel-biterrois.fr Rulman, A. 1628. Récit des anciens monuments qui paroissent dans les départements 1° et 2 Narbonnaise Ms 8648, 8649. Paris : Bibliothèque nationale de France. Sagues, J. (Eds) 2000. Histoire de Béziers. Toulouse: Privat. Sauzet, R. 1993. D’un Humanisme provincial au début du XVIIe siècle, le discours irénique d’Anne Rulman (1583-1639). In Céard J., Langage et Vérité, Etudes offertes à Jean Claude Margolin. Genève: Droz. Vitaux, L. 2009. Les masets du Biterrois, un marqueur des paysages viticoles européens. In Lévêque, L., Ruiz Arbol, M., Pop, L. (Eds), Patrimoine, Images, Mémoires des paysages européens, Paris: l’Harmattan.


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Origins of sustainability in cultural heritage M. Mariotti Sapienza Università di Roma

ABSTRACT: A year before the energy crisis of 1973 some important basic concepts of sustainable development were identified and set out in the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development Report "Our Common Future". The concepts summarized and set out in the famous report, commonly called "Brundtland", from the name of the President of the Commission, stem directly from the cultural climate of the late sixties, which in 1972 led to the production of the following three key texts: • the “Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment” adopted by United Nations in Stockholm; • the MIT research paper "The Limits of Growth", commissioned by the Club of Rome; • the "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage" adopted by UNESCO in Paris. All the above documents assume, albeit each in a different way, that there is a limit to economic and social development, which was based previously on the assumption there was an infinite supply of resources. The three documents define a close parallelism between cultural/natural and environmental resources, which brings us back to the same issue: they are limited in quantity and they need to be protected, so that they can be transmitted to future generations. This issue, which lies at the heart of the concept of Sustainable Development, has involved Cultural Heritage from the beginning. As a matter of fact, being a limited material resource, it lies at the root of the identity of a people, and so intrinsically linked to the problem of being transmitted to future generations. For these reasons and for all other considerations that have characterized it since ancient times, cultural heritage can be considered a forerunner of the concept of sustainable development as defined in the Brundtland Report.

1 INTRODUCTION A year before the energy crisis of 1973 some important basic concepts of sustainable development were identified and set out in the 1987 World Commission on Environment and Development Report "Our Common Future". The concepts summarized and set out in the famous report, commonly called "Brundtland", from the name of the President of the Commission, stem directly from the cultural climate of the late sixties, which in 1972 led to the production of the following three key texts: • the “Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment” adopted by United Nations in Stockholm;

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• the MIT research paper "The Limits of Growth", commissioned by the Club of Rome; • the "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage" adopted by UNESCO in Paris. All the above documents assume, albeit each in a different way, that there is a limit to economic and social development, which was based previously on the assumption there was an infinite supply of resources. Of the three texts, the Declaration was the first to be published. It recognizes the earth’s limited resources and states that man cannot be separated from his environment, which is defined as Human Environment. Taking a holistic view, it states that this needs to be protected for transmission to future generations. "The limits of growth", taking into account the existing relationships between human needs and the planet's ability to satisfy them, explores the possible limits of growth mechanisms due to the exhaustion of natural resources. The holistic approach of the study gives new quantitative scientific legitimacy to the concept of development limits, introduced in 1798 by Robert Malthus, and suggests possible alternative development models. Finally, the Convention recognizes that cultural and natural heritage, by its very nature linked to the concept of scarsity and therefore limited resources, is increasingly threatened by human presence and the economic and social environment determined by man. Referring to the principle already set out in the Declaration, namely to ensure "the transmission of cultural and natural heritage for future generations", cultural and natural heritage is also viewed as a limited resource and, for its special importance, even more in need of protection and preservation. Therefore ,the three documents define a close parallelism between cultural/natural and environmental resources, which brings us back to the same issue: they are limited in quantity and they need to be protected, so that they can be transmitted to future generations. This issue, which lies at the heart of the concept of Sustainable Development, has involved Cultural Heritage from the beginning. As a matter of fact, being a limited material resource, it lies at the root of the identity of a people, and so intrinsically linked to the problem of being transmitted to future generations. For these reasons and for all other considerations that have characterized it since ancient times, cultural heritage can be considered a forerunner of the concept of sustainable development as defined in the Brundtland Report. 1.1 Background The concept of limited resources was already set out at the end of the eighteenth century (Malthus, T.R. 1798) in theories that linked population growth to the cultivation of increasingly less fertile land, thus causing a shortage of primary goods for subsistence. This process would inevitably bring a stop to economic development, given that population growth expands geometrically, faster therefore than the increase in food resources, which has only an arithmetic progression. This concept was referred to in the Peak Oil Theory (1956, Hubbert, M.K.) concerning on the temporal evolution of the production of any exhaustible or physically limited mineral resource or fossil fuel. According to the theory a maximum production date can be estimated from historical data on the reserves of a mineral resource. Initially proposed as a purely empirical model, it was then developed also in mathematical terms. The influence of this approach can be seen in the deterministic mathematical modelling used in subsequent studies undertaken by MIT on the limits to growth. As regards the damage caused by the intensive exploitation of environmental resources, the book Silent Spring (Carson, 1962) describes the effect of pesticide use in agriculture, highlighting the damage caused to ecosystems affected by chemical treatments. In 1972 the great success of the book and the movement it inspired led to a ban on DDT in agriculture. The book can be seen as a precursor of the criticism of the contemporary industrial system, highlighting the use of toxic substances that are foreign to natural biological cycles and so difficult for the planet to absorb. A few years after the publication of Rachel Carson's book, the dominant development model was again criticized and compared to the American Far West (Boulding, 1966), where cowboys


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draw on hypothetically unlimited natural resources, expanding their search to ever new and untouched frontiers. A more human and environmentally friendly economy, he argues, should be developed since however large the Earth may be, it is not conceptually very different from a space capsule. The inhabitants of the planet, like astronauts, can only count on available resources, they live within a limited space and it is only within this space that they can dump their waste products. For this reason the planet is called "Spaceship Earth". It appeared on the front pages of newspapers and magazines, was the subject of books and articles, and was a source of inspiration for the first Earth Day in April 1970. This metaphor already contained the idea of a system that was a closed cycle, later explicitly expressed in the book The Closing Circle (Commoner, B., 1971), in which the ecological crisis is seen as the result of the existing conflict between the workings of the ecosystems and the logic underlying the capitalist economy. While the former tends towards stability and operates in closed cycles, the second promotes a linear model of growth, which upsets natural balances. The crisis can be overcome by changing the development model, prioritizing ecology rather than profit. This was the springboard that led to the latest theories about the life cycle of materials and the concept of "eco efficiency" (Braungart M., Mc Donough W., 2002). The year following the publication of Commoner’s book, the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment was issued, followed by the research paper "The Limits of Growth" and the Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage adopted by UNESCO in Paris - documents that are fundamental for the definition of the concept of Sustainable Development (Unwed, 1987). A critical appraisal is given in the following section, highlighting common conceptual roots. 2 COMPARATIVE DESCRIPTION

2.1 United Nations Conference on Human Environment (UNCHE) The Stockholm Conference was the first United Nations conference convened to discuss the problem of pollution. The Declaration, released after the summit in Sweden, brought the concept of the environment to the fore, asserting it could not be subordinated or considered incidental to the protection of special interests. The conference was attended by 113 countries, 108 of which were UN members; UN Secretary General U Thant, representatives of 13 UN agencies, other international organizations and nongovernmental organizations were also there as observers. Maurice Strong, an entrepreneur with experience in energy and finance, was invited to be Secretary General. The conference led to the adoption of three non-binding documents: the Declaration of the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, which laid down 26 principles and guiding policies on the environment, which the States undertook to abide by both nationally and internationally; an Action Plan for Human Environment containing 109 operational recommendations to define in detail the objectives of the Declaration; a resolution on institutional and financial questions; The recommendations of the Action Plan were adopted by consensus and reflected an agenda involving five main areas: the relationship between development and environment; educational, informational, social, and cultural aspects of environmental issues; pollution; management of natural resources. The Declaration of Principles uses an anthropocentric approach, setting out basic rules of conduct for the protection of the environment, including the need to address and resolve environmental issues through joint action. The environment is conceived as an indivisible system, whose problems should be analyzed and solved in organically and in unitary fashion; it should no longer be just the sum of individual component elements (water, air, land, etc).

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The United Nations Conference on the Human Environment expressed a general interest in the environment; this formed the basis for the subsequent development of the discipline of environmental protection at the international level. Thus, the defence and improvement of the environment was considered to be an issue that was at the root of the well-being of peoples and economic development of the whole world. The conference underlined the conviction of the inadequacy of the dominant economic model. After analysing the environmental impacts generated by traditional models of development, it put forward a new concept of development, characterized by profound civil, social and cultural values rather than purely economic ones. It highlighted the principle of self-determination of peoples and local expressions. In this sense it seemed to echo some basic principles of the theory of conservation introduced by Alois Riegl in the late nineteenth century, who saw the value of a work of art as a dynamic factor, linked to a particular artistic intent closely associated with the environmental conditions of the time and in constant evolution due to the evolving relationship between history and art. It put forward a model of development that meets basic needs, in both material and immaterial terms, while ensuring environmental quality and ecological balance. Maurice Strong introduced the concept of eco-development, based on respect for ecosystems and the great natural cycles, an awareness of resource exhaustibility, and caution in accepting new technologies. As in the MIT report, resource limitations form part of the basic concept of a new model of economic development, centred on the parsimonious use of resources, applying the technologies of industrial production to satisfy basic needs rather than greater profit and increased consumption. The concept of resources to be transmitted future generations is used frequently. Even though the concept of limited resource refers mostly to the environment it also highlights the importance of reducing emissions of pollutants and conserving non-renewable energy resources. 2.2 Limits to Growths The Report was published in 1972 by MIT and commissioned by the Club of Rome. The authors are Donella H. Meadows, Dennis L. Meadows, Jorgen Randers and William W. Behrens III. The idea for the publication came after a meeting of economists, sociologists and scientists, organized in 1968 by the Italian industrialist Aurelio Peccei at the Accademia dei Lincei in Rome. All were united in their conviction of the inadequacy of the Western model of growth, mainly because it is based on the use of non-renewable resources, which by their nature will one day run out. In order to assess the maximum life span of the present growth system, the mathematical model World 3 was developed. Based on the five variables of population, agriculture, economy, natural resources and pollution, it sets out to represent the processes of development of the past and then on the basis of these, those of the future. These dependent variables in fact stem from a combination of over one hundred fifty independent variables, for which previous trends were known. The exponential trend which resulted from the analysis was then used to calculate the projections in the report. The mathematical model demonstrates that in a contained system, the exponential growth of any subsystem inevitably comes into conflict with the limits of its resource base. The report’s population growth forecasts are particularly alarming, given that a rise in the growth rate together with an exponential increase in population would generate a fourfold increase in the population in 60 years. Economic and industrial growth is described as a process based on an ever wider gap between the conditions of increasingly richer industrialized countries and those of developing countries. Population and industrialization trends then come up against the problem availability of resources, on which growth processes depend, thus there is a threshold for population and economic growth. Resources are categorized as arable land, raw materials, fossil fuels and nuclear fuel. A good deal of attention focuses on the topic of food, as well as energy.


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Apart from the availability of resources, another consideration is the problem of waste production and that the fact that the planet’s ecosystem can only absorb the products of human activity to a limited extent. This process is in fact possible only through a series of cycles that converts them back into new resources. If the absorption capacity is exceeded, waste accumulates excessively and harmfully and cannot be disposed of. According to the MIT study, assuming that the current growth trends continue unchanged in the five key areas, humanity will reach the natural limits of growth in a hundred years. The report proposes the alternative of abandoning the dominant system of growth by turning to a growth model based on ecological and economic stability that can be guaranteed indefinitely. This can be defined as one that meets the material needs of all the earth’s inhabitants, who are all given the same opportunities. The final hope of a new development model based on balance and stability anticipates the concept of Sustainable Development. 2.3 Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage The "Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage" was approved the UNESCO General Conference on 16 November 1972 in Paris. The document, consisting of thirty-eight articles, defines the concepts of Cultural and Natural Heritage. The first is represented by monuments, groups of buildings and sites, the second natural features, geological and physiographical formations and natural sites. So starting from a specialist view - the idea of cultural heritage – and wanting to get the greatest number of countries involved, the concept of Natural Heritage was introduced. This move, determined also by the desire to get the United States involved in the process of defining the Convention, is important in that it gives the concept of heritage a wider meaning and one that closer to the concept of resource as used in the Stockholm Conference and in the MIT report. The Convention states that it is the duty of every state to identify and delineate the different properties on its territory so as to ensure their protection and presentation, including them in a special "World Heritage List". The Convention establishes that it is the duty of member states to provide regular reports on the state of conservation of registered sites, encouraging public awareness and improving protection through appropriate information and education programs. Gradually over the years, the criteria for admission to the list have come up against conceptually difficult decisions, thus the admission parameters have had to be revised and sometimes paradoxical situations have arisen (Frey, B., Steiner, L., 2011, Van der Aa, B. 2005, Jokilehto J., 2002). The mission of the Preservation of Cultural and Natural Heritage is summarised in the motto: "Our heritage should be safeguarded for future generations," clearly connected to the concept of inheritance and the limited nature of resources, which have to be handed over integrally to future generations. These concepts, which are now seen to form the basis of sustainable development, were from the beginning at the heart of the debate on Cultural Heritage. 3 THE QUESTION OF ENVIRONMENTAL PARAMETERS IN MUSEUMS A general discussion on buildings used for conservation and their optimal indoor environmental setpoints, thus considering these buildings only for the purposes of conserving and presenting the art objects in them, is of limited value today. This debate, which until now has focused on the issue of indoor environmental parameters for conservation, can be seen as paradigmatic and intimately linked, even from the lexical point of view, to the concept of limit, and that a problem, that was only seen in terms of conservation, has also become an energy issue and one of sustainability. It is as if the object stored within the walls of a museum has crossed the traditional conceptual confines into the broader horizon of sustainability, the seeds of which were already present, as we said, in the concept of cultural heritage. If fact, starting with the early postwar years, high environmental performance was considered necessary in all cases, an approach made possible by the supposed unlimited availability of resources. In recent years, having become aware of the reduced availability of these resources, the


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quently difficult to control, unless by means of complex strategies for indoor microclimate control. There is still a viable alternative which involves a significant reduction in energy needs and material resources - the concept of basic need and greater use of renewable resources. This depends greatly on the local conditions of the site and on reducing as much as possible the use of non-renewable resources, as set out in previous documents. In this sense, the use of an envelope that can guarantee high performance from the dynamic point of view, as regards heat and mass transfer, is indispensable, as also a change in project targets, which must be adapted to the real needs of conservation, taking into account the real environmental conditions. 4 CONCLUSIONS - CULTURAL HERITAGE AND SUSTAINABILITY In the previous discussion it was found that the concept of sustainable development is intimately linked to that of cultural heritage. As we have seen, the idea of cultural heritage is rooted in antiquity and has, from the beginning, come up against the concept of limit, linked to the transience of both the image and its material support (Brandi C, 1964). A work of art, to use a concept dear to John Ruskin, is above all a thing and therefore intrinsically of limited availability. Even the concept of inheritance and transmission to future generations, as noted above, has for a long time already been the focus of the conservation of cultural heritage. For example, we could mention the issue of the construction of the new Basilica of St. Peter and the concept of memory and identity of the original building. Another important episode, that has been mentioned several times, is the dedication that Pope Benedict XIX erected in the Flavian Amphitheatre in Rome in 1744, in a place of fundamental importance for Christianity, to put an end to the plundering of the materials. Finally there is Cardinal Pacca’s Edict of 1920, which, among other measures, indirectly contained the seeds of the concept of property and heritage in both economic and historical terms, claiming ownership of all archaeological discoveries for the State. The Brundtland report speaks of energy resources environment, but does not directly mention cultural heritage. It places great importance on ethical and cultural values, considering the concept of resource in its widest possible sense. The Convention highlighted that the deterioration and disappearance of this heritage, considered unique and irreplaceable, constitutes an impoverishment of humanity. Mention is often made of the concept of asset and property, and thus indirectly the idea of limit, too. From an economistic point of view, it is the limitedness of an asset that gives it its value. An unlimited asset, according to traditional economic parameters, is worthless. In fact, it is the scarcity of an asset, namely its limitedness, which gives it its value. A single asset, which is not reproducible such as a masterpiece of Renaissance painting, is, because of its uniqueness, invaluable, and to which, however, the market attaches a monetary value. In the convention, heritage, to a certain extent, is seen as a non-renewable resource; once lost, it can no longer be reproduced or recovered. Energy resources, in their different ways, also belong to humanity, so in theory all the peoples of the world should be able to access them freely and equally. As in the case of cultural heritage, energy resources are not limitlessly available. As we know, material and energy resources are classified into "renewable" and "nonrenewable”. In the first case, the limit to consumption is given by its availability, which is necessarily linked to the existing reserves of raw materials; in the second case, it is given by the flow of energy in different forms that the planet can generate. If consumption per unit of time exceeds what is available, the system itself is weakened and made vulnerable, and so in the long term the resource will run out. Burning a ton of oil is certainly not as criminal as destroying a work of art. A gallon of Black Sea oil will not be qualitatively comparable to Libyan oil but from the point of view of its usefulness it remains simply a gallon of oil. The rock paintings of the steppes can in any way be interchanged with the archaeological remains of Sabratha, while the above gallon of oil remains undifferentiated regardless of its origin. However, by contributing to the destruction of the planet's resources we certainly approach the ultimate limit for humanity to survive. In fact, as stated in "Our Future World", man cannot be separated from the environment and the planet

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where they live, and for this reason we can say that the issue of resources is indistinguishable from that of cultural heritage. The close link between energy resources and conservation can also be seen in the concept of "reversibility" and "minimal intervention", which belong to the world of conservation (Brandi, 1963). Regarding the use of resources and energy the concept of reversibility can easily be assimilated to the sustainable use of renewable resources, while that of minimum intervention can be closely associated to parsimonious use of resources. To sum up, we can say that the transmission of heritage and resources to future generations can be guaranteed through the use renewable resources and an economical use of available resources. 5 REFERENCES ASHRAE, Chapter 21: Museums, Galleries, Archives and Libraries. 2007 ASHRAE Handbook HVAC Applications. Atlanta, GA 2007. Brandi C.,(1963), Teoria del Restauro, Einaudi Carson R., 1962, Silent Spring, Houghton Mifflin Boulding K., The Economics of the Coming Spaceship Earth, 1966, presented at the Sixth Resources for the Future Forum on Environmental Quality in a Growing Economy in Washington, D.C Commoner B., 1971, The closing Circle, Bantam Books Braungart M., Mc Donough W., 2002, Cradle to Cradle, Remaking the Way We Make Things North Point Press Frey, B., Steiner, L., 2011, “World Heritage List: does it make sense?” International Journal of Cultural Policy Hubbert, M.K., 1956, “Nuclear and the fossil Fuels “Drilling and Production Practice”, Spring Meeting of the Southern District. Division of Production. American Petroleum Institute, 22-27, San Antonio, Texas:Shell Development Company Jokilehto J., 2002, Seminar at “Scuola di Specializzazione dei Monumenti di Roma” Malthus, T.R., 1798, An essay of the principle of the population as it affects the future improvement of society” Meadows D. H., Meadows D.L., Randers J., Behrens W.H, 1972, The Limits to Growths, Universe Books Riegl A, 1903, Der moderne Denkmalkult. Sein Wesen und seine Entstehung UN General Assembly, United Nations Conference on the Human Environment, 15 December 1972, A/RES/2994, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/3b00f1c840.html [accessed 6 May 2012] UN Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, 16 November 1972, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4042287a4.html [accessed 6 May 2012] UN World Commission on Environment and Development, 1987, Report of the World Commission on Environment and Development: Our Common Future, United Nations Van der Aa, B., 2005, Preserving the Heritage of Humanity? Obtaining World Heritage Status and the Impacts of Listing, Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research, Amsterdam.


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Remaking cultural heritage: a role for responsible tourism? Alison McCleery Edinburgh Napier University , Scotland, UK

Alistair McCleery Edinburgh Napier University , Scotland, UK

ABSTRACT: The challenges thrown up by heritage tourism are similar in many ways to those confronted by ecotourism. The term cultural tourism, as with its sister term environmental (or nature) tourism, highlights a paradox: transmitting knowledge and understanding of cultural heritage from generation to generation is all about safeguarding that heritage, just as fostering ‘green’ attitudes and promulgating ‘green’ behaviours is all about protecting the physical environment from damage; tourism, on the other hand, is all about consumption. Thus in spaces where tourists and practitioners of whether heritage or nature conservation come together, there is the potential for socio-cultural conflict because of different agendas. Yet the term ‘responsible tourism’ suggests that consumption and conservation are not mutually exclusive, which further implies that gatekeepers can also be guardians. These are the challenges confronting every meeting of tourism with conservation, and it is these challenges, along with questions of rights and responsibilities, as well as issues of ownership, commodification and inauthenticity, which are examined here. Specifically, the case for cultural heritage as a tool for economic development is explored.

1 INTRODUCTION More than a decade ago, the World Tourism Organization (WTO) recognised that heritage and culture had become a component in almost 40% of all international trips undertaken (Timothy and Boyd, 2003). In the same vein, Sigala and Leslie (2005) employ a raft of similarly impressive statistics to underpin the rationale for their book on international cultural tourism which is premised upon the increasing centrality of heritage and cultural attractions in modern, technology and knowledge-based societies. As they further note, “it is not surprising that in recent years the cultural heritage sector has gained much political attention owing to its economic potential and its importance for market development in the information society”, given both that culture has become a major driver of tourism demand and flows, and cultural heritage resources are routinely placed at the centre of both urban and rural development and rejuvenation strategies (Sigala and Leslie, 2005). And as McCleery (2011) observes of tourism in relation to intangible cultural heritage (ICH), tourist development is acknowledged as just such a legitimate economic development tool by agencies at all levels, from local authorities, through regional development agencies and the branches of central government and its arms-length bodies, right up to supranational organisations – such as the Council of Europe, the European Union and the United Nations. This is why, as Sigala and Leslie (2005) confirm, “every country, region or locale has viewed or is viewing its cultural resources in terms of tourism potential”, most markedly in the post-industrialised western nations which have been losing market share as traditional visitors go elsewhere. Yet, as Sigala and Leslie (2005) are also quick to warn, to measure the value of culture in economic terms alone is a fundamental flaw since the value that cultural institutions deliver to

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society is often indirect and non-financial as they primarily strive to provide intellectual enjoyment and raise awareness about the importance of cultural and historical knowledge. Indeed, they argue that it is these other cultural value characteristics and the intellectual exploitation that represent the true value of cultural heritage. “This does not mean that market opportunities are to be ignored, but it implies that cultural institutions and governments need to maintain a realistic view on the exploitability and management of cultural heritage resources, as well as a return on investment in supporting the continuity of these resources.” This is where the concept of responsible tourism enters the picture with the balancing of what McCleery (2011) encapsulates as an ethical framework for safeguarding cultural heritage on the one hand against an economic imperative for its exploitation on the other. In the case of ICH, however, while it is obvious that as an external-facing phenomenon, in achieving economic viability it also risks adulteration and dilution, it is less obvious that as an internal-facing phenomenon, in remaining pure and unadulterated it may also become so fragile as to die out altogether. In other words, doing nothing is unlikely to equate with safeguarding, so that non-exploitation may have ethical implications as far-reaching as those of exploitation. Against this background, the remaking of cultural heritage, up to a point, may be a price worth paying to ensure its sustainability. Where that point lies in practical terms and who has the right to decide, and whether gatekeepers (e.g. development agencies and tour and site managers) can also be guardians (e.g. conservation groups and ICH practitioners) and in what circumstances, is the crux of the debate which follows. 2 DECONSTRUCTING HERITAGE AND CULTURE Timothy and Boyd (2003) offer a concise but comprehensive review of and commentary upon the range of meanings ascribed within the tourism literature to ‘heritage’ and ‘heritage tourism’, their evolution and their links with ‘culture’ and’ cultural tourism’. While there is little consensus as to where the boundaries of ‘heritage’ lie, there is broad agreement that it has something to do with the past and, more than that, the past in the present, filtered and interpreted through a value system that changes through time and space. It has long since moved away from being associated with an inheritance or legacy; and is often “erroneously” equated with history. Some observers focus on a regional context. For example the WTO defines heritage tourism as “an immersion in the natural history, human heritage, arts, philosophy and institutions of another region or country” (quoted in Timothy and Boyd, 2003). And while all define heritage to include major historic sites and institutions, many also encompass within the definition not only the humanised but also the natural landscape, as well as previous ways of life linked to particular economic activities, and living cultural heritage. Heritage then can be classified as tangible immovable resources (e.g. buildings, rivers, natural areas); tangible movable resources (e.g. objects in museums, documents in archives); or intangibles such as values, customs, ceremonies, lifestyles, and including experiences such as festivals, arts and cultural events (Timothy and Boyd, 2003). Commenting on the extent to which the term ‘heritage’ has been misused, as illustrated by employing a list of meanings compiled by Tunbridge and Ashworth (1996) to demonstrate both the misuse of the term ‘heritage’ and the wide scope of its evolving connotations, Timothy and Boyd (2003) move on to address both the association between heritage and culture and the link with tourism. In passing, they note the more negative and pejorative views of the term heritage forthcoming from Merriman (1991) who stated with barely disguised distaste that: “[i]n this sense, as used in the ‘heritage industry’, the word has become synonymous with manipulation (or even invention and exploitation of the past for commercial ends”. And they also mention Ashworth and Tunbridge’s (1999) far more neutral stance which sees heritage as bringing together an eclectic range of contemporary uses of the past “which include ... the provision of economic resources for commodification within heritage industries”. What they do not highlight, since they actually refer to these two commentaries in reverse date order, and what is worthy of note, is the change in attitude vis-a-vis heritage-based economic development in the space of a decade from one of indignant outrage to one of more-or-less acceptance. It is suggested that here is evidence of the era of Thatcherism having done its work. We are all consumers now.


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Developing this theme, it is noteworthy that Fladmark in his 1993 edited volume entitled Heritage – the sub-title of which incorporates the word ‘Enterprise’ alongside but after ‘Conservation’ and ‘Interpretation’ – speaks of new attitudes to the development of heritage that will ... “ensure that the needs of the present are met without compromising the ability of future generations to meet theirs.” This is sustainability by any other name, a word which Fladmark admits he is still nervous of using. A qualifying rider to this evolving approach is appended which has echoes of the ‘best of all possible worlds’ WHO definition of health, so that we find Fladmark referring to human needs amounting to more than simply the basic human needs; “they also embrace the ability to enjoy aspects of our heritage that give spiritual uplift, aesthetic pleasure and cultural fulfilment.” At the very least, this is a reinforcing echo of the sub-title and an acknowledgement of the role of ‘edutainment’. By the next year, in another edited volume entitled Cultural Tourism, Fladmark (1994) is not only spelling out the pro-active role of enterprise in relation to cultural heritage; he is also talking about not only the requirement to protect the physical environment but also the duty to spare the human occupants of that environment. As he emphasises, cultural heritage tourism is not only concerned with identification, management and protection of the heritage values but it must also be involved in understanding the impact of tourism on communities and regions, achieving economic and social benefits, providing financial resources for protection, as well as marketing and promotion. As Tunbridge subsequently observes in 1998, what has clearly emerged by escalating the intellectual and economic profile of heritage is an expansion of the term to apply not only to the historic environment, both natural and built, but also to every dimension of material culture, intellectual inheritances and cultural identities. And, as Richards (2001) notes, the same trend of inflated meaning has been applied to the use of the term ‘culture’ in relation to tourism. The situation is summed up succinctly and accurately by Timothy and Boyd (2003). “The terms ‘cultural tourism’, ‘heritage tourism’, ‘ethnic tourism’ and ‘arts tourism’ are almost interchangeable in their usage, with limited consensus regarding whether or not people are talking about the same thing.” While the present authors would tend to place arts tourism – where that relates to high culture – in a special and slightly separate category, perhaps akin to a shortened version of the European ‘Grand Tour’ - an educationally and culturally refining experience popular with young men of the English upper-class elite – nevertheless Timothy and Boyd’s (2003) contention that the modern-day Grand Tour is more focused on pleasure over learning is not disputed. 3 RECONSTRUCTING HERITAGE AND CULTURE What is certain is that [cultural] heritage tourism has grown rapidly in recent years (Stebbins, 1996); that cultural [heritage] tourism goes beyond the visitation of sites and monuments to include the consumption of processes where these are defined to include the ideas and way of life (the ICH) of people (Richards: 2001); that this has created a situation where an oversupply of tourist attractions in general, and heritage sites in particular has been reached (Middleton, 1997); and that because the [cultural] heritage [tourism] product is [by definition] fashioned by tourism, commoditisation [inevitably] features strongly within the tourist experience (Timothy and Boyd, 2003); that [cultural] heritage has been a key tool for bringing life to previously derelict industrial regions (Timothy and Boyd, 2003); and that the industry is not without its critics, so that while Hewison’s condemnation of the heritage industry – as a malign force which trivialises and distorts history producing inaccuracy and superficiality – is not wholly unexpected given that it was written in 1987. Similar censure issued by Uzzell (1996) a decade later – by which time a watershed in the evolution and acceptability of ‘visitor attractions’ was well defined and established – arguably does require to be taken rather more seriously. As Shackley (2001) notes, the tourist in York, England, can visit the great Minster church in a way which is merely continuing 1500 years of tradition, but a visit to the Jorvik Viking centre incorporating a ‘ride’ and ‘other paraphernalia’ of the heritage industry is getting quite a different experience in which issues of authenticity inevitably surface. Because the two experiences are not mutually exclusive alternatives, it is not even legitimate to enquire as to whether it is better to tolerate the fakery of the latter in favour of protecting the former – from the environmental impacts of pol-

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lution and erosion resulting from the impact of a volume and type of non-worshipping visitor which it was never originally destined or therefore designed to receive. And just as historical sites are at risk of destruction, and history as heritage is in danger of becoming shallow and inexact, so is ICH as an outward-facing phenomenon at risk, whether of extinction or of becoming unnecessarily exaggerated and outlandish. ICH goes beyond the material and comprises the living cultural expressions inherited by groups and communities from their ancestors and transmitted in turn to their descendants. All manner of knowledges, customs and rituals are included, ranging from social activities such as storytelling and traditional dance, to recipes for culinary specialities and work-based practices and routines. In terms of these latter ways of life, as MacCannell (1999) observes, almost any sort of work from the backbreaking toil of the Welsh miner to the unpleasant work of the Parisian sewerage operative can be the object of what Urry (2002) has famously termed the “tourist gaze”. According to MacCannell, “Modern Man is losing his attachments to the work bench, the neighbourhood … which he once called ‘his own’ but, at the same time, he is developing an interest in the ‘real lives’ of others”. It is not hard to identify the paradox here; tourists’ real lives at home are grey and unreal, whereas the everyday lives of others are somehow vibrant and real. The mundane everydayness of their lives has somehow become exotic. But because ‘real lives’ are found only backstage and are not immediately on view, the gaze of the tourist involves obvious intrusion into people’s lives (Urry, 2002). Because of the inconvenience – or even downright unacceptability – which this entails, the people being observed and also the local tourist entrepreneurs gradually come to construct backstages in a contrived and artificial manner. Tourist spaces become organised around what MacCannell (1973) refers to as ‘staged authenticity’, in an effort by the indigenous community both to protect itself from intrusions into the privacy of its family lives and to take advantage of the opportunities presented for profitable investment. And at once a situation arises in which ICH pivots around from being inward facing for the benefit of local people, to being outward facing for the benefit of visitors; and in which – in a move to protect sacred or otherwise cherished ICH from rape and pillage by hordes of what are perceived as mainly uncomprehending and insensitive visitors – ‘pseudo-events’ are staged specifically for the benefit of the visitors. The ‘real’ experience which tourists crave has become unreal, even if in all its unreality, it actually constitutes the implementation of a genuine, contemporary commercial initiative which defines the reality of the service provider’s current work and life experience. The tourists are thus participating in something real, yet observing and perceiving something unreal, with one inevitable result, namely that the individual entrepreneurs and the communities in which they reside, are induced – or reduced – to producing ever more extravagant displays for the innocent (gullible?) observer, who is thereby even further removed from the local people. And over time, via advertising and the media, the images generated of the linked tourist gazes come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions. ‘Pseudoreality’ tends towards ‘hyper-reality’, with the perverse corollary that tourists’ sensuality and aesthetic sense become as restricted as they are at home (Urry, 2002). This is further heightened by the relatively superficial way in which indigenous cultures necessarily have to be (re)presented to the tourist. The issue at stake is the feasibility of simultaneous consumption and conservation of cultural heritage, when that cultural heritage has to be at one and the same time both unadulterated and commodified. What Grassie (1983) has termed the ‘soft option’ for economic development, which is seized upon by desperate regional development authorities everywhere as a quick-fix tool for the promotion of economic growth (or the prevention of economic decline), can not only promote what Urry (2002) refers to as ‘trinketisation’ of local crafts, but may pervert local customs and slowly but surely insinuate itself into and corrupt family life. 4 MAKING TOURISM RESPONSIBLE AND SUSTAINABLE Yet how exactly can commercial trinketisation and mass visitation leave the built heritage unspoiled, and societal violation and community diminution the intangible heritage undiluted and intact. A visit to either Lourdes or Le Mont St Michel, both in France, is sufficient to convince that this is a difficult, if not impossible, goal. Both sites are physically overwhelmed with the sheer density of visitors on the one hand and with commercial outlets selling cheap and tawdry plastic and sometimes battery-illuminated sacred souvenirs to cater for the crowds. In the case


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of Lourdes, the possibility of a powerful and uplifting experience for genuine pilgrims may be diminished by the mundane functionality implicit in the truly impressive sight which greets the visitor. This is not of the shrine in the rock cave with its natural spring, far less of any holy apparition, but rather of an endless stainless steel counter served by elaborate plumbing arrangements to facilitate the filling with ‘holy’ water of plastic containers of all sizes and shapes, which are subsequently carted away by the visiting hordes in quantities which would do justice to any supermarket. In the case of Le Mont St Michel, the French government is having to spend more than 150 million Euro in order to replace the existing causeway bringing visitors’ cars to the island with a more ecologically sustainable bridge carrying electric mass transportation shuttle vehicles, and which will also allow the tides to sweep around the perimeter of the rock, facilitating its maintenance as a tidal island. This will reduce particulate pollution from vehicle emissions and remove the visual intrusion of the hundreds of cars parked daily at the foot of the mount, but it cannot increase physical carrying capacity and so will not reduce the overcrowding on a spatially constrained site; nor will it sweep away the commercialism which both sustains the visitor hordes and is sustained by them in a symbiotic relationship. And while visitors to an attraction widely perceived as a sacred site are in the main not visiting to worship, pray or meditate, even for many of these more-or-less cultural tourists – whether purposeful, sightseeing, serendipitous, casual or incidental (McKercher and du Cros, 2002) – preserving something of the ‘spirit of place’ of the ‘attraction’ is fundamental to its sustainability not only as a sacred space but also as a tourist destination (Shackley, 2001) In the case of ICH, whether sacred or secular, there is not only the possibility of destruction, dilution or other form of diminution; there is also the reality of frank and devastating change as a direct result of contact with a metropolitan culture. Thus, for example, Nepalese children, living not only in urban Katmandhu, but also in the Himalayan foothills in proximity to the Annapurna trekkers’ circuit, are not shy of demanding money from westerners in the relevant language and currency; while traders in Turkish markets raise smiles from UK visitors with their less than ‘authentic’ cry of “cheaper than Asda, cheaper than Primark, cheaper than shoplifting!” (McCleery, 2011). Similarly, festival organisers the world over begin to give their offer an outward-facing commercial veneer as opposed to an inward-facing indigenous appeal; and preexisting traditional economic activity, originally performed as genuine primary sector activity with often limited potential for commercial gain, translates into the identical activity performed as a tertiary sector performative activity with disproportionately enhanced potential for commercial gain. ‘Edinburgh’s Hogmanay’ (New Year’s Eve celebration) is a commercially driven ‘festival’ or collection of events taking place over the New Year period. Initiated through collaboration between the private sector and the local authority, this event now attracts thousands of visitors and their spending to the city. Yet, other than ‘seeing in the bells’ at midnight on 31 December, the contemporary Edinburgh mass entertainment bears no relation to traditional Scottish New Year customs such as ‘first-footing’, that is, being the first person to cross the host’s threshold bearing black bun, whisky and a lump of coal as a neighbourly offering of traditional food, drink and fuel. ‘Edinburgh’s Hogmanay’ has thus graduated to heritage tourism status, becomes necessary to consider whether local traditions have been overtaken by the event, or whether ‘ownership’ of this representation of ‘Hogmanay’ ha in fact been removed from ‘local’ practitioners. For here is a prime example of how a previously unselfconscious, unobserved authentic and traditional activity translates into a self-conscious, widely observed, rather less traditional and authentic activity, which does of course have some potential to remain culturally reinforcing as well as, importantly, now being commercially advantageous. Scotland’s national poet, Robert Burns, is celebrated widely in Scotland on the day of his birth, 25 January. Haggis and neaps – a savoury pudding containing sheep’s offal minced with oatmeal and spices and all contained within the animal’s stomach and served with mashed turnip – is traditionally eaten at Burns suppers. At these events Burns poetry is read aloud and in particular there is an address to the haggis – a Burns poem – which is ceremonially piped in to the dining hall and toasted by all present with a dram – a glass of whisky. However, the detail and character of this event has changed with the changing times so that ladies are now admitted and there is toast to the lassies and also a reply to the laddies. At the same time there are vegetarian alternatives as well as non-alcoholic beverages for those with dietary preferences, perhaps associated with their own specific cultural heritage. Notably, the custom of Burns suppers has been exported abroad along with the poverty-induced diaspora which dispersed Scots to the four

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corners of the world. Whether in the English university town of Oxford – where there is now an informal Burns week when all the colleges celebrate Burns night with a dinner and a ceilidh (an evening of Scottish dancing) – or in the United States, Canada and Australia – where Burns celebrations have been adopted, assimilated and adapted beyond diaspora and beyond all recognition – there is a certain inevitability that where living culture is concerned, evolution is inevitable and not inevitably bad. It goes without saying that an exclusive all-male drinking club would be widely regarded by right-thinking people as being less acceptable than an accessible and civilised social gathering of both sexes, even if it is perceived (by some) to have become less ‘authentic’. Not all ‘traditional’ ICH is good. So it is that along with activities surrounding St Andrew’s and St Patrick’s Day (the national days of Scotland and Ireland falling on 30 November and 17 March respectively), both of which represent festivals widely celebrated especially in the US and Canada, Burns celebrations are tending to become more inclusive – and, for hotels and restaurants and other commercial outlets, that certainly offers a new income-generating outward-facing attraction. St Andrew’s Day and now Tartan Week – a Scottish-government inspired initiative to replicate the reputational and commercial success of the impact of the Irish diaspora in the United States – have both now certainly outgrown the concept of a modest, inward-facing community-focussed expression of ICH. But if in the context of global urban metropolitan culture, this seems benign, what of the situation in an altogether more marginal location. It is arguably not only legitimate, but also essential, to enquire about the effect which commodification has on the distinctive and lately income-generating festival of Up Helly Aa, the Viking fire festival in Shetland, Scotland’s most northerly Atlantic archipelago. This festival has become a high-profile visitor attraction, having featured in, among other things, Lonely Planet’s Bluelist (McCleery et al., 2008). To some extent the answer will depend upon the particular character of the social relations that come to be established between ‘hosts’ and ‘guests’. In other circumstances, the guests might well challenge a practice which relegates women to a role of trailing around all night long after a bunch of men wielding fiery torches, cooking for them and cleaning up after them. But they say nothing and they leave wholly innocent of the division in the attitude of the local populace towards the fire festival. Curiously, in this case, the commercial potential of the ICH may be seen to be working in favour of its sustainability, however politically incorrect its substance. The Kate Kennedy procession, an annual celebration at the University of St Andrews, has taken place since 1926 under the auspices of the Kate Kennedy Club, an all-male student society. It features male and female characters from Scottish history, including Mary Queen of Scots, all of whom were formerly played by male students, attracts many visitors to the town, and has been featured in the promotion of local cultural tourism. However, the University authorities recently banned the procession on the grounds that it could not support an event or an organisation that was barred to women. The Club has now had to reform, opening up its membership to women students, and the procession will henceforth take place including female participants. 5 OWNERSHIP AND EMPOWERMENT ISSUES IN CULTURAL TOURISM As Scheyvens (2002) observes, tourism brings with it myriad potential pitfalls and yet it also offers considerable potential for bringing appropriate development to local communities. “Ultimately, it is vital to find ways in which tourism is able to work for regional economic development because it is the world’s largest industry. Furthermore, as well as promoting economic development, tourism can help to meet social and political goals such as building capacity, strengthening community-level institutions, reinforcing cultural integrity and ideally, selfdetermination.” This particular perspective upon [cultural] tourism is curiously similar to a perspective from Scotland upon intangible cultural heritage, which concludes that “ the Scottish Government ... has certainly appreciated the potential advantage of an approach to ICH which, by promoting inclusivity and diversity, can simultaneously foster a coherent and cohesive national identity” (McCleery et al, 2010). And it stands to reason that, if the objectives of tourism on the one hand and ICH on the other genuinely are so similar, it is certainly worthwhile spending time and energy developing models of good practice which can be followed by agencies supporting local development and other stakeholders, in both the public and private sector, to


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ensure that the exploitation of heritage and culture occurs in an equitable and sustainable manner. UNESCO already endeavours, as an intrinsic part of its overall programme, to promote tourism strategies based on principles which serve the organisation’s twin aims of protecting the cultural and natural heritage and promoting development. These include: promoting the idea that the cultural heritage has not only local and national but also universal value; promoting the concept of global heritage, which removes barriers between the tangible and intangible heritage and foregrounds the concept of cultural landscapes; supporting the concept of cultural and economic enhancement of local areas; understanding that tourists today are well informed, discerning consumers seeking personal enrichment; realising that civic awareness needs to be developed among local inhabitants as well as among visitors; accepting that tourism policies must be drawn up in conjunction with cultural policies; and realising that economic, cultural and social costs need to be evaluated as part of the development of a cultural tourism policy (Barré, 2000). Elsewhere it has been observed that “fine words which comprise the rhetoric of the high-minded guiding principles and well-intentioned high-level objectives of UNESCO as a benevolent international organisation do, however, need to be translated into action on the ground” (McCleery et al, 2010). In this respect, significantly, Scheyvens (2002) emphasises: how empowerment of community members through training courses, information sharing and participation on decision-making bodies is necessary prior to and during tourism development; how active participation fosters the exerting of control over the form and function of tourism; how immediate tangible benefits must be followed up with intangible benefits such as skills development and enhanced perceptions of community cohesion and security; how when tourism is a strategy for community development, mechanisms need to be in place to ensure that the benefits as well as the costs are widely dispersed; how tourism should be pursued alongside a range of livelihood options and should not supersede these; and how positive relationships should be developed between communities and other tourism stakeholders in order to maximise the benefits from partnerships between local people, the private sector and government. Others have attempted to produce practical community-focussed best practice guidelines to assist stakeholders in addressing the main operationalisation issues facing destinations wishing to develop tourism in a sensitive and appropriate manner. For example, Walker (2003) has developed a ‘locality profiling’ stage and step modelling methodology as a tool to promote sustainable approaches to tourism development by examining current development, evaluating existing impact, assessing likely future development, and measuring local population involvement. Inskeep (1994) proposes a balanced and methodical application of socio-economic impact control measures and socio-economic programming in order to maximise the benefits of tourism. These and other approaches to best practice will provide a baseline for a future project commissioned from the present authors by Creative Scotland to design a model of good practice for the facilitation and promotion of cultural heritage as a positive development option for communities in Scotland. However, it must be recognised that in some situations there can be no ‘right’ answer; protecting ‘real’ ICH from damage by offering tourists a ‘pseudo-experience’ is laudable in one respect but may be construed as morally repugnant in another. 6 CONCLUSION As Smith (2003) observes, tourism need not be perceived as a last chance. “Some of the more intangible benefits may include the renewal of cultural pride, the revitalisation of customs and traditions, and opportunities for cross-cultural exchange and integration.” This resonates with the view of the ICH in Scotland Team at Edinburgh Napier University that it is possible to exploit ICH sensitively to benefit the economy through cultural tourism, with the result that “the creation of funding streams through such economic exploitation is itself a key factor in the longterm safeguarding of the diversity of ICH practices in Scotland” (McCleery et al, 2011). Indeed, it may be not so much a question of tourism constituting a last chance as the absence of tourism constituting a lost chance. Nevertheless, it is accepted that the case for cultural heritage as a tool for economic development needs is not yet fully proven and there is work to be done on behalf of both hosts and guests before it is certain that tourism is able to shake off the label of “ a new

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form of imperialism” (Smith, 2003). Ongoing research in Scotland will contribute to that important goal, so that presently it will not be unreasonable to envisage a role for ‘responsible tourism’ in remaking cultural heritage. In other words, heritage consumption and conservation are not inevitably mutually exclusive; and gatekeepers can also be guardians. REFERENCES Ashworth, J. & Tunbridge, J.E. 1999. Old Cities, New Pasts: heritage planning in selected cities of Central Europe. GeoJournal 49:105-16. Barré, H. 2000. The Cultural Policies for Development. In Tourism and Environment The Natural, Cultural and Socio-Economic Challenges of Sustainable Tourism: 25-28. Strasbourg: Council of Europe Publishing. Fladmark, J.M. 1993. Heritage Conservation, Interpretation and Enterprise. London: Donhead. Fladmark, J.M. 1994. Cultural Tourism. London: Donhead. Grassie, J. 1983. Highland Experiment. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press. Hewison, R. 1987. The Heritage Industry Britain in a climate of decline. London: Methuen. Inskeep, E. 1994. National and Regional Tourism Planning methodologies and case studies. London: Routledge. MacCannell, D. 1973. Staged authenticity: arrangements of social space in tourist settings. American Sociological Review 79: 589-603. MacCannell, D. 1999. The Tourist A New Theory of the Leisure Class. California: University of California Press (originally 1976, New York: Schocken). McCleery, A. 2011. Tourism and Intangible Cultural Heritage: rights, responsibilities and realities in respect of distinctive cultural and social practices. In S. Lira, R. Amoêda & C. Pinheiro (eds), Sharing Cultures 2011. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute. McCleery, A. et al, 2008. Intangible Cultural Heritage in Scotland the way forward. Edinburgh: Museums Galleries Scotland. McCleery, A. et al, 2010. Intangible Cultural Heritage in Scotland: one nation, many cultures. In S. Lira & R. Amoêda (eds), Constructing Intangible Heritage. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute. McCleery, A. et al, 2011. Intangible Cultural Heritage living culture in Scotland. Edinburgh: Edinburgh Napier University. McKercher, B. & du Cros, H. 2002. Cultural Tourism the partnership between tourism and cultural heritage management. London: The Haworth Press. Merriman, N. 1991. Beyond the Glass Case the past, the heritage and the public in Britain. Leicester: Leicester University Press. Middleton, V.T.C. 1997. Marketing issues in heritage tourism: an international perspective. In W. Nuryanti (ed), Tourism and Heritage Management. Yogyakarta: Gadjah Mada University Press, 21319. Richards, G. 2001. The development of cultural tourism in Europe. In G. Richards (ed), Cultural Attractions and European Tourism. Wallingford: CAB International, 3-29. Scheyvens, R. 2002. Tourism for Development empowering communities. Harlow: Pearson Education Shackley, M. 2001. Managing Sacred Sites. London: Continuum. Sigala, M. & Leslie, D. 2005. International Cultural Tourism. Oxford: Elsevier. Smith, M.K. 2003. Issues in Cultural Tourism Studies. London: Routledge. Stebbins, R.A. 1996. Cultural tourism as serious leisure. Annals of Tourism Research 23: 948-50. Timothy, D. & Boyd, S.W. 2003. Heritage Tourism. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. Tunbridge, J. 1998. The question of heritage in European cultural conflict. In B. Graham (ed), Modern Europe Place, culture and identity. London: Arnold, 236-60. Tunbridge, J. & Ashworth, G.J. 1996. Dissonant Heritage the management of the past as a resource in conflict. Chichester: Wiley. Urry, J. 2002. The Tourist Gaze (Second Edition). London: Sage. Uzzell, D.L. 1996. Creating place identity through heritage interpretation. International Journal of Heritage Studies 1(4): 219-28. Walker, P. 2003. Locality Profiling Assessing Sustainability in Tourism Development. Working Papers in Tourism and Culture. Sheffield: Sheffield Hallam University.


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Infill architecture: chasing changes of attitudes in conservation of urban heritage E. Navickienơ Vilnius Gedimino Technical University, Vilnius, Lithuania

ABSTRACT: International regulation for urban heritage started in 1964 (Venice Charter) and since then the scope, methods and means for regulation of new architectural objects in conservation areas have been deepened and revised by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations. The author defines certain stages in evolution of the concept of urban heritage, principles of its conservation and development and, consequently, recommendations for new architectural elements to be integrated into urban heritage sites as quantitative spread and qualitative elaboration. Recommendations for infill architecture started with maintenance of harmony between new building and its historical context on the urban-structural and formalcompositional levels. Later on, they encompassed the reflection of local character, following traditional patterns, continuity of a place’s intangible values and social experience, also highquality architectural standards. The author parallels the change of concepts on international level with the practice of insertion of new architectural objects in Lithuanian historic urban heritage.

1 INTRODUCTION Cultural evolution that includes cultural heritage and architecture as its constituent parts determines the changes of concept and results in the practice of integration of new architectural objects into conservation areas. Despite geographical, political and ethnical peculiarities that make an undeniable impact on the specifics of this development in certain states or regions, the overall cultural evolution progresses according the same laws. The regulation practice by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations regarding heritage conservation reveals this evolution and shifts in the concept of new architectural objects’ integration into urban heritage sites and their interdependence with the practical results. The international regulation of urban heritage started in 1964 (Venice Charter) and since then the concept of urban heritage has broadened and deepened, the number of elements to be conserved increased; consequently, the need, scope, methods and means for regulation of new architectural objects in conservation areas have been revised. The author aims to define and describe characteristic stages of requirements for integration of new architectural elements and, consequently, peculiarities of infill architecture as the outcome of the quantitative spread and qualitative elaboration of the concept of urban heritage and principles of its conservation and development. The impact of changes in urban historical heritage conservation and development regulation on the results in practice is illustrated by examples of characteristic new architectural objects inserted in the historic territories of Lithuanian cities: the capital Vilnius and second largest city Kaunas. Vilnius presents in itself a specific example, because in 1994 Vilnius historic centre was included on the World Heritage List on the basis of the criteria ii and iv (“Criterion ii: Vilnius is an outstanding example of a medieval foundation which exercised a profound influence

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on architectural and cultural developments in a wide area of eastern Europe over several centuries. Criterion iv: In the townscape and the rich diversity of buildings that it preserves, Vilnius is an exceptional illustration of a central European town which evolved organically over a period of five centuries”) (UNESCO, 1994). It might seem paradoxical, but during the Soviet times, before 1990, the practice of Lithuanian infill architecture followed the principles reflected in the international legal documents and experienced analogous shifts as compared to many other European countries, in spite of political restrictions, limited professional collaboration and lack of information from the West (Navickienơ, 2006). A slight difference observed in the recent two decades – encouragement of historicism – is typical to the practices in the states that experienced political changes by the end of the 20th century, so it can be viewed as a peculiarity of the region. 2 INITIAL REQUIREMENT FOR THE VISUAL COMPATIBILITY WITH HISTORIC BUILDINGS (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1964-1972) The initial documents (1964-72) by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations concerning conservation of urban heritage on international level stated the protection of cultural heritage: monuments, groups of buildings and sites; these pieces of urban heritage were considered as indivisible totality, the harmony of which should be constantly preserved (Council, 1968). One of the basic tasks for new developments was to follow historic urban structure: “The introduction of contemporary architecture into ancient groups of buildings is feasible in so far as the town-planning scheme of which it is a part involves acceptance of the existing fabric as the framework for its own future development” (ICOMOS, 1972). At the formation stage of the concept of urban heritage and its conservation, the tangible elements that constitute urban heritage were pointed out for preservation. Limited range of urban heritage prompted to issue appropriate requirements for new elements. Mainly formal-compositional means (mass, colour, scale, rhythm and appearance) for achieving harmony between new building and its historic context were defined: “No new construction, demolition or modification which would alter the relations of mass and color must be allowed” (ICOMOS, 1965); “…only in so far as due allowance is made for the appropriate use of mass, scale, rhythm and appearance” (ICOMOS, 1972); “... protecting it from any new construction or remodelling which might impair the relations of mass or colour between it and its surroundings” (UNESCO, 1972). One more essential statement that consolidates the positions of documents by the UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations is the focus on contemporary expression: “Any extra work which is indispensable must be distinct from the architectural composition and must bear a contemporary stamp” (ICOMOS, 1965); “...that architecture is necessarily the expression of its age...” (ICOMOS, 1972). The emphasis on the contemporary expression might be regarded not only as a categorical recommendation, exclusive for the period, but as a precondition for modern architecture, opposed to recreation and imitation methods. It is noteworthy to mention the recommendation for careful use of contemporary techniques and materials: “Such contemporary architecture, making deliberate use of present-day techniques and materials, will fit itself into an

Figure 1. An example of a standard dwelling building of Modern architecture (the 1960s) “parachuted” to the historical KĊstuþio Street in Kaunas.

Figure 2. The retrospective architecture of the dwelling buildings in Šv. Mikalojaus Str, Vilnius (1969) imitates the historical one avoiding any contemporary expression.


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ancient setting…” (ICOMOS, 1972), that will shift to emphasis of traditional techniques and materials in later documents. The preservation of urban heritage at the starting stage of regulation was static and limited to its physical elements. The basic requirements for new architecture in the territories of urban heritage defined in the international documents of 1964-72 were the following: 1) harmony with the surroundings on urban-structural level; 2) visual harmony with the surroundings in architectural composition; and 3) contemporary stamp. Concentrating on the processes happening in Lithuanian old towns, we can find the causes for these statements in the prevailing practice of infill architecture. The call for urban-structural harmony in the appropriate documents has come from urban mistakes neglecting the street-line, urban scale, average height and size of the neighbouring historic buildings. The call for architectural-compositional harmony has come from visually incompatible architectural scale and appearance of “parachuted” buildings, especially straightforward representatives of Modern movement (Fig. 1). Emphasis on the contemporary expression relates to the phenomenon of retrospective architecture imitating surrounding buildings in simplified manner which was widely popular in the after-war period (Fig. 2). 3 TOWARDS CONTEXTUALITY BY IDENTIFYING A CHARACTER OF A PLACE (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1975-1982) The notion of urban heritage to be preserved is elaborated by territorial spread (named as cultural landscapes) and multi-layering: beside the material culture, new layers constituting urban heritage are added that “include human activities as much as the buildings, the spatial organization and the surroundings” (UNESCO, 1976). More aspects like a source of national identity and cultural continuity filled with social experiences are added to the significance of heritage conservation. Elaboration of the concept of urban heritage and its preservation alters the requirements for infill architecture. Urban-structural and formal-compositional means for achieving harmony between a new building and its historic context are extended and remain of the same importance: “introduction of modern architecture into areas containing old buildings provided that the existing context, proportions, forms, sizes and scale are fully respected” (Council, 1975); “harmony of heights, colours, materials and forms, constants in the way the facades and roofs are built, the relationship between the volume of buildings and the spatial volume, as well as their average proportions and their position…” (UNESCO, 1976), also the need to “observe (…) its relation to the landscape” (ICOMOS, 1975a, Resolutions). Whatever the case, it is understood that structural and formal means are sufficient only for visual compatibility; the new demand of reflecting the character and providing personality to a place appears (ICOMOS, 1975a, Resolutions). The reflection of character as a means of identification is a sensual cognition of an individual case rather than a universal clearly defined and constituted tool for achieving successful integration of new objects into a heritage site. The character, according to Chr. Norberg-Schulz, describes the very nature of locality, which is lost if reduced to analytically definable aspects; it denotes a general comprehensive atmosphere answering to the question how one feels in a certain place (Chr. Norberg-Schulz, 1976). The Declaration of Amsterdam tries to define the character as “the enclosed spaces, the human dimensions, the inter-penetration of functions and the social and cultural diversity” (ICOMOS, 1975b, The Declaration). The definitions of the concept, constitution of character and specifics of the place are still in the initial stage, although we may find them in coherence with memory of the human race, specific atmosphere, values and significance, talents and know-how of artists and highly-qualified craftsmen and traditional activities at urban historical sites – the qualities pointed out in documents that are on the way to embody intangible heritage. The human dimension that newly appeared in the concept of urban heritage and its preservation in full importance and wide range at once, within the scope of the recommendations for new architectural elements was expressed as a need for continuing trades and crafts: “Steps should be taken to ensure that traditional building materials remain available and that traditional crafts and techniques continue to be used” (ICOMOS, 1975b, The Declaration); “it would thus be essential to maintain appropriate existing functions, in particular trades and crafts” (UNESCO, 1976); “The use of regional materials and preservation of local traditional building techniques are essential to satisfactory conservation of small settlements” (ICOMOS, 1982).

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Figure 3. The architecture of a dwelling building in Pilies Str, Vilnius (1979) aims at harmony with the context by using popular clichés, although neither the hip shape of the roof, nor open first floor galleries are characteristic to Vilnius Old Town.


Figure 4. Using Post-Modern language the architecture of the bank office (1978) shows the sensitivity and respect to the context that helps to reach successful unity between different styles, materials and colours.

It was prompted to ensure the continuity of traditions and cultural identity through traditional crafts, building materials and techniques, but not through straightforward imitation repeating the forms, patterns and appearances of historic buildings, as it was typical for the practice until that time. It is important that the uses of regional materials and traditional building techniques “do not conflict with the general principle that any new work should bear the mark of our age” (ICOMOS, 1982) as they are convenient to use in a contemporary way. The need for modern expression is no longer an emphatic recommendation; it goes as a natural option for architecture. On the contrary, it is conceived as something possibly dangerous, if it is introduced irresponsibly instead of historic fabric: “nothing new that we create, however fine, will make good the loss” (Council, 1975); “the future cannot and should not be built at the expense of the past” (ICOMOS, 1975b, The Declaration). The requirements for infill architecture in the period 1975-82 were elaborated. Beside structural and formal integration of a new object into the urban heritage situation that ensures visual and compositional compatibility, the need for more contextual relationship appeared. The notion of context to be reflected in successful integration was deepened; it was considered not just a close surroundings based on visual relationship, but a specific characteristic place. It was understood that the quality of integration depended on the knowledge of a peculiar place and ability to reflect it. These efforts were intended to avoid buildings visually compatible, but not typical for a place (Fig. 3), as there were plenty of them because of both ignorance and influence of the Post-Modern attitude towards architectural work as a set of historic quotes regardless of their origin. More layers for integration of infill architecture into an urban heritage territory were added: reflection of character that embraces qualities of buildings, spaces, functions and social diversity; continuity of traditional building materials, technology and crafts using them in contemporary manner. In practice, the new approach resulted in much more contextual design (Fig. 4). 4 AIMING AT THE ON-GOING EVOLUTION OF MULTIDIMENSIONAL TRADITIONAL PATTERNS (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED IN 1987-1999) The territorial spread (called heritage sprawl) and multi-layering of the cultural heritage continued, consequently the concept of its conservation became heterogeneous. Summing up the former experience, the historic urban heritage is treated as a type of cultural landscape comprised of “the natural and the built environment and the everyday living experience of their dwellers as well” (ICOMOS, 1987), expressed by material and spiritual elements like urban patterns, relationships between buildings and green and open spaces, the formal appearance of buildings, the


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relationship between urban area and its setting, and various functions (ICOMOS, 1987). The UNESCO World Heritage List of cultural properties of an outstanding value was becoming increasingly non-representative, as Europe’s cultural heritage, historic towns and religious buildings were over-represented and listed architecture was ‘elitist’ (Munjeri, 2004). Thus the growing concern about the traditional living cultures, their ‘non-elitist’ heritage, especially the one of indigenous people influenced the charters by Australia (1979, 1981, 1988, 1999), New Zealand (1992) and Americas ICOMOS (1996). The approach to conservation pointed out in the abovementioned charters was a bit different; it turned from freezing the static situation to dynamic process, as safeguarding of people identity, well-being and the cultural meanings and associations inscribed in heritage sites was of major importance: “in certain types of heritage sites, such as cultural landscapes, the conservation of overall character and traditions, such as patterns, forms and spiritual value, may be more important than the conservation of the physical features of the site, and as such, may take precedence” (ICOMOS, 1996). Intangible heritage is accepted as an inherent part of the cultural heritage; its role sprouts up towards the same importance as material fabric. The Australia ICOMOS Burra Charter pointed out the basic components of places of cultural significance for conservation, where only one component out of four is tangible: fabric, uses, associations and meanings; or, stated in more detail: “cultural significance is embodied in the place itself, its fabric, setting, use, associations, meanings, records, related places and related objects” (The Australia, 1999). Historic cities with their intrinsic dynamic nature needed changes for on-going evolution. Methodically restricted “physical changes associated with maintaining the traditional patterns of communal use of the heritage site do not necessarily diminish it's significance and may actually enhance it…” (ICOMOS, 1996); it added extra mission for infill architecture to continue character and traditions and to safeguard identity, as the structural and compositional harmony with the surroundings was insufficient. Recommendations for contemporary infill buildings comprised several aspects. The focus on achieving harmony between new building and their historic context was shifting from urban-structural and formal-compositional means like spatial layout, scale, lot size, bulk, form, and colour (ICOMOS, 1987; The Australia, 1999) to unique features specifying certain piece of urban heritage like overall character, uses, customs, traditions, associations, meanings, texture and materials (ICOMOS, 1992; ICOMOS, 1996; The Australia, 1999). In case a new object further pursued individual characteristics of the context, it was considered contributing to the enrichment of an area. The precautious way in achieving harmony with the surroundings complying with valuable cultural heritage was recommended. The claim for modern expression was moderate: it “should be sufficiently distinct that they can be read as new work” (ICOMOS, 1992), “but imitation should be avoided” (The Australia, 1999). The objective of overall harmony with the surroundings shifted from visual to intrinsic; from generalized to individualistic. The context to be reflected for a successful integration broadened up to a multi-layered place of unique traditional, social and cultural characteristics. Qualitative elaboration of conservation of urban heritage emphasized contextuality of infill architecture by

Figure 5. The building of the Ministry of National Defence (1997) restores to life the silhouette and rhythm of the 14th and 15th century structure of Šv. Ignoto Street, Vilnius by marking the size and position of four Gothic houses

Figure 6. The modest expression, cautious design and obedience to the historical context determines contextual, but passive relationship of an infill dwelling building in Kumeliǐ Str., Kaunas (1993) with its surroundings.

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regulation and know-how (Fig. 5). The regulation of new architecture in urban heritage sites became more complex; its aspects turned to be more numerous and part of them – harder to define in generalised way, especially when they touched upon immeasurable intangible features. In order to conform to regulation and not to compete with valuable context, the results of infill architecture were restrained and cautious (Fig. 6). The ambiguity of such practice – contextuality and passiveness – was especially evident in buildings built during the last decade of the 20th century in historic Lithuanian centres. 5 THROUGH INTANGIBLES TOWARDS HIGH-QUALITY INTERVENTIONS (IN DOCUMENTS ADOPTED SINCE 2000) The scope of international documents adopted in the 21st century elaborates the notion of cultural heritage drawn to its formerly marginal spheres. Our interest covers incorporation of intangible cultural heritage (2003) and the spirit of place (2008) as autonomous parts of cultural heritage. Proper relevance to earlier underestimated intangible part of cultural heritage enables to provide a sense of identity and continuity, to promote respect for cultural diversity and human creativity and to give a richer and more complete meaning to heritage as a whole. As the guarantees for sustainable development, overlapping notions of intangible heritage and the spirit of place “must be taken into account in all legislation concerning cultural heritage, and in all conservation and restoration projects for monuments, sites, landscapes, routes and collections of objects” (ICOMOS, 2008). Having in mind the constant regeneration and the processual nature of both intangible heritage and spirit of place due to change of communities (Jive’n & Larkham, 2003) the objective of conservation is not to safeguard the static condition of the past time, but rather respond actively to the changing environment and continuity of communities, also retaining values. It elaborates the understanding of historic context, to which infill objects must respond: it is not a three-dimensional urban space filled with architectural objects, it is rather a multidimensional place filled with interacting natural, tangible and intangible values and people’s experience of the place treated as an integral part of their society. Analytically identified and described certain elements of spirit of the place and intangible heritage might be included into legislative procedures and regulation for new elements to be inserted into historical urban landscape. In international documents of the last decade “spirit of place is defined as the tangible (buildings, sites, landscapes, routes, objects) and the intangible elements (memories, narratives, written documents, rituals, festivals, traditional knowledge, values, textures, colors, odors, etc.)” (ICOMOS, 2008); the elements of intangible cultural heritage concerning infill objects are defined as social practices, knowledge and traditional craftsmanship (UNESCO, 2003). The given layout is not a detailed recipe or cure-all, as part of given elements repeat former experience and the other part is hardly implemented, but it is a kind of drafted scheme that should be filled for an individual case on local level.


Figure 7. The former exterior view of a Jewish quarter surrounded by Ašmenos, Dysnos and Mơsiniǐ Str., Vilnius (2006) is reconstructed only on street sides in the higher than the original volume.

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Figure 8. The historical origin of the architectural elements and forms in newly designed hotel on Raugyklos Str., Vilnius (2003) conceals its building time and distorts observer’s ability to recognise the age of historical fabric and its authenticity.

The discussion goes on, how intangible elements should be materialized and hardly definable spiritual features be visualized in infill architecture? How the concept of spirit of place could “be employed as a defining quality of the contemporary metropolitan landscape and as a counterweight to its generic aspects? Could this defining quality be formulated […] to provide a ground for individual values?” (De Wit, 2011). As the recommendations for sustainable integration of new infill buildings based on complex multidisciplinary qualities and values become less precise and legible source of information and guidelines for experts and architects involved, the decisions for action scenarios are downloaded to local responsibility that provides the background for slightly different treatment. The complexity and amplitude leaves more space for desirable interpretation that may result in unwelcome processes of false reconstruction, historicism and others. Without standard assessment tools – qualitative or quantitative – “proponents of the historic preservation/heritage conservation movement have long used ‘sense of place’ in an uncritical way to justify their activities whilst ignoring the larger question of exactly which cultural, social and physical elements of an environment comprise sense of place and how this discrete information should affect management plans” (Wells, 2010). In Lithuania, especially in the UNESCO World Heritage Site – Vilnius historic centre – the recent methods of design of infill buildings are oriented towards historicism and reconstruction despite the international documents discourage the reproduction of vanished buildings and structures (Council, 2001), and require to “avoid all forms of pseudo-historical design, as they constitute a denial of both the historical and the contemporary alike” (UNESCO, 2005). Recent Vilnius Old Town legal and regulatory documents encourage identical or image reconstruction of demolished historical buildings (Fig. 7) and non-expressive new buildings in the territory surrounded by former fortification walls and in numerous cases – outside former fortification walls and in periphery of the city, which is questionable. It might be explained by little will to keep up with progressive dynamics, isolation and stagnation in preservation section. In short, the rapid change of Vilnius historical townscape is limited not by quantity of new structures, but by their modern expression (Fig. 8) motivated by preservation of the values and sense of place of the World Heritage Site. In cases when an infill object has not been based on historic vocabulary, it become less and less a pure piece of contemporary architecture and more and more – a composite answer to complicated regulation that decreases architectural quality (Fig. 9). The balanced modern architecture is not practiced as often as one could expect (Fig. 10). The replication-based processes that take part in Vilnius historic centre are not an exception from the rule. The shift towards historicism in historical urban landscape, also influential design paradigms like cultural revitalization or New Urbanism raise the questions of authenticity and ethics and has resulted in discouragement of pseudo-historical design in recent international documents. The steady development towards ‘invisible’ interventions (Meurs, 2007), the prac-

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Figure 9. Pure architectural solution turns into a complicate one due to the request to insert a reconstructed piece of a historic elevation and obligatory sloped roof shape in the design of a hotel in L. Guceviþiaus Str., Vilnius (2004).


Figure 10. The laconic contemporary style of dwelling buildings in Kriviǐ Str., Vilnius (2008) recall detached housing, characteristic for the locality, and materials, also use of modern technologies, and was nominated by national awards.

tice of non-expressive, cautious, passive design, spreading in conservation territories have provoked the focus on high-quality of contemporary infill architecture. It is the new quality- based challenge for new architectural elements beside the constant call for harmony with the surroundings – to achieve the quality worthy to become the heritage of tomorrow (Council, 2001) or the brand of the city’s character, “a strong competitive tool for cities as it attracts residents, tourists, and capital” (UNESCO, 2005). Vienna Memorandum on “World Heritage and Contemporary Architecture – Managing the Historic Urban Landscape” (UNESCO, Vienna, 2005) made a step forward in recommendations of new design in urban historical landscape, as the need for architectural quality has not been pointed out until the 21st century. It accentuates three major keystones for infill architecture: continuity of culture (1) through quality interventions (2), avoiding pseudo-historical design (3) as “ethic standards and a demand for high-quality design and execution, sensitive to the cultural-historical context, are prerequisites for the planning process” (UNESCO, 2005). The attitudes prevailing in Lithuanian conservation areas do not correspond to this point of view: instead of measures intended to preserve and replicate previous situation by freezing the development and restricting modern expression, they should elaborate the methods for consolidating conditions for high-quality architecture, first, to appear in historical parts of the cities and then to be concentrated there. 6 CONCLUSIONS Within the recent five decades, recommendations for integration of infill architecture into historical urban context presented in the international legal documents by UNESCO, ICOMOS and Council of Europe organizations have been developing from visual relationship to intrinsic one, from generalized points of view to prompting individual means and solutions on a local level. The urban-structural and formal-compositional means have been retained as a steady primary regulation for integration of a new building into its historic context. Beside the initial requirement for achieving the visual harmony with historic buildings, in the 1970-ies the encouragement to reflect the local character and follow traditional patterns was added, and recently it has been shifted to continuity of a place’s tangible and intangible values and social experience in high-quality interventions. The latter recommendations to reflect the spirit of place and intangible elements through new infill architecture is a complicated subject to legislate as these notions are hardly definable and legible, at least in the generalised way, they just function as a background for research in individual cases and are related to the impact on the activities of the actors involved on perceptual level.


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A future challenge is to elaborate the methodology how to recognise and define the layers of heritage comprising intangible values and the spirit of place as an objective easy-to-understand tool. The complexity, multidimensionality, and only partial legibility of heritage in historic urban territories have become a headache for those who are concerned about the new developments. As seen in Vilnius case, it may lead to “easy solution” restricting the possibilities for actions even far outside the territory of historic centre, and questionable personal attitudes and competence in conservation section. Overview of Lithuanian experience reveals that elaborated regulation and restrictions, if orientated backwards, lead to rise of contextuality of infill architecture, but foster complicated passive design and create conditions for a tendency towards reconstruction and historicism. Too little space is left for an architect’s creativity that might lead to higher architectural quality; it minimises the possibilities to create ‘the heritage for tomorrow’. Even precise following of the regulations and recommendations does not guarantees a perfect result; there are examples of iconic high-quality architecture based on good intentions, personal sensitivity and know-how of actors involved, but designed in opposition to the academic methodology. The latest call for high-quality standards of infill architecture found in the international documents might be achieved by implementation of obligatory architectural competitions, encouraging the involvement of renowned experienced architects and not restricting creative ideas by mere historicism. REFERENCES Council of Europe 1968. Resolution (68) 12 on the Active Maintenance of Monuments, Groups and Areas of Buildings of Historical or Artistic Interest within the Context of Regional Planning. Available at: https://wcd.coe.int/com.instranet.InstraServlet?command=com.instranet.CmdBlobGet&InstranetImage =584317&SecMode=1&DocId=632536&Usage=2 [Accessed 12 January 2012]. Council of Europe 1975. European Charter of the Architectural Heritage - 1975. Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=170:european-charter-of-the-architecturalheritage&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012]. Council of Europe 2001. Resolution n 1 on the Role of Cultural Heritage and the Challenge of Globalisation. Available at: https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=204231&Site=CM [Accessed 12 January 2012]. De Wit, S.I. 2011. Articulating the Site: The Reflection Garden as a Condensation of the Genius Loci. Nordic Journal of Architecture 1(1): 18-23. ICOMOS Brazilian Committee 1987. First Brazilian Seminar about the Preservation and Revitalization of Historic Centers; Itaipava - 1987. Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-andtexts?id=194:first-brazilian-seminar-about-the-preservation-and-revitalization-of-historic-centersitaipava&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS National Committees of the Americas 1996. The Declaration of San Antonio (1996). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=188:the-declaration-of-sanantonio [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS New Zealand 1992. Charter for the Conservation of Places of Cultural Heritage Value. Available at: http://www.icomos.org/docs/nz_92charter.html [Accessed 12 January 2010]. ICOMOS 1965. International Charter for the Conservation and Restoration of Monuments and Sites (The Venice Charter 1964). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=157:the-venice-charter [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 1972. Resolutions of the Symposium on the introduction of contemporary architecture into ancient groups of buildings, at the 3rd ICOMOS General Assembly (1972). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=383:resolutions-of-the-symposium-on-theintroduction-of-contemporary-architecture-into-ancient-groups-of-buildings-at-the-3rd-icomosgeneral-assembly [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 1975a. Resolutions of the International Symposium on the Conservation of Smaller Historic Towns, at the 4th ICOMOS General Assembly (1975). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=384:resolutions-of-the-internationalsymposium-on-the-conservation-of-smaller-historic-towns-at-the-4th-icomos-generalassembly&catid=180:chartes-et-normes [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 1975b. The Declaration of Amsterdam 1975. Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=169:the-declaration-ofamsterdam&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012].

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ICOMOS 1982. Tlaxcala Declaration on the Revitalization of Small Settlements (1982). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/charters-and-texts?id=385:tlaxcala-declaration-on-therevitalization-of-small-settlements&catid=179:charters-and-standards [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 1987. Charter for the Conservation of Historic Towns and Urban Areas (Washington Charter 1987). Available at: http://www.icomos.org/index.php/en/component/content/article?id=159:charterfor-the-conservation-of-historic-towns-and-urban-areas [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 1994. World Heritage List. Vilnius. No 541. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/advisory_body_evaluation/541.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 2005. Xi'an Declaration on the Conservation of the Setting of Heritage Structures, Sites and Areas. Available at: http://www.international.icomos.org/charters/xian-declaration.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012]. ICOMOS 2008. The Quebec Declaration on the Preservation of the Spirit of the Place. Available at: http://www.international.icomos.org/quebec2008/quebec_declaration/pdf/GA16_Quebec_Declaration_ Final_EN.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012]. Jive’n, G. & Larkham, P.J. 2003. Sence of Place, Authenticity and Character: A Commentary. Journal of Urban Design 8:1: 67-81. Meurs, P. 2007. A Charter for Each Intervention: from Generic to Specific Guidelines. City & Time 3 (3):4: 53-60. Munjeri D. 2004. Tangible and Intangible Heritage: from Difference to Convergence. Museum International. 56(1-2): 12-20. Navickienơ, E. 2006. Nauja architektǌra istorinơje aplinkoje: kǌrimo patirtis. Vilnius: Technika. Norberg-Schulz, Chr. 1976. The Phenomenon of Place. In M. Larice & E. Macdonald (eds), The Urban Design Reader: 125-137. London: Routledge. The Australia ICOMOS 1999. The Burra Charter: The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance 1999. Available at: http://australia.icomos.org/wp-content/uploads/BURRA-CHARTER1999_charter-only.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 1972. Recommendation concerning the Protection, at National Level, of the Cultural and Natural Heritage. Available at: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpURL_ID=13087&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 1976. Recommendation Concerning the Safeguarding and Contemporary Role of Historic Areas. Available at: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpURL_ID=13133&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 1994. World Heritage List. Vilnius. No 541. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/advisory_body_evaluation/541.pdf [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 1998. Suzhou Declaration on International Co-operation for the Safeguarding and Development of Historic Cities. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/suzhou.htm [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Available at: http://portal.unesco.org/en/ev.phpURL_ID=17716&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html. [Accessed 12 January 2012]. UNESCO 2005. Vienna Memorandum on World Heritage and Contemporary Architecture – Managing the Historic Urban Landscape. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/uploads/activities/documents/activity-48-3.doc [Accessed 12 January 2012]. Wells, J.C. 2010. Our History is not False: perspectives from the Revitalisation Culture. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16(6): 464-485.


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Passive resistance in the poem “Black Woman” D. Pardo University of Central Oklahoma, Edmond, OK, US

ABSTRACT: Poet Nancy Morejon, in her collection of poems, Where the Island Sleeps Like a Wing, (1985), shuns myths and stereotypes of blacks, replacing these with more authentic images of blacks in the Caribbean. She has conscientiously concentrated on a new racial reality that depicts a more believable portrayal of blacks in literature. I examine the theme of black identity with an emphasis on pride in the poem “Black Woman” from the same collection. Considered “maroon literature” by Josaphat Kubayanda in Minority Discourse and the African Collective: Some Examples from Latin American and Caribbean Literature, (1985), the term, which has roots in “guerrilla resistance movements among Blacks…” (124), allows these writers to escape the canon’s criteria while resorting to one that reflects the distinctive aspects that shaped the black psyche in the Caribbean.

In the last thirty years there has been a trend in Spanish-Caribbean island literature to focus on the theme of black identity as an expression of racial pride. This emphasis counteracts stereotypical images of blacks in such earlier works as Sab (1841) by Gertrudis Gómez de Avellaneda, Cecilia Valdés (1882) by Cirilo Villaverde, and María (1867) by Jorge Isaacs (among others), which depict docile blacks dwelling in the suffering and humiliation of mental bondage. There has been an absence of images in early Latin American works that portray blacks as worthy or dignified. As different ideological and aesthetic trends evolve, however so does the intellectual consciousness of contemporary writers who challenge the prevailing features of the mainstream nineteenth and early twentieth century Latin American literature. Poet Nancy Morejón (1944) from Cuba, for example, in the bilingual collection of poems, Where the Island Sleeps Like a Wing (1985), diligently concentrates on conveying a new racial reality that depicts a more believable portrayal of blacks. The theme of black identity in the poem “Black Woman” from this collection unswervingly asserts black pride. Whereas black images were once denigrated or nearly non-existent in Latin American literature Morejón presents black images and identities in realistic fashion in order to deconstruct the formerly conjured depictions. The poem reflects Cuban historical issues and presents a fresh perspective of the black image. The historical facts epitomize strength and courage and offer an alternative to the misrepresentation of black characters in Latin American literature. Moreover, the historical content of the poem is a source of accessible positive information to reeducate a collective generally resigned to the dominant pattern of stereotypical misrepresentation. The discourse in the poem mirrors features of “maroon literature,” used by Josaphat Kubayanda in “Minority Discourse and the African Collective: Some Examples from Latin American and Caribbean Literature.” (1985) The term, which has roots in “guerrilla resistance movements among Blacks” (124), suggests a challenging discourse that ventures to counterattack the conventionally disparaging image of blacks in literature. In his essay Kubayanda postulates that the

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discourse [. . .] emerged largely against this backdrop of Caribbean self-review and self-recognition; it served as an intellectual and cultural attempt to affirm a Caribbean affinity with Africa as well as to express faith in the Caribbean person [. . .] the idea of Africa and of the Caribbean was articulated in the very European languages for which Africa and the African diaspora had been nothing but a shadow Africa. (Kubayanda 116) Kubayanda parallels writers of maroon literature to resistance guerrillas such as Enriquillo, from the Dominican Republic, Cudjoe from Jamaica, the mambises (the black liberation army) from Cuba, the Quilombos of Brazil, the Nat Turners of the United States, and all those who fought the powers of the time. The legacy of their resistance bequeaths to writers of this character to mission to escape the canon’s criteria and replace it with a discourse inclusive of distinctive Afrocentric features. Kubayanda claims the this sort of semantic raises and nurtures a combative consciousness through linguistic subversiveness. Here its function is the affirmation of the roots of a minority culture. It has a collective value because its goal is to arouse and nourish a collective sensibility. (119) The poem “Black Woman” embodies “a combative consciousness” unveiled through the “affirmation of the roots of a minority culture,” in this case; the cultural traditions and historical and heroic references symbolize pride and may serve to interrogate negative images of the past. With this in mind, my overall objective is to examine the emphasis on black pride as it appears in the poem “Black Woman” in order to highlight some constructive aspects of blacks lived experience normally omitted from Latin American literature. Although the nucleus of the poem delineates the history of black people in Cuba, I will concentrate on some African cultural traditions and achievements of the enslaved Africans and their descendants in Cuba. I postulate that the elevation of black pride based on the recollection and “adaptation” (Kubayanda) of cultural traditions and historical facts function to amend the images reflected in literature. That is, “African/African-American linguistic forms customarily thought to be outside the possibilities of creativity” are displayed in this poem with a sense of pride. Furthermore, Morejón’s poem may effect a reconstruction of the denigrated black image in Latin American literature by recovering and narrating factual occurrences which offer a more realistic viewpoint among blacks. The poem, which traces the history of black people in Cuba from a woman’s perspective, is structured in seven stanzas with a verse between them. In the first four stanzas, the poetic voice alludes to the Middle Passage, pictures the arrival of slaves in Cuba, the initiation process and the acceptance of enslavement, and paints an accurate picture of the hardships of slaves and their adjustment in the new land. The lines between the stanzas, “I rebelled, I walked, I incited, I worked hard, I went to the mountains, and I came down from the Sierra,” are arranged in the poem as anticipated movements in a crescendo. These movements predict approaching transformations for the enslaved as becomes evident in the last three stanzas of the poem. In the last three stanzas a shift is evident and the themes now pertain to resistance, achievement, and the glorification of the Cuban Revolution. The narrator’s theme in the beginning stanzas centers on adaptation to slavery whereas the final stanzas exhibit the triumphs of the enslaved Africans and their descendants. The opening stanzas typify Kubayanda’s theory of “self-review and self-recognition,” which he claims developed “… as an intellectual and cultural attempt to affirm a Caribbean affinity with Africa…” (Kubayanda 116). For instance, the poetic voice validates the process of selfreview as she narrates her first encounter with the new world through a recurring flashback which vividly recreates the image of the ship sailing the seas, the waves slapping against its hull as it concludes the journey of the Middle Passage, a passage which was thought to have fractured ancestral ties as it uprooted the enslaved. According to Brathwaite however modern research is pointing to a denial of this, showing that African culture not only crossed the Atlantic, it crossed, survived, and creatively adapted itself to its new environment. Caribbean culture was therefore not “pure” African, but an adaptation carried out mainly in terms of African tradition. (103) The words and phrases, “lost cost, ancestral language, and Mandinga epic,” directly confirm the “attempt to affirm a Caribbean affinity with Africa as well as to express … the idea of Africa and of the Caribbean.” It establishes a kinship with Africa and suggests that although the an-


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cestral culture may be remote it is not forgotten. The fragmented recollections of customs, beliefs, and rituals also disclose the gradual progress of the process of “adaptation.” On the one hand, the recollection and assessment of the journey acknowledges of its occurrence, a feature of “self-review and self-recognition” (Kubayanda); on the other, it corroborates Brathwaite’s idea that Cuban culture has retained some elements of African tradition, but these elements have accommodated the Caribbean culture and are “… carried out mainly in terms of African tradition.” An instance of this “adaptation” in the poem is conveyed by the narrator, who wishes to attribute human qualities to the clouds and the ocean, when she states that “not even the ocean could remember the night” and refers to “the above clouds, the innocent present witnesses.” In the Yoruba tradition, from West Africa, nature is able to take on human characteristics for the purpose of restoring order and providing solutions. However, in the poem nature is unable to perform an African cultural tradition and perhaps intervene in the process of enslavement that awaits the captive. In this case, nature remains a silent witness incapable of disturbing the course of history or interceding on behalf of the enslaved. The invocation of nature as witness, however, demonstrates that cultural and ancestral beliefs have not totally disappeared and that “Blacks segregated from original communities and enslaved either lost their traditional mores or observed them surreptitiously. (Moreno-Fraginals 13) For various reasons African religious elements (Santería and Voodoo) survived in the Caribbean. The chief reason was the landholders’ failure to acknowledge the depth of the African slaves’ ties to ancestral beliefs, rituals, and practices. The landholder was so preoccupied with the productivity of the slaves that he failed to realize the slaves’ participation in Christian ceremonies and rituals disguised their own religious practices. The first stanzas of the poem assert a “self-review” and self-recognition,” a kinship with Africa, and accords with Kubayanda’s claim that this linkage “has a collective value because its goal is to arouse and nourish a collective sensibility.” This idea correlates with Deleuze and Guattari’s belief that the language of a “minor literature” expresses particularities and idiosyncrasies that on the one hand protest the injustices of dominant culture and major language, while on the other hand creating a new utterance filled with intensities relative and representative of the members of the minority group. In the last three stanzas of the poem, the narrator’s focus shifts from a sense of loss and alienation observable in the beginning stanzas to an exhibition of the triumphs and accomplishments of blacks. In this section, the historical background of resistance concentrates on the maroons, runaway fugitive slaves, and their places of refuge, called palenques. The great feats of runaway slaves provide a stimulus for the restoration of the black image. Morejón’s tribute to runaway slaves stresses the importance of their legacy which persuaded future generations to resist injustices. The stanzas in this section substantiate a more assertive sense of self. As early as the sixteenth century and through the abolition of slavery (1886) in the nineteenth century, the maroons established settlements in the mountains. The palenques provided a base from which they could assemble, plan, and execute revolts against plantation owners. Flight to the wilderness, where they built and settled in secluded areas, provided a sense of community and protection for slaves, and a life free of captivity for blacks from different ethnic backgrounds. In an effort to divide and conquer and to circumvent any gathering of common ethnic cultures, the planters sought to ensure that, Large groups of slaves were never made up of Africans of a single ethnic group: that is, … slaves from various regions, speaking different languages or dialects, with different feelings of hostility towards each other, were deliberately grouped together. (Moreno-Fraginals 7) Although the plantation owners sought to disrupt the stability of African traditions, the mixed ethnicities in the maroon communities were able to form solidarity and preserve fragments of cultural traditions. The planters used ethnic diversity among Africans as a way of creating friction and separation in order to thwart any sense of camaraderie; however, the fact that the fraternities and religions of Abakuá, Lucumí, and Santería exist today proves that their strategy was not totally effective because these fraternities and religions demonstrate their dynamic fusion of a variety of African traditions/religions. (Megenney 122) Thousands of courageous blacks, including maroons, filled the ranks of the Liberation Army for the struggle for Cuban liberation from Spain. The narrator, a maroon herself, acknowledges

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a movement of resistance that emerged in order to give a new meaning to freedom. The line between the fifth and sixth stanzas “I went to the mountain” indicates the narrator’s flight from captivity. She claims, “my independence was in the palenque / and I galloped among the troops of Maceo,”1 which reveals her determination to resist and fight for freedom and independence. The mulatto Antonio Maceo, a highly respected freedom fighter who started out as a foot soldier and advanced to the rank of general, inspired a high level of confidence and self-respect among slaves and blacks fighting in the War of Independence. He made his command post in the palenque where the women set up makeshift hospitals, workshops, and other services that provided aid to those fighting the war. Maceo, known as the “Bronze Titan,” accompanied by other Afro-Cuban military leaders including his brother, attracted many runaway slaves to fight in the War of Independence. Although the runaway slaves contributions seemed great and worthy of praise, conditions for blacks did not significantly change after the War of Independence (1895-98). In fact, conditions for Afro-Cubans and the poor rapidly deteriorated. Nevertheless, their legacy provides the bridge to a new method of challenging the oppressive and repressive regimes that governed the country. Morejón respectfully honors these freedom fighters because they represent a legacy of resistance that served to stimulate and ignite future generations. These future generations in the poem are those who “came down from the Sierra” to seek freedom and equality for all people in Cuba. The last line of the poem evokes Fidel Castro returning from the mountain to put an end “capitalism and usurers,” and it ends with the narrator’s outcry “now I exist: only today do we have and create.” The personal “I,” throughout the poem, becomes a collective “we” in this stanza to suggest the power of the people. The narrator envisions the greatness of the “sea” and the power of “magic” and anticipates it to a future filled with hope and a new day in Cuba. It bears repeating that the nucleus of the poem “Black Woman” delineates the history of black people in Cuba: the first few stanzas concentrate on the loss suffered as a result of displacement, dismemberment, and rupture; while the last few stanzas propose an alternative perspective that counteracts this sense of loss. The first stanzas in the poem for example divulge the process of “adaptation” in various forms. This essay has focused on certain customs, beliefs, and rituals that suffered rupture, however despite a process of acculturation certain features of the African culture remain in the Caribbean. The lines in between the stanzas, “I rebelled, I walked, I incited, I worked more, I went to the mountain, and I came down from the Sierra,” suggest a movement toward liberty. Taken as a whole, these verses denote a transformation, a leap to another consciousness, an imperative action that empowers the enslaved and grants them the ability to dismantle the shackles, above all the mental ones. In the last three stanzas of the poem, the exalted legacy of the maroon is highly celebrated because it symbolizes defiance as well as hope for those who refused to submit to despair. Many maroons displayed courage by enlisting in the military forces to fight against the Spanish colonial forces during the War of Independence. This provided a sense of pride for those fighting for a cause side by side with the military Mulatto leader Antonio Maceo. The invocation of a name such as that of the hero Maceo motivates the Cuban people: “the builders of his legend will invent for him appropriate adventures in depth. These will be pictured as journeys into miraculous realms, and are to be interpreted as symbolic” (Campbell 321). The reverence and praise of notable heroes and historical events are emblematic because they offer alternatives and most of all hope to the Cuban people. The final stanza glorifies the ongoing Cuban Revolution, which embodies “a struggle which mobilizes all classes of the people and which expresses their aims and their impatience, which is not afraid to count almost exclusively on the people’s support, [and] will of necessity triumph” (Fanon 246). The poem ends by reaching a climax that discounts the repressive and oppressive factors of colonialist and pre-revolutionary Cuba, and celebrates and glorifies the Cuban Revolution, which gained control of all aspects of Cuba’s national interests for Cuban people. Nancy Morejón addresses the lack of positive black images in Latin American literature by providing a more authentic picture of blacks, commensurate with their rich culture, traditions, and history. In spirit, the poem resists and subverts the conventional literary discourse through inclusion of Cuban cultural traditions that typically have been excluded.


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ENDNOTES 1

“There would have been varying degrees of acculturation among the maroons, for house slaves as well as field slaves as well as field slaves escaped, imported Africans and Cubans born slaves populated the palenques.” (Brandon 66)

REFERENCES Benítez-Rojo, Antonio. The Repeating Island. Trans. James E. Maraniss. Durham: Duke UP, 1996. Brandon, George. Santeria from Africa to the New World The Dead Sell Memories, Indiana: Indiana UP, 1997. Brathwaite, Edward Kamau. “The African Presence in Caribbean Literature.” Africa in Latin America. Ed. Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Manuel Moreno, Trans. Leonor Blum. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1984. Campbell, Joseph. The Hero With a Thousand Faces. New York: Pantheon Books, 1949. Damas, German Carrera. “Flight and Confrontation.” Africa in Latin America. Ed. Manuel Moreno Fraginals, Trans. Leonor Blum. New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1984. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. Toward a Minor Literature. Trans. Dana Polan. Minneapolis: Minnesota UP, 1986. Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Trans. Constance Farrington. New York: Grove Press, 1963. Franco, José Luciano. “Mariana and Maceo” Afrocuba an Anthology on Cuban Writing on Race, Politics and Culture. Ed. Pedro Pérez Sarduy, and Jean Stubbs, Melbourne: Ocean Press, 1993. Gómez de Avellaneda, Gertrudis. Sab. Madrid: Ediciones Cátedra, 1999. González-Wippler, Migene. Santería magia africana en Latinoamérica. México, D.F.: Editorial Diana, 1976. Hartman, Saidiya V. Scenes of Subjection Terror, Slavery, and Self-Making in Nineteenth-Century America. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1997. Howard, Phillip A. Changing History Afro-Cuban Cabildos and Societies of Color in the Nineteenth Century. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 1998. Isaacs, Jorge. María. Madrid: Cátedra, 1998. Jackson, Richard L. Black Writers in Latin America. Albuquerque: New Mexico UP, 1994. ---. Black Literature and Humanism in Latin America. Athens: Georgia UP, 1988. Kubayanda, Josaphat B. "Minority Discourse and the African Collective: Some Examples from Latin American and Caribbean Literature." Cultural Critique 6. (Spring 1987): 113-30. Jackson, Richard L. Black Writers in Latin America. Albuquerque: New Mexico UP, 1994. Megenney, William W. Cuba y Brasil Etnohistoria del empleo religioso del lenguaje afroamericano. Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1999. Morejón, Nancy. Where the Island Sleeps Like a Wing. Trans. Kathleen Weaver. San Francisco: The Black Scholar Press, 1985. Moreno Fraginals, Manuel. “Cultural Contributions and Deculturation” Africa in Latin America. Ed. Moreno Manuel Fraginals, Manuel, Trans. Leonor Blum. New York: Holmes & Meier Publishers, 1984. Ortíz, Fernando. Cuban Counterpoint Tobacco and Sugar. Trans. Harriet De Onís. North Carolina, Durham: Duke UP, 1995. Villaverde, Cirilo. Cecilia Valdés o la loma del ángel. Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1981. West, Cornel. Prophetic Reflections Notes on Race and Power in America. Maine: Common Courage Press, 1993. ---. Keeping Faith Philosophy and Race in America. New York and London: Routledge, 1993. Wylie, Hal. “Negritude and Beyond: The Quest for Identity and Meaning.” Interdisciplinary Dimensions of African Literature (1985): 43-51.

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Africa: tourism and heritage M. G. P. da Passano Associate Professor of Anthropology, DAFIST, Faculty of Letters and Philosophy, University of Genoa, Italy

ABSTRACT: Tourism is a subject of interest for anthropology as it touches upon important issues and concepts such as authenticity, modernity, ethnicity, identity, memory, and the “invention of tradition” – which are components of social changes and the focus of both anthropology and cultural studies. In Africa, heritage policies used to be a product of the hegemonic colonial experience that involved the entire continent. Today’s tourism is affected by important economic interests that can shape the heritage policies of exotic countries (sometimes even in contrast with local interests) and influence local economies and environmental.

1 HERITAGE ISSUES To an ever increasing degree, studies of the anthropology of tourism that are based on direct experience in the field often end up demonstrating how – in the context of processes of patrimonialization and the exploitation for the purposes of tourism of (tangible and intangible) environmental and cultural assets – a kind of “authenticity” comes to be constructed within the much-reviled “inauthenticity” of tourism, and this highlights the complex interplay of appropriations and negotiations that occur in every process of “touristification”. Particular emphasis is placed on the issues of identity and politics within the myth of “authenticity.” In other words, field research by anthropologists of tourism has also served to contribute to some extent to the long ongoing deconstruction of the dichotomy between authenticity and artifice, starting from the assumption that, as Ulf Hannerz writes (Hannerz, 2001: 36), “we must abandon the idea that the local is autonomous and has its own integrity, and affirm instead that it has meaning rather as an arena in which various influences come together”. What this line of thought highlights is the role of identity negotiation (with all the implications – economic, political, ethical and aesthetic – this may have) within the dynamics of cultural appropriation and re-appropriation. Space for negotiation is a crucial dimension within the broader perspective that links the creation and recreation of cultures and places to the processes of local construction of identity, traditions and authenticity – processes that have contributed to the institutionalization of heritage and tourism of African societies as “ethnic”, “pristine” and “original” cultures. In the present-day contexts of African tourism, the practice of negotiation thus refers to “contact relations” who as James Clifford points out, “are never transparent or free of appropriation” (Clifford, 2004: 38). Looking at things on a larger scale, when we address key issues such as the multiple facets of authenticity, the staging of memory and identity and the construction of feelings of belonging – to a place, a territory, a culture – we are forced to ask questions primarily about the very meaning of heritage in non-Western contexts. What merits the label “heritage” in cultures other than Western European culture (the only one to have developed the universalistic notion of “heritage”)? Memorial sites, monuments, ar-

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chitecture, festivals, signs, images? What objects, and representative of what history? What forms of art and craft production (“traditional”, contemporary)? The most important point of convergence between tourism and anthropology is the construction of heritage (artistic, landscape, human) – with all the processes that this construction brings into play, from the production of authenticity to the reconstruction of ethnicity and the resemantization of the past, and so on – and this is at the heart of contemporary critical thought within cultural studies. Closely related to this is the equally widely debated issue of the commercialization of culture and heritage. Given the complexity of the issue at stake, the question of heritage and the relationship between identity, memory (or rather, often conflicting and incompatible memories) and heritage, is crucial in the former colonized societies that until recently were the subject of research of traditional ethnology tand are now exotic tourist destinations. 2 THE LEGACY OF COLONIALISM We should not forget, on the one hand, the important role the colonial gaze played in the formation of the identity of the colonizer and the colonized, in the birth of tourism in areas outside Europe (in Africa tourism was “invented” by whites in the latter half of the nineteenth century in the wake of colonial expeditions) and in the consolidation of the media image of exotic lands as places frozen in time. Nor, on the other hand, should we overlook the importance of global economic and tourist interests (which do not necessarily coincide with the interests of local populations) in relation to the heritage policies of countries which are exotic holiday destinations, mostly backward countries whose fragile economies end up being extremely dependent on tourism. Undoubtedly a significant factor contributing to the uncertainty of the future of the environmental and cultural heritage in many “exotic locations” is the invasiveness of the tourist industry based on the experience of another ethnicity. This market, with its neo-colonial consumerist logic (which demands the insatiable annexation of ever new horizons to the dreams and economy of the West), is reinforced by the prevailing tendency among central and local authorities in the countries of the South to regard natural and cultural landscapes as an economic resource to be exploited.BWithin this perspective, use is made of models of land management and modification borrowed from the West, and sizes and characteristics of places are constrained to meet the demands of a mass tourism that imposes standardized structures. And even when the opposite approach is taken (as in the “protectionism” adopted in nature management in Africa during the colonial and post-colonial era with the creation of parks and protected areas) and an area becomes “off-limits” to local populations (denying them traditional rights of use on nature reserves and in most cases forcing them to move out), this is done in the name of a vision of preserving “original” landscapes which has also been imported from the colonizing countries. If we want to “deconstruct” our idea of Africa as a land of unspoiled human and physical landscapes we need only think of how little, generally speaking, the staging of a “preserved authenticity” that corresponds to tourists’ perceptions has to do with local experience (at best it is the folkloric reconstruction of identities and cultural specificities). 3 BETWEEN STEREOTYPE AND LIVED IDENTITY The banality of tourism is a phenomenon from which no one is totally free and Western tourists, more or less consciously, all fall into the category of “exemplary cases of African tourism” and as such are inevitably prisoners of ideologies and clichés (Simonicca, 2007: 72). Without forgetting the simplifications that any interpretation of the complex tourist experience entails and also bearing in mind the diversity of approach taken by the various types of tourists, what is quite clear is that the only real meeting point between “white visitors and black population”(Celati, 1998:19) is the sphere of bargaining. It is equally clear that the game played out between white tourists – “rich, powerful, modern, buyers of everything” (Celati, 1998: 11) – and the natives who “out of a sense of natural justice” see them “as cows to be milked” (Celati, 1998: 21) is an “unequal battle” (the expression comes from Olu Oguibe).


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The processes of negotiation between hosts and guests certainly operate within a framework where the consumption of exoticism is influenced by the continued imbalance of power between the African world and the Western world (that being said, we should not forget the manipulation of this assumption of inequality by the local population). Nonetheless, however much it is determined by power relations that are put up with or negotiated, and however predictable is its continuous oscillation between conflict and reconstruction, bargaining between the involved parties leads to outcomes that are not necessarily predictable and brings out the many “transversal factors” which affect the construction and expression of identity in local tourism circuits. In spite of a certain repetitiveness in their respective ways of manipulating the codes of the other and despite the tendency on the part of both sides to attribute certain characteristics and motivations to their interlocutors as a matter of course, each negotiation is a re-interpretation and as such only partly follows a predetermined script. In the game played out between those who have come to experience the exotic and those who see their role as selling the exotic, the economy comes up against the imaginary. The fact that in bargaining the local actors enact their culture according to our expectations, but also according to their desires and cognitive resources, changing things according to what opportunities and contexts are available, and in most cases adopting quite flexible attitudes towards claimed “traditions” should not be interpreted as passive acceptance or opportunistic adaptation (Lane, 1988: 66). It should rather be seen as confirmation of the observation that every tourist negotiation is not only laden with very real interests but is also an exchange of social signs: the negotiation of image, identity and power between natives and tourists, but also within the same host communities, is never absent. Furthermore, the fact that, generally speaking, host societies, yesterday invaded by settlers and today by tourists, show ambivalent attitudes towards Westernization, often proving themselves capable of cultural creativity in their construction of an interface with the “hordes” of guests, forces on us the anthropological reflection that we should not undervalue the hegemony and resistance that emerges in traditional and local policies, especially in colonized contexts in the economy and the imaginary. The refunctionalization of tradition and the staging of memory in present-day contexts where there is an increasing commercialization of “exotic” cultures linked to the tourist consumption of places, narratives and identities, leads to an ongoing revisitation of history and anthropology in local communicative policies. These strategies of exploiting one’s own heritage constitute a privileged field for the study of the transformations, redefinitions and renegotiations of identity. The unresolved controversy surrounding the costs and benefits of mass tourism (both development factor and source of wealth for countries in difficulty on the one hand, and on the other, the engine driving consumerist commodification, which is destructive both of the environment and of the cultural and social fabric) occurs in all regions of the Third World that are in the process of modernization. 4 QUESTIONS OF POWER, IMAGINARY AND TOURISM POLICIES In Africa, however, the anthropological debate on tourism and heritage takes on particular importance for three reasons. First, since the phenomenon of neo-colonial and colonial rule in Africa affects the whole of the continent (albeit in different ways), the interaction between local politicians, those who control (mostly foreign) capital and the “constructed” imaginary that underlies the action of the first two emerges in all its complexity. In assessing the meaning and the impact that the phenomenon of tourism may have, we must not only take into account the social and economic repercussions, but also address this burden of representation which in the past has made Africa an “immobile continent” (Moravia, 1972) to be used and consumed by the imperialist and colonialist system, and that even today continues to show its power to act on the Western imagination and on the African dynamics of retraditionalization. Tourism in Africa, especially when it focuses on cultural and ethnic resources, is the continuation of a discourse that has never stopped producing phantasms and misunderstandings, barriers and hierarchies. The second reason is related to the first. Patrimonialization has been established in Africa through foreign eyes and intentions. The events that have given African societies international recognition of their local heritage (a fact which launched the development of tourism) should

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therefore be regarded as part of a process of cultural contamination; this interpretation brings out the balance of power and constraints of power that emerge in the mapping of local resources and their use for exploitation and / or income. In light of the already mentioned fact that, in the case of Africa, centuries of contact with Europeans and decades of colonization had already forced local people to rethink their relationship with memory and identity, and considering that, more generally speaking, matters relating to environmental and cultural heritage reflect the tensions produced by the intersection of layered and contradictory representations and memories, as well as different and conflicting expectations and interests, it should come as no surprise that the colonial imagination still seems to play an important role (it should be stressed that it is very much present in those in charge of the psychological and economic investment in exotic tourism) in policies of regional and local African tourist consumption and heritage construction. These policies, however conceived, necessarily relate to the set of stereotypes and prejudices that fuel the western market of travel and escapism into the “primordial” and “authentic” worlds of Africa. In general, local governments seem to endorse the images that the West has produced, as the many processes of patrimonialization and museification continue to testify. One need only think of the almost universal adoption by African states of neo-colonial strategies of exploiting their tangible and intangible heritage (from the various means of constructing authenticity and the picturesque to the processes of aestheticization and exoticization of landscape and local life). These imported strategies, designed to maximize a place’s tourist appeal and which serve the logic of post-colonial exploitation (Rami Ceci, 2005: 43 and 58-59), also ultimately change the self-perception of local communities by encouraging processes of identity re-appropriation and re-classification. From this perspective we can see in the phenomenon of tourism not only the assimilation of a hegemonic language, but also the ability of local actors to use to their advantage the key words of the lexicon of the West “in search of adventure” in African otherness – words such as “tradition”, “exotic” and “primitive”. From hunter to hunted, in his constant search for “tribal” arts and rituals the white tourist (whether traveller or merchant) is trapped inside the constructions that he himself has helped to create throughout history, and as such becomes a victim of scams (one need only think of counterfeit works of art or the involvement of “white people” in esoteric rituals). It should also be pointed out that in African contexts of tourism there is an evident overlapopposition, as described by Alexander Simonicca (Simonicca, 2006: 35), between “cold authenticity”, typical of institutional constructors of images, and “hot authenticity”, created on site by residents. The latter is linked to the increasingly strong desire to regain possession of local forms of religion, music, dance and art in general and to conceive of them as a heritage to preserve and “sell” outside Africa or to the various groups of tourists who visit the continent. The third, but not least important, reason is that Africa, a world “saturated with the planetary imaginary” (Amselle, 2001:14) in which traditional mass tourism destinations continue to record – despite widespread political and social instability, and despite statistics indicating a decline in tourism in several areas of the continent – a substantial influx of visitors, is also the land where most of the poorest countries in the world are concentrated. Nowadays, despite the diversity of contexts and within the framework of stories and institutions that differ greatly from place to place (Africa offers a wide range of situations from the tourist point of view), the fundamental questions about the role of tourism in relation to the definition of cultural heritage, the use of this definition for the purposes of shaping the land, and the procedures for protecting and reworking heritage, are posed across the whole continent. 5 “UNCONTAMINATED” LANDSCAPES: PARADISE OR INFERNO? Although developed in different forms and motivated by different philosophies, the proposed models of tourism inevitably bring with them a great number of contradictions.Mass tourism is a phenomenon that reveals the paradoxes and the cruelties of the world we live in and that, as Abdelwahab Bouhdiba writes, “Injects the behaviour of a society of superfluity into a society of need.”


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This certainly does not help resolve the imbalances and social and economic concerns that continue to trouble Africa. Africans today want to take advantage of globalization and consumerism; in other words, they aspire to modernity, and their aspiration is reflected in the desire to gain access to a world of privileges from which they often believe, for various reasons, they have been excluded. Barriers and borders, both internal and external to the continent, are the new forms of exclusion of people who are demanding that which is precluded from them a priori.As Ferguson (Fergusson, 2005) suggests, the dimension to analyze, therefore, is space. The “marginalized” are not expecting a better future, but they move in space to look for it, even when the enterprise is highly risky and has only minimal chance of success. The very same places that represent Edenic scenery for tourists from the northern hemisphere are often experienced as hell by the natives, places from which they wish to escape to the paradises of West.This movement represents a form of asymmetry which tourism and migration clearly demonstrate.The “white man” must not only embody the category to which he has been assigned, but also explain why he was able to reach Africa with his papers in order and after a comfortable trip, whereas young Africans are faced with increasingly high barriers designed to keep them in one place, one country – or at least within their own continent. REFERENCES Amselle, J.-L. 2001. Connessioni. Antropologia dell’universalità delle culture, Turin, Bollati Boringhieri, (Branchements. Antropologie de l’universalité des cultures, 2001, Paris, Flammarion,). Clifford, J. 2004. Ai margini dell’antropologia. Interviste, Rome, Meltemi (On the Edges of Anthropology, 2003, Chicago, Prickly Paradgm Press LLC). Celati, G. 1998. Avventure in Africa, Milan, Feltrinelli. Ferguson, J. 2005. “Decomposing modernity: history and hierarchy after development”, in A. Loomba, S. Kaul, M. Bunzl, A. Burton and J. Esty (eds). Postcolonial Studies and Beyond, Durham, Duke University Press. Hannerz, U. 2001 La diversità culturale, Il Mulino, Bologna (Transnational Connections. Culture, People, Places, 1996, Routledge, London-New York). Lane, P.J. “Tourism and Social Change among the Dogon”, African Arts, Vol. XXI (4), 1988: 66-69 and 92. Moravia, A. 1972. A quale tribù appartieni?, Milan, Bompiani. Rami Ceci, L. (ed.), 2005 Turismo e sostenibilità. Risorse locali e promozione turistica come valore, Rome, Armando editore. Simonicca, A. 2006. Viaggi e comunità. Prospettive antropologiche, Rome, Meltemi. Simonicca, A. 2007. “Turismo fra discorso, narrativa e potere”, in Marco Aime (ed.) Antropologia del turismo, La ricerca folklorica, 56, pp.7-29.

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Underground housing in Crevillente (Spain): a way of living or an economic necessity? B. Piedecausa García Department of Architectural Constructions. University of Alicante. Spain

S. Chinchón Yepes Department of Architectural Constructions. University of Alicante. Spain

ABSTRACT: Excavated architecture has been a traditional way of sheltering people for over the years by enduring into the present due to a proper typological evolution. These simple typologies of housing do not need extra energy contribution for their interior conditioning in summer or winter and propose different modes to deal with the territory and its geographical features, obtaining interesting urban and architectural solutions transferable to current configurations based on ground thermal inertia. Due to this, as it seems interesting to comprehend the existent formal and material characteristics of underground houses, the aim of this paper is first to analyse the main typologies of excavated dwelling existing in Crevillente(Spain); second, to identify their excavation process and finally to evaluate the influence of this typology in the area and the possibility of its continuity. This work is part of the doctoral thesis of the first author.

1 INTRODUCTION In general, there are four major types of excavated architecture according to their direction of excavation: Horizontal, Vertical, Shallow and Mixed underground architectures. In the two first there is a minimal human intervention in the configuration of the living space, through simple excavations subtly adapted to the natural environment. The last architectures offer more complex caves obtained on rocky elements, by creating new forms and spaces. They are constructions involving a greater excavation in soils with definite values of hardness or resistance but also soft enough to be carved and shaped with rudimentary tools. All this types or underground architectures have generated a considerable diversity of forms and groups, by creating original troglodyte structures throughout the Mediterranean region and it seems interesting to show the particular evolution of the excavated dwelling in Crevillente, in the south east coast of Spain, as a vivid example of habitable cave-houses nowadays. 2 DEVELOPMENT OF CREVILLENTE CAVES The first town centre of Crevillente is developed with a complex and disorderly structure in the late sixteenth century. Two centuries later and after long periods of poverty, the capacity of the existing town overflows with a demographic revival and a new excavated development begins on the slopes of the mountain in the north area. Some people starts to dig house-caves in the northern ravines of the town and this is how the problem of lack of housing is adapted to the geographical environment of the region, in a mu-

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nicipality established under a mountain range that allows the expansion of troglodyte constructions. Their location takes advantage of the shortage of rain and becomes the ideal site for this type of construction minimizing walls or ceilings thickness and making the most of any existing slope. That is why a new housing system (cheaper and affordable to the economic needs of the moment) is favourably adapted to the topography and climate of the municipality. As the years go by, the number of caves augments and in a short period of time the number of undergroundhouses increases in a surprising way: in less than 100 years their number is doubled (from 500 cave-houses in 1797 to 1.056 caves in 1887) while conventional housing develops in a lower rate (from 1.000 housing in 1797 to 1.454 in 1887). Regarding the development of conventional buildings, in the nineteenth century the number of not excavated buildings in Crevillente grows more than 50%, confirming the great urban growth at this time. Later, at the turn of the century and after a demographic depression, the emergence of new excavated shelters is very slow since 1900. Even so, at the beginning of the century cave-houses represent almost 44% of homes in Crevillente accommodating 46% of the total population. Unfortunately, in 1960 over 400 caves disappear in just decade even though many of them had already been conditioned to new health and social requirements (as installation of water or electricity). In 2006, according to the council nearly 2.600 people lived in 700 cave-houses in the town, transforming Crevillente into a unique population. Today, due to the lack of a comprehensive municipal control, the actual number of cave-houses is uncertain and undetermined. 3 TYPOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF CAVE-HOUSES IN CREVILLENTE

3.1Main typologies Cave-houses of Crevillente form original settlements on the hills of the entire town where there is no much typological planning previous to construction, unlike in conventional building. The extension of troglodyte neighbourhoods has a width of about 400 m in the east side and 250 m in the west side of La Rambla (an ancient dry watercourse), by generating a large belt of caves which limits the expansion of conventional buildings in the town. In a total area of about 365.000 m², most of the houses follow the contour lines generating two large regions of excavated settlements, one of 258.000 m2 in the east side and another of 107.000 m² in the west side, as shown in Figure 1.

Figure 1. Schematic cross section of cave neighbourhoods in Crevillente.

The main types of excavated housing in Crevillente related to a typological identification are the following:


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3.1.1Cave This underground typology corresponds to totally excavated spaces in the ground, where there is no element or exterior construction added to the front façade (Fig. 2).

Figure 2. Outside view of excavated houses in the CAVE typology.

3.1.2 Cave + Attached constructions This underground typology presents added exterior constructions besides having also excavated rooms (Fig. 3). These adjacent areas can be accessed from the outside (it is the easiest solution as it only adds a construction outer the cave, without affecting the excavated rooms) or can be accessed from the inside (they are new constructions which are included within the underground typology).

Figure 3. Outside view of excavated houses in the CAVE+ ATTACHED CONSTRUCTIONS typology.

3.1.3 House + cave In this typology, the cave-house is showed as a conventional home and its excavated character goes unnoticed because several exterior constructions occupy the entire façade (Fig. 4). In this case, the excavated rooms are used only in certain seasons of the year as homeowners take advantage of conventional constructions in winter (where the humidity is lower) and live in the cave during the summer (due to its greater thermal comfort).

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Figure 4. Outside view of excavated houses in the HOUSE+CAVE typology.

3.2Basic rooms and singular elements In underground caves, dining room is usually the access to the housing. From this room, several spaces with direct exterior ventilation are dug symmetrically in depth on each side, according to user needs. Thus, there are homes reaching even inside 5 levels of rooms as a result of the typical evolution of the family; however, a deep excavation implies that spaces only can be ventilated from previous ones, making it really difficult for air renewal (Fig. 5).

Figure 5. Evolution scheme of the main floor in a cave-house in Crevillente.

The basic rooms in cave-houses in Crevillente are: − Dining room. It is between 8-10m length, 2-2,5m wide and 2,5m height and it distributes the rest of the interior spaces. − Bedrooms. They have usually rectangular shape and a slightly lower height than the dining room, but never less than 2m. In most cases, there are three bedrooms with an average size between 7-12m2 but also rooms of even 30m2 can be found. − Kitchen and bathroom. Whenever possible, these areas are placed outside the cave, in small attached buildings to facilitate the installation of new water pipes and sanitation to improve the quality of daily life. − Regarding singular and specific elements of excavated houses in Crevillente, it is also possible to consider: − Spinner room. It is a very long space that appears around the second half of the nineteenth century. At that time, work was generally done at home and this type of room was used for manufacturing and spinning hemp (Fig. 6). Today, it is very difficult to


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find this peculiar place because small spinner workshops closed in the municipality since the emersion of the carpet industry in 1960. − Attached constructions. They are recent buildings attached to the front of cave-houses without being a structural part of them (Fig. 6). They are usually simple constructions with current materials that were mostly made during and after the war (1940-1950) or in the acceleration process in 1980. Because of their location and their direct ventilation to the street, they are a usual place for wet rooms. − Chimney. Crevillente traditional chimneys are made of stone or clay and are between 1,5 to 1,8 m high. They offer different shapes such as conical shape (characteristic of Guadix and Baza regions), truncated shape (typical of Crevillente (Fig. 7)) or even parallelepiped shape. Nowadays, chimneys have lost their original function as kitchen is located in an attached building outside in many cases. Even so, they still play an important role in providing ventilation to the room where they are placed. − “Lumbrera”. A “lumbrera” is a parallelepiped skylight located in the deepest room far from the access, in order to generate a cross ventilation through natural draught and provide light to deep spaces (Fig. 7). It is approximately 1,5 m high and is usually covered with flat tiles; it has commonly small windows protected by wire mesh on both sides that allow better air exchange and regulation of temperature and humidity within the cave.

Figure 6. Left image. Attached construction with kitchen use. Right image. Main floor of an excavated house with spinner room. Carreres, M. Coves vivenda i coves filadores a Crevillent: 125.

Figure 7. Left and central image. General view of a traditional chimney. Right image. General view of a traditional “lumbrera”.

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4EXCAVATION TECHNIQUE The excavation of this cave-houses is composed by a fairly simple construction technique and, although there was skilled labor to do this work in the town, in many cases the owner was who conducted the excavation or at least helped in the process. The traditional technique intended to get the maximum benefit from the intrinsic conditions of the soil layers, by digging softer strata (usually composed by sandstone or detrital limestone) located between two layers of higher hardness (such as limestone) used as structural elements for ceilings or pillars. About the excavation tools, when natural materials were soft it was only necessary to use picks and shovels to perforate the ground, but when they reached a certain hardness strata it was necessary the use of a pointer. If the hardness was so high that it was impossible to dig, it was always possible to low or raise the level of the pavement in the interior spaces. Thus, steps appeared inside rooms or level changes were generated on ceilings and walls. Regarding the perforation process, if the slope was not high enough to serve directly as a façade, the first step was to excavate its front until a vertical wall of about 10 m long and 4 m height is reached to function as a façade. Later, an esplanade was created in front of the construction by using the excavated soil to serve as a terrace, an entrance courtyard or even small vegetable garden which could feed the family in times of need. In general, the façade width is small due to the existence of nearby caves. On the contrary, there are fewer restrictions and greater freedom of movement if we talk about its depth because it only depends on the dimension of the hill where it is located. Inside, the vertical structure of the housing is based on load-bearing walls between 80-100 cm that generate small corridors in the access to other rooms. Regarding its horizontal structure, ceilings are composed by Roman arches or barrel vaults and not by a flat element, because land loads are better distributed to the supporting structure in this way. Although in the main space (dining room) dome often starts from the level of the pavement, in some cases there are also small carved pilasters attached to the load-bearing walls to help supporting the weight of the dome. In spaces with a bedroom function, walls tend to be smooth without any protuberance because their reduced dimensions do not need wall reinforcements. 5 CONCLUSIONS Caves have been spread out to all areas where there are certain initial conditions such as extreme temperatures, low precipitations or grounds of sedimentary materials. Although these caves initially appeared as a basic survival shelter, in many cases they have acquired the status of a real popular housing. Today, many settlements are been recovered thanks to the addition of new infrastructures, thanks to the improve of their habitability conditions or thanks to the momentum of its integration in consolidated urban structures. This is the case of Crevillente where entire neighbourhoods are preserved still today and where caves are highly prized for being cool in summer and warm in winter (provided that they are well preserved). It is often considered that troglodyte buildings do not deserve to be classified as proper architectural solutions and they have often been neglected because its implementation is not based on complex concepts or advanced techniques. However, after a thorough analysis, underground proposals can become great architectural solutions nowadays, as we can see in the Crevillente case, the dwellings have developed a singular response to the following aspects: 5.1Urban structure The large number of caves has led to the perception of these houses as unique urban complexes structured according to natural alignments and taking advantage of existing slopes. The organization of these neighbourhoods follows a pattern conditioned by the orography, either originating areas with a staggered distribution when the slope is very sharp or a more random and chaotic distribution when the slopes are not as noticeable.


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In both cases, urbanization is full of pedestrian ramps, impossible slopes for vehicle access, stairs or level changes, forming a labyrinthine pattern where the overlap of streets and caves overlook urban rationality. Thus, there are numerous street ramifications with the same name but different layout without a continuous path, which implies a difficult reading of the urban pattern. Regarding its insertion into the weave, they are almost completely urbanized areas nowadays (there are only certain points in the higher areas of the ravines where asphalted road have not reached yet (Fig.8)), only with the disadvantage of their countless slopes and their convoluted paths.

Figure 8. Left image. Urban deficiencies in a cave area. Right image. Stairs between parallel streets at different elevation.

5.2Typology development Since the appearance of cave-houses in the eighteenth century and their great development in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, their importance is increasing over the years. However, after the approval of the General Urban Plan in 1967, the number of underground homes suffers an increasing regression, first by the prohibition of new excavations or repairs and in the last years, due to urban speculation. There is no official count of cave-houses since the 70's and, therefore, the number is unknown even to the municipal census nowadays. Even so, everyone is aware of the lately destroy of countless groups of caves to transform them into conventional houses. Although house-caves are legally underprivileged by the lack of specific planning regulations to protect them, there are still many people interested in the conservation and the excavation of their homes, who feel especially proud of them and who decide to make the necessary improvements to ensure they are well maintained. The desire to preserve their family roots has allowed these underground homes to continue showing their original essence and traditional values but, despite the efforts of their owners, unfortunately these cave houses are slowly disappearing against conventional buildings. In the best case, new construction is limited to the patio area to extend more m2 outside the cave, even with constructions beyond the underground rooms. In other cases, the death of the former owners makes the excavated housing remain closed for a while so, with no use, it can eventually collapse due to the lack of ventilation or maintenance. In the worst case, the owners wipe out the underground excavation after a legacy of a cavehouse to build a conventional single-family building, especially in the closest area to the town (Fig.9). Actions that have been carried out for speculative reasons or encouraged in the last years by the lack of municipal involvement in protecting these constructions.

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Figure 9. Conventional constructions in different parts of cave neighbourhoods in Crevillente.

5.3Standard of living In the last years, the improvement of urbanization in the districts of caves has certainly been a major step on the conditions of accessibility, water supply or street lighting in these neighbourhoods. What is more, it has also allowed a considerable improvement of the stability of the ground in the slopes, mainly in cases with multiple tiers. The studies of V. Gozálvez in the 70's show that the proportion of caves with running water or waste pipes was less than 90% because their location in the periphery, where there was not installation of these facilities. The low proportion of showers in the Cave typology was due to moisture problems after their installation in underground rooms. In the Cave + Attached constructions typology or in the House + Cave typology, the existence of showers was more common (multiplied by three) because they could be installed in a separate building outside of the excavation. Moreover, the existence of essential electrical appliance was quite high in the case of gas cookers (over 80%) and half in the case of refrigerators (between 50-75%). Nowadays, there is no need to talk about the equipment inside these dwellings because in every single cave there are both facilities and common equipment as in any conventional construction, to the choose of their owners. 5.4Cave ownership Regarding the ownership of excavated houses, over 88% of caves were privately owned by their users in the 70's and were a family inheritance from over several generations in most cases. Nowadays, residents are mostly elderly people who have lived their entire lives in an underground house or young people who have inherited a cave from their family. These owners preserve caves as a first home and use them throughout the year, and only a 15% of these excavations have been set up for rent, mainly in summer season. 5.5Social acceptance "Coveros" is the name by which Crevillente population called the inhabitants of the excavated houses in the municipality. Derived from the Catalan word "cova" (cave), this name has lost any pejorative connotation and it is used in a common way without ulterior motives nowadays. Even so, for many years this word was used in a derogatory manner towards a certain part of the population, who were seen as somehow second-class citizens because of the remoteness of cave neighbourhoods from the village centre. This distinction initially came from zonal aspects and was rooted in the differences of urban patterns of both areas: one in the village (more rational, measured and structured) and the other one in the neighbourhoods of caves (more tortuous, disorganized and free). Later, the distinction was focused on social aspects because excavated houses usually belonged to humble people, who were rejected by the well-off population in the city centre. Nowadays, cave dwellers in Crevillente do no longer belong to poor families and it predominates middle class population. Even so, in some cases it still exists a feeling of a "second class"


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because these areas have always suffered delays in urban improvements, health facilities and new equipment by the municipality. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is part of the Project MES, Innpacto, from the I+D+I National Plan of the Ministry of Science Innovation, funded with FEDER funds. This research was supported by an FPU grant (Formación de Profesorado Universitario) from the Spanish Ministry of Education to the first author. REFERENCES AA.VV. 1993. Cobijo. Madrid: Tursen Hermann Blume Ediciones. Algarín, M. 2006. Arquitecturas excavadas. El proyecto frente a la construcción de espacio. Colección Arquíthesis, num.21. Barcelona: Fundación Caja de Arquitectos. Arazo, Mª.Á. & Jarque, F. 1995. Arquitectura popular valenciana. Valencia: Diputación Provincial de Valencia. Carreres, M. 2010. Coves vivenda i coves filadores a Crevillent. Revista Valenciana d'Etnologia N 5: 119-135. Feduchi, L. 1974. Itinerarios de Arquitectura Popular Española. Colección Nueva Imagen. Barcelona: Editorial Blume y Editorial Labor. García, J.A. & López, J.A. 2000. Las cuevas de Crevillent. Estudio y catálogo gráfico. Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil-Albert y Ayuntamiento de Crevillente. García, J.A.; López, J.A.; Ferri, J.; Pérez, V.R.; Pérez, J.C.; Jiménez, A. & Rodríguez, L. 2000. Las cuevas de Crevillent (Alicante). Estudio y catálogo gráfico. Sevilla: Actas del Tercer Congreso Nacional de Historia de la Construcción. Goldfinger, M. 1993. Arquitectura popular mediterránea. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili. Gozálvez, V. 1971. Crevillente. Estudio urbano y demográfico. Valencia: Departamento de Geografía Universidad de Valencia. Gozálvez, V. 1983. Crevillente. Estudio urbano, demográfico e industrial. Alicante: Instituto Universitario de Geografía Universidad de Alicante. Gozálvez P, V. 1974. La vivienda troglodita en Crevillente. Su origen, expansión y pervivencia. Valencia: Actas 1 Congreso de Historia del País Valenciano. Volumen IV. Loubes, J.P. 1985. Arquitectura subterránea. Aproximación a un hábitat natural. Colección Tecnología y Arquitectura. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili. Oliver, P. 2007. Dwellings the vernacular house worldwide. Hong Kong: Editorial Phaidon. Seijo, F.G. 1979. La vivienda popular rural alicantina tomos I y II. Alicante: Ediciones Alicante. Shoenauer, N. 1984. 6.000 años de hábitat. De los poblados primitivos a la vivienda urbana en las culturas de oriente y occidente. Colección Arquitectura Perspectivas. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili.

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Geocaching: a review of knowledge and practices as a factor of promoting heritage C. Pinheiro Green Lines Institute, Portugal

R. Amoêda Green Lines Institute, Portugal University Lusíada, Vila Nova de Famalicão, Portugal

S. Lira University Fernando Pessoa, Portugal

ABSTRACT: In this paper we aim at presenting an outdoor activity that registers a significant growing during the last decade, Geocaching. This is an introductory paper on this issue - the lack of bibliography and of studies on Geocaching is remarkable - divided in 2 main sections: a) a brief history and a conceptual definition of Geocaching at its present state and b) the potential of Geocaching as a factor of promoting heritage. Geocaching really began in the year 2000 (when the use of GPS with accurate precision became possible) as a simple game of finding a concealed box (the "cache") using tips, GPS coordinates and various kinds of information provided by the "owner" (the creator and keeper) of the cache. It grew rapidly and the types of caches, their classification and difficulty suffered a process of standardization that lead to the present state of the game. Despite the fact the basics of the game remained almost untouched, some of its tools (e.g. GPS devices and specific software) changed significantly during this last decade making it accessible to a vaster community of "geocachers". Geocaching, as its present state, is played by thousands all over the globe and there are millions of caches available. Nevertheless there is a common ground to all this vast community, as well as common rules and common practices - this is a singular phenomenon that deserves scientific reflection. In the second part of the paper we depart from a simple, however problematic, hypothesis: geocaching is, apart from other uses, a significant and powerful tool to promote heritage. Its educational, tourism and scientific potential(s) is vast and can be used to effectively promoting heritage (in the broader sense of the concept, including monumental, natural, built, archaeological, ethnographic and other forms of heritage). From this primal hypothesis we will engage in the presentation and discussion of a number of case-studies that illustrate some of the above-mentioned types of heritage. We will defend that geocaching can be nowadays analysed as a communicative tool, and a very effective one mainly if compared with other more classical approaches to heritage promotion. 1 INTRODUCTION Raised on the idea of a treasure hunt game or sport combined with the technological assets provided by the Internet and the Global Positioning System receivers, Geocaching became a sophisticated activity, or sport, that have followed the technological evolution of those assets. Besides technological means, Geocaching “Sport” combines also map skills and the use of reasoning to solve complex problems (Hawley, 2010). Basically, the Geocaching sport or activity consists in finding a container (Geocache) by using information on its coordinates and hints given by the individual that had hidden it. The Geocache is composed by a logbook where Geocachers may record their findings, make a description of the quest experience and exchanging greetings, and also of several kinds of objects that might (or not) be thematically linked and that are supposed to be trade by the Geocachers Geocaches are usually located near or in places of local or broad interest, such as historical places, public spaces, monuments, or sight views.


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To find a geocache, the geocacher uses the web site lists to select and get coordinates of geocaches in a particular region, and a satellite-based Global Positioning System (GPS) to locate the geocache in the field. 2.3 The geocache There are several types of geocaches, being different in size (i.e. micro, mini, medium or large size), material, and shape and, most important, in originality. Common characteristics are that the geocache (or simply “cache”) should be a waterproof and resistant container such as a plastic or metallic box or tub. Besides the objects placed inside, the cache contains a logbook and a pen or a pencil so that geocachers might record their findings.

Figure 2, 3, 4. A large, a medium and a micro cache.

Figure 5, 6. Micro caches: examples of concealed caches.

Geocaches also may contain the so called “geocoins”, a kind of medals designed and coined to be placed in the geocaches as a special prize. Other special objects that may be found inside the geocaches are the “Travel Bugs” (TB), composed of a small objected tagged with a plaque. The journey of a Geocoin or a TB is tracked with the purpose to get it from a specific location to another, or just to know how far they can travel. Geocaches may be divided in the following categories (McNamara, 2004; Nolan, 2006; Groundspeak, 2012): “Traditional cache”, “Multicache”, “Virtual Cache”, “Mistery Cache”, “Event Cache”, among others.

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Figure 7, 8, 9, 10. Example of a cache drawing attention to a monument (Romanesque church of Serzedelo – Guimarães – Portugal).

2.3.1 Traditional Cache This is the original geocache type consisting of, at minimum, a container and a log book or logsheet. Larger containers generally include items for trade. “Nano” or “micro” caches are tiny containers that only hold a logsheet. The coordinates listed on the traditional cache page provide the geocache’s exact location. 2.3.2 Multicache A Multi-Cache ("multiple") involves two or more locations. The final location is a physical container. There are many variations, but most Multi-Caches have a hint to find the second cache, and the second cache has a hint to the third, and so on. An offset cache (where you go to a location and get hints to the actual cache) is considered a Multi-Cache. 2.3.3 Mystery or Puzzle Caches The "catch-all" of cache types, this form of geocache may involve complicated puzzles that you will first need to solve to determine the coordinates. Mystery/Puzzle Caches often become the staging ground for new and unique geocaches that do not fit in another category. 2.3.4 EarthCache An EarthCache is a special place that people can visit to learn about a unique geoscience feature of our Earth. EarthCache pages include a set of educational notes along with cache coordinates. Visitors to EarthCaches can see how our planet has been shaped by geological processes, how we manage its resources and how scientists gather evidence to learn about the Earth. For more information about EarthCaches, visit http://www.earthcache.org/.

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2.3.5 Event Cache An Event Cache is a gathering of local geocachers or geocaching organizations to discuss geocaching. The Event Cache page specifies a time for the event and provides coordinates to its location. After the event, the cache is archived. 2.3.6 Letterbox Hybrid Letterboxing is another form of treasure hunting using clues instead of coordinates. In some cases, the letterbox owner has made their container both a letterbox and a geocache and posted its coordinates on Geocaching.com. If there is a stamp inside a Letterbox Hybrid, it is not an item intended for trade; the stamp is meant to remain in the box so that visitors can use it to record their visit. To read more about letterboxing, visit the Letterboxing North America web site. 2.3.7 Virtual Cache A Virtual Cache is about discovering a location rather than a container. The requirements for logging a Virtual Cache vary – you may be required to answer a question about the location, take a picture, complete a task, etc. In any case, you must visit the coordinates before you can post your log. Table 1: Cache Types and Sizes

Some Cache Types Traditional Cache Multi-cache Mistery Cache Earthcache Event Cache Letterbox Hybrid Virtual Cache

Cache Sizes Micro Small Regular Large Other Not chosen Virtual

2.4 Tools To practice Geocaching, the geocacher must use an Internet connection and GPS receiver. The internet web sites are used to find the set of coordinates of a geocache, which provides its location in a map, i.e. latitude and longitude or Universal Transverse Mercator UTM). The GPS receiver is used to enter the coordinates and to guide the geocacher the nearest the geocache. However, additional resources such as observation capacities and logic are needed to find it. 2.5 Events Some events may be planned in order to gather different geocachers in a particular place of interest. A “Event Cache” is a formal or informal reunion of geocachers, that may lead to the search of a special geocache hidden specifically for that moment. Other kind of event is called “Cache Machine” and its purpose is to find the great number of cashes in a set amount of time (e.g. hours or days). 2.6 Geocaching.com Geocaching.com site is the most popular web-site containing information on geocaches and geocachers worldwide. It requires users to sign-in and maintain an account in order to access information and to log their caches. If almost anyone can create an account and start geocaching and logging, very strict rules apply to the creation of new caches – nonetheless any geocacher might submit a new cache and have it approved if rules are respected.

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Figure 11. The Geocahing.com site opening page.

Visitors to the web site may search for caches by using zip code, village, town, region, country. Search techniques might involve specific queries such as searching specific types of geocaches or geocaches located near a set of coordinates. Search procedures results in a list of geocaches as shown is Figures 12 to 14.

Figure 12. List of caches provided by Geocahing.com site (e.g.: Castelo de Vide region)


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Figure 13. Webpage of a geocache (e.g.: Megalithic monuments near Castelo de Vide; from this view caches are accessible – see next figure)

A geocache webpage provides detailed information that will help finding each cache. Information provided is the official geocache name, who placed the geocache, the geocache coordinates, an icon to download coordinates, where and when the geocache was hidden, geocache waypoint name, geocache difficulty level, terrain difficulty level, general description of the geocache, hints, links to nearby caches, map location of the geocache, and logged visits (McNamara, 2004).

Figure 14. Excerpt of a geocache webpage (e.g.: Megalithic monuments near Castelo de Vide; cache details)

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3 GEOCACHING AS A PROMOTING TOOL Being posted all over the world, the number of geocaches transforms the geocachers into an unique community without geographical or cultural boarders, which may interact without a personal acquaintance. The growing popularity of Geocaching is the result of a combination of factors, namelly: - human curiosity and observation skills; - the possibility to be played anywhere; - motivation to see new places; - the educational component; - social and cultural interaction; - the availability and accuracy of GPS technology (e.g. cell phones); - Its affordability. Worldwide participation, social and cultural inclusiveness and low cost involved, highlight the potential role of Geoacaching as a way to promote heritage tourism in a given region, making available material and intangible heritage in an enjoyable way. Geocahing is than an example on how information is moving from traditional supports to geospatial environments where data flows and may be transported by participants in a simple cell phone or like-device. In such a communication and socializing context, Geocahing provides interaction among participants becoming a tool to disseminate information on local cultural assets and landscapes. The cache owners assume the role of gathering, treating and providing information about places, historical figures and buildings, and local legends. On the other side, geocachers are feeded with this information and may acquire additional or new knowledge about a place, its history, culture and human activities. Information is available to all as they wish to discovery it. Heipke (2010) refers the example of Geocaching as a democratic activity, where it is easy to contribute, to participate, to reward and to be rewarded, and to promote quality and local pride, as cultural objects may be included in the geocashing net. Community integration and educational roles of Geocaching includes motivating factors that embraces social and virtual environments, such as community orientation, personal reputation (number of caches found), effects on the community and socializing in the community (Iqbal et al., 2010). Moreover, the study on how mobile and social technologies are influencing informal learning by Clough (2010) examines the Geocaching community, enhancing the “persistent digital narrative of location” provided by the on line resources (webpages creation) where geocachers interact and share contributions, linking the physical experiences with the virtual spaces where Geocaching activities are coordinated and recorded. In the same study, seventy-four per cent of responses indicated that the geocachers have learned from geocaches that they have found, by improving knowledge and making learning fun. Responses of geocache owners also highlight the research that they made to find information about the places to locate their geocaches. In such context, Scanlon (2011) refers the location-based learning of a place that is provided via digital narratives constructed and shared by the Geocaching community. In such approach, Geocaching may complement traditional tourism activities by attracting a new kind of visitors to historical and natural places. Trails for Geocaching activities were included as a specific trail type in the Great Falls Park, Virgina, USA, in order to meet the specific needs of Geocahing activities combining them with protective measures of the natural area (Wimpey & Marion, 2009). Furthermore, Gyimóthy & Mykletun (2004) enhances the role of Geocaching to promote the so called adventure tourism, as an activity to allow humans to play and interact with the environment. Watson et al. (2004) highlights the example of the Geocaching to enhance the importance of a new era for U-commerce based on technology availability and how people can take advantages from there. A complementary approach is stated by Bishop (2011) that points out the possibility of Geocaching to be included in landscape planning as a mean to interact with the persons in order to support public multi-disciplinary decision-making by asking them to leave their feedback in the logbook. In this case, Geocaching is proposed to include the activity and the opportunity to get opinions and suggestions for landscape planning.


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4 PROMOTING HERITAGE Promoting heritage in sustainable way raises a vast range of fundamental questions that are far from being under scrutiny in this paper (we already discussed a number of those in a previous paper (Lira, 2008: 219-226) and it is possible to find abundant literature on the topic namely (Archibald, 2004; Arnold, Davis, and Ditchfield, 1998; Chitty and Baker, 1999; Crouch and Lübbren, 2003; Herbert, 1997; Hems and Blockley, 2006)). Our main aim in the second part of this paper is to discuss the potential use of Geocaching as a factor to promote heritage, and our hypothesis is that Geocaching is indeed a significant and powerful tool to promote it, including monumental, natural, built, archaeological, ethnographic and other forms of heritage. We will not engage in a discussion about the effectiveness of the “discovery” as catalyst to knowledge and we will accept that having a challenge and being able to overcome it is, in general, a positive factor – one that is often used in educational and cultural activities (in formal and informal education) with significant levels of success – for example in museums, visitors seem to like the opportunity to find, discover and understand by themselves without being patronized by redundant or self-evident labels (Kräutler, 1997; Falk and Dierking, 2000; Pérez Santos, 2000). As Geocaching is all about discovering (O’Hara, 2008: 1180) and overcoming a challenge it educational and cultural potential is indisputably high – the question must be “is it being used to such goal?” and if yes “how is it an effective and a long-lasting experience, one that might enhance the promotion of heritage?”. We will try to answer both questions by presenting some cases, where Geocaching is being used as a tool to intentionally promote heritage. The answer to the first question is not a hard one: yes, it is, Geocaching is being used to promote heritage – or at least to make it easier and more attractive to people who would not visit places and explore heritage resources without (an extra) motivation. A significant number of examples could be presented but we will focus on three: the city of Santiago de Compostela (Galicia, Spain), the region of Castelo de Vide (Portugal, near the Eastern border) and Hannover region (Northern Germany). Santiago de Compostela is an historical town (UNESCO Heritage) and tourism (alongside with religious pilgrimage) is naturally one of the stronger activities there. It would seem pointless trying to increase tourism attraction with Geocaching, but it is not the case, right on the contrary. Santiago has a number of “caches” that are strategically located to point out some of the most interesting spots of the city and geocachers come from all over the world trying not to miss any of those. The path through the city to find the caches is a natural way of discovering some of the highlights of Santiago.

Figure 15. View of Santiago – Spain, from the cache named “Postcard of Santiago”.

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A complete different scenario can be found in Castelo de Vide, where a multi-cache invites geocachers to discover some of the most important megalithic monuments of the region. The path leads from one monument to the next, and details that would be easily missed during a “normal” visit are explored as significant parts of heritage.

Figure 13. Menir de Meada, Castelo de Vide – Portugal: the arrow marks the cache spot

Our last example is the trial that begins at Barsinghausen train station, South-West from Hannover. It was planned to be completed without the necessity of travelling by car and includes different levels of difficulty (from accessible to handicapped people to extreme, even demanding the use of climbing gear, etc.).

Figure 14. The Geocaching map of Barsinghausen and the region of Hannover. The density of caches is significant.


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Other examples could be easily added (the city of Águeda in Portugal [http://forum.geocaching-pt.net/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=3425 and http://www.cm-agueda.pt /PageGen.aspx?WMCM_PaginaId=27652¬iciaId=36967&pastaNoticiasReqId=35276] would be a good example of a City Hall engaged in using Geocaching as a tool to promote its region) but the ones above are probably representative of a vast field of work that is becoming more and more significant – from private geocachers to official institutions, the “game” is being increasingly used to promote heritage. Answering the second question (“how is it an effective and a long-lasting experience, one that might enhance the promotion of heritage?) is more demanding than answering the first one – however possible. In fact, in all given examples, despite the fact they are completely different (different regions, different difficulties, different aims and goals, among others) they all have at least one characteristic in common: finding the caches makes the geocacher explore the terrain, observe the landscape, catch the details and learn something about local heritage. It really doesn’t matter if the scenario is a medieval town (Santiago), a rural area in South Europe (Castelo de Vide megalithic monuments) or a mixture of industrial and rural areas in the North of Germany (the region of Hannover) the result is similar and a very interesting one: geocachers get a deep, most complete and sometimes overwhelming knowledge of the places and of the region they are exploring. These are key factors for effective and long-lasting experiences, at least in terms of heritage use. If one compares geocaching experience visiting heritage with more common or traditional approaches it will become self-evident that the intensity and duration of geocaching activity is one of the utmost important factors to its success promoting heritage – geocachers, as few other visitors, pay attention to all kinds of details, search around, observe the landscape, heed the terrain, take their time and enjoy themselves – all that trying to find the hidden container. Peace of mind and pleasure are very important ingredients when the effectiveness of an experience is at stake – furthermore, the necessity to spend a significant amount of time at the same location improves the capacity to make the experience memorable. All those combined make Geocaching indeed an activity that can easily facilitate the promotion of heritage depending on how caches are combined and located. 5 FINAL REMARKS Finally, Geocaching is accessible to all, independently of age and (to a certain extent) cultural background. It is not an expensive activity, demands no high-tech devices (any normal GPS or mobile phone with GPS will do the job) and implies very thin (or even none) connection between the “owner” of the cache and the geocacher. That’s way City Councils, Tourism Offices and other official entities are becoming more and more motivated by this phenomenon and begin to accept it as a powerful communication tool to promote heritage. Obviously the Geocaching community has its own rules and it is not possible within the original and “official” organization [http://www.geocaching.com/] to create caches at own free will. Rules apply and some scrutiny is made by referees who review the proposed cache and verify if it meets the guidelines. However, other communities are arising, for example “OpenCaching” [http://www.openca-ching.com], with the same basic idea but different rules and different philosophies. As final thought we support that Geocaching will become a fundamental tool to promote heritage – it already is so, in a non-institutional basis and it will most certainly attract the attention of official entities responsible for promoting heritage in a sustainable way due to its remarkable ductility and to its high level of effectiveness. 6 REFERENCES Archibald, R. (2004). The New Town Square. Oxford: Altamira Press. Arnold, J., Davis, K. and Ditchfield, S. (eds.) (1998) .History & Heritage. Consuming the past in Contemporary Culture. Donhead: Dorset. Bishop, I. (2011). Landscape planning is not a game: Should it be?. Landscape and urban Planning 100 (2011): 390-392.

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Chitty, G. and Baker, D. (eds.) (1999). Managing Historic Sites and Buildings. London: Routledge. Clough, G. (2010). Geolearners: Location-based informal learning with mobile and social technologies. Transactions on Learning Technologies, 3 81), 33-44. Crouch, D. and Lübbren, N. (2003). Visual Culture and Turism. Oxford: Berg. Falk, J. H. and Dierking, L. D. (2000). Learning from museums – Visitor experiences and the making of meaning. Altamira: Walnut Creek. Geocaches em Portugal - World Heritage, available on-line [http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Ckm4s1B63yc&feature =share], accessed May 2012. Gyimóthy, S. & Mykletun, R. (2004). Play in adventure tourism. The case of Artic trekking. Annals of Tourism Research 31 (4), 855-878. Groundspeak (2012). available on-line [http://www.geocaching.com/about/cache_types.aspx], accessed May 2012 Hawley, F. (2010). Agon and ecstasy: transgression, transformation, and transcendence in competitive geocaching. Deviant Behaviour, 31, 225-250. Heipke, C. (2010). Crowdsourcing geospatial data. ISPRS Journal of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing 65 (2010), 550-557. Hems, A. and Blockley, M. (eds.) (2006). Heritage Interpretation. London: Routledge. Herbert, David (ed.) (1997) Heritage, Tourism and Society London: Printer. Iqbal, A., Kankaanranta, M. & Neittaanmaki, P. (2010). Experiences and motivations of the young for participation in virtual worlds. Procedia Social and Behavioral Sciences 2, 3190-3197. Kräutler, H. (1997) New strategies for communication in museums. ICOM/WUV, Wien. Lira, S. (2008). “Urban heritage and multimedia guides”. In R. Amoêda, S. Lira, C. Pinheiro et al. Heritage 2008 – World Heritage and Sustainable Development. Green Lines Institute: Barcelos. McNamara, J. (2004). Geocaching for Dummies. Indianapolis: Wiley Publishing. Nolan, S. (2005). Building magical realms: responses to pervasive and locative media technology. Digital Creativity. 17:3. 185-192. O’Hara, K. (2008). “Understanding Geocaching Practices and Motivations” in CHI 2008 Proceedings On the Move. CHI: Florence. Pérez Santos, E. (2000). Estudio de visitants en museos. Trea: Gijón. Scanlon, 2. (2011). Open science: trends in the development of science learning. Open Learning: The Journal of Open, Distance and e-Learning, 26:2, 97-112. Watson, R., Berthon, P., Pitt. L. & Zinkhan, G. (2004). Marketing in the age of the network: From marketplace to U-Space. Business Horizons 47/6, 33-40. Wimpey, J. & Marion, J. (2009). A spatial exploration of informal trails networks within Great Falls Park, VA. Journal of Environmental Management 92 (2011), 1012-1022.


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Perceived image and the predictors of heritage tourism – the case of the Douro Region L. Pinto Centro de Estudos em Educação, Tecnologias e Saúde, ESTGL e ESTV, Instituto Politécnico de Viseu

ABSTRACT: This paper, addresses the issue of service quality in tourism sector. The goal of this study was to establish baseline data concerning a tourist profile and their evaluation of the stay at Douro Vinhateiro Region, a World Heritage in the North Portugal. The study attempts to investigate the relationship between the destination attributes and tourist´s satisfaction, identify the relationship between satisfaction and the intention to revisit the region, as well as the attributes predictor´s of the tourists' satisfaction using Ordinal Regression Analysis. The main goal of the study is contribute to the improvement of the tourism offer in the region and consequently of the country. In this sense an empirical study was conducted through a questionnaire using IPA analysis with some modifications, in the summer of 2003. The profile of the tourists can be described as middle age (51-60 years), with a higher education and a income higher than 2000€ per month. Results show that satisfaction as a strong relation with the intention to revisit the region, tourists who are satisfied return. The predictor´s attributes that contribute most to the overall satisfaction of tourists are the weather, accommodation and restaurant services, the regional cuisine and price.

1 INTRODUCTION In 2008, according to data from the World Tourism Organization, the arrivals of international tourists totaled 924 million worldwide, 16 million more than in the previous year. The corresponding growth of 2% in international tourism occurred mainly due to the remarkable results of the first six months, since the second part of the year witnessed the increasing instability of the financial and economic systems, leading to a slow-down in the activity of the tourism sector (INE, 2009). In Portugal, tourism, conversely to the last two years, when the tourism activity has achieved a high nominal growth rhythm, the year of 2008 was marked by a slowdown in the tourism activity as a result of the basic effect of the data of previous years on one hand and due to the present world economic situation, on the other. Portugal is traditionally a country of destination for Europe’s tourism market. Between 2000 and 2008, the tourism consumption grew nominal annual average of 4.5%, meaning the end of the period, over 5.2 billion euro’s compared with 2000 (Eurostat, 2008). To the same period, the value added generated by tourism increased in nominal terms, at an average annual 4.5%, corresponding to over 2.1 billion in 2008 compared to 2000.In 2006, employment in tourism represented 8.1% of total employment in the economy, more 0.1 pp than in 2005, standing at about 416 thousand individuals. Represents 8% of GDP, increasing for 17% if considered leisure and restaurants services. Since the quality of the destination present one of the major factors for growth, we pretend to this work to contribute to this growth.

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The purposes of the study were characterize tourist profile, identify the relationship between cultural/heritage destination attributes and the overall satisfaction of tourists who visited a cultural/heritage destination, and analyze the differences in the level of overall satisfaction of tourists’ with respect to quality price relationship, intention to re-visit the region and destiny to a friend or colleague and identified predictor´s attributes that contribute most to the overall tourists satisfaction. In recent years the focus on the literature of customer satisfaction has been increasing, given the importance of this concept, which is seen as an antecedent to customer loyalty and even entrepreneurial success (Reicheld & Sasser, 1990). Thus, there are several studies on customer satisfaction in the tourism sector which used scales of multiple attributes (Yi, 1990). Those are more recent than on other sectors, however limited and inadequate (Moreno, S. et al., 2000). Understand the tourists' satisfaction is extremely important for the tourism industry, mainly due to the potential effect on the future of the economy (Petrich, 2003). Satisfied tourists tend to share their positive experiences to others (word of mouth) and to buy the product repeatedly (Prebensen, 2004, Kozak & Rimmington, 2000; Kozak, 2003; Ross, 1993). This requires the evaluation of the level of tourist´s satisfaction, the destination in general and the business tourist destination in question. Having evaluated the tourist satisfaction, which is a good prediction of its intention to buy again, it is necessary to develop an appropriate strategy for relations with tourists, especially today, where there appears to be a decline in customer loyalty with tourist destinations. The increasing importance of service quality as a means of gaining competitive advantage has led to the development and application of various techniques in order to measure the perceived quality of service in the industry of services (Parasuraman, Berry & Zeithmal, 1985, Cronin & Taylor , 1992). Most of these quantitative studies have adopted the paradigm of the expectationdisconfirmation, which explores the relationship between customer expectations prior to purchase and their satisfaction (performance) after purchase. They argued that if the performance of the product and service exceeds expectations leads to satisfaction, otherwise, if performance is below expectations leads to dissatisfaction (Oliver, 1996). SERVQUAL developed by Parasuraman et al. (1985, 1988), based on the paradigm of the expectation-disconfirmation, remains a very popular instrument in measuring quality service, focused on the expectations. This model have been subject to many criticisms, especially with regard to the different dimensions, its psychometric properties and the nature of how expectations are formed (Babakus & Boller, 1992; Zeithaml, et al.,1993). Thus, many researchers believe that other direct methods are needed, to measure the quality of service such as SERVPERF and IPA (Importance-Performance Analysis). The SERVPERF, is based on analysis of service quality performance. This model, developed by Cronin & Taylor (1992) and based on SERVQUAL uses a range of items which seeks to measure, using a Likert-type scale, the performance of a particular service not the difference between expectations and performance. After some studies using this method, it was concluded that is better on explained the variance in total service quality than SERVQUAL. However, with the application of this method, we lose a lot of useful information. The other direct method used to analyze customer satisfaction and in recent years has gained much popularity for its simplicity and diagnosis, to identify marketing strategies, and used in several areas such as tourism, leisure and recreation, education and health, is the method based on the importance-performance paradigm (Go & Zang, 1997; Guadagonolo, 1985, Joseph & Joseph, 1997, Ford et al., 1999). This method, developed by Martilla and James (1977), seeks to identify the importance of consumers in respect of certain attributes. The importance is seen as a reflection of the relative value of different’s attributes used. The attributes considered less important, are those that have a minor role in overall satisfaction and the most important attributes are the keys in building customer satisfaction (Barsky,1995). The goal is to identify which attributes or combinations, which influence consumers to buy again the product / service. The information obtained should be used by managers to develop marketing strategies where improved performance has more influence on consumer satisfaction (Lovelock et al., 1998). It also has the advantage of identifying which attributes of services, must be maintained and those for which a significant improvement would have little impact.


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education level. With regard to respondents' annual household income, the largest group included those with an annual household income of US €2,000 or above (54,1%). Most of the Portuguese respondents (40%) reported that they live in the south (cf. Table 1) Table 1 - Demographic characteristics of the respondents Variável Sex Female Male Total Age 18-25 26-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61- 70 +70 Total Residence Portugal North Center South United Kingdom Germany Spain Total Marital status Single Marriage Widow Divorced Together Total Education Primary Secondary Higher Total Occupation Seniors Employees in position leadership Professional artists Employees Students Retired Total Liquid Income (€) < 500 501-1000 1001-2000 >2000 Total

N

Percentagem (%)

53 69 122

43,4 56,6 100

3 15 21 26 35 16 6 122

2,5 12,3 17,2 21,3 28,7 13,1 4,9 100

91 30 11 50 12 11 8 122

74,6 24,6 9,0 41,0 9,8 9,0 6,6 100

28 83 3 6 2 122

23,0 68,0 2,5 4,9 1,6 100

6 44 72 122

4,9 36,1 59,0 100

60 22

49,2 18,0

2 11 3 24 122

1,6 9,0 2,5 19,7 100

8 12 36 66 122

6,6 9,8 29,5 54,1 100

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From a forced varimax-rotated factor matrix, five factors with 19 variables were defined by the original 36 variables that loaded most heavily on them (loading >0.4). The eigenvalues suggested that a four-factor solution explained 67,77% of the overall variance before the rotation. The factors with eigenvalues greater than or equal to 1.0 and attributes with factor loadings greater than 0.4 were reported. The overall significance of the correlation matrix was 0,001 with a Bartlett test of sphericity value of 829,82. The statistical probability and the test indicated that there was a significant correlation between the variables, and the use of factor analysis was appropriate. The KaiserMeyer-Olkin overall measure of sampling adequacy was 0,73, which was meritorious (Hair et al, 1995; Stevens, 1986). Table 1 illustrates the results of the factor analysis. The five factors were: Environment, Accessibilities, hotel and restaurant services and climate, Landscape and Hospitality and professional service and safety. Table 2 - Factor Analysis of Attributes Perception in the Douro Region (N=77)

Factor

1 - Environment

2 - Acessibilities

3 – Hotel/restaurant services and climate

4 – Landscape and Hospitality

5 – Profissional service and Safety

Attributes

Factor loadings

Communalities

Water pollution

0,86

0,86

Land pollution

0,84

0,79

Air pollution

0,83

0,79

Noise pollution

0,66

0,64

Road acessibilities

0,83

0,80

Traffic

0,71

0,60

Signposts

0,69

0,72

Cultural offer

0,67

0,67

Price

0,67

0,65

Climate

0,64

0,50

Restaurant services

0,64

0,74

Lodging

0,63

0,63

Typical gastonomy

0,40

0,67

Landscape

0,77

0,62

Relaxation

0,60

0,57

Residents hospitality

0,58

0,61

Region tipicity

0,42

0,55

Safety

0,85

0,76

0,46

0,72

Profissionals competence and simpaty


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The ordinal regression analysis (PLUM) was used, a procedure proposed by McCullagh (SPSS, 2004) in order to study the effect of predictor variables of different types of measurement in ordinal dependent variable. After analysis of the dependent variable, overall satisfaction with the Douro Region, held the descriptive study of the independent variables in this case the factors extracted in principal components analysis Table 2 illustrates the results to test the quality of the model: - Adjustment of the model (likelihood ratio = 114.991; Ȥ2 = 25.453, and p <0.001), which reveals that all five variables explains an adequate amount of variance in overall satisfaction. - Measures of goodness of fit (Pearson Ȥ2 = 127.809, p = 0.065; Deviance - Ȥ2 = 114.991, and, p = 0.237), we can say that the model matches the data that we are studying. - Statistics of R. The regression coefficients in the variable overall satisfaction are listed in Table 2. In the analysis of regression coefficients, we used the Wald test, which assumes a distribution of chi-square, which is regarded as the most appropriate procedure to study the contribution of each predictor to the model and its statistical significance. Table 3 - Regression coefficients of the overall satisfaction

Factor

Estimate

Wald

P

Environment

0,04

0,15

0,698

Accessibilities

0,04

0,37

0,546

0,29

7,73

0,005

Landscape and Hospitality

0,04

0,06

0,806

Professional and safety

0,15

0,80

0,371

Hotel/restaurant vices and climate

ser-

services

The factor Hotel/Restaurant services and climate, it is the only variable that possesses predict value in the explanation of the global satisfaction with the Douro region (Wald =7,73; p=0,005). The higher the classification in terms of attributes regarding hotel/restaurant services and Climate the higher the global satisfaction. 4 CONCLUSIONS Respondents attribute different weights to the aspects of the services found in accordance with the importance and satisfaction for each of those aspects. From the tourists that visited Douro Region, 68% are married. The dominant age group of the respondents was 51 to 60 years (29 %), in terms of level of education, almost 59% of the respondents had a university education level. With regard to respondents annual household income, the largest group included those with an annual household income of US €2,000 or above (54,1%). Concerning the travel behavior characteristics, 68% had previous experience with the area. With regard to the length of stay, 55,8% of the respondents stayed for 2 to 5 days. In relation to membership in a group, most respondents (64,8%) traveled with a partner, friends, and family members, whereas 35,2% of respondents traveled alone or in an organized group. Lastly, in the category of travel information’s sources, the largest group of respondents (51%) traveled to this Region because of mouth to mouth references. There is a positive relationship between satisfaction and recommendation of the trip to a friend, almost all the tourists rated the relation price-quality as positive.


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Concerning, overall satisfaction and re-visit the Douro Region, we found that whatever the degree of satisfaction, almost all the respondents re-visit the region. In order to further understand the relationship between cultural/heritage destination attributes and identify the predictor´s attributes that contribute most to the overall tourists satisfaction, we used principal components factor method to generate the initial solution and after we used Ordinal Regression Analysis (PLUM). We find that the factor Hotel/Restaurant services and climate, it is the only variable that possesses predict value in the explanation of the global satisfaction with the Douro region. By identifying which attributes of services, must be maintained and improved to maintain tourists satisfaction we suggested that this information should be used by managers to develop marketing strategies to improved performance on those factors that most influence tourists satisfaction. REFERENCES Babakus, E. e Boller, G.,1992. An Empirical Assessment of the SERVQUAL Scale. Journal of Business Research, 24 (May): pp. 253-268. Barsky, J.D,1995. World-Class Customer Satisfaction. Chicago, USA: IRWIN Publishing. Cronin Jr., J. J., & Taylor, S. A., 1992. Measuring service quality: an examination and extension. Journal of Marketing, 56(2), pp.55–68. Eurostat, 2008. Population and social conditions - Industry, trade and services. Collection: Pocketbooks. Office for Official Publications of the European Communities. Luxembourg. Ford, J.B., Joseph, M. e Joseph, B., 1999. Importance-performance analysis as a strategic tool for service marketers: the case of service quality perceptions of business students in New Zealand and the USA, The Journal of Services Marketing, Vol 13, No 2:pp.171-186. Go, F., & Zhang, W., 1997. Applying importance–performance analysis to Beijing as an international meeting destination. Journal of Travel Research, Spring, pp.42–49. Guadagnolo, F., 1985. The importance–performance analysis: an evaluation and marketing tool. Journal of Park and Recreation Administration, 2, pp.13–22. INE (2009). Estatísticas do Turismo 2000. Instituto Nacional de Estatística. Lisboa Joseph, M e Joseph, B., 1997. Service quality in education: a student perspective, Quality Assurance in Education, Vol 5, N 1: pp.26-37. Kozak, M. And Rimmington M., 2000. Tourist Satisfaction with Mallorca, Spain, as of season Holiday Destination. Journal of Travel Research. 38, pp. 260- 269. Kozak, M., 2003. Measuring Tourist Satisfaction with Multiple Destination Attributes. Tourism Analysis 7, pp.229-240. Lovelock, C, Patterson, P.G and Walker, R. H., 1998. Services Marketing. Sydney: Prentice Hall. Martilla, J. A., & James, J. C.,1977. Importance–performance analysis. Journal of Marketing, January, pp.77–79. Oliver, R.L., 1996. Satisfaction a behavioural Perspective on the Consumer. London, McGraw-Hill. Parasuraman, A., Zeithaml, V. A., & Berry, L. L., 1985. A conceptual model of service quality and its implications for future research. Journal of Marketing, 49, pp.41–50. Parasuraman, A., Zeithaml, V. A., & Berry, L. L., 1988. SERVQUAL: A multiple-item scale for measuring consumer perceptions of service quality. Journal of Retailing, 64, pp.12–40. Reicheld, F. F.; e Sasser, W. E., 1990. Zero defections: Quality comes to services.. Harvard Business Review, 68, pp. 105-111. Ross, G.,1993. Destination Evaluation and Vacation Preferences. Annals of Tourism Research. Vol. 20: pp.477-489. Yi, Youjae (1990). A Critical Review of Consumer Satisfaction. Review of Marketing 1990, ed. Valarie A. Zeithaml, Chicago; American Marketing Association, pp. 68-123. Zeithaml V. A., Berry, L. L. and Parasuraman, A., 1993. The Nature and Determinants of Customer Expectations of Service, Journal of the Academy of Marketing Science, 21 (1): pp11-12.

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Integrating indigenous needs through participatory action research – community-based indigenous heritage in the Altai Republic G. Plets Ghent University, Department of Archaeology, Ghent, Belgium

V. Van Eetvelde Ghent University, Department of Geography, Ghent, Belgium

R. Plets University of Ulster, Environmental Science Research Institute, Coloraine, Northern Ireland, United Kingdom

J. Bourgeois Ghent University, Department of Archaeology, Ghent, Belgium

ABSTRACT: Recent growth of tourism, urbanisation and large scale construction projects are putting increasing pressure on the preservation of the cultural heritage of the Altai republic (Russia). Especially the indigenous needs and interests towards this heritage are under-adressed and, if not tackled, no effective steps can be set towards the sustainable preservation of the cultural heritage of the Altai region through management and planning. Within this paper, an approach is presented that ultimately aims to fill this gap, based on the development of an understanding of the indigenous values of both the cultural landscape and archaeological monuments. A keystone of the approach is participatory action research (PAR) which enabled a spatial understanding of the valuation of the cultural heritage.

1 INTRODUCTION The Altai Republic (Fig.1) is located in the heartland of the eponymous Altai ridge (Russia southwest Siberia) and is known for its unique cultural heritage, meaning the archaeological monuments, cultural landscape and its intangible social values. Archaeological monuments lie scattered across the Altai and are a silent witness of the important transitional role it has played since the late Neolithic (3200 BC) in the steppe region of central Asia. As well as its environmental importance, the cultural landscape of the Altai has a unique historical and spiritual significance for both the indigenous Altaian population and scholars. Furthermore, ever since the post-Soviet ethno-cultural revival, local customs beliefs and traditions have been reinstated (Halemba, 2006; Halemba, 2008a; Broz, 2009), which presents anthropologists, ethnographers and sociologists with a rich and unique source of information. Unfortunately, uncontrolled tourism, urbanization and agriculture are putting increased pressure on its cultural heritage (Gheyle, 2009; Plets et al., 2011a). Future plans to construct a pipeline through the Altai to China, which will cross several sacred landscapes and more than a thousand monuments (Plets et al., 2011b), is endangering the future of heritage. The main aim of our research is to find a long-term and well-directed solution for the disintegration of the region’s heritage. Successful archaeological surveys (Gheyle, 2009) and detailed three-dimensional (3D) photorealistic registrations of rock art and surface monuments (Plets et al., 2012) by Ghent University, Gorno Altaisk State University (GASU) and the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of the Siberian Branch of the Russian Academy of Sciences (IAE SBRAS) (Krupochkin, 2009), provide a promising structural basis for sustainable heritage management and planning policy. But, intangible indigenous heritage values remain underrepresented in the broad heritage domain of the Russian Altai. All too often, heritage-related tensions between on the one hand tourists and archaeologists, and on the other hand the indigenous Altaians undermine an effective heritage management. Without integrative community in-

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volvement and understanding, no effective steps can be set towards sustainable perspectives for the cultural heritage of the Altai region. Wanting to integrate indigenous interests, a combined approach of the practical and theoretical basis of community-based archaeology (see: Clarke, 2002; Greer et al., 2002; Greer, 2010), supplemented with the effective principles and methodologies of participatory action research (PAR) (Kindon et al., 2009) has been chosen. The aim of this exercise was to understand and ultimately communicate the intangible and cultural relevance of archaeological monuments and the cultural landscape. In the future, this will from part of the solid basis needed for comprehensive heritage management.

Figure 1: Map of the Altai republic indicating the planned pipeline and study areas of 2011.

This paper presents the specific approach and preliminary results of the participatory action research, compiled in the area of the Karakol Park, focusing on the spiritual and religious social landscape values. Before describing the approach and results, the cultural heritage and the involved indigenous communities of the Altai mountains will be described. 2 THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE ALTAI MOUNTAINS 2.1 Indigenous communities The indigenous people of the Altai currently make up 31% of the total population in the region. The concept of ‘the Altaian people’ was created by Soviet officials aided by ethnographers (e.g. Potapov, 1969), by grouping Turkic speaking tribes based on geographical, cultural and linguis-


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tic similarities (Broz, 2009: 51-55). Although most indigenous inhabitants of the region see themselves as ‘Altaians’, and are bound by their common attitude towards the Altai mountains, there is still differentiation on clan-tribe level. Their relationship with the Altai goes beyond the pure aesthetical as they see the Altai and its landscape with its numerous mountains, prominent hills and sources as spiritual entities who are at the centre of their traditional belief (Halemba, 2006: 18; Khomushku, 2010). Originally nomads, they were sedentarised during collectivisation and currently make a living breeding livestock in the predominantly Altaian villages. During the Soviet period there has been a steady growth in Russian-speaking populations in the area. This group comprises 60% of the population and mainly live in the more populated western and northern parts of the Republic. Most are Orthodox and a small group are Old Believers, a small sect originated after a schism in Orthodox church in 1666. Mixing between Altains and Russians groups occurs frequently, and in most cases the Altaian partner devotes him/herself to Christianity. 2.2 Cultural heritage of the Altai: definition and threats For thousands of years the Altai Mountains have been an important transitional region between the Mongolian and Kazakh steppes. The cultures that dwelled the Altai left their mark on the Altaian landscape through an extraordinary number of monuments and petroglyphs. In specific cases, local climatic conditions have allowed extremely good preservation of organic materials. For example, some of the burial sites (e.g. mounds of Tuekta, Bashadar, Pazyrik and Ukok), dating mainly from the Scythian period (800–200 BC), were located in frozen ground, which has resulted in exceptionally good preservation of wooden objects, textiles, leather ornaments, and the remains of sacrificed animals and mummified humans (Rudenko, 1960; Molodin et al., 2004). Besides the undeniable scientific importance, the archaeological heritage also has a striking supra-natural meaning for the indigenous Altaians. Although this has long been known, the extent of this importance really became obvious after the excavation and subsequent removal of a young Scythian women on the Ukok plateau in 1993 by the IAE SBRAS (Polosmak, 1995). This ‘Ukok Princess’ became a hot-topic for the Altaians (Halemba, 2008a; Broz, 2009: 49-51) and her removal was seen as the cause for an earthquake in 2003 and various other incidents. Since her excavation, the Ukok princess was increasingly used as a tool against archaeologists, making archaeological work impossible in the area. With respect to the cultural landscape of the Altai, different types of heritage values can be recognised following the World Heritage Convention (Rössler, 2006). Firstly, there is the particular presence of time-depth in the landscape attributing to its cultural significance (ICOMOS, 2009: 8). The numerous archaeological monuments and their specific plantation in the landscape, provide insight into the human occupation of this organically evolved landscape. Less straightforward to deal with are the decreasing number of Soviet relics linked to the collectivisation era, representing a significant but historically difficult layer in the landscape of the Altai. Secondly, the landscape has a powerful intrinsic/religious meaning for the local population, making it an associative cultural landscape (ICOMOS, 2009: 8). Fieldwork and studies by Halemba (2006) and Ghent University (see below) illustrate that the Altaians have a distinct sense of place attachment and perceive the landscape around them as a spiritual entity. The landscape is at the centre of worship (figure 2) and almost everything in the landscape (e.g. mountain passes, rivers, snowy peaks, prominent ridges, forests, and spring waters) has a sacred meaning and should be treated with respect (Halemba, 2006). In addition, numerous ordinary places, without being specific sacred places, are connected to regional heroic tales telling the history of the region. Increasing pressure from agriculture, urbanisation, and tourism has already led to degradation of the cultural heritage of the Altai. Numerous cases are known of archaeological sites being destroyed by tilling, villages being built on top of sacred burial grounds, and sacred landscapes and archaeological sites being despoiled and polluted by tourists (Plets et al., 2011a; Plets et al., 2011b). Some international initiatives and research projects have tried to look into a sustainable development model for the Altai Mountains (Foley et al., 2006; FSDA, 2006). But, although all efforts to tackle the development problems of the Altai should be applauded, most of these projects do not include the cultural heritage. Recent local initiatives (e.g. the Karakol park and the

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cultural board of the Telengits of Kosh-Agasch) show great potential for a well-directed heritage management but need scientific and financial support in order to succeed (Plets et al., 2011a; Plets et al., 2011b).

Figure 2: Arzhan suu near Boochi. Arzhan suu’s are spring waters with healing properties where strong powers can felt (Halemba, 2006: 88). In order to respect these places, appropriate rituals are conducted in the form of offerings of food, alcohol, flowers,.... and kira (ribbons of preferably white fabric) are bound to adjacent trees.

3 COMMUNITY-BASED HERITAGE THROUGH A PARTICPATORY ACTION RESEARCH (PAR) APPROACH When engaging in conservation and sustainable management, the timeless words of the landscape ecologist Aldo Leopold (1947: 2) form a strong basis. I

“Once you learn to read the land, I have no fear of what you will do to it, or with it. And know many pleasant things it will do to you.“

When extrapolating this statement to the heritage context of the Altai, this means that only when one fully understands the heritage and its interrelationship with the communities, an effective and sustainable heritage management is possible. Similar approaches that include community engagement and heritage appraisal are certainly not new and have already illustrated their strength, applicability and shortcomings in archaeological research and cultural heritage management (Hodges & Watson, 2000; Greer et al., 2002; Chirikure & Pwiti, 2008; Chirikure et al., 2010; Hemming & Rigney, 2010; Watson & Waterton, 2010). But, as noted by Chirikure & Pwiti (2008: 478) there is not one single best method for tackling community engagement, but it is in fact very context-dependent. Each case/region should be approached in relation to the needs and interests of both the local community and its heritage. The practical and theoretical basis of community-based archaeology (see: Clarke, 2002; Greer et al., 2002; Greer, 2010) sets a sound basis for different post-colonial contexts. Instead of the common consultative approach in which a researcher explains his research agenda and local communities can react to it (Clarke, 2002: 251; Greer et al., 2002: 267), the community-based approach is interactive and aims to pro-actively integrate the needs and interests of the locals into the complete research process based on a thorough understanding and involvement of the local population, resulting in a mutual benefit (Clarke, 2002: 251; Greer et al., 2002: 267). So


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extrapolated to the heritage management context of the Altai, community-based heritage management aims to be an interactive management based on a comprehensive understanding of individual communities, their heritage and the intrinsic interrelationship. Such a community-based approach demands a context-specific comprehensive understanding of the communities involved, which is only possible through an intensive collaborative framework (Greer et al., 2002: 268). A possible way to gather the necessary insight and collaboration is through participatory action research (PAR), whose methodologies are applicable in different contexts and are designed to produce context-specific information (Pain, 2004: 653). PAR is one of the most popular approaches within human geography and is well suited to explore peoples relation with places, space, and environments and how place is tied with cultural identity (Pain, 2004: 653, Kindon et al., 2009: 90-92). PAR has been widely used to address and assess local knowledge, needs and rights, especially within post-colonial contexts involving indigenous people and minorities, (Pain, 2004: 654). Common used PAR methods like participatory mapping, interviews and participant observation have been used to study and understand the spatial dimensions of socio-cultural issues similar to the Altai (Pain, 2004; Brown & Raymond, 2007; Fagerholm & Käyhkö, 2009; Kindon et al., 2009: 94). Especially the use of participatory mapping opens up possibilities to assess the associative landscapes of the Altai. It has already proven successful in other regions in collecting relevant socio-cultural data on the valuation of places and environments (Brown, 2004; Pain, 2004; Fagerholm & Käyhö, 2009; Kindon et al., 2009). Aided by a geographical information system (GIS), illustrative researches (Brown, 2004; Brown & Raymond, 2007; Raymond & Brown, 2007; Fagerholm & Käyhkö, 2009) were successful in establishing a compressive understanding of the social structure and extent of the cultural landscape for specific communities. 4 METHODOLOGY Participatory mapping and standardised interviews were conducted in 13 villages across the Altai during fieldwork in the summer of 2011. Although the community-based assessment was especially aimed at the indigenous Altaian population; Russian, Kazakh and mixed villages across the Altai were also involved. The aim was to reach all households of the villages. Even though working with a local Altaian to win over the trust of the community-members, some people were reluctant towards the interviews. Furthermore, alcohol abuse related problems within many of these villages prevented some inhabitants to participate objectively. In total 198 participants were assessed, this represents about half of the households of the 13 villages. In preparation to this fieldwork, 48 depth interviews of 1-2 hours were conducted, assessing random villagers, in the summer of 2010. Together with the extensive work of Halemba (2006; 2008a; 2008b) and Broz (2007; 2008; 2009; 2010), a relevant understanding of the local communities was achieved, allowing the compilation of a systematic questionnaire with welldirected questions and the definition of relevant themes for participatory mapping. Based on the above mentioned understanding and insights from prior participatory mapping researches (Brown, 2004; Brown & Raymond, 2007; Raymond & Brown, 2007; Fagerholm & Käyhkö, 2009), five relevant social values were chosen for participatory mapping for Altaian context (table 3). During 20-30 minutes talks (including the standardised questionnaire, see below) community members were asked to indicate areas of a certain value on topographic and ortho-photo maps of the region (scale 1:50.000) and republic (scale 1:1.000.000). Additionally, background information (i.e. why is that place important) about these places was noted. Once collected, all mappings and side information were integrated in a GIS platform, which also served as a basis for spatial analysis of the mapped values.


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5.2 Outcomes spiritual/religious social landscape mapping – results and discussion A total of 78 participants marked 233 locations, which can be grouped into 61 individual areas, as having supra-natural meaning. These areas were defined as distinct places with a strong spiritual character, clearly transcending the landscape around them. Nine participants were not able to define any such specific locations and saw everything in the landscape as a sacred. This makes that approximately 90% of the participants attach a spiritual meaning to (parts of) the surrounding landscape. Interestingly, this includes people with non-traditional beliefs (table 5) and Russians. The Russians which indicated places also marked by Altaians, described these as ‘energetic’ places rather than ‘sacred’ places. Table 5: Table indicating religion for each ethnic group. For each category the number of participants that attach supernatural value to the landscape is indicated. Traditional beliefs Orthodox Atheist Total Russian 1 6 1 8 Attach supra-natural 1 4 0 meaning to the landscape Altaian 74 8 3 85 Attach supra-natural 74 6 2 meaning to the landscape Mixed 0 1 1 2 Attach supra-natural 0 1 0 1 meaning to the landscape

When looking at the types of mapped locations, the categories that were marked the most were: prominent mountains (54%), followed by springs (23%) and archaeological monuments (10%). This correlates well with the local character of the valley, as prominent mountains dominate the view of this alpine landscape. The large representation of springs could be related to the environmental problems of the valley, during the Soviet period toxic insecticides and fertilisers were used frequently, resulting in heavy pollution of the numerous streams and rivers, making the springs until recently the only sources for potable water. Thirdly, the valley is amongst one of the archaeological richest valleys of the Altai with numerous royal burial mounds from the Scythian period (Rudenko, 1970) and rock art sites (Martinov et al., 2006), which can explain the marking of archaeological monuments. When combining these results in a GIS, the spatial dimensions and patterns of this social value can be understood better. Through raster calculations, areas with great overlap can be delineated, indicating possible consensus amongst participants (see figure 6). On the scale of the valley, there is agreement on only one well defined spiritual area, the Uch Enmek mountain complex, which was designated by 61% of the participants (47). Most people described it as the centre of the world, dictating their life. The complex comprises a series of prominent snowy peaks and forms the headwaters of the Karakol river. Furthermore the nearby mountain pastures and lakes make it an important grazing and foraging area in the summer. There are a few locations that were elaborately described by multiple participants, but were characterised by less agreement than the Uch Enmek. When looking which villagers defined these areas, it seems that there is a strong scale of agreement between participants of the same village. These are commonly striking landscape entities close to the village. Strangely, nearby villages close to such areas do not explicitly value that place alike. For example in the Karakol village, 74% of the respondents (14) marked the Bai Tul mountain as an extremely sacred place. When looking at the results of Bitchiktu Boom, a village approximately 4 km south of Karakol, whose view is also partly dominated by the Bai Tul, only 1 respondent of 22 marked this area. In other study areas outside the Karakol park, the pronounced collective characterisation on village level of nearby spiritual places was also apparent. This could indicate a multi-scaled construction of the indigenous associative landscape, which is largely determined on village scale. So when integrating indigenous interests, comprehensive village assessment is necessary.

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Figure 6: Geographical distribution of the marked areas, indicating the intensity of overlap between participants

Respect for these spiritual places of both regional and local importance is imperative, they form the meaningful basis of the associative landscape of the Altaians, involving a lot of culturally-driven emotions. Halemba (2006: 73) describes an example that illustrates the cultural sensitivity and importance of such places. She describes what locals believe to happen when a sacred place is not treated with respect, citing a sacred spring that was frequently visited by tourists. Their ignorant behaviour (leaving rubbish behind and wanting to imitate the rituals of the Altaians) made the master spirits of the place angry. The spring started to lose its healing powers and, gradually, its value was lost. This is not an isolated case and the rapid growth of tourism is increasingly causing widespread local dissatisfaction. If such issues are not tackled, the future outlook for the cultural landscape does not look bright and locals will see their cultural landscape disintegrate further. However, to outsiders, it is often unclear which places have special meaning and which code of conduct is needed. Only through systematic mapping on community scale can the extent and meaning of the associative landscape features can be understood As noted by Binks (1989: 191), only an independent assessment and understanding of the


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value of a place, environment or heritage of a particular community can enhance its importance, which ultimately can establish the need for wider appreciation and conservation. Informing visitors about the cultural value of such locations and the appropriate behaviour, would be a first step forward. There is generally a lot of good will with tourists, as one of the reasons that people visit the Altai is exactly its rich cultural heritage and values. But when there is almost no communication with them about the local traditions and sensitivities, one cannot automatically expect appropriate conduct. Furthermore, a consistent geodatabase of all communal, regional and national sacred places could facilitate a more republican recognition. This would also be a step forward for a better spatial planning policy as large projects (e.g. pipeline and ski resort on Seminski ridge) are planned on culturally valued spots, resulting in conflicts with community members. Although not extensively discussed in this paper, archaeological monuments have a similar value. The example of the Ukok princess illustrates that archaeological research without community involvement is an unethical move. If such a policy is continued and the indigenous aspects of the cultural heritage are not integrated, there are no sustainable perspectives for the cultural heritage of the Altai region. Through this research project we aim to raise awareness about the interrelationship between the intangible and tangible aspects of the archaeology and landscapes of the Altai. Without integration of intangible aspects, we feel that there is little purpose in trying to protect the disintegrating heritage. 6 CONCLUSION This paper has presented a preliminary understanding of the interrelationship between community-members and their cultural heritage in the Karakol Valley, through participatory mapping and interviews. The first results indicate that aspects of the associative landscape differ significantly between the studied villages. This stresses the need for interaction on village scale when engaging in practices that could affect the local heritage. In the future, a more comprehensive understanding of the associative landscape of the inhabitants of the Altai republic can be achieved by integrating other mapped social landscape values. This, together with the data about the intrinsic value of the archaeological monuments, could mean a major step forward in understanding and eventually addressing the indigenous aspects of the cultural heritage of the Altai mountains ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Foremost, we would like to thank Synary Malchinova for the interesting and often intense talks about Altaian culture and landscape. Furthermore, we also wish to acknowledge the financial support provided by IWT and FWO-Flanders, which helped us to organise our expeditions and desk-based research. The numerous participants are also thanked for their time and hospitality. REFERENCES Binks, G. 1989. Interpreters in the community: a discussion paper. In: Uzzell, D.L. (ed.), Heritage interpretation: the natural and built environment: 190-200. London: The Bellhaven press. Brown, G. 2004. Mapping Spatial Attributes in Survey Research for Natural Resource Management: Methods and Applications. Society & Natural Resources: 18: 17-39. Brown, G. & Raymond, C. 2007. The relationship between place attachment and landscape values: Toward mapping place attachment. Applied Geography 27: 89-111. Broz, L. 2009. Substance, Conduct, and History: “Altaian-ness” in the Twenty-First Century. Sibirica 8: 43-70. Chirikure, S. & Pwiti, G. 2008. Community Involvement in Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Management. Current Anthropology 49: 467-485. Chirikure, S., Muntaradzi, M., Ndoro, W. & Pwiti, G. 2010. Unfilled promises? Heritage management and community participation at some of Africa's cultural heritage sites. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16: 30-44.

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Clarke, A. 2002. The ideal and the real: Cultural and personal transformations of archaeological research on Groote Eylandt, northern Australia. World Archaeology 34: 249-264. Fagerholm, N. & Käyhkö, N. 2009. Participatory mapping and geographical patterns of the social landscape values of rural communities in Zanzibar, Tanzania. Fennia 187: 43-60. Foley, M., Almashev, C. & Byers, C.A. 2006. The Altai Assistance Project. Mountain Research and Development 26: 77-79. FSDA 2006. ɇɚɲɢ ɩɪɨɟɤɬɵ, in: Ⱥɥɬɚɹ. Gorno Altaisk: FSDA. Gheyle, W. 2009a. Highlands and Steppes. An Analysis of the Changing Archaeological Landscape of the Altay Mountains from the Eneolithic to the Ethnographic Period, Department of Archaeology. Ghent: Ghent University. Greer, S., Harrison, R., & McIntyre-Tamwoy, S. 2002. Community-based archaeology in Australia. World Archaeology 34: 265-287. Greer, S. 2010. Heritage and empowerment: community-based Indigenous cultural heritage in northern Australia. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16: 45-58. Halemba, A.E. 2006. The Telengits of Southern Siberia. London: Routledge. Halemba, A.E. 2008a. "What does it feel like when your religion moves under your feet?" Religion, Earthquakes and National Unity in the Republic of Altai, Russian Federation. Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 133: 283-299. Halemba, A.E. 2008b. Religion and conflict over land in the Republic of Altai: is there a difference between building a shrine and creating a nature park?. In: F. Pririe, F. & T. Huber (eds), Conflict and Social Order in Tibet and Inner Asia: 136-158. Leiden: Brill. Hemming, S. & Rigney, D. 2010. Decentering the new protectors: transforming Aboriginal heritage in South Australia. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16: 90-106. Hodges, A. & Watson, S. 2000. Community-based Heritage Management: a case study and agenda for research. International Journal of Heritage Studies 6: 231-243. ICOMOS 2009. World Heritage Cultural Landscapes. Paris: ICOMOS. Khomushku, O.M. 2010. Traditional Religious Beliefs of the Peoples of Sayano-Altai and Problems of Religious Syncretism. In: M.M. Balzer (ed.), Religion and Politics in Russia: 273-282. New York: M.E. Sharpe. Kindon, S., Pain, R. & Kesby, M. 2009. Participatory Action Research. In: R. Kitchin & N. Thrift (eds.), Encyclopedia of Human Geography: 90-95. Amsterdam: Elsevier. Krupochkin, E.P. 2009. Methodological Issues in the Digital Mapping of Archaeological Sites, Archaeology. Ethnology and Anthropology of Eurasia 37: 95-102. Leopold, A. 1947. Wherefore Wildlife Ecology. In: S.L. Flader & J.B. Callicott (eds), The River of the Mother of God: And Other Essays by Aldo Leopold: 336. Madison: The University of Winsconsin Press. Martinov, A.I., Elin, V.N. & Erkinova, R.M. 2006. Ȼɢɱɢɤɬɭ-Ȼɨɦ - ɋɜɹɬɢɥɢɳɟ Ƚɨɪɧɨɝɨ Ⱥɥɬɚɹ Bichiktu-Bom Sanctuary of Gorno-Altai, Gorno Altaisk State University. Grono-Altaisk: Gorno Altaisk State University. Molodin, V.I., Polos'mak, N.V., Novikov, A.V., Bogdanov, E.S., Slyusarenko, I.Y. & Cheremisin, D.V. 2004. Ⱥɪɯɟɨɥɨɝɢɱɟɫɤɢɟ ɩɚɦɹɬɧɢɤɢ ɩɥɨɫɤɨɝɨɪɶɹ ɍɤɨɤ (Ƚɨɪɧɵɣ Ⱥɥɬɚɣ). Novosibirsk: Institut Archeologii i Etnografii SO RAN. Pain, R. 2004. Social geography: participatory research. Progress in Human Geography 28: 652-663. Plets, G., Gheyle, W. & Bourgeois, J. 2011a. Preservation of the petroglyphs of the Altai Republic. Overview of the Altai Survey Project and the Recorded Rock Art sites. INORA 59: 18-23. Plets, G., Gheyle, W., Plets, R., Dvornikov, E.P. & Bourgeois, J. 2011b. A line Through the Sacred Lands of the Altai Mountains: Perspectives on the Altai Pipeline Project. Mountain Research and Development 31: 372-379. Plets, G. Gheyle, W., Verhoeven, G., De Reu, J., Bourgeois, J., Verhegge, J., Bourgeois, J. & Stichelbaut, B. 2012. Towards a Three-Dimensional Registration of the Archaeological Heritage of the Altai Mountains. Antiquity 86 IN PRESS. Polosmak, N.V. 1995. The Ak-Alakh "Frozen Grave" Barrow. Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 1: 346-354. Potapov, L.P. 1969. ɗɬɧɢɱɟɫɤɢɣ ɫɨɫɬɚɜ ɢ ɩɪɨɢɯɨɠɞɟɧɢɟ ɚɥɬɚɣɰɟɜ: ɂɫɬɨɪɢɤɨ-ɷɬɧɨɝɪɚɮɢɱɟɫɤɢɣ ɨɱɟɪɤ. Leningrad: Nauka. Raymond, C. & Brown, G. 2007. A Spatial Method for Assessing Resident and Visitor Attitudes Towards Tourism Growth and Development. Journal of Sustainable Tourism 15: 520-540. Rössler, M. 2006. World Heritage Cultural Landscapes: A UNESCO Flagship Programme 1992-2006. Landscape Research 31 (4): 333-353. Rudenko, S.I. 1960. Ʉɭɥɶɬɭɪɚ ɧɚɫɟɥɟɧɢɹ ɐɟɧɬɪɚɥɧɨɝɨ Ⱥɥɬɚɹ ɜ ɋɤɢɮɫɤɨɟ ɜɪɟɦɹ. Moscow: Akademii Nauk USSR.


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Rudenko, S.I. 1970. The Frozen Tombs of Siberia. The Pazyryk Burials of Iron-Age Horsemen. London: J. M. Dent & Sons. Watson, S. & Waterton, E. 2010. Heritage and community engagement. International Journal of Heritage Studies 16: 1-3.

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Lithuanian baroque organ heritage: origins, formation and influence in the East Europe G. Povilionis Organ Heritage Center, Vilnius, Lithuania

ABSTRACT: The formation of traditions of the Lithuanian organbuilding art have come from Eastern Prussia and various German principalities starting the 16th century. This background influenced the formation of the national identity of Lithuanian organ history – Vilnius School of Late Baroque Organbuilding in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the 2-half of the 18th century and its importance for the formation of the East-European organ art. In the 2-half of the 18th century and the 1-half of the 19th century, it was masters from the VSLBO (Zelle and sons, Jantzon and son, Scheel and son, Olszynski, Raczkowski, etc.) working in the GDL and elsewhere. The beginning of Lithuanian organbuilding tradition was noted by the grand organs with 20-36 stopsn by Jantzon. The original types of architectural composition and the stop list attributed to the area of the Vilnius artisans spread across the present territories of Lithuania, Belarus, Poland and Latvia.

1 INTRODUCTION This study focuses on the history of the development of the art of organ building in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth centuries and its significance to Eastern and Central Europe. The first organ in Lithuania was first mentioned in historical documents in 1408, when the Grand Master of the German Order Ulrich von Jungingen from Marienburg sent a present – a clavichord and a portative – to Anna, the wife of Vytautas, grand duke of Lithuania.

Example 1. On the left: Influence to organ building in Lithuania until the beginning of the 18th c. On the right: The first organ in Lithuania mentioned in 1408: Present by the Grand Master of the German Order Ulrich von Jungingen

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Until the beginning of the eighteenth century organ building in our country was influenced by the German (various German principalities) and Prussian (especially of Eastern Prussia – the Königsberg region where the organ tradition came from the influential schools in Hamburg and Gdansk) organ building tradition. At that time, organ builders of the Königsberg school were invited to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania; they also went to Scandinavian countries and Livonia (incidentally, the schools of Stockholm and Linköping were established under the influence of the Königsberg school). However, influenced by foreign and local tendencies the art of organ building in Lithuania formed and grew to be independent – the Vilnius late Baroque organ building school with its own masters and style. Its history encompasses a hundred years – from about 1740 until about 1840–1850: these are the dates when the first and last Baroque instruments attributed to the masters of the Vilnius school were built in the area.

Example 2. The largest part of Lithuanian Baroque organs - small positives of 7–12 voices

Nevertheless, for a long time historians attributed the instruments made by Vilnius masters to artisans from Königsberg, as the largest part of Lithuanian Baroque organs are small positives of 7–12 voices that were often considered provincial, unoriginal instruments which reminded of or simply copied those made by masters from Eastern Prussia. Indeed, masters from Königsberg travelled to Lithuania to build organs in the latter part of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries, but they made single instruments. Meanwhile, there were several master artisans around Vilnius in the eighteenth century. More and more of them arrived as in the eighteenth century when many churches were built or reconstructed all over the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and there was increasing demand for new organs. Some of the artisans stayed in Vilnius, the cultural and political centre of the duchy, where the administrative centres of monasteries were situated and connections with the authorities made it possible to get commissions in the most remote provinces. In this way, the area where Vilnius masters worked was rather large as the territory of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the eighteenth century was ten times larger than it is now: present-day Belarus, parts of Latvia, Poland and Ukraine belonged to it. Therefore, the legacy of the organ builders of the Vilnius School is important not only in the history of Lithuania but also of the mentioned countries. Incidentally, speaking about the Vilnius school of the late Baroque organ building I refer to “Lithuania” with its eighteenth century state administrative borders. It is interesting to note that those borders did not always coincide with the boundaries of the Roman Catholic Church. Because of this, instruments by Vilnius masters have survived in the neighbouring principalities of Courland and Livonia (present-day Latvia that did not belong to the Grand Duchy of Lithuania at that time) but only in Catholic churches. An interesting fact is known about the religious beliefs of those masters: almost all of them were Lutherans (in Lithuania, Catholics dominated); however, there was no religious intolerance and religious differences were not an obstacle to build organs for Catholics. Stylistic, constructional and musical similarities with instruments built by masters of different schools that mistakenly induced various researchers to attribute the organs surviving in the


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Grand Duchy of Lithuania to Königsberg artisans are understandable: the organ builders who settled in Vilnius in the mid-eighteenth century came from outside bringing their own traditions. However, they also established their own tradition characteristic of the area of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and the Vilnius masters were able to build large instruments on a par with those made in Western Europe. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to substantiate with historical arguments the claim that the Vilnius school of the Late Baroque organ building was independent and to prove its importance to the art of organ building in Eastern Europe. 2 ORIGIN OF VILNIUS MASTERS Most of the artisans were Vilnius citizens. From 1737 master G. A. Zelle who came from Königsberg was mentioned as living in Vilnius; his origins might have been linked with Ostfriesland. Before settling in Vilnius, he worked for almost ten years at the workshop of Georg Sigismund Caspari in Königsberg. First mentioned in 1752, Joachim Friedrich Scheel, who was born in the environs of the small town of Schwaan (not far from Rostock, Germany) from the principality of Mecklenburg; he might have been a relative of master August Scheel who lived in the town of Kalish, Poland. Between 1763 and 1765, mention was made of Mateusz Drygalski, who came to Vilnius from Prussia. Nicolaus Jantzon, an apprentice of Zelle, who was first mentioned as living in Vilnius in 1752, arrived from Hamburg. A year later, he married his master’s daughter most probably with a view to establishing himself in the organ building trade in Vilnius. It is likely that when his father-in-law died in 1761 Jantzon took over the workshop and became the most distinguished representative of the Vilnius school of organ building in the latter part of the eighteenth century. His son Friedrich Samuel was also an organ builder. At that time local masters L. Klimowicz, J. Pawáowski, B. Sidorowicz, A. Szulk, J. Bohdanowicz, K. Bortkiewicz, J. P. GryĞ, and J. Kowalski also worked in Vilnius. Artisans who did not live in Vilnius but collaborated with the masters of the Vilnius school and followed the same style also belonged to the same group: M. Raczkowski, T. F. Dreinowski, and J. Voyculewicz from Samogitia (Žemaitija).

Example 3. Masters of Vilnius Baroque Organ Building School

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Example 4. Organs built in the tradition of the Vilnius school and Daniel Wroblewsky’s Organs built in the tradition of the Vilnius school

Instruments built by the masters of the Vilnius school are spread over a large area. The latest research suggests that the church in Pasiene (present-day Latvia), then a remote part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, houses a 1765 organ by an unknown master from Vilnius; in the church in Laši (Latvia) stands a 1798 instrument built by F. S. Jantzon; the church in Lơnas (Latvia) houses an instrument by Dreinowski; the large instruments in the churches in Polock and Budslaw (Belarus) are attributed to Jantzon; the organ in the Bernardine church in Lvov (Ukraine) must have also been built under the influence of Vilnius masters. It can be assumed that organs built in the tradition of the Vilnius school are more widely spread due to the migration of the organ builders. For instance, Johann Christoph Ungefug was born and studied the trade under Zelle in Vilnius; he later left for Eastern Prussia. Daniel Wroblewsky (1744– 1818), one of the most distinguished organ builders of Polish origin in Denmark later studied under Ungefug. Therefore, it is likely that Vilnius organ master Zelle could have indirectly influenced the culture of organ building in Poland (Mazurian region), and perhaps even in Denmark and Norway. 3 ORGAN FACADES

3.1 Architecture The organs built by the masters of the Vilnius school are distinguished by the original architecture of the facades. Their two-tower structure was a characteristic feature of the school. It is likely that this composition came from Eastern Prussia as it is seen in the mid-eighteenthcentury instruments in several churches in the environs of Königsberg: in the church in Caymen (present-day Kaliningrad region) and the 1737 organ positiv by Caspari in the Church of Neurosgärten in Königsberg. It is known that Zelle worked under Caspari at that time, and later Jantzon studied under Zelle. The restored facade of the instrument in St Johns’ Church in Vilnius can be regarded as a compositional prototype. Its central part is of a typical form on the base of which the facades of most of later Lithuanian organs were built.


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RECENT VIEW RECONSTRUCTED ORIGINAL VIEW Example 5. The Reconstruction of the Facade of N.Jantzon’s Organ in the St Johns Church, Vilnius, 1766

The two-tower facade composition is dominated by two polygonal side towers and straight flats surrounding them. This is a double form of a three-part compositional element (3x2) with an extra central tower. This seven-part form is the architectural base of facades that changed depending on the size of the instrument, id est it was narrowed, widened or flats were moved to different places. In this way, new facade forms that could be divided into three groups were created. The Vilnius masters favoured the first two, while the third that was rarely used includes instruments with different forms of the facade. The first group includes one-manual facades, while modifications of the organ facade with two manuals are in the second group. The oldest two-tower composition organ has survived in the Church of St George in Vilnius and in the church in Joniškis; the newest one is in the church in Kantauþiai. In Samogitia, the organ builders used this composition until the 1810s, while the church in Žemalơ has an 1839 classicist form.

Example 6. Façade Model – St Johns church, Vilnius and Other Facades by Vilnius school

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Example 7. Façade Model’s Variants and Schemes of Façade compositions

3.2 Ornamentation Late Baroque organ facades as other elements of the church interior were adorned with carved wood ornaments that had original forms and a unique configuration of decorative details. For instance: ⎯ Decorative console at the bottom of every tower; ⎯ Pipe feet and tops covered with an ornamented openwork lattice; ⎯ Facade sides adorned with volute wings; ⎯ Cartouches at the top of towers with the initial letters of the one who funded the instrument (in most cases), monograms, an extract from Psalm 150, a coat of arms or other elements (a star, a clock); ⎯ Eye of Providence in the central part; ⎯ Towers of the facades of grand and middle-sized organs often adorned with a composition of several figures: angles with trumpets and a figure of King David.

Example 8. Ornamentation elements (Wing Carvings and Consoles)


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Example 9. The Organ “Triplet” (Façade triplet, master N. Jantzon): Troškǌnai, 1787-1789; Tytuvơnai, 1789; Kurtuvơnai, 1792-1794

Example 10. N. Jantzon’s Organs: The Bernardine Church in Vilnius (1764–1766), Church in Linkuva (1764–1765), Church in Budslav (Belorussia, 1783)

4 INSTRUMENT In Lithuania, in Catholic churches unlike in Lutheran ones the role of the organ as a musical instrument was not so great, (although the instrument was obligatory in all churches) as organ music most often accompanied liturgy, which did not promote independent and professional playing. The organ is a complex instrument, technically and technologically, and organ research is a separate field. This study is concerned with the aspects of stop lists and registers characteristic of the Vilnius school of organ building. The most important instruments built by the masters of the Vilnius school are the grand organs by Jantzon in the Bernardine Church in Vilnius, as well as in the churches in Linkuva, Budslaw, Tytuvơnai, and Troškǌnai. The stop lists of his instruments stand out by their original register names and pipe scales (Unda Maris, Salcinal, Sedecima, Flet Major, Flet Minor, Jula, the reed stop Vox humana,) as well as an exceptionally rare and a highly effective musical instrument used in grand organs – a tuned bell carillon (Vox Campanorum), acustic drums and cimbelstar.

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Example 11. The tuned bell carillon – Vox Campanorum

Example 12. The Stoplist of the Jantzon’s Organ in Tytuvơnai: the underlined stops are specific for Jantzon

5 CONCLUSIONS The surviving large organs by the most distinguished Vilnius school master Nicolaus Jantzon define the characteristic features of the instruments in terms of the architecture of the organ facades. In the facades of Jantzon’s organs the influence of the compositional details characteristic most probably of the facade of instruments by Hamburg masters (the bottom of a two-stage central part) is seen as well as the features characteristic of the grand instruments of the Karaliauþius late baroque instruments: a three-part composition on both sides of the organ, side towers with symmetrical outside little windows and a figure of King David in the centre of the facade. The distinctive features of the grand organs of the Vilnius school are given: 1) the pipes in the organ facade in the large side towers and squares are not part of the pedal system as typical of the instruments made by Hamburg and Karaliauþius masters, but to the first manual; and 2) the structure of the facade – a composition with two dominating side towers, while a composition with the central highest tower was typical of Hamburg and Karaliauþius organ schools’ instruments. Analysis of the typical register structure, origin and prevalence in Lithuania proves that the dispositions typical of the Vilnius organ school instruments by its main master – Jantzon – were stable.


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The geographical area where the Vilnius organ builders’ instruments are found worked testifies to the fact that they were widely spread in the remote places of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, for instance, in Pasiene (present-day Latvia), Bialynices (present-day Belarus; the church and the organ have not survived), the Jesuit church in Polock (present-day Belarus), Budslav (present-day Belarus), the Dominican Church in Rozanystok (present-day Poland), the Bernardine Church in Lvov (present-day Ukraine). Additionally, the presented data makes it possible to argue that the legacy and activities of the masters of the Vilnius school are important not only in Lithuania, Belarus, Latvia, Poland and Ukraine; they could have influenced indirectly the history of organ building in Denmark and Norway. REFERENCES Bonkhoff, Bernhard H. Historische Orgeln in der Pfalz. München-Zürich, 1984. Bösken, Franz. Die Orgelbauerfamilie Stumm aus Rhaunen-Sulzbach und ihr Werk. Meinz 1960; Neuausgabe 1981. de Celles, Dom Francois Bedos. L’art du Facteur D’orgues. 1766; faksimilinis leidimas: Geneve, 1994. Eberlein, Roland. Orgelregister, ihre namen und ihre Geschichte. Siebenquart, 2009. Erici, Einar., Unnerbäck, Axel. Orgelinventarium. Stokholm, 1988. Fischer, Hermann, Wohnhass, Theodor. Historische Orgeln in Unterfranken. München-Zürich, 1981. Fock, Gustav. Arp Snitger und Seine Schule. Ein Betrag zur Geschichte des Orgelbause im Nord- und Ostseeküstengebiet, Bärenreiter-Verlag, Kassel 1974. Friedrich, Felix. Der Orgelbauer Heinrich Gottfried Trost Leben–Werk–Leistung. Leipzig, 1989. Galicz, Jan. „O organach w Wilnie“. In: Ruch muzyczny, Warszawa, 1861, Nr. 8, p. 121–122. Goáos, Jerzy. Polskie organy i muzyka organowa, Warszawa, 1972. Grahn, Göran, McCrea Andrew. „Towards a History of Organ–Building in the Baltic States“. In: The Organ Yerbook, Vol. XXVI (1996), p. 1–32. Janonienơ, Rǌta. „Vilniaus Bernardinǐ bažnyþios vargonai“. In: Kultǌros paminklai, Vilnius, 1998, Nr. 5, p. 135–142. Könner, Klaus. Dơl Süddeutsche Orgelprospekt des 18 Jahrhunderts. Tübingen, 1992. Morelowski, Marian. „Snycerz GĊdowski, mistrz Casparini i organy grupy wilenskiej XVIII w.“ In: Prace i materialy Sprawozdawcze Sekcje Historii Sztuki TPN w Wilnie, Vol. III, Vilnius, 1938–1939, p. 308–317. Paknys, Mindaugas. „Vargonǐ meistrai Lietuvos didžiojoje kunigaikštystơje“. In: Menotyra, 2001, Nr. 2, p. 52–61. Pape, Uwe. (Hrsg.) unter Mitarbeit von Wolfram Hackel, Gottfried Gille und Hermann Fischer. Lexikon norddeutscher Orgelbauer, Band 1 Türingen und Umgebung, Berlin, 2009. Povilionis, Girơnas. Vargondirbystơs menas Lietuvoje nuo baroko iki klasicizmo. Vargonǐ katalogas. XVII a.–XIX a. pirmoji pusơ. Vilnius, 2009. Povilionis, Girơnas. „XVIII a. Vilniaus meistrǐ vargonǐ prospektǐ projektai“. In: Kǌrinys, menininkas, erdvơ, Dailơ Nr. 39, Vilniaus dailơs akademijos darbai, 2005, p. 35–44, ISSN 13292-0316. Renkewitz, Werner, Janca, Jan, Fischer, Hermann. Geschichte der Orgelbaukunst in Ost– und Westpreussen 1633 bis 1944. t. II, 1d. Berlin, 2008. Rodeland, Jürgen. Die Orgelbauwerkstatt Schöler in Bad Ems. Katzbichler, München u. Salzburg 1991. Schaefer, Marc. Das Silbermann-Archiv. Winterthur/Schweiz, 1994, p. 176. Smulikowska, Ewa. Prospekty organowe w dawnej Polsce. Wroclaw, 1989. Smulikowska, Ewa. The Polish Organ. Vol. II: Organ-Cases in Poland as Works of Art. Warschau, 1993. Schneider, Thekla. Die Namen der Orgelregister. Bärenreiter, Kassel, 1958. Sulzmann, Bernd. Die Orgelbauerfamilie Martin in Waldkirch im Breisgau. Wiesbaden, 1975. The Nordic–Baltik organ book. Göteborg, 2003. Urbanaviþius, Agnius. Vilniaus naujieji miestieþiai 1661–1795 m. Vilnius, 2005.

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Integrating indigenous and modern heritage conservation practice in Nepal N. Pradhananga Southasia Institute of Advanced Studies, Kathmandu, Nepal

C. Landorf University of Queensland, Brisbane, Australia

ABSTRACT: A push towards meeting global standards in heritage conservation has resulted in community-led heritage conservation initiatives being sidelined in Kathmandu, Nepal. Exploration of a traditional heritage conservation approach in Kathmandu called the guthis has highlighted its salient features of holism, participation and sustainability. Some of the key issues for integration of the guthi system with the scientific-western approach include differences in the conception of authenticity, a decreased sense of ownership and a lack of collaboration among stakeholders. Based on a critical review of conservation theory and a detailed case study of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site, a collaborative framework to facilitate integration of indigenous and modern heritage conservation approaches at the Kathmandu Valley was proposed. The collaborative framework encourages a shift from an authorised, expert-driven approach to a community-led approach that assists in furthering sustainable heritage conservation outcomes.

1 INTRODUCTION World heritage and national listing of heritage sites has resulted in economic generation but also subsequent rapid development leading to increasing challenges in the management of these complex, living sites (Aas et al., 2005, Westley and Vredenburg, 1997). This imposition of scientific-western knowledge through the set up of national frameworks in many countries and the top-down World Heritage framework has resulted in the disengagement of local stakeholders and communities who are not only the owners of the heritage but are also propagators of the culture that lends meaning to the heritage sites in the first place (Wijesuriya, 2006). The inadequacy of the current conservation thinking is evident in the confrontation of application of existing principles to communities still respecting pre-industrial traditions, in urban and rural areas in general (Wijesuriya, 2003, Baillie, 2006, Tunprawat, 2009, Weerasinghe, 2011). There is now a call for the re-engagement of local communities in efforts to recognise the diversity of cultures and physical conditions (Jokilehto, 2002). To explore these issues, Kathmandu was selected as a case. The Nepalese case represents a shift from a localized, primarily community-led heritage conservation system called guthis to a global, streamlined, top-down approach that has resulted in increasing strain between local values and universal values as propagated as part of the global world heritage framework. Prevention of change to the physical aspects of heritage sites in a bid to attain authenticity, the concept of minimal intervention to retain as much material fabric as possible to ensure that the site is a true and genuine representation of history, one of the key ideals of the heritage conservation discourse, has resulted in an inherent conflict between heritage conservation and urbanization. Such a Euro-centric focus on the ‘retention of everything as it is’ does not bode well with the Nepalese context where change is an inherent approach in the continuity of

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cultural heritage. Such an overlay of scientific-western knowledge characterised by the set up of bureaucratic organisational structures and institutionalization of community led approaches, on indigenous social systems of heritage conservation provides fertile ground for an exploration of the engagement (or not) of local communities. 2 KATHMANDU Kathmandu is the capital of Nepal and is home to the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site which consists of 7 world heritage monuments zones – two Hindu sites of Pashupatinath and Changu Narayan, two Buddhist sites of Bauddhanath and Swayambhunath, and the three Palace Squares, Bhaktapur Durbar Square monument zone, Patan Durbar Square monument zone and Kathmandu Durbar Square monument zone. Most of the architectural monuments in Kathmandu are constructed of wood, stone or brick, most frequently combining brick masonry and carved timber framing using load bearing technology. Other elements also form part of the architectural vocabulary of structures in the Kathmandu valley such as decorative bricks, tiled roofs, moulded terracotta sculptures, and sculptures in metal or stone. These monuments form part of the cultural landscape in the Kathmandu valley along with sunken water fountains, free standing stone or metal sculptures of donors placed on high pillars in front of the temples, mandala plaques and Bodhisattva images in the courtyard of buildings (Sekler et al., 1977) (See Fig. 1).

Figure 1: Kathmandu Durbar Square monument zone (Source: UNESCO Kathmandu Documentation Centre)

In a context so rich culturally and historically, it is not surprising that recent processes of modernisation since the mid 90s has created increased pressure on the urban infrastructure and settlement patterns. Kathmandu has changed from the traditional capital town of the Himalayan Kingdom into a ‘modern’ city and has become one of the world’s most popular tourist destinations (Weise et al., 2004). Along with rapid transformation in Kathmandu has come a push towards meeting international standards in heritage conservation based on a rigid notion of authenticity. A case study approach was used to explore the integration (or lack of) of traditional heritage conservation approaches embodied in an indigenous community management system called the guthis and the scientific-western heritage conservation approaches. This was done through an

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ensure the heritage was conserved (See Fig. 2). An automatic system was already in place. Most of these heritage items from various periods are still standing today due to the repair and maintenance carried out by the guthis and the tendency to reconstruct after monuments fell into a state of disrepair. Another feature of the guthis is the level of participation and access to decision making. This was due to the strong attachment to religious and cultural beliefs and the development of social norms which were embedded into the daily lives of the people. This enabled a sense of attachment and belonging within the community. Participation takes place not only amongst guthi members but also with other locals in the community. Providing such access to involvement and decision making ensures that communities take responsibility to solve their own problems. Automatic heritage conservation processes is another aspect of the guthi system. The guthi system benefitted from the continuation of the work and the transfer of expertise from one generation of the next. The land that was endowed for each guthi could be relied on as a reliable source of income, in the past, even across generations. The guthis are self - perpetuating and self - triggering in nature. The guthi system is, therefore, seen as a reliable system as projects do not have to be formulated as in scientific-western heritage conservation management systems. The guthis have, over the years, changed and adapted to varying needs. Despite various changes in policies, the ability of the guthis to ensure sustainable use of resources has highlighted the resilience of such systems. 4 SCIENTIFIC WESTERN APPROACH After Nepal’s foreign policy changed in 1951 to allow interaction with the rest of the world, the first few decades leading to the inscription of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site (KVWHS) can be characterised by the role of international organisations in leading studies and reports that would become the basis for nomination. The Department of Archaeology (DoA) took over the responsibility of heritage conservation for the country through the Ancient Monuments Preservation Act (AMPA) 1956 (DoA, 1956). This bureaucratic set up for heritage conservation processes received further impetus with the institutionalisation of guthis to form the Guthi Corporation based on the Guthi Corporation Act (1964). The Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site was inscribed on the World Heritage List in 1979. The scientific-western approach of heritage conservation in Kathmandu is characterised by the set up of bureaucratic structures such as the DoA. This set up was based on the introduction of ‘archaeology’ into the public sector management regimes in South Asia by the British Colonial administration; a strong dependence on foreign experts to assist in heritage conservation in the initial decades; an approach to heritage conservation driven by the Eurocentric concept of authenticity and the World Heritage framework; and a lack of a holistic longterm perspective (UNESCO, 2002). Such an approach however, did assist in the training of many of the authorities at the DoA, improved the state of conservation of individual monuments of the KVWHS, and helped to channel funds to much needed projects. It failed, however, to address the rapid deterioration of the historic environment of the KVWHS due to uncontrollable urban development (Weise et al., 2004). By 1994, the principal concern about the future of the built environment of Kathmandu had shifted from the maintenance and restoration of individual buildings to a deeper concern about the need to implement an effective system of development control before the character of the world heritage site was irretrievably lost (Amatya, 2007). KVWHS was placed on the World Heritage List of Danger in 2003 due to loss of traditional vernacular heritage in 6 of the 7 monument zones of the Kathmandu valley (Amatya, 2007, Weise et al., 2004, Fontanari and Gianighian, 2004, UNESCO, 2003a, UNESCO, 2003b). The 27th session of the World Heritage Committee noted the key issues of the KVWHS to be urban pressure caused by rapid population growth, lack of a management mechanism (including legislation), lack of institution coordination, and earthquakes leading to a loss of authenticity and integrity and a lack of enforcement of protective regulations (UNESCO, 2003a). The local community by this stage had been well and truly sidelined and for members of the local communities, the responsibility of heritage conservation now belonged to the government. There were also tensions evident between the World Heritage Committee and the DoA on what

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5 KEY ISSUES IN RE-ENGAGEMENT OF COMMUNITIES 5.1 Authenticity The authenticity of the KVWHS was compromised with rapid deterioration of the vernacular fabric that provided the setting for the monuments (UNESCO, 2006, Gov of Nepal, 2006). Two key issues arise in the deterioration of the vernacular fabric – the notion that ‘everything possible’ should be done to ‘restore’ the building to ensure minimal intervention and the actual reconstruction of structures that are incompatible to the setting due to usage of foreign materials; improper form, proportion and scale of buildings; and inappropriate building techniques. The DoA has devised bylaws that specify materials, height, construction technology and other aspects which have not proven to be effective. The bylaws are evaded and the solution to the issue above has been one that is based on negative reinforcement and has further alienated the local community. Local inhabitants are open to the use of modern materials and because of the economic benefits, buildings that are large and out of scale are built. This has led to conflict in Kathmandu between the needs of the people and that of the authorities responsible for the conservation of these sites. Reconstruction is a debatable phenomenon in heritage conservation due to the perception that it is inauthentic and is deceptive to the receivers of the heritage (Wei and Aass, 1989, Pickard, 2001). Reconstruction in the Nepalese context takes place due to the philosophical basis of conservation that is based on ‘cyclical renewal’ and ‘impermanence’; the location of Kathmandu valley in an earthquake zone; heavy monsoon rains and eventual rotting of wooden supports; and lack of a clear holistic national heritage policy to guide interventions (PAHAR, 2004, DoA Nepal, 2007). Materials used in heritage items in Nepal such as brick, mud and wood are impermanent in nature and are subject to quick degradation. This has necessitated their replacement in restoration activities. Material authenticity has never been a focus for the Nepalese context but rather the translation of meta-physical philosophies such as orientation of temples and, number of doors and windows, into current restorations. 5.2 Ownership A lack of ownership is felt by the local community after the guthi system was institutionalised to form the current Guthi Corporation. There was resentment within the community who felt that they would not have needed the assistance of the government in the form of the Guthi Corporation had the land not been nationalised and had there still been a resource base. This has led to a lack of responsibility on the part of the local community, guided by the mentality that heritage conservation works should be the responsibility of the government. For the community, the situation has been made worse by the lack of ownership and responsibility felt by the government since the nationalisation of the guthis. Despite owning majority of the heritage items in the Kathmandu valley (Gov of Nepal, 1979), the Guthi Corporation has had limited involvement in heritage conservation works. Traditionally, the guthiyars (committee members of the guthi) were empowered and had access to decision making. They had ownership over heritage conservation processes, not only in terms of the physical structure, but also in the decision making process surrounding various activities related to the heritage item under consideration. This sense of ownership that the inhabitants felt towards their heritage, and the sense of responsibility and accountability they felt, has been lost considerably. The need for engagement of indigenous communities is then evident as they are the ones who have the greatest connection with the heritage. 5.3 Collaboration The first attempt of systematic collaboration was during the development of the Integrated Management Plan (Gov of Nepal, 2008). The placement of the KVWHS on the World Heritage List of Danger brought together all stakeholders in collaboration to formulate this long term management plan. A Coordination Working Committee was formed consisting of the Head of the World Heritage Section of the DoA with members representing each of the World Heritage Monument Zones (DoA Nepal, 2007). Effective collaboration is challenging due to complex


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inter-linkages between stakeholders, their varied priorities and the inherent structures that formulate which participants often have little control over (Huxham, 2003, Huxham and Vangen, 2000). A comparison of these attempts at collaboration at the KVWHS with the indigenous guthi system highlights the inbuilt collaborative system of the guthis that was selftriggering and self-perpetuating. Those individuals involved in the guthis had learnt this over time whilst being involved in the guthis. The guthi system is dynamic and is driven forward by a common vision that offers all stakeholders a common platform to become involved and to stay involved. The institutionalisation of the guthi into the Guthi Corporation led to the deterioration of the guthis. Although the Guthi Corporation was also involved as part of the stakeholders involved in the development of the IMP, the role afforded to the Guthi Corporation was tokenistic and the opportunities of the Guthi Corporation were not explored. The Guthi Corporation was seen as an organisation that played a secondary role to the primary initiative of DoA to preserve tangible heritage. Positive beliefs about outcomes did not exist and shared power access was an issue. To ensure that an organisational domain can adapt and broaden its agenda, it is important that all organisations view each other as legitimate stakeholders and believe that positive outcomes can be achieved through collaboration (Gray, 1985). After the problem-setting phase, dispersion of power generally takes place between stakeholders during the direct-setting phase. The structuring phase requires a high level of independence and a redistribution of power. This is the phase when the organisational domain is in a position to influence the contextual environment. After the outcomes are achieved, a broadening of agenda guided by the desire of each organisation to work towards a common vision is required. 6 RE-ENGAGING COMMUNITIES THROUGH A COLLABORATIVE FRAMEWORK A reconceptualization of conservation is required through a decolonization process which acknowledges the existence of alternative stories and parallel ways of understanding, utilising and caring for the material past (Sully, 2007). Such a multiple perspective approach in heritage could focus on the importance of indigenous knowledge and community participation as opposed to an approach which attaches itself to the authorised heritage discourse (Tunprawat, 2009, Smith and Waterton, 2009). The case of the guthis highlights the value in such an approach. The turn from an empowered community to a disengaged community due to the infiltration of an authority-led approach can only be resolved through a revisit of the roots of the indigenous systems of heritage conservation and through empowerment of the local community (See Fig. 4). The involvement of the local community is then important to gain their support, to ensure that solutions are contextually grounded and to take into consideration the perceptions of the community towards their heritage. Authenticity of the process of conservation is just as important as the authenticity of the product. This process provides the community an ability to influence the decisions made. Some of the issues as outlined above for integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage conservation systems can be resolved through collaboration. A collaborative framework is therefore, proposed based on the framework as put forward by McCann (1983) , Gray (1989) and Waddock (1989) and on the findings as distilled from an in-depth analysis of the integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage management systems at the KVWHS (See Fig. 5). The framework consists of four steps: initiate, define, decentralise and implement. The first step, initiation, involves the definition of the problem’s dimension, in this case the integration of the indigenous and scientific-western heritage conservation management systems. As identified by Waddock (1989), one of six environmental forces is required for collaboration – mandate or legal system, existing networks, third party organisations, common vision, crisis or visionary leadership. The Guthi Corporation and the local community have had little involvement in collaborative initiatives. Any involvement so far has been tokenistic in nature (Arnstein, 1969). These stakeholders should be given priority during the stakeholder definition process. Awareness of the problem’s dimensions should be raised amongst the stakeholders as suggested by McCann (1983). During this process, the capacity of stakeholders will become clear and capacity building may be required for them to be able to participate

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institutionalisation of the indigenous guthi has an adverse impact on heritage outcomes (iii) scientific-western heritage conservation systems have not led to positive heritage outcomes at the KVWHS (iv) road blocks exist that impede integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage and (v) explored how a collaborative process can facilitate the integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage systems. The current scientific-western heritage conservation approach was found to have a focus on tangible heritage that fails to take into consideration intangible heritage and the important interaction between the tangible and intangible. A lack of community participation was also found for the KVWHS. This was seen as a result of the disenfranchisement of local communities from their own heritage where the indigenous heritage system has been sidelined by scientific-western heritage conservation systems. The case of Kathmandu highlights that any one system is no longer suited for increasingly complex heritage management requirements. The positive aspects of both indigenous and scientific-western heritage conservation systems are required for an inclusive approach. The research undertaken provides insight into the issues of authenticity, ownership and collaboration that form road blocks to this integration process. It highlights the need for an overarching framework that is suited to the needs of the 21st century. In areas where indigenous approaches as distinct as the guthis do not exist, research into any traditional knowledge on heritage conservation could also be undertaken to shed light on their appropriateness for the present context. The issues that are determined for integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage management systems may differ at each site. A collaborative framework, however, could provide much needed guidance on how to tackle the disjoint between local and universal values and on how to facilitate integration of indigenous and scientific-western heritage conservation systems as a means to explore the shift from an authorized, expert-driven approach to a collaborative approach. REFERENCES Aas, C., Ladkin, A. & Fletcher, J. 2005. Stakeholder collaboration and heritage management. Annals of Tourism Research, 32: 28-48. Amatya, S. 1991. Art and culture of Nepal An attempt towards preservation, New Delhi: Nirala Publications. Amatya, S. 2007. Monument Conservation in Nepal My Experience with the World Heritage Sites of Kathmandu Valley, Kathmandu: Vajra Publications. Arnstein, S. R. 1969. A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the Royal Town Planning Institute, 10. Baillie, B. 2006. Conservation of the sacred at Angkor Wat: further reflections on living heritage. Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, 8: 123-131. Bajracharya, D. 1973. Lichchavi kal ka abhilekh, Kathmandu: Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies. DOA .1956. Ancient Monument Preservation Act, Kathmandu. DOA Nepal. 2007. Kathmandu valley world heritage site integrated management framework, Kathmandu. Fontanari, E. & Gianighian, G. 2004. Mission Report. Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site in the List in Danger. Venice: UNESCO WHC, Universita' IUAV di Venezia. Gov of Nepal. 1979. Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site Nomination Document. Kathmandu: Gov of Nepal. Gov of Nepal. 2006. Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site Request for Minor Modification. Kathmandu: Gov of Nepal. Gov of Nepal. 2008. Progress Report on State of Conservation and implementation of the IMP: Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site, Kathmandu: Gov of Nepal. Gray, B. 1985. Conditions facilitating interorganizational collaboration. Human Relations, 38: 911-935. Gray, B. 1989. Collaborating: Finding common ground for multiparty problems. San Francisco. Huxham, C. 2003. Theorizing collaboration practice. Public Management Review, 5: 23. Huxham, C. & Vangen, S. 2000. Leadership in the Shaping and Implementation of Collaboration Agendas: How Things Happen in a (Not Quite) Joined-up World. The Academy of Management Journal, 43: 1159-1175. Jamal, T. B. & Getz, D. 1995. Collaboration theory and community tourism planning. Annals of Tourism Research, 22: 186-204. Jokilehto, J. 2002. History of architectural conservation: Butterworth-Heinemann Ltd.


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Mccann, J. E. 1983. Design guidelines for social problem-solving interventions. The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science, 19: 177-191. Müller-Böker, U. 1988. Spatial Organization of a Caste Society: The Example of the Newar in the Kathmandu Valley, Nepal. Mountain Research and Development, 8: 23-31. Nepal Government. 2009. Newa sanskritima dekhiyeko samashya samadhan ra guthi sansthanko auchitya, Kathmandu. Owens, B. M. C. 2002. Monumentality, identity, and the state: Local practice, world heritage, and heterotopia at Swayambhu, Nepal. Anthropological quarterly, 75: 269-316. PAHAR . 2004. An independent survey and evaluation report on the present status of the Kathmandu Valley World Heritage Site: PAHAR. Pickard, R. 2001. Policy and law in heritage conservation, London: Taylor & Francis. Regmi, M. 1978. Land Tenure and Taxation in Nepal. Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar. Regmi, M. C. 1963. Land Tenure and Taxation in Nepal: Bibliotheca Himalayica. Sekler, E., Allchin, R., et al. 1977. Masterplan for the conservation of the cultural heritage in the kathmandu valley. Paris, UNESCO. Smith, L. & Waterton, E. 2009. Heritage, Communites and Archaeology: Duckworth. Sully, D. 2007. Decolonising conservation caring for Maori meeting houses outside New Zealand, California: Left Coast Press. Toffin, G. 2005. From Kin to Caste: The Role of Guthis in Newar Society and Culture. The Mahesh Chandra Regmi Lecture. Russian Cultural Centre, Kathmandu: Social Science Baha. Tunprawat, P. 2009. Managing Living Heritage Sites in Mainland Southeast Asia. Silpakorn University Unesco. 2002. WHC 165 EX/44. Paris: UNESCO. Unesco. 2003a. WHC-03/27.COM/07B. Paris: UNESCO. Unesco. 2003b. WHC-03/27.COM/24. Paris: UNESCO. Unesco. 2006. WHC-06/30.COM/7A. Vilnius: UNESCO. Waddock, S. A. 1989. Understanding social partnerships. Administration & Society, 21: 78-99. Weerasinghe, J. 2011. Living sacred heritage and authenticity in South Asia IN ANHEIER, H. & ISAR, Y. R. (Eds.) Cultures and Globalization Heritage, Memory and Identity. London: Sage Publications. Wei, C. & Aass, A. 1989. Heritage conservation east and west. Icomos Information, 3: 1–8. Weise, K., Thapa, B., Shrestha, M. & Subba, A. 2004. Kathmandu valley world heritage site Potential areas for cooperation, Kathmandu, UNESCO Kathmandu Office. Westley, F. & Vredenburg, H. 1997. Interorganizational Collaboration and the Preservation of Global Biodiversity. Organization Science, 8: 381-403. Wijesuriya, G. 2003. Are we re-inventing the wheel? Archaeological heritage management in Sri Lanka under British colonial rule. In Lawrence, S. (Ed.) Archaeologies of the British explorations of identity in Great Britain and its colonies 1600-1945. London:Routledge. Wijesuriya, G. 2006. Are We Ready to Learn? Lessons from the South Asian Region. In Agnew, N. & Bridgland, J. (Eds.) Of the past, for the future Integrating Archaeology and Conservation. Washington DC: Getty Publications.

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Accessibility and inclusive design in UNESCO heritage sites in Spain M. Puyuelo Cazorla, Universitat Politècnica de València, Valencia, Spain

L. Merino Sanjuán Universitat Politècnica de València, Valencia, Spain

M. Val Fiel Universitat Politècnica de València, Valencia, Spain

J. Gual Ortí Universitat Jaume I. Castellón, Spain

ABSTRACT: Ensuring active participation by the public in heritage sites is a key factor in their valorization and sustainability. Creating accessible heritage sites enriches the social fabric offering alternative leisure and culture for all individuals in the world at large. This paper presents the research project in progress, funded by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation: “Study and design of orientation elements, communication support and other accessories to improve accessibility in different environments of the interpretation of the natural and built heritage sites”. The project examines the current state of accessibility resources, through two lines of work: documentary analysis and field studies. The core of this research project provides a thorough collection of accessibility devices deployed to visit heritage sites. This study seek the goal of bringing the cultural resources to the citizens, especially to those groups with different types of disabilities, and to turn public heritage into a fully didactic, interactive area open to all participants.

1 INTRODUCTION The understanding of a public heritage asset, whether a monument, an archaeological site or even more clearly in cases of intangible heritage (Correa & Ibanez, 2008), is not possible without the interpretation of the environment to which it belongs. This concept is represented by the idea of situated learning (Scribner, 1986), which assumes that learning occurs most effectively in a real context, and that this context becomes an important part of the knowledge created. Therefore, a comprehensive visit to every heritage site takes on a unique cultural and social value. It is of high interest to promote such sites as places to visit and for collective use and ensure the participation of every visitor. In this sense, trying to fill the gap between personal limitations and those caused by the characteristics of the environment or cultural bias becomes a necessity. In accordance with the criteria that determine that the environment must be universally accessible (Spanish law not enforceable UNE 170001-1:2007), the following activities are distinguished as having priority and associated with the use of any space: walking activities, comprehension, location and communication. Historical, artistic, cultural and / or natural public heritage require sensitive interventions in this direction, so that disabled do not experience discrimination. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UN, 1972) recognizes that “disability is an evolving concept that turns out from the interaction between disabled people and the environment and social barriers surrounding them, which prevent them from having an equal, full and effective participation” (preamble, paragraph e). A disability can


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be permanent or temporary; a broken leg, an illness, a pregnancy, can turn any user into a temporary disabled visitor. Another type of disability is caused by aging. The demographic process shows an increase in the numbers of elderly people. This group can suffer a series of limitations due to age, such as vision and hearing loss or mobility problems. But at the same time, this group represents an increasing public at cultural sites, and is of particular interest from the perspective of inclusive design (Fischer & Meuser, 2009). It also happens that since the 80's, art and cultural industries can be considered a cornerstone in the development of cities, and thus represent an active interest in economic and social development. Some studies have shown that the promotion of art and culture has become a feasible solution to various local issues, from social exclusion to unemployment.

Figure 1. Different interventions in sites from the UNESCO world heritage list in Spain: Orellan viewpoint in Las Médulas (León) and the Alhambra (Granada).

The particularity of historic heritage sites, and sometimes the difficulty to be modified, makes these places not accessible to many users. Some of the considered study areas are: potential users and their requirements, special devices, existing technologies and detailed analysis of different places and contexts. It is considered that these areas may shed light on new solutions. It also acquires special relevance the concept of interactivity and its real possibilities of application in these enclaves. Design and Accessibility at Natural and Built Heritage Sites 1. Definition of the study area 2. Basic analysis concepts 3. Users 4. Devices and technologies 5. Field studies 6. Report development Figure 2. General scheme of research work areas.

These studies help us detecting which devices are most appropriate for every need or place, providing guidelines for designing new applications and to optimize those already existing. Profiling an instrument of knowledge as a handbook or manual to establish functional accessibility criteria for these enclaves is an ultimate goal of this project.


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2 PUBLIC HERITAGE AREAS AS CONTEXT OF INCLUSIVE DESIGN Public heritage areas are of a great value for the society, but they may not always be attractive to the eyes of a non-expert observer. The enhancement of the public heritage sites arises from interventions at different levels of performance and complexity, which may provide information and resources that help the user to understand the heritage context. These interventions will, in any case, require designing products to solve issues of use and communication to increase their enjoyment. In this way, the objects of public use, signage, media and devices for accessibility are changing the image of the historical sites and monuments (Puyuelo et al., 2010). These elements have a singular role in the reliability and usability of public heritage places, and therefore constitute a relevant factor in its sustainability as areas of cultural visit. Therefore, product design for accessibility to heritage sites should be developed based on knowledge, research and evaluation of potential and available resources. It becomes important to study the heritage sites visit development, and to base the studies on actual implementations. The magnitude and diversity of assets that constitute the cultural heritage sites makes necessary to narrow the scope of our study. So we look closely at the UNESCO classification and their definition as world heritage sites in Spain. The work group took as point of departure the definition of built, mixed and natural heritage established by the General Conference of the Organization of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UN. 1972b). The physical characteristics of the natural and mixed locations made the group to focus on the first kind of sites, the "sets: groups of buildings, separate or architecture" and the "works of man or the combined works of man and nature and archaeological sites". 3 METHODOLOGY The project is divided in two distinct areas of study. On the one hand, an area of research and analysis of documents, specified in the first 4 sections shown in Figure 2. On the other hand, a practical work area based on field studies of heritage sites and existing technologies (Fig. 2, section 5). The research team is composed by five members from various academic and professional fields: fine arts, architecture and industrial design engineering, but also features collaborations with specialists in other fields. This allows a multidisciplinary approach to the problems of the accessibility context in relation to users. In this direction, the team has planned the participation of users, as it is necessary to take into account user's involvement as an active agent (Kaner & Lind, 2007). In particular, some experiments are taking place around the tactile discrimination in the current thesis of J. Gual, linked to this project. The field works analysis allows the understanding of heritage sites in relation with accessibility issues. So far, we have studied eighteen heritage sites, spread over fifty three different locations. Each particular study is introduced with an overview that describes what the place has to show in the visit. It is followed by a detailed case report, including the most remarkable aspects: accessibility conditions, available resources of interpretation “in situ”, etc. The analysis of the information obtained has enabled the team to highlight the innovative works and to establish a scale to assess and compare the accessibility of the different sites. These research areas will provide information to work in both directions: the evaluation of products, devices and technologies; and the application of inclusive design process in elements for the interpretation. 4 RESEARCH LINES The core of this research project provides a thorough collection of accessibility devices actually deployed in heritage locations (sections 4 and 5, Fig. 2). This information allows us to observe the sort of products, the information they provide and their interactivity levels.


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4.1 Devices for accessibility With operational nature, in this study are detailed and listed the series of common needs and general requirements that constitute the intervention areas for an accessible design in these sites. These requirements allow us to distinguish the following issues to solve: Movement from one point to another and access to different sections, areas, etc. (Removal of Barriers and ambulation and safety elements) Orientation and understanding the space (signage and other media elements) Use of equipment, devices or "appliances" Stay, security and rest (physiological needs) 4. Devices and Technologies Current technologies and devices New applicable technologies Adapted devices Figure 3. This research area (4) includes the current technologies and devices already used, some technical challenges and other specific products for interpretation.

Current technologies and devices. Wayfinding elements Pictogram, information panels, tactile paving, brochure, interactive bureau Physical accessibility Wheelchair, walker, ramp, railing, adapted elevator adapted furniture Interpretation devices and Technologies Tactile model, tactile image, audio description, audio guide, video guide, audio books, antiobstacles glasses, ergonomic keyboard, tactile screen, writings reader scanner, signage hardware, braille keyboard, QR codes, augmented reality. Figure 4. Products and current devices grouped according to their functions.

4.2 Interactivity of the deployed resources Currently, the resources used to promote accessibility to cultural heritage sites are geared to solve physical problems. This focus in the main needs for visitors with reduced mobility or in wheelchairs, but does not avoid the limitations associated with other disabilities, which in many cases do not allow the total comprehension of the visit. It is therefore important to investigate with the aim of achieving greater autonomy for a greater range of visitors. In this sense, it is essential to define the concept of interactivity. It is also important to determine what levels and conditions define an element as interactive and to relate this term with the basic principles of universal design (CUD, 1997). Among the different definitions and models of interactivity (Maldonado & Bonsiepe, 1964; Norman, 2002; Rafaeli, 1988), we take this concept as “a continuous process of action-reaction

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communication between two or more actors who participate in an alternative way, creating experiences through the exchange of information." In this area the studies carried out into the design of user interfaces are noteworthy. These studies provide useful criteria for the planning and development of interactive systems with displays, e.g. interactive tables. These criteria may have application in the design and evaluation of interactive devices for public use, although it should be noted that these devices prioritize visual and audio components. To create a fully accessible interactive device, it will be necessary to combine accessories that allow their use by users with deficiencies in different areas. In order to analyze the factors that determine a better or worse interaction with the content and the cultural heritage context, the accessibility devices have been classified according to the levels and types of interactivity they provide (Table 1). Table 1. Classification of accessibility devices according to its relation to response, its relation to perception, its input and output and their interactivity level. Classification Related to interactivity level

c3

c2

Control

c1

m2 m3

Messages m1

a2 a3

Actors

a1

o

Input / output

i

p3 p4

Related to perception

p2

r2

r1

Related to response

p1

Device

Interactive table Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Tactile model Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ - - - - Tactile image Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ - - - - Audio description Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Audio guide Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Video guide Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Digital talking books Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Anti-obstacles lenses Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ergonomic keyboard Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ - - Virtual keyboard Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ - - Braille keyboard Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ - - Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Ŷ Signaling hardware Ŷ Ŷ * r1 static, r2 dynamic; p1 tactile, p2 visual, p3 audio, p4 mobility; i input, o output; a1 user-device, a2 useruser, a3 user-message; m1 non interactive, m2 reactive, m3 interactive; c1 reactive, c2 coactive; c3 proactive

The devices have been classified according to their level of response, the medium transmitting the content, the information direction and the basic characteristics of interactivity they offer. The study confirms that most of the elements used at the moment focus on mobility and traffic problems. In addition, most devices require visual perception for use. Similarly, few devices with interactive content are used in public places, and those applied generally offer a simple response to user actions without enabling the user to interact in the content offered. The study included 23 devices. Table 1 shows a selection of the studied devices, focusing on the ones with interactivity functions. Notice that none of the devices meet all the requirements; they need to be combined so as to achieve maximum options in a given context. It is also observed that accessibility is not only dependent on the complexity of the device, but it is the sum of the resources offered in the emplacements what ensures the participation of the different users. Thus, these tables are a tool to analyze the elements that should be applied in every situation and set the parameters accordingly to enhance application designs

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4.3 Graphics technologies, representation applications and virtual environments for accessibility The difficulty of changing certain natural or historical heritage sites to be accessible because of its protected nature, it is of great interest to investigate alternative ways of approaching which generate similar experiences for all visitors. In this regard it is necessary to study some technologies that starting from graphic representations can provide a virtual reality, in order to build new levels of interaction with places and knowledge (Gatatzes et al., 2002). Virtual resources can establish a new relationship with the interpretation and conservation of heritage properties by eliminating common difficulties of access thanks to simulated perceptions. Graphics technologies are a resource capable of transforming the cultural heritage in an interactive learning place completely open to all participants. The adaptability and fidelity of the reproductions that allow some techniques favors the inclusion of users, and enhances the enjoyment and appreciation of heritage, particularly by those groups with disabilities. This improvement in the accessibility increases the participation of visitors, and brings new interest to the visit. To encourage their appropriate use, in the study were established quality criteria focused on the implementation of next-generation graphics technology in different areas of knowledge, emphasizing the ones that can be applied to cultural heritage. The studied devices highlight the use of QR codes (Quick Response Barcode), systems of AR (Augmented Reality) and the use of CAVE environments (Cave Automatic Virtual Environment). These systems allow an efficient adjustment of interpretations, stimuli and models depending on the situation. These applications can offer detailed information, and even virtually recreate the space to exhibit. Some virtual models facilitate movement around the grounds in all directions of space, and allow actions impossible in an ordinary visit.

Figure 5. Some examplesof interactive devices. From left to right, front of the Casa de las Conchas (House of the Shells) in Salamanca, interactive projection of the same front in the center of interpretation. On the right, various interactive devices at the centre of Catalan Roman-esque Churches of the Vall de Boí.

Such systems acquire a compensatory interest to users in certain situations of disability, which would otherwise be excluded (Azuma, 1997). These resources make cultural attractions understandable and enjoyable, helping improve the tour they offer, or even allowing it to be performed in places far from the site itself, as is the case of digital museums on web information systems. However, we note that interest should not only go to the perspective of transferring the heritage site to another context and location, but should focus on increasing the resources and the value of the environment that represents. These technologies allow us to create a presentation model of heritage resources associated with an integral idea of landscape and respect to it (Puyuelo et al., 2011). Its use in the places of interest combines reproductions with original tes-

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timonials, and expand the experience of the visitor, combining conservation and enjoyment and creating a focus of attention towards these locations. 5 CONCLUSIONS This project has identified the main problems and opportunities for inclusive design in heritage environments in order to develop their possibilities of interpretation and extend its accessibility to elder people and people with disabilities. Inclusive design should be emphasized as an instrument of promoting and match the visit of all the people, in the duration, enjoyment and access to the knowledge related to a particular place. In all this process it have been found that the relationship between elements and context of use is extremely important, and its scope extends beyond the building itself or its monumental importance, because it generates individual experiences. In general there is an increasing understanding among professionals in charge of these places that visitors expect to be able to readily access, accurate and interesting information, and especially, high quality devices. The majority of them recognize that the abundance of resources assures the most long visit and extends the visitors' range. 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0

21,65 9,52

Auditive Resources

4,17 Tactile Resources

31,85

29,91

Physical Resources

Other Services

11,31

Audiovisual Resources

Visual Resources

Figure 6 Availability in percentage of different resources for accessibility at the studied UNESCO heritage sites.

We can see above a relation of resources arranged for type and ranked according to the number of different resources installed or employed at the sites visited in this research (Fig. 6). The highest column corresponds to general interventions of removing local barriers. We can see the level of implementation of the different sort of elements and technologies as well as the efficiency of the application of regulations such as that of elimination of architectural barriers. Se observa que los dos recursos menos implementados (recursos auditivos, táctiles) constituyen elementos que pueden verse reforzados a través del desarrollo de un recurso común como son los dispositivos en relieve y soportes volumétricos. Además, este tipo de productos son muy apreciados por el público en general y los niños en particular. It is observed that the two resources less implemented (auditory, tactile resources) constitute elements that can be reinforced across the development of a common resource since they are the devices to touch, in relief and volumetric supports. In addition, this type of products are very estimated by the public in general and the children especially. The course of this study provides a prospective view to the implementation of new technologies in the devices and media design for accessibility in two main directions. On one hand, it is extremely important to meditate and beyond the experimental studies on the properties of haptic / tactile materials and surfaces. Some technologies like 3D printing and reproductions will open new options and means for volumetric tactile elements indicated particularly for visual impaired

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people. In other hand, any discussion of improving accessibility in cultural interpretation must consider as challenges to go further in adopting new graphic technologies in various orders. We emphasize the importance of design activity as a mediator in the development of products and services that are functional as well as simple and friendly to users, careful with the unique characteristics of these singular environments. As noted by E. Olander in her article "Accessibility is not enough," the question is not simply getting a product or place to be practicable or to permit to be used by people with limitations, but should foster relationships along with emotional and rewarding experiences. Finally it is important to remark the main role of these resources for the heritage sites sustainability, in relation to their potential use and visit. The so-called cultural tourism is receiving substantial changes, aimed primarily to the characteristics of older visitors who want to enjoy their holiday in as a self-sufficient way as possible, with minimal assistance (Degenhart, 2009). The availability of access devices can be considered today as an added value in the competitive struggle to attract visitors, and an advantage for people to achieve greater autonomy. It can be said that today, in the field of public heritage, it is crucial to definitely remove all obstacles and invest in inclusive design. A comprehensive strategy of design in the future of the accessibility in these sites should include projects to combine the resources not only to realize the visit and tour, but also for his study and interpretation. AKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is being conducted as a research project at the Universitat Politècnica de València, entitled "Study and design guidance elements, communication media and other accessories to improve accessibility in different interpretation environments natural and built heritage”. This project is funded by Spanish National Scientific Research, Technological Development and Innovation Program."National Plan for Scientific Research, Development and Technological Innovation 2008-2011 DPI2008-03981/DPI. REFERENCES Axel, E.S. & Levent, N.S. 2003. Art beyond sight: a resource guide to art, creativity, and visual impairment. New York: American Foundation for the Blind. Azuma, R. 1997. A Survey of Augmented Reality. Presence: Teleoperators and Virtual Environments 6(4): 355-385. Correa, G., Ibáñez, J.M. & Etxeberria, A. 2005- 2008. Museos, tecnología e innovación educativa: aprendizaje de patrimonio y arqueología en territorio Menosca Reice. Revista Electrónica Iberoamericana sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación (3). Online resource. CUD. 1997. Center for Universal Design. North Carolina State University. Online resource. Degenhart, C. 2009. Barrier-free Tourism. Construction and Design Manual: Accesible Architecture. DOM, Berlin. Fischer, J. & Meuser, P. 2009. Construction and Design Manual: Accessible Architecture. Berlin: DOM publishers. Gatatzes, A., Christopoulos, D. & Roussou, M. 2002. Reviving the past: Cultural Heritage meets Virtual Reality. Proceedings of the 2001 conference on Virtual reality, archeology, and cultural heritage. New York: ACM Inc. Kaner, S. & Lind, L. 2007. Facilitator's guide to participatory decision-making. San Francisco: John Wiley & Sons. Maldonado, T. & Bonsiepe, G. 1964. Science and Design. Journal of the Ulm School for Design: 8-9. Norman, D. A. 2002.The Design of Everyday Things. New York: Basic Books. Olander, E. 2008. Accessibility is not enough: What about feelings in universal design products? Sweden: Lund University. Puyuelo, M., Merino, L. Val, M., & Felip, F. 2011. Representaciones virtuales y otros recursos técnicos en la accesibilidad al patrimonio cultural. Revista EGA 17 (1): 164-173. Puyuelo, M., Merino, L., Val, M. & Gual, J. 2010. The integration of accessibility devices in the environments of World Heritage sites. Heritage 2010: Heritage and sustainable development. Portugal: Green Lines Institute.


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Rafaeli, S. 1988. Interactivity: From new media to communication. Sage Annual Review of Communication Research: Advancing Communication Science: Merging Mass and Interpersonal Processes 16:110-134. Scribner, S. 1986. Thinking in action: Some characteristics of practical thought. Practical intelligence: Nature and origins of competence in the everyday World: 13-30. UN. 1972a. United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. The general conference of the United Nations educational, scientific and cultural organization. Paris. UN. 1972b. Convention concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, UNESCO. The general conference of the United Nations educational, scientific and cultural organization. Paris.

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The heritage of tourist territory. From winter resort to Costa del Sol, (1860-1955). Influences of painting and literary currents in the spaces of leisure and the transformation of landscapes A. B. Quesada Arce Universidad de Sevilla, España

ABSTRACT: During the second half of the nineteenth, cultural and social changes happened swiftly and one of the most important was leisure time of the working class. Erudite leisure had been begun to turn into a leisure linked with hedonism. The iconography of the sea has a key role in the creation of a new territory for tourism. After the crisis at the end of the nineteenth century, it was necessary to reinvent the city of Málaga and the main work was transforming Malaga into a touristic city. Around this time, the first hotels appeared by the sea, leisure architecture and the move to the west coast formed the foundations of the Costa del Sol. Pictorial currents and poetry influence the architecture and also the architecture inspires the artist. This mixture leads not only to physical change with the construction of new places, but also a psychological change with the vision of new landscapes. 1 INTRODUCTION The collapse of the region's industry, caused by the phylloxera epidemic and the unviable blast furnaces, was the reason for Malaga began to exploit the idea of climate-related tourism, and little by little, this geographical location shifted to the west coast, with Torremolinos and Marbella as the main generators of the brand of Costa del Sol. In 1955, the National Tourism Plan was approved and the Costa del Sol was declared as a tourist location, it marked the beginning of the stage of mass tourism. City not on earth, (Canales, 1976) the poet's words tell us about the character of the city, always reinventing itself, without attachment to the monumental and historical, and therefore its capacity for dreaming. It may be that the main virtue of Malaga, to enable the realization of Paradise. The architects reinvented the city in the middle of nineteen centuries, and intellectuals and artists and especially poets, got us a new look of the sea. The Mediterranean represents ancient civilization and now border area, a place to rest and contemplate, making it definitely, a place to dream. 2 THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE CITY. A NEW URBAN LANDSCAPE

2.1 Twilight of romantic image The taste for the exotic, monuments and adventures were the conditions that made Spain into the circuit of the Grand Tour travelers of nineteenth century. Malaga was a purely commercial city, with many foreign companies that exported mainly wine and raisins and in 1833 it began its industrial transformation with the opening of blast furnaces.

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The urban landscape of the city was very different of the other andalusian cities.Thus an english clergyman traveler wrote that he found little of the customs of Andalucia, and saw an industrial landscape, not very poetic, imported from the laborious England. "(Canales, 1969) Romantic travellers were interested by the ruins of the Castle of Gibralfaro, Alcazaba and others monuments; especially the Cathedral.

Figure 1. D. Roberts. Málaga vista desde la fortaleza de Gibralfaro. Archivo Díaz Escovar

The port was presented in many romantic representations, indicating the commercial and differentiating as previously referred. This is shown in prints by David Roberts, who from Gibralfaro presents the idealized foreground Castle, the unfinished Cathedral and the building of La Aduana in the background, defining the image of the city. In another view from the sea, the cathedral and its tower, along with ships from the port, acting as the elements are identified with the city. 2.2 New arts discipline, the landscape It was in the mid-nineteenth century, when the Academy of San Fernando created a new chair to accommodate the artistic discipline of Landscape. The first to occupy it was Genaro Pérez Villaamil, to be replaced by Carlos de Häes in 1857. With him began the evolution of Romantic painting to realism, one of the keys of the change in trend was manifested in the desire for studies from nature (Fernández, 2007), as opposed to the custom of the Romantic painters to perform the compositions based primarily on idealization. The picture,“Un país. Recuerdos de Andalucía, Costa del Mediterráneo, junto a Torremolinos” (1860), de Häes, presents a look at a territory yet untouched by human hands, where human presence is reduces to a man with his back to the sea. On the bottom, and diffused under the mountains, the city is barely distinguishable. The title is chosen by the artist, pointing to identification with the Mediterranean and it is a foretaste of the importance that the sea would have on the construction of identity of Malaga over the next century.

Figure 2. Carlos de Häes. Un país. Recuerdos de Andalucía, Costa del Mediterráneo, junto a Torremolinos” (1860).Fondo: Museo del Prado


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A specific current was developed where the sea was the main theme; it represented the search for novelty and as a gateway to escape from a lifestyle marked by the influence of the industrial revolution. This new movement was called marina and it had great importance in the cities of Cadiz and Malaga. In views to represent the port, as opposed to points of the Romantics, the monumentality of the town disappears, and the sea, beach, pier, fishing smack are the elements that are identified with the city. On the other hand we must highlight the importance of the time of day that is reflected in the paintings as they demonstrate the importance of light in the new realistic concept of representing the landscape.

Figure 3. Verdugo Landi. Jábegas. Fondo: Archivo Díaz Escovar

The sea was perceived as a commitment to the Mediterranean identity, which would be enhanced by the inclusion of popular scenes clearly of Malaga, such as a special fishing smack, called Jábegas. 2.3 Country houses. Gardens of classical leisure The rise of the industrial bourgeoisie brought about emergence of areas related to illustrate leisure, these country houses were located in Churriana, Torremolinos and the northern city area, near Guadalmedina’s river. As a main reference the historic gardens of El Consul and El Retiro can be highlighted, which since the sixteenth century were located in the area of Churrriana. The married couple Amalia Heredia Livermore and engineer George Loring Oyarzábal, after returning from their long honeymoon in France, Italy, Switzerland and Germany, decided to translate their cultural concerns for landscaped gardens. It was linked to European intellectual trends and it intended to give an aesthetic idealized answer to the sense of loss all things natural (Gracia, 2007), typical of technological progress of this time. La Conception and San Jose were projected as English-style gardens, in an organic and picturesque stream, characterized by domesticated naturalism. Amalia's strong personality and intelligence, coupled with her education, led her to have a strong inclination for the arts and La Concepcion became a place of cultural and political cult. (Olías & Barrando, 2007)

Figure 4. La Concepción. Fondo: Archivo Díaz Escovar

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The neighboring farm of San José was bought by Tomás Heredia Livermore, and it pointed in the same line in the design, transforming it into a recreational property with a splendid garden, along the lines of classic suburban villas. The main building is divided into a classical composition with the Ionic colonnade on the ground floor and composed of pilasters on the upper floor. Another point of intersection with the classical architecture is the arranged in U type with central loggia and side towers, similar to the Villa Farnesina of Baldassare Peruzzi in Rome and Villa Trissino of Andrea Palladio in Cricoli. Tomas was an important art collector, particularly classical paintings from Europe. 2.4 New urban landscape The city, in its industrial heyday, brought together a large group of Spanish business leaders, Manuel Agustín Heredia became the most important industrialist mid-century in Spain. A large number of emigrants from other towns and the nearby provinces became the factory workers, in the classic rural exodus to the city that defined the industrial revolution. The rapid population growth had been led an unhealthy life’s conditions. This framework was similar to other cities like Madrid and Barcelona, and the Urban Expansion Plan (1861) was the architectural solution to the city growth.

Figure 5. Duarte Belluga, 1898, Málaga. Fondo: Archivo Municipal de Málaga.

José Moreno Monroy, Urban Plan architect designer, proposed important hygiene operations. The most interesting operation contained in that Plan, was the union between two town centres, the Main Square and port area, La Alameda, opening the city to the sea. The ancient street was removed and replaced by the new city. In the last decade of the century the construction of Larios street was finished and in a short time it represented the global image of the city. In the collective imagination it became the most representative street of Malaga (Rubio, 2003). New expansion projects were been drawn to reduce population density of downtown. One of the areas where this growth was projected was generated by the reclaimed land behind the expansion of the Port, La Malagueta. The other great plan of the century was the creation of the Paseo del Parque; it was developed in 1894 as an extension between La Alameda and La Malagueta. The most important architects were involved in the study of different solutions. But this intervention showed a clear hint of landscape intervention in the wake of public actions driven by the local aristocracy and within the framework of the educated industrial elite means a definitive break with the picturesqueness of the romantic vision and a commitment to the values of modernity. Urban expansion and new homes were located in the East, La Caleta and El Limonar were new and modern residential neighbourhoods, they were designed looking for a healthy environment thanks to the proximity to the sea and the low density. In short, this kind of neighbourhoods posted for the bourgeois residence and it reproduced on a small scale leisure property of aristocracy.


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Hacienda Platero had been designed by Jose Maria de Sancha, he had raised elongated plots, with entrances from the road Málaga-Almeria , northern side and the gardens towards the sea, south. In 1895, he continued with his promoter activity and bought the properties of El Limonar and San Agustín.

Figure 6. La Caleta. Fondo: Archivo Díaz Escovar.

La Caleta and El Limonar became the areas where the bourgeoisie, both locally and from nearby provinces, placed their homes to spend the summer season. This kind of suburb had been the model adopted in developments had been taking place during the twentieth century on the coast. 3 MALAGA, WINTER RESORT 3.1 Poets and their identification with the sea Sea had been begun to transmit a hedonistic character through the painting is a reflection of the new customs and currents of modernity, the cultural symbolism marked a definitive role of the sea in the collective imagination throughout the twentieth century. The contemplation of the territory through the senses, a subjective perception, recognized the sublime elements of the physical environment and became them in landscape. The picture” Playa de la Malagueta”(c.1910-1920) of Cecilio Pla, wasn’t only the story of a scene from the new leisure on the beach, but also showed the progress of our society that had increasingly social rights, rests and holidays. Leisure ceased to be something exclusive to aristocracy, and became the great conquest of working classes. Salvador Rueda’s poem, My Country, put the sea and the coast as a structuring element of Mediterranean identity, evident from the title of the poem, and it highlighted the elements of a new identity. Garcia Lorca, following Salvador Rueda’s way, found in the coastal landscape the key element of the identity of Andalucia, he told it in the letter that he wrote to Manuel de Falla in the summer of 1923 (Arenas & Majada, 2003). Local government and businessmen tried to tranfor the city of Malaga in a winter resort, and new hotels had been located in the new residential area, Caleta-Limorar. The "British Pension", Hernán Cortes Hotel had been acquired by the company Caleta Palace. New owner made improvements and enlargement to become it in The Caleta Palace Hotel; the project put great emphasis on the scenery that could be contemplated from the main rooms. The regional style and eclectic architecture of Guerrero Strachan was represented in this work. In 1921, Fernando Guerrero Strachan began drafting the project for the Príncipe de Asturias Hotel, in short time it had became in an important reference not only in the city but also in Europe. It was a monumental building and was designed in U-shaped, opened to the sea which could be contemplated from the rooms through the garden. In both cases, it was clear the visual metaphor of the hotel-balcony of the sea was linked to relaxation, (Bravo, 1997), and that leads us to establish a direct relationship with the verses of Jorge Guillén, “Paseo Marítimo, Málaga”.

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Figure 7. Norah Borges. Arquitectura, barco y personajes. Juan de Osma Gallery.

The Caleta Palace Hotel was the summer residence for F.Garcia Lorca and his family; Lorca met the poets E. Prados and M. Altolaguirre, both residents in the new neighbourhood. The road Malaga-Almeria and the railway became the axis around which the new buildings were located; new infrastructure was an important key for incipient tourism. In the early twentieth century Spain government boosted the road network; it was greatly help the development of the car and the birth of the Costa del Sol. The national road N-340 (from Barcelona to Cádiz) was the source around where first hotels, first housing developments, pubs, clubs were located. This fact wasn’t lost on Le Corbusier, who after a visit to Spain in 1932, said about of this road :“it was the most beautiful road I know, sometimes wonderful, a novelty of modern times, splendour.” (Terán, 2003). Writers and artist toured the coast of Málaga; in Torremolinos the Castle of Santa of Clara didn’t go unnoticed by the poets of the generation of 27. Sir George Langworthy, a British army officer, reformed the Castle and put great emphasis on the remodeling of the garden with elements of Mediterranean architecture. Terraces went down to the beach. The result was deeply evocative. In 1928, the poet Luis Cernuda visited these beautiful gardens by the sea accompanied by Manuel Altolaguirre and Emilio Prados. A few years later, at the height of surrealism in Málaga, the presence of Dalí and Gala, confirmed the hypnotic power of the Mediterranean coast. The place was immortalized by a poem of Luis Cernuda, 'The Indolent’ (1929). The poets Manuel Altolaguirre and Emilio Prados, created a printing press in Malaga, “Sur”, in the autumn of 1926 it was edited the first number of the magazine called “Litoral”; it was the heart of the Generation of 27. Paul Elouard said that it was "the best European magazine of time." (Arenas & Majada, 2003).

Figure 8. Santa Clara. Fondo: Archivo Temboury.

The chosen name, Litoral, is an evocation of their identification with the place and the Mediterranean landscape, highlighting the commitment of the poets of 27 with Málaga and the sea.


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The sea is presented as a perfect place for realization of dreams and visual concerns of the Surrealists, as we see Moreno Villa’s pictures. Jose Moreno Villa was the most important representative of relationship of the landscape and the early avant-garde. Moreno Villa, who was born in Malaga, was a man who integrated all the qualities of a brilliant intellectual, poet, painter, art critic, historian, and above all the soul of the Residencia de Estudiantes in Madrid. He was also the editor of the magazine, Architecture: the Central Society of Architects, between 1926 and 1933. In the painting titled Landscape (c.1929), Moreno Villa focuses his attention on the basic elements of Mediterranean architecture, insisting on simplicity as a statement of modernity. Moreno Villa didn’t understand the Modern Movement as something of break with the past; he thought it was the continuation of the great moments in Art History, characterized by a search of the essence (Carmona, 1985). This work showed lines of cubism, and the search of the essence was manifested in the simplicity of painting’s lines, as the Mediterranean architecture represented. The first Golf Club in the province of Malaga was located in Torremolinos area and highlighted this line of Mediterranean architecture; it was promoted by the National Tourism Board during the period of the Republic. The young architect José González Edo proposed a simple architecture building and attempted to establish a relationship with the rural landscape in which it was located. Vernacular architecture was used to intensify the Mediterranean and the landscape of Andalucia versus imported representing a golf course, linked mainly to British identity. Edo introduced in the city the concepts of modern architecture, but perhaps the quality that best defined him was his strong commitment with the architectural project, using it as a tool with which to solve an interior design as well as the problem of coastline of the province of Malaga. 4 THE EPHEMERAL PARADISE. COSTA DEL SOL 4.1 First hotels in Costa del Sol, lost landscapes Carlota Alessandri commissioned architect José González Edo the project of the first installation of the coast with tourist vocation, the Parador de Montemar in Torremolinos. It was located on the farm called La Cucazorra: It was crossed by the road N-340 (from Barcelona to Cádiz), and it spread out beach and was located on the west, between Torremolinos and the Carihuela area. The use of Mediterranean architecture was a constant on shore hotels; it tried to emphasize the rural character of their locations in opposition to the city's architecture. Definitely, Edo culminated the idea of Costa del Sol as a seaside resort area. The winter resort designed in the late nineteenth century was transformed in the Costa del Sol. He thought that the emerging tourism would have an infinity appetite to colonize the coastal territory. He designed he planned the tourist area around Torremolinos, close the airport, railway and golf course.

Figure 9. La Roca Hotel. Fondo: Archivo Blanco Cabrera.

Figure 10. José Moreno Villa. Hotel Camino de la arboleda o árboles iluminados de noche por los faros de un automóvil.

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La Roca Hotel was opened in 1942; it had a wonderful situation, on elevated position above the sea, near the Castle of Santa Clara, it had an amazing sea view, besides having a beautiful garden with many palm trees. 4.2 Housing, a rest place Housing on the coast was conceived as a space for the holiday rest and it represented the aspiration of the middle class to a new kind of holidays. The plasticity of the studies and projects of Gonzalez Edo had been evidenced with his drawings and watercolours, his sketches stop being architecture and become objects with sculptural vision; he had got his teacher lesson, the architect Anasagasti (Mosquera & Pérez, 1990). Edo’s project to the Countess of Pries, made in the late forties years, was based on Mediterranean architecture but without giving up a functional and well resolved project. This work is clearly influenced by Frank Lloyd Wright and José Antonio Coderch. Coderch was a great expert on the vernacular architecture of the Mediterranean coast, from which he developed a coherent language with the Modern Movement, as shown by his projects of houses in the Costa Brava. Another great architect was Fernando Garcia Mercadal, and studious of Mediterranean architecture, left evidence of his concept of housing on the coast in one villa made in Montemar (Torremolinos). "In Mercadal, the Mediterranean, the sea of architecture, had a role, as is usual reading, nostalgic, melancholy, almost a tourist in any case modern. Much less can be inferred from his drawings of Mediterranean architecture of those years an architectural content. Rather, are drawings of a painter or in any case, an anthropologist.”(Rodriguez, 2003)

Figure 11. J. González Edo. Watercolor. Fondo: Archivo Histórico Provincial de Málaga

On the other hand, this is a similar trend to other parts of the Mediterranean coast, as the Costa Brava and Islas Baleares, where this kind of housing was importance in the construction of the Mediterranean as a tourist city garden. 4.3 Marbella, the show to you had to go At the end of 30s Norberto Goizueta came to Marbella. He bought the Guadalmina’s farm from the Spain Sugar Company, a large farm of about four hundred hectares, similar to many others at that time which characterized the landscape of Marbella and surrounding area. Goizueta, who was from the Basque country, lived in Madrid and was a landowner-farmer in Marbella; he commissioned an American architect and a Catalan architect, Antonio Ferraté, his housing design. The buildings were designed not only linked to the farm, but also as a place of leisure. The beginning of tourism by the pioneers, from the nobility and upper classes, mean that they were transformed from farm owners into tourism developers, and set a precedent in the form of


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organization of the tourist company, which since the beginning exhibited their precarious situation. Ricardo Soriano rented from Concha Pérez-Argemí a farm located between Marbella and San Pedro, where he opened the resort called "Venta y Albergues El Rodeo." Soriano was completely convinced he had found the Paradise on a random stop on a journey from Tanger to Madrid, he felt that strange sensation that the place had chosen him. Ricardo Soriano's idea was to receive his guests like friends. Shortly after, his nephew, Alfonso de Hohenlohe, acquired Santa Margarita’s farm, whose farmhouse became the Marbella Club Hotel. A wealthytourism began to come and marked the image of Marbella: Soon, this ephemeral paradise succumbed to the ravages of mass tourism promoted by the Regime of Franco. The guides of the late fifties already promoted Marbella, (Bonilla, 2005) “as the show to you had to go." 5 CONCLUSION Cultural changes and middle class growth brought about a new kind of leisure. The crisis of Malaga economy in the last nineteen coincided with a new type of landscape, characterized by evocative scenes and with representing changes of light, would be a stepping-stone towards an idealization of nature, which left subjectivity in favor of naturalistic way; the Mediterranean Sea turned into a new social space. The poets of Generation of 27 had an important entailment with Malaga and they contributed to construction of collective imaginary, where the sea was associated with the idea of paradise. The hypnotic power of the place had been described by L. Cernuda’s poem, The Indolent, marked a gradually abandoned Malaga city towards the Costa del Sol coastline. First hostels in Torremolinos and Marbella had been possible because the place had been mesmerized their developers. Vernacular architecture of this first hotel represented as opposed to classical architecture of city hotels. It was born the Costa del Sol. REFERENCES Anón. 1935, Raíces mediterráneas de la arquitectura moderna, en AC, n 18, pp. Barcelona. Arcas Cubero, Francisco, García Sánchez, Antonio, 1980. Los orígenes del turismo malagueño: La Sociedad Propagandista y Embellecimiento de Málaga, en Jábega n 32, pp. 42-50, Málaga. Arenas Gómez, Andrés, Majada Neila, Jesús. 2003. Viajeros y turistas en la Costa del Sol. De Rilke a Brenan. Málaga: Miramar. Azara, Pedro, 2003. ¿Culturas mediterráneas?, en DC revista de crítica arquitectónica/Papeles DC, n 910. Ed. Universidad Politécnica de Cataluña, pp. 211-220, Barcelona. Bravo Ruiz, Natalia, 1997, El hotel “Caleta Palace”: arquitectura de vacaciones y lujo para una “Málaga Moderna”. Ed. Universidad de Málaga, Departamento de Historia del Arte en Boletín de Arte n 18, pp. 307-328, Málaga Bonilla, Juan. 2007. La costa del Sol en la hora pop. Sevilla: Fundación José Manuel Lara. Canales, Alfonso, (1969). La Málaga de 1849, vista por un clérigo inglés. En Gibralfaro n 21, pp.9-10, Málaga Canales, Alfonso, 1976, Espíritu de Málaga. En Jábega n 13, pp.3-5, Málaga. Calatrava Escobar, Juan, Tito Rojo, Juan, (eds.). 2011. Jardín y Paisaje. Miradas Cruzadas. Madrid: Abada. Camacho, Rosario, (dir.). 1992. Guía Histórico-Artística de Málaga. Málaga: Arguval. Candau Rámila, María Eugenia, Díaz Pardo, José Ignacio, Rodríguez Marín. Francisco. 2005. Málaga. Guía de arquitectura. Sevilla-Málaga: Consejería de Obras Públicas y Transportes. Dirección General de Arquitectura y Vivienda de la Junta de Andalucía y Colegio de Arquitectos de Málaga. Carmona Mato, Eugenio. 1985. José Moreno Villa y los orígenes de las Vanguardias en España (19091936). Málaga: Universidad de Málaga y Colegio de Arquitectos de Málaga. Fernández Fuster, Luis, 1991, Historia general del turismo de masas. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. Fernández Lacomba, Juan, 2007. El paisaje andaluz de la mirada ilustrada al boom turístico, en Los paisajes andaluces. Hitos y miradas en los siglos XIX y XX, Sevilla: Ed. Consejería de Obras Públicas y Transportes de Junta de Andalucía.

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González Martínez, Plácido, Loren Méndez, Mar, Royo Naranjo, Lourdes, Zafra Costán, Pilar, 2007. Arquitectura de vacaciones. La banalidad turística y su valor patrimonial. En PH n 64, pp. 88-99, Sevilla. Gracia de, Soria, Francisco, 2009, Entre el paisaje y la arquitectura. San Sebastián: Nerea. Heredia Flores, Víctor. M., 2000. La arquitectura del turismo. Los orígenes de la oferta hotelera en Málaga (siglos XIX-XX). En Jábega n 86, pp. 3-20, Málaga. Loren Méndez, Mar, 2005, La primera modernidad en España. La especificidad y las variaciones del sur. En Revista de Historia y Teoría de la Arquitectura, n 6-7, Departamento de Historia, Teoría y Composición Arquitectónicas, Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura, pp. 377-382, Sevilla. Loren Méndez, Mar, 2008, La arquitectura de la Costa del Sol y la Relatividad del pecado Especulativo de los Sesenta, En Revista de Historia y Teoría de la Arquitectura, n 8, Departamento de Historia, Teoría y Composición Arquitectónicas, Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura, pp. 29-45, Sevilla. Loren Méndez, Mar, 2008, La Modernidad española como relato de las periferias. Laboratorio arquitectónico y visiones urbanas en el alejado sur íbero. En Apuntes Revista de estudios sobre patrimonio cultural - Journal of Cultural Heritage Studies, Vol. 21, n 2, pp. 234-251, Bogotá. Machuca Santa-Cruz, Luis, (1ªed. 1987), 2ª ed. 1997. Málaga, ciudad abierta. Origen, cambio y permanencia de una estructura urbana. Málaga Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Málaga. Maderuelo, Javier. 2005. El Paisaje. Génesis de un concepto. Madrid: Abada. Maderuelo, Javier, (dir.). 2009. Paisaje e historia. Madrid: Abada. Majada Neila, Jesús. 2001. 500 libros de viaje sobre Málaga. Málaga: Caligrama. Martínez Medina, Andrés, 2003, Paisaje, ciudad y arquitectura turísticos del Mediterráneo, 1923-1973. En Actas IV congreso DOCOMOMO Ibérico. Arquitectura Moderna y Turismo 1925-1965. Valencia. Martínez de Pisón, Eduardo. 2009. Miradas sobre el paisaje. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva. Milani, Raffelle. 2007. El arte del paisaje. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva. Montaner, Josep María, Paisajes reciclados. Sistemas Morfológicos para la condición posmoderna. En Maderuelo, Javier, (dir.). 2007. Paisaje y arte .Madrid: Abada. Morales Folguera, José Miguel. 1982. Málaga en el siglo XIX, Estudios sobre su paisaje Urbano. Málaga: Universidad de Málaga. Moreno Villa, José, 1931, Sobre arquitectura popular. En Arquitectura. Revista Oficial de la Sociedad Central de Arquitectos, n 146, pp. 187-193, Madrid. Mosquera Adell, Eduardo, Pérez Cano, Mª Teresa. 1990. La vanguardia Imposible quince visiones de arquitectura contemporánea andaluza. Sevilla: Consejería de Obras Públicas y Transportes, Junta de Andalucía. Olías Ruiz, Emilio, Barrado Bautista, Andrés, 2006 Antecedentes anglosajones del ferrocarril MálagaCórdoba (1860-1865). Apuntes sobre la vida de Jorge (George) Loring James. En Actas IV Congreso de Historia ferroviaria. "150 Años de ferrocarril en Andalucía un balance". Málaga. Olmedo Checa, Manuel. 1998. José María de Sancha. Precursor del urbanismo malagueño. Málaga: Benedito. Pié i Ninot, Ricard, Cillero Capel, Jesús, 2010, Forma y tipología de los campos de golf. En Turismo Líquido, Ed. Universidad de Málaga y Escuela Técnica Superior de Arquitectura de Málaga. Quesada García, Santiago. 2007. El paisaje invisible de la arquitectura: una mirada sobre algunos paisajes andaluces. En PH n 64, pp. 88-99, Sevilla. Ramos Frendo, Eva María, 2006, Aproximación a las villas de recreo de la familia Heredia en Málaga. En Baética Estudios de Arte, Geografía e Historia, Universidad de Málaga, n 28, pp. 91-108, Málaga. Reinoso Bellido, Rafael, 2005, Topografías del Paraíso. La construcción de la ciudad de Málaga entre 1897 y 1959. Málaga. Ed. Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Málaga, Colegio Oficial de Aparejadores y Arquitectos Técnicos de Málaga. Rodríguez Marín, Francisco José, 1994, Fernando Guerrero Strachan (1879-1930). Arquitecto malagueño del primer tercio del siglo XX. En Boletín de Arte n 15 pp. 209-226. Málaga: Ed. Universidad de Málaga, Departamento de Historia del Arte. Rodríguez Ruíz, Delfín, 2003, Fernando García Mercadal. La arquitectura y el mar. En Roma y la tradición de lo nuevo diez artistas en el Gianicolo (1923-1927), Ed. SEACEX, pp. 132-143, Madrid. Rubio Díaz, Alfredo, 2003, Málaga de ciudad a metrópoli. Málaga: Ed. Asociación de Promotores y Constructores de la provincia de Málaga. Santos, Diego, Canal, Carlos, Ramírez, Juan Antonio, (1ª ed. 1987), reedición 2009. El estilo del relax. N340, h. 1953-1965, Málaga: Colegio de Arquitectos de Andalucía Oriental, Ayuntamiento de Málaga, Observatorio de Medio Ambiente Urbano, (OMAU). Terán, Fernando. 2003. Turismo, arquitectura y urbanismo: contextos históricos culturales de su relación. En IV Congreso DOCOMOMO Ibérico. Arquitectura Moderna y Turismo 1925-1965. Actas. Valencia: Ed. Fundación DOCOMOMO Ibérico. Seguí Pérez, José, 1999. J. González Edo: análisis de su obra. En PH, n 28, pp. 120-129, Sevilla.


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Torrents, Josep, 2003. Mediterráneos. El mar de las ciudades. En DC revista de crítica arquitectónica/Papeles DC, n 9-10. Ed. Universidad Politécnica de Cataluña, pp. 211-220, Barcelona. VV.AA., 2002, Luis Cernuda, 1902-2002. Málaga, ciudad del deseo. Málaga: Ed. Centro cultural de la Generación del 27, Diputación Provincial de Málaga. (CEDMA). VV.AA., 2002. La poesía del mar. Revista litoral n 231-232, Málaga: Ed. Revista Litoral.

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The labrador metis and the politics of identity: understanding the archaeological past to negotiate a sustainable future L. Rankin Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland, Canada

A. Crompton Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland, Canada

ABSTRACT: The Labrador Metis are a people of mixed European and Inuit ancestry who live along the coast of central and southern Labrador, Canada. Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future’, is a multidisciplinary project that interprets the history of the Labrador Métis. This project produces research of value to the Labrador Metis, and provides a foundation for further initiatives on the part of the Métis in the areas of heritage research and conservation, education, political action, and economic development. The Labrador Metis have undergone transformative changes in the last 20 years, particularly regarding their own developing sense of cultural identity and shared history, and have become increasingly politically active and economically directed. This paper will provide a background to the ways in which our project has been able to explore Labrador Metis identity in the past and in the present, particularly drawing off of archaeological research.

1 INTRODUCTION Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future, documents and interprets the history of the Labrador Métis. The Labrador Métis are a people of mixed European and Inuit ancestry, who live in the small communities along the coast of central and southern Labrador, Canada (Fig. 1). This is a multidisciplinary collaborative research project involving both university-based and community researchers. Our project researchers (consisting of both communitybased Métis researchers and university-based academic researchers) explore the archaeology, history, ethnography and genealogy of the Labrador Métis. We are also working to develop practices that promote Labrador Metis interests in education and sustainable development. In this paper, we shall focus specifically the ways in which archaeological research has re-framed and re-invigorated our knowledge of the history of the Labrador Métis people in order to situate Métis heritage as they plan for the future.


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Europeans had frequented the southern Labrador coast since the 16th century. Initially, Basque and French crews came to southern Labrador for the purposes of fishing and whaling, and established seasonally occupied stations along the coast. During this time, the Europeans engaged in occasional trade with the Inuit now resident in southern Labrador. European settlement along the southern coast changed after 1763, when the Treaty of Paris excluded the French from this area. Fishermen and merchants from Britain and from Newfoundland began to populate the south coast from this point onwards. From the late 18th-century, European men who came to Labrador to work in the fishery occasionally married Inuit women, forming the ancestral population of today’s Labrador Métis (Jackson, 1982; Kennedy, 1995, 1997; Plaice, 1990). 3 LABRADOR MÉTIS ETHNOGENESIS Compared with other Aboriginal peoples who live in Labrador, the Métis have only recently begun to assert their Aboriginal identity (Kennedy, 1996; Plaice, 1996). Two other Aboriginal groups in Labrador (the Inuit and the Innu) have a much longer history of asserting their Aboriginal identity than the Metis. The Innu and the Inuit have both negotiated with the federal and provincial governments since the 1950s to secure fiscal agreements, formal recognition of their Aboriginality, land claims, (and in the case of the Inuit) autonomous government (Alcantara, 2008; Kennedy, 1997). Through this process, both Inuit and the descendants of early EuropeanInuit unions living in northern Labrador would come to be regarded as ‘native’ (and now Inuit). Although the Métis were of similar mixed Inuit-European ancestries (the difference being that they lived further south than the Inuit), they were not defined as Aboriginals (LIA, 2003; Plaice, 1996). By contrast to the Inuit and the Innu, Labrador Métis have only recently begun to publicly acknowledge their Aboriginal identity, mobilize politically, and lobby to have their Aboriginality recognized by others (Kennedy, 1996; 1997; Plaice, 1996). Labrador Métis ethnogenesis developed comparatively late, due in part to the assumption that southern Labrador was not thought to be a traditional Inuit homeland, and thus its residents were of European (not Aboriginal) ancestry. Furthermore, prevailing notions of social stigma meant that prior to the 1980s, persons appearing ‘dark’ or ‘native’ were negatively evaluated, and thus acknowledging one’s Aboriginal ancestry was tacitly discouraged (Kennedy, 1996). As a result, the political mobilization of the Labrador Metis only began in 1985, with the establishment of the Labrador Métis Association (now the NunatuKavut Community Council). Thus, a combination of external and internal factors meant that the Labrador Métis have only recently begun to explicitly acknowledge their own heritage and to argue for their political recognition. However, in the last 20 years, the Labrador Metis have undergone transformative changes, particularly regarding their own developing sense of cultural identity and shared history. With the rise of substantial resource development projects in their traditional lands, and the negotiation of land claims agreements with neighbouring First Nations and Inuit groups in Labrador, the Labrador Metis have become increasingly politically active and economically directed. 4 UNDERSTANDING THE PAST TO BUILD THE FUTURE Until recently, the Métis and their southern Labrador homeland has seen comparatively little research. This is a profound issue for the Metis in their struggle for political acceptance of their Aborignality. Official recognition by federal and provincial governments rests on the ability of Aboriginal groups to demonstrate that they have traditionally, and continually, occupied their lands to the exclusion of other peoples (Alcantara 2007).As a result of the scattered and fragmented nature of the history of their people, our research project was developed jointly with the NunatuKavut Community Council, and at their request. In addition to developing a better understanding of their history for their own socio-political purposes, the Métis also wanted greater support for student skills training and education, adult skills training and literacy support, and heritage-based tourism development as part of their economic planning process. Much of the

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history of the Métis people remained buried in archaeological sites or hidden in faraway archives As a result, we assembled a research team and found funding for a multi-year and multidisciplinary project, thanks to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC). Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future, documents and interprets the history of the Labrador Metis from their beginnings some 500 years ago up to the present. The research design of this CURA project was, from the outset, developed collaboratively between university and community researchers. The co-investigators on the project are four university scholars and four community researchers, who have had and continue to have equal input into all of the decision-making and planning of the project. Our project researchers investigate the origins and development of the Labrador Métis people through archaeology, history, ethnography and genealogy. Furthermore, we are also engaging the current needs of the Labrador Métis through the development of initiatives in education and sustainable development. 5 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE LABRADOR MÉTIS Labrador Métis, being of mixed Inuit-European descent, are understandably curious about their Inuit ancestors. Since archaeology is the only way to gather information about a people’s history and lifestyle in the absence of written records, our project has two researchers focusing on the archaeology of the Labrador Métis. Specifically, the researchers are particularly interested in investigating the Inuit ancestors of the Métis in southern Labrador during the pre-contact and early contact period. We have also focused on the development of a distinct Labrador Métis identity, as reflected in Métis archaeological sites dating from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. Because of the importance of European commodities to Inuit economy and society, academics have long debated whether Europeans and trade lured Inuit southward or whether southern Labrador was in fact a traditional Inuit land-use and settlement area (Taylor, 1980; Kaplan, 1983; Richling, 1993; Études/ Inuit/Studies, 1980). Recent archaeological evidence, including that uncovered by researchers with our project, suggests that Inuit occupation along the south coast of Labrador occurred earlier than previously thought, was widespread along the coast, and was of a permanent nature. The traditional narrative that archaeologists have long adhered to held that the Inuit did not permanently reside south of Hamilton Inlet in central Labrador (Fig. 1). This perspective has only been challenged in recent years. Archaeological work by the primary author (Rankin) in Sandwich Bay has demonstrated that previously held notions about Inuit settlement in Southern Labrador can no longer stand. The depth and breadth of Inuit occupation in Sandwich Bay means that this region must be regarded as a traditional use-area of the Inuit. Thus far, most of the Inuit sites that have been located in Sandwich Bay are found on outer coastal islands. One of the most productive of these islands is Huntingdon Island, which has been the focus of research by Rankin and her students for several years. Huntingdon Island bears the remains of a number of Inuit sites which represent both summer and winter occupations. One site alone (Huntington Island 5 [FkBg-03]), contains at least 5 Inuit or Inuit-Métis sod-walled winter houses. Sod houses were semi-subterranean structures, ideally suited for Labrador’s cold winter months. These structures were framed with driftwood, and covered with sod and/or skins. A sunken entrance passage with a cold trap served to prevent cold air from entering the living space (Rankin, 2009). Summer occupations are also present at Huntingdon Island 5, indicated by the discovery of 6 or more house tent rings. Tent rings are composed of a circle of rocks, where the edges of a skin tent were weighted down or secured with rocks. The presence of tent ring sites clearly indicates a warm-weather occupation at this site. Collectively, the Huntingdon Island 5 sites date from the early- to mid-16th century, up through to the eighteenth century, and were clearly occupied year-round (Murphy, 2011; Rankin, 2010). Another pervasive narrative that has long framed our perception of Inuit history in southern Labrador is that any reference to the Inuit in southern Labrador represents infrequent use of the region. For example, historic documents do contain references to an Inuit presence in southern Labrador. Scholars have traditionally interpreted these references as indicating the seasonal


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presence of itinerant Inuit traders, who ventured south in small numbers to access European trade goods (Stopp, 2002). Clearly, the Inuit living in Sandwich Bay were trading with Europeans, because European artifacts are found on Inuit sites with regularity.French artifacts are common finds on Sandwich Bay Inuit sites from the sixteenth through the eighteenth century (Murphy, 2011; Rankin, 2010, 2011, 2012). The artifacts include numerous fragments of early modern French pottery, typically Normandy stoneware. Occasional rare finds have been made, including a ceramic ware manufactured in Dieppe in the late sixteenth century, and which has not until now been found outside of Dieppe. British ceramic types common to the later eighteenth century, including pearlware and creamware, are also common finds on later-dating houses. These artifacts were obtained from Europeans either by direct trade or by scavenging abandoned European sites. Iron artifacts are also common finds, and were often re-worked by the Inuit to shape them into a more desirable form (Murphy, 2011; Rankin, 2010, 2011, 2012). For example, iron nails were re-worked by removing the nail head and cold-hammering the shaft until it was flat. Some intentionally flattened iron was turned into blades for traditionally shaped Inuit knives. Sword hilts were also recovered from one of the houses at Huntingdon Island 5; they had been modified to permit them to be hung as pendants from leather thongs. Likewise, British coins have been found with intentional drill holes; the recovery of one coin with a leather thong and a decorative bead strung through one of the holes suggests its use as a pendant. Clearly, European material was being obtained through trade, and repurposed in uniquely Inuit ways. However, the material remains from the Huntingdon Island sites also demonstrate that the Inuit living in Sandwich Bay were more than just itinerant traders. The sod houses found at these archaeological sites are communal houses, meaning that a single structure was built to house multiple families. Indeed, one of the sod houses from the Huntingdon Island 5 site is very large—measuring 8 by 11 meters—which is, at the time of writing, one of the largest Inuit communal houses on record. We can estimate the number of families who would have lived in sod houses, based on the number of soapstone lamp stands found within the house. Each family would have had its own soapstone lamp (as a source of heat and light), which stood upon its own lamp stand. Based on the number of lamp stands found in this sod house at the Huntingdon Island 5 site, as many as 5-6 families may have lived here. Likewise, the artifacts too indicate the presence of families. Knives known as ulus, which are traditionally used by women, have been found at many of the sites. Knives shaped in the traditional men’s knife shape have also been recovered. Children were also present at Huntingdon Island 5, as indicated in the discovery of miniature artifacts (such as a very small soapstone lamp). These are small versions made to imitate larger tools, and were traditionally the property of Inuit children. Thus, their presence at Huntingdon Island 5 is an excellent indication that children lived at the site too. Archaeologically, we can demonstrate that the Inuit presence in Sandwich Bay was not just limited to itinerant Inuit male traders. Clearly, entire families lived in southern Labrador. They had lived there for much longer than previously thought, and were living in the area year-round. Furthermore, our researchers have been able to demonstrate that the Labrador Métis developed a distinct identity along the southern Labrador coast. Our genealogist has been able to trace entire family lineages back to the arrival of the earliest British settlers in the region. Archaeologically, we have excavated and sampled known Métis houses to try and differentiate Métis sites from those belonging to European settlers or seasonal fishermen. By the nineteenth century, Métis houses were hybrid structures. The houses were constructed, likely by European men, using standard European construction techniques. However, the arrangement of interior space (which would have been the preserve of the Inuit wives) indicates that the house’s interior was used in ways that were more comparable to Inuit lifeways (Beaudoin, 2010). Archaeologically, then, the Inuit-Métis warrant their own archaeological definition (Kelvin, 2011; Pritchard, 2010). 6 TURNING ACADEMIC RESEARCH INTO COMMUNITY KNOWLEDGE An important part of our project is to provide information about the development of the Metis people back into the community, so that this information might be used by the Metis to further

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their demands for legitimacy and recognition. We want the Metis to be able to access their newly-revealed heritage, and be able to use it not only for political action, but also for education, community, and economic development planning. We believe that this information should be spread as widely through the community as possible, and thus we use a number of approaches to disseminate our research results. We reach a wide public audience by involving local community members in our research, helping us gather archaeological, historical, and ethnographic evidence. We hire local students, including those who are Labrador Inuit-Métis, and work closely with the NunatuKavut Community Council to help source candidates. We welcome the community to our research projects, and sponsor ‘Community Day’ activities that actively encourage local visitors to come and observe our research results as they unfold in the field. Prolonged interaction with community members through a committed approach to locally-hired individuals, and strong public involvement, is an efficient way of funneling our immediate research results back into the community. We recognise that not everyone can work for us, or visit us as we collect our research data. Thus, we try to reach out beyond the boundaries of the local communities where we work to reach a wider audience. To accomplish this, we have adopted a number of approaches to broadcast our research results. We give media interviews to local journalists, and write articles for local newspapers and popular magazines. We also give public lectures in our research communities, either in person or via webcam. We held our last Project Annual General Meeting as a travelling workshop, in which we visited a number of south Labrador communities with our project researchers. We maintain a project website (www.mun.ca/labmetis), which is becoming increasingly popular. We update our website often, and document our research results in accessible, nontechnical language. We use the website as a way to disseminate research news quickly. We also use the website to allow visitors to download files of our popular publications and interviews, as far as copyright permission allows us to. The website also provides photo archives of our research projects in progress, so that we can communicate immediate and visible results of our research to both academic audiences and the general public. We also publish images of the research we conduct in museums and archives outside of the province, to allow community members to see discoveries that would otherwise remain difficult for them to access. We also try to bring our research alive in creative work, to encourage public interest with creative works of film and print. We have hosted two film-making workshops in our research communities, and have a third planned. We are currently producing a movie (working title: The People of Southern Labrador) in which we portray what we have learned in an engaging, visual way. Two of our researchers are also working on books set in southern Labrador- one is a novel and the other is a children’s book. Educational outreach is another way that we try to disseminate our research in the communities where we work. Wherever possible, we hire local students to help collect our research. We have sponsored workshops in local schools, and are developing digital environments to allow students to interact with our research results in novel ways. We have contributed to publicschool curriculum development in the areas touched by our research. We also target community groups and governmental bodies for research dissemination. We have written advisory documents for heritage groups and for NunatuKavut in particular. In the process of generating research data, we provide relevant databases, datasets and image archives to provincial institutions, such as the Provincial Archaeology Office (PAO). They can use this data for planning and administrative purposes, or share data with other researchers. 7 THE SOCIO-POLITICAL REALITIES AHEAD Our project has been able to demonstrate that the time depth of Inuit presence in southern Labrador has been previously underappreciated, and we have also been able to recognise and characterize the nature of European-Inuit interaction in this area. We have been able to identify through artifacts and written records the ways in which the Inuit and Europeans became culturally entangled. And most importantly, we make efforts to ensure that this information is quick-


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ly fed back into the communities that we work in. However, the Labrador Metis have a long struggle ahead to turn the products of our research project into tangible political gains. The Labrador Métis are still struggling to achieve socio-political acceptance of their Aboriginal status. A 1996 Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples report accepts that the Labrador Métis are in the position to accept the rights and powers of nationhood, and have all the features of a distinct Aboriginal group (Sawchuk, 2001). However, this has not yet come to pass for the Labrador Metis, and they are not yet officially recognized as an official Aboriginal group by the federal government. By contrast, the Inuit have made (and the Innu are in the process of making) land claim agreements with federal and provincial governments. Land claims provide Aboriginal groups with a degree of political autonomy, control over traditional lands, and a mandated role in the approvals process for natural resource development (among many other rights). However, thus far the Labrador Metis have been unable to convince federal authorities of their Aboriginal status. This has had an effect on their ability for political action regarding development projects that have an impact on their traditional lands. For example, a hydroelectric project at Muskrat Falls, in the traditional Metis lands, is currently in the planning and impact assessment stages. The Labrador Metis have been unable to legally force the Province of Newfoundland and Labrador to negotiate an impact benefits agreement with them, because they are not yet officially recognized as an Aboriginal group by the Federal government of Canada (Bartlett, 2011). The province did, however, negotiate an impacts benefits agreement for the Muskrat Falls development with the neighbouring Innu. Furthermore, the Metis traditional territory is home to mineral resources, particularly iron. Despite the fact that the Labrador Metis have been asserting their Aboriginality since the mid1980s, they have not been consulted or considered in the planning and approvals process in the same way that the Inuit or the Innu have. Indeed, the very first agreement between a mining company and the Labrador Metis, in which agreements on environmental and cultural protection and aboriginal employment were negotiated, was only signed in early 2012 (Labrador Iron Mines, 2012). The Metis have at least been consulted in other land use projects, including the proposed Mealy Mountain National Park (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador 2010). Together with the Inuit and the Innu, the Labrador Metis have lobbied to ensure that their traditional land use practices can still be upheld in the newly created park. Trapping, fishing, wood cutting and some hunting permissions have been retained for Aboriginal peoples, including the Metis. The Mealy Mountains National Park is several years away from being established yet, but the inclusion of the Metis in the negotiating process is a promising step towards their inclusion in the negotiations around projects that affect land use in their traditional territory. Indeed, an increase in large-scale natural resource development projects may in fact provide an opportunity for the Metis to further press their claims for recognition. In the 1990s, significant mineral deposits were discovered at Voisey’s Bay in Inuit traditional lands in Labrador. The subsequent rapid development of a large-scale mining project forced government authorities to fast-track land claim negotiations with the Labrador Inuit Association, which had been ongoing without much success since 1975 (Hood and Baikie 1998). Likewise, increasing activity by mining companies in Labrador meant that the Innu were finally being engaged in negotiations over projects that occurred in their traditional lands (Armitage and Ashini 1998). The Innu and the Government of Newfoundland and Labrador have recently signed the New Dawn Agreement, which consists of an Agreement-in-Principal regarding Innu land claims, as well as securing agreement on a hydroelectric project in their traditional lands (Government of Newfoundland and Labrador, 2011). This is not to say that economic development is a necessary precursor to the satisfactory resolution of land claims issues. However, for the Inuit and the Innu, such projects certainly affect the speed with which such negotiations were concluded (Alcantara 2007, 2008).Such large-scale resource development projects are in the planning stages for the Labrador Métis traditional lands, though they have not been always included in the planning process. Here, the Labrador Métis are in a situation which differs from the experiences of the Innu or the Inuit, in that the Aboriginal status of the Labrador Métis is not yet uniformly accepted or acknowledged.

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8 98 CONCLUSION The Labrador Métis are a people of mixed European and Inuit ancestry, who live in the small communities along the coast of central and southern Labrador, Canada. Our research project, Understanding the Past to Build the Future, is concerned with multiple aspects of the Labrador Métis, including understanding their origins and development as a distinct Aboriginal group. We involve the Métis community in our research in as many ways as we can, including involving Métis members directly in the research and by conducting community outreach whenever we can. We also try to communicate our research results to the larger community many ways, including several non-traditional (non-academic) formats. The Labrador Métis are thus able to access our research, and use it in many ways, including educational initiatives, policy and planning purposes, and socio-political action. We have been able to demonstrate that the Labrador Métis have a past that is knowable, definable and distinct. Their past is, without question, an Aboriginal past. The origins of the Labrador Métis began with a sustained Inuit occupation of southern Labrador. Until our project began, the Inuit presence in Southern Labrador had been previously presumed to be entirely sporadic and not extensive. We have demonstrated through archaeological excavation that the Inuit had a sustained and lengthy presence along Labrador’s south coast. The Inuit were living on the coast year-round, in large multi-family dwellings, and had been doing so since the sixteenth century. As the Inuit and Europeans became culturally entangled, a unique and identifiable Métis presence emerged. We have been able to identify and document the emergence of the Métis in southern Labrador. The Métis can now demonstrate their past and their history. The comparatively late ethnogenesis of the Labrador Métis means that they still struggle to achieve socio-political recognition of their Aboriginality. This stands in contrast to the other two Aboriginal groups in Labrador, the Inuit and the Innu. The Inuit, through a long process that lasted decades, been able to negotiate land claims and self-government, and the Innu have made significant progress towards this end as well. The degree to which the Métis will be able to resolve their negotiations with governmental agencies as the Inuit and the Innu have remains to be seen. In the process of negotiating their own relationships with government bodies and resource companies, the Labrador Metis have been able to draw upon the research results provided by our project. The question remains whether there is enough time for our research to have real impact before major resource projects are initiated on their traditional lands. REFERENCES Alcantara, Christopher. 2007. Explaining Aboriginal Treaty Negotiation Outcomes in Canada: The Cases of the Inuit and the Innu in Labrador. Canadian Journal of Political Science 40(1):185-207. Alcantara, Christopher. 2008. Deal? Or no Deal? Explaining Comprehensive Land Claims Negotiation Outcomes in Canada. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Toronto, Toronto, Ontario. Armitage, Peter, and Daniel Ashini. 1998. Partners in the Present to Safeguard the Past: Building Cooperative Relations Between the Innu and Archaeologists Regarding Archaeological Research in Innu Territory. Études/Inuit/Studies 22(2):31-40. Bartlett, Dave. 2011, NunatuKavut Injunction Denied. The Telegram, March 26. St. John’s, Newfoundland. Beaudoin, Matthew. 2008. Sweeping the Floor: An Archaeological Examination of a Multi-Ethnic Sod House in Labrador (FkBg-24). Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland. Delanglez, Jean. 1948. Life and Voyages of Louis Jolliet (1645-1700). Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History. Études/Inuit/Studies. 1980. Les Inuit du Québec-Labrador méridional/The Inuit of southern QuébecLabrador (Charles A Martijn & Norman Clermont, eds). Vol. 4, Nos. 1-2. Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2012, November 18. Press Release: A New Dawn for the Labrador Innu. http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2011/exec/1118n11.htm. Accessed May 9, 2012.


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Government of Newfoundland and Labrador. 2010, February 5. News Release: Canada and Newfoundland and Labrador Commit to Creating New National Park Reserve in the Mealy Mountains, Labrador. http://www.releases.gov.nl.ca/releases/2010/env/0205n08.htm. Accessed May 12, 2012. Hood, Bryan, C., and Gary Baikie. 1998. Mineral Resource Development, Archaeology and Aboriginal Rights in Northern Labrador. Études/Inuit/Studies 22(2):7-29. Jackson, Lawrence. 1982. Bounty of a Barren Coast: Resource Harvest and Settlement in Southern Labrador. Happy Valley-Goose Bay. Memorial University, Labrador Institute of Northern Studies. Kaplan, Susan. 1983. Economic and Social Change in Labrador Neo-Eskimo Culture. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Bryn Mawr College. Kelvin, Laura. 2011. The Inuit-Métis of Sandwich Bay: Oral Histories and Archaeology. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Memorial University, St. John’s, Newfoundland. Kennedy, John C. 1995. People of the Bays and Headlands: Anthropological History and the Fate of Communities in the Unknown Labrador. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Kennedy, John C.1996. Labrador Village. Prospect Heights, Illinois: Waveland Press. Kennedy, John C. 1997. Labrador Metis ethnogenesis. Ethnos 62(3-4): 5-23. LIA 2003. Labrador Inuit Land Claims Agreement (29 August 2003). Labrador Iron Mines Holdings Ltd. 2011, February 7. Press Release: LIM Signs Co-Operation Agreement with NunatuKavut. http://www.labradormetis.ca/home/files/pg/ncc-lim-press_release-feb_7_2012.pdf. Accessed February 28, 2011. Murphy, Phoebe. 2011. The Southern Component of the Labrador Inuit Communal House Phase: The Analysis of an 18th- Century Inuit House at Huntingdon Island 5 (FkBg-3). Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Memorial University, St. John’s Newfoundland. Plaice, Evelyn. 1990. The Native Game. St. John’s: ISER Newfoundland Social and Economic Studies No. 40. Plaice, Evelyn. 1996. Touching Base: Land and Lives in Central Labrador. Unpublished PhD Dissertation. University of Manchester, England. Pritchard, Brian. 2010. Snooks Cove Archaeology Project: Report on Field Season 2. Provincial Archaeology Office 2009 Archaeology Review 8:124. Rankin, Lisa K. 2009. An Archaeological View of the Thule/Inuit Occupation of Labrador. Report on file with the Labrador Métis Nation, Goose Bay, Labrador. Rankin, Lisa K. 2010. Indian Harbour, Labrador. Provincial Archaeology Office 2009 Archaeology Review 8:119-121. Rankin, Lisa K. 2011. Indian Harbour, Labrador. Provincial Archaeology Office 2010 Archaeology Review 9:126-129. Rankin, Lisa K. 2012. Indian Harbour, Labrador. Provincial Archaeology Office 2011 Archaeology Review 10:126-129. Richling, Barnett. 1993. Labrador’s ‘Communal House Phase’ Reconsidered. Arctic Anthropology 30(1): 67-78. Sawchuk, Joe. 2001. Negotiating an Identity: Métis Political Organizations, the Canadian Government, and Competing Concepts of Aboriginality. American Indian Quarterly 25(1):73-92. Stopp, Marianne. 2002. Reconsidering Inuit Presence in Southern Labrador. Études/Inuit/Studies 25(2): 71-106. Taylor, J. Garth 1980. The Inuit of southern Quebec-Labrador: Reviewing the evidence. Études/Inuit/Studies 4(1-2): 185-194.

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Innovative technologies for the knowledge and the enhancement of Hyblean rural heritage F. Restuccia University of Catania, Italy

M. Galizia University of Catania, Italy

C. Santagati University of Catania, Italy

ABSTRACT: The study is aimed at the knowledge and documentation of the dry stone artefacts, the muragghi, which characterise the Sicilian Hyblaean landscape. These buildings are the sign of the vernacular rural economy. They represent a way of life as well as of human work. The main goal is to start an enhancement project through the experimentation of innovative technologies aimed at the virtualisation and communication of the environmental assets. We propose the creation of a structure able to interconnect this heritage for its safeguarding and enhancement not only as a source of immaterial well-being but also as an economic resource to be used, for example, for the development of cultural and rural tourism, according to the principles of sustainable development. The experimentation has been started on the muragghio of villa Trippatore in Sampieri (RG), a little watchtower of the ragusan farm which embody the material culture of the territory.

1 RURAL HERITAGE, CULTURE AND SUSTAINABILITY:AIMS AND OBJECTIVES This research focuses on the study, documentation and dissemination of the dry stone constructions called muragghi, that is, the truncated cone shaped watchtowers with concentric or rectangular terraces, stone steps twisting around the building and a cupola hidden inside (Tiralongo, 2006). Permanent landmarks throughout the Sicilian territory still characterising the Hyblaean landscape, they are constructions of the rural tradition built using the dry stone method, and they also represent tangible products of the local agricultural economy as well as of the peasant culture of south-eastern Sicily in which natural landscape and architecturally constructed landscape merge, each one respecting the other (Figure 1). They are artefacts shaped by the place itself and by the relationship established with the place chosen according to the various needs, which affect the choice of the forms and of the building materials (Fianchino, 1988; Fianchino, 2003). They are elements which define and qualify the territory itself, since they represent the Mediterranean way of life and of human production, cultural and environmental heritage which should be protected and enhanced through a creative approach. The aim is to start their documentation with interpretations, discretisations and abstractions which codify perceptive experience into a concrete, visual language of objective knowledge. Furthermore, we aim to set up a project of promotion through the use of innovative technologies for the virtualisation and the communication of heritage according to a dynamic perception of space continuously evolving. This involves the creation of a model of development which makes heritage accessible in a series of interconnected sites which can help ‘dilate’ its knowledge and revitalise the territory itself.

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Thus, the creation of a structured system of competitive media networks for these works – which are authentic spontaneous land art, represent the Mediterranean character, and possess values ranging from visual to formal, handmade and cultural qualities – is proposed. Heritage with an added value to safeguard, sources of immaterial well-being and material profit to use within the homogeneous “stone landscape” of the Hyblaean Mountains, in a global system of cultural enhancement of the Sicilian territory. An authentic cultural heritage seen both as a “knowledge factory” capable of triggering cultural and rural tourism, and, also, as consistent with the principles of sustainable development for a responsible protection of the soil and of the environment. Tests have been made on an emblematic example, the muragghio of Villa Trippatore in Ragusa, a small watchtower for the Ragusa farms, which encompasses all the evident aspects of the local culture as well as of stone as a building material of ashlars stacked with no binding mortar. It is a memory not only of a past reality, of man’s actions in relation to his needs and to the conditions of the territory, and of the link between crafts and territory, but it is also a memory of the methods and techniques applied to create, use or modify these constructions, which are necessary for the carrying out of coherent development projects.

Figure 1. Muragghi in the Hyblaean territory (Tiralongo, 2006)

2 A VIRTUAL MUSEUM OF RURAL ARCHITECTURE IN THE TERRITORY OF RAGUSA From this perspective of preservation and conservation of construction heritage which is in a serious state of disrepair, and in order to achieve the conservation of the memory of the roots of a territory and of its culture, this work aims to document/organise/convey a wide repertoire of small calcarenite stone constructions in the Hyblaean area, which were part of rural cultivations. Our intention is to create a museum of spontaneous land art which represents the Mediterranean character through visual, formal, handmade and cultural values. The aim of pursuing a policy of sustainable development has led us to the study of a structure which, by shifting the attention onto local rural heritage and its close relationship with the natural environment, will trigger economic and social effects through knowledge and preservation. The possible creation of a three-dimensional digital system - which, through a series of layers, could document the heritage by further changes of scale, and could make possible a virtual tour of the Mediterranean landscape - has been evaluated. First of all, the current state of research in 3D WEB GIS applied to cultural heritage was investigated, and, more precisely, the research on the Via Appia conducted by a team researchers, was analysed (Gaiani et alii, 2002).


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The territory selected for the research is the territory of Ragusa, a wide area marked and shaped, through simple stone geometry, by these small constructions: small containment walls of the land or dividing the various estates, capanni (huts), macere (heaps of stones), muragghi, cuccumeddi (circular dry stone walls used to protect trees) (Tiralongo, 2006). This spontaneous architecture is characteristic of south-eastern Sicily as well as other parts of the Mediterranean region – Puglia, Abruzzo, Sardinia, Spain, France – (D’Aurea, 2008; Rossi & Leserri, 2007) and they exist thanks to the abundance of suitable stone material and the need to clear the land of stones in order to cultivate it besides the natural demand for the construction of structures for the defence of the territory and for the accommodation of farm implements, animals, and people. Small constructions which, through their building principles of solidity, functionality and economy, represent the art of construction of the local culture, thus becoming valuable cultural, economic and social heritage. Thus, the objective of the research team is to identify, on a territorial scale, the most structured examples among these stone constructions, that is, a certain number of constructions which present a priori architectural features: firmitas, venustas and utilitas. Among the many and creative constructions built by the local craftsmen, the muragghi have been selected for their special geometrical/formal and technological/building solutions which have their archetypal model in the hut, in the tholos or in the natural cave. They represent a typology of artefacts which uses dry stone building methods, which are common to prehistoric or protohistoric buildings of major historical and architectural importance (Mycenaean and Greek funeral tholoi), and which are based on the use of stone as the only building material, with no use of mortar (Gulli & Mochi, 1997). The muragghio, dialect for walls, is a distinctive watchtower of the farm, in the shape of a truncated cone, which lies directly on the ground, or on terraces lying on a higher level which make the building stand out even more in the rural landscape. The often monumental dimensions this tiny architecture assumes are visually conveyed by the flat surfaces, mostly quadrilateral-based ‘podiums’, and by the terraces of circular concentric planes with decreasing diameters, which, like in the ziggurat, raise the structure towards the sky. The muragghio is characterised by hard local limestone ramps, mostly helix-shaped, carved into the great wall thickness of the construction, which reach the top of the belvedere from where it is possible to control/admire the surrounding landscape. Besides, the geometrical/formal solution which these rural constructions have in common is the inner space covered with an overhanging dome consisting, with great practical/building expertise, of concentric lines of stones stacked with no mortar to support one another during construction without using any centring. After identifying this heritage, it was decided to include it in a virtual network of cultural tourism with socio-economic effects on the local territory, by using innovative technologies geared towards the enhancement of cultural heritage. Two main objectives were pursued while taking into account the historical/cultural and geometrical/formal features of the objects studied: 1) information/examination of the whole existing rural heritage and 2) its communication/navigation. 1) As regards the organisation of the process of knowledge, a tree structure chosen (Figure 2). Its central body, the trunk of the system, is the objective of knowledge seen both as accomplishment and starting point in order to carry out specific actions on the territory. The roots represent the enormous, heterogeneous amount of data (3D models, images, photos, drawings, texts, written documents), necessary for a possible project of development and preservation of the heritage, which can be implemented and modified; the branches represent the large and various effects on the territory. The objective is, therefore, to create a system which will become a means of dissemination, and which will be the visual representation of this knowledge, an apparatus of both writing and reading based on the use of the interrelationship between GIS architecture and WEB 3D through VRML models (Apollonio et alii, 2011; Gaiani et alii, 2002). Moreover, the 3D GIS has to be able to manage data which backs up the processing of queries, along with the interaction with the dynamic user. Thus, it has to meet a few essential requirements: - acquisition - organisation - modification

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- selection and analysis - presentation and navigation.

Figure 2. Organisation of the process of knowledge through a tree structure

2) As regards the communication/visualisation of information, it is necessary to create a userfriendly three-dimensional model, which can perceptively give a realistic image of the artefacts visited through a virtual tour in which to exhibit cultural heritage. It forms a database of spatial information, which can be implemented and updated. The three-dimensional model itself becomes the object of the representation and an intuitive user interface of an information system which describes it also by various tools (texts, 2D drawings, sound, images, films). Also, it is the tool for selecting the HTML page which contains the information concerning the object itself. A spatial model which, being included in networks of virtual cultural tourism, has to show geometrical/spatial characteristics faithful to reality, without underestimating the relationship between the photorealistic outcome of the model and the size of the file (Gaiani et alii, 2009).

Figure 3. The complexity of information through different representations


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Furthermore, as for both the characteristics of the artefacts analysed and the use of the tool created, a few basic requirements were included in the system: ⎯ scalability and modularity of system architecture, so as to use the same database for everytype of user (management of heritage, scientific analysis, tourism, etc.) filtered simply according to the characteristics requested; ⎯ compatibility with various formats in order to make the system capable of integrating different types of resources; ⎯ use of open-source software for visualisation in order to guarantee the management and maintenance of the system over time; ⎯ use of different and complementary 3D acquisition techniques, in order to enrich the information system, by different operators. Thus, it was decided to structure the whole system of these small architectural elements, through the use of 3D WEB GIS so as to record, document and, at the same time, navigate the whole stone building heritage, as well as making possible a complete mapping of the relevant information. The first phase of the work consisted of the census of a large number of muragghi in the Hyblaean territory, and the consequent need to deal with these artefacts on an architectonic scale, through a detailed survey which could help understand the variable and constant features observed in later case studies. From an operational point of view, a topological organisation of the collected data and, consequently, the identification and visualisation of rural artefacts within a 2D geo-referenced map of the Hyblaean territory, through coloured indicators, were carried out. The second step will consist of the uploading to the 3D GIS of the virtual model of the muragghio, to which information of a varied nature was related so as to make possible a scientific use of three-dimensional modelling as an aid for the conservation of data for the project of a “cognitive system” (Apollonio et alii, 2010; Biallo, 2005; Forte, 2002). The digital model is a reading-writing model which possesses greater accuracy of visualisation, although, conversely, difficulties increase because of the size of the file and of real time interaction. By selecting the three-dimensional model, which can be rotated and zoomed by special buttons, the user will be able to access the HTML page which contains the hypertextual information and the multimedia data of the 3D model. Besides, the preselected visualisation can also use 2D systems which, conversely, would create a cognitive overload of data which would greatly limit its use. An authentic system of a 3D type which is able to provide a homogeneous framework for the scientific visualisation, an effective integration, a web-based presentation of sets of heterogeneous spatial-temporal data, as well as facilitating the interpretation, exploration and analysis of large amount of data having important geo-spatial, temporal and semantic characteristics. The 3D GIS being developed aims to offer accuracy of 2D geometrical data, immediate integration of 3D data, fast supply of very diverse and extremely accurate data, an essential aid during the processes of visualisation, diagnosis, decision, action and virtual control of the final product. Such a structure, then, allows us to take a culturally significant tour of the Hyblaean territory, between nature and architecture, through an integrated interpretation of heterogeneous data, which provide multiple solutions to the request for information as well as to various functions: management, conservation, analysis, tourism.


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Figure 5. View of the muragghio Trippatore

The experimentation on this rural artefact is aimed at the detection of a full documentation procedure of the construction in all its form and material nature. In addition it is aimed as well at the realisation of a “light” textured model with a low LOD (Level of Detail) which could be inserted and visualised in the 3d GIS which is currently being developed. Thus, it is possible to provide an innovative/interactive representation of the Hyblaean rural heritage – navigable and examinable according to the needs (management, conservation, tourism) – in an environment which stimulates user’s cognitive skills. Particular attention has been paid to the reduction of the huge amount of data deriving from 3D surveys (cloud of points and polygonal mesh). To this day the detection of an univocal procedure aimed at data reduction - though maintaining artefact topological, dimensional and materic features - still remains an open issue. In fact, the morphologic features of the surveyed object influence the choices: it is not always the case that what is good for a certain typology can be applied on an object with different formal, dimensional, material, morphologic features. 3.1 3D digitalization pipeline: from the point cloud to the 3D textured model The dimensional and material characteristics of the muragghio have led us to use the rangebased modelling technology using a TOF (Time of Fight) laser scanner 3D which is able to acquire in short time and with high accuracy the metric, chromatic and materic information of the studied object. In fact, nowadays the use of 3D laser scanner into digitalizing project of cultural heritage (architectonic, archaeological and environmental) is the most used approach, despite the high costs for the instruments, the software and the processing of the cloud of points (Chiavoni & Paolini, 2007; Docci, 2006; Gaiani et alii, 2009; Remondino, 2010; Remondino, 2011; Santagati, 2007). Currently, different research teams are carrying out testing on low-cost 3D systems detecting application, acquisition and management protocols, as well as the indispensable metric tests. The 3D HDS 3000 laser scanner belonging to the “Luigi Andreozzi” Laboratory of Architectural Photogrammetry and Survey of the Department of Architecture of the University of Catania has been used. It is a laser scanner with a scan field equal to 360x270, accuracy equal to 6 mm, resolution 2 mm and scan speed 4000 points/sec. The phase of on-site survey took into consideration the morphological-dimensional characteristics of the muragghio and the boundary conditions. The truncated-cone shape of the building has required an accurate survey project because of the lack of data in the areas where the points are tangent to the surface. This, along with the presence of trees and vegetation near the artefact,

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forced us to increase the number of scans in order to obtain a more complete coverage of the object. Three-dimensional targets, where possible, were used, since they allow greater precision, and are time-saving during the following phases of editing and recording of the various scans into a unique reference system (Restuccia et alii, 2009; Santagati, 2011).

Figure 5-6. (on the left) Phase of the on-site survey, (on the right) view of the cloud of points

The project of data acquisition, thus, consisted of one inside scan and 8 outside land scans, one of which was made from the mid-landing of the double flight of stairs which leads to the top-belvedere which is about 3 meters from the ground. The selected step-scan (10 mm) optimizes on-site timing with the needs of the research so as to obtain a detailed description of both geometrical and building characteristics (i.e., the texture of the ashlars). The union of the single scans in a unique reference system took place through the use of three-dimensional targets (semi-automated procedure) and homologous points with alignment error equivalent to 3 mm, contained within the instrumental error (6mm). From the overall model obtained, about 33 million points, were removed unwilling elements such as plants and vegetation in order to facilitate the following phases of creation of the 3D model and the 2D graphic representations. The model has been processed using the software Reconstructor by Gexcel, according to the following steps: point cloud pre-processing (noise filtering, deep and angular discontinuity computing, inclination and confidence values computing); photographic mapping; creation of HD mesh surface; clustering of the meshes in a single textured model. The truncated-cone shape of the muragghio has complicated the photographic mapping calculation of the point clouds and the texturing of the whole model. As a matter of fact, during the application of the images some criticality appeared: - re-projection errors of the image along the points tangent to the surface; - presence of vegetation near the construction. Hence, the images have been retouched by erasing some portions along the tangential areas and the vegetation. Another critical step has been the global texturing of the whole model. In this case, the recoloration of the points of the cloud with the calibrated and re-projected images has been the best procedure to apply. From the textured cloud of point high definition meshes have been obtained in order to extract quality orthophotos useful for 2D representations (plans, elevations, sections). The passage from the 3D model to 2D drawings was performed by choosing some appropriate reference systems. Hence, it has been identified the virtual centre of the inner circumference of the base for the creations of vertical radial planes of sections joined to the axes of the openings. As regards the elevations, the reference planes on which to make the projection were chosen according to the two reference systems previously used so that, despite the projection of a curved surface, the openings were represented in their actual form and size.

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came out. This issue will be further deepened in the future by experimenting on sub-d displaced surfaces (Fantini, 2011). The created structure is a cognitive and popular tool that is able to represent and illustrate the knowledge of the cultural assets. It is actually the base for strategic interventions to protect and enhance the dry stone rural local heritage. As a matter of fact, those vernacular memories – inserted into a Mediterranean cultural circuit – are able to activate tourism with economic/social benefits on the territory, according to the principles of sustainable development. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The authors wish to thank the Baroness Fanny Gravina for granting access to Villa Trippatore and the engineer Umberto Grimaldi, technician of the “Luigi Andreozzi” laboratory of architectural photogrammetry and architectural survey of the University of Catania, for his assistance during the on-site survey. CREDITS Despite the joint nature of the research work carried out, the editorial responsibility for the paragraphs is attributed to: paragraph 1, Franca Restuccia; paragraph 2 Mariateresa Galizia; paragraph 3, Cettina Santagati.

REFERENCES Apollonio, F. I. 2010. Construction, Management and Visualization of 3D Models for Cultural Heritage GIS Systems. In Al-Qawasmi J et alii (eds.) 2010. Digital Media and its Application in Cultural Heritage; proc. Intern. Confer. On Digital Media and its Applications in Cultural Heritage, Amman, 1315 march 2011. Amman: CSAAR Press. Apollonio F.I. et alii, 2010. A semantic and parametric method for 3D models used in 3D cognitiveinformation system. In Future cities. 28th eCAADe 2010 Conference, ZURICH, ECAADE – ETH Zurich, 2010. Apollonio, F I et alii 2011. Construction, Management and Visualization of 3D Models of Large Archeological and Architectural Sites for E-Heritage GIS Systems. In Pavelka, K. (ed) XXIIIrd International CIPA Symposium, Prague, 12 - 16 September 2011. Biallo, G. 2005. Introduzione ai sistemi informativi geografici. MondoGIS, 2. Roma. Carta, M. 2005. Progetti di territorio la costruzione di nuove tecniche di rappresentazione nei sistemi informativi territoriali. Roma: Editori riuniti. Casu, P. 2005. La documentazione grafica digitale per la restituzione del rilievo. In Quaderni di Architettura 2005, Dipartimento di Architettura Università di Cagliari: 33-40. Cagliari: CUEC/DIARCH. Chiavoni, E. & Paolini, P. (eds.) 2007. Metodi e tecniche integrate di rilevamento per la realizzazione di modelli virtuali dell'architettura della città. Roma: Gangemi editore. D’Aurea, V. 2008. I “trulli” di Polignano a Mare (Ba). Costruzioni a secco e società moderna: la sfida della conservazione. Bollettino Ingegneri Toscana 11. Docci, M. (ed.) 2006. Metodologie innovative integrate per il rilevamento dell’Architettura e dell’Ambiente. Roma: Gangemi editore. Fantini, F. 2011. La modellazione in displaced Sub-D. In Verdiani G. (ed) Il ritorno all’immagine nuove procedure image based per il Cultural Heritage 37-72. lulu.com. Fianchino, C. 1988. Le Pietre nell’Architettura, Documento 15. Catania: I.D.A.U. Fianchino, C. 2003. Caratteri tecnologici della ricostruzione settecentesca nella Sicilia sud-orientale, Documento 7. Catania: I.D.A.U. Inzerillo, L. 2002. L’ambiente e le sue alterazioni. Il paesaggio e lo sviluppo sostenibile. Bollettino Ingegneri di Palermo e provincia: 52-55 Gaiani, M. et alii 2002. Realtà Virtuale come strumento di lavoro per il restauro Architettonico e Archeologico: il 3D Virtual GIS La Via Appia antica. In Coralini, A. & Scagliarini D. (eds.) UT NATURA ARS. Virtual Reality e archeologia (22), proc. Intern symp, Bologna, 22 april 2002. Bologna: University Press.


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Gaiani, M. et alii 2002. A framework to use virtual worlds generated from real world 3D models as Work Tool for Architectural & Archaeological Restoration on the Web. In Internation Journal of Design Computing 4. Special Issue on Designing Virtual Worlds. Gaiani, M. et alii (eds.) 2009. Modelli digitali 3D in archeologia il caso di Pompei. Pisa: Edizioni della Normale. Galizia, M. 2008. La rappresentazione del territorio e il disegno dei suoi paesaggi. Il versante orientale dell'Etna. Metodi e linguaggi dalla tradizione all'innovazione. Enna: Il Lunario. Guidi, G. et alii 2010. Acquisizione 3D e modellazione poligonale. McGraw-Hill Companies. Gulli, R. & Mochi G. 1997. Il modello bizantino, La cupola di Santa Sofia a Costantinopoli. In Conforti C. (ed.) Lo specchio del cielo forme significati tecniche e funzioni della cupola dal Pantheon al Novecento. Milano: Electa. Manferdini, A. M. & Garagnani, S. 2011. Fruizione digitale di reperti archeologici. L’esperienza del Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna. Disegnarecon 4(8). Prescia, R. et alii 2011. The preservation of dry stone architectural heritage in Sicily. In: C. Gambardella (editor) Le vie dei Mercanti, S.A.V.E. Heritage. Safeguard of Architectural, Visual, Environmental Heritage. Collana Fabbrica della Conoscenza vol 10. Napoli: La Scuola di Pitagora editrice. Rossi, G. & Leserri, M. 2007, Le geometrie delle architetture in pietra a secco salentine. La cupola in aggetto. In Gambardella, C. et alii (eds.) Le vie dei mercanti Rappresentare il Mediterraneo; proc. 5th intern. forum, Capri, 14-16 june 2007. Napoli: La scuola di Pitagora editrice. Remondino, F. & Rizzi A. 2010. Reality-based 3D documentation of natural and cultural heritage sites— techniques, problems, and examples. Applied Geomatics 2 (3): 85-100 Springer Berlin/Heidelberg. Remondino, F., 2011. Rilievo e modellazione 3D di siti e architetture complesse. Disegnarecon 4(8). Restuccia, F. et alii 2009. Il modello digitale per il progetto: l'esperienza del parco archeologico di Kaukana a Santa Croce Camerina (RG). In Proc. Intern. Symp. Disegno e progetto, Lerici 13-15 october 2009. Genova: Graphic Sector. Restuccia, F. et alii, 2012. The stone landscape of the Hyblaean Mountains: the geometry, structure, shape and nature of the muragghio. In: Tampone, G. et alii (eds), Domes in the World. Congress Proceedings Florence march 19-23, 2012. Nardini Editore. Santagati, C. 2007. Il reale e la sua rappresentazione attraverso l’informatica. Enna: Il Lunario. Santagati, C. 2011. Metodologie digitali per il disegno delle torri di Enna. In Galizia, M. Il disegno delle torri medievali di enna nel paesaggio urbano tra passato e presente. Catania: Giuseppe Maimone Editore. Tiralongo, P. 2006. Pietra su Pietra architettura in pietra a secco degli Iblei. Ragusa: EdiARGO. Visintini, D. et alii 2007. The VRML model of Victoria Square in Gorizia (Italy) from laser scanning and photogrammetric 3D surveys. In proc. Web 3D 2007 Symposium, Perugia 15-18 april 2007. Visintini, D. et alii 2009. 3D modeling of the St. Anthony Abbot Church in S. Daniele del Friuli (I): from laser scanning and photogrammetry to VRML/X3D model. International Archives of Photogrammetry and Remote Sensing, 38 (5-w1). Vitale, M.R. & Barone, Z. 2009. Dry stone walls in the hyblean landscape: intangibile and tangibile heritage at risk”. In Lira S. et alii (eds), Proceedings of International Conference on Intangibile heritage (Pico island, Azores, 30 may-1June 2009): 613-622. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development.

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Preserving intangible heritage of Palestinian Territories’ cultural landscape: the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum T. A. Rinella Facoltà di Arti, Mercati e Patrimoni della Cultura, IULM University, Milan, Italy

ABSTRACT: The cultural landscape of the Palestinian Territories is the result of multiple and millennial interactions between man and nature where, unfortunately, the endless persistence of the conflict is slowly but constantly proceeding to devastate and modify landscape’s unity and cultural identity. In this complex context, characterized by a deep cultural stratification, an essential matter is the safeguard of the huge tangible and intangible heritage of Palestine. Regarding this topic, I designed for UNESCO the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, currently under construction, a project that attempts to narrate the immaterial values connected to the material finds of an underground archeological site through an innovative multimedia display. The Riwaya Museum is the result of the partial refurbishment of an existing building, from which an underground archeological site is accessible. Located in Bethlehem’s Manger Square, next to the Nativity Church, the site is composed of two separate parts, a cisterns complex dating from the middle ages and the rests of a more ancient byzantine monastery. The museum path develops through the archeological site along a sequence of sensorial and interactive video environments, arranged by Studio Azzurro, an Italian group of visual artists specialized in new media and technologies for museum communication. «Riwaya», in Arabic, means both «History» (of the place) and «story» (stories from their inhabitants), and the museum’s aim is to recover both intangible aspects, connected to the cultural landscape and threatened by war. By re-establishing local cultural roots, the interactive experience of the museum will be functional, for the local communities, to the consolidation of their own identity perception, reinforcing their awareness of belonging to the territory they live in.

1 INTRODUCTION The complexity and contradictions of nowadays Palestinian landscape, are object of study and elaboration for the concept development of the Riwaya Museum, currently under construction in Bethlehem. In spite of the many delays and difficulties, the project, promoted by the Unesco Office in Ramallah in collaboration with the Palestinian Authority, and founded by the Government of Norway, is today in its final phases, temporarily stuck in a complex negotiation on its content with the local stakeholders.

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Figure 1. Views of the occupied Palestinian Territory: by-pass roads and Israeli railway. @ F. Busonero/UNESCO, 2009

The main subject of the museum’s concept concerns the cultural landscape of the Palestinian Territories, the result of multiple and millennial interactions between man and nature where, unfortunately, the endless conflict persistence is slowly but constantly proceeding to devastate and modify the landscape’s unity and cultural identity. Before going into the museum concept, it is necessary to firstly focus on the complex project premises and geopolitical situation. As known, according to the 1995 Agreement (Oslo II), Israel retains security control and jurisdiction over planning and construction on the most part of the occupied Palestinian Territory, divided in A, B and C areas, with different juridical status. Local communities have been severely impacted by the Israeli occupation and restrictions on freedom of movement, access to land, settlers violence, house demolitions, forced evacuation and other natural and environmental disasters. Palestinian cities and villages are squeezed inside their borders (in A and B areas), as local people are not allowed to obtain any building permission in the C area, that covers almost the 70% of the oPt. The delicate landscape balance is therefore daily threatened by the increasing pressure of military occupation and its complex geopolitical background. Massive emigration caused by the population’s poverty, lack of employment and the forced exile of many Palestinians, implied a progressive land and cultivations abandon in large areas. As a consequence of landscape deterioration, there is also a constant vanishing of important social and environmental practices, that represent the fundaments of social cohesion and cultural identity for the place and its inhabitants.


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Figure 2. The segregation wall and urban congestion in Bethlehem. @ F. Busonero/UNESCO, 2009

Major risks to the territorial integrity are today mainly concerned with the expansion of the existing Israeli settlements and with the construction of new ones in the occupied Palestinian territories, considered illegal by the international community. In some areas of the west bank, the situation is even congested by the presence of the Green Line and Israeli railways, that cross a part of the Palestinian land densely populated by Israeli settlers, with military outposts, Israeli crossroads (forbidden to Palestinians) and check points. Landscape devastation reaches its highest point with the building of the segregation wall between Israel and the west bank, that advances enclosing large portions of Palestinian land to the Israeli side. Furthermore, the militarization of the wall’s surrounding areas, determines a violent desertification of the territory, with hundreds of olive trees cut down to obtain safety strips along it. The expansion of a road network reserved to Israeli settlers and the detour of Palestinian traffic to a separate roads and tunnel system, led to a gradual isolation of Palestinian villages and to the fragmentation of the territory, as a result of decades of expropriations and restrictions to people movement. The infrastructural system, usually considered a connection element, becomes here an overwhelming barrier that determines a progressive fragmentation of the territory. The isolation of local communities inside their villages’ borders, thus generates a slow but inexorable process of loss of their cultural richness and identity. In this dramatic context, the safeguard of the huge tangible and intangible heritage of the Holy Land becomes a fundamental matter for the protection of Palestinian cultural roots and the reinstatement of their awareness in local communities.

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Figure 3. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, multimedia installations by Studio Azzurro. @ Studio Azzurro, 2010

The recent admission of Palestine as a UNESCO member, beside important political consequences, was indispensable to inscribe on the World Heritage List its outstanding monuments and sites. Unbelievably, as the Palestinian Territories were not officially recognized by the U.N., this fundamental step for the territory safeguard was technically impossible without their membership. A peculiarity of Palestine is that many intangible aspects of its cultural heritage live in its tangible heritage. Both are strictly linked and actually not separable. As Taylor affirms, «one of the deepest needs of humanity is a sense of identity and belonging to his territory. A common denominator is human attachment to landscape and how we find and establish an identity sense in landscape and place. Landscape therefore is not simply what we see, but a way of seeing: we see with our eyes but we interpret with our mind and ascribe values to landscape for intangible – spiritual – reasons» (Taylor, 2008). Landscape can therefore be seen as a cultural construction in which our sense of place and memory inheres. The official definition of “cultural landscape”, established by the World Heritage Committee, clearly states: “cultural properties that represent the combined work of nature and man”. Therefore, cultural landscape, biodiversity, traditional knowledge, tangible and intangible heritage are indissolubly connected. Its concept includes a variety of heritage categories, considering a wide range of manifestations of the interaction between humankind and its natural environment, therefore encompassing tangible, intangible and environmental cultural values. Landscape is the place in which inhere people’s life, tradition, identity, belief and collective memory. It is also a vital source of economic support for local people, as most of the Palestinian landscape is put to agricultural use. The continuous existence of particular forms of land use is not only helpful in maintaining biological diversity, but also in safeguarding a know-how and a system of traditions that are a fundamental part of local heritage. Olive trees, particularly, are a millenarian traditional cultivation that, with a process refined over time, led to the production of a particular kind of local olive oil, with a deep and intense taste and with a slight higher acidity level than others normally produced in the Mediterranean area. Palestinian oil is indeed a local typical product, worldwide appreciated (Meneley, 2009) and many Palestinian authors, like Ghassan Kanafani, widely extol the importance of olive trees in Palestinian culture. The practice of olive trees cultivation represents still today a main income


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source for many Palestinian families, and the trees presence characterizes the landscape with the pregnant memory of intangible traditional values. Thus, cultural landscape often reflects specific techniques of sustainable land use, allowing to maintain a local biodiversity that is today seriously threatened by the heavy environmental impact of the military occupation. The expansion of Israeli settlements, indeed, caused a considerable fragmentation and waste of the territory, significantly reducing the available land for agricultural production. Among the new buildings and the fenced-in space cut by new cross-road connections for exclusive Israeli use, and the abandoned border areas (where trees are cut down and agriculture is forbidden), there are large portions of land that are alienated from any possible use. In C areas, that formally belong to the Palestinian Authority but are military controlled by the Israelis, it is forbidden any possible construction, included excavations and the creation of wells and irrigating systems for agriculture. This strongly limits farming development in these areas, restricting the land cultivation to the residual available areas in the densely edified B and A zones. A further serious problem, in these crowded areas, is the illegal dumping of solid waste. Because of the lack of space and controls, illegal dumping sites frequently arise in densely urbanized A and B areas, with grave problems of pollution and health diseases. One of the most dangerous consequences is the contamination of water tables, that implies also the pollution of wells and irrigation water, with disastrous effects on food safety and the agricultural environment. The situation is even more difficult in critical areas like refugee camps and particularly in the Gaza strip. The lack of any legal framework and the impracticability of a land planning policy, with rampant building development inside the few residual areas in A and B zones, and uncontrolled mining and quarrying activities, determine a wild land consumption and the destruction of the Palestinian landscape habitat as well as its people’s memory. From these complex premises, thus, arises the idea of focusing the concept for the Bethlehem Riwaya Museum to the Palestinian Cultural Landscape. Its main goal will be to strengthen, in local people, the awareness of their identity and the perception or their condition.

Figure 4. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, People of Palestine hall. Rendering and view of the current state of the works.

2 THE MUSEUM PROJECT The project intends to narrate the immaterial values connected to the material finds of an underground archeological site through an innovative multimedia display, in an efficient manner accessible to everybody. A sensorial path develops through the material ruins of the archeological site, along a sequence of interactive video environments, focused on aspects of the intangible heritage of the territory related to the site. The term «Riwaya», in Arabic, means both «History»

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(of the place) and «story» (stories from their inhabitants), and the museum’s aim is to recover both intangible aspects, connected to the cultural landscape and threatened by war. The project arises from the partial refurbishment of an existing building, from which an underground archeological site is accessible. Located in Bethlehem’s Manger Square, next to the Nativity Church, the site is composed of two separate parts, a cisterns complex dating from the Middle Ages and the rests of a more ancient byzantine monastery. The existing building is the Bethlehem Peace Center, built in 1998/2000 after the demolition of a preexistent building dating from the British mandate, used as a prison during the Israeli occupation. The strong will to forget the military occupation led the municipality to decide its demolition, and to build on its place the new Peace Center. The archeological site was therefore discovered during the demolition works, but the need to achieve the construction of the new building before the celebrations of 2000 (here particularly significant as Christ’s birthplace), obliged the local contractors to continue the works, roughly preserving the ruins in the underground levels. In 2005, UNESCO got interested in the site and commissioned a preliminary project which considered the possibility to implement a museum in the narrow underground spaces, recovering the residual damaged ruins.

Figure 5. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, Land of Palestine hall. Ramp of the intermediate level. Rendering and view of the current state of the works.

In this phase, it was necessary to completely reshape the spaces, with further underground excavations, and to deviate and hide the plant and sewer systems, with a complex “made to measure” design. Once a suitable space was obtained, UNESCO focused on developing the museum concept with an international experts committee (The main project team members are: Giovanni Fontana Antonelli, Project Officer, UNESCO Office Ramallah; Dr. Erling Dahl Jr., museum consultant, ICOM expert; Tiziano Aglieri Rinella, Architectural design; Studio Azzurro Produzioni, interactive multimedia installation). The residual archeological ruins were not particularly relevant if compared to other surrounding sites, but gave the inspiration for a wider museum concept, focused on the intangible heritage aspects inherent in the existing material ruins. This linked to the surrounding territory and its cultural landscape, in an effort to virtually demolish the physical barriers that crush the population’s identity and cut off their roots. The complexity of the treated topics required therefore a collaboration endeavor with a scientific committee of local experts. As a result, the overall common theme of the museum display became the territory and its cultural landscape: the element which identifies the story of a community, whether seen as place of permanence or of transient nomadic presence, in the various existing local forms (particularly relevant here the religious pilgrimage). Territory is the area in which there is a general history, or many specific histories, which interact with the actual present day life of that area, creating a synthesis of possible relationships between past and future.


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In this background, one of the most important subject matters is the oral tradition, expressed through narratives, poems, fairy tales (in Arabic hikaye), songs, artisanal and popular traditions, folklore: all aspects linked to the cultural landscape and belonging to the very large intangible heritage of this land, that is in danger of slowly disappearing because of the conflict.

Figure 6. The Bethlehem Riwaya Museum, the Cultural landscape hall. Display path through the archeological ruins. Rendering and view of the current state of the works.

The Hikaye is a fundamental theme of the museum concept, strictly linked to the role of women in the Palestinian family, as bearers of intangible traditional heritage. This kind of narrative represents an interpretation of Palestine cultural and social issues seen from the perspective of women storytellers. It represent a significant component of the Palestinian oral tradition, handed down from mother to son, and which knowledge is preserved by women. The museum display philosophy is the opposite of old traditional museums, that are used to exhibit large amount of items, attempting to be an encyclopedic representation of knowledge. This old kind of museums are often boring and with a limited capacity to attract the mass public. The Riwaya Museum, on the contrary, will be a place with a dynamic identity, whose experience will be unique and original and open to everybody: the goal is to move away from a museum as “collection” to achieve a museum as “narration” (Riwaya). The museum concept will be unfolded through a proper script as a film, narrated through an interactive, emotional end experiential multimedia communication. The task to achieve an efficient multimedia narrative communication, where art, technology and territory are melt together, is currently under developing with the collaboration of Studio Azzurro, an Italian group of visual artists with a long experience in new media and technologies for museum communication. Multimedia technology, indeed, is today’s most common and universal language, that allows to tell a story in a smooth, coherent and absorbing way, reconnecting with a shared feeling. The museum path will be animated by a sequence of interactive video “environments” which, activated through sensible surfaces as touch-screens, will tell a story in a emotional way, depicting a synthetic “fresco” like the way it happened with the art of the past. The comparison is not in fact inappropriate, because the dramatic and narrative aspect, the dialogue with the spaces, and the immersive character create a remarkable proximity between the two artistic experiences, so far in time from each other. Those “sensitive” environments bring together an open dialogue between physical elements and intangible aspects, through an interactive technology. The concept of each environment is considered as a proper ecosystem: a place in which there is an interrelation between the virtual component and the material presence, between a specific content and the experience of each visitor. These learning ecosystems become places of immersive experimentation and a sort of “realms of memory”, narrative habitats in which the fragmentation of stories favors the experiential approach and the interactive language favors the emerging of the various story components.

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In the museum spaces, technological equipment is not displayed but its effects are perceived. The goal is to totally hide the technological interactive systems (mouse, keyboard, etc.), in order to achieve a sort of “natural interface”. The “sensible environment” is activated through traditional methods of communication, using touch, voice, gestures and movement across the space etc., in order to create a more natural situation that is not frustrated by procedures that may not be familiar to all. Each interaction, along the space sequence, is designed to lead people to behave in a spontaneous and natural way. The narration which unfolds, filling the whole museum space, requires a dramatic approach in the design of the architectural spaces and in the management of the virtual components, as in a film script. The display unfolding is therefore inextricably linked with that environment, with the place and with the stories it tells. The design process, therefore, followed a two-fold “staging” situation: the technological system is an integral part of the narrative exhibition in a whole architectural space, and this required a careful techno-dramatic treatment. The archeological remains are thus woven together with objects, images and sounds that interface with screen projections, temporally occupied by immaterial figures. In the display of objects, attention is shifted away from the object itself to the story surrounding the object, reconstructing a setting which gives a context to the object itself. As Studio Azzurro affirms, «by combining the physical substance of objects, spaces and people with the virtual dimension of the multimedia story, it is possible to “suggest the invisible”. In other words to allow the interpretation of that vital, ritual aspect that has been lost. Therefore, it is possible to “portray the invisible”, the hidden stories associated to the object, or an alternative version of the story, experiencing something impossible to fully grasp. The gap in its philological and scientific reconstruction can be filled by the imagination of each visitor» (Studio Azzurro, 2011). 3 THE EXHIBITION PATH The permanent display will unfold through 7 main sections, some of them split in sub-sections, dedicated to the following themes: History of Palestine (with two separate sub-sections for Bethlehem and Palestine), Stories of motherhood, People of Palestine (stories of pilgrimage and stories of displacement and forced migration), Land of Palestine (people and their land and stories from the landscape); sound jars (voices from the landscape); Culture of Palestine (traditional know-how and crafts, stories of workers, Hikaye folktales), Cultural landscape (stories and testimonies from the past), for a total of 15 different installations, plus some hybrid spaces for temporary thematic exhibitions. These sections are completed by a multimedia recording laboratory and a computer station, were children and visitors can add contents to the museum. The display path follows a descending direction, as the museum space develops through two different underground levels, connected by an intermediate floor. The two archeological areas are situated in the intermediate and in the lower floor. Aware of the difficulty to explain such kind of multi-sensorial spaces, that need to be experienced in their three-dimensional whole to be fully grasped, we will however attempt to make a clear and brief description of them. The first episode, History of Palestine, will cover the period from the Canaanites up till today and will present the “stories in the history” of the place. It will help the visitor understand the development of Palestine and the traces of individual identity. A circular semi-transparent polycarbonate screen becomes the landscape of the historical and temporal scenario. The images projected on the screen will spin a continuous scrolling that the visitor will handle interactively, through a position placed in front of the screen. The series of visions will be stopped, chosen, forwarded and rewound from the present to the past and vice versa, simulating a true historical trip that always keeps a strict relationship between present and memory. Touching with a hand the wished point concerning a definite historical event placed on the timeline, the scrolling of the screen stops. So its narration reveals itself through a sequence of images that pervade one another in a horizontal stratification. A trip into the “story”, that stops only at the exact moment in which it reaches and lights the real historical


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archeological object placed at the back of the screen. An emblematic find of that event that can be observed, together with other ones, behind the screen, that suddenly becomes transparent. The second “sensible environment” regards the stories connected to “Motherhood”. In this section women play a leading role that show their relationship with motherhood, the circle of life and universality. The installation unfolds as follows: a “triptych” of screens will appear in the middle of the room. Two of them are semi-transparent and the other one, placed in the middle, is brighter. On this central support will be projected a woman with a child, as a portrait that evokes the sacred icons. Immediately after the visitor has approached the installation, lateral projections will slowly appear, shaping the triptych: other images of more ordinary people depicting the relationship between mother and child, representative of the local social context. Being semi-transparent, these two projection surfaces will show lighter images that will expand into the background space. The icon takes shape in life and in the surrounding space through these two other narrations. Portraits of 20 women of different ages, social condition and religion will be projected. In front of the screens, there will be a font as a mystic symbol: the principle of life that penetrates all things of nature. The goal is to represent motherhood as a source of sacred love, underlining at the same time their primary role in the family as children educators. Women indeed, more than men, are bearers and medium of perpetuation of oral intangible traditions. On the adjacent wall, instead, drawings and images created by children during workshops will be hanged, to show motherhood from another point of view: the one of the children themselves. The following important section is “People of Palestine”, where matters related to pilgrimage and emigration are treated. Bethlehem, particularly, represents an important pilgrimage destination. Masses of believers visit the Nativity Church and the surrounding sites in different period of the year. The flow of Palestinians who have emigrated, especially after the big exodus in 1948, represents the opposite of the flux of pilgrims going to Palestine. These two phenomena are conceptually represented in this double installation. Two walls (semi-transparent polycarbonate screens) support a sequence of projections representing spaces passed through by many full size characters. These characters are: the contemporary pilgrims on one of the two walls, and the emigrated Palestinians on the other one. They walk along the wall, symbolizing a journey, until they dissolve. Facing this parade, the visitor is tempted to discover where the characters are from and where they’re going to. By stretching one’s hand towards one of the characters, as if to stop him, the character ceases to walk and immediately turns around to look at his interlocutor. He starts now to tell us his story of pilgrimage or emigration, in his mother tongue. The story will last all the time we hold the image still with our hand. This contact defines a first way of relating: the gesture of stopping and keeping the video projected figure shows an intent of communication, of exchange that involves the observer in the mimic narration of the character that has been interviewed. Two maps will integrate this stories, respectively showing: the stream from the continents to the main pilgrimage destinations, and the stream from Palestine to the main emigration destinations. This installation will require the shooting of about 40 people, that will be interviewed to collect their stories. To complete the space, some historical diaries of pilgrims and correspondence of emigrants will be exhibited in a proper showcase. Palestine was always closely connected to the world around. Bethlehem was a city of travelers since before Christ and in modern times is a city of pilgrims and migration. Since the beginning of pilgrimage to the crusader times and up till today, there was an intense movement of people both from and to Europe and Palestine, implying a strong cultural exchange. After 1948 and 1967, the natural flow of people, information, goods, traditions, ideas and so on, was made more difficult by Israel. As a result, Palestine today is not only fragmented geographically, but also in its socioeconomic and cultural identity. Clearly this issue will be strongly considered in the installation, since nowadays situation is not supposed to be permanent. The next section is the “Land of Palestine”, concerning stories from the landscape and its inhabitants. This area is adjacent to the Byzantine Cisterns, the first part of the archeological site enfolded by the museum envelope, in a intermediate floor between the two main underground floors. An overhead gangway connects the upper floor to this area. Approaching from this way the screen-wall at the bottom of this space, the visitor pass through three different perceptive levels: a more than 10 meters large projection of a changing landscape will be displayed. Going down the gangway, the observer will feel as if he was immersing himself in the scenario, with the real cisterns visually interweaved and fused with the projected landscape. In the middle of

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the hall adjacent to the cisterns, an olive wooden table, with a video projection on it, will be used as a touch-screen surface. Obtained from an uproot olive tree, the wooden table will symbolically refer to the neglected cultural landscape. It will allow, with a simple gesture, to choose a face of a person, an inhabitant of the landscape, that will tell a story, an opinion or an idea. The theme will be deepened according to the visitor’s choices and, as landscape is perceived in a particular way by each individual, the projected landscape will be modified according to his personal vision and the story he tells. In this scenario, the sound environment is very important. It will spread all over the space lightly and continuously, giving back the depth of territory, with Arabic narrating voices overlapping it. Immediately behind the cisterns, visitors reach a platform with some jars. This space’s theme is the water: it refers to an antique ritual common in Arabic countries: the tradition of water sellers. The sound environment will give the suggestion to be outdoors, on the road. Jars will give out sounds, noises and if necessary, stories about water, through proper devices. The attention is focused on a feeling that doesn’t exist in western countries: the aim is to make the visitor responsible, making him aware of the importance of the few natural resources left and of their dramatic conditions and tragic waste. The installation will also have an educational purpose, informing people on the existing efforts to spread in local communities an aware and sustainable use of their resources. Proceeding down to the lower level, behind the cisterns, from a wooden platform we can access a cleavage in one of the cisterns’ side, from where we can look at its interior. Suddenly, illuminated by a dramatic light, a spectacular view appears: a cross from the Crusades epoch is engraved in the stone on the cistern’s internal side. After this charming discovery, we have access to the main lower floor space, where we get into the Culture of Palestine area, an installation where the sound environment plays an essential role. The main theme here is the Hikaye. This particular kind of narratives, as already mentioned, is an oral interpretation of events and fictions that show not only the line of the facts, but also the moods of the life in the country during the ages, referring to stories inherent in the cultural landscape and emphasizing an oral tradition that otherwise would be lost throughout the many rewritings of the story. The Hikaye is narrated in colloquial Arabic and its expressive power lies in the use of common language, speech rhythm and vocal effects. The visitor that doesn’t speak Arabic will be immersed in its musicality, emotionally approaching the oral tradition. The environment is constituted by interactive video projections, and will offer a huge quantity of Hikaye told through images and voices of different women narrators. A database that collects a great number of Hikaye from Bethlehem and the rest of Palestine already exists, result of a previous UNESCO research project, as it is considered intangible human heritage. In this section, the effort is to conjugate new technologies and oral tradition, providing a flexible device that could be implemented also with a text or audio translation in other languages. A multimedia laboratory, placed in a separate room, is conceived as an integral part of this section. Here the visitor could build his own personal story. This installation is especially dedicated to children and devised so as to deepen the interpretation and visualization of the Hikaye, allowing its reprocessing. Through a large interactive touch-screen table, like a big iPad, children could modify and elaborate the collected material. The multimedia device is conceived to grow little by little each time it is used. It could collect and record information, documents, statements, audio-video recording and will have a very simple and intuitive graphic interface. Every user could leave a recorded trace that will contribute to modify the perceptive parameters of the children that will come afterwards. They will gain an intense sensitive and embedding experience that could leave a deep trace in their memory, and this direct creative involvement will create living memories in children. The activities of the laboratory will be also supported by educational workshops. Furthermore, a picture, a drawing, or another kind of elaboration created in this multimedia laboratory could be printed or sent via email to the child, that could then bring home a tangible sign of the experience. The next two adjacent areas are instead dedicated to the Palestinian handicraft tradition and to its products: from the olive wood crafts to the nacre and ceramic manufacturing, the embroidery and so on. Some “narrating” objects and the tools used to create them will be displayed in separate areas. The manufacturing process will be showed in video projections, where the narration will emphasizes the choreography of gestures, often ancestral, that shape the material. It will be represented as a dance of an antique wisdom, expressed more in an emotional than in a descrip-


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tive way. The gesture will be melt with the sound of the work, composing brief videos musically characterized by the rhythm of the workers’ noises. The represented themes could also inspire educational workshops to be organized at the museum premises, in order to strengthen the awareness of traditional craftsmanship knowledge in the young generations. The last section of the museum is dedicated to the narration of the cultural landscape of Bethlehem and Palestine, with a particular focus on their archeological sites. An articulated path unfolds through the archeological ruins of the byzantine monastery, dramatically illuminated and animated by several episodes, according to a theatrical screenplay. On the bottom wall, a big scenario with a video projected archeological landscape will reconnect the underground archeological site to their belonging background. The projected images, synchronized to the physical presence of the ruins, will tell about the archeological site’s story, in relation to the other archeological sites of the surrounding territory. Historians and persons involved in the excavations will give their testimony, as well as young people will give us their personal perception and knowledge about it. This could favor local people’s awareness about their tangible heritage, or, on the other hand, it could disclose a widespread ignorance about it. This section should therefore be supported with educational laboratory activities, to make historical heritage become a field of activity and participation for the local community. 4 CONCLUSIONS In conclusion, the Riwaya museum will definitely offer a constant update and lifelong learning. This learning will come through experience, through discovery, experimentation, surprise, along the interactive path. A further “augmented learning” stimulated by the emotional experience that could be completed, if necessary, through the internet. The web, indeed, in such kind of museum can be a sort of “additional” virtual room, where it is possible to find all necessary further data and documents. Thus, we attempted to demonstrate how the degradation process of the Palestinian cultural landscape could be contrasted, besides the efforts of the international community to implement effective political actions of conflict governance, even by the reinstatement of the local cultural roots. The interactive experience of the museum will be functional, for the local communities, to the consolidation of their own identity perception, reinforcing their awareness of belonging to the territory they live in. Despite the many local difficulties, delays and financial issues, that temporarily stuck the project, its achievement will slowly but resolutely go on. The Riwaya museum will certainly not give a complete answer to the hundreds of essential matters and contradictions of the place. It should be considered indeed more as an “open work” than as a closed itinerary, available to further contributors. However, maybe it could also be considered just a further small step for the safeguard of memory, one of the hugest and at the same time more fragile aspects of mankind’s cultural heritage. REFERENCES Aglieri Rinella, T. 2010. Sustainable strategies for the occupied Palestinian territory: some project experiences, International Conference Inhabiting the future after Copenhagen, Naples Cancellotti, C., Cirino, P. and Harb, S. 2009. Research and documentation of the tangible and intangible elements of olive cultural landscape in Palestinian highlands: the villages of Battir and ‘Asira el Shamalyia (oPt), UNESCO Research Papers. FAO, UNESCO, UNRWA, UNIFEM, UNSCO/RCO. 2010. Livelihood protection and sustainable empowerment of vulnerable, rural and refugee communities in the Jordan Valley, project report, occupied Palestinian territory (oPt). Fontana Antonelli, G. 2009. Topografia della complessità. Lo stato dell’arte su architettura, pianificazione, conservazione e paesaggio nella Palestina della Seconda Intifada, in Eda 7, “Rehabilitation planning in the historical towns of the occupied Palestinian territory” in “Esempi d’Architettura”, Anno III n. 7/2009.

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Gola, A., Perugini, N., Harb, S. 2010. The recovery of historical paths for tourism as tool for social and territorial development: the Palestinian case of Battir, Almatourism n. 1, Bologna Isaac, J., Halayqa, W., Qabaja, A., El-Butmeh, M., Hilal, J. and Jubran, N. 2005. The environmental impacts assessment of the Israeli segregation plan on Battir village, ARIJ, Applied Research Institute of Jerusalem. Meneley A. 2009. A Tale of Two Itineraries: The Production, Consumption, and Global Circulation of Italian and Palestinian Olive Oil, Colloque paper, Yale University. Monaci, S. 2005, Il futuro nel museo. Come i nuovi media cambiano l'esperienza del pubblico, Milan. MOTA, Palestinian Authority, Ministry of Tourism and Antiquities. 2005. Inventory of cultural and natural heritage sites of potential outstanding universal value in Palestine, Ramallah. OCHA, Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. 2009. Shrinking Space: Urban Contraction and Rural Fragmentation in the Bethlehem Governorate, Report, May, Jerusalem. Pansini, S. 2004. Museo e territorio, Bari. Ruggeri Tricoli, M. C. 2007. Musei sulle rovine. Architetture nel contesto archeologico, Milan: Edizioni Lybra Immagine. STUDIOAZZURRO. 2011. Musei di narrazione-percorsi interattivi e affreschi multimediali/Museums as narration–interactive experiences and multimedia frescoes, Milan: Silvana Editoriale. Taylor K. 2008. Landscape and Memory, UNESCO Research Papers.


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Emerging indigenous voices: safeguarding intangible heritage in Colombia and the reaffirmation of cultural rights N. Rodríguez-Uribe Macquarie Law School-Macquarie University, Sydney, NSW, Australia

D. Rodríguez-Uribe Office of Intangible Heritage-Ministry of Culture, Bogotá, DC, Colombia

ABSTRACT: Indigenous cultural heritage protection in Colombia is supported by the human right to self-determination and the provisions of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (ILO 169). The recent ratification of the Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention, 2003 (CSICH) in 2008 has added to this legislative basis, most notably by highlighting that cultural heritage is not static, and its elements –while being protected– must be allowed to evolve in time. The Colombian legal approach is analyzed, first by discussing the shift from the historical focus on tangible heritage to the fluid nature of intangible heritage: and then by considering how this shift holistically acknowledges and protects cultural rights and multicultural identities. The listing of the “Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí” is used as a case study of the appropriation of the CSICH and its implementation instruments by the Indigenous communities of the Great Vaupés Reservation in the Colombian eastern Amazon.

1 INTRODUCTION During the last three decades, the world has seen a legal revolution for the protection and recognition of the rights of Indigenous peoples. The assimilationist views espoused by the Convention Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Populations, 1959 (ILO 107) have been reevaluated (Anaya, 2004: 58-59). There has been a shift from a paternalistic focus on providing assistance to Indigenous peoples and ethnic minorities to adapt and become one with the dominant culture of their country, to an open perspective under which the right to self-determination is of paramount importance. The signing of the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989 (ILO 169) introduced the recognition of the validity of different ways of life that do not follow the prevailing Western model of development; instead, Indigenous peoples can now be seen by the new legal framework as diverse in their own right, and not as a transition towards assimilation. This would mean, from a legal point of view, that they are now the masters and planners of their own development as they better see fit (ILO 169, art. 7). Colombia has been no stranger to such a change in perspective. In 1991, a new Constitution was enforced in the country, which –among many other significant changes– made a 180-degree turn in the definition of the Colombian Nation. What had previously been defined as a nation united under a common and homogenous identity is now seen as a multicultural state with a plurality of ethnicities (Padilla, 1996: 80-83). Bearing this in mind, this paper will discuss the implications that this shift has brought for the protection of intangible heritage in Colombia for Indigenous peoples. We claim that the ratification of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, 2003 (CSICH) in 2008, and the enforcement of the related implementation law and policy instruments, has facilitated what we will call here the “appropriation” of the Convention by historically marginalized minorities, who have embraced, used and molded it as a powerful tool to reaffirm and give

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visibility to cultural rights otherwise neglected. Although it would be interesting to discuss in depth how ethnic minorities in general have appropriated the CSICH, the scope of this article will be limited to the Indigenous communities that live around the Pirá Paraná river in the Gran Resguardo del Vaupés (the Great Vaupés Reservation), who have organized themselves to form a common front against the threats of globalization. We will first explore the impacts of the historical focus upon conservation of tangible heritage, and how approaches to heritage protection have evolved to include the intangible and fluid nature of cultural elements. We will then consider whether the strategies used to protect specific cultural traditions in Colombia could be applied to protect other aspects of cultural heritage from the impact of global capitalism in Colombia and beyond. We then move to an analysis of the phenomenon of appropriation as a tool to reaffirm the cultural rights of peoples that have historically been marginalized. These aspects and their implications for sustainable development are illustrated by reference to the case study of the listing of the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí in the Representative List of the Intangible Heritage of Humanity in November 2011. We argue that this recognition in the international arena was the final, and perhaps most powerful, step in achieving visibility, validation and recognition of the ancestral way of life of the Indigenous peoples of the Great Vaupés Reservation, while empowering the community to be the guardians of their heritage. 2 LEGAL EVOLUTION OF HERITAGE PROTECTION The recent ratification of the CSICH in Colombia has provided a very valuable tool for the recognition of cultural rights, adding to the legislative basis for the holistic protection of the rights of Indigenous peoples. Within this framework, the definition of Indigenous heritage –and particularly living cultural heritage– is critical to its legal protection and deeply linked to the human right of self-determination, among other collective rights. In the exercise of selfdetermination, there has been an emphasis on the inextricable link between peoples and their land (Kari Oca Declaration, 1992; Kimberley Declaration, 2002), seeing it as much more than property. It is claimed that the right to land has intrinsically spiritual elements, and is thus an imperative for the survival of Indigenous cultures (Anaya, 2004: 141-145). The legal instruments enforced in Colombia for the implementation of the CSICH, and the associated cultural rights promoted by other treaties and declarations, notably ILO 169 and the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), have recognized that cultural heritage, far from being a static body frozen in time and space, is a living entity that must be allowed to evolve over time. Culture is thus tantamount to a life form. This is the case made by the Colombian Policy for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage (Safeguarding Policy), which states that one of the characteristics of the intangible cultural heritage (ICH) elements is their dynamism. Therefore, they are expressions of human creativity, highlighting the genius of the communities and their capacity for recreating, adapting and reinterpreting their own cultural elements (Safeguarding Policy, 2010: 251). It would seem that the international agreements that seek to protect the rights of Indigenous peoples have swung between two extremes, both of which do not fully encapsulate culture as dynamic force capable of evolving on its own terms. On the one hand, there is the assimilationist perspective that seeks to, metaphorically, take Indigenous peoples by the hand while guiding them through their journey towards incorporation to the dominant culture. On the other, there is the ‘fossilization’ interpretation (The International Alliance of the Indigenous Peoples of the Tropical Forests, 1995: 732), whereby Indigenous peoples need to be stuck in time as a moving but unchangeable tableau of a charming past. However, there is a third interpretation, the one based on human rights, which acknowledges dynamism in culture; this interpretation is the one currently enforced by Colombian law and policy. In this section we will briefly comment on the shortcomings of the methodology implemented by the World Heritage Convention, 1972 (WHC), as a platform to explain how the rights-based approach implemented by ILO 169 opened the way to a true appropriation of the CSICH that takes intangible heritage protection as a tool to reaffirm cultural rights.


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2.1 The shortcomings of tangible heritage protection In the 1970s, the term “heritage” acquired its more specialized usage, as “the name given to those valuable features of our environment which we seek to conserve from the ravages of development and decay” (Davidson, 1991:1). In the case of cultural heritage in the WHC, it refers to immovable objects, as opposed to cultural property (Harding, 1999; Kuruk, 2004:114). The protection of tangible heritage revolves thus around a very simple concept: to protect standing remnants of a past long gone, whose legacy remains as a testimony of what was left by humanity’s forefathers (Lowenthal, 1986: 42-43; Davison, 1991:5). To determine which items are worthy to be protected, the WHC implements a methodology called the outstanding universal value (OUV) test (WHC: arts 1-2; Operational Guidelines, 2011). This methodology has been controversial, especially because of its focus on Western values (Harding, 1999: 301), reflective of a homogenizing and globalized approach (Blake, 2000: 75). This has generated a gross overrepresentation of listings by developed countries, especially in Europe (Kuruk, 2004: 115) and, in the cases of developing countries, of monuments and buildings from the colonial past. Colombia is a prime example of this phenomenon. There are seven natural and cultural elements listed by the country since the Convention’s ratification in 1983; two of the five cultural heritage sites, are representative of colonial architecture: the Port, Fortresses and Group of Monuments, Cartagena, and the Historic Center of Santa Cruz de Mompox (UNESCO, 2012b). Also, at a national level, most of the listed Assets of Cultural Interest refer to constructions of colonial architecture (Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia, 2012). For Indigenous peoples, the methodology problem is twofold; first, the focus on the protection of all things past can be reflective of the assimilationist perspective mentioned above. It could imply that the only sites attached to Indigenous cultures worth protecting are those that are not in use anymore, thus severing the link between land and peoples. Again, the case of Colombia is telling as the two archeological sites listed by the country –the National Archeological Parks of Tierradentro and San Agustín– were built by cultures that are extinct today. Second, the universality factor imbued by Western conceptions may seem to miss altogether the deep meaning that the territory, and especially sacred sites, represents to the concerned peoples. As commented by Harding (1999:304) “cultural heritage is a very large category of tangibles and intangibles including things that seem to have no intrinsic beauty but serve a valuable cultural purpose, and things that are stunningly beautiful but have very little cultural connection.” It would be tempting to argue that this connection with determined pieces of soil is sufficient to protect the site as tangible heritage. After all, the word tangible by its very definition implies a physical object or place. This is not the meaning of the WHC. Under the OUV criteria, they must by their sheer beauty, architectural design, or historical importance ‘speak’ to humanity as a whole and bear witness of a past now gone, factors that are not readily evident in the case of sacred sites and traditional lands (Silverman & Fairchild Ruggles, 2007: 6-8). One of the focuses of the rights of Indigenous peoples, as have been lobbied by Indigenous groups around the world since the 1970s, is the recognition of the relationship between the peoples and the land (Yáñez, 2006: 492). The plight had an echo and the demands were ultimately enshrined in Part II of ILO 169, the only binding international treaty on the subject, and defined in UNDRIP as the “right to maintain and strengthen [Indigenous peoples’] distinctive spiritual relationship with their traditionally owned or otherwise occupied and used lands.” The spiritual connection goes then beyond the mere ownership or property rights as understood by Western legal systems; sacred sites are many times considered as the point of origin of a particular community and have an important role to play in the afterlife. They are much more than just plots of soil to be used. This is one of the reasons why the legal instruments that deal with ownership of Indigenous territories, and that are signatories of ILO 169, usually define the property as a collective right held by the entire community, as opposed to any of its individual members, thus guaranteeing equal access and use (Constitution 1991: art. 329). UNESCO recognized that the WHC was insufficient for the appropriate protection of ICH and, moreover, that it had marginalized “a vast range of cultural expressions which belong to the countries of the ‘South’ and which are crucial for the map of cultural diversity” (UNESCO, 2001). A new avenue for the protection of sacred sites was opened by the acknowledgement that the OUV methodology lacks a participatory component, being reserved to illustrated elite (Kuruk, 2004: 127). In Colombia, the communities of the Pirá Paraná show the blurriness of the

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limit line between the tangible and the intangible, by recalling that people make heritage outstanding by giving it its living meaning. “We cannot separate the ‘tangible’ from the ‘intangible.’ Our notion of what a sacred place represents is built on the intangible knowledge nested inside it, because the knowledge is present in the places. The interaction with the tangible aspects is what produces the intangible value” (ACAIPI & Fundación Gaia, 2010: 17). 2.2 From ILO 107 to ILO 169: Indigenous peoples’ rights gain momentum As seen in the previous section, the WHC proved inadequate for the protection of non-material aspects of cultural heritage. Related to the rights of Indigenous peoples, the relationship between tangible and intangible features of their cultures is strongly linked, even indivisible, and the “physical elements of cultural heritage –that which has been traditionally viewed as comprising it– are in fact the vehicles by which cultural heritage (in its intangible sense) is mediated to us” (Blake, 2000: 74). Fortunately, these links have been acknowledged in relevant international instruments that seek to dispel the homogenizing drive of the WHC. It is necessary here to briefly explain the shift between ILO 107 and ILO 169, the latter being the legal framework used in Colombia, as evidenced by the large body of case law by the Colombian Constitutional Court applying ILO 169 directly (International Labour Organization, 2009: 9 & 63-127). The first binding multilateral treaty devised for the protection of Indigenous peoples was ILO 107, which sought to integrate Indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal populations into their respective national communities (Preamble ILO 107: par. 8). Here, the protection extended consists mainly in easing the way of assimilation, making the transition as seamless as possible. Even though the concept of intangible heritage is mentioned (art. 18), it is in no way a validation of the ways of life of Indigenous peoples. It is rather a paternalistic nudge akin to that of the parent towards a child that has produced an interesting, but ultimately precarious, watercolor painting. The tone of ILO 107 follows these lines, and it is not surprising that it caused Indigenous peoples’ organizations across the globe to plight for a change, an effort that came to fruition with the drafting of ILO 169. This new instrument, which replaces ILO 107 entirely in the countries that ratify it, abandons the assimilationist drive of its predecessor and includes a feature completely absent in it: the right to self-determination of Indigenous peoples. Although the right is not expressly enshrined, the language of the Convention allows interpreting it as such, especially by changing the term “populations” used in ILO 107 to the term “peoples” (Anaya, 2004: 97-103). This is undoubtedly the interpretation that has gained momentum in Colombia (See ILO, 2009: 73-75). As stated by Anaya (2008), “a momentous step in the consolidation of the contemporary international regime on indigenous peoples, Convention No. 169 provides significant recognition of indigenous peoples’ collective rights in key areas, including cultural integrity; consultation and participation; self-government and autonomy land, territory and resource rights; and non-discrimination in the social and economic spheres.” 2.3 The Colombian 1991 constitutional framework for Indigenous collective rights The Colombian Constitution, acts and policies, provide separate tools to guarantee the respect for the four groups of collective rights mentioned above. However, it is the right to cultural integrity that gives meaning to all of them by unifying their application, as we will explain in the case study. As mentioned in the introduction, the Colombian identity after the enforcement of the 1991 Constitution is now based on the multicultural and ethnically diverse definition of the Colombian Nation (arts. 7 & 70). By this token, it has special provisions designed to protect Indigenous peoples and let them decide their own development priorities, much in the spirit of ILO 169 and in resonance with the social movements that were taking place in the country at the time (Ulloa, 2004: 34-35). Worthy of mention are the collective inalienable right to land of Indigenous groups under the resguardo figure (arts. 63 & 320); the recognition of ethnic languages and dialects as official besides Spanish in their territories (art. 10); the right to an education syllabus that respects and develops their cultural identity (art. 68), and is delivered both in Spanish and in their language (art. 10); and the right of governance autonomy inside their territories, as long as


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the acts passed and the rulings enforced are not fundamentally contrary to the Constitution and laws of the republic (art. 246). Self-determination is a ruling principle of the state (art. 9). The Constitution of 1991 is therefore the result of two pressures: the international change in the approach to non-Western cultures, and the organization of local cultural groups, both ethnic and social, to be heard and recognized as a part of the Nation construction in Colombia. Thus the methods for public policy design in Colombia should be a balance between top-down international agreements and bottom-up local social struggles. The work of the Colombian Constitutional Court is a testimony of this change: more than 40 rulings, many of which were initiated by legal actions brought forth by Indigenous peoples, interpret the provisions of ILO 169 and give parameters for their implementation. However, the country’s dominant culture is still hegemonic. There are still Catholic missions trying to convert Indigenous peoples, the education in most reservations is not bilingual (Ba Tiul, 2006: 581), and still the resguardos can be mined for the “public national interest.” This is why expanding the framework of rights to include wider cultural aspects can open the door to improve their enforcement. 3 HOLISTIC PROTECTION OF CULTURE: COLOMBIA RATIFIES THE CSICH It is possible to argue that the ratification of the CSICH in 2008 was a natural step to follow, as the text of the Convention is in tune with several provisions of the Constitution. The most relevant here are the promotion, protection and enhancement of cultural rights (art. 70), and the acknowledgement of the multicultural nature of the Colombian Nation (art. 7). Thus, it is not a coincidence that the Convention’s implementation instruments followed the approach of empowering communities in the proposal, listing, managing and safeguarding of representative cultural elements. In order to efficiently implement the CSICH, the Colombian Ministry of Culture created the Intangible Cultural Heritage Group (ICH Group) as a part of its Heritage Division. In 2008, the ICH Group started to develop the necessary tools to give the communities the opportunity to make this international instrument their own, by implementing guidelines to encourage the identification of cultural elements and their history, and what are the challenges expected for their protection, condensed in the guidelines of the Safeguarding Policy of 2010. The Safeguarding Policy builds on the principles of the 1991 Constitution and the General Culture Act (Act 397 of 1997). Within the framework of respect and recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity, the policy’s main objective is to strengthen the social capacity for the selfmanagement of ICH, as to ensure its safeguarding and promotion. It clearly acknowledges the threats that development projects pose to ICH, and offers best-practice guidelines to mitigate or prevent negative cultural, environmental and social repercussions (Safeguarding Policy, 2010: 256). It seeks also to reorient the public actions of the State to overcome the past limitations towards the ICH safeguarding in Colombia, which fell short of seeing the country as culturally diverse. This implies the recognition of the particular visions and interpretations of development held by different communities (Safeguarding Policy, 2010: 266-269; ILO 169, art. 7). Therefore, and while knowing that the CSICH does not state it explicitly, the Colombian government aimed through the Safeguarding Policy to give its people a tool for defending their cultural rights and traditional beliefs within this framework of cultural diversity. By extension, one of the uses of the tool is to insist on the futility of artificially dividing tangible and intangible aspects of culture, and recognizing the dependence of Indigenous peoples to their territory. Another interesting feature is that the Policy places more emphasis on supporting local efforts to protect indigenous traditions than on ensuring that these traditions are included on UNESCO’s Representative List. The reason for this prioritization of local actions seeks to reinforce the notion that ICH is an important part of the Colombian cultural makeup, which needs grassroots protection regardless of its potential international value. 3.1 Colombia’s actions as a party to the CSICH As a party to the CSICH the Colombian government, through the Ministry of Culture, has the obligation to “take the necessary measures to ensure the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage present in its territory.” Also, it is charged to identify and define the various elements of the intangible cultural heritage through participatory methodologies (CSICH: art. 11).

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Therefore, the Ministry of Culture has to supervise the safeguarding of the cultural elements that are part of the National Representative List for the Intangible Cultural Heritage (LRICH). However, the whole methodology is designed so that the community itself has to ask for a particular cultural element to be added to the List and not the other way around, where the state decides for its people what should or should not be considered part of the country’s heritage, as is the case of the WHC. The participatory element of the methodology fills one of the most criticized gaps of the CSICH (Kuruk, 2004: 127-129), which uses vague language in this respect (CSICH: art. 15). The policy acknowledges the fundamental role played by society in general, and communities in particular. As such, the community is in charge of identifying the element, justifying why it should be listed in the LRICH, and develop a Special Safeguarding Plan (PES in the Spanish acronym) that reflects the commitments towards it that the community is ready to responsibly assume. And it will also be the community that, in the future, will have the responsibility to implement the PES. 4 THE APPROPRIATION OF THE CSICH BY INDIGENOUS PEOPLES The result of handing the tools for the communities to suit their own needs, and as a means to restore cultural rights, is what we call “appropriation.” Even though, as we stated before, there is a wide array of constitutional provisions that seek to protect and foster cultural diversity, the mechanisms put in place in Colombia as part of the obligations of the CSICH complemented them by providing international visibility, and facilitating interpretations that link tangible and intangible aspects of culture. As we will elaborate in the case study, in the process for listing the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí, the communities strayed from the pure meaning of safeguarding intangible heritage to ensure its respect, raise awareness and ensure mutual appreciation (CSICH: art. 1), and used it instead to enforce cultural rights. There is an activist element in their interpretation, perhaps echoing the aim of the Safeguarding Policy. Table 1. 2008 Representative List Intangible Heritage of Humanity (Latin America & the Caribbean) Country Name Ethnicity tradition origin Belize-GuatemalaLanguages, Dance and Music of the Garifuna* Mixed Indigenous-African Honduras-Nicaragua Bolivia The Andean Cosmovision of the Kallawaya** Indigenous (Kallawaya) The Carnival of Oruro * Indigenous (Uro) Brazil Oral and Graphic Expressions of the Wajapi** Indigenous (Wajapi) The Samba de Roda of the Recôncavo of Bahia African slaves Colombia The Carnival of Barranquilla** African/Indigenous/Mestizo The Cultural Space of Palenque de San Basilio*** African slaves Costa Rica Oxherding and Oxcart Traditions in Costa Rica** N/A Cuba La Tumba Francesa (“The French Drum”) ** African slaves Dominican Republic The Cultural Space of the Brotherhood of the African slaves/Mestizo Holy Spirit of the Congos of Villa Mella Ecuador-Peru The Oral Heritage and Cultural Elements Indigenous (Zápara) of the Zápara People* Guatemala The Rabinal Achí Dance Drama Tradition *** Indigenous (Maya) Jamaica The Maroon Heritage of Moore Town** African Slaves (Maroon) Mexico The Indigenous Festivity Dedicated to the Death** Indigenous Nicaragua El Güegüense Indigenous Peru Taquile and its Textile Art*** Indigenous Inca/Pukara/Colla Originally proclaimed in *2001 **2003 ***2005 Adapted from UNESCO-Intangible Heritage Lists (UNESCO, 2012a)

It is interesting to note that many Latin American historically marginalized ethnic communities jumped at the opportunity to have their cultural elements listed after the ratification of the CSICH. The first listing in 2008 are the best example of this drive; as illustrated in Table 1, only one element –Oxherding and oxcart traditions in Costa Rica–from Latin America and the Carib-


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bean h an ethnic component. All the others showed the underlying defiance to the colonial rule in the past, and the homogenizing dominant culture in the present. The trend continues the following year, although it is less marked (UNESCO, 2012a). This would seem to indicate that behind this stance lingers the struggle for a long overdue recognition of what Latin American cultural diversity has to offer. To verify that so many examples of intangible heritage were just waiting for a validation of the diverse identity of their countries, shows how culture is indeed a dynamic force that challenges the homogenizing impetus of the Western development model. The Pirá Paraná communities followed this pattern, and took the opportunity to ensure institutional and social recognition of their world management vision. In short, they made their voices heard, as we will show in the next section. 5 CASE STUDY: THE TRADITIONAL KNOWLEDGE OF THE YURUPARI JAGUARS AS A MODEL FOR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT

5.1 Dynamics of heritage rescue within the Vaupés communities In 1996, when the Vaupés province in Southeast Colombia was a place practically forgotten by the state, the Indigenous peoples living in the area of the Great Reservation realized the necessity of developing a collaborative organization to be able to respond to the challenges faced by their communities. This is how the Association of Captains and Traditional Indigenous Authorities of the Pirá Paraná River (ACAIPI for its Spanish acronym) was born. The ACAIPI undertook the task to recover the rapidly vanishing traditional knowledge that constitutes the communities’ identities. They developed a “Life Plan” that gave way to four focus areas: environmental governance, education, health, and the development of productive projects. This includes an effort to catalogue and protect traditional ecological knowledge, link it to the territory of the Great Reservation and hence justify why certain sites are considered sacred. Immersed in the shared cosmovision of the Pirá Paraná communities, the Yuruparí Jaguars is a comprehensive view of the world, based on the role of humans as managers and stewards of the lands of the Apaporis river basin. It “condenses the sacred knowledge that was given to us since the origin for the care of the territory and the life; it manifests though rituals, dances and oral stories, sacred sites management, sacred elements and plants” (ACAIPI & Fundación Gaia, 2010: 6). Thus, every community plays a role in keeping the balance of the world upon which health, food, wellbeing and spirituality depend. Note the inextricable link between land and people that echoes UNDRIP and ILO 169. It is clear that one cannot survive without the other. Traditional knowledge as a technique to manage the environment and maintain ecosystem health has been documented as compatible with Western scientific knowledge (Oviedo et al, 2004). It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss the precise convergence of traditional knowledge with the scientific ecological data of the Vaupés Amazonian ecosystem. However, the element shows such a deep connection to the land cycles that to lose any of the elements – the land, the sacred sites, or the oral tradition– would jeopardize the future of the entire culture, its very life as a people. “The sacred sites are the context for life to be created” (ACAIPI & Fundación Gaia, 2010: 19), and their profound linkage to the entire culture and livelihoods of the communities is what make them unique. 5.2 Sacred sites: tangible or intangible? According to the cosmovision of the communities of the Pirá Paraná, the great Yuruparí territory “is like a human body that breathes, feels and has organs that enable it to function and live. The organs (…) are places that we consider sacred (…) places that contain vital and spiritual energy that nurtures all living beings in the surroundings” (Nomination file, 2010: 2-3). The territory is then considered as part of the community’s living body, which is in turn part of each of its members, bearing the references of their very origin and maintaining the health of its people. The relationship with the land holds the secrets and the answers for a balanced way of life. However, the CSICH never refers to sacred sites, or to the direct protection of any territory for

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that matter. This is where the appropriation of the convention is original in Colombia: as it stands in the listing of the Yuruparí Jaguar Shamans, the element cannot survive without the integrity of the land. To threaten it would mean for Colombia the possible risk of defaulting in the obligations of the treaty, and this is another potential tool that ACAIPI can use. Sacred sites can be seen as a historical and cosmological point of reference: they witness the entire history of the community as a people. As such, they have a double nature: first, the cosmological importance, which can relate with the way the ancestors organized the indigenous territory (creation myths), the rules that this organization might imply (spiritual and social values) and the need for respecting them to keep the world balance. Second, the “earthly” component, related to the practical uses given to the site. This can again be seen in the traditional knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí; in the listed element, several sacred sites are in fact places used by animals for reproduction, key aquifers, headwaters, or nurseries upon which the balance and health of the ecosystem depends. This double nature of sacred sites has not been reconciled in the international heritage conventions, but it is expressly recognized in ILO 169 (art. 13), which again shows that the ratification of this treaty and its incorporation to the Colombian legal system complements intangible heritage safeguarding from a rights-based perspective. The Pirá Paraná peoples of the Great Vaupés Reservation realized that it was possible to argue that their cultural element incorporates both aspects, and UNESCO agreed by listing it in 2011 as we will show next. 5.3 Mining threats and the need for listing the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí cultural element The current government, following the footsteps of the previous administration, has put mining on a pedestal. It is now deemed a critically important “engine of development,” and is being promoted as the new haven for foreign investment (Departamento Nacional de Planeación, 2010). It is no secret that mining is an obtrusive practice. Large-scale operations involve, in the worst-case scenario, open sky pits and, in the best, the contamination of underwater aquifers, which can spread for miles. To allow mining, even under the shield of upholding the public interest, could uproot these communities, dispossessing them of the soil to which their spiritual lives, material livelihoods, and belief systems are intrinsically attached. This would generate an impossible situation in which an entire culture is left with a “life plan” over a barren wasteland where nothing is left to manage or protect. The case of the Pirá Paraná communities is living proof of this critical situation: facing more than 30 mining prospecting license requests from external companies and individuals, ACAIPI turned to the Ministry of Culture to look for yet another tool to fight the imminent mining exploitation. Let it be noted that the licenses requested use legal loopholes in the Colombian Mining Code of 2001, too complex to be discussed here, but based on the different property regime of underground resources. Suffice it to say that they are threatening a collective right that is supposed to be inalienable, and advancing a homogenizing notion of development incompatible with cultural rights. In sections 2.2 and 2.3 we mentioned that UNDRIP, ILO 169 and the 1991 Constitution provide a broad legal framework based on four sets of rights. Although the rights of consultation, public participation and governance autonomy were adequately respected after the formation of ACAIPI in 1996, the imminent threat to be conjured was what mining represents to the collective right to land. Without it, the very life of the communities is dissolved. As expressed in the inclusion request for the national Representative List, “For us the minerals are part of the territory’s life, not just the animals and the plants; without the precious minerals the territory would be without light, without straight” (ACAIPI & Fundación Gaia, 2010:19). In light of these very visible threats, intangible heritage protection is seen practically as tantamount to the right to life, albeit of an entire culture instead of just an individual. Aware of the challenge, the Heritage Division of the Ministry of Culture undertook the arduous task –with the support of ACAIPI and the Gaia Foundation– of formulating the Special Safeguarding Plan and the UNESCO Nomination file for “Hee Yaia Keti Oka, the Traditional Knowledge (Yuruparí Jaguars) for the Management of the World of the Indigenous Peoples of the Pirá Paraná”. The documents explain how the Creators gave these communities the sacred knowledge of the management of the territories, and also explained to them the underlying order of a chaotic world. The inherited knowledge connects the rhythms of Nature and the Universe with daily ritual hu-


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man activities. By connecting nature and people, the Creators gave these communities the tools for a good life, based on a series of laws for living in the forest. When the mechanisms for transmitting knowledge from one generation to the next are activated, the word, the history, the Earth and Nature are preserved by the power of Yuruparí (Nomination file, 2010:3). During this process, the representatives of the community made clear that they were aware that the Ministry would give only the recognition and the technical support, but it would be the peoples of the Pirá Paraná the ones in charge of the element protection and safeguarding. They where also aware that to be recognized in front of the world as intangible cultural heritage of humanity might not be enough to prevent the impending devastation of mining. In any case, the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí encompasses a whole net of regulations, as well as cultural and social values that make the management of the environment a sustainable one. Thus, by recognizing this traditional knowledge as national and world heritage, the way of life of a vast group of communities in the Pirá Paraná river basin, and linking intangible heritage protection to the rights-based content of ILO 169, more holistic perspectives for the safeguarding of culture can be foreseen in the country. But safeguarding is a “toothless tiger” if the community holding the cultural element is not empowered to manage and regulate the protection of its heritage. The key here is to have grassroots processes that promote the enforcement of cultural rights. This is how each community lends a voice to their identity. The voices that rose in Vaupés are being heard, not only by the Colombian society that had forgotten them, but also by humanity as a whole; they want to have their traditional knowledge and ways of interpreting the world to have an equal standing from the ‘white’ development concept that threatens them. Now they have a powerful ally: humanity. 6 CONCLUSIONS Although the Colombian constitution is rich in rights, how people take acts and regulations out of the paper and appropriate them according to their social needs, is the key for bringing them to life and ensure their proper enforcement. The notion of “living heritage” adopted in Colombia has the double task of validating cultural diversity and help on the protection of the rights of Indigenous peoples. The assimilationist views of ILO 107 may no longer apply as a mandatory legal treaty, but they certainly linger in dominant society. By trying to impose a homogenous Western notion of where development should be directed, the cultural rights of Indigenous peoples are again jeopardized. The message from the communities of the Great Vaupés Reservation with the listing of the Traditional Knowledge of the Jaguar Shamans of Yuruparí is a reminder: Colombia is no longer a homogenous society attached to only one identity. The listed cultural element makes a successful case as to why intangible and tangible heritage aspects are intrinsically linked. This is after all a comprehensive territorial management plan that articulates a holistic protection of culture. Here the framework provided by separate international treaties and constitutional principles is put to work in a very elegant fashion, and the recognition in the UNESCO forum is a well-deserved honor, difficult to ignore even by the most brutal economic-oriented policies. The current tensions present in Colombia between the unprecedented prosperity offered by mining, and the respect of ways of life that do not follow this narrow notion of development are patent in the Great Vaupés Reservation. The balance of rights and interests promoted by the Constitution is put to the test: should the common national interest that can be benefited by mining be prioritized? Should the inalienable collective right to land prevail? These are the questions that the current administration will have to ponder when studying the pending mining license requests over these Indigenous territories. We can only hope that the international listing of this intangible element gives unprecedented visibility to a way of life that follows sound sustainable practices based on traditional knowledge. We share the opinion that if development aspires to be truly sustainable, it should take cultural diversity as a constant point of reference; the very recognition of the validity of ways of life that challenge the Western paradigm may raise awareness of alternatives hitherto swallowed by the homogenizing rivers of globalization. This is where intangible cultural heritage can be used as a platform for championing cultural rights, giving a voice to those different points of

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view that have been silenced through history. It is the peoples, their identity and their beliefs that give heritage its meaning. REFERENCES ACAIPI & Fundación Gaia Amazonas (FGA). 2010. Postulación del Conocimiento Tradicional para El Manejo del Mundo de los Grupos Indígenas del Río Pirá Paraná, Hee Yaia~Kubua Baseri Keti Oka. Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura. Anaya, S.J. 2004. Indigenous Peoples in International Law. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Anaya, S.J. 2008. UN Report of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights and fundamental freedoms of Indigenous People. UN doc. A/HRC/9/9, 11 August 2008. Ba Tiul, K. 2002. Los pueblos indígenas: Derecho a la Educación y a la Cultura. In M. Berraondo (ed.) Pueblos indígenas y derechos humanos. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto. Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage [WHC], opened for signature 23 November 1972, 1037 UNTS 151 (entered into force 15 December 1975). Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage [CSICH], opened for signature 17 October 2003, 2368 UNTS 3 (entered into force 20 April 2006). Davison, G.A. 1991. The meaning of heritage. In G.A. Davison & C.A. McConville (eds.), Heritage handbook: 1-13. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Departamento de Planeación Nacional. 2010. Plan Nacional de Desarrollo 2010-2014: Prosperidad para todos. Bogotá: Presidencia de la República-Departamento de Planeación Nacional. Harding, S. 1999. Value, Obligation and Cultural Heritage. Arizona State Law Journal 31: 291-354. Intergovernmental Committee for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. 2011. Operational guidelines for the implementation of the World Heritage Convention. UNESCO. International Labour Organization 2009. Application of Convention No. 169 by Domestic and International Courts in Latin America: A Case Book, Geneva, ILO Publications. International Labour Organization Convention (No. 107) Concerning the Protection and Integration of Indigenous and Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent Countries [ILO 107], opened for signature 26 June 1957, 328 UNTS 247 (entered into force 6 February 1959). International Labour Organization Convention (No. 169) Concerning Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in Independent Countries [ILO 169], opened for signature 27 June 1989, reprinted in 28 ILM 1358 (1989) (entered into force 5 September 1991). The Kimberley Declaration (Reaffirming the Kari Oca Declaration 1992). 2002. In Australian Indigenous Law Reporter [online] 7(3). Available: http://www.austlii.edu.au/au/journals/AILR/2002/50.html. Kuruk, P. 2004. Cultural heritage, traditional knowledge and indigenous rights: An analysis of the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage. Macquarie Journal of International and Comparative Environmental Law 1(1), 111-134. Lowenthal, D. 1986. Heritage and its interpreters. Heritage Australia 5(2): 42-45. Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia. 2012. Bienes de Interés Cultural del ámbito Nacional. http://www.mincultura.gov.co/?idcategoria=37666. Padilla, G. 1996. La ley y los pueblos indígenas en Colombia. Journal of Latin American Anthropology, 1: 78-97. Policy for the safeguarding of the intangible cultural heritage (Safeguarding policy). 2010. In Ministerio de Cultura (ed.), Compendio de Políticas Culturales, Bogotá: Ministerio de Cultura de Colombia. Silverman, H. & Fairchild Ruggles, D. 2007. Cultural heritage and human rights. In H. Silverman & D. Fairchild Ruggles (eds.), Cultural heritage and human rights: 3-29. New York: Springer Science + Business Media. Ulloa, A. 2004. La construcción del nativo ecológico. Complejidades, paradojas y dilemas de la relación entre los movimients indígenas y el ambientalismo en Colombia. Bogotá: Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia-ICANH. Nomination file no. 00574 (Traditional knowledge of the jaguar shamans of Yuruparí) for Inscription on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2011. Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Heritage. UNESCO. UNESCO. 2001. First Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity. UNESCO. 2012a. Intangible Heritage Lists. http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?pg=00011. UNESCO. 2012b. World Heritage List. http://whc.unesco.org/en/list. United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples [UNDRIP], adopted by the General Assembly on 13 September 2007, A/61/L.67/Annex (2007).


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Yáñez, N.A. 2006. Reconocimientos legislativos de los derechos ambientales indígenas en el derecho internacional. In M. Berraondo (ed.) Pueblos indígenas y derechos humanos. Bilbao: Universidad de Deusto.

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Cultural heritage in China: Shaxi, a world heritage designated historic town at the cross-roads of development S. Schriver University of Western Australia, Perth, Australia

ABSTRACT: In the last few decades, China's rapid economic growth and large-scale development of the tourism industry put enormous pressure on the country’s physical, political, economic, social and cultural environment. This often led to valuable tourism resources being adversely affected at tourist destinations. In particular the pursuit of short-term economic benefits in tourism development raises questions of ethics in terms of fairness of distribution, cultural integrity, alleviation of poverty, and sustainability. While the present political climate regarding cultural heritage protection in China appears encouraging and positive, the reality at the local level seems more complex. This paper is concerned with these issues and examines the implications of recent and potential tourism development on the rich natural and cultural heritage of a small village – once an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road - located in a beautiful and remote valley in the foothills of the Himalayan mountains.

1 INTRODUCTION Shaxi sidengjie is situated in a remote valley in Jianchuan county (Dali Prefecture,Yunnan Province) between the major tourist destinations of Dali and Lijiang and once formed part of one of the major trails on the Yunnan-Tibet route of the Ancient Tea Horse Road. From the Tang dynasty (7th century) onwards, the Ancient Tea Horse Raod became a central trade route for the exchange of Tibetan horses and the tea from the interior regions, but it also enabled the trade of other important commodities and the exchange of the diverse cultures of the region. In November 2001, Shaxi, has been listed on the World Monument Fund's 100 most endangered World Heritage sites. This marked the beginning of the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project (SRP) of Shaxi Sideng Jie (㼨䄹⺉䤊嫦), a joint Swiss-Chinese government project supported by national and international funding and expertise, to restore the old market town back to its former glory. It also put this once important and famous but long forgotten stop-over on the Ancient Tea and Horse Road back on the map, more precisely, on the tourist map. Since then Shaxi has experienced a gradual increase in tourism, but due to its remote location it has so far escaped mass tourism which has had major impacts on the nearby cities of Dali and Lijiang. Shaxi is now at a cross-roads: in less than two-years time the major high-way linking Dali with Lijiang and Jianchuan, Shaxi's nearest town and transport hub, will be finished which will cut traveling time to Shaxi considerably and enable large amounts of tourists to visit the valley. However, Shaxi valley has a fragile ecology but due to its remote location it could preserve its natural and cultural heritage to this day, which in turn is the draw-card for tourism. Therefore, Shaxi has to decide now which way to go: will it go down the path of 'mainstream' tourism development in China, or will it make its mark as a model for green and sustainable tourism de-

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velopment as intended and initiated by the SRP, encouraging sustainable living and agriculture, protecting its beautiful but fragile environment, nurturing and promoting traditional skills and crafts, reducing poverty, and protecting its rich and intact cultural heritage? This paper tries to engage in this crucial juncture of Shaxi's future: it will highlight its past as an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road which gave birth to Shaxi's distinct culture and history and sustained its organic life until the middle of the twentieth century when political upheavals and a newly built highway put an end to caravan trade and propelled Shaxi back into isolation and a mainly agricultural life. It will then survey Shaxi's rich cultural heritage and examine how the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project, the catalyst for Shaxi's resurrection, has contributed to its revival, continuation or accentuation, and what other factors played key roles in the survival of the traditional life in Shaxi. It will finally argue that, based on the last ten years of its development as a tourism destination and a sound platform of sustainable rural development left by the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project, Shaxi has the capacity to embrace looming changes without unduly compromising its natural and cultural heritage, but instead fully take advantage of it. I also argue, that at this stage of Shaxi's development, the government, as the self-appointed custodian of Chinese culture, has the full responsibility to make the right decisions for its community to prosper in a balanced, fair, and sustainable way. This paper is based on fieldwork currently being conducted in Shaxi, Dali Prefecture, Yunnan Province, China. The research relies on observation, formal and informal interviews, as well as secondary sources, primarily books published on the area (mostly in Chinese), and the interpretation of these. Further, the fieldwork is complemented by studying the Chinese media and other projects on cultural heritage protection in China, as well as taking full advantage of the historical works of ethnology and anthropology in Yunnan province. 2 SHAXI AND THE ANCIENT TEA HORSE ROAD (CHAMA GUDAOⲔ樔ྂ㐨) Yunnan Province is rich in natural resources and beauty, its topography ranging from majestic mountain chains and river systems to arid plains and dense jungles, bordering onto Sichuan Province, Tibet, Guizhou Province and Guangxi Autonomous Region within China, and Laos, Burma and Vietnam in South-East Asia, making it China’s most culturally diverse region with most of China’s minority people living there. All through China’s ancient history, but notably since the Tang dynasty (618-907), this region, with its strategic access to South-East Asia, Tibet and Central Asia had developed a significant trading network, including the trade of tea, horses, salt, jade and a multitude of other commodities, as well as a rich and varied social network, which resulted in bustling centres of commercial activity, vibrant entertainment nodes, and busy market towns (Zhang, 2006; Bin, 2004). A number of trading routes criss-crossed that part of the country – one of the most difficult terrains in the world - with the Ancient Tea Horse Road being the most important route connecting Yunnan Province with eastern Tibet, Nepal, India and Central Asia, as well as being a ‘feeder’ route to other trade routes going south and west, as well as to the famous Silk Road, to Mongolia and Russia to the north (Bin, 2006; Avery, 2003). This trade route – also often referred to as the Southern Silk Road – stretched for 3500 km from the tropical south of Yunnan's Sipsongbanna where tea was cultivated, north to Tibet where horses were bred, and flourished during the Nanzhao and Dali kingdoms (Tang, Song, and Yuan Dynasties). Unlike the famous Silk Road, the Ancient Tea Horse Road was still used by horse and mule caravans until the middle of the twentieth century, therefore there remain many living cultural practices related to the culture and social life associated with horse and mule caravans and of course, tea, tea production and consumption (Sigley, 2010). The main reason of its existence was trade, in particular the trade of tea and horses with Tibet: the Chinese needed horses, the Tibetans wanted tea. While tea was already cultivated and consumed in China’s Yunnan and Fujian Provinces for many centuries before the Tea Horse Road (6th century BC), it was sometime in the middle of the Tang Dynasty (618-907) that Tibetans began widely drinking tea. First used as a medicinal drink by the Tibetan court, then adopted by Tibetan aristocrats, it quickly became a local staple. Beyond its taste it provided significant nutrition to their meat and milk heavy but vegetable poor diet. The Chinese military lacked strong horses such as the Tibetan breed, critical for fighting hostile neighbours to the north and west. Tea thus became the first choice of trade for horses. The Ancient Tea-Horse


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Road flourished during the Song (960-1127), Yuan (1279-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties and the exchange was incorporated into the tributary system. During the Ming dynasty trade became more and more formalized, standardized and monopolized, to 'buy peace' with certain 'unruly' ethnic groups (Sigley, 2010). One of the branch roads of the Ancient Tea Horse Road also led to Shaxi. Shaxi Valley lies in the Hengduan Mountains which form part of the Himalayan (Qinghai-Tibet plateau) mountain range and the now famous World Heritage site of the 'Three Parallel Rivers', the Jinsha (Yangtse), Nujiang (Salween), and Lancang (Mekong) rivers1. The Hengduan Mountains (hengduan means 'obstruction') are not only an obstruction to traffic but also to cultural communication, therefore, unique ethnic cultures and untouched landscapes are well preserved. While remote and isolated for the most part of its history, Shaxi is rich in natural resources and enjoys a very favourable climate which eventually made the early Shaxi people settle and evolve into a new ethnic group, the Bai people. Today, more than 90% of Shaxi's residents are of the Bai nationality, who speak their own language, enjoy their own music and dance, and wear their own traditional dress. But Shaxi had become an important node of trade even before the so-called Tea and Horse Road as salt was traded from the neighboring salt mines of Misha Valley, Laji Well in Lanzhou, Nuodeng Well in Yunlong, and Qiaohou Well in the south of Shaxi valley. Due to the importance of salt in an inland area, taxation toll passes and gates were set up on each path to the salt wells where salt caravans traveled frequently between Shaxi, neighboring villages, and beyond. Shaxi's abundant products and convenient traffic soon engendered a thriving culture of business and trade facilitated by the travel of caravans which lasted for more than a thousand years and left its legacy which we can still see today in Shaxi valley. Sideng Market square in Shaxi valley was a small market place where caravans passed through and which became the most important centre for horse caravans trading almost anything that horse caravans needed, including salt, rice sesame oil, dairy products and groceries, and later tea leaves, horses, fur, cloth, silk, or medicinal herbs. The caravan teams (mabang 泻ソ) that carried these goods were Tibetan, Hui, or local Bai teams, each team had its own method of organization, its own mules and leader. But it was not only tea and horses and other goods that were traded, but this extensive trade also stimulated and promoted cultural exchange and enriched the life and memory in Shaxi (Huang, 2009). In the early Ming dynasty, Xingjiao Temple, the only Azhali Buddhism temple in China, was built on the Sideng Market square which contains some rare but well preserved frescoes, amongst them the mural of a female Buddha which suggests a matriarchal society in Shaxi. The temple was built for the many Buddhists in Shaxi and for the convenience of those Buddhists the market moved to the front of the temple which is the layout of Shaxi Sideng Jie today. Slowly the market place developed around Xingjiao Temple and more stores and inns appeared, but bandits often attacked and burnt down the village again and again, so the present layout of the Market place dates from the late 19th century. Many beautiful traditional Bai folk courtyards were built that represented those people who made their fortune as caravan chiefs or merchants on the Tea and Horse Caravan Trail2. In the Qing dynasty the Kuixing Tower with Theatre Stage - which dominates the view of the market place today - was built which is said to be an 'architectural masterpiece of the Bai people that gave birth to Bai culture and gives testimony to their reverence for learning and culture'3. It was also at this time that the main thorough fares through Shaxi, the north, south and east alley, developed, with the north alley being longer than south alley, testifying to many more Tibetan caravans travelling from the north, between Jianchuan and Shaxi. The stone slabs in the middle of these alleys also remind us of its Confucian heritage, where those in higher positions walked on the stone slabs, whereas those in lower positions could only walk on the sides that where roughly covered with cobbles. In the early 20th century, the market place was paved with red sandstone, a product of the local Danxia Landform, which is now under World Heritage. The most important site of cultural value for Shaxi is the nearby 'Stone Treasure Mountain' (shibaoshan), that houses the 'Stone Bell Mountain Cave' (shizhongshan) which became a major cultural relic under State Protection Level in 1961 and a major tourist destination since 1982. This mountain range with its unique natural stone forms (Danxia, Lanxi) and many well preserved temples harbours Shaxi's history and legacy attesting to the deep cultural exchange between the region and its neighbours to the south, to Tibet, Nepal, India, and beyond, as well as

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showing the high taste of art and culture of the Bai people. The 'Stone Bell Mountain' grotto cluster has unique value in Yunnan as it has the most variety of themes, most statues, most exquisite carving art and is well preserved: it includes statues, stone carvings, murals and portraits of buddhas, bodhisattvas, the goddess of Mercy, Guan-yin, and other deities; of kings of the Nanzhao/Dali kingdom, their families and followers, figures of foreigners, and the carving of a female reproductive organ (ayangbai), giving evidence to once great empires and religions that greatly influenced the local people and culture (Huang, 2010). Buddhism, more precisely Azhali Buddhism4a, became the dominant religion beside the influence of Taoism, Confucianism and forms of local deity worship. In a trade centre such as Shaxi there was a cultural quality of openness and tolerance without exception to religion, therefore Bai religion was truly syncretic, as it accepted, integrated and combined various beliefs that travelled along the Ancient Tea Horse Road. 3 THE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF SHAXI In the media, Shaxi is usually depicted as: en route from Dali to Lijiang there lies a little town, Shaxi, the last remaining Market town on the Ancient Tea and Horse Caravan Trail with an intact architecture dating back to the Qing and Ming dynasties. It lies in a beautiful and remote valley in the foothills of the majestic Himalayan mountains almost untouched by modern civilization which has preserved its rich natural and cultural heritage. The people go about their daily lives as they have done for thousands of years, working in the fields that adorn the valley, build their beautiful and ornate houses, speak their own dialect, wear their distinct dress, celebrate festivals, and love singing and dancing. With little exaggeration, this is what Shaxi is still about, this is Shaxi's cultural heritage: scenic location, fertile valley, traditional craft and architecture, distinct Bai language, beautiful song and dance, joyous festivals, bucolic life style. Major infrastructure development has so far bypassed Shaxi, just as the only major road in the valley bypassed Shaxi. A smaller cobbled road leads through Shaxi 'new town', the current location of the famed Friday market and commercial heart of Shaxi. An even smaller cobbled alley leads down to the historic Market place, or locally known as Sifang Jie. Walking down the tranquil, but often busy tree-lined alley, passing the ancient, beautifully restored wooden houses, separated by small water ways on either side, passing old women in their traditional blue dress, one arrives in the wide Market place with the dominant Theatre Stage and Tower and the impressive Buddhist Temple. Continuing the walk, there are small cobbled alley ways leading to the north, south and east flanked by courtyard houses built in the traditional style with only wood and mud brick, ornate with paintings, and with beautiful entry arches. Walking past one of the old houses, one can often hear singing, and approaching the window one can see some locals sitting together, some of them practising their distinct Bai singing accompanied by traditional instruments. Walking on one can hear the people from their houses talking in the for others incomprehensible Bai dialect. Finally one arrives at the little local temple, mostly visited by older men sitting in the temple yard smoking and playing mahjiang watched over by the locally worshipped Buddhist deity Guanyin, by Confucius and his disciples, and other fierce local gods. The last stop before returning to rest in the Market place is the ancient arched Yujin bridge by the river which still has the imprints of horse's hooves, see the water flow beneath, the paddy fields spread before you, and surrounded by hills which house the history of Shaxi. Without a doubt this is a most beautiful sight and few places in China can still boast such an 'authentic' feel. It is a place where local people live, work, and rest. No 5-star hotel (yet), no newly rebuilt fake structures, no trincket shops, but an abundance of shoe shops where women sit and sew traditionally embroidered shoes, and a wood carving shop or two. There are always local craftsmen at work somewhere building traditional styled houses, where one can watch them stomp the mud walls, prepare the wood for beams and rafters, or stones for the foundation. At most times of the year one can see women working in the fields. At important events such as a new house, weddings, births, funerals etc., locals, young and old, visit the local temple (benzhumiao), carrying plates of food, pig's heads, and other offerings to the temple, ending with a traditional 'badawan' feast at their home. Festival times are important, always including a visit to


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the temple. At other times the temple serves as the 'social club' for elderly people. But all of this with no pretence, no fakeness, no tourist spectacle, but genuinely local. Today, the market place becomes busy again at festival time and when carrying out rituals, in particular at the Eryueba (⮹⷟↩᧨on February 8 of lunar calendar), or Crown Prince Festival, which celebrates the birth of Buddha and is the most distinctive and important religious festival in Shaxi; or the Torch festival, also widely celebrated by many ethnic groups in south-western China. Another important festival is the Bai people's 'valentine's day', where crowds of people will gather and pairs of men and women will form up for an antiphonal singing competition in Bai song. Accompanied by traditional string instruments Bai youths will sing responsively to each other in passion for three days and three nights. This site (shibaoshan) is listed as a world national singing day, or 'Bai People's Singing Town' (Jianchuan Bureau of Tourism, 2001). The Bai singing voice is unique, accentuated by the unique Bai language. In recent years, some of this singing has also been in Mandarin, so tourists would be able to understand. Many rites and celebrations (such as the Benzhu Meeting) are related to the worship custom of Bai people to their 'local god', or benzhu , who protects the local people in Bai culture, and everyone of the Bai ethnic group is a follower of the local deity from their birth. Usually, in each village and region, the Benzhu has a different meaning attached to it: some of the deities worshiped in Shaxi are the God of Nature, kings and generals, national heroes, famous officers, or loyal women. In most villages the worship of Guanyin, the Buddhist boddhisatva of Mercy, a female fertility deity, is combined with the benzhu worship (Huang, 2009). There are also rites of Taoism and Confucianism, but it is the practice of Azhali Buddhism, or Esoteric Buddhism, that had the greatest impact on Bai culture as a whole4. But folk culture is also present in folk art such as in folk songs (benziqu), Buddhism tone of Azhali in old music, Taoism tones, and cave music; stone carving, wood carving, and architectural craftsmanship are strong and traditional skills in Shaxi and the region; folk art in the region also comprises fresco, cloth tie-dyeing, painting felt, earth pottery, and embroidery, in particular embroidered shoes that both locals and tourists favour5. Further, the many local delicacies, often harvested from the mountains, like wild fruit, roots or mushrooms, are part of the local cuisine and culture6, and no feast is complete without the famous 'Eight Big Bowls', or badawan, comprising eight dishes of cultural significance. The locals rely predominantly on agriculture for income and still follow traditional practices aided by mules and water buffaloes, and the rice fields in the valley add to the beautiful, peaceful, and aesthetic landscape which is one of Shaxi's greatest assets. 4 SHAXI AND THE SHAXI REHABILITATION PROJECT In 2001, the World Monument Fund included Shaxi Market Place on the list of 100 Most Endangered World Heritage Sites, as 'Shaxi Market is the only surviving example of a way station on the Tea and Horse Caravan Trail, with an intact theatre, guesthouse, temple complex and gates (Huang, 2009)'. This was the start of the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project (SRP), led by the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (ETH Zurich) and funded by national and international agencies, as well as local partners from Jianchuan County, Dali Prefecture and Yunnan Province authorities. The Project consists of six modules: Marketplace Restoration, Historic Village Preservation, Sustainable Valley Development, Ecological Sanitation, Poverty Reduction and Cultural Preservation, and Events and Dissemination. Modules I-III are completed (2009) and Module IV is now in process. The project was handed over to the local government in 2006. First, the old Theatre and Stage (Kuixingge) and the Buddhist temple (Xingjiaosi) were renovated and a small museum dedicated to the history of the Ancient Tea and Horse Road was put in a wing of the theatre. Then, the old inns around the square which were locally owned but no longer operational were renovated and bought by the local government. The former residents were given larger parcels of land just outside the town where they could build new residences. Residents living near the square who were not relocated must comply with building codes that only allow for buildings to be built using traditional materials. A basic sewage system, some eco-toilets, and waste water treatment were installed to improve hygiene and health standards. Later, the East Gate, leading to the river and the ancient bridge, was restored and the South Gate rebuilt in traditional mud-brick style. Foot prints and hoof prints of men and horses on ancient

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rocks can still be seen around the town. The restored Market square, historic village and the temple emphasise the notion of adaptive use as they are not only well-preserved old buildings but also built for functional contemporary use which adds to the local identity. This project is a model and a milestone in cultural heritage preservation where all the 'classic' problems of authentic restoration, or restoring the heritage back to its original form, emerged and had to be dealt with (Huang, 2010; Feiner, 2002). It takes Shaxi's specific geographical, ecological, social and economic conditions into consideration and uses local materials and traditional techniques where possible. It is also a model and milestone insofar as it not only strives to restore (rather than rebuild) and preserve the cultural heritage of Shaxi, but also laid the foundation for long-term development, promoting all-round sustainability of development for this fragile valley that is fast becoming a major tourist destination. However, it was specified in the planning that 'tourism will not be the sole vehicle for the viability of Shaxi communities', and to 'develop tourism and other industries in the valley by preserving and rehabilitating its cultural heritage, its ecological qualities, and its social structure' (Feiner, 2002). An integrated and comprehensive regional plan includes a zoning and transportation plan, a sustainable basic infrastructure plan, a tourism development plan, a protection and development plan for historic sites, and an investment plan (Feiner, 2002). These are all elements of an overarching model of sustainable rural development which the project has as its main objective and wants to set an example for similar sites. This project was the first and most important step for the preservation of Shaxi's cultural heritage. It made local people newly aware of their roots and history, made them remember. Before that, cultural heritage was unconsciously part of their lives, often unappreciated, and many aspects would have been in danger of fading out, disappearing, or being forgotten, in particular the local historic architecture would soon have been beyond repair. But when the restorations were finished, presenting the village with a newly restored historic market square that could be used and lived-in again, locals were given back some of their identity. Now the important traditional festivals can be celebrated again 'in style' on the beautiful square, enhanced by performances on the magnificent theatre stage, once the heart and soul of Shaxi. And while the temple is currently not used for religious purposes, its existence is very important to Shaxi. When the first tourists arrived after the project was finished, for the first time in many decades, Shaxi people could look again beyond their village and valley, taking in new influences from the outside world which was what made Shaxi once such an important stop-over on the Ancient Tea Horse Road. 5 SHAXI'S FUTURE In the past five years, the preservation efforts of the SRP team have brought in a marginally increasing amount of tourism to Shaxi and has created new opportunities for Shaxi residents.. Shaxi has even made it into the Lonely Planet Southwestern China version in the past few years, so foreign tourism will likely increase. This is already generating some extra money, which is expected to increase and further raise the quality of life of the residents. According to the latest survey the average annual income in Shaxi is still very low7. Agriculture is still the primary source of income, but as Shaxi lies over 2000m high, only one harvest of rice is possible. Construction work accounts for about two thirds of the secondary industry, and stone, wood carving, and architectural craftsmanship are strong and traditional businesses. Skilled carpenters, wood carvers and stone carvers often get contracted to projects elsewhere in the province or even to other parts of the country. The third industry sector, Public Administration and Services, together with the secondary industry mainly services the local agricultural population. The positive account of Shaxi Sideng Jie should not, however, hide the fact that Shaxi is not without problems. Uneven market distribution produces social and economic polarization which is underscored by still wide-spread poverty, low education, unemployment, and out-migration. But unemployment is not considered a shame or embarrassment as it is very common, so there is often little motivation to find work even if available. The new social differentiation also created a new social hierarchy organized around material wealth where guesthouse owners (all outsiders) act as an elite, while those who have little land occupy the space of the marginalized (Nanay, 2010). Community social relations and kinship relations are crumbling, and friendships and family relations have even been commodified (Nanay, 2010). Family feuds over house


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deeds are not uncommon, in particular since renting out houses has become a lucrative business. Discontent amongst the younger generation due to lack of opportunities also breeds mischievous behavior and leads to an increase in alcoholism, petty vandalism, gambling and even drug use. The villages around Shaxi are visibly poorer with dirt roads, run-down houses, and mounds of trash. Many villages in the mountains, mainly inhabited by the Yi minority, can only be reached by walking, horses and mules and lack basic infrastructure. With the growth of tourism and growing exposure to the outside world, the local population is increasingly integrating outside culture into their own, in particular Han culture (hanhua 㻘▥). As a result of this exposure, they are mostly at loss trying to integrate change and a modern lifestyle with low income and little know-how. Considering the above conditions, it was realised from the start of the SRP project that Shaxi can not remain in a time bubble for the pleasure of romantic tourists, but that development has to happen. However, it is extremely important, that Shaxi's development will be continually monitored and re-evaluated so as not to destroy its ecological balance. An increasing population will increase land-use and put more and more pressure on valuable arable land. Over-use of the natural environment will potentially lead to the depletion of natural resources as well as increase the threat of natural disasters. An unchecked increase in tourism would almost certainly lead to an unchecked increase in infrastructure development and land-use and very easily and quickly destroy the natural environment and beauty of the valley. The local governments will have to think beyond economic profit and continue to adhere to sustainable tourism development as stated in the SRP development plans. 'Soft' tourism, such as eco-tourism or rural tourism are viable alternatives to mass tourism, but are also not without problems (Su, 2011). The failure of tourism development to address poverty reduction and environmental problems therefore also suggest the need to rethink tourism as an alternative to development (Ming, 2009). There are currently a number of independent projects in Shaxi that encourage sustainable development and practices: one, a 'low-carbon project', financed by the Swiss government and led by the architect who also worked with the SRP team, is trying to promote community participation and self sustainability, soft tourism, organic agriculture, business training and development, etc. It aims to offer community support on all matters of 'green' and sustainable development in the valley and includes the renovation of an old school and large temple complex in a neighbouring village, donated by the Shaxi government, which will also serve as accommodation, and cultural and information centre8. It is also currently developing concise plans and implementation for rural homestay (nongjiale ␫⹅⃟). However, studies show that tourism by households depends on cash and spare labour, and that families with small farms and limited labour can not engage in tourism, but have to rely more on agriculture to provide income for the family (Ming, 2009). As Shaxi's population is mostly reliant on agriculture, it is common that during the harvest season people leave their jobs to work on the fields, or are reluctant to enter jobs before the busy agricultural season which causes a considerable labour shortfall in the tourism industry9. Also, the ratio of formal education in Shaxi is low, few have experience in the tourism and services industry, and hardly anyone can speak English. Education and training constitute one of the biggest problems for further tourism development in Shaxi. The other project, working under the brand name of Gingko Society10, established to create sustainable, green-themed tourism development in Shaxi, is the restoration of an old temple complex in a neighbouring village, to be turned into a visitor centre and vegetarian restaurant/cafe; besides accommodation, the society also offers activities for corporate team building events and special activities for student groups to immerse themselves in local culture; it has also initiated an outdoors-activity based low-impact tourism venture, called Shaxi Temple Zipline Tours, based in Shibaoshan, allowing tourists to visit the UNESCO heritage grottoes without driving the long distances between the temples. The Gingko Society projects, financed by a well-known American philanthropist and entrepreneur, also restored the former Dragonfly Guesthouse, which is now aptly named Old Theatre Inn as it is also the home of one of the many theatre stages in Shaxi valley. The 'low-carbon' project and the Gingko Society projects both have the support of the local government and village elders, and both seek out local craftsmen in wood craft and stone masonry for the restoration.11 There are also plans in progress to create a scenic bike and walking path linking the different villages in the valley and their specific sights, such as temples and theatre stages, encourage stop-overs to sample local fare and

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stimulate their economies, and take advantage of the surrounding natural environment.It was also a plan of the SRP to restore parts of the Ancient Tea Horse Road in Shaxi valley. Within the shibaoshan cultural district there lies a little Bai village which has been chosen by SIL and the Yunnan Province Language Affairs Commission as a model village to teach Bai in preschool school before the children reach primary school, but also to foster and preserve the local dialect, Bai song and other traditions within the wider community, in particular, artists, singers, storyteller, potential teachers, and parents11a. On the other end of the spectrum, local government development follows the path of 'mainstream' development for cultural heritage sites or other scenic spots in China: pompous sculpture at the entry of the village; infrastructure works, such as road refurbishing and new sewage system outside the historic market, improved lighting along main road outside of town, and the planned building of a large 5-star hotel/shopping complex. Investments from outside for tourism development are encouraged. Almost forgotten are the poorer outlying and mountain villages of the valley, as Shaxi takes the limelight. As people voice their concerns about the poor state of communal and cultural buildings and the lack of government response to it, this also indicates a disconnection, or miscommunication between the government and the people and explains the lack of progress and improvement.12 But this is still a poor area, and funding for other projects besides the designated tourism infrastructure development in Sidengjie is hard to find for the local government. The most visible and imminent problem in Shaxi is the garbage. While the market place has a working disposal system, in other parts of the town and valley garbage just gets dumped anywhere, raked together and burned, which emits toxic fumes and is a sore sight for visitors. Spitting and throwing away trash is a common sight. The Heihui River, the lifeline of Shaxi's agriculture, is lauded as a beautiful clean and clear stream but is full of rubbish on its banks and gets dredged for river sand and stones, and a number of hydrostations divert water away from the river. Tourism development in China is primarily organised by the government who operates tourism companies and tourism attractions and makes it its responsibility to attract investment. This puts other stakeholders, in particular local communities, in a relatively passive and inferior position. Tourism development in China is also strongly tied to economic benefits and usually the leading force in community development, sometimes even the only effective option (in particular in the western regions). Also, in China, the departments of tourism and cultural heritage are two separate entities, where the former is more commercially oriented and has more 'clout' than the cultural heritage department (Sigley, 2009). Cultural heritage agencies at the grass-roots are usually understaffed and under-financed and have little influence. While community participation in tourism development in China has been recognised as an indispensable mechanism within the macroscopic system of sustainable development, in practice it still doesn't exist in China (Bao and Su, 2007). If there is community participation, their demands also focus primarily on economic benefits, and villagers can get quite enthusiastic about participating, even overparticipating (Bao and Su, 2007). This means that other demands in community participation are low, and villagers, especially in poor areas, do not care about the passive effects of tourism development, such as pollution, or other environmental or social degradation, as long as it will give them a better life. However, Shaxi has already experienced the benefits of more sustainable development through working with the SRP team, and therefore their attitudes are also already more 'conditioned' than in other poverty-stricken areas in the country. This means that, while there is no real village participation, the local government, along with the various external participants as mentioned above and the support of other government levels, would be in a very strong position to keep pushing forward with sustainable development, divert from the path of 'mainstream' development of purely economic benefit, and serve as a model of rural development for 21st century China. 6 CONCLUSION Shaxi is a small and well preserved village with a rich and varied cultural heritage, situated in a beautiful and fertile valley amidst a fragile natural environment. Local residents and the local government are aware of the success as well as the negative effects of tourism development in nearby Lijiang and Dali, but both are enthusiastic about major and fast development. Therefore,


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Shaxi has been getting a lot of attention in recent times: film crews, researchers, media, county and province government officials, and tourism officials, visit Shaxi on a frequent basis, surveying, photographing, and evaluating Shaxi's tourism development potential. Furthermore, in 2010, an important meeting was convened by the State Administration of Cultural Heritage (SACH) and the Yunnan government to discuss the cultural heritage protection and preservation of the Ancient Tea Horse Road and first steps towards an application for World Heritage status (Sigley, 2010)13. China is in a veritable World Heritage application fever and is now number three in the world of most heritage sites listed (41). While in the national press many of the government voices support and urge sustainable development and the launch of '"Chinese Cultural Tourism" in 2011 hopes to use the experiences of cultural tourism to promote the prosperity and further development of China's vast and varied cultural heritage', Shaxi's future is still in danger14.The SRP project has initiated a viable all-round sustainable future for Shaxi that the government would have to carry to its end, or better, carry it on as a continuous development until Shaxi village and valley can become self-sustaining, with a well-off, equitable, and harmonious society. Shaxi's stakes are very high, it has much to loose, not only for the community and environment, but also in the face of national and international agencies and organisations that helped finance Shaxi's future, and also put trust in the government's capacity to continue work a sustainable way. ENDNOTES 1

See for example, http://www.china.org.cn/english/kuaixun/75236.htm , accessed, March 10, 2012. Ouyang Courtyard is one of the most beautiful and best preserved one. The classic arrangement of these courtyards was the 'three-house-one-protection-wall' courtyard, including entry gates, main en trance, second entry, main house, wing houses, courtyard garden, small stage, kitchen, and affixed stable. The high local vernacular architec ture also suggests the importance of Shaxi as a post-sta tion on the Ancient Tea Horse Road. Yunnan's architecture mirrors local traditional styles of the Bai, Yi, Naxi and Han. 3 Kuixing Towers (a tower for the God of Scholarship) have an interesting history, dating back to the Ming and Qing dynasties, and the promotion of Confucianism through the issuance of Imperial Decrees. The Kuixing Deity in the Tower is also regarded as a god of Taoism and of good fortune in examinations. There are many Kuixing Towers to be found in Shaxi valley, demonstrating the wisdom of the local people and the popularity of Confucianism. 4 For more information on Azhali Buddhism, see Huang Yinwu, Reading Time in Shaxi, pp. 78-87. 4a See also http://www.ethnic-china.com/Bai/baiindex.htm accessed February, 28, 2012. 5 Some of these arts are also on the list of Intangible Cultural Heritage, such as Tie-dyeing Techniques of Bai Ethnic Group. 6 There are a few local people who regularly go up to the mountains to buy wild mushrooms from the villagers who collect them. These are then mostly sold to traders who process them on the same day in town, transport them to Kunming, from where they get exported, mainly to Japan; on this topic see for example, D. Arora, 'The houses that Matsutake built', Economic Botany 62(3), 2008, pp. 278-90, The New York Botanical Garden Press, NY. It explores the implications of harvest and trade of wild mushrooms and other non-wood forest products (NWFP) and the ensuing wealth of many locals in the lower Himalaya regions. 7 The latest survey on Shaxi's demographic, economic and cultural condition conducted by the 'low carbon project' team has just been returned and evaluated, and will be available in detail at a later point upon request. 8 This project is in its early stages and inquiries can be made at the Shaxi Cultural Centre http://shaxiculturalcenter.org/en/index.php 9 Based on interview with local guesthouse owner and another local service provider who have been trying to find casual labour, but potential applicants (mainly young women) refused to enter employment before the busy season in the fields, even when offered substantially more money; they also refused a lower wage during training. 10 http://www.ginkgosociety.org/ 11 For information on this project, see http://www.shaxichina.com/shaxi-information/the-pear-orchardtemple.htm , accessed, February 28, 2012. 11a See http://www.eastasiagroup.net/content/bai-literacy-project , see also Allen, B. Bai Dialect Survey. SIL Electronic Survey Report, 2007-012 (August 2007). 12 According to recent 'low-carbon project' survey (see above). 2

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The meeting was titled 'China Cultural Heritage Protection: the Pu'er Forum on the Ancient Tea Horse Road Cultural Heritage Protection'. Sigley, p. 537. See for example, http://www1.chinaculture.org/focus/2008-11/14/content_331415_3.htm , accessed February 28, 2012.

REFERENCES Arora, D. 2008. The houses that Matsutake built. Economic Botany 62(3): 278-90. Bin, Y. 2004.. Horses, Silver, and Cowries: Yunnan in Global Perspective. Journal of World History; 15(3): 281-322. Bao, J. and Su, J. 2007. Differences in community participation in tourism development in China and the West. Chinese Sociology and Anthropology, 39( 3): 9-27. Feiner, J. et al. 2002. Sustainable Rural Development Based on Cultural Heritage. The Case of the Shaxi Rehabilitation Project. DISP 151. This project is ongoing and is now in stage IV of VI. Huang, Y. 2009. Reading Time in Shaxi. (zai Shaxi yuedu shijian), Yunnan Nationalities Publishing House, Kunming. Jianchuan Bureau of Tourism, 2002. Ming, Y. et al. 2009. Tourism: An Alternative to Development?' Mountain Research and Development, 29(.1): 75-81. Nanay, I., 'Utopian Marketization and the Historical Fate of a Rural Society: Sideng Village, Shaxi Township', SIT Study Abroad, ISP Collection, 2010. Sigley, G. 2010. Cultural Heritage Tourism and the Ancient Tea Horse Road of Southwest China. International Journal of China Studies. 1(2): 531-544. Su, B. 2011. Rural Tourism in China. Tourism Management, 14. Zhang, W. 2006. The Trading Culture of Jade Stones Among the Yunnanese in Burma and Thailand, 1962–881. Journal of Chinese Overseas. 2(2): 269-293.


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Intangible heritage and its role in the formation of social and personal identity J. A. Skrzypaszek Avondale College of Higher Education, Cooranbong, N.S.W., Australia

ABSTRACT: The rapid changes in cultural demographics, technology, education and the impact of globalization and multiculturalism demand a re-assessment of the processes that tend to isolate contemporary life from its heritage, named in the paper as cultural distancing. In view of the named dilemma, this paper explores the importance of the intangible heritage and its contribution to the formation of contextualized social and personal identity. The heart of the argument suggests that the nurture of the intangible heritage connects with the hub of identity formation. In support of this position, this paper adopts and modifies Stobbelaar and Pedroli’s existential and spatial identity quadrant by expanding the meanings to horizontal and vertical dimensions of life’s experience. The proposed model demonstrates that in the context of spatial dimension, the affective component of social identity, coined with the elements of reflexivity ingrained in the cultural memory, contributes to the reconstruction of relevant social and personal identity. Further, in this context, intangible heritage provides visionary inspiration and motivational drive. With this impetus, it drives the formation of the contemporary identity to discover a higher and future oriented purpose. Finally, the paper shows that in such a framework, identity thrives with a passion and contextualized vision, as long as, individuals take the time and effort to nurture, revive and recreate the memory of the living heritage.

1 INTRODUCTION This paper aims to explore the significance of the intangible heritage and its role in the formation of social and personal identity. For this purpose, it follows the definition of the intangible heritage outlined by the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. The ‘intangible cultural heritage’ means the practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases, individuals recognized as part of their cultural heritage (UNESCO, 2009). The commonly used phrase, the living cultural heritage, refers more specifically to modes of expressions that transmit the essence of the communities or groups worldviews and cultural selfunderstanding. Such transmission does not occur only through cognitively expressed images. According to Costa (2011, 49), it is also transmitted through “the intangibility of its contents, feelings and emotions it provokes”. Therefore, more specifically intangible heritage includes inter alia “oral traditions, language, performing arts, social practices, rituals and festive events and more so importantly knowledge concerning the nature and the universe” (UNESCO at 60). The listed modes of creative expressions contain a plethora of dynamic and fluid memories (Trim,

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2011,11). Ingrained in the textures of the expressed memories one finds the pulsating lifeblood of identity. Further analysis of the definitions points the notions of continuity or rather connectivity between the past and present. It suggests that such living heritage provides a sense of ongoing identity on the proviso individuals engage actively in the process of continual recreation of the cultural heritage (Smeets, 2004, 45). In other words, to maintain its ongoing vibrancy and influence, intangible heritage needs to be in a state of continual interaction with the changing nature of social and cultural environment. It applies being “relevant to its community, recreated and transmitted, from one generation to another” (UNESCO, Safeguarding without freezing). Van Ginkel (2004, p.24) links the relevance of cultural connection and identity formation to show the closely-knit relationship between the social and personal identity. He argues, “Cultural heritage is one of these defining factors of a person’s identity”. McLean (2006, p.3) reinforces this point stating, “Heritage has an identity-conferring status.” However, rapid changes in cultures, trends, demographics, technology and education coined with globalization and multiculturalism demand a re-assessment of the processes that tend to isolate contemporary life from its heritage. Kim (2007) observes that while the vast array of global changes seemingly closes the gap of the cultural differences, paradoxically the same forces contribute to “a deep fractious and unsettling landscape.” For this very reason, recent years unfold a growing interest in the study of intangible heritage and identity. Van Ginkel (2004, p.24) sees this relationship as a necessary channel “to help us maintain our roots in the midst of lives that are characterized by mobility and change.” In view of the existing divide between the past, the contemporary life and the progressive nature of global changes, this research argues that the preservation of the intangible heritage, namely as something we have to care about and simultaneously to care for, links with the hub of identity formation. In this context, caring does not apply, as commonly referred, to a process of preservation, conservation, safeguarding and replicating. The named factors lock the intangible heritage to static patterns of traditions detached from relevance to the contemporary life. Rather, this paper aims to explore the elements that permeate the intangible heritage with lasting dynamism of flexibility and plasticity. It also aims to discuss how these in turn empower the contemporary generations with images that enhance the formation of social and personal identity, yet retain a connection with the past. 2 BEGINNING OF THE JOURNEY Heritage represents the history. Howard and Graham (2008, p. 2) refer to the constructionist view of the heritage in which “selective past materials becomes cultural, political and economic resources for the present.” Such a view discards the deeply ingrained interplay of emotions that form part of human responsiveness to life experiences. The narratives, songs ballades, social practices, rituals and festival are more than static vestiges of the past to be admired. Trim points out (2011, p.12), “It is the way the past is represented, both by and to the community, shaping how the community sees and understands itself.” As such, the images of the past remind us of the life once lived in all fullness. According to Costa, (2011, p.50) such records transmit “emotions and mental concepts,” and it may be added, it unfolds the dynamic story of human search for meaning, purpose. These spaces include the totality of human responsiveness to life’s journey “emotions, perceptions, conceptions, mediations, performances, materialization” both in its social and personal construct (Russell, 2007). Stobellar and Pedroli (2011, p.322) refer to such spaces of interactive creativity as landscapes. They define the identity of the landscapes as the “perceived uniqueness of a place.” They argue that people’s identity moulds within the confines and interaction with many elements such as, “social class, religion, ethnicity” and “interaction with the physical world” (Ibid., 323). There is a common agreement that personal identity germinates in the context of such social framework (Trim, 2011; Graham and Howard, 2008; Cipolla, 2008; Halas, 2010; Poole, 2008). As part of the process, it is subjected to the impact of “communicative memory” defined as “varieties of collective memory that are based exclusively on everyday communications” (Assman, 1995, p.126). Referring to the pioneering work of Halbwachs, Trim (p.11) highlights the value of social frameworks for memory. “It is the degree that our individual thought places itself in


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these frameworks and participates in this memory that it is capable of the art of recollection.” The close interactively functional tie between the social and individual memory suggests as affirmed by Van Ginkel that the social and cultural background is “one of the defining factors of a person's identity”(Van Ginkel, p.24). According to Sibellar and Pedroli “people derive a significant part of their identity from the landscape in which they were raised and lived” (p.323). They define such landscapes as existential identity. This paper refers to it as a horizontally directional dimension of life’s experiences. It includes all the experiences confronting people in the context of their social, cultural and geographical, space and time. The processes leading to the formation of the individual “I-feeling” and the social/cultural “we-feeling” identity are never static (Ibid.). They are subject to changes. In other words, identity does not retain a perpetual quality. In order to remain relevant to its time and place, personal and social identity is always subjected to modification and renewal. It simply exemplifies the flowing process of changing life. Van Ginkel comments, “living beings change over time, physically and mentally, and so does culture change.” He supports the notion that “No culture is static” but “evolves constantly, usually as a reaction to exposure to, and interaction with other cultures”. In this process, identity is exposed to flux of changes and notions of continuity and discontinuity. The interaction within the social context coined with the pressures exerted by the process of change that according to Kim (p.241) “renders the individual an emotionally significant aspect of individual self-concept”. In this case, the proposed view of “existential identity” seen by this study as a horizontally directional dimension of life’s experience highlights the reality of the cultural gap caused by elements of time and change. The issue that demands discussion relates to the emerging problem of cultural distancing illustrated in diagram 1. The individual landscapes (A & B) provide a nurturing framework for the formation of identity. In each framework, the three characteristics of social identity, namely the cognitive, evaluative and affective dimension (Guijarro, 93) shape the distinctive boundaries of the perceived uniqueness of a place. The named characteristics play a significant role in helping individuals to recognize and define the specificity of its uniqueness.

Diagram 1

However, as pointed by Bauman (2004,11) and Graham and Howard (2008,5) identity is not “secured by a lifelong guarantee”. Rather, in order to remain relevant to its time and place, it is subjected to continual modification. With passing time, the pulsating elements of the collective social memory, referred to as a living communication transition to an “objectivized culture” (Assmann, 128, Trim, p,11,12). This study refers to the named transition as cultural distancing.

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3 IDENTIFYING THE CHALLENGE – THE POINT OF TRANSITION The named cultural distancing includes a transitioning journey from commemorative to cultural memory. This process alters the interactive dynamism of identity formation and transforms it into fixed vestiges of memory spaces locked in the framework of time. What once was a space of vibrant, interactive and dynamic uniqueness, a place of noise, sound, colour and smell changes into a relic, a memory of experiences in time passed by. Hence, events such as festivals, rites, epics, poems and images, transform into, so called, memory islands or as suggested by Trim "traditions" (p.12). He argues “This kind of memory is, at its heart, how culture or community ‘lives with or against its past’.” (Ibid.) With passing time, nostalgic sentiments prompted by the ongoing search for meaning and relevance, spark off into action the three elements of social identity. However, in view of the existing cultural distancing, the cognitive, evaluative and affective elements, which play an active role in the ongoing process of identity formation, tend to assume a retrospective function. Here, the affective element of the social identity, namely the feelings of emotional attachment to the group (Guijarro, p.93) is driven by the emotion of nostalgic attachment to the past, rather than elements of creativity towards the future. In that sense, the links with the past heritage are viewed from the retrospective angle of recreating the past. Smeets (2004, 44,45) recognized the growing challenge of cultural distancing by pointing out, “Elements of intangible cultural heritage are disappearing, or deteriorating at an increasing pace”. At the same time, he sees the link with the past as “heritage that is constantly recreated by communities and groups.” In contrast to the notion of recreation of the past, this study suggests that the horizontally directional dimension of life’s experience ties closely with the vertical dimension of life experience. In this context, to recreate the heritage means much more than to replay the past. It means to recapture the elements within the past processes of identity formation applicable to the ongoing process of the journey. 4 RETROSPECTIVE REFLECTIONS – CONTINUITY OF THE JOURNEY This raises a question regarding the role intangible heritage plays in the ongoing formation of contextualized social and personal identity. What elements from the past continue to exert a formative influence on one’s self-understanding in the contemporary culture? To answer this question, this study modifies Stobbelaar and Pedroli’s concept of existential and spatial identity (p.323). They suggest that, beside the existential identity, another vital component of the landscape is the so called, “spatial identity”(Ibid.). It is a space “where people ascribe identity to their environment.” Naturally, the characteristics of this space are much broader than “the visual aspects of the landscape.” They suggest it includes elements such as, orientation, distances, ordination, colours, processes and even sounds and smell. Based on Paassi (2002) and Ingold’s (2002) research, this specific dimension gives individuals the ability to describe the landscape from outside. In other words, the spatial dimension enables individuals to step out off the immediate surroundings and view life’s journey from an enlarged perspective. It must be acknowledged that the “Landscape Identity Circle” quadrant adds to the understanding of the wide spectrum of influences impacting the formation of identity social and personal identity (Stobelaar & Pedrolli, p. 325). However, it fails to resolve the question addressed in this paper. For this purpose, this study expands the proposed model combining it with the functions of cognitive, evaluative and affective elements of social identity in the context of reflexivity (Diagram 2). In the proposed model, the names, existential and spatial identity used in Stobbelaar and Pedroli’s “The Landscape Identity Circle” quadrant are changed to “horizontal” and “vertical” dimensions of life’s experience. The resulting two-dimensional view highlights the issues created by the cultural distancing. It also provides a framework for the role intangible heritage plays in the formation of social and personal identity.


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Diagram 2

Firstly, the spatial and vertical dimension of life’s experience provides the opportunity to evaluate the connections between the two points of specific cultural uniqueness (A & B) from a wider perspective. Secondly, as already stated, in each segment (A & B) the cognitive, evaluative and affective dimension shape the specific boundaries of identity. Guijaro defines the cognitive aspects as “a dimension, by which an individual knows s/he is a member of the group”; evaluative dimension, “which is perceived by comparison with other groups in which differences are emphasized”; and affective dimension, “which involves emotional attachment to the group” (p.93). In the framework of the existential identity, represented by the black arrow along the horizontal axis, one discovers the emerging challenge of cultural distancing. The pressures exerted by a variety of circumstances drive identity to an ongoing process of modification, renewal and adjustments. In segment, A, personal identity develops within the construct of everyday communicative memory. On the other hand, in segment B the process of identity formation faces the challenge resulting from the interactive tension between the collective or cultural memory and the need for contextualized relevance. The cultural memory is identified as “the product of a collective experience” immersed in “the body of re-usable texts, images, rituals specific to each society in each epoch (Asmann, 1995, 132). Quoting Pierre Nora, Trim refers to it as a dynamic force “opened to evolution, open to dialectic of remembering and forgetting…vulnerable to manipulation and appropriation, susceptible to being a long dormant and periodically revived” (Trim, p,12). It is obvious that, with passing time, the images of the past are “characterized by its distance from everyday life” (Assmann, 129). At this point, it needs to be noted that the movements along the horizontal axis provide only two options, namely a movement forward or reversal to the past. In this respect, movements, along the named axis either disconnect contemporary life from its roots or drive the sentiments toward a nostalgic attachment to the past rather than creativity that enhances a process of continual relevance for the present and creativity towards the future. The existential-spatial axis, represented by the black arrow along the vertical axis, named in this paper as the vertical dimension of life’s experience, provides a broader and deeper perspec-


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tive of the horizontal dimension. Firstly, placed in the framework of the vertical dimension, the three characteristics of social identity (cognitive, evaluative and affective) are placed in, what Graham and Howard (p.5) calls, ‘senses of time’. It may be referred to as a space of awareness that identity is not “secured by a lifelong guarantee” (Ibid.). This awareness safeguards it from “the temporal orientation” or understanding “that a group oriented towards the past will tend to identify itself or will compare itself with other groups in the past” (Guijarro, 93). Further, the temporal orientation includes the element of reflexivity. Assmann (p.130) connects the role of reflexivity in cultural memory with “the mode of potentiality” where images of the past generate a “total horizon” and the “mode of actuality” where “each contemporary context puts the objectivized meaning into it’s own perspective, giving it its own relevance”. As well as, it includes the ability “to explain, distinguish, reinterpret, criticize, censure, control, surpass and receive hypoleptically” (Assman, p.132). Secondly, in contrast, the proposed vertical dimension links the affective dimension of social identity with the reflexivity. This paper argues that, in the proximity of the affective dimension, reflexivity moves beyond the function of comparative analysis along the existential axis. Rather, the interactive function between the two components shapes the uniqueness of both social and personal identity on the vertical dimension of life’s experience. As already shown, the intangible heritage transmits much more than static informative images from the past. The narratives, stories rites and images transmit emotions of the life once lived in all its fullness and the passion associated with the universal search for meaning and purpose. In this context reflexivity expends its function for it moves beyond the mundane interests connected with life’s journey. In this respect, Halas (2010, p.313) expands Assmann’s view of reflexivity beyond the existential dimension. She argues, “In the cultural perspective proposed here, memory is a temporal dimension of communicated meaning. In other words, memory consists in communicative acts transmitting reflexive knowledge about the past from the perspective of a future present. Thus, a further importance lies in the fact that this proposal no longer regards memory as turned exclusively towards the past” Quoting Mead, Halas proceeds to make a compelling point. “Memory cannot be reduced only to set of ideas about the past, because it is linked with action and thus with an orientation towards the future.” In her understanding, such reflexivity is not merely recollection of past events. Rather, it is a memory that determines the transmission of meanings which will be formative for the future and in the process it enables reflexivity (Ibid.p. 314). In this context, the previously named characteristics of spatial identity such as orientation, direction, purpose and knowledge concerning the nature and the universe, embrace the human longing to understand the meaning and purpose of life and to have a point of references regarding its origins. Holtorf (2010, p.46) argues that in that sense “heritage functions less as a source of information about the past and more as a therapy for people uncertain about who they are”. The colours, smell and sound engraved in the unique spaces of cultural memory unfold the aesthetic depth of human self-understanding highlighting qualities such as personal uniqueness, giftedness and value. In other words, the elements that touch human emotions are not just the events of the past. From the height of the vertical dimension, the intangible heritage transmits the universal component of human passion to discover its value, uniqueness, individuality and a sense of purpose in life’s journey. Quoting Damasio, Costa (2011) observes correctly, “the decisive step is making those images ours…” Such decisive steps connect with the past and at the same time shape the uniqueness of the social and personal identity in the contemporary world. 5 CONCLUSION In the framework, of the vertical dimension of life’s experience, intangible heritage provides inspiration and drive. This impetus, directs the formation of the contemporary identity, to discover meaning and purpose. Its inspirational value empowers the existential experience but, it also leans towards future orientation. Considering the meaning of the affective dimension of memory, Halas observes (p.314). “Reflexive knowledge, is associated with emotions relating to mean-


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ings and values originating in the past (the present past) and significant for the future.” Further, “it becomes a basis for social relations and ties connecting individuals or groups and determines their future actions” (Ibid.). In other words, the vertical dimension provides an ongoing motion of contextual relevance (represented by dotted arrows) along the horizontal dimension. Here, the social and personal identity is not only immersed in the framework of established traditions determined by cognitive and evaluative analysis. Rather, as suggested by Wilson (2010, 35) it stems from the “mycelial qualities of human phenomenological perception mediated through inter-personal relations”. In this framework, the roots of intangible heritage provide a fresh space for new negotiations, mediation, motivation and nurture. In other words, it provides visionary inspiration and motivational drive. Here, the intangible heritage spreads its inspirational flowers of past hope, dreams, desires and beliefs and gives birth to a new and revived sense of identity in the contemporary world. Such identity thrives with passion and vision as long as individuals take the time and effort to nurture, revive and recreate the memory of the living heritage. REFERENCES Assmann, Jan. (1995). “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity”. New German Critique 65, 125-133. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage: Basic Text (2009) Retrieved from http://www.unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001870/187086e.pdf (16 December, 2011) Costa, M.L. (2011). “Culture and mediation: the role of design in preserving the Intangible Heritage” in Sergio Lira, Rogerio Amoeda, Cristsina Pinheiro, Sharing Cultures 2011. Barcelos: Portugal, Green Lines Institute for Sustainable Development. Graham Brian & Peter Howards. (Eds.). (2008). “Heritage and Identity”. The Ashgate Research Companion to Heritage and Identity. Hampshire, England Ashgate Publishing. Guijarro, Santiago. (2007). “Cultural Memory” and Group Identity in Q”. Biblical Theology Bulletin, Vol.37 (September 27): 90-100. Halas, Elzbieta. (2010). “Time and Memory: A Cultural Perspective”. TRAMES, 14(64/59), 4, 307-322. Holtorf, Cornelius. (2010). “Heritage Values in Contemporary Popular Culture”. In George Smith, Phyllis Mauch Messenger, Hillary A. Soderland, eds., Heritage Values in Contemporary Society. Walnut Creek: California, Left Coast Press. McLean, Fiona. (2006). “Introduction: Heritage and Identity”. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 12:1, 3-7. Poole, Ross. (2008). “Memory, Responsibility and Identity”. Social Research; Spring 2008; 75,1. 263286. Russell, Ian. (2010). “Heritage, Identities, and Roots: A Critique of Arborescent Models of Heritage and Identity”. In George Smith, Phyllis Mauch Messenger, Hillary A. Soderland, eds., Heritage Values in Contemporary Society. Walnut Creek, California, Left Coast Press. Smeets. Rieks. (2004). “Globalization and the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage”. Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage International Conference, 26-27 August, Tokyo, Japan. Stobbelaar, Derk Jan & Bas Pedroli. (2011). “Perspectives on Landscape Identity: A Conceptual Challenge”. Landscape Research, 36:3, 321-339. Trim, D.J.B. (2011). “The Huguenots and Experience of Exile (Sixteenth to Twentieth Centuries: History, Memory and Transnationalism” in D.J.B Trim ed. The Huguenots History and Memory in Transational Context Essay in Honour of Walter C. Utt. Leiden: The Netherlands, Hotei Publishing. UNESCO at 60. Retrieved from http://www.unesco.org/services/documentation/archives/multimedia/?id_page=13 (9 January, 2012) UNESCO “Safeguarding without freezing” Retrieved from http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00012 (9 January 2012) Van Ginkel, Hans. (2004). “Cultural Heritage, Identity Formation and Change in a Globalizing World”. Globalization and Intangible Cultural Heritage International Conference, 26-27 August, Tokyo, Japan. Young, Yyun Kim. (2007). “Ideology, Identity, and Intercultural Communication: An Analysis of Differing Academic Conceptions of Cultural Identity”. Journal of Intercultural Communication Research, 36:3, 237-253.

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(Map. 1). Altai-Kazakh falconers tame only female Golden Eagles (Aquila chrysaetos daphanea) (Fig. 1). The adult’s body size can be up to 66cm, in height it can reach up to 90cm and in weight it can be 5~6 kg (Fig. 2). An adult female's wing span reaches up to 234cm in width (Gombobaatar & Usukhjargar, 2011: 55). Trained eagles are able to hunt for a Red Fox and even for huge Gray Wolves. Kazakh falconers' eagle-tamed falconry is always conducted on the horseback. More exactly, the Altai-Kazakh falconry is, therefore, suited to be defined as “horseriding eagle falconry hunting” to underline its uniqueness by differentiating it from other accipitrine (hawk) and falconiform (falcon) types of falconry. Even though the horse-riding falconry is socially regarded as a cultural property, its scientific definition and formation process is inadequately studied yet. However, the decline in a huntsman population and hunting operations turns out to be unavoidable for this decade. Nowadays, falconry is going to be detached from its classical function of “actual hunting” in its original contexts. Being aware of ideas of a cultural heritage, their preservation strategy and foundational master plan for sustainability have not been prepared enough academically. Taking these factors into account, the main focus of this paper will be to analyze the formation (evolution) process of falconry and define the criteria for sustainability of horse-riding falconry. The core subject is heritage sociology and cultural anthropology based on intensive ethnographic fieldwork conducted from July 2011 to January 2012. The majority of empirical analyses and observations are attributed to a concentrated participant observation, interviews of local falconers and own experience of taming a Golden Eagle at Sagsai (ɋɚɝɫɚɢ) Village in Bayan-Ölgii Prefecture in Mongolia. The paper points out three main intertwined components in the socio-ecological building of horse-riding falconry: (1) Recent social situation of horse-riding falconry from the observation of “The Golden Eagle Festival”, (2) Environmental aspects of the presence of Golden Eagles in Altai regions, and (3) Ecological evaluation as to transhumant animal-herding. In conclusion, the research suggests the criteria for sustainability of Altai-Kazakh falconry as a lasting cultural resource. 2 SOCIAL ASPECTS: ETHNICITY & CULTURAL DOMAIN OF ALTAI KAZAKH FALCONRY

2.1 “The Golden Eagle Festival” and Contemporary Falconers The first decade of 21st century is a historical period of an intangible heritage lightened in the Altai Mountainous Regions. UNESCO has been developing the “Convention for Safeguarding Intangible Cultural Heritage” of Altai craftsmanship. The Government of the Altai Republic also adopted a special preserving program in 2005, entitled “Revival, Preservation and Development of Folk Art and Traditional Crafts in the Altai Republic (2005–2010)” (Oktyabrskaya et al., 2009: 130). Particularly, the Kazakh community in western Mongolia in 2000 with its Golden Eagle falconry has been nationally regarded as a cultural property with the establishment of

Figure 1. Altai-Kazakh Falconer.

Figure 2. A Matured Golden Eagle.


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“The Golden Eagle Festival”. At the same period Kazakhstan started a complex program “Historical and Ethnological Study of the Kazakhs of Mongolia” intended to reevaluate AltaiKazakh cultural resources for further development of the Kazakh nation (Molodin et al., 2008: 30). These cultural upheavals represent an extensive awakening for cultural revitalization of local intangible resources with ethnic utilities, simultaneously evoking ideas of sustainability against disappearance. The recent establishment of “The Golden Eagle Festival” is a vital clue to the present situation of Altai-Kazakh falconry (Fig. 3). There were established two festivals, one is the “Aimag Festival” which started in 2000 and is held by the Falconers Association and Bayan-Ölgii prefecture, the other one is the “Sagsai Festival” established in 2001 by a local travel company. Nowadays both festivals successfully gather up to 50~60 falconers on horseback and also gather more than 400 overseas travelers from outside of the prefecture. For local falconers the festival has become a good occasion to motivate eagle ownership. In March 2011 the Aimag Festival was for the first time acknowledged by UNESCO as a festival conserving an intangible heritage. In fact, the festivals have become an ethnic integrity symbolizing horse-riding falconry as an intangible cultural heritage. It is the first representation of an “ethnic heritage” in Altai-Kazakh community. This “cultural proprietorship” of falconry is positively related to a massive minoritization of Kazakh community in western Mongolia. It is said that more than 40,000 Kazakh people (or 7,000 families) repatriated to Kazakhstan from Western Mongolia during 1991-1992 which is more than 80% of the total amount of Kazakhs returned to their historical homeland from other countries (Molodin et al., 2008: 29). Altai-Kazakh community was highly minoritized through 1990’s. In such a situation, re-discovery/ reevaluation of a traditional falconry means the struggle against disappearance of the Kazakh community in Western Mongolia. However, the role of the festivals has a univalent binary. On the one hand, the entire eagleownership has been increased due to the festivals. But on the other, this cultural “manifestation” had some impact on falconers to focus not mainly on the initial context of preserving traditional falconry, but on the excessive “actual hunting for fur-obtaining activity”. Therefore, positive and negative ambiguities are circulated in recent local falconry. The former is raising public awareness and the latter is accelerating the process of de-contextualization. Moreover, for the recent years the festival has become a big occasion involving not only local residents. After 2007, the main venue of the Aimag Festival has been detached from the city center. A fascinate parade involving musicians, children and local audiences well dressed in ethnic clothes, used to be at the main square of the Bayan-Ölgii city although it has not seen any more. The festival is clearly intended only to gather only overseas travelers. Thus, the festivals exhibit local falconry and falconers as own cultural asset for external purpose in order to raise public awareness. Namely, a certain idea of social intentions to continue preserving traditional falconry is explicitly observed. 2.2 Falconry as a Socially Shared Property Ethno-historical studies confirm that a long lasting cultural domain of horse-riding falconry is explained by a fortunate lack of social restrictions to hold eagles. Socio-political roles and severe restrictions on the practice of falconry were widely known in medieval Persia, China, Japan and in some European Kingdoms. For example, falconry was an integral part of the patronage system in medieval British court and even provided a cover for espionage and for Jesuit missionaries (Grassby, 1997: 42-43). However, in Altai-Kazakh communities anybody can easily become a falconer and possess own Golden Eagle regardless of whether they belong to the elite or not, without any regional and national government restrictions and elite-made regulations. Ethnographic researches also add some new idea that arts and knowledge of falconry are neither a secret technique nor hidden arts transmitted through the father-son linkage. Conversely, taming and breeding knowledge is well permeated into every member of the community and even shared with falconer’s wife and children. For instance, housewives frequently feed eagles when falconer is absent for herding. Therefore, widely shared knowledge has also contributed to reinforce survivability of falconry practice until nowadays. Taking recent social situation into consideration, the paper is going to specify formative factors and the criteria for preservation.


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3 ENVIRONMENTAL ASPECTS: HIGH DENSITY OF GOLDEN EAGLES IN THE ALTAI MOUNTAINS

3.1 Propagation of Golden Eagles in the Altai Mountains The primary reason for continuity of the Altai falconry lies in an abundant avifauna, especially in a great population of Golden Eagles in western Mongolia. Despite the fact that the dwelling of Golden Eagles is world-wide, some of the species are in danger of extinction in some parts of the Earth. Negative opinions are reported as for the population of Golden Eagles. In the British Isles 700~900 eagles were found in 1980’s. There are estimated 250~350 adult pairs the majority of which dwelt in the Scottish Highland (Ford, 1982: 112). In Japan, there are only 650 eagles in total (as of 2004) (Ministry of the Environment, 2004). Even in a largest portion of the European Alps there were estimated 2,000 eagles (circa 1,100 couples) in 2000 (Brendel et al., 2002). However in general, the Altai Mountains are presumed to have the world-highest density of Golden Eagles, especially the Bayan-Ölgii Prefecture. These regions are considered to have their ‘resident breeders’ which stay all year round in all parts of Mongolia (it is “least concerned” species in the local avifauna) (Gombobaatar & Usukhjargal, 2011: 55). According to my rough estimates in all parts of the Altai Mountainous region there are more than 5,000 adult Golden Eagles. The reason of such a comparatively high density is ascribed to extreme and severe natural conditions, and geomorphic environment. Due to these harsh living conditions the human population in the region has been limited since the ancient times. The territory of the Bayan-Ölgii Prefecture is 45,700 km² (similar to Denmark or Estonia) and its population is up to approximately 90,000 people. The human density is roughly estimated at 2.0 person/ km². This extreme human scarceness has been considered to benefit the propagation of Golden Eagles. Consequently, the death rate caused by human interference has not been considered to be very high in these regions. The natural conditions in Bayan-Ölgii have been undoubtedly free from contaminations by DDT/DDE and any other agricultural chemicals or pesticides, as well as poisoning which, for instance, boosted raptors' death rate in North America and Europe. The death rate caused by electrocution is also very low in this region. In conclusion, we can say that this comparative stability in eagle population is ascribed to Mongolian-Altai environment. 3.2 Geomorphologic Advantages for Golden Eagles' Hunting Geomorphic characteristics of the Altai Mountains are undoubtedly suitable for the eagles' hunting process. A large number of rocks and extended open foothills contribute to easy prey detection thus increasing the efficiency of predatory hunting. The Altai Mountains are one of the oldest mountains in this world. The mountain peaks have been formed for millions of years due to the process of erosion and the foothills have been transformed into extensive plains which permitted an extended view until very far (Fig. 4). The craggy surfaces and uneven ground covered

Figure 3. The Golden Eagle Festival.

Figure 4. Hunting Points on the Ridgeline.


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with rocky eaves and caves have well provided with a various kinds of hiding spaces not only for foxes, but for birds and rodents, and other potential diet-animals. In addition, these rocky surfaces have not transformed into forests with a huge density of trees. Technically speaking, the Altai Golden Eagle has been adapted to non-forest territories both for hunting and breeding, unlike accipitrine (hawks) and falconiform (falcons). An extensive open space and fine-viewed foothills without trees and forests present favorable conditions for eagles to dwell. Their body size and predatory behavior are not appropriate to fly through clusters of trees. Many hawks perch on a branch of a tree before attacking a prey. However, the Altai eagles need to soar high over before swooping down on preys. Treeless mountains steeps also provide eagles with the advantage of fine visibility and a convenient view for preysearching, which results in an ecological basis for food availability. Furthermore, there are frequent upward current winds in the mountains, which are useful to raise an eagle's heavy body high into the sky over the mountain foothills. It is quite necessary for Golden Eagles to soar high in order to hunt. Severe natural conditions of the Altai region contribute to an inhabitation of Golden Eagles and their perfect adaptation in this area. In other words, “hawks and falcons fly with their wings, and the other eagles fly with their winds”. Therefore, natural setting and conditions are of the utmost importance for falconry survivability. It is the natural environmental conditions that have made it possible for local falconers in the Altai region to preserve and continue eagle-tamed falconry for centuries. 4 ECOLOGICAL ASPECT: DEPENDENCE ON TRANSHUMANT PASTORALISM

4.1 Transhumance for Eagle-Ownership Facilitation: The Roles of Sheep and Horse In order to preserve the tradition of falconry, it is very important to secure a feeding diet for an own eagle. Incidentally, one of the reasons why falconry has been conducted for centuries long in this region can be explained by the fact that the animal-herding economy reduced falconry expenses. A usual diet of a Golden Eagle is highly dependent on a fresh meat hunted for in wild conditions. However, once tamed by a human an eagle adapts to eating various sorts of meat, such as rabbits, ground squirrels, marmots, gerbils and other smaller mammals, foxes and dogs, and in addition even cooked meat, carrion and offal. It should be mentioned that some falconers feed their eagles with fresh-water dace (Leuciscus dzungaricus) in summer and autumn in spite of the fact that Golden Eagles are not really piscivorous (fish-eating) raptors by their nature. However, the bulk of annual costs for the maintenance of the Golden Eagles is about 50~70kg of goat or sheep flesh in average. As a rule, a falconer needs to provide his eagle with 300~500g of flesh everyday. Its annual consumption equals to 3~5 sheep (or goats). Consequently, this is an unquestionably extreme burden for a falconer’s larder. As a comparison, an annual consumption diet by an ordinary herder family, who has a wife and even 7 children, is more or less 12~15 sheep. In particular, this can be much heavier burden for non-herders, who lead a sedentary life, to provide such a huge amount of flesh annually. For this reason, the majority of settled falconers in Sagsai region are very often obliged to go hunting themselves by shooting or trapping rabbits or mouse for eagle's diet during summer. In conclusion, it should be pointed out that eagle-ownership is highly dependent on livestock productivity from transhumant animal-herding economy. Besides, horse possession is a critical attribute for Altai-Kazakh falconry which cannot be imagined without horse-riding mobility. The hunting activity in the Altai Mountains has never been practiced in plain steppe fields, watersides and forest regions unlike the European falconry. A riding horse is quite necessary for climbing up mountains in order to get access to the hunting spots on the mountain peaks (Fig. 5). Moreover, an adult female eagle usually reaches up to 6kg in weight which is very cumbersome to handle on foot. In accordance with local hunting regulations, hunting zone is within 3~4km, and at most 6km distance from home. The longest hunting route is about 11~12km for a round excursion. All of the hunting routes require climbing up a steep mountain path on a horseback. In the search for foxes a falconer usually goes up to the top of the mountain in order to survey a landscape. Every

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hunting point is observed on a ridge or on a mountain top. Namely, the hunting zone is limited to the mountains in the vicinity of a falconer's home. Horse-riding customs are very common in a local herder’s community in Bayan-Ölgii Prefecture. Horses play an important role in providing mobility, even for elementary school students who use them as a means of transportation instead of bicycles. Riding horses are efficiently maintained within a social frame of animal-herding economy. For instance, if one wants to keep a horse in a city without pastureland, it will take him about $20~30 per month to provide a grain-made diet. As far as I researched 24 falconers in Sagsai, it turned out that only one falconer did not possess a riding-horse, while others intensively used horses in their households. Thus, socio-economic frame of an animal-herding lifestyle is necessary to fulfill essential demands of eagle ownership and hunting operations. The Altai-Kazakh falconry shows the original methodology on how falconry practice can be efficiently preserved in a non-aristocratic ordinary society. The owner of a raptor is meant to be obliged for feeding and breeding procedures as it was mentioned above. From the perspective of maintenance costs concerned with an eagle ownership a key clue to preserve eagle falconry is to develop a transhumant animalherding economy. The cultural establishment of Asian falconry has been largely dependent on the aristocracy. Raptor maintenance has never been considered as a burden by the higher social stratum. A versatile character of horse-riding falconry indeed acknowledged to its cultural establishment describes distinctive socio-historical ideas of how falconry has been efficiently preserved by ordinary people who did not belong to the aristocratic stratum. 4.2 The Significance of Fox Hunting for Monetary Incomes The benefits from the falconry are almost limited to the fox fur which is suitable either for sales or for personal use. The primary hunting target is Red Fox (Vulpes vulpes) and Corsac Fox (Vulpes corsac). Common quarry of falconry such as rabbits (Lepus spp.) and various kinds of game-birds are not considered to be the primary targets. Therefore, the Altai-Kazakh falconry is usually described as a “fox hunting” by its nature (Fig. 6). It is also worth mentioning that fox meat is ideally suited for eagle’s diet in a winter season. A fox body is full of muscularity with small amount of blood and very low fat ratio of the whole flesh. Falconers never give animal’s fat and blood to eagles from considerations of their diet regulation in winter. At first, meat and flesh are usually chopped into small pieces. Then these pieces have to be washed from blood and soaked in the water for hours. This is a local technique of “enseam” (diet regulation in order to support the motivation of eagles to fly and hunt). If an eagle eats fat and blood, it loses its aggression to hunt because of the full stomach satiation. Approximately 4~5kg of flesh is taken with few losses from an adult fox. This amount is enough for feeding an eagle for 10 days and more. During a winter season, the amount of 10~15 foxes is desirable to cover feeding expenditures. In case if fox meat is unavailable, a falconer needs to share his own consumption with his eagle. A lack of fox meat means a direct threat to a falconer’s larder. Thus, captured prey tends to reduce the burden of feeding expenditure. Objectively speaking, "to tame a Golden Eagle" means to be in a great dependence on "keeping the practice of fox hunting", thus taking the obligation of feeding an eagle, if a falconer himself is

Figure 5. A Falconer on Horseback.

Figure 6. A Hunting Eagle Grasping a Fox.


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not wealthy enough. In addition, the most important thing in the falconry is that fur-obtaining and trading should be a great recompense for an economic activity in the living strategy of the falconers. There are certain structural weaknesses in securing “cash incomes” from sales and production system of transhumant animal-herding. In summer, sales of dairy products such as milk, horse milk wine and various meats are mostly fulfilled. However, the quantity and the quality of dairy products decline sharply when winter comes. For instance, in winter each cow produces only 1 liter of milk per day, whereas in summer it is able of giving 4 times more milk. Furthermore, the majority of the livestock, particularly sheep and goats, lose 1/4 of their weight. The herders frequently face severe shortage of provisions, as well as cash-incomes in winter. Therefore, sales of fox fur and fur-used products should have the function of securing monetary incomes from winter to spring providing other “job opportunities”. 4.3 Inter-Sustainability between Transhumance and Falconry A certain versatility regarding the Altai-Kazakh horse-riding falconry as an intangible heritage is that it has to be defined as “in situ” or “on-going” living intangible heritage. The Altai-Kazakh falconry still have some unbroken ties with “actual hunting” in transhumant living strategy. More specifically, it is distinguishable from the contemporary hawking and falconry, the primary orientation of which is recreation, trophy-sport and entertainment. In order to preserve this unique pattern of the Altai-Kazakh falconry, it would be highly beneficial to overcome structural weaknesses in productivity of transhumance during various seasons of the year. In this case, fox-fur trade remains to be one of the means of securing cash incomes for falconers during harsh times in a winter season. However, theoretically speaking, horse-riding falconry would not have been established as an independent subsistence function alone without secured provisional means in summer (Soma, 2007, 2008). In fact, falconry has a history, which is less associated with ‘food-obtaining’ purposes in many cases. Therefore, transhumant animal-herding economy is considered to be a prerequisite and at the same time a fragile ecological basis for a classical horse-riding falconry. Both productivity of transhumance and falconry are interchangeable throughout summer and winter respectively. Sustainability of horse-riding falconry shares a single common destiny with that of transhumant economy. This phenomenon naturally supports the theory that the origin of falconry practice is ascribed to “nomadic” steppe regions. 5 CONCLUSION: FALCONRY AS A GIFT FROM HUMAN-RAPTOR HARMONY The formation process of the Altai-Kazakh horse-riding falconry has been based on a very fragile balance of inter-linkages among society, environment and ecology. Lasting sustainability of horse-riding falconry requires not only singular conservation activities sequentially driven by social aspiration to preserve an intangible heritage, but these kind of activities should also be intermingled with (1) social constitution for cultural proprietorship, which strengthens the overall notion of heritage, (2) environmental conservation, which is aimed at securing the propagation and abundance of Golden Eagles, (3) transhumant animal-herding, which has become an economic basis to provide sheep and horses in order to facilitate the eagle ownership, (4) sustainable fox-hunting, which also reduces maintenance costs and raises opportunities for monetary incomes. All of the specified components work cooperatively in order to ensure the sustainability of horse-riding falconry”. In fact, derivative cultural domains of falconry have become more attractive nowadays. However, unlike tangible heritages, ideas of symbolization, cultural constitution and emotional bond will only bring a little contribution to fundamental resolution for sustainability. Society, environment and ecology, these three “threads” have to be carefully, but firmly interwoven to stand out a picture of “horse-riding falconry” on the cultural tapestry. It is not therefore too much to say that falconry is “The Heritage of Human-Animal Harmony” in terms of developing versatile notions. Since ancient times falconers have been outstanding experts in captive and breeding techniques of birds of prey (Ford, 1982: 158-161). Their discourse of taming and hunting with Gol-

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den Eagles offers new notions for cross boundary beyond dualisms in “nomads/agrarian”, “Christian/ Islam”, “Asia/ Europe”, “human/ environment” and “Ancient/ Contemporary”. For example, nowadays new attempts such as introduction of falconers for dispel birds to avoid bird-strikes at the airports (Battistoni et al., 2008; Kitowski et al., 2011) have been taken. In addition, a very low infection risk of Avian Influenza Virus (AIV) for falconer and their birds was testified by German falconry (Kohls et al., 2011), which might expect new contributions by falconers for research and seek solutions of AIV propagation. Falconry and falconer is now opening a new chapter toward higher dimension into the society. ACKNOWLEDGEMENT This research is financially supported by THE TAKANASHI FOUNDATION FOR ARTS AND ARCHEOLOGY. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Executive director Seizaburo Takanashi and to all members in charge cooperating to the foundation. REFERENCE Battistoni, V., Montemaggiori, A. & Iori, P. 2008. Beyond Falconry between Tradition and Modernity: A New Device for Bird Strike Hazard Prevention at Airports. The document presented at Brasilia 2008 IBSC Conference: 1-13. [http://www.int-birdstrike.org/Brasil_Papers/IBSC28%20WP13.pdf] (Accessed 22/ 2/ 2012). Brendel, U.M., Eberhardt, R. & Wiesmann, K. 2002. Conservation of the Golden Eagle (Aquila Chrysaetos) in the European Alps - Combination of Education, Cooperation, and Modern Techniques. Journal of Raptor Research 36(1): 20-24. Ford, E. 1982. Falconry in Mews and Fields. London: B.T. Batsford Ltd. 112, 158-161. Gombobaatar, S. & Usukhjargal, D. 2011. Birds of Hustai National Park. Ulaan Baatal: Hustai National Park & Mongolian Orthological Society. 55. Grassby, R. 1997. The Decline of Falconry in Early Modern England. Past and Present 157: 37-62. Kitowski, I., Grzywaczewski, G., Cwiklak, J., Grzegorzewski, M. & Krop, S. 2011. Falconer activities as a bird dispersal tool at Deblin Airfield (E Poland). Transportation Research Part D 16: 82-86. Kohls, A., Hafez, H.M., Harder, T., Jansen, A., Lierz, P., Lüschow, D., Schweiger, B. & Lierz, M. 2011. Avian Influenza Virus Risk Assessment in Falconry. Virology Journal 8(187). [http://www.virologyj.com/content/8/1/187] (Accessed 10/2/2012). Ministry of the Environment (Government of Japan). 2004. Press Release of 31st August 2004 - Kisyomoukinrui Chosa (Inuwashi, Kumataka) no Kekka ni tsuite. [http://www.env.go.jp/press/press.php?serial=5218] (Accessed: 26/2/2012). Molodin, V.I., Mylnikov, V.P. & Oktyabrskaya, I.V. 2008. The Kazakhs of Northwestern Mongolia Everyday Life and Holidays in Summer Pastures. Archaeology Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 35(3): 129-142. Oktyabrskaya, I.V., Pavlova,E.Y. & Skovpen, A.V. 2009 Modern Altai Craft. Archaeology Ethnology & Anthropology of Eurasia 37 (1): 129-135. Soma, T. 2007. Kyrgyz Falconry & Falconers and its Transition. In Academy of Uzbekistan/ UNESCO (eds.) Proceedings of Materiari Natina-Teoreticheskoi Konferenzti 2006. Tashkent: 130-139. Soma, T. 2008. Keisho naki Bunkaisan toshiteno Syuryou-Gijyutsu - Kyrgyz-Kyowakoku Issyk-kul Kogan niokeru Takagariryou no Ethnography. Kokushikan University Chirigaku-Houkoku 16: 99-106. UNESCO. 2010a. Falconry, a Living Human Heritage. [http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00011&RL=00442] (Accessed 24/10/2011). UNESCO. 2010b. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage - Nomination File NO. 00442. In UNESCO Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (Fifth session, November 2010) (eds.) For Inscription on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage in 2010. Nairobi: 1-28. Ȼɚɹɧ-Ԧɥɝɢɣ Ⱥɣɦɚɝ. 2003. Ȼɚɹɧ-Ϊɥɝɢɣ Ⱥɣɦɚɝɢɣɧ Ƚɟɥɟɪ Ɂɭɪɝɢɣɧ ɐɨɦɨɝ. Ԝɥɚɧɛɚɬɵɪ: Ƚɚɦɦɚ. 3.


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“Not the way to do it”: the case of Suakin, Sudan S. Taha University of Cambridge, Cambridge, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT: Development and conservation present opportunities and challenges, and are particularly complex in historic cities. Demands to reconcile change and development, attract foreign tourists while protecting cultural heritage and to involve communities and address their needs are exceptionally challenging, even more so in developing countries. The case study from the historic port of Suakin (Sudan) exemplifies such tension. In this paper, I will examine the new development and proposed conservation schemes; the paper analyses what went wrong, weaknesses, and missed opportunities for achieving sustainable development, how it could have been done better and how we can learn from observing and applying the case of Suakin to others.

1 NTRODUCTION Threats prompted by development, tourism, globalisation, and environmental change pose a particular challenge for the conservation of historic cities, and are especially problematic in developing countries. Rapid changes and modernisation present major challenges to the cultural heritage management of historic centres: the demands to balance economic development and the preservation of cultural heritage; the incorporation of new infrastructure and the adaptation of the historic fabric to the needs of both contemporary residents and visitors alike; the pressure to balance change without the loss of cultural heritage distinctiveness and the intangible heritage related to it. Heritage practitioners, developers and planners have an extra responsibility to manage change and development in historic cities and simultaneously safeguard cultural heritage, which is a great challenge. The ancient port of Suakin (on the Red Sea coast of Sudan) demonstrates such demands. This paper investigates the developments and projected conservation proposals which are expected to result in the largest physical, social, cultural and economic changes in the historic port of Suakin, since moving the port trade to Port Sudan at the beginning of the twentieth century. Both conservation and development are desperately needed. Firstly, I will highlight the pressures, conflicts, shortcomings and missed opportunities to accomplish a sustainable change which balances and reconciles the needs of the local community and the need for development whilst maintaining the legacy of the ancient town, historical continuity, social memory and identity and belonging. Secondly, I will explore the development and conservation compliance with sustainable development and new notions of heritage conservation, the threats they pose, their challenges, and the likely impact on cultural heritage. Finally, I will consider the importance of local communities in management, development and conservation in order to achieve sustainable development in historic cities, the necessity of embracing social and intangible values to achieve more sustainable preservation practices and efficient management plans of historic cities, as well as the likely impact of their neglect on social meanings, memory, identity, and belonging.

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2 NEW APPROACHES TO HERITAGE CONSERVATION Until recently, international charters have provided guidelines for the protection and conservation of single monuments and groups of buildings in isolation, without taking into consideration the context, social or environmental aspects (UNESCO 1972). Heritage valuation in these charters was typically Eurocentric and very narrowly defined (Cleere 1989; Lowenthal 1990; Avrami 2000; de la Torre 2002). The last few decades have been characterised by an ideological shift away from traditional methods of assessing and conserving heritage. This move has been represented by adopting an anthropological approach and changing the focus from principally interpreting, conserving and protecting monumental heritage to a more holistic approach towards protection which includes intangible heritage and the protection of cultural diversity (UNESCO 2003; UNESCO 2005; Logan 2008; Rodwell 2011). Thus, heritage conservation came to be understood not only as the restoration of physical objects, but also as a multifaceted and continual process that involves attention to social and cultural contexts. Furthermore, questions such as why the heritage to be conserved is meaningful, to whom it is significant, how it is used, the impact of intervention, and a multiplicity of other factors, are considered. Accordingly, assessing social and cultural values is becoming a commonly used practice to inform preservation judgment. Conservation decisions have always faced a myriad of challenges and continue to do so. This is why professionals are now calling for the integration of the what, why and how to conserve, so as to enhance protection practice and to develop a more comprehensive conservation policy (Avrami 2000; de la Torre 2002; Logan 2008; Mutal 2011). From the 1990s, heritage professionals began to embrace the language of sustainability. Sustainable conservations now incorporate social, economic, environmental and cultural components and encompass assessment of heritage significance that integrates diverse values for holistic sustainable conservation planning (Avrami 2000; de la Torre 2002; Winter 2008 and 2011; Mutal 2011; Rodwell 2011). Adopting sustainability in heritage has expanded conservation methods far beyond monuments, to look at the interconnection of nature, culture, and the built environment equally. Moreover, there is a growing recognition that heritage significance is founded on a complex balance of economic, environmental, social and cultural factors, rather than the historic characteristics a site alone. There is a growing understanding that all conservation and development plans need to include measures of sustainability. In this paper, I define sustainable development as a ‘holistic approach which considers culture, nature, environment and the well being of the community as a whole, with a clearly integrated plan and strategy’. I argue that sustainable development is not one size fits all; it should suit the cultural and historical context as correctly stated by Imon (2008), who maintains that on the whole the term sustainability is an undefined term, saying that there is no single concept for sustainable development; it is rather the best option available. He suggests that options for development should be evaluated within the environmental restrictions and social context of a place, as well as the human or cultural context. With this initial understanding, I will evaluate development and anticipated conservation schemes in Suakin. A leading document in this regard is the Australian Burra Charter (Australia ICOMOS 1999), which considers social and cultural factors (Stovel 2003). The guidelines emphasise understanding significance - what it is that makes a historic site important - before intervention. The question which needs to be asked now is not what needs to be conserved, but rather how to conserve and how to maintain the sense of place, identity, attachment and diversity in the process. The starting principle of the Burra Charter is that place is important; to understand the cultural significance of place is to understand the fabric and its setting, use and social meaning (Clarke and Johnston 2003; Gibson 2009). Although international conventions have included guidelines for conservation and management, not all developing countries have made an attempt to bring in new ideas or to embrace new concepts in the planning, conservation or management of cultural heritage.


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3 SUAKIN: A BRIEF BACKGROUND 3.1 Suakin’s Past Suakin was one of the most renowned international maritime trade centres on the Red Sea, and was archetypical of the Islamic style of architecture and planning. Suakin remained intact and continuously inhabited by multi-generational families, and a fully functioning port, until the beginning of the twentieth century, when the British colonial power decided to move the port to Port Sudan. From the beginning of the sixteenth century, Suakin became the most prominent port on the Red Sea coast. Additionally, after the spread of Islam in Central and West Africa, Suakin became a major port for pilgrims travelling to Mecca. However, this does not mean that Suakin was used as a port for the first time then. Folklore takes Suakin back to the time of King Solomon The documented history of Suakin goes back to 750AD, but many scholars indicate that Suakin’s location is one of the oldest to serve as a port on the Red Sea (Al Shamiy 1961; Dirar 198). Already, in the second millennium BC, there is a mention of Suakin being used as a port, and the Red Sea has since been one of the main trading routes between the Mediterranean Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Moreover, it has been a historical bridge between Africa, Arabia, Asia, the Mediterranean, and Europe, encouraging trade, social and cultural contact between the surrounding countries (Dirar 1981; Abu Aisha 2002). Suakin was one of the longest-serving ports, and played a major role in the world of international trade and commercial exchange. 3.2 Suakin’s Cultural Heritage Suakin has a distinctive architecture and character of its own. It is characterised by its compactness, narrow, meandering streets, and minarets looming high in the skyspace. Houses in Gezira (island) are three or four stories high, white washed, with outwardly-projecting windows (Roshan), and are built of local coral. Gezira is comprised of several neighbourhoods, two main mosques, Zawias (mosques without minarets), Khalwas (Quranic schools) Souq (market), the harbour, and the commercial area. Similarly, the Gyef (coastal area) is subdivided into neighbourhoods, a main street and Souq, three main mosques, a number of Zawias, Khalwas, shrines, Carvansrai (travel lodge), school, prison, ginning factory, a wall which surrounds the Gyef and a main gate. Outside the wall, there are the quarantine station, cemetery, shrines, mosques and the wells which supply the town with fresh water, and residential area. Most importantly, Suakin is rich in intangible heritage expressed through religious festivals, rituals, ceremonies, beliefs, practices, and way of life, traditional knowledge, skills, crafts and so forth which is inseparable from the tangible heritage. Suakin has been on the UNESCO tentative list since 1994. 3.3 Present-day Suakin In present-day Suakin, religious buildings such as mosques, Khalwas, Zawias and shrines are maintained by the local community and continue their religious, educational and social role very much in the present. In contrast, the residential area and the Souq are deteriorating or have collapsed. In spite of the fact that the area is lacking in amenities, electricity and running water, people who resisted moving at the closure of the port at the turn of the last century continue to live there. Regardless of all the changes and polices implemented in the past (such as the removal of the rail line to Port Sudan, transferring the pilgrims’ departure to Port Sudan, restrictions on the size of boat building) which have impacted upon the economy and caused job losses in the area, and future economic expectations look grim, people try to maintain a sense of normality by holding onto their traditional ways of life. In spite of the continued deterioration of the physical landscape, Suakin continues to be used. There is a remarkable continuity, traditional knowledge and cultural transmission which brings the place to life. For example, fishing (including shell fishing using traditional methods), boat building and sail making, hereditary jobs, imams and Khalwas teachers continue into the present. Moreover, the traditions of shrine visitation, ceremonies, rituals, the coffee ceremony, and cuisine persist. The sea continues to form a major part of their life; it is the source of food, economy and medicine. Leisure and tradition are still lively. In the Souq street in present-day Suakin, people carry on and go about their lives, despite the decayed surroundings. Passers-by stop to greet each other, engage in conversation or

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stop for coffee and exchange news. The market serves many social and business functions. My ethnographic research revealed that the Suakinese have a strong attachment to Suakin, and a strong sense of identity, sense of place and belonging and pride, manifested by visiting, picnicking, poetry and narratives. My interviewees indicated a shared feeling that the land gives them a sense of who they are and where they come from, a link to ancestors and family history. This is how interviewees expressed their relationship with Suakin, when I asked them what Suakin means to them: ‘My grandfather, grandmother, my mother, father are all buried there...so there is a link between the soil, the land and my soul.’ (MPo 50s) ‘My ancestors are buried in Suakin ...so my soul, my flesh, my bones come from the earth of Suakin.’ (MPo 60s) A large number of families visit ancestral homes during public holidays. I asked, ‘Most of the houses are in ruin; why is the house important to you, even in its present state?’ The following responses illustrate its meaning: ‘The stones you see scattered here, they represent our people.’ (FSi 60s) ‘We consider the house ...even if it is just a pile of stones, as part of our being, part of our existence.’ (MKh 50s) ‘The house represents our roots; if anything happened to it, it would be like someone taking the roots and shredding them up. We even know the stones, who lived there and where; even when it is merely a pile of stones, every stone tells a story, we feel we belong to them.’ (FPo 50s) 4 CURRENT POLICIES AND HERITAGE VALUATION IN SUDAN In Sudan, as in the rest of Africa, legislative frameworks are influenced by a colonial conceptualisation of heritage which has survived even after independence. The colonial period marked not only the development of departments of antiquities and legal systems, but also the methods of selection, interpretation and protection of cultural heritage. Colonial perceptions of heritage embedded in the legislation reflect the view that, in order to be of value, heritage has to be ancient and tangible. Similarly, heritage valuation and identification is profoundly influenced by previous international conventions (UNESCO 1972). However, the way we understand cultural heritage has changed and what constitutes heritage has expanded during the last few decades and most countries have revised their legislation (especially in the West) to reflect new advancements. In Sudan, the practice has not caught up with that change and the opportunity has not been fully taken to embrace new developments in heritage. The law is outdated and fails to appreciate and recognise the multiplicity of heritage values; it remains monument-centric, undermining everyday heritage, and overlooking intangible heritage and continuous living traditions. The National Corporation for Antiquities and Museums’ (NCAM) legal protection to cultural heritage is extended to tangible heritage only. Consequently, Suakin is valued for its historicity and monumentality, which has been the cause of unease and conflict between heritage professionals and the Suakinese. Whereas professionals value Suakin as an ancient past, for the Suakinese it symbolises a living history - ‘their history’ - and it is part of their identity and who they are. This narrow view of heritage identification has put Suakin’s cultural heritage under extreme pressure and threat due to development and other natural and human factors. The Suakinese lack the financial means to restore their properties, and existing legislation does not allow government money to be spent on the restoration of private property. During the 1970s, NCAM did not provide protection when the town was still almost intact. Coral stones were removed and burned to produce lime by prisoners in al Gyef (6 kilns were constructed by the authorities). A Fisheries and Marine Division building was constructed, which threatened the foundations and concealed significant heritage. Visitors walked on walls and fragile staircases and burned wood from Rowashin, doors and fragments of floor boards for barbecues. To date, there is no incentive or employment for people to move back to Suakin, so most of the buildings are gradually crumbling. In 1994, UNESCO expert Barrylane recommended listing Suakin as a historical site, which NCAM considered as a basic necessity for state funds to be spent on any restoration work and to


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enable private owners to be compensated. Additionally, he suggested protection of heritage in order to preserve the remaining cultural environment and setting and to control development. Also, he advised detailed zoning, planning and building regulation to control future development on the Island, the Gyef and the surrounding area in such a way as to protect its historic character, together with an integrated restoration and community development project and the maintenance of a constant dialogue with the inhabitants (Barrylane1994). The UNESCO expert’s suggestions are very good measures, considering that a new port was planned to be constructed just one mile to the north of the old port. Nonetheless, his recommendations were not implemented or followed up. 5 AN OVERVIEW OF THE NEW PORT, DEVELOPMENT AND PROPOSED CONSERVATION The beginning of the 1990s marked a new era in Sudan, characterised by political, economic, and social changes. As a result of the oil boom, Sudan also embarked on rapid modernisation and development schemes. Demands on Port Sudan increased; the port could not cope and therefore a new port was necessary. ‘Osman Digna’s Port’ was built to the north of the old port of Suakin in 1991 (Interviews 2007; 2008-9). In the last two decades, there has been renewed interest in, and several proposals for, the conservation of the Gezira and for the development of al Gyef neighbourhood. These are both within the city wall and make up the old centre. The Gezira project has always been the undertaking of heritage and architects led by NCAM, but more recently the local authority and the Red Sea State authorities have also become interested in restoring the island for tourism, which is shown in the table below. I summarise these plans below and will discuss challenges and impact in the next section. 5.1 Al Gyef Development Plans 2004

The politically elected Commissioner resolved to clear much of the old Gyef, which would involve moving the inhabitants to new locations. A plan to build a Corniche (beach), widen the medieval narrow winding streets and beautify al Gyef for tourists.

2007

Red Sea State Governor aimed to develop Suakin into a Duty Free Zone and a Dubai on the Red Sea.

2011

The newly-appointed Commissioner disclosed to the media a new scheme of cooperation between the local authority and the Red Sea State authorities to develop tourism in the area, both national and international. Accordingly, the preliminary stages will start with immediate effect. These entail preparing the infrastructure, electricity, water and other services.

2011

Beautification and building work has already commenced in March 2011. A new building is under construction at present under the district governor’s directives.

5.2 Gezira Conservation Proposals 2007

A proposal by a Sudanese architect for reviving and rebuilding in the same style of architecture, also introducing a new sewage system, electricity, water, roads and other amenities. He suggested that when the owners could not meet the expense of rebuilding their properties, the government should take over the land. He recommended that the land should be used for building cinemas, a fun fair, theatre, museums and other facilities. He proposed to attract tourism and to establish sports such as sailing, water skiing, rowing and diving. He also wished to build modern cafes, restaurants, big department stores and all facilities where tourists could find comfort and entertainment.

2007

In response to the UNESCO 1994 recommendations, a Master Plan was prepared in 1997. This was completed by Mr. Mallinson and endorsed by the then Minister of


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2007 (cont.)

2011

Culture. The Minister declared that there would be three main areas: one for cultural activities including a museum and a market, an educational area including hotels to create employment in tourist-related jobs, and a third area for private owners. The first stage of the plan would be to build on government-owned land where there was no legal question. This phase would include restoring government-owned buildings, mosques, building a shopping centre, museum, diving centre, hotels and a Corniche and developing the fishing industry. The new Commissioner revealed a plan to restore the island’s heritage to attract tourism to the area. For the revival of the island, he confirmed signing an agreement with a Turkish Company. The first part will involve restoring the mosques, the customs offices and the supporting services. The company will supply expertise and building materials for the owners. who have the funds to build their homes, which they can then use to accommodate tourists. Restoration on the island by the Turkish company was already underway in April 2011

6 CHALLENGES, THREATS AND SHORTCOMINGS 6.1 Pressure and Conflict The building of the new port was received with great enthusiasm. Initially, the new development and conservation were seen as an opportunity, as people hoped for new jobs and the longawaited revival and regeneration of the old town. However, all the excitement was short-lived. The development and the method of its execution were seriously criticised by the Suakinese, who believed that it had numerous shortcomings. They raised a number of issues and concerns. Buildings are considered the property of the state if not privately owned, therefore local and state authorities are free to flatten them to the ground. This has resulted in the loss of a large number of buildings. The demolition included the old hospital on al Gyef, which was replaced by new local authority offices, and the partial demolition of the quarantine station, which was of historical significance to people who worked there and to the pilgrims who travelled to it. A number of bunkers, where people remember playing when they were young, were also filled in. The reservoir was totally buried and two neighbourhoods were restructured and people relocated (Interviews 2008-9). Additionally, visits, picnicking and fishing near the port were prohibited. The new port stands on part of the old cemetery and on Graham Island; one of the most contentious acts was to stop local people from using the old cemetery. Developers also removed the grave of one of the most popular holy men in the area, which is a taboo; his shrine was still actively visited. The shrine, which had religious significance, was demolished, and ritual places which are fundamental for historical continuity and the transmission of knowledge exemplified in the rich religious ceremonies, traditions and rituals. In addition, the port authority fenced off the rest of the cemetery and three more shrines, which were actively in use, so that people now need permission in order to visit. 6.2 Compliance with Sustainable Goals Successful conservation and development plans demand receptiveness to the needs of stakeholders, communities, and contemporary society, and are area-specific to meet the needs of particular places and their context (Winter 2008). Sustainable conservation necessitates long term planning. Mutal (2011) argues that the why, the how and the what of rehabilitation of historic/inner cities dictates an inclusive policy and programme which goes beyond heritage. ‘Heritage is only one component and if treated in itself in isolation it is not sustainable’ (ibid 2011:63). The case of Suakin stresses the paramount importance of the inclusion of social significance assessment prior to any development or conservation plans. Although this has been implemented in many countries, it is still not adopted in Sudan. Cultural heritage in the developing world is exploited mainly for tourism and as a resource to boost the economy; as such, the communities are usually sidelined and their attachment to cultural heritage, uses and meanings becomes a casualty of development (Winter 2011). Effective sustainable development which neither inflicts damage upon cultural heritage nor impedes the connection between people and


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places can only be achieved by understanding emotional links and associations involving the community. Uncoordinated approaches are deficient; sustainable development necessitates a multidisciplinary and integrated management approach which links the safeguarding of cultural heritage with the sustainable development of historic places. The balance between the safeguarding of heritage and development supports the protection of traditions, culture, memory and sense of place and the uniqueness of place, but also creates new economic opportunities. Unquestionably, this is not simple to achieve, but the best options for the cultural context should be assessed. Integrated, comprehensive and holistic plans should aim to avoid radical interventions involving major loss of heritage, and the severing of experiences, associations and traditions. Current development and conservation plans in Suakin are envisaged separately and not as a unified whole. The construction of the port was ill-conceived and it was not built with a regeneration plan, local people or heritage in mind. It was hastily completed, with neither feasibility study nor evaluation of social values. Much of the island and the old town are now bounded by the port and gas plant development and new infrastructure, which fail to recognise it as a continuous cultural and social process which is valued by contemporary groups, who value the place and still find it relevant to their lives. Suakin has played a significant role in enriching people’s lives, and they in turn have enriched the place with meanings. The development was accompanied by a large-scale demolition and erection of new buildings in their place instead of re-using the old buildings.T The development disadvantaged the people and altered their familiar landscape. Moreover, external experts, who do not know the community or what is significant to them, exercised power and control in access to places which are of religious and historical connotation to the community, and which are evidently necessary to their sense of history and continuity. These places also have a role in the (re)affirmation and creation of memory, identity and sense of place (Interviews 2008-9; Taha 2011). In Suakin, there are currently two ports, the old and the new, which are clashing, as related to me by my interviewees: ‘I cried when I saw the lights from the new port reflecting on the ruins of the old port...it was painful to me.’ (FSi 80s) 6.3 Importance of the Local Community in Heritage Management The relocation of the local community from neighbourhoods outside the wall, and the planned relocation of local community from the Gyef area, demonstrated a total disregard for the significance of the close-knit community, kin and neighbour. People were put among strangers who did not share their traditions or values. The rationale behind mixing people from different backgrounds was to assimilate and integrate the different groups. Similarly, the majority of employment goes to people from outside the area and local residents are not given job priority. Locals report a lack of improvement in amenities and services in the old neighbourhoods; in particular, there is no direct water supply and they need to purchase it daily. There is no electricity in the old districts, and together with new shops and markets in the new areas, this means that the main market closes early and therefore loses business to the new markets. Small shop owners in the old neighbourhoods had to close for lack of business, and many people lost their livelihoods. The following quotes reflect the community’s discontent: ‘People knew each other. The new planning and relocation moved people to different areas and mixed people together; now you hardly see the people you know, only by chance.’ (MSu 70s) ‘It was better before, Suakin was smaller; we all used to meet at prayer time in the mosque and at the Souq; now we are scattered.’ (MSu 20s) ‘The new Souqs killed the main Souq, the market was full of activity.’ (MPo 50s) Furthermore, cars and trucks from the port and constant traffic use the area in front of the women’s beach as a short-cut. Permission was also given to some cafes to open directly opposite the women’s beach, which in a conservative society violates their freedom and impinges on their everyday life: ‘Women are so exposed now; some families do not allow their daughters to go swimming.’ (FSu 20s)

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Most importantly, the idea of a Corniche is contrary to their customs and values. It will disadvantage boat builders, fishermen, women, children and leisure activities; moreover it will disrupt the long-term relationship with the sea. The following quote sums up their view: ‘We do not like a Corniche in Suakin; it changes the character of the old town, brings unfamiliar values and customs. We do not want Western values, it will change the social fabric.’ (MSu 40s) Locals criticize the lack of planning for health and environmental control which has accompanied the development. Owing to the flood of migrants, there is more waste, rubbish and litter. Fumes from the increased volume of traffic are also polluting the environment. Immigration and the consequent population growth put pressure on housing and infrastructure. In addition, new entrance fees to the old town imposed since the 1990s did not exempt owners, people who live locally or school children. 7 CONCLUSION The conservation and development of the most eminent port in Sudan has been treated as a commodity, valued for economic generation and tourism maximisation rather than for cultural and social significance. The problem stems from the fact that professionals have not yet adopted current understandings of cultural heritage or heritage conservation practices. Experts continue working with outdated concepts of management, planning, and stewardship focused on the single value of the physical fabric. Moreover, the buildings are regarded as monuments and relics, rather than as ancestral homes full of individual and collective memories and experiences as revealed by my ethnographic research. Cultural heritage is primary to sustainable development, cultural diversity and the inclusion of multiple values. What will be lost, if it is not sustained, is the cultural and social link to Suakin. There is no universal sustainable conservation or development kit relevant to all places, but rather the best option relevant to the area, historical, social and cultural context and traditions. All the present plans for the historic centre will lead to prettification of the area for tourism consumption, rather than to regeneration of the area. A great opportunity to embrace the maritime and commercial past of Suakin as a town and port with the contemporary social meaning has been lost. Conservation and development are urgently needed, but regrettably at the moment this opportunity has not been utilised. What is more, they threaten tangible heritage and jeopardize the uniqueness of the area. It is inadequate to conserve cultural heritage if the conservation is not integrated with sustainable development options to benefit the community. This paper argues that it is imperative to understand the social values of historic cities and to have a holistic and comprehensive vision of how to bring together the needs of the inhabitants with the safeguarding of the cultural heritage; a holistic cultural vision to coordinate social, cultural, economic and environmental issues into a single sustainable development programme. The ultimate goal of conservation is not to conserve material for its own sake, but rather to maintain the values embodied by the community, with physical intervention or treatment being one of many means. The case of Suakin suggests that historic cities cannot be preserved sustainably with isolated, disjointed and incoherent planning. Sustainable heritage conservation demands a multidisciplinary approach, which calls for collaboration between all stakeholders to get the best result, not just a ‘top down’ approach. Modernisation can take place without risking the loss of cultural distinctiveness and diversity or severing the uses of heritage and cultural continuity. Recognising peoples’ social relations and the meaning of place increases our ability to endorse social and cultural sustainability. Equally essential to sustainable development is remembering whose heritage we are protecting, and for whom. Last but not least, it should always be remembered that the local community should be at the forefront and heart of all development schemes. Unsustainable development results in the loss of community memory associated with a traditional built environment; it endangers sense of identity, sense of place and belonging. The plans to restore the town are likely to obstruct the transmission of social and cultural inheritance and disrupt traditional modes of social and cultural practices where family, cultural, religious and working life are closely integrated and interdependent.


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REFERENCES Abu Aisha, M. H. 2002. Suakin Oumm Al Howader. Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. Al Shamiy, S. 1961. Sudanese ports. Cairo, Egypt: Egypt Book Shop Publishers. Australia ICOMOS (1979, last revised 1999). The Australia ICOMOS Charter for Places of Cultural Significance (The Burra Charter). Avrami, E., Mason, R., & de la Torre, M. 2000. Values and heritage conservation search report. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute. Clarke, A., & Johnston, C. 2003. Time, memory, place and land: social meaning and heritage conservation in Australia. In: 14th ICOMOS General Assembly and International Symposium. Cleere, H. 1989. Archaeological heritage management in the modern world. London: Unwin Hyman. de la Torre, M. (ed.) 2002. Assessing the values of cultural heritage research report. Los Angeles: The Getty Conservation Institute. Dirar, M.S. 1981. The history of Suakin and the Red Sea. Khartoum: Al Dar Al Sudaniyyia for Books. Gibson, L.& Pendlebury, J. 2009. Introduction: valuing historic environments, In: L. Gibson and J. Pendelbury, Valuing Historic Environments. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Imon, Sharief Shams 2008. Managing change in the historic city of Macao. In: Historic Environment, Vol.12, No.3, pp.16-21. Logan, W. S. 2008. Cultural diversity, heritage and human rights. In: B. Graham and P. Howard (eds.), The Ashgate research companion to heritage and identity. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd. Lowenthal, D.1990. Conclusion: archaeologists and others. In: Peter Gathercole and D. Lowenthal (eds.), The politics of the past. London: Routledge Mutal, S. 2011. The future of historic cities: a practitioner’s experience. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Archontia Polyzoudi, Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Environment, Vol. 23(1), pp.61-66. Rodwell, D.2011. Theory and practice in sustainable urban development. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Archontia Polyzoudi, Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Environment, Vol. 23(1), pp.8-15.

Stovel, H.2003. Foreword, Working towards the Nara Document. In: Knut Einar Larsen (ed.), The Nara Conference Proceedings. Japan: Agency for Cultural Affairs UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 1995.

Taha, S. (2011). Suakin’s sacred landscape: shrine visitation. In: Sérgio Lira, Rogério Amodéda, Cristina Pinherio (eds.), Sharing cultures 2011, Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Intangible Heritage, Tommar, Portugal 3-6 July. Barcelos, Portugal: Green Lines Institute. UNESCO (1972). Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO. (2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Paris: UNESCO. UNESCO.2005. Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. Paris: UNESCO. Winter, T.2008. Heritage and development: introduction. Human Environment, Vol. 21, no.3, pp.2-4. Winter, T.2011. Urban futures: some concluding thoughts. In: Afroditi Chatzoglou, Archontia Polyzoudi, Marie Louise Stig Sørensen and Shadia Taha (eds.), Historic cities, Historic Environment, Vol. 23(1), pp.66-67.

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Bamboo entwines: a design intervention to envision culture and innovation values of local crafts F. Valsecchi STF2 EU Science& Technology Fellowship Programme, Europe-China

S. Pollastri Studio TEKTAO, Research Department, Shanghai, China

L. Yongqi Tongji University, College of Design&Innovation, Shanghai, China

ABSTRACT: We introduce a design research project about design and local crafts. The research playground belongs to a wider program about social innovation located in Chongming Island, fundamental rural area of Shanghai. We contribute to new directions of urban planning taking into account community factors, and the immaterial values of local resource like bamboo craftsmanship. We start a co-design project interacting directly with the locals, working to reconstruct the social cohesion around a stronger local identity. The paper fully describe the research and design activities. Even the project is still a work-in-progress, it has already emerged the notion of cultural artifacts as new heritage: value is not technical quality embedded in forms and processes, but in the way they are integrated in the social lifestyles and patterns.

1

ONGOING RESEARCH ON TERRITORIAL CAPITAL: A GENERAL FRAMEWORK

In this paper we present and discuss an ongoing research project that incorporates design and craftsmenship. The project has a clear geographical dimension in the rural island of Chongming, explores border relationships with the city of Shanghai, and leverages characteristics of the Chinese countryside with the aim to achieve a more fair urban balance in the economic and social fabric. Moreover, we consider in an articulated and connected system, the issues of local identity, immaterial heritage and the role of service design in the implementation of community based benefits, framing the intervention in the broader ongoing social innovation research. In the literature the relationship between identity, local territories and cultural heritage has been widely documented, adopting a multidisciplinary approach in practice intervention of heritage preservation and transmission. In particular, our background stems from the last decade of research within the community of design research at Politecnico di Milano (INDACO Department for Industrial Design, Arts, Communication and Fashion, Milan), that widely explored the relationship between the territory and its resources, and the local development conceived as a strategic challenge for design research and practice (main references researches: Me.Design and D.Cult, national based researches co-funded by MIUR Ministry of University and Research in 2002-2006). This research has contributed to the literature on sustainable development by defining, through a design approach that integrates design research and field experimentation, models that include territory, local development, and sustainability in a coherent system. In this system design can be involved in envisioning a virtuous connection between territorial resources and local development. The territory itself is recognized to have a peculiar value, on which design inter-

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vention strategically leverages; in the literature this concept is defined as “territorial capital” (Villari 2005; Zurlo 2003a). The concept of territorial capital describes the place as an articulated set of material resources and immaterial values, physical goods, human resources, activities, habits, know-how, expertise, cultural forms and identity governance structure, externalization and communication. The territorial capital is the synthesis of all the values and resources that characterize a territory. It is described as a multi-layer structure, on which design intervention can drive innovation by integrating these resources (Castelli, A., Vignati, A., Villari, B., 2005). From these findings we base our knowledge on the connection that design has with the disciplines that study the territory and its role in this framework. The project we are discussing applies these findings to the specific context of Chongming island, a rural area close to Shanghai. It tries to clarify which are the specific characteristics of the territory we research, and which design actions can be implemented to preserve and enhance the local heritage. From an operative point of view, since a rich background of research on the topic is not available for our context, our work has a much less systematic approach than the ones conducted by Politecnico; it is a more ethnographic process based on learning by experiencing. Once more, “the design for territories also represents an integrated approach into the design discipline: strategic design and services design to build scenarios, to propose design visions of local development using some themes of sense making such as the brand as collector of a coordinated system of the territorial offer.” (Parente, Villari 2010) 2

DESIGN AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGE OF RURAL CHINA

In this framework of local valorization, the projects we are describing involve bamboo crafts as a relevant asset we discovered within the territorial capital of our rural neighbourhood. From a design perspective, the whole action aims to the exploitation and valorization of the territorial resources (territorial capital) through a service based approach. A success plan of territorial valorization requires innovation benefits at local levels, and the capacity to generate value for a territory with a long-term perspective; “this means also to consider the local values and the heritage (Magnaghi 2000) and thus favouring what, in Europe, is referred to as 'integrated local development'”(Villari 2005). In the context of the urban sprawl of China, the challenge of cultural based valorization is crucial (Mars, Hornsby 2010; den Hartog 2011), and bamboo can be considered a strategic area of intervention (among the several that we could explore in China) rather than a presidium (in the sense and meaning that the word represents by Carlo Petrini, founder of Slow Food movement). Chongming Island faces the typical challenges of most rural environments: an unbalanced social structure, scarcity of public life, weakness in culture based activities and culture values, poor infrastructure. As a general consequence and social impact, traditional rural ways of living and producing are considered unattractive, and rural areas tend to be excluded from community awareness and economic development. As a major impact, social ties fragment and local identity becomes weaker and weaker. In previous research (initiated in 2009) we found that one of the assets of the rural areas is the local heritage of knowledge, that in Chongming is represented by craftsmanship, in particular bamboo weaving or woodworking. On the island, bamboo represents a system of values for all who produce and use the artefacts, and around bamboo, communities gather with rituals, daily routine and convivial moments. This immaterial heritage of knowledge produces artefacts that are functional, practical, and entwine stories from the local place. Nevertheless, there is not clear recognition, communication and appreciation of these practices, that are hidden inside local communities. The result is that crafts skills in Chongming island, are a disappearing part of the “Intangible Cultural Heritage” (ICH) of the place. According to UNESCO, ICH includes “practices, representations, expressions, knowledge, skills – as well as the instruments, objects, artefacts and cultural spaces associated therewith – that communities, groups and, in some cases individuals recognises as a part of their cultural heritage” (UNESCO, 2003, article 2.1). The low interest of the younger generation towards these practices poses a threat to the transmission of this knowledge. One of the main characteristics of ICH is its inclusivity, and the fact that it grows and develops when it is adopted by new actors, contributing to the cohesion of the local community and providing continuity to its identity. If this


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process stops, then the safeguard of craft skills becomes a mere act of preservation of the past rather than valorisation of a living knowledge of a community. The social fabric we described around bamboo is linked in literature to the concept of “typical knowledge” (Lupo, 2008), that represents a kind of distributed heritage that is not manifested in distinctive spectacular creative forms but rooted in activities, places and history. This typical knowledge embodies the social fabric because it can represent productive knowledge (the ability of a community to make, like the traditional crafts), but is also relational, (because it includes social habits, rituals, customs within the community), and re-productive (when defined as the identity of a place by the external communication of the community, languages and all the forms of expressions, or the “way to represent” a community). As Lupo explains, in the UNESCO definition typical knowledge is a crucial factor for local cultural identity and a key issue for sustainable development. Therefore design intervention excludes practices of museification, and explores the use value of knowledge heritage. The aim of the paper is to discuss a very practical and operative dimension of design for craft valorization. Crafts are not museum objects, but are instead artefacts that embody cultural use values, and enable the acknowledgement and manipulation of knowledge heritage. Within a design based valorization process, crafts evolve from being form-function based (in which use and performance are the main assets) to form-meaning based, in which immaterial values more clearly emerge. As Lupo says, “We strongly believe that both craft and design can benefit from this relation, if making it sustainably deal with innovation more than with the continuation of a tradition” (Lupo, 2010). As the authors have previously found (Authors, 2010), design can trigger local innovation through the exploitation of use value of the local knowledge, by the capacity to enhance and make this heritage accessible as a system and a process for new different uses and users, by respecting sustainability factors that preserve the existence and continuity of a local knowledge and preserving its specificities but integrating them within the context of the interdependent contemporary world. Traditional crafts are disappearing in Chongming, and activities such as weaving and sewing are carried out just by elderly people. One of our aims is to transform an activity that is considered not appealing and confined to the creation of daily use tools for work in the field (mainly baskets), to a higher value design process, in which designers and producers cooperate to improve the technique and aesthetics. Artefacts that embody cultural meaning, such as the crafts skills we are referring, are “open-ended knowledge system” (Sennett, 2009), a repertory of forms and processes that can be used as a source and raw material to be manipulated and adapted to local evolution. “As repertoire, it is always embodied and is always manifested in performance, in action, in doing” (Kirshenblatt Gimblett, 2004). The concept of repertory explicitly refers to manipulation possibilities and transformation of knowledge bases; it extends the cataloguing procedures of preservation to the referred concept of open-ended knowledge system, being by its nature “evolving and transforming by time and therefore “open” to different interpretations, uses, applications” (Sennett 2009). Our role as a design research group, is to help visualizing the importance of this inheritance, help preservation and documentation, and support and assist the transformation and adaptation within new complex paradigms of production and diffusion. We recognize the value of the wealth (meaning with “wealth” the Wealth of Networks by Benkler with no reference to “money”) and the vitality of countryside culture, but we also recognize important opportunities and challenges in contemporary Chinese society that is hovering between culture exploitation and sustainable innovation. Social based production and entrepreneurial systems that follow the model of the “soft economy” (Cianciullo, Realacci 2005), supporting cross fertilization between craft and design, can be promising directions in this paradigm. 3

DESIGN ENTWINES

The project dates back to early 2011, even if the research background belongs to a wider research program about social innovation within rural China (Authors, 2012 ), and was developed to design strategies that can support equal and mutual benefits in the exchange of the resources between the rural and urban development, contributing to new directions of urban planning that take into account community factors. In this context, Design Entwines explores ways to preserve and input values to the local production of crafts, starting from a direct interaction with

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the people in the villages and acting to reconstruct the social cohesion around a stronger local identity. We want to verify the hypothesis that the “use value” of local culture relies on the capacity of design to enhance and make accessible this heritage as a system and as a process for new uses and users. Therefore, the research question develops around two main directions: on one hand design works to create experiences of fruition of the typical knowledge, make it accessible and understandable inside and outside the community of creation (process that is referred in literature as “by storytelling of the distinctive resources by means of a coordinated brand policy” (Parente, Villari 2010). In the other direction design enhances the value of local culture through new design solutions that can include products, services or strategies that respect the connection with the tradition and empower new knowledge uses. Design action focuses on the territorial capital in order to highlight feature and implement strategy for an appropriate competitive positioning. The project is a middle term plan, estimated to have a year time lapse, at the end of which we would be able to evaluate the impact of design intervention according to three strategies: a) communication and network oriented, focused on branding and distribution for the local products aimed at effectively embodying the final product's knowledge format and contents from the immaterial heritage and the place; b) product-service system oriented, that envisions market based services between city and rural, allowing fair and direct exchange of resources and facilitating dialogue. In this strategy we hope to make a stronger connection among the citizens' networks and the villagers' communities; c) product oriented, that focuses on direct interaction between designers and craftsmen and enhances cooperation between professional creativity and experiential creativity. This strategy is based on the idea that one asset of heritage preservation relies on a living use of knowledge and the production of a new one. We are aware that this represents a broad approach to design, in which we are challenged by the systemic disciplinary intervention; nevertheless, if design impact is responsibly defined (in its broader extension) by the capacity to envision better futures, systemic approach is needed. Our aim is to revitalize the craft process, through multiplication of the products, enhance and create use contexts and prototype sustainable production chains, which are strongly rooted in immaterial values and benefits. At this stage, we want to describe the current structure and preliminary results. The project is articulated as in-depth continuous field research, which we negotiated by forming a trustworthy relationship with the local community. In addition, complementary action research tasks emerge, such as a co-design project of bamboo artefacts (local branded), to be sold in local markets and within communities of interest (in which we experience the need and the delicacy of a direct co-design interaction). Also, we develop solution scenarios and design visions through a dense activity of workshops and teaching initiatives directly in the field. Briefly, the following diagrams (Fig. 1) summarizes the project structure.

Figure 1. Structure diagram of Design Entwines project


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Mainly, the objective is to encourage people to recognize and manipulate the social fabric, through co-design initiatives between design and crafts (main users, the local community). The process of co-design enables the embodiment in the artefacts of the crafts typical knowledge and the open ended system of immaterial heritage is made factual. At a deeper level, the co-design action more easily empowers social discourse about the immaterial heritage with design intervention contributing to extend the use value of the artefacts, as well as expands the community of interests around the production community (main users, society and citizenship). This is pursued through a process of progressive reflection and small scale protoyping in a design process that lacks of structured management but abounds with serendipity. Summarizing, Design Entwines expresses specificity and goals at the level of creative process (co-design), as well as the social impact (urban rural sustainable engagement) and the methodology statement (progressive prototyping). In the following paragraphs we will detail the process of co-design and discuss some preliminary outputs.

Figure 2. our friend, master bamboo waver Shi Laoshi at the workshop.

4

EXTENSIVE DESCRIPTION OF THE CO-DESIGN PROCESS

Our design process can be seen as a reiterative cycle, in which every intervention can be seen in terms of results and accomplishments, but also as a starting point and raw material for a following one. This series of actions that follow one another creates a process of continuous learning that strengthens vertical knowledge, structures the relationship between the actors involved on both sides and creates a documentation that can be used for communication and adoption in other contexts. In the design cycle different phases involve, in different moments, the design team, the craftsman or both of them. These last ones are those in which the process of mutual learning and understanding, as well as what we refer to as co-design activities, take place. Physical outcomes of this process are objects that are no longer only objects, but “devices for symbolic and cultural mediation” (Branzi, 2007).


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Figure 3. Diagram of Co.design process

4.1 A. Exploration As already mentioned, in the early stages of the project we had to face the lack of available relevant literature on the specific context. For a general research on the local area, we relied on our previous experiences in Chongming island, that familiarized us with other aspects of the territory, especially the social system. The first step of the ethnographic and exploration process has been to visit different villages to map the existing production system and understand its characteristics and unspoken rules. From the beginning we identified two models of bamboo craftsmanship: a stall in local markets or a workspace annexed to the farmhouse. Typically, in the first case, standardized products were sold, sometimes also available in woven plastic strips (which is more flexible, faster to weave and durable than bamboo). The second type of craftsmen has normally less products available “in store” and prefers to make-to-order. The formal experiment and the customization level is extremely relevant in this case. The possibility to have a more constructive and continuous dialogue with someone who is already used to discuss the details of his work led us to choose this second type of craftsman as an interlocutor. Other craftsmen that have been involved in some activities (mainly the DESIS workshop, which will be referred later) do not weave bamboo, but use bamboo poles to build stairs, stools, chairs and other furniture. Different techniques require different tools and skills, so craftsmen tend to specialize either in woven objects or construction. In the following table major types of bamboo production techniques are organized and described as observed during field work. Table 1. bamboo production techniques and setting discovered by field exploration

products Bamboo weaving in the market

materials

baskets and tools for agricul- Bamboo strips, ture, bike baskets, simple ob- plastic strips jects for the house and daily life (snake traps, brooms etc)

customization no

Bamboo baskets and tools for agricul- Bamboo strips weaving in a ture, preparation and workshop processing (ie. drier and steamer)

yes

Bamboo fur- Stools, chairs, stairs, small niture tables...

yes

Bamboo strips and poles

4.2 B. Idea generation and Concept The main outcome of the first phase is a set of documents that describe local techniques, presented in a visual-textual language, our insights of the brand to be created. Starting from the characteristics of the procedures, the tools used and existing catalogue of crafts, some ideas have been sketched by members of the design team. As a first trial for a long term collaboration, we decided to propose to the craftsmen a series of planters that are very similar to the baskets they already produced. To focus our efforts on the process and the way we can build mutual trust, we decided to start with objects they are familiar with, in terms of technique and function. The unfinished concepts designed during this phase by the team are meant to be used as raw material in the co-design activity.


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4.3 C. Co-design The co-design phase of the process is the one in which the design team goes to the island to discuss the sketches with the craftsman in his workshop and finalize a proposal that will be realized in the next step. Since the concepts we submit are (and are meant to be) in an early stage of development, we always take with us, together with the sketches, a series of inspirational images and models, in order to facilitate the communication. Designer and craftsman are now working together in a team, where specific competencies and capabilities are recognized and valorized, where the value of the craftsman's work is fully recognized, and also their way of operating, “thinking with hands” (Sennett, 2009). The final agreement on the details is reached through a discussion and several sketches on paper. 4.4 D. Production and diffusion The production task is left to the craftsman, who is free to accomplish it according to his schedule. At this stage of the project we haven't involved, in any way, the craftsmen in the distribution and communication system, which is locally managed by the design team. We recognize, though, the value of storytelling of the whole process and the role that the craftsman can have in the communication. In the future we will work to develop a more systematic and participative communication and documentation of the process. 5

PRELIMINARY OUTPUTS OF THE PROJECT

One of the most relevant outputs is the brand for a collection of objects designed and produced in collaboration with the local craftsmen. The final result will be a series of small objects that become the visible link between the rural and the urban communities. Around these objects different stories will be interlaced and made visible by different communication techniques, both online and offline. The brand has been conceived to give more importance to the production process more than the product itself. Objects have a story embedded; it is the story of their creation. Every object tells the story of the encounter between the designer and the craftsman. So objects are alive, warm, human. The process of weaving symbolically refers to the building of a relationship. First, we applied the concept to a house basket conceived for urban gardening that allows direct transfer of soil bags from one basket to a bigger basket. Then, to a bamboo pot for steaming rice, with a minimum use of resources. Again, on an exhibition decoration appliance for a picture showcase. The design plan doesn't include clear foresight of the final collection, and as previously mentioned, the process mainly follows unpredictable creation directions. Nevertheless, the process is showing a progressive consolidation of the interaction with craftsmen and a more clear and shared discourse about the directions themselves. While this affects and slows the efficiency of the whole process, it is absolutely positive for the consolidation of a sustainable codesign backstage.

Figure 4. Artefact A - The urban gardening bamboo pot

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Figure 5. Artefact B – the bamboo rice cooker As a second example, we will discuss the Summer School organized within the framework of DESIS initiatives, which took place last year. In August 2011 a workshop was organized with 40 students coming from Chinese, European and South American universities to prototype a practitioner middle-scale activity in several bamboo workshop spaces. Among the workshop results, the main achievement has been the very practical kick off of cooperation with the villagers. Currently we are developing middle-long term relationships with craftsmen from two villages of the island. The field research conducted allowed the students to interact closely with the craftsmen, and experience a full cycle design process from concept design to implementation. The work of these groups has been based on mutual trust between them and the locals, and this enhanced the quality and the detailed scale of the results. There were two main relevant outcomes that will be further explored in ongoing research within the core research team. The first outcome develops a locally based market strategy for already existing small-scale producers by offering them branding artefacts and tools to use in an enlarged market space. Another group focused, instead, on the craft process itself, and used a very practical and DIY approach. New product concepts were envisioned during the one-week co-design of students and craftsmen, and we are currently developing with them the first collaborative collection of basket, planters and lamps.

Figure 6. Students working at the bamboo workshop during DESIS summerschool

Figure 7. Sample of material studies from the workshop


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The tentative (and in some case the chance) to revitalize the workshop places as well as input new values and storytelling in the product manufacturing are main contributions of these preliminary outputs. 6

DISCUSSION AND FUTURES

Summarizing,the paper presented a systematized way the notions of territorial capital, user value and local immaterial heritage, discussing theoretical discussion as well as an extend ongoing case study within the field of design for social innovation. The case represents an example of cooperation across design and crafts that aim to a wider positive impact in sustainable development within China urbanization. Even the project is still a work-in-progress has already emerged that the objects of the design that grounds on the values of localism are cultural artefacts, and they can enable the envision of new heritage, because value is not a technical quality embedded in forms and processes, but in the way artefacts themselves are integrated in the social lifestyles and patterns. Once more is clear that approached to sustainability requires wide and systemic consideration of heritage, social, economical and communities aspects. The project will continue to more practical implementation and the progressive adjustment of the co-design process, according to the quality of the design results. We expect to contribute in the future with further publication about the completion of the process. Moreover, an important remark about future outputs is necessary: a more deep consideration will be given also to the storytelling of the local heritage, using design to create ways of fruition of the typical knowledge, make it accessible and understandable also outside the community of creation. This documenting artefacts are necessary outcomes of the field research and the local exploration, and belongs to the system of immaterial heritage as well as the raw knowledge that we are experiencing. Within the specific context of China, one final consideration is given. Facing the challenge of a more sustainable balance between urban areas development and countryside, a very relevant impact comes from the continuous research on cultural aspects and social fabric, and it's the gradual, even if slow shift from a conservative self-confidence of the craftsmen towards a progressive feeling of participation, that makes more easy the occurrence of fresh creative activities and the personal empowerment. REFERENCES Authors, 2010, conference paper Authors, 2012 forthcoming, monography book Bauwens M., 2007. Peer to Peer and Human Evolution, Foundation for P2P Alternatives, p2pfoundation.net. Benkler Y. 2006. The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, Yale University Press. Branzi A. (ed by), Capire il design, Giunti, 2007 Brenna L., Lupo E., Seassaro A., Trocchianesi R., 2009. The Italian Design Research and Practice in Cultural Heritage Exploitation, in Cumulus 38 South Hemispheric shift across learning,teaching and research Conference Proceedings, RMIT-Swinburne University, Melbourne, 2009 Castelli, A., Vignati, A., Villari, B. (a cura di), 2005. SDI Design Review 02: ME.Design. Il contributo del design allo sviluppo locale, Polidesign, Milano Cianciullo, Realacci, 2005. Soft Economy. BUR Biblioteca Universale Rizzoli, Milano, 2005 EUROPEAN COMMISSION, Office de coopération EuropeAid (ed. by) 2007. Strategy for the development of Euro-Mediterranean cultural heritage: priorities from Mediterranean countries (2007–2013), Bruxelles Greffe X., Pflieger, S. (ed. by) 2005. Culture and local development, OCSE-OECD Publishing, Paris Gunetti L., Lupo E., Piredda F. 2009. Designing digital formats for cultural production and exploitation: from accessibility to use value in “Cultural Heritage on line International Conference Proceedings”, Firenze

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Harry den Hartog, alii, 2011. Shanghai New Towns. Searching for community and identity in a sprawling metropolis , 010 Publisher, Netherands, 2011 Kirshenblatt Gimblett B. 2004. Intangible heritage as metacultural production, in Museum International 56: 52-64 Lupo E., Giunta E., Trocchianesi R., 2011. Design Research and Cultural Heritage: Activating the Value of Cultural Assets as Open-ended Knowledge Systems, Design Principles and Practices: An International Journal.Volume 5, 2011, http://www.Design-Journal.com, ISSN 1833-1874 Lupo E., 2010. Beyond craft Culture. Designing a new contemporary authentic, in Design&Craft Conference proceedings, Bruxelles, 2010 Lupo E., 2009a. Il design per i beni culturali. Pratiche e processi innovativi di valorizzazione, FrancoAngeli, Milano, 2009. Lupo E., Campagnaro C., 2009b. Designing connected places, Editrice Compositori, Milano Lupo E., 2008. Beyond localism, looking for sustainability. Designing “typical knowledge” active-action, in Cipolla C., Peruccio P. P. (ed. by), Changing the change proceedings, Allemandi, Torino Magnaghi, A. (2000), Il progetto locale, Bollati Boringhieri, Torino Manzini, Ezio. 2006. The Scenario of a Multi-local Society: Creative Communities, Active Networks and Enabling Solutions. In Designers, Visionaries and Other Stories a Collection of Sustainable Design Essays. London: Earthscan Neville Mars, Adrian Hornsby, 2010. The Chinese Dream: A Society Under Construction, 010 Publisher, Netherands, 2010 Mulgan, Geoff. 2006. Social Innovation. London: The Basingstoke Press OECD. 2001. Cities and regions in the new learning economy. Paris: OECD. Parente M., Villari B., 2010. Design, system, territory: a multidisciplinary didactic activity to enhance places. Connected 2010 2nd International Conference on Design Education June 2010, University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia Sennett Richard, 2009. The Craftsman, Penguin Adult, London UNESCO, 2003. Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage.- online resource http://www.unesco.org/culture/ich/index.php?pg=00002 http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001325/132540e.pdf Vignati A., 2004. Design e ricerca-azione per la valorizzazione dei beni culturali” in Celaschi, F., Trocchianesi, R. (a cura di), Design e beni culturali. La cultura del progetto nella valorizzazione del bene culturale, Polidesign, Milano Villari B., 2005. Il design per lo sviluppo locale. Attività e strumenti del design per valorizzare il capitale territoriale, unpublished PhD dissertation, INDACO Dpt. XVII ciclo, Politecnico di Milano. Zurlo F., 2003a. Voce del glossario ME.Design: Capitale territoriale in Castelli, A., Villari, B. (a cura di), STAR. Sistema Topologico Argomentativo della Ricerca Me.design, Cd-rom, Polidesign, Milano Zurlo F., Simonelli G., 2003b. Me.design Research. Exploiting resources in the Mediterranean area what is the role of design?, in G. Simonelli e L. Collina (a cura di), Designing Designers Design for a local global world. Milano: Poli.Design


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Cultural heritage in sustainable development of a urban context: a case study of Ragusa G. Vecchio University of Catania, Catania, Italy

ABSTRACT: The preservation of a complex of historical centres which share many heritages, historically and stylistically homogeneous, represents a drive for a sustainable development of a whole region. Such is the case of the South-Eastern Sicily area included in the UNESCO WHL under the name of Late Baroque Towns of the Val di Noto. Considered here is one of these towns, Ragusa, rebuilt after the 1693 earthquake and characterized by two historical centres, upper Ragusa, built in accordance with an echelon-shaped scheme, and Ibla, rebuilt on the medieval layout. The aim is to investigate how the town planning continuity from its original building onwards can be translated into an entirely developed urban context, including upper Ragusa, affected by a lack of take-off. To this end, suggestions are proposed that not only allow a sustainable urban ecosystem to be maintained but also promote an economic development of the whole district.

1 INTRODUCTION The town planning and architectural development of a whole area of Sicily, the South-eastern one, has been characterized by reconstruction following the earthquake of 11 January 1693, which razed a large number of towns and cities to the ground, thus laying, paradoxically, the basis for making the shaping of this Valley a unique case on an international scale. Indeed, even though similar events have occurred in Europe – such as the earthquakes of Lisbon in 1775, Messina in 1783 and in 1908 – these have usually involved single urban contexts instead of whole districts. Eight of these towns – Noto, Palazzolo Acreide, Ragusa, Modica, Scicli, Catania, Caltagirone Militello in Val di Catania –, whose architectural appearance of great artistic importance has had a common group of stylistic as well historic specificities, was included in the UNESCO World Heritage List 2002 under the name of Late Baroque Towns of the Val di Noto. In the justification among the criteria for the choice, besides the presence of a very high number of monumental buildings, it was pointed out that «The Towns of the Val di Noto represent the culmination and final flowering of Baroque art in Europe». In the same year the South-East Cultural District was created with the aim of carrying out the undertaking of the local and regional communities to safeguard the South-eastern Sicilian Baroque, whose go-ahead was given by the collapse of the Noto Cathedral Dom in 1996 and by the consequent international outcry following this event. Baroque, whose architectural and town planning themes «for their widespread presence in all the centres of this Island are a peculiar characteristic of its cultural identity» (Boscarino, 1986), therefore became the thread which shaped all the historical centres of the Val di Noto, highly connoting this territory and becoming part of the wider landscape context of this area which, with the Baroque style, materials and decorations, perfectly merges. Indeed «The architecture of these places […] reveals itself almost by magic in total harmony with the surrounding land-

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scape» (Trigilia, 2002). However, in this area, where some towns have been built on their preexistent sites while others on different ones, a further element of homogeneity and specificity has derived from the ability of some of those responsible for reconstruction to balance the innovative drive which is typical of Baroque with the conservation of the urban medieval structure, preserving in so doing the different phases of the historical stratification of this urban landscape. Moreover, while in Sicily it did not very often occur that the Seventeenth century town planning experience resulted in spatial forms structured according to the dictates of the European Baroque, neither that those towns were «considered the core of some territorial systems to organize and coordinate rationally» (Boscarino, 1986) and then that only some architectural structures such as the churches are «totally Baroque, or better still they heighten the features of the Baroque culture with a reinforcement of this style ascribable to provincial overemphasizing and to the particular redundancy of the patterns they refer to» (Madonna & Trigilia, 1992), on the contrary, in Ragusa some urban spaces have taken form, that were substantially ascribable to the Baroque both from the town planning and the architectonic points of view. Therefore, the Baroque cities which unite all the symbolisms referring to the power of the absolute monarchy and of the Church, in the inner area of the Iblei mountains, not only embody the double aspirations of the ancient feudal nobility and of the new landed one, but at the same time become a shared identity theme of the local population for its «ability to enhance the theatrical features of these urban and natural environments […]» (Madonna & Trigilia,1992). Indeed, in the Seventeenth century, attempts at absorbing the Hyblean cities within the Baroque vision due to their special geographical conformations, made them become a kind of «Baroque acropolis» where cathedrals took the dominant place of the castle (Fig. 1). So the ability to change over time, combining new urban symbolisms in the old spatial fabric and developing new synergies between the cities and the country, as well as solid relationships among the most important stake-holders in the background, has considerably helped in creating an environmental homogeneity and a sustainable local development pattern still present to this day, even though not without some criticism. Considering that the creation of a cultural district means «to realize an organic, systemic and coordinated situation» (Valentino, 2003) in which the system of relationships present in the territory is of primary importance and that the cultural planning favours an outlook based on the place instead of on the sectorialization of culture, the enhancing of the resources of Ragusa – a fundamental element of the sustainable development – has the possibility of triggering a competitive economic development on a global scale, as this city benefits from «a position of “natural monopoly” which shelters it from that form of competitiveness which can be found, with the enlargement of the markets, in the other sectors» (Valentino P.A.,2003). Indeed, with its contemporaneous reconstruction of numerous historical centres, the Baroque Valley naturally forms a cultural district which has suggested both a way of urban spatial organization of an area characterized by its being among the highest seismic risk areas in Italy, and at the same time a pattern of socio-economical development of a whole territorial district which, over the centuries, has had environmental sustainability as its strength, maintaining an intact balance between change and stability thanks to a relative architectonic continuity. 2 A BRIEF GEOGRAPHICAL-HISTORIC DESCRIPTION OF RAGUSA Three of the Val the Noto towns are wholly included in the WHL: Caltagirone, Noto and Ragusa. The contemporary Ragusa has developed on three hilly sites of the Hyblean tableland, of calcareous origin, and has two historical centres. It represents an important example of town splitting following the earthquake of 1693, to which has been given body in the reconstruction of Ragusa Ibla on the original preexisting nucleus of the medieval structure, placed at above 500 m above sea level, and of the foundation ex novo of a new urban nucleus, upper Ragusa, placed


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Figure 1. Skyline of Ragusa Ibla

higher on the hill of the Patro, characterized by a grid structure profoundly representative of the international experience of Baroque. After Greek colonization, the ancient Ragusa (whose area was involved by the erosion of the valley which gave rise to the so-called “quarry civilization” formed by the Siculi settlements existing from prehistory – leaving us until now a remarkable rocky heritage) was conquered by the Carthaginians and then by the Romans until it became an important centre under the rule of the Muslims. In 1091 it was assigned to Goffredo, the son of Ruggero I; and right under Norman rule, especially under the powerful Chiaramonte family, the medieval street structure of this city was shaped, merging gradually with the original civilization. In the fourteenth century the county of Ragusa was joined with the county of Modica thus allowing, over the centuries, the history of this entire area to share a common lot. Then to the Chiaramonte family, succeeded the Cabrera family, who introduced the emphyteutic concessions which would not only have brought about a demographic and economic increase of this city, but would also have represented a starting point of a specific organization of the local landed property, of fundamental importance in the future to create a different pattern of agrarian development in comparison with the latifundum one, very common elsewhere in Sicily. Indeed, an intensive agriculture spread here together with a deep process of land colonization which would have changed the agrarian landscape of the County of Modica (Barone, 1996), characterized until now, among other things, by the dry stone walls and by the “masserie”. More specifically, «the parceling out of the estates of the Hyblean area dates back to the prices revolution of the Sixteenth century, when with the devaluing of the currency, the inflow of precious metals from the Spanish and Portuguese possessions drove the aristocracy and the high clergy to step up the corn production, resorting to some perpetual land concessions on rents in kind» (Barone,1996). However this was made easier from the particular form that the emphyteusis had in this county, resembling it to a kind of deed of sale. The 1693 earthquake gave rise to conflicts coming out which had formed within the city between the ancient feudal nobility and the new emphyteutae one, during an age in which this

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county was feeling the effects of a serious politic and fiscal crisis; so the representatives of the oldest nobility, the “Sangiorgiari”, inhabitants of the district of the Piazza resolved to rebuild on the old site, while the “Sangiovannari” inhabitants of the district of the Archi, preferred to build around the church of San Giovanni Battista in the «flat space of the Patro». Meanwhile the earthquake and the following periods of reconstruction of these areas saw the alternation of different rulers as they passed from Spanish dominion to that of the Piedmontese and the Austrians, to continue in 1734 under the dynasty of the Bourbons of Naples. Because the earthquake had caused the castle of Ragusa to collapse, the typology of buildings which were preferred as symbolical expressions of power were therefore realized, above all, in religious architecture and in the historical palaces which still today represent the main cultural heritage in Ragusa. Among the most characteristic features of the Baroque towns there are the dome, the street furniture, the balconies and the covered roof-terrace belvedere of the buildings, but above all the façades, very often of the concave or convex shape, so that it was referred to in the Baroque style as «façade architecture». They look like some theatrical scenes with the function of being enjoyed by or to amaze the observers and to this end were created «to be observed from below and during movement» (Boscarino, 1986) as evidence of the close link between the urban architecture and the daily experience of the dwelling. However, it is an architecture which removes the edges and the corners in preference to soft surfaces and plentiful decoration. Moreover, the post-earthquake reconstruction spread a new anti-seismic culture which was put into action through different strategies which changed the previous systems. First of all, different ratios between the width of the roads and the height of the buildings were decided upon and then, among other devices, often large squares were planned which, besides their scenic appearance, could be intended as possible escape routes. As far as the churches in Ragusa are concerned, and as elsewhere in this district, during the reconstruction traditional structures were preferred; in this sense only five churches have been identified (Madonna & Trigilia, 1992) which show a planimetric structure different from the classical Aula or Basilican plan – preferably lengthened octagonal or central plan – that is the churches of S. Maria dei Miracoli, S. Giuseppe, S. Maria di Valleverde, S. Petronilla and S. Maria Addolorata. Ibla was rebuilt after 1730 and had as its main architect Rosario Gagliardi (1682-1762), the author of the synthesis between medieval and Baroque structures. Indeed, Gagliardi «In Ragusa and in Modica would have dug up to the root of the fifteenth century culture and would have referred to it both for the decorative particulars and for the whole architectonic context» (Giansiracusa, 1984) managing to create a single urban system which unites Piazza del Duomo and Piazza Pola, San Giorgio Cathedral (1744-1775) – completed in 1820 with the Neoclassical Dome by Carmelo Cutrano – and the Church of San Giuseppe (Fig 2). Moreover, he created a new church architectonical pattern, the façade-tower which would have represented an alternative to the traditional two side towers. Piazza della Repubblica, where the Church of Purgatorio is placed, acts as a hinge between Ibla and Upper Ragusa , via Corso Mazzini which winds down the isthmus which joins the two centres and which can likewise be connected by a very long flight of steps. In the neighbourhood, on the Salita Commendatore, there is one of the most interesting architectonic settings of Ibla, made up of the Church of Santa Maria dell’Itria (1626), the Palace della Cancelleria (1760) and by Cosentini Palace, perhaps the first noble palace built after the earthquake and also one of the most remarkable from the architectonical point of view. In Ibla, which among its heritage counts the Hyblean Garden, close to the excavations of the ancient Hybla, as well as Battaglia Palace – ascribable to Gagliardi – it is also possible to find the remains of the old San Giorgio Cathedral (XV century) with its Gothic-Catalan portal portraying St. George killing the dragon, the Church of the Cappuccini and the Via Orfanotrofio, that is the old Jewish Ghetto. Even Upper Ragusa boasts remarkable Baroque buildings such as the Cathedral of San Giovanni Battista, Lupis Palace and Zacco Palace. Also situated here is the Hyblean Archaeological Museum consisting of six sections.


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Figure 2. The Church of San Giuseppe in Ibla

Meanwhile, in the nineteenth century the disputes between the two centres of Ragusa became more acute till in 1865 they decided to become two autonomous townships which were to unite again in 1926. As regards its economic and industrial development, the then predominant agricultural activities, together with the discovery of the asphalt mines in 1838 were to become an important factor in local growth. Indeed, this economic and demographic increase allowed Ragusa to become the capital of the province in 1927. 3 CONTEMPORARY PLANNING POLICIES IN RAGUSA During the fifties the economy of Ragusa, which had depended on agriculture for centuries, prospected an opening towards the industrial sector thanks to the start of the oil mining industry which joined the preexisting asphalt mines industry. But apart from these two sectors, the city was substantially concerned by a lack of industrial take-off – a theme which, even if in different conditions, would have concerned the economy of the whole of Sicily – which paradoxically become a further advantage, as eventually it contributed towards preserving this urban and environmental context, allowing agriculture to remain until today one of the driving forces of its economy. Considered the cereal production capital of the south-east and the animal husbandry capital since the Unity of Italy until today, Ragusa has maintained active the breeding sector but has considerably updated its agriculture, focusing on greenhouse cultivations and dairy produce, aiming at a specialist production in the territory; thus allowing Ragusa to produce some quality goods of primary importance for the re-launch of its local production to that of an international scale. But besides agriculture, tourism and culture are the other sectors where planning has been concentrated on in recent years, in consideration of the fact that, owing to the whole of its cul-

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tural heritage a city such as Ragusa presents a landscape almost out of time and space, described by the writer Leonardo Sciascia like a “border” within Sicily itself, and that for this same reason it needs more than ever an enhancement which provides for a sustainable use of its resources to avoid its own ruin. To this end, also the enhancement of the coastal strip where Marina di Ragusa is has assumed some importance, as it integrates like a fundamental wedge to the urban and agrarian landscape outline of the city. Therefore, if the natural landscape around the city has been maintained intact, not completely the same has occurred to the traditional agrarian landscape of the province which, because of some cultivation innovations, has undergone some changes. As far as the history of the urban landscape is concerned, the concerns about the safeguarding of the historical centre of Ibla already in 1901 resulted in the «Building Code» of lower Ragusa which in 1931 was substituted by a new Single Code, which besides providing for a Building Commission, laid down the rules and limits of demolition, restoration and change, which however weren’t always followed. Instead, it dates back to the 1975 General Town Planning Scheme (P.R.G.C.) – approved with Council Decree n. 183/74 del 2/12/1975 – which provides for the zoning of the city in two parts: Area A, of historical, artistic and environmental importance, and Area B1, a residential one. Then in 1995 there was an attempt to approve the Executive Detailed Plan (P.P.E) referring to the historical centres of Ragusa and Ibla, whose carrying out has yet had long vicissitudes which have been protracted up to the present day. The plan, which as accomplishment tool of the P.R.G.C. is directed at town planning reclamation which, over time, has suggested among other things also some planning hypotheses to avoid the ghettoization of the numerous migrants from different countries living in the district of San Giovanni. In order to reach some development objectives comparable to its resources, Ragusa needs an effective strategic territorial planning whose realization would yet again require large funds. To such end and having had great importance over the years the L.R. 61/81 (Regional Law 11 April 1981, n. 61) called Law about Ibla, directed above all towards the reutilization of the building heritage of the historic centre of Ibla, to which the majority of the fund has been allotted. At the moment the planning policies aim at obtaining refunding by the Regione from this special law so as to continue the course of revitalization now in progress. Still in 2011, indeed, thanks to some funds drawn from this Law interventions on four Ragusa churches have been carried out. In 2002, following the concerns about the deterioration of the South-east cultural heritage and an increasing revaluation of the artistic meaning of the Sicilian Baroque, in the past referred to as a secondary one, the towns of the Val di Noto were included in the UNESCO World Heritage List which provided for a management plan of the site, whose strategic plan aimed at reaching the objectives of knowledge, conservation, participation and development to be realized through four axes: system, culture, culture/nature and the axis of culture/sea. As a matter of fact, in the last years, right in the cultural sector closely connected to the touristic one, the largest sums have been invested in an attempt to give a considerable drive to the town’s development. The enhancement of the cultural sector has made use of different strategies, among which the creation of the university and more recently in 2010, the opening of the Student House which represents another shift of such an attempt towards the transformation of Ragusa into a university town. Moreover, it wouldn’t be by chance if Ibla has become a much sought after location in the last decades. Indeed, such is its landscape and scenic beauty that has very often attracted the attention of the visual arts, for which image production holds a key role, as happens in the photography and cinema sectors. Therefore this city, besides the fact that it has become the fictional town of Vigata in the famous TV series of Commissario Montalbano, drawn from the novels of the Sicilian writer Andrea Camilleri, has also been chosen, for example, by directors such as Giuseppe Tornatore in L’Uomo delle Stelle (1995) e by Fratelli Taviani. 4 SUSTAINABLE URBAN ECOSYSTEM One of the most persistent problems of the Ragusa urban context consists of the conflict between the two historical centres of Ragusa and Ibla which, unfortunately, hasn’t yet been elimi-


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nated as the concentration of investment on Ibla has sometimes overshadowed the upper historical centre which has undergone a certain decline owing, not only to its role of secondary importance from the heritage point of view in comparison to Ibla, but also to a trade crisis which has affected the whole urban system. Therefore, the historical centre of upper Ragusa also needs to be revitalized through the creation of some infrastructure as, unlike Ibla, it suffers from the effects of heavy traffic. In order to reduce this disparity, the Piazza of San Giovanni has recently been redeveloped, the planning of underground parking has been started and through demolition-rebuilding work, the auditorium of San Vincenzo Ferreri has been opened, as well as a call having been made for an international competition to transform the Ina palace eco-monster into a hotel. However, although very different from each other, both Ragusa towns require to be enhanced for this reason, as the decline of one should imply that of the other city. Indeed, if Ibla, the richest in cultural heritage, represents above all the economic spin-off of the city from a touristic point of view, it is also true that the road and town planning structures of upper Ragusa are the ones with the most suitable spatial size to allow the city to carry out its daily life as well as to expand more freely its urban and trade functions. Moreover, in recent years one of the most important cruxes of this town enhancement has always called for the theme of sustainable restoration and conservation of its Baroque containers into question. The reuse and economically profitable fruition, even from a touristic point of view, of these buildings practically widespread on the whole territory, can be considered a starting point and offers such favourable outlooks that it can’t be disregarded by the economic and territorial planning of Ragusa. Indeed this is the direction the town planning undertakings have been taking for a long time. To such end, the ex monastery of the Capuchin friars in Ibla, having survived the earthquake of 1693, has been transformed into the first Centre of Oenogastronomy of the Mediterranean aimed at enhancing Sicilian culinary traditions in relation to other countries of the Mediterranean. Moreover, in October 2010, the restoration works of the aristocratic Cosentini Palace, for a long time property of the local council, have been completed. The works, lasting six years, commenced with a first intervention in 2004. Instead, a second intervention, given out by contract in 2006, had a longer duration and an expense of about two million euros. Built between 1762 and 1767, the palace consists of a ground floor, a first floor and noble floor for a total area of about one thousand five hundreds square metres. At present the palace is intended to be a Diagnostics Laboratory for Monuments and Centre of Byzantine Culture in the Mediterranean Area, which should profit from collaboration with the University of Calabria in some research projects. With the aim of a proper reuse of the historical centre, a Plan of alternative urban mobility, for which the Inter-ministerial Committee for Economical Planning (CIPE) has allowed thirty million euros, has been provided for; this represents another strength for the creation of an urban sustainable ecosystem based on the principles of the smart city and oriented to favour ideas concerning energy saving. Therefore, in this dual and very peculiar urban context, the unifying factors of so many resources are represented by landscape beauty and by the environmental sustainability which the Baroque has been able to create within an area with a very rooted feudal as well as agrarian tradition. Indeed «The ascensional element of the Baroque architecture finds itself at its own centre of application and development in the Hyblean territorial context, characterized by a rather complex orographic situation» (Giansiracusa, 1984), so that in this soft-lined and hilly landscape the scenic character – another main feature of the Baroque architecture – perfectly unfolds. Moreover, this agrarian landscape, in which only the greenhouses disturb the traditional

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Figure 3. A street view in Ibla

harmony made up of carobs, drywalls and “masserie”, has some simplified shapes which almost compensate for the curves of the urban Baroque thus creating a kind of balance which softens the emphatic Baroque tones. Certainly a city with such features like that of Ibla, intact in its medieval and Baroque layout (Fig. 3), needs the preservation of this timeless atmosphere, but at the same time it also needs greater attention to be paid to a larger touristic fruition which could enhance its urban system


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and allow it to become a kind of eco-museum, without remaining entrapped in a museum-type context which would dampen its vitality and future outlooks of economic development and demographic increase. Therefore, it also requires a reclaiming plan able to prevent its enchanted timelessness from becoming immobility and later on decay but allows Ragusa to be revived and changed into a culturally viable green city. Such a city, as an artistic city, would be able to fit into a global circuit, shortening the distances which tend to isolate it, in order to have the possibility to take advantage of the new geography of the borders and of the centres that globalization has involved. In conclusion, therefore, a possible sustainable development for a town like Ragusa is not only directed towards eco-museum and diffuse museum patterns, as well as towards the smart city and sustainable mobility strategies, but it already intends to propose itself as a pattern of sustainability also considering that it has been indicated as the first among Sicilian cities in the 2010 Urban Ecosystem classification. REFERENCES Barone, G. 1996. Elites urbane e gerarchie spaziali nella contea di Modica. Un caso di ricostruzione ”policentrica. In Giuseppe Giarrizzo (ed.), La Sicilia dei terremoti. Lunga durata e dinamiche sciali: 305-313. Catania: Giusepp Maimone Boscarino, S. 1986. Sicilia barocca. Architettura e città 1610-1760. Roma: Officina Edizioni Burgaretta, S. (ed). 1993. Ragusa e la sua provincia. Kalós 4 Gangi, G. 1982. Ragusa barocca. Palermo: Sellerio Giansiracusa, P. 1984. Il barocco siciliano architettura, urbanistica, scenografia. Roma: Lo Faro Giarrizzo, G. (ed.). 1996. La Sicilia dei terremoti. Lunga durata e dinamiche sociali. Catania: GiuseppeMaimone Giuffrè, M. 2006. Barocco in Sicilia. San Giovanni Lupatoto: Arsenale Lazzaro Danzuso, G. 1998. Hybla. Catania: D. Sanfilippo Madonna, M.L. & Trigilia, L. (eds) 1992. Barocco mediterraneo Sicilia, Lecce, Sardegna, Spagna. Roma: Istituto poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Libreria dello Stato Mignosa, A. & Rizzo, I. 2005. Tutela e valorizzazione dei beni culturali in Sicilia. Milano: Franco Angeli Trigilia, L. 2002. La valle del barocco le città siciliane della Val di Noto “Patrimonio dell’umanità”. Catania: D. Sanfilippo Trigilia, L. 2007. Un viaggio nella Valle del barocco Pantalica, Siracusa e le città della Val di Noto “Patrimonio dell’umanità”. Catania: D. Sanfilippo Valentino, P.A. 2003. Le trame del territorio. Politiche di sviluppo dei sistemi territoriali e distretti culturali. Milano: Sperling & Kupfer

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Discovering and preserving Albanian's heritage to build the future A. Versaci University of Enna - Faculty of Engineering, Architecture and Motor Sciences, Italy

A. Cardaci University of Bergamo - Faculty of Engineering, Italy

ABSTRACT: Albania has a rich and varied cultural heritage; valuable traces of a millennialong-history that remains relatively undiscovered. Surrounded by a landscape of outstanding natural beauty, exceptional symbols of its people’s tradition, identity and memory stand unknown, very often not properly managed or protected. In recent years, great efforts have been made by international organizations, in close cooperation with Albanian administrations, to remove these precious remnants of the past from oblivion, bringing their historical and architectural qualities to light. A number of initiatives designed to create favourable conditions to transform them into catalysts for cultural and socio-economic development have been implemented, not always without difficulties. Based on a direct experience in the field, the authors of this paper, conscious of the importance of understanding and respecting the past in building the future, take stock of the current situation and analyze the lesson learned from these activities.

1 INTRODUCTION Albanian cultural heritage cannot be fully understood without a proper knowledge and consideration of the history which, marked by various socio-economic changes and political upheavals, has shaped this country and its people (Fig. 1). The so-called "land of the eagles" is one of the oldest states in the Balkan peninsula. Most historians believe that Albanians descend from a non-Slavic, non-Turkish group of tribes, known as Illyrians, which occupied the western area of the Balkans, from modern Slovenia to approximately halfway through modern Greece. The capital was Shkoder (now the most important city of northern Albania) and remained as such until the Roman conquest in 168 BC. As well as the Illyrian origin theory, Dacian or Thracian roots are also hypothesized, due to a number of linguistic factors. In any case, mystery shrouds the exact beginning of today's Albanians and their origins still remain a matter of dispute among specialists (Zickel & Iwaskiw, 1994). The Albanians first appear in the historical record in Byzantine sources of the late 11th century. At that time, commerce and economy prospered and many Albanian merchants were active in countries outside Albania itself. However, as the ruling Byzantine Empire weakened, Albania was attacked by several foreign powers: Bulgarians, Norman crusaders, the Angevins of southern Italy, Serbs and Venetians, which all caused disorder and destruction until the conquest by Turks in 1388. After 1443, the legendary Albanian hero Gjergj Kastrioti (also known as Skënderbej, Skanderbeg or Skenderbeg) succeeded in driving the occupiers out (Vickers, 2006). After his death, Albanian resistance gradually collapsed, enabling the Turks to reoccupy the country by 1506. During the Ottoman Empire, Albania was cut off from contact and exchanges with Western Europe and this situation persisted until 1912, when the first independent

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Figure1. Skanderberg square inTirana

Albanian nation was declared, following the short occupation by Kingdom of Serbia. The construction of an Albanian national consciousness dates from the late 19th century and is part of the larger phenomenon of the rise of nationalism under the Ottoman Empire. During this period, a national culture was defined for the first time. With a renaissance of language, literature, music, religion and a reconsideration of the history of its people, Albania established a clear cultural identity. A short-lived monarchy (1914–1925) was succeeded by an even shorter-lived first Albanian Republic (1925–1928), to be replaced by another monarchy (1928– 1939), which was conquered by Italian Fascism during the Second World War. After the collapse of the Axis alliance, Albania became a communist state - the Socialist People's Republic of Albania - which for most of its duration was dominated by Enver Hoxha, the "supreme companion" who forced the small country into a total isolation for more than forty years. In 1967, Hoxha proclaimed Albania as the first atheist country in the world (a principle also stated in the Constitution of 1976), profoundly affecting the rich religious heritage of the country and leading to the confiscation of more than 2000 mosques, churches, monasteries and synagogues; many of these were immediately looted or destroyed, the survivors transformed into cinemas, stores, garages or barns. Concentrating primarily on maintaining his grip on power, Hoxha reorganized the country's economy along strict Stalinist lines, turning first to Yugoslavia, then to the Soviet Union and finally to China for support. In pursuit of their objectives, the communists strongly repressed Albanian people, subjecting them to propaganda and brutal police measures. When China opened up to the West in the 1970s, Albania's leaders turned away from Beijing and implemented a policy of strict autarchy or self-sufficiency that caused a national economic collapse. The political isolation also made the regime paranoid: between 1974 and 1986, around 750,000 bunkers were built (Fig. 2), to protect Albanian citizens from what Tirana perceived as a hostile international environment (Dujisin, 2007). Moreover the dictatorship sought to redefine Albanian culture to serve its own goals. The troubles that the country has had to face since the fall of dictatorship became additional challenges both to keeping existing culture alive, and to recognizing its value. Following the collapse of communism, Albania made great efforts to establish democratic institutions, including its 1998 Constitution. Through the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA) with the European Union (EU) on 12 June 2006, the Government has set EU accession as its highest national priority. Its ultimate ambition is to make Albania "a Country to love and a Country that loves" (Albanian Government & United Nations, 2005) and to this end, as well as in order to meet Albania’s objectives for the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the Government has decided to enhance the role of culture in its national development strategies and local and regional action plans (United Nations in Albania, 2007).


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Figure 2. Example of Enver Hoxha’s bunkers. Albanian rulers are convinced that harnessing the potential of the national cultural heritage will offer opportunities for Albania to strengthen its identity, create economic opportunities for poor and rural communities, improve investment and position itself positively in Europe and the rest of the world. Albania’s rich, unique, and storied culture does indeed seem to offer many opportunities to transform the country positively by weaving culture into the fabric of society; from economic development, to diplomacy, to education and the everyday life of its citizens. In this framework, thanks to the determination of numerous international organizations and donors, especially UNESCO, several activities have been put in place in order to fill the gap in the knowledge, protection and management of cultural heritage of this country, whose general condition was severely weakened by the progressive destabilization processes and the destructive acts that took place in the years 1991-1997. In particular, when, in April 2002, the DirectorGeneral of UNESCO convened a High-level conference on strengthening cooperation in SouthEast Europe, the participants were unanimous in feeling that it was a unique opportunity ”to act rather than react, to construct rather than reconstruct, to build rather than make peace and to opt for vision rather than revision”. This gave new impetus to UNESCO’s ambition of actively coordinating international cooperation in all fields of its competence in this area. One of the main important and first programmes planned in the region concerned Albania and its cultural treasures. 2 UNKNOWN ALBANIA: VALUES AND PARADOXES IN A CHANGING COUNTRY Albania has been described as the last secret of Europe. Almost unknown internationally, its rich and diverse heritage is undervalued. A report prepared by a UNESCO expert mission in 2004 emphasized the extent and variety of Albanian cultural heritage: unique assets of a country (Shqipëria for its inhabitants) whose image remained, however, poorly defined (UNESCO, 2004). Millennia of history and civilization, numerous invasions and attacks by neighbouring peoples, repeated domination attempts, have moulded the character of this small state, leaving an indelible mark in its material and immaterial culture that results today in the originality of its many expressions. Two current UNESCO World Heritage Sites (Butrint, 1992 and the historic centres of Berat and Gjirokastra, 2005), Ottoman mosques, Muslim districts, Orthodox and Catholic churches, monasteries, Bektashi tekkes, Byzantine walls, Roman and other ancient vestiges stand in a symbiotic relationship with a priceless intangible cultural heritage, e.g. iso-polyphonic singing traditions, distinctive textile designs and exemplary inter-religious relations (Fig. 3).

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Figure 3. The rich Albanian material and immaterial cultural heritage.

If the construction of the modern nation that today is Albania has been long and painful, it is now reaching the end of transition period that followed the fall of the regime and the country has reached a certain stability. Nevertheless, much remains to be done: the lack of infrastructure makes journeys tiring and still subject to unforeseen and unplanned events and, despite the valuable work done by the national safeguarding institutions (Instituti I Monumenteve të KulturësIMK) to improve cultural heritage and environmental awareness among the population, there is still a large distance between these initiatives and reality. This is due to a scarcity of funding, insufficient communications, absence of informational materials and professional preparation of the staff. Plans for the future also remain undefined or incomplete, the registry of monuments requires updating with more sophisticated technology and, last but not least, the looting of cultural property due to the lack of site protection and the indifference of the residents persists. Neglect and abandonment, combined with little overall consideration for the signs of ancient history (Albanians have, in general, a negative memory of the past because of the poverty and oppression caused by communist governments) have made almost no perceptible and evident, treasures of great value. The cultural heritage, now burdened by a chaotic building industry, is often unfortunately disfigured by terracing work and new complexes built without any coherence and in infringement of all regulations. Albeit in an extraordinary landscape, these important testaments to the past, frequently not properly managed and unprotected, remain undeservedly unknown, and only with difficulty visible to those who choose to visit Albania. Following the isolationist policies, it is only in the most recent years that Albania has developed the tourism sector, not without negative effects, especially in coastal areas that are becoming more and more degraded. Nevertheless, even if in scenarios dominated by urban sprawl, very fascinating objects are hidden: ecclesiastic buildings and structures belonging to different religions. In this regard, it is important to emphasize the fact that Albania is an interesting country also from a religious point of view, having almost always been characterized by a perfect coexistence between Muslims, Catholics and Orthodox Christians. Albania may, actually, be considered as one of the few countries in the world where there is great religious tolerance. The three major religions probably favoured the safeguarding of a common national identity, preserving it from the assimilation processes that foreign peoples and neighbours tried to implement. It can indeed be affirmed that the spread of Catholicism protected Albania from the pressure exerted by the Byzantine Empire; or, rather, that later, the spread of Islam (often brutally imposed) curbed the expansionist intentions of the Slavs. A substantial fragment of South-East Europe, thanks to its strategic geographical position in the heart of the Mediterranean Sea, a privileged trait d'union between West and Easy, Albania could become one of the most appealing places in the world. In order to support this process, both UN agencies and the European Union have, especially in the last decade, promoted and


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implemented policies aiming at re-appropriating and reorganizing the cultural heritage system in Albania (from which this study begins)*. 3 INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN THE FIELD OF CULTURE: SOME EXAMPLES The cooperation activities in the field of culture developed in Albania in the last decade have been focused both on the general aspect of cataloguing the immense cultural heritage of the nation and on timely restoration works, as well as on strengthening the capacity of national and local government agencies responsible for restoration and protection. The Strategy and Action Plan for the Development of Tourism based on Cultural and Environmental Tourism approved by the Albanian government in 2005 aimed at rediscovering Albania's cultural and historical identity and at taking action to improve the protection, management and promotion of its national heritage. This programme was based upon the UNESCO report on Cultural Heritage in South - Eastern Europe: Albania that contained a series of recommendations to the national and local authorities on the measures to be taken to improve the legal framework of the protection of Albanian heritage sites (UNESCO, 2004). This strategy has been accompanied by other actions driven by agencies in Albania such as UNDP's Support to Eco and Cultural Tourism Development Programme (2006-2009). The primary objective of this programme was to help the Government of Albania in achieving its development objectives through its efforts to build a successful tourism sector based on its cultural and environmental assets. In this framework, self-audio guide tours were made available in the Museum-City of Berat (even if the monuments concerned by this project are not unfortunately always accessible by tourists), an important historical place which has existed for approximately 2400 years. In another action, UNESCO, thanks to substantial financial support provided by the Italian Government, created a Centre for Restoration of Monuments in Tirana (June 2005 -November 2009) (Fig. 4). This important initiative focused primarily on the reinforcement of the Institute for Cultural Monuments in Albania (IMK) and was intended to face very urgent needs of Albanian administration, concerned with the protection of monuments and mobile artefacts, assisting a number of experts and staff in the digitalization of the collections, the management of projects, database compilation, and preventive conservation. In cooperation with the Italian Istituto Centrale per il Restauro (ICR), the Centre for restoration and conservation of monuments has provided two 18 month-long training courses: restoration in architecture and restoration of frescos, mosaics, stucco, stone and wooden artefacts. Twenty technicians/specialists, already employed within the Albanian Ministry of Culture and its specialized Institutions, attended the first session that started in spring 2007. The results have been impressive: the Centre is a modern,

Figure 4. The Centre for Restoration of Monuments in Tirana before and during restoration works.

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multifunctional, technically advanced equipped structure and, thanks to internationally renowned specialist teachers, the professional skills and the technical preparation of the course participants improved immensely (Fiorani, 2011). However, the project has not yet fully reached the required or hoped-for knowledge transfer and model replication: lack of trust and time, communication difficulties, etc. have limited its enormous potentialities, a unique experience in the Region. Moreover, this project has unfortunately collided with sustainability problems. At the end of the funding period, the Centre has not been able to set up a second full course of study by itself. Only very recently, thanks to new funding provided by UNESCO, a basic training on restoration of stone materials has been organized. The training consisted of two sessions made of theoretical introduction to the materials and a laboratory workshop on real pieces made available by Durrɺs Museum. In line with this experience a new course focused on the conservation of archaeological glass and metal is taking place. Other important interventions in the field of culture concern the World Heritage site of Gjirokastra (Gjirokastër), a picturesque historical city in Southern Albania also known as "city of stone", because most of its old houses’ roofs are covered with stones. The birthplace of Enver Hoxha and world-renowned writer Ismail Kadare began to grow under the Ottomans and its architectonical evolution boasts some unique 17th and 19th century styles. National recognition of its cultural value came in 1961, when authorities declared it a “museum-city”. Enver Hoxha was actually very attached to his hometown (an important political feud); many of his political supporters worked in the field of conservation, considered useful for a town where tourism was the major ambition. However, “good looks have not sufficed to make Gjirokaster, the wealthy and successful tourist destination it aspires to be” (Dujisin, 2007). Public management problems, lack of staff of the local restoration and protection agencies, non-compliance with the legal building and decorum regulations, have partly marred the cityscape. In 2006, thanks to an agreement between the Government of Albania and UNESCO, a Funds-in-Trust was established, aimed at assisting the authorities in their efforts to safeguard the historic centre of the town. Management plans and conservation of historic monument projects were prepared by IMK with the assistance of UNESCO staff and experts. Restoration works were carried out on six traditional houses by local construction enterprises, not always with the complete understanding and support of inhabitants Ffig. 5). After Gjirokastra’s inscription on the UNESCO's List of World Heritage, there was a public debate on whether Gjirokastra deserved to qualify ahead of Berati (or Berat), another ancient city. In fact, Berati, a witness of the turbulent history of Southern Balkans, is one of the most important and interesting cities in Albania. Due to its strategic position in one of the few passages connecting the Adriatic coast to the interior of the Balkans, on the banks of the Osum River, the town quickly became a commercial and cultural centre. The magnificent cultural heritage of the city illustrates its long history: a castle, locally known as the Kala, most of which

Figure 5. Before (above) and after (below) the restoration works carried out in Gjirokastra.


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was built in the 13th century (although its origins date back to the 4th century BC), many Islamic and Orthodox religious buildings built between the 16th and the 19th century and, in particular, a several hundred typical traditional houses, part of an architectural complex with significant cultural and historic importance. Particularly impressive because of its density, richness and diversity, Berati was declared a national historic centre and museum-town in 1961, the order of 2nd June (n. 172). The list of 1st category monuments in the town was increased to 50 properties, including many private residential properties. Monuments and houses were later added to this list: two in 1963 and one each in 1973, 1977 and 1983. In 1965, the creation of IMK led to the setting up of an annual programme for the maintenance and restoration of 1st category monuments, supervised by architects and based on compliance with the Venice Charter directives. Under this scheme, many monuments at Berati have been consolidated and restored, including the castle and the religious monuments, and frescoes have been conserved. However the preservation and conservation of the monuments in Berati was greatly neglected during the 1990s as a result of the political transition. The political crisis and ensuing financial difficulties have impacted on the lives of Berati. Poverty and lack of government control led to the rapid deterioration of the old town, thereby posing a threat to what it could be considered as its most important potential source of income. In 2008, after a long debate, the WH Committee decided to add the city centre of Berati to that of Gjirokastra, inscribing them together on the WH list. In these last years, the Government, by improving control and compiling an inventory that categorizes the constructions in both cities, has succeeded in minimizing illegal buildings. In addition, projects have also been prepared to integrate any modern facades with the traditional homes. Nevertheless, there is still a great concern about the lack of control regarding illegal constructions and regret that a long term plan has not been established to rectify the violations that have already occurred, in order to improve the value and integrity of the property. In addition, the intention to carry out a massive restoration of the project at Berat Castle (fig. 6) is the cause of considerable worry. Finally, though great efforts have been made to develop a tourism plan in Berat which aims to support the needs of the local community within the framework of the management plan, no such plan has been developed for Gjirokastra. Since 2006, UNESCO has supported another interesting project related to the Study, Restoration and Revitalisation of Byzantine and Ottoman Monuments in Southern Albania. This programme, carried out by a multidisciplinary team led by the Interdepartmental Centre of Balkan and International Studies (CISBI) of the University Ca’ Foscari, in cooperation with the Polytechnic of Milan and the University of Bari is focused on two important monuments (Fig. 7) located in the Delvinë District (Boriani & Macchiarella, 2009). Of one of them, the fortified Byzantine monastery of Mesopotam, today nothing remains but the katholikon: the church of St. Nicholas (in Albanian: Kisha e Manastirit të Shën Kollit). Its

Figure 6. Berat: view of the old Mangalem district (left) and the Kala (right, above and below).

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domes and decoration are reminiscent of Greek churches (Meksi, 1972). The interior is divided into three main areas: the central naòs covered by four domes (two pairs of coaxial domes) resting on four pillars leaning against the walls and a massive pillar in the centre and two areas separated from the central one by two coloured diaphragms: "a scheme not rare but unique in Byzantine architecture" (Macchiarella, 2011). The four domes are set over irregular octagonal drums, each having eight windows, today mostly occluded. A few kilometers from Mesopotam monastery, not far from the village of Delvinë (or Delvina) and surrounded by ancient trees, is the 17th century Islamic complex composed of the Gjin Aleksi Mosque (in Albanian: Xhamia and Gjin Aleksit), the four funerary monuments (türbe) and the fountain for ablutions. The mosque has a small square prayer room, covered by a tiled dome. The qibla (prayer niche) is framed by brick and covered by stucco. A columned portico is formed by a short nave with two small coaxial domes and two small side windows also surmounted by domes. The four funerary monuments that surround the mosque are all based on an octagonal plan surmounted by very simple traditional Ottoman domes. After a long period of disregard, over the last few years, local community has showed a renewed interest in the complex: new maintenance actions have taken place, the mosque and the tombs have been cleaned of debris and mud, the weeds removed. Unfortunately, this was a very brief period of revival. Immediately after, restoration work which was not really conscious of the historic, morphological and physical properties of the monuments was carried out.

Figure 7. St. Nicholas Church in Mesopotam (above) and the Gjin Aleksi's Mosque in Rusan (below).

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culture carried out in Albania; it has tried to analyze the more significant previous and ongoing experiences that were designed to regain this consciousness. Certainly, much else can be done in order to help Albania in this difficult process. Very recent news has suggested that Illyrian and medieval castles in Albania could soon be turned into bars and restaurants on the basis of a government will to rent cultural monuments to local businessmen. According to this plan, some 40 monuments would be leased for a period of up to 100 years, mainly because the government is unable to preserve them. The proposal has drawn a fierce response from historians, archaeologists and architects. They point to the fact that two castles privatized under the previous Socialist government have not been preserved properly, and they argue that other monuments could suffer the same fate if the latest government proposal is finalized. Albania’s cultural heritage is still under threat. ENDNOTES * The first author of this paper was a UNESCO project officer from 2004 to 2008. She worked on the drafting, negotiation and implementation of all UNESCO's activities mentioned in this work. Both authors are members of the CISBI-POLIMI Mission for the Study, Restoration and Revitalisation of Byzantine and Ottoman Monuments in Southern Albania.

REFERENCES Albanian Government & United Nations. 2005. United Nations Development Framework (UNDAF) 2006-2010 Albania. Tirana: United Nations. Boriani, M. & Macchiarella, G. (eds) 2009. Albania e Adriatico meridionale. Studi per la conservazione del patrimonio culturale (2006-2008). Firenze: Alinea. Dujisin, Z. 2007. Forget Communism...Or Sell It. In Inter Press Service (ed), Unknown Albania. A Case Study Cultural and Environmental Tourism: 13-14. Berlin: IPS-Inter Press Service Europa gGmbH. Dujisin, Z. 2007. UNESCO Not A Life Saver. In Inter Press Service (ed), Unknown Albania. A Case Study Cultural and Environmental Tourism: 15-16. Berlin: IPS-Inter Press Service Europa gGmbH. Fiorani, D. & Compostella, C. (eds). 2011. Heritage in Albania. Centre for Restoration of Monuments in Tirana. Citta di Castello: Editoriale Artemide. Macchiarella, G. 2011. Un caso a sé: San Nicola di Mesopotam (Albania). In Derosa, L. & Gelao, C. (eds). Tempi e forme dell'arte. Miscellanea di Studi offerti a Pina Belli D'Elia. 123- 136. Foggia: Claudio Grenzi Editore. Macchiarella, G. 2012. Delvina. A mystic architectural enclave. In Proceedings of: “UluslararasÕ KatÕlÕmlÕ XV. Ortaça÷ ve Türk Dönemi KazÕlarÕ ve Sanat Tarihi AraútÕrmalarÕ Sempozyumu”, held Oct. 19-21, 2011 in Eskisehir, Turkey. Meksi, A. 1972. Arkitektura e kishës së Mesopotamit. In Monumentet. vol. 3: 75-94. Tiranë: Ministria e Arësimit dhe Kulturës. UNESCO. 2004. Le patrimoine cultural dans le Sud-Est européen Albanie, Série Le patrimoine cultural dans le Sud-Est européen. Paris : UNESCO. United Nations in Albania. 2007. Albania Millennium Development Goals Report 2005.Tirana: United Nations in Albania. Vickers, M. 2006. The Albanians A Modern History. London : I. B. Tauris. Zickel, R. E., Iwaskiw, W. R., & Library of Congress. Federal Research Division (eds) 1994. Albania A country study. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Govt. Print. Off.


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Heritage and sustainability, a binomial complex. The case of the historic quarter of the city of Colonia del Sacramento T. Vicente University of Valencia

J. Rey University of Valencia

B. Santamarina

University of Valencia

ABSTRACT: There is no doubt that the patrimonialization of nature has gone hand in hand with the construction of the sustainable development discourse as a political formula to curb environmental degradation. The World Commission on Environment and Development in 1987 defined it as "development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs". After that, the Rio Earth Summit in 1992 took the proposal almost in the same terms, as set out in principle number 3. Since then, the discourse of sustainable development has become the official flag and paradigm of environmental policy. It´s success was so overwhelming that sustainable development has come to be understood as part of cultural patrimony. The Council of Europe applied their formulation in its 1995 recommendation on the integrated conservation of cultural landscapes as part of landscape policies. But it was only at the Helsinki Conference (1996) that the model of sustainable development appeared in relation to cultural heritage in an explicit way: "Use of the cultural heritages as a resource must be made part of the planning process of sustainable development determining the constraints which apply to the use of non-renewable assets.”. Thus sustainable development begins to be applied to cultural heritage as the backbone of heritage policy. From this context arise important questions: what is the meaning of the sustainability of heritage or sustainable heritage? How and where can we use this binomial? In this paper we present the case of the Historic Quarter of the City of Colonia del Sacramento, a World Heritage Site, as an example of the troubled relationship between heritage and sustainability, and it´s deep connection with tourism.

1 INTRODUCTION Before we start to dissect the binomial “sustainable heritage”, we need to establish some kind of mechanism that will enable us to understand why it works successfully despite being an apparently unintelligible combination. We should look first at the conceptual aspect. In our opinion, the terms “cultural heritage” (heritage) and “sustainable development” (sustainability), looked at separately, share certain characteristics that make them difficult to analyze. Both are defined with complex and indefinite adjectives. “Cultural” and “sustainable” are, in actual fact, polysemous terms. Or, put another way, both constructs can be interpreted from different perspectives according to the logic that we apply (institutional, academic, market, etc.). They even lend themselves to conflicting versions or interpretations. Owing to this feature, both terms are widely accepted and lead to a consensus that facilitates their discursive circulation. Moreover, both act as prescribers when they are presenting a reality, they are reified concepts, i.e. they are self-evident, they are self-referential in nature: there is no need to explain them because they are presented just the way they are. This feature can endow them with authority and lead us to take

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for granted a content that constructs reality, effects of truth, in Foucault´s terms. So, its partnership or forced marriage turns the construct "Sustainable Heritage" into a reality status in itself, one that requires no definition. An example: UNESCO recognizes that sustainability is an indispensable part of its politics and, consequently, in its declarations. UNESCO attaches so much importance to sustainability that it considers it a priority (although, interestingly, in the tab "priorities" of the institution's website, the content on sustainable development is not available). UNESCO, however, offers no explanations for the term “sustainable good”, or how one comes about; nor does it provide mechanisms to ensure sustainability (a set of indicators and evaluation methodologies). And yet this international institution proposes “sustainable development” as an ethical aspiration and stipulates that it must be present in a transversal way in UNESCO’s entire range of implementation policies. We can analyze how “sustainable development” is presented in the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (Paris, October 2003). This expression appears on two occasions. Firstly in the Prior Considerations, which states: “Considering the importance of intangible cultural heritage as a mainspring of cultural diversity and a guarantee of sustainable development (...)” (Preamble). This statement is paradoxical, and even dangerous. In our opinion, it is reckless to link sustainability to intangible heritage and intangible heritage to developing countries, the way UNESCO’s discourse does, both explicitly and implicitly (see Koichiro Matsuura´s address in the first Proclamation of Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity). So, we find this typically western image: the "Noble savage" as a guarantor of sustainable development, and we know that this representation, idealized and ideological, responds to the very foundations of the constitution of Modernity. "Sustainable development" appears next in “General Provisions”: “For the purposes of this Convention, consideration will be given solely to such intangible cultural heritage as is compatible with existing international human rights instruments, as well as with the requirements of mutual respect among communities, groups and individuals, and of sustainable development”. (Article 2). This time the wording is conceptualized in the so-called “timeless ethical aspirations”, alongside other values that can be considered universal and global (human rights, peace, justice…). This way, sustainable development is presented more as a desired value than as a strategy that has a set of measures to implement. UNESCO presents sustainability as a moral/ethical force or basis that needs to be taken into account along with other values. This leaves behind sustainability’s role as a necessary program for action. This way, UNESCO applies a normative and performative formula to its cultural politics and world heritage declarations, which fit into the hegemonic strategy first undertaken two decades ago when sustainable development emerged as the new paradigm of development. A discursive union between “heritage” and “sustainable development” made its first appearance when the latter began to appear on the public agenda as a formula to solve the worldwide environmental crisis. In fact, we can say that sustainable development was enshrined as a paradigm after the Earth Summit II (Río de Janeiro, 1992). The concept was not entirely new, but for the first time it had an enormous impact, at least at the discursive level. Since then, all policies, including heritage-related ones, have attempted to label themselves as sustainable. In actual fact, only three years after this concept began to circulate, the European Council´s discourse was linking sustainability and heritage (“Conservation of Cultural Sites integrated in Landscape Policies”, 1995; Helsinki Conference, 1996). Leaving aside complex ideological issues, it seems evident, even surprising, that not a single document includes an explicit definition of “sustainable heritage”. Instead we find that every reference to this label of heritage reduces it to a “litany of good intentions”, reminding us of the problematic nature of the concept of development itself. In this way, the formula of “sustainable heritage” responds to the same rhetoric of the politically correct. In others words, as mentioned previously, getting heritage to become sustainable is an ethical wish. However, we do not know what is sustainable is or for whom, or for what or whom it should be sustained. Moving away from this debate, we wish to begin to analyze the discursive and practical complexities of "sustainable heritage" in a specific case study: the process that took place in the historical town of Colonia del Sacramento (Uruguay), declared World Cultural Heritage by UNESCO in 1995. It's important to note that UNESCO designated Colonia as a part of the World List invoking criteria number four, stressing Colonia’s monumental characteristics, namely its architecture and Hispanic-Portuguese colonial urban layout. The emphasis on mon-


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umental, material and historic criteria not only describe to the hegemonic categories but also help us to understand what happened in this old popular quarter. Undoubtedly, the relationship between heritage and sustainability is extraordinarily complex in this case. We are sure that this kind of connection is brand new; in fact nothing similar has been recorded in the past. Three reasons lead us to this conclusion: Firstly, declaring Colonia a World Heritage Site involved the radicalization or the final consolidation of the expulsion of its residents (a gentrification process that began in the 1970s). The substitution of the original name (“South Quarter”) for the latest designation “Historical Quarter” (more in fitting with is status as a National Heritage and World Heritage site) is proof of this expropriation. Secondly, becoming a World Heritage Site drew greater numbers of visitors eager to consume cultural heritage, giving rise to increase pressure on the protected Site. Of course, the case of Colonia is in no way exceptional; the same thing occurred in most cases of declarations of Word Heritage Sites, and more often than not the pressure on the Site and on the environment make them unsustainable, leading to the opposite effect from the intended on (protection/conservation). Thirdly, it is difficult to implement a sustainable heritage entangled in so many vested interests (commodification and marketing of the declared cultural asset). Tourism has become one of the most important drivers of local economy and Colonia’s Historic Quarter contains a large number of restaurants, hotels and shops which are basically there for tourists, especially tourists from abroad. To delve deeper into this problematic, there now follows a contextualization of the process of patrimonial appropriation of the Old Town of Colonia del Sacramento and the declaration process as World Heritage of his Historical Quarter. Finally, we present some conclusions on the complexity involved in connecting two complex concepts, heritage and sustainability, in permanent tension with a third factor: tourism. But first, we need to state that that we have analyzed 23 interviews with a variety of agents involved (neighbors, representatives, associations, experts, etc.) between March and May 2010. We have also studied the process of reconstruction/reinvention of the neighborhood analyzing documentary sources (Historical Archive of Colonia del Sacramento, press and statistical analysis, etc.). 2 FROM “OLD CITY” TO “HISTORIC QUARTER” Throughout the twentieth century, the ancient city of Colonia del Sacramento experienced an intense process of patrimonialization which has been important for the city’s social identity and urban space. The Old City, known locally “South Quarter” for its geographical location (it stretches from the southwest part of the city to Ituzaingó Street) underwent a process of “revalorization” (restoration/recreation) which will be stepped-up in coming years. Heritage activation triggered a series of transformations (physical, fiscal and social) that have reconfigured the neighborhood. These are reflected in the changes in its names, each one linked to a particular way to understanding heritage. We think the different designations refer to different visions of heritage and the range of actions carried out in the Site. Thus, the popular name “South Quarter” became “Old City” and later, it acquired the definitive denomination of "Historic Quarter", a name that appears to cover all the principles that govern a hegemonic and reductionist vision (the supremacy of the essentialist values of Western culture). Table 1. Hotel Capacity in Colonia del Sacramento _____________________________________________________________________________ Year 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 _____________________________________________________________________________ Population Census 1971 2071 2136 2259 2334 _____________________________________________________________________________ Source: Cámara Hotelera y Turística de Colonia. Authors

From our point of view, the name "Historic Quarter" fits into the institutionalized heritage model which, in many cases, leads to expropriation and re-appropriation processes that give rise to inequalities. In other words, this model leads to situations that could be called "nonsustainable" because they do not guarantee the sustainability of the environment (beyond the cultural asset).

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In general terms, in the heritage activation process of the historic center of Colonia del Sacramento we can distinguish three phases. The first is located in the first decades of the 20th century. It brought the first attempts to “reassess” the South Quarter. To understand what happened it is necessary to contextualize the Colonia of those years. On the one hand, the demolition of the city walls (in the late 19th century) allowed urban expansion eastward and relocated the city center, a transformation that was applauded by the city’s upper classes. In addition, Colonia developed economically in the early 20th century giving rise to a number of important business projects. The “Real de San Carlos” Tourist Complex (1909-1910) mirrors this change (the project comprised a Hotel-Casino, a pelota court, a racecourse, a spa and even its own bullring). This project became the city’s very first tourist attraction and helped to strengthen and consolidate the process of urban expansion begun in previous decades. These processes underlined the differences between the “South Quarter” and the so-called “New Town”. In fact, “the South” came to stand for decadence in the face of progress as embodied by the new urban projects. A pejorative and reviled view of the old city grew up, establishing a contrast between the “South” and the “Center” and nurturing the idea of two Colonias. And it was precisely the ensuing state of neglect that gave rise to an interest in their recovery. Thus began the process of revaluation of the “South Quarter” and the first regulations designed to protect it in tune with the times. In this first period two aspects stand out in particular: The first has to do with the 19th century’s classic heritage activation mechanisms: the construction of Colonia’s heritage as a vehicle for Uruguay’s national identity. In fact, thanks to the Sate’s nascent heritage legislation, in line with events in Europe, the old city of Colonia was declared a National Historic Monument (1938), a term referring to the remains of the original city of Colonia. This re-qualification process led to the creation/reinvention of a number of identity elements such as the city’s official coat-of-arms (previously inexistent), the opening of the city’s first historical museum or the reconstruction of architectural and urban elements invoking a mythical past (defenses, city walls or batteries that had been done away with). The second aspect has to do with the controversy caused by opposing views or models of conservation/restoration (the position that advocates for the recovery of a cultural asset as opposed to the destruction of neglected buildings and replacing them with new ones). Moreover, it is remarkable that in this first stage a number of discourses appeared warning about the possible depopulation of the neighborhood, suggesting that to do so would kill off its unique essence and way of life (which should be preserved as with occurs with material assets). The second stage began in the late 1960s with the setting-up of the Honorary Executive Council (CEH) and the Foundation for the Works of Preservation and Reconstruction of the Old City of Colonia del Sacramento (1968). As the leading advocate for greater recovery/cultural reinvention of the old city, this Council is destined to play a prominent role in the transformation of the neighborhood. Its ambitious work program culminated in 1980 with the inauguration of a remodeled “Historic Quarter”, coinciding, not surprisingly, with the Tercentenary celebrations of the founding of the city. In just over two decades, the CEH completed its work on the “Historic Quarter” and laid the foundations for the subsequent declaration of the neighborhood as a World Heritage Site. During this period, according to documentary sources, three interrelated phenomena emerged that transformed the neighborhood substantially. Firstly, the biggest intervention on the site took place, restoring a considerable amount of heritage assets (urban and architectural), the clearest example of which is the reconstruction of the Gate of the Citadel. In this period, the CEH starred the biggest process of excavation and restoration carried out so far, fulfilling the long awaited restoration project or heritage transformation (this also prompted historical and documentary work). It is significant that this nostalgic effort to recover the past advance erasing the present, is a process that begins with the expropriation of the places name and the re-christening of its streets (Fig. 1).

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Figure 2. Shopping tour. Tourist interest. Photo: authors

The request to UNESCO and subsequent decision, allow to see the many economic interests that came into play (the company Buquebús, for example, promoted the nomination at the prospect of a succulent increase of business) and the desired international projection led to reifying the site as a mere commercial product. The recommendations of the General Director of UNESCO were not paid attention to, who requested not only to take care of the historicist dimension but also the social. In practice there was made a systematic space-time erased with a deep social significance. This provoked an acceleration of gentrification process and, consequently, an elitization of the social fabric. This trend began decades ago with acquisitions, expropriations and house sales, but just in this period, gentrification and elitization process touched the furthest limit: the phenomena extended and crossed heritage containers, the economic speculation overflowed the limit of South Quarter and arrived at different areas of the city, like Real de San Carlos´s zone. From the 90´s, Colonia del Sacramento received a big number of foreign investors looking for its tempting market. This can explain how the prices of propierties and sales shot up. Political authorities and a large part of public opinion applauded this cultural and financial neighborhood´s revalorization but the other side of the coin was an increased feeling of expulsion: old dwellers began to be aware that their forced exodus resulted as a loss of identity and history of the neighborhood (for them, the true one). A good example of this fast transformationof the neighborhood is the case of "Club Barrio Sur". The property where the club was situated was sold and this popular institution was relocated outside of the quarter. South Quarter was losing one of the most important identity emblems with this physical and symbolic displacement. At the same time, like a domino effect, the neighborhood was losing other spaces (theaters, shops, etc.) and a large number of local social practices were disappearing (street bands and `comparsas´...) (Pos Dalmás, 2004). The decline in residential space became even more evident with the tertiarization and change of usage of the place (proliferation of shops and facilities aimed to be tourist attractions) (Table1). In sum, the inclusion of Historic Quarter of Colonia del Sacramento in the World Heritage List was the final step in the process of patrimonialization that advanced along all twentieth century. As occurred in other protected places, transformations in Colonia del Sacramento were not accompanied by a management plan (this appears only in February 2012) or a regulatory legislation (Uruguay has no General Heritage Law). This fact may explain part of the singular process that South Quarter suffered: a reconversion articulated in a mythical reinvention and reappropriation of urban spaces. Therefore, since the 90´s the concept of neighborhood as tourism scene consolidates, making this space into a real theme park (Fig. 3).

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there is a considerable overcrowding at weekends and holidays. On the other hand, we can say that centralization led to the neglect and degradation of other areas such as the coastal area. Thirdly, the neighborhood has suffered a marked environmental degradation by increased pollution, noise and visual contamination (an invasion of advertising), caused by strong competition. Rapid changes in land use and the increasing pressure of tourism enterprises give rise to a dangerous mono-functionality, since it would turn the protected site into a single commercial product subject to the law of supply and demand. Moreover, all this is exacerbated by the absence of a legal framework and conflict between different institutions and agencies that have favored uncontrolled actions or abusive architectural interventions. In brief, social and ecological degradation of this historic site, the lack of regulation and mismanagement have placed it on the verge of exclusion from World Heritage List for its unsustainability. In Budapest (2002), the World Heritage Committee asked Uruguay to draw up a Management Plan, as part of compliance with UNESCO guidelines. It should include the practical guidelines for heritage management to ensure appropriate conservation and sustainable development. Ten years later (February 2012) the first report on the Management Plan was presented, aimed at development in the neighborhood (Troitiño & Viñas, 2012). We wish to underline one aspect of this report, which is at least paradoxical and fundamental from our point of view: although on numerous occasions it has been indicated that there is a need to integrate the community in decisions aimed at ensuring the sustainability of heritage management, the report itself was drafted without involving the population. The willingness to end with the top down management model is still far away. In this sense, reductionist views of the site (at times historicist, at times mercantilist) must give space to an inclusive and participatory heritage perspective where sustainability is defined and pursued by its actors. Sustainable management of the site can only occur when the local community can identify, participate, enjoy and engage with its heritage, that is, with its space and time. Community empowerment in heritage governance should not remain a Utopian dream—it should form a part of a political program to achieve fairness and sustainability in the present and future. ENDNOTES The context of this research is within a larger Project: Title of the Project: Función social del muralismo uruguayo del siglo XX como vehículo y modelo de activación patrimonial sustentable del sitio Colonia del Sacramento. Financing Firm/administration: Secretaría de Estado para la Cooperación Internacional y para Iberoamérica (Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores). Number of the project: CAP: 10-CAP1-0306. Main researcher: Virginia Santamarina Campos.

REFERENCES Ahmad, Y. 2006. The Scope and Definitions of Heritage: From tangible to intangible. Interna tional Journal of Heritage Studies, 12: 292-300. Aikawa, N. 2004. An Historic Overview of the Preparation of the UNESCO International Con vention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. In Museum International, Views and Visions of the Intangible, 221/222: 137-149. Arrieta, I. (ed). 2010. Museos y parques naturales: Comunidades locales, administraciones públicas y patrimonialización de la cultura y la naturaleza. Bilbao: UPV. Blixen, D. 2005. De prostituta a señora: la historia reciente de Colonia del Sacramento. Mon tevideo: Ediciones del Caballo Perdido. Bouchenaki, M. 2003. The interdependency of the tangible and intangible cultural heritage. In: http://www.international.icomos.org/victoriafalls2003/papers/2%20-%20Allocution %20Bouchenaki.pdf Capurro, F. 1928. La Colonia del Sacramento. Montevideo: Talleres Gráficos El Siglo Ilustrado. Daly, H. E et al. 1991. Crisis ecológica y sociedad. Valencia: Germania. Del Marmol, C., Frigole, J. & Narotzky, S. (eds). 2010. Los lindes del patrimonio. Consumo y valores del pasado. Barcelona: Icaria. Eckersley, R. 1992. Environmentalism and political theory. Toward an Ecocentric Ap proach. New York: State University of New York Press.


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García Canclini, N. 1993. Los usos sociales del patrimonio cultural. In E. Florescano (comp.), El patrimonio cultural de México: 41-62. México: FCE. García, E. 1995. El trampolí fàustic. Alzira: Germanía. García, E. 1999. Sustentabilitat mediambiental, suficiencia i civilització. In Primeras Conferencias sobre el Medio Ambiente. Valencia: CES Comunitat Valenciana. Gonzales, M. & Martinez Alier, J. (eds.). 1993. Historia y ecología. Madrid: Marcial Pons. Hernández, G., Santamarina, B., Moncusí, A. & Albert, M. 2005: La memoria construida. Patrimonio cultural y modernidad. Valencia: Tirant Lo Blanch. Kirshenblatt - Gimblett, B. 2004. Intangible Heritage as Metacultural ProductionMuseum Inter national. In Museum International, Views and Visions of the Intangible, 221/222: 52-65. Lélé, S. M. 1991. Sustainable Development: Acritical Review. World Development, 19 (6): 607- 621. Montenegro, M. 2010. La patrimonialización como protección contra la mercantilización: paradojas de las sanciones culturales de lo igual y lo diferente. Revista Colombiana de Antro pología, 46: 115131. Munjeri, D. 2004. Tangible and Intangible Heritage: from difference to convergence. In Mu seum International, Views and Visions of the Intangible, 221/222: 98-109. Naredo, J. M. 1996. Sobre el origen, el uso y el contenido del término sostenible. Documentación Social, 102: 129-148. O´Connor, J. 1992. Las dos contradicciones del capitalismo. Ecología Política, 3: 113-131. Petras, J. & Veltmeyer, H. 2001. El imperialismo en el siglo XXI. La globalización desenmascarada. Madrid: Popular. Piriz, S. (coord.), Amaro, M., Cuadrado, M. & Laroca, A. 2006. Usos y desusos del patrimonio cultural: hacia una gestión y consumo responsables en Colonia del Sacramento. Montevideo: Caligráficos S.A. Pos Dalmás, C. 2004. El Barrio Sur de Colonia del Sacramento. Visión desde los vecinos y algunos apuntes sobre la gestión y concepción del Patrimonio. Montevideo: Faculty of Hu manities and Education. Universidad de la República, Uruguay. Redclift, M. 1987. Sustainable Development. Exploring the contradictions. Londres: Routledge. Roigé, X. y Frigolé, J. (Eds.) 2010. Constructing cultural and natural heritage. Parks, Museums and Rural Heritage. Barcelona: ICRPC. Sachs, W. 1991. Environment and Development: The Story of a Dangerous Liaison. The Ecolo gist, 21(6). Sachs, W. (ed). 1995. Global Ecology. A New Arena of Political Conflict. Canada: Fernwood Publications. Sachs, W. 2000. Development. The Rise and Decline of an Ideal. In Wuppertal Papers, 108. http://www.wupperinst.org Santamarina Campos, B. 2004. Desarrollo sostenible. Una suerte de comodín. Arxius de Ciencias Sociales, 11: 201-215. Santamarina Campos, B. 2005. Las nuevas formulaciones asimétricas: la sostenibilidad del desarrollo. Revista Ankulegi, 9: 11-18. Sosa, N. 2001. A vueltas con la sustentabilidad, esta vez desde la ética. Sistema, 162/163: 53-72. Sutcliffe, B. 1995. Desarrollo frente a Ecología. Ecología Política, 9: 27-49. Troitiño, M. A. & Viñas, A. 2012. Primer Informe de Asistencia Técnica para la elaboración del Plan de Gestión del Barrio Histórico de Colonia del Sacramento, área de amortiguación, bahía e islas. In: http://www.mec.gub.uy/innovaportal/file/10223/1/_informe_miguel_angel_troitino_4.pdf UNESCO. 2012. The Criteria for Selection. In: http://whc.unesco.org/en/criteria/ Documentary sources: Archive sources Archivo Histórico Regional de Colonia. (Historical Archive of Colonia del Sacramento, Colonia del Sacramento, Uruguay). Boxes: 02.T1, 14.T3, 14.T4, 09.T2, 09.T3, 09.T4, 09.T5, 09.T6, 09.T7, 09.T8, 09.T9 y 09.T13. Newspaper Library: Newspaper Acción. 1970-1972. Newspaper Ahora. 1972. Newspaper Búsqueda. 2011. Newspaper El Debate. 1938 Newspaper El Día. 1949-1972. Newspaper El Ideal, Diario de Colonia para toda la República.1948. Newspaper El País. 1970-1971. Newspaper La Colonia. 1936-2011. Newspaper La Mañana. 1970. Newspaper Noticias. 2011. Magazine Estampas Colonienses. 2003-2011.

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Vernacular architecture in post-disaster contexts of reconstruction in Indonesia G. Weichart University of Vienna, Department of Social and Cultural Anthropology, Vienna, Austria

U. Herbig Vienna University of Technology, Institute for the History of Art, Building Archaeology and Restoration, Vienna, Austria

F. Zamolyi Vienna University of Technology, Institute for the History of Art, Building Archaeology and Restoration, Vienna, Austria

ABSTRACT: The paper will explore the relation between post-disaster reconstruction, sustainable development and cultural heritage. It will draw on data collected during recent empirical fieldwork on the small island of Nias in Western Sumatra, Indonesia, where in 2005 a strong earthquake caused many victims and severe destruction. In the research project, which started in early 2011, an interdisciplinary team of architects and anthropologists investigates the processes and results of rehabilitation and reconstruction of the built environment in various settlements that have been affected to different degrees by the disasters and rebuilding activities. The vernacular architecture generally proved to be more earthquake-resistant than the, often more fragile, so-called “modern” constructions and the impressive traditional houses are the most visible testimonies of cultural heritage and objects of local pride. However, a growing number of residents choose to live in a modern house, despite its often rather poor quality, and only very few houses are built in traditional ways today. This change from old to new and the abandonment of vernacular architecture and houses made of wood in favor of modern-style brick and concrete buildings cannot be explained by a single factor but are the results of complex interactions of changing environmental, political, economical and social conditions.

1 INTRODUCTION On the small island of Nias in western Indonesia, a unique and impressive architecture tradition has developed over centuries and its testimonies have survived until today. However, a strong earthquake of Mw 8.7 on the Richter scale in March 2005, which followed the tsunami at the end of 2004 that had caught world-wide attention, destabilized not only the island’s geological formations but also its human-made constructions. Although at a general scale, the traditional houses proved to be more earthquake resistant than modern houses, many of them needed major repairs or rebuilding. Under these circumstances, not only the local government and aid organizations, but also many private house owners, had to make choices regarding the materials, dimensions, building techniques and styles of the new, rebuilt or repaired houses. Consequently, many of the traditional houses have disappeared during the past years and given way to modern constructions. In the interdisciplinary research project ASSIP, which started in early 2011, we study the medium-term effects of post-disaster reconstruction on Nias society with a focus on the built envi-

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ronment.For this, we have to investigate the quantity and quality of vernacular architecture that has survived or been rebuilt. Relevant research questions deal with the significance of vernacular architecture for the local population and its efforts to preserve and maintain these traditions, but we also look at alternatives in building and lifestyle that have been adopted out of need or desire. In order to satisfactorily undertake this holistic approach, the team is composed of researchers from the disciplines of architecture and urban planning, geodesy and geo-information, as well as social and cultural anthropology. Hence, a wide range of methods are used in the gathering, processing and evaluation of data. A detailed survey of the layout of settlements and buildings in selected field sites provides the basic material. A specialGIS (Geographic Information System) is being designed in which maps, GIS data as satellite and areal images, GPS (Global Positioning System) data as well as other collected data will be included and visualized. For the building survey, the architects apply conventional techniques of measuring with laser distant meter and measuring tapes to then draw plans that provide enough accuracy for a comparative analysis. The social anthropologists’ main task is communicating with the local population. Questionnaires, structured and narrative interviews as well as open conversations are the primary methods to learn about and understand the usage of the buildings, their positions in the settlement context as well as their value and meanings for the owners, residents and other villagers. Further information is collected through participant observation. As case studies, we have chosen two research areas on Nias, one in the north (the villages of Tumöri and Dahana Tabaloho) and the other in the south (the villages of Hiliamaetaniha and Sondregeasi) of the island – a choice that corresponds to the remarkable cultural and architectural differences between both regions. In both field sites, we have investigated three different categories of buildings: “traditional” houses and “modern” houses, both built by the owners or their predecessors themselves and being located in the main parts of the old villages; as a third category, we have included sets of houses erected by a government organization and financed by international donorsin the process of post-disaster reconstruction. Comparison within and between the various settlements and regions is a main task in the evaluation processes. In this paper, the main focus will be on the region of South Nias and, there, on the two first mentioned categories, namely the traditional and modern houses which can often be found side by side in the village core areas. We will thus present and compare the main characteristics ofthe two building styles, as well as their advantages and disadvantages from different perspectives: the expert’s and the local perspective.As vernacular architecture is the most prominent element of cultural heritage in Nias (like in many other areas worldwide), we will further ask how this has influenced the various stakeholders in the reconstruction process. Finally, we will reflect upon local people’s understanding, interpretationand value of culture and cultural heritagein relation to the built environment. 2 CULTURAL HERITAGE, ARCHITECTURE AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT The notion of “cultural heritage”, as it is defined in the UNESCOConvention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage of 1972, has its origin in Western notions of and attitudes towards culture and heritage. However, it has claimed worldwide validity and, subsequently, its application has not been restricted by national or cultural borders. On the contrary, many governments and NGOs in the South have also adopted the concept and guidelines in their attempt to preserve selected cultural objects or phenomena on the national, regional or local level. In the present paper, we limit our focus on the so-called tangible heritage, which deals with the material culture, and specifically with the built heritage. The regulations and guidelines for the built heritage were first formulated in the Venice Charter in 1964 and, consequently, led to the creation of the International Council on Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS). In October 1999, the Charter on the Built Vernacular Heritage was ratifiedby the ICOMOS 12th General Assembly in Guadalajara, Mexico,which defines vernacular heritage as “the fundamental expression of the culture of a community, of its relationship with its territory and, at the same time, the expression of the world’s cultural diversity” (ICOMOS, 1999:1). Furthermore, the “Principles of conservation” of the Charter stipulate the following:


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The vernacular is only seldom represented by single structures, and it is best conserved by maintaining and preserving groups and settlements of a representative character, region by region. - The built vernacular heritage is an integral part of the cultural landscape and this relationship must be taken into consideration in the development of conservation approaches. - The vernacular embraces not only the physical form and fabric of buildings, structures and spaces, but the ways in which they are used and understood, and the traditions and the intangible associations which attach to them(ICOMOS, 1999:2). The “Guidelines in Practice” in the same Charter recognize the need to preserve the craft skills necessary for the building and repairing of the vernacular architecture which should lead to a continuity of traditional building systems (ICOMOS, 1999:2). Despite its emphasis on continuity and conservation, it also admits that “[c]hanges over time should be appreciated and understood as important aspects of vernacular architecture. Conformity of all parts of a building to a single period, will not normally be the goal of work on vernacular structures” (ICOMOS, 1999:3). While in the Convention of 1972, the objects were singularized as valuable items disassociated from its creators and their descendants (Cowherd, 1999:2), a more holistic understanding of preservation has developed over the years and includeshuman agency and the broader cultural and environmental development(Adishakti, 1997:23). Anotherimportant step was the change of terminology from “cultural property”(UNESCO,1954) to “cultural heritage” (UNESCO, 1972). This switch not only allowed a shift from the economic to the symbolic arena. By abandoning the term “property” whichsuggested the owners’ unrestricted rights of alienation and exploitation, a new problem arose with the concept of “heritage”. The rights of access and preservation are no longer exclusively individual rights but have been extended to a larger public with the owners being turned into “custodians”(Weigelt, 2007).Over the past few years, a growing body of publications on cultural heritage has appeared, including many critical voices who have questioned the validity of such a concept and its benefits for the different stakeholders(cf AlSayyad, 2001; Fairclough, 2008; Hemme et al., 2007; Smith et al., 2010; Tunbridge, 1996). In Nias, like in many other parts of the world, the conservation of cultural heritage goes hand in hand with (post-earthquake) reconstruction and development. Sustainability is the keyword that promises success(cf Clark, 2008). In the UNEP & SKAT’s report, sustainable reconstruction is described as “an integrated approach to reconstruction. Environmental, technical, economic, social and institutional concerns are considered in each stage and activity of reconstruction to ensure the best long-term result, not only in housing design and construction activities, but also in the provision of related infrastructure such as water supply and sanitation systems”(UNEP SBCI & SKAT, 2007:9).Sustainable reconstruction is linked to the notion of sustainable development. As the WCED set it out in 1987 already: “In essence, sustainable development is a process of change in which the exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation of technological development, and institutional change are all in harmony and enhance both current and future potential to meet human needs and aspirations” (WCED,1987).“Building back better” is a key concept in sustainable reconstruction which adopts a dualistic approach. It faces the challenges of a disaster response in the present and promotes a culture of prevention for the future (Guarnacci, 2012:3-4).In chapter 3, we will addressthe question if and how these requirements regarding sustainability and cultural heritage have been met in the reconstruction context in Nias. 3 HISTORY, CULTURE AND HERITAGE IN NIAS Nias is situated at the western brim of Indonesia, 125 km off the west coast of Sumatra in the Indian Ocean, in the highest seismic risk zone in Indonesia where earthquakes occur regularly and frequently (Sieh, 2007).It is the largest of a group of 131 islands covering an area of approx. 5.000 km2with a population of approx. 757.000 (Census 2010). Besides the indigenous inhabitants – the Ono Niha – the majority of the present population is of Malay, Batak and Chinese descent. The island of Nias is integrated into the Province of North Sumatra and, since 2003, divided into four administrative regencies (kabupaten).

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Despite its remoteness, seafarers and traders have visited the island for more than a thousand years and left their traces. The first written sources mentioning Nias are Arabic texts dating back to the 9th and 10th century (Mittersakschmöller, 1998).Economic and cultural exchange has been active over centuries and the local resources, such as copra, pigs and slaveswere bartered for foreign goods, like gold and textiles. Gold was especially desirable and manufactured into jewellery and other prestigious objects which indicated and raised a person’s social status. Traditional Niha society was hierarchically structured with an aristocratic class, called “si’ulu” in South Nias, free commoners and slaves. Although slavery was officially abolished during the Dutch colonial rule already, the basic idea and practice of stratification have survived and still influence individual people’s position, role and opportunities in the community. In the past, believes and religion were very much related to the ancestors and the nobles claimed special ties with the ancestors and the world of the supernatural deities, associated with height, magnificence and the central spaces of the villages (Rodgers, 1985). The wealth of a village was concentrated in the hands of the nobility and their privileges and responsibilities were mirrored in the finest clothing, ornaments, monuments and houses.The biggest houses were situated in the centre of the village. In exchange for their rights they had to organize village life and work, such as the irrigation and cultivation of the fields, control external relations and distribute their wealth in feasts. Warfare between villages, family rivalry and social class tensions were common. Headhunting was frequently practicedwith the heads of the besieged enemies playing acrucialroleina number of rituals, including those related to the erection of megaliths and houses. The megaliths which were erected in front of individual houses as well as in the central square of the village, signified the status of the owners, reminded ofdeceased persons and were part of the obligatory feasts of merit.Beyond the territory of the village and the surrounding gardens, which was called “banua” (= village, land, world), the land was believed to be inhabited by evil spirits and humans (e.g. Scarduelli, 1990; Viaro & Ziegler, 1998; Ziegler, 1986). Due to the islands isolated position, major interference by the colonial administration started only in the 19th century.In cooperation withProtestant missionaries from Germany (RMG RhenishMissionary Society)and the Netherlands (DLM - Dutch Lutheran Missionary Society) they finally achieved their goals of “pacifying” Niha society and opening it “to the outside world”.Thisledtomajor social and cultural ruptures and significant permanent changes in the social organization, religious beliefs and everyday life of theOno Niha, the people of Nias (Hummel 2009).Many traditional rituals were banned and cult objects destroyed. The systematic devaluation of Niha traditional culture sought to convert the old warriors into docile subjects, as well as into faithful and caring Christians. Around 1915, a series of conversion movements swept across the island, a movement that has become known as “The Great Repentance”(Beatty 1992). Today,about70% of Niha people are members of the Protestant Church BNKP (Banua Niha Keriso Protestan). While in former time, all settlements were builtin the hilly interior of the island, despite or perhaps because ofthe rough terrain, the new immigrants founded villages along the coast, starting with the port of Gunung Sitoli which became soon the capital of the region. They also introduced another major religion, Islam, which is still largely restricted to the coastal regions. Nonetheless, traditional beliefs, rites, customs,values and laws, subsumed under the Malay term “adat”, have neither been completely abandoned nor undermined but still have a place in modern society and life. Today, adat comprises almost anything that is linked to the so-called traditional culture which has its origin in an undefined, preferably pre-colonial, past. It is considered still being strong in traditional villages of South Nias where its presence is manifested in the traditional-style houses, ideally headed by the chief’s house (“omo sebua”; also called “omo hada”) as a highly visible marker. Among the intangible heritage, it is mainly songs and dances, often associated with warfare and headhunting, as well as themanhood ritual of stone jumping that have been preserved and are demonstrated to visitors who are willing to pay for the performances (Viaro, 2000). 4 VERNACULAR ARCHITECTURE AND MODERN HOUSES IN NIAS Much research already has been carried out on traditional building types in Nias (Gruber & Herbig, 2009, Hämmerle & Lehner 2010; Viaro 2008; Viaro & Ziegler, 1993) and also on their


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resistance to earthquakes (Gruber, 2009). In this chapter we will give anoverview of the main types and characteristics of individual houses that today are prevalent in the rural areas of of South Nias. For reasons of comparison we will also add some information on traditional houses in North Nias. The island of Nias has a unique architectural tradition that manifests itself in two distinct styles, the oval house in the north and the rectangular version in the south of the island. Some characteristic features such as the approximate shape of the houses, the highly dominating proportions of the pitched roofs and the wooden "box" containing the living area beneath it, but also the slit windows and the large piles on which the whole construction rests can be found all over the island. Yet, the overall form of the houses and the detailing of the construction vary to a great extent when comparing the houses found in the north with those being built in the southern part of the island: 4.1 Village Structures In the north houses are solitary buildings with rounded, apsidial endings scattered along a path or road and thus forming a very loose village structure. In the south, however, the settlements generally consist of two densely packed rows of houses that leave no gap in between each other except for a small wooden stairway to access each house. Typically, these two lines of houses face each other, thereby creating a long and linear space between them. This space is usually completely paved with large stones and framed by drainage channels that run parallel to these two rows of houses. Important houses within these rows, such as for example, the chief’s house (“omo sebua”), are then marked by stone seats and monuments that are erected in front of them. A separate open structure, the so-called “balai desa”, designated to large gatherings of the whole village can often be found in the centre of these paved areas. This, of course, means that the lines of houses often do not run parallel to each other, but instead converge at the ends of the village while going further apart in the middle and thus forming a larger space in its center around the gathering hall. There are also some villages that have a T-shaped or cross shaped ground plan because a second "road" in the middle of the village runs perpendicular to the “main street”.Because southern villages are mostly situated on hilltops, the inhabited area can only be accessed by comparably steep stone stairways. These clearly define the beginning and the end of each village core. Along the road or path leading up to these stairs old graves can often be found as indicators of a nearby village.

Figure 1: Main road in the village of Hiliamaetaniha, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)

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4.2 Characteristics of the house construction Typically, traditional houses on Nias are entirely made of wood that is large in size and proportion, but also increasingly rare to find. Therefore recent constructions have abandoned the use of large dimensions in favour of comparably small wooden members that are cheaper and easier to buy. This has been the case with a lot of traditional architecture all over Indonesia. What is interesting though is that the building tradition in Nias utilizes diagonal struts and piles, something that is very rare elsewhere in the archipelago. Presumably, this is a seismic countermeasure to stabilize the structure in an area prone to frequent and strong earthquakes (Gruber 2009, 2010). This countermeasure is especially prevalent in northern Nias where a complicated diagonal strut system can be found between the piles of the round houses. This strut system is additionally loaded with stone to add mass to the otherwise delicate piles and thus prevent houses from extreme movements in case of an earthquake. In the south, struts in the front part of the substructure forming a large "V" are one of the hallmarks of the architecture. Like in the north, they stabilize the building in case of lateral movements. Another typical characteristic of traditional houses in Nias are palm-leaf roofs with large window flaps and slit-like windows in the wall on the whole frontal facade of the house. A large roof overhang shield the interior from the rain and sun, while the window slits protect against tropical glare. They are also a useful device that allows people to see and control what is happening on the outside, while providing some degree of privacy. After all, the person sitting behind the window slits can only be seen from the outside with great difficulty. Much of the social life still takes place outside which is especially true for South Nias, where at any given time of the day people sit outside the houses, children play on the paved area or men gather in the community building. 4.3 Space inside the house In the north the house is entered from the side of the oval shape through stairways, which lead into a large guest room. This room is the more public part of the building, guests are entertained here, and different more private rooms open from this central locality. The hearth and the kitchen is usually somewhere at the back of the house, sometimes built as a separate addition. In South Nias in former times the house was divided in a public room on the street side and a private room in the backside of the building. The public room could be accessed by the stairways from the street. Here the young men of the family slept to protect the master of the house, who lodged in the back room with the women and children. The back room was separated by a wall from the front. The hearth was situated at this middle wall. In the front room in-built benches can be found along the windows, in the back room there is a sleeping platform and chests for belongings. Over time the hearth was moved outside the core house to a shed added at the back of the building proper, the door connecting front and back room moved from the side to the center of the separation wall. Behind the wall today there are usually two small bedchambers to be found, and behind them there is the large backroom with its sleeping platform. However, this division seems not to totallysatisfy social needs, so sheds are frequently added at the back of the house and the space beneath the house is closed in with walls and as a further living space (see below). 4.4 Changes in traditional villages in the south The core area of the traditional villages in the south mostly consists of old vernacular buildings, which are in some way adapted to modern needs, but still keep their traditional form. Adaptations usually consist of the use of a zinc roof - zinc roofs have been in use even before the tsunami and earthquake of 2005 – and the closing of space between the piles with new walls. This space is then used as an extra living area. New house designs can usually be found at the periphery of the old village core. They are built of wood, but do not follow the original traditional construction principles. These new house designs can generally be divided into two different styles. One is very similar to the old traditional house type. Here, only the piles are smaller and shorter than the original and the dimension of the wooden members have decreased in size. However, there is a second type of


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which the piles are smaller, but this time the slit window form has also changed or, even more prominent, the roof form has changed. Interestingly enough, all new houses still make use of the traditional floor plan. Today, the periphery of old settlement cores (and in some exceptional cases also the center) is dotted with concrete houses, although fortunately these buildings still form a minority. 4.4.1 Adaptation of old traditional houses due to change of social needs The traditional house appears to be adaptable: The lower part can be used as extra living space without destroying the structure. All one has to do is remove a few piles and build a new wall. However, if this adaptation is not done professionally in the correct way, the structure of the house can be weakened seriously and the building loses its resilience in case of earthquakes. Climatically, the new rooms downstairs are cooler than the upper, traditional part of the house, they also ensure more privacy for the members of the family, which is increasingly valued in Nias society.

Figure 2: Adapted old traditional houses in the village of Hiliamaetanhia, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)

4.4.2 Wooden houses with a new design in the old part of the village As undisturbed rainforest areas have vanished or been placed under environmental protection, timberhas become scarce and expensive; thus instead of the old monumental houses the buildings increasingly have smaller dimensions. The tectonics of the new construction are much simpler to handle and such houses are therefore easier and cheaper to erect. Some archaic features like the slit windows and the projecting facade have been dropped in favor of large glass windows. The modern vernacular building can roughly be described as a cheap version of the old traditional buildings. Except for the inner layout of the rooms almost all of the characteristic features of the old buildings are lost in the process of cost reduction. Hence, many people in Nias have started to call this new house a "Malay type house". It does resemble the Malay house found elsewhere in Indonesia and Malaysia mainly because it uses large rectangular windows which are hallmarks of this "foreign" housetype. However, in many aspects the house still keeps at

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least a few "Niha" features: The shape and proportion of the roof, a different construction and an inner layout whose origins are clearly local. 4.5 Newly built parts of the villages Outside of the traditional village core most houses are made of modern building materials such as concrete. Wherever possible, they are built side by side to keep the closed and dense appearance of the original village layout. In the old village layout the roof overhang is comparably large, and as one house is built beside the other, a roofed street is formed in front of the house facades. Then a step or small change in elevation of the pavement and a channel follows which drains the rainwater away from the roofs. In the modern village this layout has often changed. The roof overhang is usually noticeably smaller and the drain has in some cases been shifted to the boundary of terrace-street. In these cases the terrace is divided into a higher part below the roof and a larger, somewhat lower part sloping towards the street. Sometimes the house itself has simply been put on a concrete plinth. This elevation has the function of the former piles because it keeps the house dry. In many cases the layout of the semi-public and public areas does not change, but there is a tendency towards a separation of the private space from the public space. Although this question still needs more thoroughinvestigation, the modern village seems to offer more opportunities for individual creations. 4.6 Modern concrete buildings Abandoning wooden construction usually results in big changes not only within the structure, but also in terms of building process. Skilled carpenters are made redundant, and the modular layout which is typical for wooden constructions and whose size corresponds to common wood spans can be abandoned. This means that a larger number of variations in the floor plan is possible. This, unfortunately, also means that the quality of the material used for the construction is usually not very good. While the steel reinforcement bars are often not applied by an expert and therefore corrode easily, the structure is further weakened by the use of inadequate concrete. This may be due to the fact that people build their houses themselves without skilled masons. Replacing wooden piles with a concrete plinth in order to keep the house dry is also problematic because the massive walls tend to store heat energy. Hence the ventilation problem is larger than in traditional houses. Grills and openings above windows and doors made of perforated concrete blocks have to be integrated into the design. While a comparably large number of villages in the south still maintain a village core made of traditional wooden houses, most of them are surrounded by new settlements and extensions consisting of modern houses. Although the use of space in the modern part of the village and within the modern houses is similar to the old ones, the material and shape has changed dramatically. As the modern constructions barely use timber as building material, they represent a rupture with the traditional building culture which has been largely based on wooden pile structures. Care has to be taken that traditional knowledge of carpentry does not disappear with these dramatic changes in building industry.


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Figure 3: Modern concrete houses in the village of Sondregeasi, South Nias (Photo: F. Zamolyi)

5 POST-DISASTER RECONSTRUCTION, SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND CULTURAL HERITAGE IN NIAS Although the earthquake resistance of the traditional architecture was extraordinarily high there were no reports of people dying in a traditional house - the repair of these houses was not a main issue in the relief process. One of the explanations given by aid organizations was the need of accountability towards the donors which required the erection of new houses instead of repairing the often not heavily damaged old structures (Gruber & Herbig, 2006). The new houses and settlements continued to be built in the same way as before, a development of modernization that had started already decades ago. Traditional rules and regulations for spatial structures were neglected. Even in areas where until recently settlements had been extended more or less following traditional patterns, the new structures do not show much resemblance to traditional systems that had been handed down over generations. While government and non-government organizations involved in the reconstruction phase cannot deny their responsibility for such development and its effects, we cannot blame them alone and present the local population as victims only in this process. As mentioned, the move away from traditional building styles has been a continuous development over many years. Even such a traumatic impact like the earthquake in 2005 neitherstoppedthis developmentnor led to a drastic reformulation of its goals or questioned the validity of its approach. By presenting a range of arguments that support different views, we will show that the subject is more complex than it might appear at first sight. As mentioned before, most of the donor funds dedicated to housing were invested in the rebuilding of new houses. Apart from the one already presented, other arguments that support this policy are as follows: - modern houses can be built by any skilled mason and do not require specific local knowledge; - the building of modern houses does not require large amounts of expensive imported timber;

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the building process of modern houses does not require the organization and financing of large conspicuous feasts as part of a traditional activity with strong community involvement as traditional house building does; - the size and shape of a modern house can be adapted more easily to the site on which it should be erected; - the modern house type meets better the criteriaof a “healthy house” (rumah sehat) stipulated by the Indonesian government (Keman, 2005). Thus, modern houses can be erected faster, cheaper, with less social investment, and at any location. No lengthy processes of negotiation with potential house owners and subsequent building coordination are needed. The work is rather simple … and simplicity is certainly valued in times when quick decisions and results are required. Nonetheless, traditional houses and their owners have not been completely excluded from any attention and support – probably more these days, seven years after the earthquake and after the closure of the “official reconstruction period” which lasted until the end of 2009. The Heritage Museum (Museum Pusaka) in Gunung Sitoli, for instance, has supported individual families in their efforts to repair the damages done to their house. It furtherfinanced new roofs of red or blue metal tiles of a large number of traditional houses in the village of Hiliamaetaniha. This roof type is seen as a viable alternative to the corrugated iron roof and the thatched roof. The Museum works also in cooperation with the Nias Islands Rural Access and CapacityBuilding Project (Nias-RACBP) implemented by ILO in 2009 and which includes the rehabilitation of 80 traditional houses and three megalithic sites on the island (ILO, 2011). Even more than to individual private houses, the attention of potential donors is drawn to buildings of “public interest”, like the omo sebua and the meeting houses (balai) that are usually erected nearby. However, repairs are time and cost intensive and the funding of regular maintenance in order to preserve those few remaining monumental buildings has not been secured yet. During the time of our research last year, in one village a completely new omo sebua was being built for a member of the aristocratic si’ulu class. Most of the costs were assumed by a donor but the future owner still had to bear a heavy financial burden due to the successive feasts and other forms of additional remuneration to the workers and other village people. The omo sebua are not only important markers and representations of traditional South Nias culture and society, they are also attractive tourist destinations. Local people have known about this potential for some time but the appointment of the village of Bawömataluo (which is presided by an exceptionally large and impressive omo sebua) as a candidate for the UNESCO World Heritage List has probably re-awakened the interest in cultural tourism (cf AlSayyad, 2001). The local authorities, like village heads (kepala desa) in particular, have recognized the (perhaps overstated) economic potential of the built vernacular heritage as tourist attraction. In order to raise the “traditional” and “authentic” image of his village, one kepala desa even decided to have all metal roofs of individual houses replaced with a thatched roof made of sago palm leaves. While this might indeed attract visitors, the question remains if the owners of all houses to be affected had been consulted and agreed (Adishakti, 1997)to this measurement. At the time of the interview in July 2011 it was also still undecided who would pay for that “refurbishing”. Even if funding could be secured this time, it is open how the house owners will pay for the regular replacement that a thatched roof needs because a continuous and generous flow of money through tourism is by no means guaranteed and at the moment rather unlikely to happen. Traditional South Nias houses are not only unique and aesthetic creations but, in their original state with thatched roofs and open ground floors, also perfectly adapted to the local climatic and geological conditions – they are cool, airy and safe. Nevertheless, instead of putting all resources and energy into the maintenance of these old buildings, many people choose to move into a new and modern house. The economic advantages have already been laid out above, and they undoubtedly are a major justification for such a decision. However, they are not the only reasons and for some perhaps not even the main ones. Many younger and middle-aged men have acquired skills and experiences in the building industry during the intensive phase of reconstruction on Nias or in other parts of Indonesia, often on the main island of Sumatra. They therefore feel confident enough to design and/or build their own houses (usually with the help of kin and neighbors) and, even if from an expert’s perspective they might not be perfect, the builders themselves are proud of their results which, as long as the houses’ stability is not challenged by another earthquake, seem to fulfill their own and


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their families’ needs. Although the layout of most houses largely follow a standard pattern, variation is possible and, if needed and space is available, the houses can be extended at a later time. For a passing visitor, the advantages of a traditional house, as stated above, far outweigh those of a modern concrete building. However, they have one major disadvantage which is the lack of privacy. The modern houses are provided with small bedrooms for the individual family members. Especially couples, old people and young girls enjoy that comfort. It also offers more storing space and is easier to furnish. Similar features can be found in the adapted version of the traditional house with a closed ground floor. There too, the ground floor has become the center of sociability with the entrance and living room (“ruang tamu”) and a couple of bedrooms. If several generations and families live in one building, then the older people or the house owner usually lives on the ground and the others on the first floor. The modern or “closed” traditional constructions offer privacy not only within the family but also within the village. The houses possess “proper” windows that can be shut and then even in the evening, when the room is lit and the front room in the first floor of the traditional house takes on a stage-like quality (where its residents become the actors), everybody can choose individually what and how much of their life to expose to the public. The sense of liberty attached to these newer constructions became especially noticeable in one of our research sites where there was a clear divide between the original old village, located at the top of a hill, with a large number of traditional houses, and the later extension which in the meantime has become a separate administrative unit. In this new village at the foot of the hill and closer to the main road, no traditional houses are found. The old order of a public, semiprivate and private space has been maintained in the new constructions, but it has become less pronounced. Although there are still people sitting at the window and watching the passers-by, the possibilities of social control and the likelihood of being controlled are reduced. The layout of the new village does not follow the old pattern anymore, and although a certain hierarchy of space might still exist, the traditional social order manifested in that space is no longer valid to the same extent as in the traditional hilltop village. The building techniques and materials of these modern houses often neither meet the criteria of sustainability nor of “cultural heritage”. They are neither “environmentally friendly”, nor adapted to the geographic conditions, and many of them might not survive the next major earthquake. However, out of need or choice, they constitute the housing reality of the majority of people living in Nias today. Wooden buildings are safer (even the smaller, “non-traditional” constructions), but timber has become scarce and, therefore, more expensive than cement. But, ironically, only houses built of concrete and brick are classified as “permanent houses” (“rumah permanen”) a term that has become a standard category on the Indonesian house market.The old vernacular building style, on the contrary, is a perfect example of the region’s cultural heritage. But does it meet the demands of sustainability in reconstruction and development? 6 CONCLUSION Traditional South Nias houses are remarkable buildings and testimonies of a unique cultural heritage and an integral part of the cultural landscape. The traditional architecture has been claimed by the local population as well as by foreign experts as being the most prominent cultural marker of contemporary South Nias society. Besides such a general identification, many local people also identify with specific individual houses that belong to their fathers or grandfathers or which they have inherited already. These traditional houses in traditional settings (because South Nias style traditional houses are usually not erected in any other building contexts) represent a person’s belonging, cultural and social identity and heritage. They are markers of origin – even for people who do not live in these houses anymore. In the past, the traditional wooden houses also met the criteria of sustainability: they were built of local materials; their construction techniques led to flexible structures of great earthquake resistance; with high roofs, good ventilation and an uplifted floor, they were adapted to the hot and extremely humid climate and kept vermin out. Besides, domestic animals were kept under the house. The box-like structures built on piles with doors between neighboring houses met the social needs – offering support from kin and protection from enemies.

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However, times, conditions – and people – have changed and the traditional houses have lost some of their attractions as living spaces and private property. They are expensive to build and to maintain; many of them have lost their superb qualities of adaptation to the climate (due to metal roofs which heat up the rooms below) and to the tectonic activities (with ground floors being closed with concrete walls and piles being removed). The fairly large quantities of high quality expensive timber that are needed for each house have to be imported from other Indonesian islands or abroad. And the lifestyle, demands and needs of the people themselves have changed over time. Living in a large family, under the constant supervision of parents, in-laws and neighbors, is no longer an ideal for many young couples (if it ever was?). In Indonesia, too, the trend towards small households of couples or nuclear families who live in individual houses, cannot be denied. Under the present circumstances, however, the only option for most young people when living in a traditional house is to share it with their parents or parents-in-law (who normally would be the owners of the building) which, for the young couple, inevitably means an inferior position in the house. Standardized, modern-style, concrete houses offer this alternative, and even more so when they are erected outside the traditional core village. However, their lack of adaptability to the local environmental conditions and their technical imperfection does not qualify them for the category of “sustainability” in reconstruction and development. Modern houses are not (yet) part of Nias cultural heritage, and they probably never will be (not least because similar style houses can be found all over the archipelago). Due to their doubtful building standard, which does not promise a long life-span, some of them may never become any kind of heritage at all. This might be liberating for some people, but unsettling for others. In general, the modern houses are functional objects and material property but they do not offer ties to people’s ancestry, tradition and identity. When searching for the past, Nias people still turn to the vernacular architecture. With a growing number of younger people leaving the island and looking for education, jobs, love and luck somewhere else, this might become less relevant in the future. Immigrants and their descendants in Nias might also lack that personal affiliation but, nonetheless, they might continue supporting the maintenance of the local traditional architecture. We may speculate that in long term Nias vernacular architecture will lose some of its significance as object of individual heritage and descent but, at the same time, gain meaning as object of a broader cultural heritage that includes more and larger groups of people living on the island: a development from cultural property to cultural heritage – with owners becoming custodians? What remains is the question: whose heritage - and heritage for whom? REFERENCES Adishakti, Laretna T. 1997. A Study on the Conservation Planning of Yogyakarta Historic-tourist City Based on Urban Space Heritage Conception.Ph thesis, Kyoto University. AlSayyad, Nezar (ed.) 2001. Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism. London & New York: Routledge. Beatty, Andrew 1992. Society and Exchange in Nias. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Clark, Kate. 2008. Only Connect - Sustainable Development and Cultural Heritage. Pp. 82-98 In Graham Fairclough et al. (eds.)The Heritage Reader. London & New York: Routledge. Cowherd, Robert. 1999. Indonesia and the New Conservation. In:ICOMOS National Committee Indonesia (ed.),Monuments and Sites: Indonesia: 1-8. Bandung: ICOMOS & Bandung Society for Heritage Conservation. Fairclough, Grahamet al. (eds.) 2008. The Heritage Reader. London & New York: Routledge. Gruber, Petra 2009. Adaptation and Earthquake Resistance of Traditional Nias Architecture. In edited by Petra Gruber & Ulrike Herbig (eds.),Traditional Architecture and Art on Nias, Indonesia. Vienna: IVA-ICRA. Gruber, Petra 2010. Biomimetics in Architecture: Architecture of Life and Buildings: 90-109. Vienna & New York: Springer. Gruber, Petra& Herbig, Ulrike 2006. Settlements and Housing on Nias Island: Adaptation and Development.Trans Urban 2:70-87. Gruber, Petra and Herbig, Ulrike (eds.) 2009. Traditional Architecture and Art on Nias, Indonesia. Vienna: IVA-ICRA. Guarnacci, Ugo In press. Governance for Sustainable Reconstruction after Disaster: Lessons from Nias, Indonesia.Environmental Development.


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Hämmerle, P. Johannes M., & Erich Lehner (eds.)2010. Gomo und das traditionelle Haus auf Nias. Vienna: IVA-ICRA. Hemme, Dorotheeet al. (eds.)2007. Prädikat "HERITAGE": Wertschöpfungen aus kulturellen Ressourcen. Berlin: LIT. Hummel, Uwe. 2009. The History of Protestant Mission on Nias and the Batu Islands (1865-1965). InPetra Gruber & Ulrike Herbig (eds.),Traditional architecture and art on Nias, Indonesia: 5072.Vienna: IVA-ICRA. ICOMOS. 1999. Charter on the Built Vernacular Heritage. URL: ciav.icomos.org/images/stories/charterstexts/charter-vernacular-en.pdf (access 10/03/2012). ILO. 2011. Nias Islands Rural Access and Capacity Building Project (Nias-RACBP). URL: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---ilojakarta/documents/projectdocumentation/wcms_153083.pdf (access 10/03/2012). Keman, Soedjajadi. 2005. Kesehatan perumahan dan lingkungan pemukiman.Jurnal Kesehatan Lingkungan 2(1):29-42. Mittersakschmöller, Reinhold (ed.) 1998. Joachim Freiherr von Brenner-Felsach. Eine Reise nach Nias. Unpublished manuscripts from the Museum of Ethnology Vienna. Vienna: Böhlau. Rodgers, Susan. 1985Power and Gold: Jewelry from Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines.Geneva: Musée Barbier-Mueller & Prestel. Scarduelli, Pietro 1990. Accumulation of Heads, Distribution of Food: The Image of Power in Nias.Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 146(4):448-62. Sieh, Kerry 2007. The Sunda Megathrust: Past, Present and Future. Journal of Earthquake and Tsunami 1(1):1-19. Smith, George S.et al. (eds.) 2010. Heritage Values in Contemporary Society. Walnut Creek, CA: Left Coast Press. Tunbridge, J. E., & Ashworth, G. J. 1996. Dissonant Heritage: The Management of the Past as a Resource in Conflict. Chichester, New York: J. Wiley. UNEP SBCI, & SKAT. 2007. After the Tsunami: Sustainable Building Guidelines for South-East Asia. URL: http://postconflict.unep.ch/publications/dmb_bb_tsunami.pdf (access 10/03/2012). UNESCO 1954. Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict. The Hague. URL: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0008/000824/082464mb.pdf (access 10/03/2012). UNESCO 1972. Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Paris, 16 November 1971. URL: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/convention-en.pdf (access 10/03/2012). Viaro, Alain 2002. Les sabres cérémoniels des coupeurs de têtes de Nias en Indonésie.In:Arts & Cultures: 150-175. Geneva: Musée Barbier-Mueller. Viaro, Alain 2008. Nias Island Traditional Houses. In:Reimar Schefold et al (eds.), Indonesian Houses: 35-78.Leiden: KITLV Press. Viaro, Alain&Ziegler,Arlette 1998. Die Steine der Macht: Statuen und Megalithismus auf Nias. In:JeanPaul Barbier (ed.), Botschaft der Steine: Indonesische Skulpturen aus der Sammlung Barbier-Mueller, Genf: 35-78.Milan & Hannover: Skira & Kestner. Viaro, Alain& ZieglerArlette 2006. Traditional Architecture of Nias Island.Gunungsitoli: Yayasan Pusaka Nias. WCED 1987. Our Common Future. Transmitted to the General Assembly as an Annex to document A/42/427 - Development and International Co-operation: Environment. URL: http://www.undocuments.net/wced-ocf.htm (access 10/03/2012). Weigelt, Frank2007. Von "Cultural Property" zu "Cultural Heritage: Die UNESCO-Konzeptionen im Wandel der Zeit. Pp. 367 In: Dorothee Hemme et al. (eds.), Prädikat "HERITAGE": Wertschöpfungen aus kulturellen Ressourcen: 129-146. Berlin: LIT. Ziegler, Arlette 1990. Festive Space, Territories and Feasts in the South of Nias.In:Nias. Tribal Treasures: Cosmic Reflections in Stone, Gold and Wood: 79-95. Delft: Nusantara Museum.

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Chapter 6 Heritage and education for the future

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Sustainable development and cultural heritage in the new East Timor curricula A. M. Capelo CESAM, University of Aveiro; Molecular Chemistry-Physics/FCTR&D 70/94 Unit; OE/QUI/UIOO/700/2011, Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra, Portugal

PEst-

M. C. Santos CESAM& Biology Department, Biotechnology and Cytomics Laboratory, University of Aveiro, Portugal

M. A. Pedrosa Molecular Chemistry-Physics/FCTR&D 70/94 Unit; PEst-OE/QUI/UIOO/700/2011; Department, Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra, Portugal

Chemistry

ABSTRACT: Strategies of education for sustainable development must incorporate the need to preserve the local cultural heritage, along with all other dimensions of sustainable development. In implementing education for sustainable development, formal education plays a key role. Therefore, restructuring school curricula is vitally important, in particular in young nations such as EastTimor that need to reduce the social impact of complex problems (e.g. poverty and diseases), as well as preserve their history and culture. Such restructuring is under way in East Timor, and the secondary school Biology and Chemistry programmesareanalysedto find out the extent to which thesafeguarding of cultural heritage is addressed. 1 INTRODUCTION Education for sustainable development (ESD) concerns educational processes to help achieve sustainable development (SD),based on three premises: environmental protection, economic development and social development,integrated in an inclusive and equitable manner (UNESCO, 2011b). Therefore, ESD is important for improving the living conditions of all citizens, promoting SD and achieving the Millennium Development Goals (MDG), in particular in young countries. Manyyoung countries that have undergone a post-war political transition present common patterns of development. Such a political transition may include internal conflicts, divergence over environmental and economic priorities, and a diverse ethno-cultural heritage. While the cultural heritage (e.g. ecological resources, historical artefacts and archaeological sites) may be rich and varied, it is likely thatmost of it is not being preserved. In fact, in some cases, cultural expressions and values have beeneroded and destroyed, for instance through urbanization, rural transformation, violent conflicts, and other factors. Thus, the cultural heritage (CH) in young countriesrequires urgent protection (UNESCO, 2005).East Timor is no exception and presents many problems of resource degradation and deterioration, as well aslocal and regional diversity in the social, economic, cultural and environmentaldomains, reinforcing the need to respect and preserve national identity (Presidency of the Ministers’ Office, 2007). All these concerns underscore the need to improve education in order to promote respect and a sense of responsibility for the preservation of CH, which includes tangible and intangible dimensions. In other words, educational practices (formal, non-formal and informal) shouldbe adjusted to local needs (GCUNESCO, 2009) in order to preserve and develop CHand, simultaneously, encourage students to explore questions, issues and problems,especially in contexts relevant to SD(Heng, 2010). Thus, in this communication concepts of CH, both tangibleand intangible, are firstly elucidated; secondly,CH preservation and ESDrelations are clarified; and thirdly, focus questions concerning ESD and the safeguarding of CH in the new East Timor curricula are presented (see section3.2). Based on thesequestions, the contribution of new secondary school Biology and Chemistryprogrammesfor East Timor is analysed to find out the extent to which ESD and the safeguarding of CH are addressed.

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2 CONCEPTS OF TANGIBLE AND INTANGIBLE CULTURAL HERITAGEIN YOUNG COUNTRIES 2.1Concepts of tangible and intangible cultural heritage According to the Convention for the Protection of World Natural and Cultural Heritage (UNESCO, 1972), CH includes monuments (e.g. works of monumental sculpture and painting), groups of buildings with value from the point of view of history, art or science, and sites, be they man-made works alone or combined with nature, with value from the historical, aesthetic, ethnological or anthropological point of view (UNESCO, 1972).In the Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage, CH also includes intangible values such as “the collective memory, language, oral traditions or everyday experiences” (Czermak et al., 2003, p. 4), since they are as important as tangible valuesinpromoting a country’s economic and social development (Blake, 2002).To preserve these values, the establishment of an Intergovernmental Committee for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage has been suggested,along with the drawing up of national inventories of cultural property(UNESCO, 2003b). It is also agreed that safeguarding implies“measures aimed at ensuring the viability of intangible cultural heritage, including identification, documentation, research, preservation, protection, promotion, enhancement, and transmission, particularly through formal and non-formal education, as well as the revitalization of the various aspects of such heritage” (UNESCO, 2003a, p. 3). 2.2CH and conventions in young countries The destruction and decline of a nation’sCH and its related infrastructures is one of the many casualties resulting from decades of war and social upheaval in young countries, as in East Timor. These casualties haveacted as a driving force for countries to reconsider political strategies and to ratify and adoptthe UNESCO Convention on the Protection of World Cultural and Natural Heritage (1972), the Convention on Stolen or Illegally Exported Cultural Objects (1995), the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage (2003), the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (2005) and others. Ratification of these conventions is regarded as indispensable to the affirmation of people’s identity (Blake, 2002). East Timor was a Portuguese colony for 450 years up to 1975, struggled against Indonesian occupation for 24years (between 1975 and 1999) and in 2002becameindependent and the 191st member state of the UN (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009).While independence was fought in defence of basic rights and cultural identity, the violence associated with that struggle had a strong negative impact on the people and their culture. Many problems arose, such as environmental destruction (Carter et al., 2001; World Bank, 2009), social disruption, material devastation (Jones, 2010) and lack of attention to culture (e.g. public lack of awareness regarding intangible culture), resulting in communities less attached to local characteristics (Antoulas&Baxendale, 2010; Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009; Leach, 2010).East Timor’s tangible and intangible cultural wealth is well documented (Antoulas&Baxendale, 2010; Riley, 2009; Sousa, 2007; Taylor-Leech, 2008; Oxfam &Alola Foundation, 2010) and includes“a rich combination of colonial architecture, cultural landscape with physical evidence of archaeological sites, traditional villages, remarkable vernacular architecture and a variety of crafts and traditional customs” (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009). Nevertheless, according to UNESCO (2011a), cultural knowledge “is still only transmitted essentially through the family and community” (p. 2).To promote and safeguard CH, the East Timor government highlights the need to develop culturaland educational initiativesto raise awareness of CH and contribute to the country’s modernization (Planning Commission, 2002). These initiatives are part of a strategy for poverty alleviation aiming at promoting the country’sSD by pursuing the MDG (Secretaria de Estado da Cultura, 2009). 3ESD, CULTURAL HERITAGE PRESERVATION AND CURRICULAR INTEGRATION 3.1ESD and cultural heritage curricular integration ESD concerns educational processes to help achieve SD, and includes education oriented towards poverty alleviation, human rights implementation, gender equality, cultural diversity and


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peace (UNESCO, 2011b). By integratingthese educational dimensions in a holistic manner, “ESD enables all individuals to fully develop the knowledge, perspectives, values and skills necessary for taking part in decisions to improve the quality of life both locally and globally, in ways which are more relevant to their daily lives” (UNESCO, 2005, p. 6).Reorientingcurriculatowards ESD is essential for integrating these issues into formal education (UNESCO, 2005) and may mean a step towardstangible and intangible CH preservation, accordingto prioritiesset upfortheDecadeof Educationfor SD(ACCU-ICH, 2007).In other words, formal education from an ESD perspective must integrate relevant issues involving CH knowledge and values, acknowledging the scientific and ethical dimensions. Therefore,school curriculamust be interrelated to facilitate building an interdisciplinary approach,which will mean paving the way to solving problems and reducing the gap between the two cultures (science of matter and science of the spirit) according to Snow (Seixas, 2011). In different countries, some studies have been developed to promote and evaluate theintegration into formal curriculaof someaspects of CH, including traditional, indigenous or local knowledge. For example, studies carried out in Asian countries such as Indonesia describe approaches to CHconservation and protection that emphasize localcommunity participation, and pay a great deal of attention to indigenous knowledge (IK). They proposed the inclusion of IK into formal education and recognition of factors that contribute to the loss of IK, such as a lack of interest in IK (Czemark et al. 2007). Other studies developed in some African countries, involving curriculum development andanalysis of the integration of traditional values into curricula(e.g. Woolman, 2001), state that subject matters are selected through practical activities based on the local culture, economy and society, such as “technology, home economics, practical agriculture, animal husbandry and market gardening” (p. 35). This means that school curricula were developed to be adapted to modern life without disrupting traditional and communityculture, because these are important in the cultivation of self-esteem and the creation of national identity (Woolman, 2001).However, these curricula are criticized for several reasons:they are too closely linked to traditional manual work;they encompass too many subjects that overload students and contribute to their failure; and finallythey use a language that could be a barrier to cultural understanding and preservation: “The language issue in education has a critical bearing on cultural preservation, intercultural understanding and African nationalism” (Woolman, 2001, p. 38). According to Cadaval (2007), the difficulties concerningthe curricular integration of CH are the result of the indifferenceof parents tolocal cultural resources. Thus, it is necessary to demonstrate to them that it is important to value local CH resources as markers of cultural identity and diversity, and show that curricula that encourage the depletion of existing resources should be avoided (Cadaval, 2007).This stresses the central role of education in promoting respect for CH and for the defense of national identity (Blake, 2002).Therefore, curricular reorientation in line with an ESD perspective is the best way to promote CH (Rissom, 2007). In fact, such curricularrestructuring implies an appropriate integration of the understanding, skills and values inherent in SD and, simultaneously, understanding of, respect for, and dialogue about the tangible and intangible expressions of CH (Rissom, 2007; UNESCO, 2010a). With the aim of raising awareness about CH to promote its preservation, UNESCO has suggested several initiatives and programmes, including the UNESCO Young People's World Heritage Education Programme (WHE Programme). This programmeseeks to encourage and enable young people to participate in heritage conservation, from local to global levels. Initially, WHE focused on the production and piloting of a WHE Kit for teachers and the holding of regional youth forums. Now, in its second phase, the programme seeks to reinforce the involvement of young people in World Heritage preservation and pursue efforts to integrate WHE into school curricula (UNESCO-WHE, 2005).These efforts cannot neglect the synergies which might be established between WHE and ESD in order to develop educational practices that appropriatelyand conscientiouslycontribute to SD in all its dimensions(UNESCO, 2010b).

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3.2ESD and cultural heritage preservation in the new secondary school programmes of East Timor - Methodology 3.2.1Why Biology and Chemistry curricula in East Timor Biology and Chemistry curriculafor East Timor were chosen mainly because these new programmes aim to integrate ESD, as do the other secondary education level programmes for East Timor.The second and third authors are involved in their development (as team coordinators), following a cooperation protocol between the East Timor Government and institutions in Portugal (IPAD,2010) to develop secondary school curricula, student textbooks and teacher guidesfor East Timor. The first author is developing a post-doctoralprogramme concerning newcurricula for secondary school science education in East Timor. According toSeixas (2011), this study may be considered in the category "The Developmentalistic Implication of Adjustments" (this is a translation of the original: A Implicação Desenvolvimentista de Ajustes), as it is based on an analysis of the Biologyand Chemistry programmes for the 10th school year, carried out to identify evidence of ESD and CH integration. 3.2.2Procedures An analysis of the new Biologyand Chemistry programmesthathave already been approved for the 10th school year in East Timor (RDTL, 2011) was carried out to answer the question: Is thereintegration of ESD and CH in theseschool programmes? The following questions helped to create a focus for the content analysis: Do the new curricular programmes contribute to the safeguarding of CH in EastTimor? For instance, do they promote field outings or study visits with an emphasis on CH? Are they likely to raise interest in knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe? In particular, fromthe perspective of promoting individual and collective wellbeing and health, are they likely to raise interest in customs related to nutrition, food preparation (in terms of disease prevention and health promotion), agricultural practices (e.g. use of fire), management or disposal of solid wastes, and water management for human consumption? In other words, will the new curricular programmesstimulate respect for local practices from an SD perspective?Are they likely to stimulate knowledge about species or historical sites at risk?Dotheyprovideopportunitiesto exploreissues related to personal, collective and environmental safety? Do theyfocus on CH? 3.2.3Results and discussion Analysing the Biology programme for the 10th school year, it is clear that it aims to promotethe safeguarding of CH, albeitimplicitly. In general, each unit of this programme is organized in such a way that it indirectly relates to natural and local resources [e.g. “The natural spaces of East Timor (and their ecosystems) are taken as a preferred context for further development of organization and dynamic concepts” (translation of the original, Mendes & Santos, in press, p. 9)]. Moreover,the strategies suggested in each unit show an interest in helping students todevelop appropriate skills to become aware of local natural and cultural resources, giving a positive answer to the questions asked above. For instance, this Biology programme suggests field outings or study visits with an emphasis on CH (p. 17) and shows an interest in traditional knowledge and practices concerning nature, such as food preparation and conservation (p. 21, 22): “It is expected that the student may be able to scientifically study the following aspects: (i) health and human interactions with micro-organisms; and (ii) behaviour and habits of everyday life aimed at the prevention of infectious diseases” (Translation of the original, Mendes & Santos, in press, p. 21). “It is expected that the students may be able to mobilise scientific bases by reflecting on aspects of everyday life, namely:(i) personal and/or communityhabitsofwaterandsalt consumption; and (ii) traditional food preservation processes (e.g. salting,drying,jam making …) (Translation of the original, Mendes & Santos, in press, p. 22).


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In addition, this programmesuggests activities of discoveryrelated to agricultural practices, biodiversity preservation (p.25), and species at risk (p. 16). Similarly, the Chemistry programme for the 10th school year aims at promoting the safeguarding of CH, albeit implicitly, and integrating ESD issues. For instance, the first section, “Programme overview for the study course”, highlights the interest of using local examples to understand and explain the interactions between Chemistry, stakeholders and the environment from an SD perspective (Ferreira et al.,in press): "Understand and explain the interactions between human beings, the environment and Chemistry, usingexamples,preferablyperceptiblelocally and withglobalrepercussions; emphasize the importance of theseinteractions froma sustainable development perspective” (translation of the original, p. 3).

Also, in terms of promoting student skill development, this programme refers to the need to incorporate local personal and/or socially relevant (e.g. cultural) contexts in teaching and learning approaches to explore chemistry contents. In particular, it refers to contexts such as thoserelated to agricultural practices, e.g. burning (p. 35), management or disposal of solid urban wastes (p.16, 20, 35), foodpreparation with regard to disease prevention and health promotion(p. 20), and water management for human consumption fromthe perspective of promotingindividualand collectivehealth (p. 20). For instance, this programmesuggests having a debate about burning waste versus solid waste landfills: “The debate on […] «Solid wastes: incineration orlandfill? In what circumstances?» is suggested, since dealing with these problems may transmit important ideas about the management of solid urban wastes, relating them to the relevant knowledge of chemistry, and exposing them to local practices on the one hand and recommended practices froman SD perspective on the other (translation of the original, Ferreira et al.,in press, p. 35)

Thisprogramme also shows concern to help explore issues related to personal, collective and environmental safety, and indirectly, to CH resources: “The classification of substances and mixtures thereof by how dangerous they are, is particularly importantin termsof technology and socio-environmental issues, since they have implications for individual and collective safety” (translation of the original, Ferreira et al., in press, p. 13).

In addition, while focusing on certain areas, such as the concept of the atom and its constitution,the programme reveals concerns regarding East Timorese local practices: “To explore the material world, the concept of the atom and knowledge of its constitution is essential […]. It is also necessary for understanding daily practices, whichare recommended from an environmental protection perspective, for example, hazardous waste management” (translation of the original, Ferreira et al., in press, p. 16).

In short, based on concepts of tangibleandintangible CH, CH preservation and ESD, questions were presented to guide the analyses of the Biology and Chemistry secondary school programmes for East Timor. These analyses resulted in positive answers to the majority of the questions. Therefore, the new Biology and Chemistry secondary school programmes for East Timor appear to appropriately integrate understanding, skills and values inherent inESD into the courses and, simultaneously, have an understanding of, and respect for, the safeguarding of CH. As the understanding, skills and values inherent inESD relate to daily lives, they are useful and important for all students, as for all citizens 4. CONCLUSIONS East Timor,like other young nations, needs to improve the quality of life of all its citizens. To doso,it is importanttoreorientschoolcurriculatowards ESD and develop appropriate educational

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resources, particularly by using local personally and socially relevant contexts. The new Biology and Chemistry 10thschool year programmes appear suitable for raising awareness about ESD issues and thesafeguarding of the local CH. The Biologyprogrammeshows an interest in natural resources (e.g. species at risk) and customs related to food preparation and preservation, agriculturalpracticesand watermanagement. Meanwhile the Chemistry programmeshows an interest inmaterial resources from a perspective of human survival and quality of life, integrating thesafeguarding of the local CH, namely respect for appropriate agricultural practices, management or disposal of solid wastes, food preparation and water management.Therefore, the implementation of theseprogrammesmay help the younger generationtobecomemoreaware oftheirCH and bemore ableto managelocalresources according to SD requirements. REFERENCES ACCU- ICH (Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre for UNESCO -Asia-Pacific Database on Intangible Cultural Heritage) 2007. UNESCO-ACCU Expert Meeting on Transmission and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage through Formal and Non-formal Education. Conclusions and Recommendations to the Inter-governmental Committee.http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/pdf/c2007Expert Recommendation.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). Antoulas S. &Baxendale R. 2010. Protection and Preservation of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict: the journey of the Antoulas Collection ends in Dili. In: M. Leach; N. C, Mendes; A. B. Silva; A. C. Ximenes& B. Boughton (eds.), Compreender Timor-Leste; Proceedings of the Understanding Timor-Leste Conference. Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa'e, Dili, Timor-Leste: Timor-Leste StudiesAssociation: 164-168. Chapter 27. http://www.tlstudies.org/pdfs/chp 27.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). Blake J. 2001. Developing a New Standard-setting Instrument for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage.Elements for consideration. Paris: UNESCO.http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001237/123744e.pdf (acessed 08/03/2012). Cadaval O. 2007. Transmission and Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage Through Formal and Informal Education. Examples from Case Studies.Asia-Pacific Database on Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) by Asia-Pacific Cultural Centre for UNESCO (ACCU).http://www.accu.or.jp/ich/en/pdf/c2007Expert MsCadaval 3.pdf (acessed 08/03/2012) Carter R.W., Prideaux B., Ximenes V., Adrien V.P. &Chatenay A.V.P. 2001.Development of tourism policy and strategic planning in East Timor. Occasional Paper 2001 8(1):1-101. http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/BCarter Develpment tourism policy strategic planning eas t timor 2001.pdf (accessed 02/01/2012). Czemark K., Delanghe P.&Weng W. 2003.Preserving Intangible Cultural Heritage in Indonesia., Indonesia: UNESCO Jakarta.http://www.sil.org/asia/ldc/parallel papers/unesco jakarta.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). Heng C.L. 2010. Incorporating Education for Sustainable Development into World Heritage Education: Perspective, Principles and Values In: UNESCO Bangkok (eds.), Incorporating Education for Sustainable Development into World Heritage Education. A teacher`s guide: 3-34. Chapter 1. Bangkok: UNESCO Bangkok. Asia and Pacific Regional Bureau for Education.http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001900/190006e.pdf (acessed 08/03/2012). Ferreira A.J., Fonseca C. & Pedrosa M.A. in press. Programa de Química 10 , 11 e 12 anos de escolaridade. República Democrática deTimor-Leste. Ministério da Educação. GC-UNESCO (GermanCommission for United NationsEducational-Scientificand Cultural Organization) 2009. UNESCO World Conference on Education for Sustainable Development; Proceedings, 31 March – 2 April 2009. Bonn: UNESCO/BMBF/German Commission for UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0018/001850/185056e.pdf (accessed 08/03/2012). IPAD (Instituto Português de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento) 2010. Protocolo de cooperação entre o Instituto Português de Apoio ao Desenvolvimento, a Fundação Calouste Gulbenkian e o Ministério da Educação de Timor-Leste. Proposta de financiamento do projeto “Falar Português”- Restruturação curricular do ensino secundário geral em Timor-Leste. IPAD-Fundo da Língua Portuguesa. http://www.ipad.mne.gov.pt/Instituto/Protocolos/Timor-Leste/Documents/1013 FLP Protocolo%20IPAD-FCG-ME%20-%20Ens.%20Sec.%20I.pdf (accessed 08/03/2012). Leach M. 2010. Difficult memories. The independence struggle as cultural heritage in East Timor In: M. Leach, N.C. Mendes, A.B. Silva; A.C. Ximenes& B. Boughton (eds.), Compreender Timor-Leste;


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Proceedings of the Understanding Timor-Leste Conference, UniversidadeNacional Timor Lorosa'e: 147162. Chapter 10.Dili: Timor-Leste Studies Association http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/MLeach Difficult memories 2008.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). Jones, L. 2010. (Post-) colonial state-building and state failure in East Timor: bringing social conflict back in. Conflict, Security & Development 10(4): 547575.http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/14678802.2010.500544 (accessed 09/02/2012). Mendes A. & Santos C. in press. Programa de Biologia 10 , 11 e 12 anos de escolaridade. República Democrática de Timor-Leste. Ministério da Educação. Oxfam&Alola (Oxfam - OGB, OHK and OCAA; TheAlola Foundation - KirstySword, Amanda Smith and Albina Freitas; The Asia PacificSupportCollective Timor Lorosae) 2010. Traditional Crafts of Timor Leste: A Marketing Overview. http://www.gov.east-timor.org/MAFF/ta200/TA216.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). Planning Commission 2002.East Timor.National Development Plan.Dili: Ministry: Planning Commission for East Timor. May 2002.http://www.pm.gov.tp/NDP Part1.pdf (accessed 02/03/2012). Presidency of the Ministers’ Office 2007. IV Constitutional Government Program 2007-2012. Dili: Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste Government.http://www.etan.org/etanpdf/2007/Govtprogeng.pdf (accessed 02/03/2012). RDTL (Republica democrática de Timor-Leste) (2011) Jornal da Republica. Quarta-Feira, 19 de Outubro de 2011. Série I, N. 38http://www.jornal.gov.tl/public/docs/2011/serie 1/serie1 no38.pdf (accessed 02/03/2012). Riley V. 2009. East Timor’s art, culture, back from the brink. In: The Southeast Asian Times, News for Northern Australia and Southeast Asia: 13.http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/VRilley East timors art culture back from brink 2009.p df (accessed 02/03/2012) Rissom H.-W. 2007. World Heritage Education and Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). In M.-T. Albert, R. Bernecker, D.G. Perez, N. Thakur & Z. Nairen (eds), Training Strategies for World Heritage Management: 47-49. Deutsche UNESCOKommissione.V.http://giga.cps.unizar.es/~amunoz/MUMA/documents/TrainingStrategiesForHeritageManagemen t.pdf (accessed 02/03/2012). Seixas, P.C. 2011. Timor Leste na construção científica pós-colonial nos últimos 10 anos em Portugal: entre a sedução etnográfica e a política de ajustes. In colóquio Timor: Missões científicas e antropologia colonial. AHU, 24-25 de maio de 2011 www.historyanthropologytimor.org/wp-content/.../22SEIXAS P.pdf(acessed 12/05/2011). Sousa L.M.G. 2007. As Casas e o mundo: identidade local e Nação no património material/imaterial de Timor-Leste. Etnografia. In: AGIR – Associação para a Investigação e Desenvolvimento Sócio-cultural (eds.); Actas do III Congresso Internacional, Cabeceiras de Basto, 13 e 14 de Julho de 2007: 196227.http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/LSousa As casas e o mundo identidade local 2008.p df (accessed 02/03/2012). Secretaria de Estado da Cultura 2009. Project Document: Rebuilding Social Cohesion of Communities through National Museum of Timor-Leste and Cultural Heritage Education. UNESCO Fit Cooperation. 12 June 2009. http://www.cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/TL UNESCO Nat Museum project short.pdf (accessed 14/03/2012). Taylor-Leech K. 2008. Language and identity in East Timor.The discourses of nation building.Language Problems & Language Planning 32(2): 153–180. John Benjamins Publishing Company. http://cultura.gov.tl/sites/default/files/KTLeech_Language_and_identity_in_east_timor_2008.pdf(accesse d 14/03/2012). UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) 1972.Convention Concerning the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage. Adopted by the General Conference at its seventeenth session Paris, 16 November 1972. English Text.http://whc.unesco.org/archive/conventionen.pdf (accessed 10/02/2012) UNESCO 2003a.Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. MISC/2003/CLT/CH/14, 17 October 2003 Paris: UNESCO. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0013/001325/132540e.pdf(acessed10/02/2012). UNESCO 2003b. New standard-setting instruments adopted by the General Conference of UNESCO. UNESCO Activities. Copyright Bulletin October 2003. Press Release No.2003-83.

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http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/files/15517/11005370911new instr.pdf/new instr.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012). UNESCO 2005. A Situational Analysis of Education for Sustainable Development in the Asia-Pacific Region/UN Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (2005-2014). Bangkok: UNESCO.http://www.desd.org/situational analysis.pdf (accessed 10/02/2012). UNESCO 2010a. Education for Sustainable Development Lens: A Policy and Practice Review Tool. Education for Sustainable Development in Action Learning & Training Tools no. 2 – 2010. UNESCO Education Sector. Paris: Section for Education for Sustainable Development (ED/UNP/DESD).http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001908/190898e.pdf (accssed 10/02/2012). UNESCO 2010b.A Teacher’s Guide.Incorporating education for sustainable development into world heritage education. Bangkok: UNESCO Bangkok. http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001900/190006e.pdf (accessed 02/02/2012). UNESCO 2011a.Contribution of UNESCO Timor-Leste (East Timor). Universal Periodic Review (12th session, 3-14 October 2011) http://lib.ohchr.org/HRBodies/UPR/Documents/session12/TP/UNESCO-eng.pdf(accessed 14/03/2012) UNESCO 2011b. Promoting Sub-Regional Education for Sustainable Development in South-East Asia. JAK/2011/PI/H/7.http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0019/001927/192786e.pdf (accessed 14/03/2012). UNESCO-WHE 2005.Interconnection 21. In: International Workshop on UNESCO World Heritage Education Program. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, USA January 28-30, 2005. Workshop Report.http://www.ic21.org/assets/71/WH Ed Program Report.pdf?1205712780 (accessed 14/03/2012). Woolman, D.C. 2001. Educational Reconstruction and Post Colonial Curriculum Development: A Comparative Study of Four African Countries. International Educational Journal, 2 (5), 27-46. http://www.flinders.edu.au/education/iej(accessed 14/03/2012). World Bank 2009. Timor-Leste: Country environmental analysis July 2009. Sustainable development department.East &Pacific region, World Bank.http://www.laohamutuk.org/econ/SDP/WBEnvironmentTLJuly09.pdf (accessed 03/01/2012).


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Industrial Heritage: awareness and sustainable design in architectural education. The former industrial canal zones of B5, The Netherlands I. Curulli TU/e Eindhoven University of Technology, Architecture Department, Eindhoven, The Netherlands

ABSTRACT: The main goal of this article is to illustrate an educational learning process based on sensing the site, and aiming at the awareness of the historical and heritage values in the transformation of former industrial canal zones. This paper will address the three-year experience of parallel architectural design studios, workshops and seminars developed by the Faculty of Architecture at Eindhoven University of Technology on the specific case of B5 canal zones, in The Netherlands. The courses were intended to increase the students’ sensitivity in revealing the characteristics and values of industrial buildings/areas as well as the environmental awareness about their role as a source of local identity. The courses showed that the students had acquired a new ‘mentality’ on this topic which led them to more attentive design explorations. Representatives of the five Municipalities, from the local heritage institution and also from the Province, were actively involved in the learning process. The author will illustrate the educational process undertaken during the courses, pointing out successes, failures and adjustments occurred while striving to achieve the above-mentioned goals.

1 INTRODUCTION The end of the last century has seen a dramatic change in the industry face around the world. Due to cheap labour costs, globalization has moved what the bastions of progress were once considered the pillars of the economy, i.e. the poles of manufacture, from the western world to faraway countries. Therefore, vacant areas were left abandoned and asleep waiting for what the future might bring. In the Netherlands, like everywhere, this process of de-centralization has made large urban areas available. As a result, a debate concerning the future of these dismissed sites was opened concerning the unrivalled opportunities that these areas might represent in re-launching and acquiring strategic areas for future development. In fact, in the past industrial terrains were located in the outskirts of the city or in a self-isolating location; nowadays, the urban growth has absorbed them, determining a new strategic position in the settled city for these sites. In our case, dismissed terrains are the B5 canal zones, namely the five Dutch cities of Eindhoven, Helmond, ‘s Hertogenbosch, Tilburg and Breda, located in the southern region of the country named Brabant, from which B5 derives (B5-Ruimtelijk Ordening, 2007). A former industrial canal area characterizes each city and is waiting to be transformed. These canals, dug at the end of 1800 and highly active until 1960s, are connected to each other by a large system of navigable canals (Willelhminakanaal, Zuid-Willemsvaartkanaal, Eindhovenkanaal). (Fig.1) They physically connect the 5 cities and small towns and cross unique urban agglomerations and man-made landscapes, thus forming a transport circuit with a high potential.

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Figure1. The network of the five canals of Brabant’ 1.1 The need of action In terms of urban sustainability, the rehabilitation of dismissed industrial areas fulfils two needs: ‘necessity’ and ‘resource’. ‘Necessity’ refers to the reclamation of polluted lands, which represent a contamination threat against the surrounding areas. The threat is often due to the central location of these sites and their vicinity to densely inhabited areas. This is basically an engineering approach to the site. ‘Resource’ is referred to the potential benefit, both environmental and social, that a welladvised reuse of such large portions of territory can be for the macro and micro scale of the city. It refers to design strategies able to suggest a different idea of urbanity that will arise from an unexpected and complex network of old and new with a mixture of large and small scale. See the case of Bovisa area in Milan, Italy or the Finlayson project in Tampere, Finland. In other words, these sites can be sources of wealth for their very cities. What about the heritage value of abandoned industrial sites? They are usually considered empty areas, smelly, valueless and ordinary locations: ‘terrein vagues’(I.de Sola-Morales, 1996) outside of the urban dynamics and forgotten in the ‘mental map’ of a city. The change of this negative perception is the first step to undertake when starting a project of transformation. On the contrary and according to the definition of industrial heritage by The Nizhny Tagil Charter of 2003(TICCIH, July 17, 2003), dismissed industrial sites are “the evidence of activities which had and continue to have profound historical consequences”; their remains record historical and social events, technological and architectural experimentation, whose investigation would contribute to the understanding of our industrial past and present. This definition is true and applies ‘easily’ to those historic ruins that embody the deep state of dereliction. But how can people (in our case students) be made aware of the heritage values of these more ‘contemporary’ ruins/sites if these sites have not yet officially declared ‘locations to safeguard’? This is the case of the canal zones of B5, that are in-between a state of decay and whose dismissed industrial buildings are less than 100 years old (therefore, they are not listed monuments). In the past, Brabant was the main industrial area of the country and economically able to provide one of the main sources of income. The industrial activity was mainly related to textile manufactures and the production of peat; goods were transported out through the large net of canals present in the area. Therefore, the water was the main infrastructure of transportation. Valuable buildings of different scale and architectural styles stand along the canals and they are witnesses of the industrial past and expression of the local identity. After the abandonment, none of the five municipalities has a defined strategy on how to tackle this issue and there is a general tendency of fragmenting these vast areas into smaller pieces, in order to maximize profit due to market demand.


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Nonetheless, all of them have the means to undertake a sustainable approach to the city’s growth: providing room for expansion inside the city itself. Furthermore, the transformation of these waterfronts can have a huge impact on their urban image. This paper will firstly present the educational method and process on the above topic undertaken by the author together with the students of the Architecture department at Eindhoven University of Technology and in collaboration with the local authorities; secondly, the author will show the acquired awareness by the students on industrial heritage through design proposals of transformation of the former industrial canal areas. 2 THE FRAMEWORK FOR TEACHING, LEARNING AND RESEARCHING

2.1 Theme The approaches and questions concerning the enhancement of the historical value of the canal zones are very important in the transformation of these dismissed sites. In this respect, the initiatives I have undertaken with the students made it as a target. In educational terms, the goal was to increase the students’ sensitivity in revealing the characteristics and values of industrial buildings/areas as well as the environmental awareness about their role as a source of local identity. In practical terms, the active involvement in the learning process by local authorities and heritage institutions aimed at strengthening students design proposals through professional experts’ criticism, while disseminating the knowledge of sustainable design in the students’ professional field. The activities developed in these three years experience consisted of parallel architectural design studios, workshops and seminars. The theme they embraced is part of a long-term research program I am developing at TU/e and that regards the transformation of former industrial waterfronts. The research involves several European partner universities. How can we assess the value of industrial heritage on canal waterfronts? Beside the ‘standard rules’ of evaluation, can other aspects influence the choice of keeping them? Memory and identity is attached to these industrial sites: how can the past be revealed rather than covered? what should we keep of the existing heritage? Today the spectacular size of the factories has been glorified: how can we detect and present to others those innovative construction details? For years industrial sites have been ‘forbidden terrains’: how to disclose them to the public? And what about appropriateness of program? These were some of the questions and themes discussed during the various courses. Certainly, they appear difficult and complex questions. Nevertheless, students acquired a relevant knowledge on industrial heritage and searched for the fine line between the ‘too little’-‘too much’ design intervention when transforming a dismissed industrial site/building. 2.2 Methodology Sensing is the quality of perceiving, conceiving and understanding an existing environment. From this perspective making sense is based on the engagement of a dialogue within the context. Design is the direct result of it (Vassilis, 2011). When transforming dismissed industrial sites into new uses the notions of sensitivity and creativity play a key role in both interpretation and intervention. Both sensing a particular historical context and projecting an appropriate intervention in it should be equally considered as deliberate actions. The former is expressed through the particular setting of the context of intervention (analysis); the latter is done by fitting our design intervention into that context (synthesis). This is the research method I followed with the students of the International design Studios that focused on the transformation of the five canal areas of Brabant and of which I will illustrate the learning process. The courses consisted of one-semester project each, and involved local master students that worked together with foreign ones (Erasmus students), both in terms of nationality and to the Dutch context.

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In this respect even if foreigners seemed to be privileged for not being affected by any previous knowledge, team-working with local students created the ideal conditions to sensing the existing context in the most appropriate way. Moreover, the higher the number of students’ nationalities and cultural background, the wider was the spectrum of perception and understanding. Thus, broadening and enriching the designs both in term of quality and creativity. 2.3 Structure Each course was organised in four interrelated phases and I adopted this structure for all five canals, introducing additions and adjustment during the process so as to comply with the needs and differences among the canals. The first phase was a research work, or better the first point of entry to the understanding of industrial heritage; then it followed the sensing of the specific canal zone through impression analysis of the area that stimulated open-end questions while addressing problems on the existing heritage; thirdly, it was making sense through a design strategy for the canal area that couch the values of the heritage they detected. Lastly, it was ‘testing’ the design strategy through the development of a selected portion of it at the architectural level; students could therefore express their personal design attitude towards industrial heritage via details and use of materials and their way of communicating its value to others. Between stages three and four, students were always involved in public activities related to industrial heritage1 that took place outside the university (Fig.2). Two goals motivated these participations: the first was to let students express their knowledge on industrial heritage to the public and show how they can take responsibility for the future; the second was to make people aware of the need of safeguarding our past and give appropriate feedback to them through questions and answers to students. The investigation of the industrial heritage of the canal zones of B5 definitely included the canal in itself. Its role and meaning was explored beyond its current function of dismissed infrastructure: students analysed and interpreted the canals as a carrier of collective memories but also of innovative ideas that attempt to give a new, integral sense to water into the urban landscape.

Figure 2. Students presenting at Herfgoed Brabant, Biennale Industrial Heritage, December 2010’

As for the industrial heritage along the canals, students studied the notable variety from city to city: it regarded the architectural footprints of former industries, length of the canals, their relationship with the urban and landscape context and the amount of cultural resources still existing on site. In order to state the four stages more clearly, I will address the learning process occurred during the investigation on the canal zone of Breda, which was the last one to be explored by the students.


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3 INDUSTRIAL HERITAGE IN BREDA CANAL ZONE. FOUR STAGES FOR LEARNING AND ACTING Named Havenkwartier (harbour district) the current canal zone of Breda was a polder area until 1918 and only in 1924 the digging of the canal started. The Belcrum housing district, in 1930s style, was the first and most representative urban development close to the canal area and was structured around a historical allée (Speelhuislaan) that was leading to a royal park, outside of the city centre of Breda. Lately, this street was extended to the canal area and became the main axis along which notable industrial buildings in bricks and steel structure were realized. The main activity of these factories was related to the processing and auction of fruit and vegetables; but also trading companies of hardware or iron-products and producer of large boilers and steam engines. Compared to the other canals of Brabant, the Breda’s one is relatively outside of the city centre, but the presence of the railway line between centre and canal, makes it mentally very distant (mental gap) and almost ‘unknown’ to many citizens. Furthermore, the spectacular size of the existing factories is a perceptive limit for their appropriation by many alternative users and functions. Last but not least, there is a strong discrepancy between the minute and refined urban pattern of the neighbourhood and the large footprints of the industrial buildings Ffig.3). Nonetheless, strong memories of the workers activities and exceptional architectural details of factories are vivid and call for enhancement to the public. Therefore, students had to deal with several questions prior to the start of their architectural intervention: how to overcome the ‘mental gap’ of citizens about the canal? How to reveal the value of the obsolete? Is there a program that appropriately fits the area? How to preserve the characters of the existing buildings on their space qualities? Can the canal be linked with the network of waterways around it?

Figure 3. Havenkwartier nowadays.’

3.1 Stage 1. Point of entry Firstly students carried out literature research on the state of the art in industrial heritage, then researched into listed topics related to transformation of former industrial sites. For each research theme, students were provided with reading material and listed projects. The topics of research were selected according to practical and theoretical issues concerning the meaning of industrial heritage and their inherent or external components that influence the transformation of dismissed industrial areas into new uses. Students investigated the relationship between industrial architecture and water; the edge of industrial terrains, namely their footprints vs. city grain; the pioneering technologies and construction details of industrial buildings; the different approaches in relating old to new; the invisible layer of memory, through facts and stories; the paradox of public space into industrial terrain which have always been considered ‘forbidden cities’ to ordinary citizens. The goal was to understand characteristics and problems connected to the transformation of

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industrial areas. Therefore, sensitivity and criticism were the main elements of this activity. 3.1.1 Evaluation As result of the first assignment students made a ‘how’ and ‘why’ diagram of the ways to deal with industrial heritage and showed the reasons standing behind them. Furthermore, they learnt on sustainable topics and cultural heritage criteria (reversibility, minimal intervention, appropriate use, adapted comfort, etc…) Since the students were from different nationalities and they were free to choose the projects of analysis for the second assignment, the result brought to a large range of worldwide cases and the learning was double. Firstly, students became aware of the variety of approaches to their specific theme and how they affect the understanding of the existing heritage; secondly, students understood how cultural differences influence such approaches, determining various interpretations of the subject they investigated. 3.2 Stage 2. Sensing Havenkwartier Students visited the canal area of Breda and were received by a representative of the Municipality, who gave an insight into the problems of the canal and the expectations from it. Afterwards, each student was required to express his/her impression of Breda canal zone through one model. The models did not relate to any scale of design, or to a specific material: students could define these characteristics according to their personal impressions. The objective of this assignment was to sense the potentials of the canal zone and recognize the multiple layers of the site through the reading of the perceived aspects that each individual experiences. Furthermore, students learned to synthesize these sensorial perceptions into useful elements to be put forward in the process of design.

Figure 4. Impression models and follow up discussion on the heritage of B5 canals.’

3.2.1 Evaluation Students learned to observe the site, experience it, instead of simply looking at it. They detected and valued those personal elements of the canal area, starting to define key aspects of discussion within their own team. Sensing the site made a shift in point of view for the students. They were used to assessing values in the built-up environment only through historical archive material, analysis of its geometric features, typological and morphological characteristics and other conventional parameters. Therefore, the result of this inquiry was of great surprise to them: there was a wide range of models, topics and unexpected subtle readings of the context that were displayed at the class presentation. During it, open-ended questions arose as well as open-ended answers: different problems were addressed and criticism towards the meaning and the essence of the industrial heritage of the Breda canal zone developed an intense discussion (Fig.4).


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As a conclusion, all students together organised the varied models into different categories and topics, and selected and assigned to each group a specific theme for further investigation of the design context. Explanatory of this phase is the sensing by one group2 that focused on the ‘limits’ of the canal area and thoroughly investigated their meaning, variety, intensity, location as well as the threatening and striking qualities. Later on, such investigation led to their architectural proposal aiming at ‘traversing the limits’ so as to highlight characteristics of the industrial buildings and bridge over the ‘conflicts’ among the different zones of the canal. 3.3 Stage 3. Making Sense of Havenkwartier It concerned the elaboration of the design strategy for the canal area, aiming at the enhancement of those fragments of historical memory and architectural qualities existing on the place and sensed in the previous step. Students engaged a dialogue with the site: he/she made use of the personal interpretation of the canal zone acquired in the previous phase and began the critical analysis of demands from Municipality. Representatives of the Breda’s municipality participated in the course with individual review of students or group presentations during the design development. Illustrative of this stage is the project ‘Opposites in dialogue’3 whose departure point was the difference of perception and architectural qualities of the two sides of the canal. Through the placement of a new and specific architectural elements on both sides of the canal, the proposal did not deny the differences but it started a subtle process of reminders from one to the other side of the banks. As a result, the water was no longer a divider but a connector and the canal was perceived as a whole (one entity). In a definite manner, the careful reading of the existing context and the back-and-forth process of adaptation of the new architectural elements (size, location and organization) to the site determined such result that deeply traced and highly valued the existing heritage (Fig.5).

Figure 5. Differences become ‘Opposite in dialogue’ through reminders’

3.3.1 Evaluation This was a difficult stage of the course, because students believed on a linear process of making design. On the contrary, the dialogue with the site requires (as a such) a back and forward process of architectural action (proposal) and context reaction. Thus, students needed to adjust and refine the proposal until it made sense into the site. Students had difficulty to understand that was not a closed cyclic process but it was inventive and effective. To this aim was relevant the contribute given by external experts: they helped students to overcome scepticism and to ground in practical components into students’ proposals. It became really visible the change in attitude by the students: from the initial design proposal, almost anew, students progressed towards an appropriate design, which disclosed the meanings of the context and incorporated students creativity and skills in assessing values of the existing heritage.

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3.4 Stage 4. ‘Testing the water’ in Havenkwartier This phase followed the mid-term review and there were representatives of the municipalities of both Breda and of the local Heritage institution (Erfgoed Brabant). They attended the meeting and gave feedback on the students’ proposals. Taking these criticisms into consideration, firstly students revised their work; then, they individually selected a specific area/building to be further developed at an architectural level. Special attention was given to the use of on-site materials (or the appropriate use of materials), construction of the architectural spaces and relationship of industrial buildings with the water. Therefore, the contribution of experts with lectures on the knowledge of materials, techniques of reuse and engineers’ instruments had a strong effect on the success of this stage of the course. The goal was to ‘test’ the consistency of design of the selected area with the general strategy proposed for the canal zone; and vice-versa, to test the validity of the urban approach at different design scales. Enhancement of industrial heritage was crucial. In my opinion, the following project shows how students can learn from the continuous interweaving of design scales, so as to enhance industrial heritage and enrich the architectural development. It was also an expression of perfect tuning among team members. Consistently with their urban strategy called ‘Traversing the limits’4 the students focused on the built border towards the canal, which is formed by the turbine factory and several additional volumes (Fig.6).

Figure 6. ‘Traversing the limits’.

They were built in different time periods and the space in-between is nowadays an unpleasant passage toward the water of the canal. The design proposed an inner street. On the one hand, it bound the built-up volumes, on the other hand it evoked the working chain of the factory. This street was similar to a topography work varying in width, depth and materials according to the spaces that it traversed and according to the new spaces that it aimed to create. This inner street did not compete with the main one that structured the canal area but engaged it through several points and forms of connection. In fact, by carefully placed additions, selected removals and new functions, the inner street became a permeable layer between old street and water, generating points of discovery, new public and private space or framed and activated some of the old ones. The water of the canal was not the ultimate destination for the visitor but its presence was visible here and there from the inner street. The heritage value of the existing buildings was exposed to the public: through well-thought places for moments of contemplation of their spatial and constructive qualities; and through succession of events that conjure up the past dynamic spirit of the factory in the visitor.


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The existing built border, initially unpleasant to cross, turned into a desirable limit to traverse. 3.4.1 Evaluation This fourth and last phase of the course was the most hectic one: students perceived the sedimentation of their previous learning and they were highly motivated in testing the acquired knowledge. The awareness of heritage values dialogued with inventiveness and self-initiative of the students. The initial resistance to the work method turned into a challenging opportunity to learn on sustainable topics such as materials, energy, interior climates, etc, benefiting from the experts’ interventions who had participated in the courses. Students had become conscious of the multidisciplinary approach in transforming the industrial heritage. Certainly, at this stage students had learned about the complexity of the given site, the consciousness of the individual skills to recognize and enhance the past and that along with buildings, artefacts and site, there is also a cultural memory and meaning to be sustained. Last but not least, students became aware that in reusing industrial heritage often the interpretation and narrative of the area have to negotiate with different parties and problems that might occur in the process of transformation. 4 CONCLUSION The intention of these three years’ experience with the students was to make them aware that it is not enough to observe and analyze historic buildings but that students can play an active role, rather than being spectators in the interpretation, use and the safeguard of our heritage. During this period, students acquired a personal awareness of the existing heritage and learnt how to work with others so as to develop and disseminate awareness. The results achieved are based on the firm belief of a co-existence with the past and with the need to adopt sustainable solutions. Students learnt that there are not standard solutions, but only appropriated ones, which relate to the specificity of the context. Students learnt how to detect these characteristics and to work with them so as to enhance heritage values. And finally, students realized that understanding, interpreting and intervening are unified moments, which belong to the same process of cognition and are in dialogue with the site. Sensing a specific context and making sense of an architectural intervention into it is a working method that goes beyond personal empathy and individual analytical skills. It is not my intention to enter the endless debate on the scientific consideration of this method, but I would like to remind that the notion of ‘sensitivity’ is the key element in both interpreting the historic urban landscape and in intervening in it. This is clearly stated in the Vienna Memorandum (2005). This document calls for (…) ‘a culturally and sensitive approach’ to the historic urban landscape, that (…) ‘should avoid all forms of pseudo-historical design’ and ‘demand for highquality design and execution, sensitive to the cultural context (…)’. Therefore, ‘sensitivity’ binds analysis to creative design. As an educator in the field of architecture, I am left with the unsolved issue on how to systematically communicate this theoretical knowledge to our students. I think that the experience developed in these three years has been a successful attempt to achieve it by adopting this theory. The selected topic of industrial heritage is not exclusive of this work method, although the issues related to former industrial areas add to the work one more pregnant question: the need of ‘extra sensitivity’ so as to overcome the negative perception, which is generally associated to abandoned industrial sites. From the dialogue with the students the Members of municipalities, province and guest advisors found a challenging exploration on the heritage value of the five canal zones, which brought a new and fresh perspective of the matter. Through the inventiveness of young designers and the experience of professionals and academics, theory and practice found their invaluable combination. Although the collaboration with local authorities was not concerted from the beginning, it turned out to be an original outcome for both students and professionals. Results of the work became raw material to synthesize in guidelines for a design brief addressed to professional designers. And last but not least, representatives of the five municipalities have requested to hold a ‘canal zone seminar’ as a platform to compare and discuss those strategies that enhance industrial heritage in the five canals.

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The enthusiasm fired by the collaboration between University and official Institutions has inspired it. This action is to come and will be the conclusion of the work on the industrial heritage of the canal zones of Brabant. I would like to conclude with a quote from a student of mine when he ‘(…) entered for the first time the unknown world of architectural heritage in the industrial landscape. (…) through the difficulties of our project, I learned that sensitivity is not an abstract term but an instrument to assess values of a particular context; and they are not bad ideas but the lack of architectural dialogue’5. This proves to me that our most important objective is to encourage young people (like students of architecture, as in my case) to take conceptual and creative ownership of cultural resources. Such active approach will evolve from knowledge into responsibility, which is needed to safeguard our heritage. ENDNOTES 1

‘The beauty of decay’ was a 5-day program that involved students and professionals. Through projects and lectures was discussed the aesthetic of decay (see http://ddw-workshop-tue.blogspot.com/). The activities were open to the public and related to the yearly event of the Dutch Design Week, which attracts a huge amount of visitors to the city of Eindhoven, where our university is located. ‘Inspiratiedag industrieel erfgoed Brabant’ (Inspiration day on industrial Heritage Brabant) was a public seminar organized as conclusion of a-one year activities focused on industrial heritage and undertaken by Herfgoed Brabant. Students presented their research on industrial heritage to the public. (see http://www.erfgoedbrabant.nl/nc/nl/wat-doen-wij/projecten/beb/inspiratiedag) 2 Research by the students R. Naudy, M. Notten, L. Leeftink 3 ‘Opposites in dialogue’ project by S.Inghels, A. Kerkuku, G. Litjen 4 ‘Traversing the limits, project by the students R. Naudy, M. Notten, L. Leeftink 5 J. R. Arjona, student canal zone Eindhoven.

REFERENCES B5-Ruimtelijk Ordening (ed) 2007. BrabantStad Mozaiek metropool, Eindhoven: NPN drukkers Solà-Morales, I.de, 1996. Terrein Vagues. Quaderns 212: 34-43 TICCIH. 2003, July 17. The Nizhny Tagil Charter for the Industrial Heritage. Moscow: The International Committee For The Conservation of the Industrial Heritage (TICCIH). Available online http://www.mnactec.cat/ticcih/industrial_heritage.htm[accessed on10/08/ 2008] Vassilis, G. 2011. From Sensing the Context to Making sense of architectural interventions: a working theory. Chronocity. Sensitive interventions in historic environment.: pp.7-10 UNESCO 2005. Vienna Memorandum on ‘World Heritage and contemporary architecture. Managing the historic urban landscape’. Available online http://whc.unesco.org/archive/2005/whc05-15ga-inf7e.pdf


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Spiritual heritage & education today X. Di University of Hawaii-Manoa, Honolulu, USA

ABSTRACT: This paper defines and synthesizes the basic and profound spiritual heritages from both the East and West to illustrate what is missing in education today. The discussion focuses on health and happiness, the essential elements for human existence and its quality. It examines both religious and non-religious holistic practices in our traditions that nourish, enhance, and develop quality, knowledge, and sustainability of humanity in connection with the universe and cosmos as ONE. This paper discusses the considerations and the means for integrating such spiritual heritages and practices in education classrooms today and shows the necessity, urgency, and significance for the survival of humanity and Mother Earth.

1 INTRODUCTION In the past century, formal education, as a system and a phenomenon, has seen drastic expansion and development all over the world, from the tribal village in Africa to the urban city of millions in China, from the mountains of South America to the shores of India. The basic education at the elementary level is a common component of children worldwide. According to the World Bank 2012 World Development Report, the percentage of relevant age reached 100% in 2009 in the world for both genders overall. For secondary education, the percentage of participation for the relevant age group is 69% for male and 67% for female students. Junior or middle school, is a mandatory requirement in the overwhelming majority of nations (The World Bank, 2012). Higher education has provided access to students from a wide spectrum of ethnic, social, economic, and cultural backgrounds that would not have the privilege to enter the “ivory tower” as previously operated and perceived. Formal and systematic education has become a right and an integral part of people’s lives and existence. The participation rate of the relevant age group in 2009 is 26% for male and 28% for female students, (The World Bank, 2012, p. 409). The total college and university student enrollment was 150.7 million in 2009 and the increase since 1990 was 22% in North America to 216% in Africa (Chronicle of Higher Education, 2009). While the expansion of education at all levels has reached a historic height, the content of education has also changed drastically from the oral tradition and faith or ritual based heritage and values, to general learning of basic reading, writing, and arithmetic, and then again to many specialized fields that focus on knowledge, professional careers, and financial benefits. The purposes of education has shifted from the shaping and developing the “philosophical king” of Plato’s era, to the “enlightened gentlemen” during and after the Renaissance, then the “scientists” of the modern age, and now “the good citizens and working force of the masses” (Ozman & Craver, 2012, Windolf, 1997). With these significant changes in education as well as the separation of religion and public education in the majority of the nations worldwide, the traditional teaching and practices of cultural and spiritual heritages have faded or been overcrowded and

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overtaken by practical and professional subject matters such as law, business, finance, and newer teaching methods and tools including computer, website, and iPad. Interestingly, as we gain tremendous external knowledge, skills, and financial wealth, and open and create new frontiers with sciences, technology, and medicine, our education systems seem to become inclusive, comprehensive, and powerful. Yet, at the core, there is a growing lack of spirituality, human values, and quality. Health and happiness, the basics of human life and existence are noticeably missing throughout our educational systems. While the world is becoming smaller with airplanes and high-speed internet, the human race has never before so fragmented and separated from the family and community physically, psychologically, and internally. The questions can be asked – Is the traditional spirituality obsolete in the education of modern society? What is the relationship between spirituality and education? What role does spiritual heritage play in this day and age? How does it impact education and the welfare of humanity and why? This paper will examine the definition of spiritual heritage, synthesize and explore the basic and profound commonality in the Eastern and Western traditions, and discuss and analyze their implications for educational practices today. 2 SPIRITUAL HERITAGE DEFINED What is spiritual heritage? Philosophically, the initial step of any scholarly endeavor is to examine and define the focal concept and establish the foundation of intellectual discourse. The consensus of definition perhaps is easier to reach for “heritage” – which is the knowledge, property, and wisdom that is obtained, acquired, and passed down from one’s biological and cultural lineages. Heritage lays down the common foundations for a human being, an ethnic group, a nation or the entire humanity as the essence of the existence is maintained and developed. However, when it comes to define “spiritual” or “spirituality,” the challenge is paramount. There can be many different definitions or perspectives based on one’s views, roots, and cultural contexts. In English, the word of “spiritual” has multi-layers of meaning, including “relating to sacred matter,” “ecclesiastic” or “religious” values, or “of supernatural phenomenon” (Webster’s Universal Encyclopedia Dictionary, 2002). While the historic context and development in western history often connects and equates the spiritual matters with religions and churches, the scope of spirituality extends far beyond the ritual and religious practices. “Being spiritual” or “spirituality” is embedded in social, cultural, and historic contexts, and different perspectives on the term of “spiritual” or “spirituality,” result in a rich mosaic of human understanding of the properties of this term. At the heart of spirituality, despite of the differences, it is a human endeavor to fully grasp and develop the consciousness to connect with the higher realms of the universe and the cosmos, whether it is with or through an omnipotent God, or powerful natural and supernatural forces. Such effort or practice opens to and integrates with all elements in all forms, dimensions, and times, with a clear focus to better the self as well as all beings. This pursuit comes through a variety of pathways, which may be religious worship, meditation, yoga, martial arts, or contemplation. As a form of self-realization, spirituality is not only a subjective, abstract, and mental inner process, as many would perceive. Actually it is a holistic process that employs the entire being, physical, mental, psychological, and metaphysical, as well as the entire environment in which the human being resides. Spiritual heritage, therefore, focuses on the wellbeing of a person as well as humanity that fosters cultivation, enlightenment, and state of the highest consciousness of Oneness. It consists of beliefs, values, rituals, and daily practices, all inclusively. While it is largely inherited, it is also transmitted through the continuous choices of each individual or group. The role and function of spiritual heritage is to sustain human beings, or cultural group, and humanity through time tested knowledge, wisdom, and insights. Spiritual heritage consists of multiple layers or aspects based on an individual or collective consciousness along their spiritual journey. It starts with basic belief in and respect for a higher power or powers. Some embark on this learning path with a simple desire and practice to develop good health and longevity through the spiritual connections. Some seek an inward selfawareness and development through spiritual connection and guidance for deeper understanding


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of higher self. For others it is an altruist commitment to serve all humanity with spirituality. Some are simply being One with all there is, possess no personal motives and desires, and reach complete Oneness and peace. Regardless, which layer and for what purpose one engages in spiritual learning and growth, or whether one wants to be partake in the process, the reality is that each and all are inevitably on this journey and bear the full impact, consequences, and outcomes knowingly or unknowingly. 3 BASICS OF THE SPIRITUALITY Based on the above definition of spiritual heritage, it is simply beyond the scope of this paper to discuss our spiritual heritage in its entirety. This paper intends to synthesize three basic concepts and related practices across all spiritual processes that impact significantly on health and happiness. 3.1 Spiritual Connection The primary and significant hallmark of spirituality, whether through religion, science, or other metaphysical pathways is the recognition and integration of spiritual connectedness with higher beings or forces beyond human and physical realms. Such connections may come through either God, Goddess (or Gods and Goddesses), Buddha and Bodhisattvas, and deities such as Christianity, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam (Smith, 1991). Or the connections relate to natural and cosmic forces including the sun, the moon, earth, wind, stars, galaxies, and light. The native American profound link with Mother Earth (Allen, 1992, MacFardden 2005), the Hawaiian worship of volcanic force and power through Pele (Lee & Willis, 1990), and the straditional Chinese five elements of water, fire, wood, metal, and earth (Wing, 1979) illustrate the power and impact of natural forces and phenomena on humanity. The highest respect and honor for these connections manifest the human understanding and consciousness that humanity is one of the links in the totality of the universe and is part of the creation of the entire cosmos. In honoring and making these spiritual connections, humanity situates itself in the context of the macro or mega-reality of all species and elements and the complete environment This realization and view are reached partially through the persistent and ongoing of human efforts of searching for truth and knowledge within and without. Contrary to the focus primarily on the human alone, an approach that is ego-centric and closed and that isolates humanity unrealistically, the spiritual focus on the human in relation with the universe and forces around on all planes and in all realms presents a fluid and interdependent integration with the reality seen or unseen beyond the physical. Thus it renders a comprehensive and inclusive universe and cosmos. Such consciousness and understanding point out and explain human imperfection, misconceptions, and limitations on the one hand, and on the other hand, they provide the possibility and pathways to perfection, truth, and freedom through the chosen spiritual connections. The realization of such extensive relation and connection with all makes the seemingly chaotic challenges and twists and turns in life endurable and explainable experiences. More importantly, such events and occurrence become meaningful lessons and potential growth for human being. At the same time, they provide obtainable goals and inspiration for human beings to work together toward enlightenment, deliverance, and empowerment. The actual ways of spiritual connections may vary from teaching to teaching, practice to practice, or religion to religion. The first common spiritual connection is for humans to follow the spiritual teaching and principles and disciples or believers. Often such connection is formed regularly through organized institutions and rituals as well as individual practices. The spiritual power, may it be God or the Earth, provides all the guidance entirely. Another way of spiritual connection is to make the connection as a channel or medium, seeking guidance and sharing that with fellow men and women. The channel or medium often will become masters, gurus, or leaders that serve a constituency of their followers. Yet, some will integrate through the spiritual connections with the spiritual entity, thus becoming prophets, God, or Oneness with the spiritual power. While certain practices are restricted to one approach only, in the course of historic practices, some integrate all three means and it is a combination, which utilizes one approach or an-

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other as spiritually guided and as appropriate. For some spiritual practitioners, it is a gradual evolution from one stage to another with progressive growth and approaches as illustrated through Taniguchi’s work, Truth of Life (2006), till the final destination of void. Regardless which pathway each believes and chooses to pursue, the spiritual connection offers a deeper understanding of one’s true self and nature as well as the vast and unknown universe. The process is very much captured in Plato’s allegory of the Cave in his The Republic (Plato, 1960). At the same time, it provides a new sense of higher purposes and goals such as self-cultivation, betterment, and social and cultural transformation and harmonization. While many who start with personal cultivation and individual focus soon find through the spiritual connection that they are very much connected and related with all, the destiny of all humanity and universe. For instance, in Buddhism, while there is a difference at the beginning between Theravada, which focuses on one’s own cultivation and enlightenment, and Mahayana, which teaches and shares the personal journey with all humanity (Harvey, 1990), as the cultivation continues and elevates, the seemingly varied approaches merge as one during the process and at their destination – selfless, formless, emptiness. The spiritual connection for an individual who seeks, embraces, practices, and understands is not only a philosophical, abstract, and mental process. It manifests and integrates at all levels, physical, emotional, environmental, and spiritual. Of the many impacts, first those who seek and practice spiritual connections create a reality that offers meaning and rationale for their existence. The practice offers one the understanding of life and reasons of various aspects of challenges, and human efforts to make meaning and sense through the spiritual connection provide an acceptance of life as is as well as an uplifting purpose or goal. While the actual life of the spiritual practitioner may not be easier, the life and all the challenges, more often than not, are more endurable for the practitioner due to his or her spiritual belief and practice. The fear, insecurity, and uncertainty that is associates with individual loneliness and isolation, and negatively impact on human physical and emotional wellbeing can be kept at bay. For instance, for Buddhist believers, the physical life is viewed as full of “suffering.” The spiritual scriptures teach an understanding and commitment to go through such suffering so that one can be delivered and reach nirvana (Bodhi, 2012; Jing Gang Sutra,1980). This awareness and knowledge bring meaning and purpose into the current state and make the physical life livable. Moreover, those who form a spiritual community also provide important social and human support and offer compassion and assistance at times of need. The spiritual connection requires spiritual principles such as honesty, altruism, respect, love, compassion, peace, and honorable conduct. They form the moral guidelines for the practitioners in their spiritual practice as well as daily life. As a result, such consciousness and awareness influence their interactions with other human beings and environments. When the spiritual principles are followed in real life, they assist the individual in creating a harmonious relationship with all the people and elements around them. Consequently, the individual has a higher probability of good health and happiness, especially according to the natural and spiritual cause and effect laws, with the condition that the individual follows the spiritual principles. In addition, the practices that develop spiritual connection such as meditation, chanting, and spiritually guided movements have tremendous physical, emotional, and mental benefits as well as spiritual ones (Zhong, 2007). The research has documented the impact of these practices on reducing human stress, hypertension, blood pressure, emotional imbalance, pain, and unhealthy weight etc. (Northrup, 2010). While the actual ways to develop, maintain, and expand spiritual connection can be numerous, the primary effectiveness resulted from the focus on the positivity within and without the human body at all levels, the tranquility and calmness that enhance the immune system and the emotional and mental body, and the spiritual connection allows the fully engagement with the energy, vibration, and spiritual field of a higher level. The ultimate goal for the spiritual practitioner is to transcend the physical and mental reality to a higher plane. Therefore, the impact of spiritual connection on the human being is a holistic one, and it composites the entire spectrum from physical body to spiritual being. It contributes to the wellbeing of an individual and humanity in health and happiness inclusively.


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3.2 Spiritual Centers Historically various methods have been developed in support of the spiritual cultivation and transformation of the human being. While the spiritual path is a holistic one, there are particular areas in the human physical body that are the focal points of development in particular. These areas are the foundations and pathways for spiritual connection and development. At the same time, they are the cores of human physical and emotional health. Based on the spiritual traditions, the focus and names of these centers vary – some focus on one, or three, five, seven, nine or more. The most commonly known is based on the Buddhist system of seven centers (Selby& Selig,1992). They are called “Chakras,” “Fields of Essence,” “Soul Houses,” and “Spiritual Points,” and many other terms in different cultures, languages, and practices. This paper will highlight the most basic and important two: 3.2.1 Lower Dan Tian (LDT) LDT is also called “the Second Soul House” in some spiritual and energy practices, “the Sacred Chakra” in Buddhist zen and yoga meditation, “Mana” in Hawaiian spiritual hula and practice, and “Golden Urn” in Daoist tradition. It refers to the post-natal energy center built inside our physical body, which is approximately one and half body inches (the width of the knuckle of our right thumb) and two body inches inside. This area also is between acupuncture points “Qi Hai” and “Qi Xue” (means “Ocean of Qi” and Opening Place of Qi” in Chinese). Much of the spiritual practice is to balance and center all the physical and emotional energy to this area for the focus and foundation of spiritual development (Myss, 1996). In other words it is the physical base of spiritual purification, alignment, and transformation. At the same time, it also serves as the headquarters and the root of spiritual connection and manifestation. The understanding of the importance and impact of this spiritual center and the persistent and deliberate practice of its development affect the physical, emotional, and mental health of an individual and determine the path and outcome of his or her spiritual journey. The importance and impact of this center are well understood in medicine and many other fields of human professions and activities. As early as 5,000 years ago, the Chinese ancient medicine text Yellow Emperor’s Cannon (Yellow Emperor, 2002) already described the “Qi” – life force and energy flows and “Dan” – the essence of Qi and their concentrated locations in the human body and their impact on health and treatment of illnesses. In contemporary time, research has indicated the effective impact of building the strength and centered focus and energy in LDT on blood pressure, anxiety, hypertension, and many other physical conditions. For other fields, especially kinetic fields such as martial arts, dance, and sports, the foundation of all training is exactly this area, for physical, emotional, and mental balance, flexibility, focus, groundedness, and many other benefits. At the same time the focus on this area ensures safety and soundness of movement and decision-making. The actual practices for enhancing and building the LDT are numerous, the goal is the same to make the inner connection with the center of one’s core in order to live and connect with all movement, tasks, and connections socially, culturally, and spiritually. It is not an exaggeration to say this is the foundation of human life, intelligence, wisdom, and spirituality. 3.2.2 Message Center (MC) The MC is between the two nipples, in the center of the chest. For acupuncture, the point is called “Shan Zhong” (Ma, 2007). It is also called the Forth Chakra or “Heart Chakra.” This spiritual center is in charge of all information or messages within our human physical, emotional, mental and spiritual body. Whether one has positive energy openness in this area affects the person’s attitude, disposition, kindness, love, and compassion. More importantly for spiritual practitioners, it impacts on the quality and ability of spiritual connection. A closed MC can result in the shutdown of information flow in all aspects, thus creates serious challenges in a person’s physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual being. Depression is a common result of a closed MC in connection with other factors. A closed MC affects a person’s social, professional, and personal interactions adversely. An opened Message Center, on the other hand, gathers positive information and messages through all elements within and around the person. It leads to an open heart and open-mindedness as well as to positivity, generosity, kindness, and compassion among many beneficial qualities. It enhances immune systems and all

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aspects of a person’s development, may it be professional or spiritual. In Chinese there is a saying describing a person with an open MC as “ a heart as vast and open as a valley.” When a person is happy, it is “Kai Xin – open hearted.” While for a closed MC, it is “small hearted” or when a person has sad emotions, it is described as “wounded heart.” These illustrate the relationship between MC and good health and happiness. 4 SPIRITUAL VIBRATIONS & FREQUENCIES Another key practice in spirituality across humanity is through spiritual vibrations and frequencies. Such practice comes in the form of chanting, mantras, singing hymns, spiritual dances, spiritual instruments such as singing bowls for Tibetan Buddhism, church organs for Christianity, wooden fish for Buddhist scripture recitation (Lee, 1985; Zhong, 2007). Sciences and physics indicate that all sounds and movements create and transfer vibrations and frequencies of energy. Such energy vibration and frequencies have their own property and have various impacts on human physical, emotional, mental, and spiritual body based on each person’s specific conditions and needs. Spiritual vibrations and frequencies differ from regular sounds, movements, and their vibrations in the sense that they come from the following venues: 1) The spiritual songs, dances, and instruments are used exclusively for spiritual rituals, ceremonies and activities. They carry special spiritual teaching, message, and meaning. 2) Mantras and spiritual chanting mostly come directly from spiritual connection and thus carry higher and specific spiritual vibrations and frequencies, higher than regular human ones. 3) The spontaneous spiritual vibrations and frequencies in the form of songs, movements, poems, etc. are created through direct spiritual connection, independent of human mind. They carry spiritual messages, teaching, energy, and power. Their usage during the spiritual practices aim at building the focus and concentration, making the spiritual connection, creating a strong spiritual field and community, and promoting cleansing, purification, healing, awakening, and enlightenment. For instance, Sufism’s spiritual dance creates a trance for them to make a pure connection bewteen themselves and spiritual world. Native Americans’ powwow is a scared gathering to connect with their ancestors, Mother Earth, nature, and spiritual lineages. Daoist chant teachers the essence of their spiritual practices and principles. Da Bei Zhou (the Great Compassion Mantra) of Avalokiteshvara (Guan Yin, God or Goddess of Compassion) in Buddhist practice is used for centering one’s attention fully on spiritual practice, purifying, teaching, learning, and healing. Although people are generally familiar with various religious practices, most may not be fully aware the deeper reasons and profound impact behind such practices, even among those firm believers. It is also important to point out those who practice and serve with spiritual vibrations and frequencies are not limited to religious believers, and they include many who are doctors, scientists, professionals, and ordinary human beings who have been seeking truth and learning consistently through a variety of pathways in their lives. Spiritual vibrations and frequencies are the means as well as a manifestation of spirituality (Saso, 1995). They are holistically connected and integrated with spiritual centers (all vibration and frequencies must come and go through such centers) and direct spiritual connections. Together, they form the basic triad of all spiritual paths that lead to spiritual fulfillment as well as physical and emotional health and happiness. 5 RELEVANCE FOR EDUCAITON TODAY While thiss paper has focused on spiritual heritage, its definition, and three of its main components up to this point, the question can be asked, what is the relationships with education today or if there is any? Or why do we even need to connect these two seemingly separate elements? In shuman modern history, the separation of church and state as well as that of religion and public education has been the norm in many nations. This has continuously created heated debates


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and conflicts among the different belief systems. Why, then, is it necessary to confuse the matter by introducing spiritual heritage to education or mixing the two for further complication? 5.1 Needs for integrating spiritual heritage In order to address the above question, we will examine the issues in the following aspects: First, education is seeking knowledge and truth for human survival and development. Spiritual heritage has played a significant role throughout history for just those purposes. It encompasses collective insight, practices, and wisdom of all human races, cultures, and history at all times. More importantly, spiritual heritage is not a narrow or abstract subject. It integrates and impacts on every aspects of human life, personal or collective, physical or mental, and beyond. Actually spiritual heritage itself is the content, process, result, and outcome of education to a large extent. As spiritual heritage focuses on the human relationship and connection with all components, heaven and earth, in all universes, at all times and the very source and destiny of human existence, to leave out spiritual heritage in education is to educate incompletely, teaching the shell without the substance. Secondly, the spiritual centers and connections are the foundations of human holistic health, including physical, emotional, mental elements and beyond. Currently, the formal education systems focus on many subject matters, however, health is not really addressed besides the minimal PE classes and extra curricular sports. Actually the latters sports perhaps are the major sources of broken bones and sprains among youngsters, which may impact their entire life-time. Due to the change of life styles, today’s youth have many health challenges. In affluent nations, obesity, ADHD, drug addictions, diabetes, and mental confusion become prevalent. While in the developing countries, AIDS, malnutrition, TB, and hepatitis continue to harm their health and threaten their lives. Certainly with the advancement in medicine and technology, new drugs and treatments have prolonged human lifespan in the entire world. However, at the same time, medical expenses have skyrocketed and have become daunting even for some of the wealthy nations. The World Health Report (2005) showed that in 11 million children under 5 years die worldwide from preventable illnesses and half million women die during or soon after childbirth in that year. The basic and proven spiritual practices on human health are very much needed in the current education system. The development of science and technology has made the world much smaller and highly interactive. All this has brought a unique opportunity to teaching and sharing the effective spiritual practices in this regard. What used to be highly guarded spiritual secrets now are openly shared and taught worldwide by spiritual leaders. The shared teaching and knowledge promote important synthesis and new development that have not been done in previous history. The internet enables the teaching and sharing of spiritual practices to spread. However, the commercial and opportunist spiritual teaching have also become prevalent. Formalizing the quality spiritual teaching for good health in established educational schools will prevent the danger of misuse of spiritual teaching. Spiritual centers and practices impact greatly on human intelligence, creativity, knowledge, and decision-making. In this regard, they are powerful venues and tools for education. The integration of such practices will connect human learning from individual centered, mind dominated and human focused to natural guided, cosmos focused, spiritually connected learning and growth. It takes on a much more inclusive, relational, and comprehensive approach and opens the horizon infinitely and unlimitedly. The benefits are simply unfathomable. More importantly, the spiritual heritage encompasses the natural and spiritual principles, and provides human moral and ethical guidance. Such principles and guidelines not only apply to human to human interaction but also consists of interrelations with all species, all elements, and all forms (or no forms), at all times, in all realms or dimensions. To understand such principles and live by them is the key of human survival. In education today, the purpose is to educat learners with knowledge, morality, and abilities so that they will be productive and good citizens of democracy. However, the greed, ego, and selfishness in a highly competitive world driven by capitalism and technology, educational systems worldwide have produced more graduates yet the moral decay and corruption are rampant. Few are at peace from within and there is definitely no peace in this world. Few are genuinely happy, while all seem to be richer (or poorer). The core of spiritual heritage provides exactly what human beings need the most in order to live in good health, peace, and happiness.

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Based on the reasons discussed here, the question is not whether to integrate spiritual heritage into education, it is how to do so with deliberation and effectiveness. 5.2 Considerations for integrating spiritual heritage In order to integrate spiritual heritages with education today, the recommendations and considerations are as follows: Due to the nature of spiritual heritage, the integration needs to be infused into all levels and subject matters of education. It needs to be learned not simply as book knowledge, but as ways of living and learning. Spiritual heritage is to be lived and practiced through out one’s education and life. As Dewey points out, “Education is not a preparation of life. Education is life itself.” At the same time, it does take systematic planning, development, and implementation. For education today is very much subject oriented, the interdisciplinary teaching often is marginalized at best or completely left to the wayside of the curriculum. Curriculum development for spiritual heritage can be structured in a module format that can be flexibly integrated with literature, math, history, physical education, music, arts etc. at different levels at all times. The spiritual heritage honors all pathways to enlightenment and positive cultivation that are good for the individual, humanity, and the universe. The open-hearted approach can focus on the similarities of all the spiritual principles, practices, their impacts and benefits, instead of the past practice of rivalry and competition among various religions and traditions. It is a celebration of our rainbow heritage and a respect of individual choice without judgment or condemnation of traditions and teachings other than our personal paths. Such teaching promotes understanding and unity of humanity, and all elements in the cosmos, not an egocentric superiority or racial or gender domination. The current multicultural education has provided theories and models for diversity and they are yet to be expanded to an inclusion of spiritual heritage. The principles of spiritual heritage have provided deep insight regarding knowledge of humanity and the universes around us – we are all profoundly related with ALL elements around us throughout time and beyond. The consciousness and understanding of such connectedness is very much the foundation of individual and human learning, growth, knowledge, life, society, and destiny. At present, most of the teaching in formal education is subject matter oriented, field specific, external, and knowledge is compartmentalized, materialized, and profit oriented. The integration of spiritual heritage in education will bring a balance with an inward journey, interrelated approach, and scientific principles that work beyond the mechanical and physical world including all spheres of existence and non-existence. More importantly, it brings the knowledge regarding who we are, truly are and becoming, and our personal chosen purposes and meaning to the forefront of our otherwise drifting or conformed existence. The spiritual cultivation and enlightenment develop love, compassion, freedom, creativity, and peace that bringss joy and inspiration to our education. Certainly, health and happiness are the foundations and goals of effective education for the individual, humanity, and society. Spiritual heritage, in all traditions, offers a vast range of tested and proven practices through thousands of years of human history or even longer. Contrary to the common perception that it is extremely difficult to learn and grasp, and that it can only happen when one commits seriously to one particular religion, the most profound and powerful spiritual practice is the most simple and easy to learn and practice and anyone can learn and practice. For instance, here are two examples of practices that develop spiritual centers: LDT – Stand upright and relaxed, feet apart shoulder-wide, and close eyes for better concentration. Send and gather all your energy from head to toes to your LDT. Allow the energy to flow naturally there and form an energy pool or ball. Connect with the energy inside your LDT with all the positive energy and light around you from heaven and earth. Enjoy the connection for 1 minute, 5 minute, or as long or short as you want. Your energy is balanced and charged instantly. This will benefit your health and everything you do. The spiritual connection will gradually enhance your holistic being. MC – In the same position above, open your arms to the fullest and open your heart at the same time. Again connect with the positive compassion, love, joy, light, and peace within your MC. When you are done gather all the new openness and love and light and pack them into your LDT.


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The challenge for the effectiveness is all in the persistent practice. Here is where education comes in. Through integrated and ongoing spiritual heritage at all levels, spiritual heritage can be shared, sustained, and developed at all levels. Thus it can become a part of one’s life instead of book knowledge. For the successful integration of spiritual heritage in education today, it takes a whole village or the world, of spiritual leaders and practitioners, teachers, students, parents, curriculum developers, administrators, policy makers. 6 CONCLUSION Spiritual heritage is indeed all encompassing, omnipresent, and omnipotent. While it is vast and infinite across all cultures and times, the essence of spiritual heritage has profound themes that transcend time and places. The richness and diversity of its manifestation provide infinite possibility and venues for education to integrate it into educational process holistically. This paper advocates strongly for such integration, which actually can start with very basic and simple approaches by teaching spiritual connection, building and practicing to balance and focus energy in LDT and open MC. Seemingly easy and insignificant, such teaching and practice when it is continued persistently have the great potential to affect human health and happiness positively and can enhance the quality and depth of education. Education without integration and development of our spiritual heritage destruct the world and humanness while true education imbedded with the essence of spiritual heritage enable us to center, focus, and live with good health and happiness in peace. REFERENCES Allen, P. G. 1992. The sacred hoop. Boston: Beacon Press. Bodhi, B. 2012. "The Noble Eightfold Path: The Way to the End of Suffering". Buddhist Publication Society. Retrieved 2012-02-29. Gethin, R. 1998. The Foundations of Buddhism. New York: Oxford University Press. Grove, A.T. 1980. Geomorphic evolution of the Sahara and the Nile. In M.A.J. Williams & H. Faure (eds), The Sahara and the Nile: 21-35. Rotterdam: Balkema. Dalai Lama. 2012. My spiritual journey. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Dewey, J. 1916. Democracy and esducation. New York: Macmillan. Harvey, P. 1990. Introduction to Buddhism. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Keown. 1996. Buddhism. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Lee, P. J. & Willis, K. 1990. Tales from the Night rainbow. Honolulu: Night Rainbow Publishing Co. Lee, S. O. 1985. Meditation in movement I&II. North Clarendon, VT:Tuttle Publishing Co. Ma, R. L. 2007. The wisdom of good health. Jiang Su, China: Jiangsu Literature & Art Publishing House. MacFardden, S. 2005. Legend of the Rainbow Warriors.New York: The Harlem Writers Guild Press. More college student around the world. 2009. Chronicle of Higher Education, September 18, 2009, 1. Myss, C. 1996. The Anatomy of the spirit. New York: Three Rivers Presss. Northrup, C. 2010. Women’s bodies, women’s wisdom. Random House Saso, M. 1995. The Gold Pavilion: Taoist ways to peace, healing, and long life. Boston: Charles Tuttle Co. Selby, J. & Selig, Z. 1992. Kundalini Awakening, a Gentle Guide to Chakra Activation and Spiritual Growth, New York: Random House Smith, H. 1991. World’s religions. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. Taniguchi, M. 2006. Truth of life. Gardena, CA: Seicho-No-Ie INC. The World Bank 2012 Development Report. 2012. Washington DC: The World Bank. The World Health Report. 2005. New York: The World Health Organization. Webster’s Universal Encyclopedia Dictionary. (2002). New York: Barnes & Nobles Books, 1777. Windolf, P. 1997. Expansion and structural change higher education in Germany, the United States and Japan, 1870-1990. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Wing, R. L. 1979. The I Ching workbook. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. Yellow Emperor. 2012. The Yellow emperor’s Classics of internal medicine. Trans. by Ilza Veith. Los Angelus, CA: The Uniersity of California Press.

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Sustainable development through heritage and education: the new Peterborough effect. Hunt, A. Peterborough Regional College/University Centre Peterborough and Opportunity Peterborough

Kershaw, A. Peterborough Regional College/University Centre Peterborough and Opportunity Peterborough

ABSTRACT: This paper argues that engagement with heritage by educational organisations is an effective tool in transforming the lives of young people and developing sustainable futures for England’s urban areas (UNESCO 2011). ‘The Peterborough Effect’ was a slogan employed by the Peterborough Development Corporation in the 1970s and 1980s to promote one of the most successful New Town developments in post war Britain and to encourage economic investment in the city from external businesses (Bendixson, 1988). Nearly 40 years later the Development Corporation has been superseded by Opportunity Peterborough, an urban regeneration company that recognises the role of heritage and education in the sustainable development of the city (Opportunity Peterborough 2011). Since 2009 Opportunity Peterborough and Peterborough Regional College have worked in partnership to deliver a project initially funded by the Big Lottery which seeks to build the confidence and practical skills of ‘young people who are: de-motivated, vulnerable, disengaged or likely to disengage’(Peterborough Regional College, 2010). In 2010 a group of young people successfully completed a dry stone walling course, and subsequent groups have engaged in similar activities including restoring a dry stone wall at John Clare’s Cottage, a regionally significant heritage site. The project has also grown to include a hedge laying course; a nearly extinct traditional rural skill in England. This paper is presented in three parts; the first part considers the wider academic, social, and political landscape, context within which this project is delivered. The second part of the paper is an evaluative case study demonstrating how the heritage skills project has impacted positively on the lives of young people from the city, and on the local historic environment. The final element of the paper consists of a reflective summary of the project by several of the young people that are currently part of the project. It is intended that this innovative approach offers three perspectives (that of the academic, the practioner, and the participant) on the role of heritage education projects in sustainable development.

1 INTRODUCTION: SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT THROUGH HERITAGE AND EDUCATION It is generally accepted that the term heritage is complex and multifaceted, including both tangible and intangible aspects in the form of material culture and in human behaviours and practices (UMASS, 2012 and ICOM, 2012). The academic debate surrounding what heritage actually comprises in terms of the tangible and intangible began in the 1980s and is therefore well established and extensive; with explanations agreeing that it can include anything from historic buildings and parks and gardens to ideas, memories and language (Howard, 2003 and UMASS, 2012). Its relationship with individual, local, regional and national identity has also been ex-

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plored in depth by several academics (Brisbane and Wood, 1996, Lowenthal, 1985 and 1998, Howard, 2003) and the impact of nostalgia on heritage is also a well-covered topic (Hewison, 1987, Lowenthal 189, Walsh, 1992, Bennett, 1995). In the last decade the discourse surrounding the nature of heritage has become more abstract, with further consideration given to its non fiscal value, to whom it belongs, and its relationship to the past, present and future (Brisbane and Wood, 1996, UMASS, 2012, and ICOM, 2012). Current debates on heritage focus on it being a contemporary activity or topic for public debate, a tool for urban and regional planning, and its role in the social development of individuals, communities, and even nations (UMASS, 2012 and Harrison, 2012). Heritage-led regeneration and its social impact has also become an important debate. In 2003 the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister published the report ‘Sustainable Communities: Building for the Future’ which identified the opportunities sustainable communities can offer groups, families, and individuals (ODPM, 2003). This concept has led to discussions about how heritage can play a leading role in the creation of sustainable communities, social and economic regeneration, and indeed to debates about the role of young people in this development (Ela Palmer Heritage, 2008). Although broad scale heritage regeneration programmes such as Newcastle’s Grainger Town development and Nottingham’s Lace Market project had transformed the social and economic performance of areas and their population, (English Heritage, unknown) the power of heritage to transform individual lives was first recognised within the museum sector. When New Labour came to power in 1997 under the leadership of Blair the role of museums was redefined as they changed from repositories of objects to ‘agents of social inclusion’ (Sandell, 1998, p1). From the late 1990s onwards many museums began to focus on attracting new audiences and previously excluded groups, to become active partners in the communities within which they were situated, and to develop their education provision in the widest sense (Hunt, 2012). It is clear from public information and academic research that the social inclusion agenda bought new audiences into museums during this period and encouraged their growth into sustainable entities; for example in 2002 Ipsos MORI conducted a survey into the impact of free entry to national museums which stated that in that year ‘the DCMS announced a 62% increase in visitor numbers in the seven months since entry charges were scrapped’ and that there had also ‘been a rise in museum visiting among those in DE social classes’ (Ipsos Mori, 2002). Young people were quickly identified as an excluded, or hard to reach, group by government departments, advisory bodies, and institutions themselves. There was also rapid recognition of the potential to use museums as a tool for developing a ‘sense of place, belonging and identity’ with this group (MLA, 2012). Good practice in audience development and becoming socially inclusive for the benefit of individuals and communities was primarily informed by ground breaking research by academics such as Hooper – Greenhill, Dodd, and Sandell, based at Leicester University’s Research Centre for Museums and Galleries. Academics from the Centre authored several reports which changed the face of museum practice, such as the ‘GLLAM Report’ in 2000 (which was part funded by several large urban museums), the report ‘Perspectives on Museums, Galleries and Social Inclusion’ in 2001, and the evaluative report on ‘The Impact of the DFES Museums and Galleries Education Programme’ in 2002. These reports critically evaluated traditional museum practice, forcing practioners to re-evaluate the role of museums and to explore ways of developing a more active role within society that was focused on empowerment and engagement for a variety of people rather than formal education. In the February 2012 edition of the Museums Journal the transformation of museums into community hubs, and the positive economic and social impact of this shift was explored in the context of volunteer run museums and Cameron’s Conservative Party’s ‘Big Society’. The article demonstrates that in just fifteen years the social inclusion agenda has grown to encompass economic regeneration (Weinstein, 2012). The Museum of East Anglian Life in Stowmarket, Suffolk, is an example of how social inclusion has evolved in this way. Often highlighted as leading institution in terms of current good practice, the museum runs a museum based work learning programme for people who are in long term unemployment, and a successful social enterprise business which supplies floral displays for the town. The museum also disseminates this good practice and informs current academic debates on the role of museums by producing evaluative reports on its work (Museum of East Anglian Life 2012). The approach to community engagement and social and economic development that is well established in museums has recently cascaded out to the wider heritage sector. Recent work by academics based at Newcastle University’s Centre for Urban and Re-


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gional Development Studies has sought to explore how young people feel towards, and engage with, their local historic environment. This research is also groundbreaking as in 2009 when a literature review was carried out for the ‘Sense of Place Social Capital and the Historic Environment’ project it was discovered that ‘there was virtually no earlier work on the views of young people on their local environment’ (Bradley et al, 2011). Their 2011 report, ‘Assessing the Importance and Value of Historic Buildings to Young People’, produced for English Heritage, states that their research has identified that the historic environment is important to young people, and has the power to instill a sense of pride and attachment to their local environment. However, it also makes an important correlation between poverty and reduced levels of engagement with the historic built environment in groups of young people (Bradley et al, 2011). The debate around heritage skills and their use as a tool in sustainability is far less developed than that surrounding museums, and projects such as ‘Care and Repair’ appear to be rare at this point in time. Discussions around the need for the reinvigoration of traditional heritage skills and building crafts rose to prominence with the 2004 report, ‘Crafts in English Countryside: Towards a Future’, edited by E.J.T Collins. This report is very much set in the rural context, as its title suggests, with little appreciation for the impact that the crafts and skills assessed in the report could have on young people living in urban areas. However, the report does acknowledge that whilst the skills are ‘rural by tradition, servicing agriculture and the farming community’, they can also be found ‘located mainly in villages, market towns and suburban hinterlands’, which relates well to Peterborough (Collins, 2004). The report assessed a range of heritage crafts and skills in danger of disappearing including heritage building crafts such as dry stone walling, along with the profiles of the types of people working in the sector. In 2004 people working in this sector were primarily from a ‘middle class background and were previously employed in a relatively higher status occupation’ (Collins, 2004). The report does not discuss any schemes involving disengaged young people at this point in time. In 2002 the National Training Heritage Group was formed as a reaction to a recognized shortage of craftspeople specialising in heritage building skills. In 2005 the group commissioned a report entitled ‘The Skills Needs Analysis of the Built Heritage Sector’ to inform its practice and training agenda (NHTG, 2005). In 2008 this report was reviewed and updated and the report commented on the perception of people that there was a lack of interest in traditional building skills by young people, that ‘stockholders are sceptical both of the skills levels of younger recruits and of their willingness to work at the salaries that can be offered for this kind of employment’, and that they were often unwilling to let young people work on their properties (NHTG, 2008). These findings informed the forward plan of the organisation positively, with them agreeing to encourage engagement with the historic environment by young people ‘by increasing interactive demonstrations by contractors and craftspeople within schools, at skills events or as part of historic environment and construction sector education and outreach programmes’, and by developing more links with formal education programmes, and vocational training such as apprenticeships, to meet employer needs through the NVQ level 3 Heritage Skills qualification and the NVQ Level 4 Senior Craftsperson qualification (NHTG, 2008). However, there is no clear provision in this report for using heritage as a tool for social and economic development, and whilst this might be considered as beyond the organisation’s remit, it could also be argued that this is an area that should have been considered as the organisation discusses Further Education at length in its report, and inclusion has been on the FE agenda for some time. Arguably, this exclusion may reflect the demographic of those involved in heritage crafts and skills as identified by the ‘Crafts in the English Countryside’ Report (Collins, 2004). It is clear from the limited material available exploring traditional crafts and building techniques that organisations do not fully appreciate the extent to which heritage skills might be used to engage and inspire young people and build sustainable communities, in the way in which heritage has been used in the museum context for the last decade or so. It is likely that this is because the industry is responding to a crisis linked to the survival of skills and economic stress at the moment and needs to move beyond this to be able to develop a more inclusive and innovative approach to education and engagement. It is also apparent that there is a need for appropriately qualified young people to move into the heritage building and craft skills sector, to replace an aging workforce (Collins, 2004), and whilst there is currently a focus on traditional and formal educational routes in acquiring this workforce, there is an opportunity for the Further

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Education Sector to develop their provision in this area, particularly considering non – traditional learners. It is within the framework of using heritage to engage disaffected young people that in 2009 the ‘Care and Repair’ project was developed by Alice Kershaw (Opportunity Peterborough) and Jane Hodges (Peterborough Regional College). The project also aimed to respond to the needs of the historic local environment in Peterborough and a local shortage in appropriately skilled craftspeople, whilst recognising the opportunity for innovation within the British heritage skills sector. 2 PETERBOROUGH Peterborough is a unitary authority area located in the East of England, with a compact urban centre in a predominantly rural area. 173,000 people are currently estimated to live in the city, with 66% of the population of working age and 40% of the population under the age of 29(Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). The city has a history of human habitation stretching back over 5000 years, due to its location on a clay island surrounded by resource–rich fenland. There are over 1,000 listed buildings in the city, with a quarter of the 67 Grade I list entries located within the medieval cathedral precincts in the city centre. Peterborough is not a homogenous city, and the villages and settlements that surround it vary greatly in character. The city has 29 conservation areas, predominantly located in rural areas with the exception of the city centre, a conservation area designated as ‘at risk’ by English Heritage, the Central Park conservation area, and the Victorian New England railway cottages in the north of the city centre (English Heritage, 2011). Despite its long history and important Medieval and Victorian buildings Peterborough is synonymous with the British government’s post – war New Town rebuilding programme. The city was designated a New Town in 1968 and the Peterborough Development Corporation was established which built new townships, attracted business and industry to area, and increased the size of the city (Bendixon, 1988). Rather than traditional models of growth with gradual expansion from a historic core, the city experienced forced development across a wider area, creating a dispersed population of incomers without a flagship city centre. The New Town development transformed Peterborough from an urban centre that functioned more like a market town into a bustling modern city only fifty minutes away from London, but it has left the city with problems of both an abstract and practical nature (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). The city’s identity is unclear from both geographical and historical perspectives, with academics asking if it is a Medieval cathedral city, a Victorian railway city, a twentieth-century New Town, or indeed all three (Hunt 2011)? Although Peterborough has a diverse business economy and has been relatively resilient to the effects of the macro-economic crisis, the city does face social and economic challenges, and it is currently the 90th most deprived local authority in the country out of a total of 354 authorities, with some areas within the top 5% most deprived wards in the country. These areas are located in the central urban areas of the city and are affected by high rates of health deprivation, with life expectancy below the national average for men and women. There are also high levels of deficiency measured on the income and employment scales, whereas the least disadvantaged areas are largely in the rural areas which fall within the unitary authority area. Peterborough is also a designated dispersal area and home to a significant number of asylum seeking children and families. Until recently, Peterborough’s Gross Value Added indicator was relatively strong and above regional and national averages, however it has recently dipped (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). The skill levels of people living in Peterborough are rising, however levels in the city are still below national and regional averages. Although the city has a higher than average claimant count for Job Seekers Allowance which highlights a higher degree of unemployment, this has fallen as the economy has moved into recovery, bucking the national trend. More severe, perhaps, is the impact of the NEET (young people not in education, employment or training) phenomenon. Whilst NEET levels are in line with regional and national averages, there are now clusters of vulnerable young people concentrated in the more deprived areas of the city such as Dogsthorpe, Paston, Ravensthorpe, and Orton Longueville. These young people, particularly


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those aged 16 – 18, face real challenges in accessing educational and training opportunities and entering the city’s workforce (NHS, 2007). It is within this complex geographical and social landscape that the ‘Care and Repair’ project was conceived, with the aim to develop the skills of young people designated as NEET in the area as part of a programme to conserve and preserve Peterborough’s built historic environment. The project began in 2009 with Alice Kershaw (Opportunity Peterborough) and Jane Hodges (Peterborough Regional College) working in partnership to bid for Big Lottery ‘Awards for All’ funding in order to train young people in heritage building crafts whilst restoring and improving the environment in the Greater Peterborough Area. The original brief from Opportunity Peterborough anticipated four key outcomes; the use of heritage as a driver for traditional skills development, the conservation of derelict dry stone walls within conservation areas, raising awareness of the value of heritage within the local population, and breaking down identity barriers between urban and rural (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). This paper seeks to demonstrate that in just three years this project has transformed the lives of local young people and has contributed to the protection of the historic environment. This is achieved through an evaluative case study of the project, demonstrating how the project has contributed to the city’s sustainability to date by transforming the lives of those involved and contributing to the restoration and preservation of Peterborough’s historic environment. Finally, reflections by the current cohort involved in the project are provided to reaffirm the success of the project to date. They are not interwoven into the text as they provide far more powerful testimonies when read individually, and have had little editorial intervention apart from spelling and some grammar which is denoted by the used of brackets. The paper concludes with the argument that heritage can be a powerful tool in transforming the lives and prospects of young people, and can contribute to the sustainability of urban environments in Britain. 3 CASE STUDY: THE ‘CARE AND REPAIR’ DRY STONE WALLING PROJECT IN PETERBOROUGH As part of the heritage regeneration programme established by Opportunity Peterborough, English Heritage and Peterborough City Council, a pilot dry stone walling project, called ‘Care and Repair’ was devised by Alice Kershaw and Jane Hodges in 2009. It was planned that this project would be delivered through a partnership between local education provider Peterborough Regional College and not-for-profit economic development company Opportunity Peterborough, with initial funding from the Big Lottery ‘Awards for All’ programme. The project aimed to provide on-site practical training in heritage skills from experts in the field, in primarily rural ‘conservation area’ locations within the Peterborough Unitary Authority Area, targeting young people designated as NEET. It also aimed to create a sustainable future for the heritage sector in Peterborough by increasing the local skills base. This project also aimed to bring young people from the urban centre of Peterborough into contact with those living in the rural hinterland of the city (Opportunity Peterborough, 2009). The need to focus on dry stone walling as a rural skill for development was informed by an important aspect of the area’s built historic environment; the use of oolithic limestone as an urban and rural building material. There was also an existing survey from 2009 (‘The Ufford Wall Survey’) that identified the need for extensive repairs to traditional limestone stone boundary walls within the unitary authority area (Ufford Parish Council, 2009). As Ufford sits in one of the 29 conservation areas within the authority Ufford Parish Council identified the need to work in partnership with Peterborough City Council, English Heritage, and other bodies to assist in the repair of the walls using local, traditional, methods (Peterborough City Council, 2009). The target group for the project was determined by a number of city wide strategies and issues. Peterborough City Council’s 2008 Sustainable Community Strategy had cited ‘creating opportunities – tackling inequalities’ as one of its key priority areas, along with improving skills and education in the city. Other objectives in the report included providing people with the skills needed to secure jobs locally, to foster a sense of pride in the city’s diverse and distinctive culture, and to ‘pioneer a balance between rural and urban usage acknowledging that each shares issues which differ in scale and scope’ (Peterborough City Council, 2008). Objectives identified for the city in the Local Area Action Plan also contributed to the decision to work with young peo-

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ple as it identified the need to provide this group of people with the skills needed to work in the locality and contribute to continued economic growth in the city (Peterborough City Council, 2008). The National Heritage Training Group report also identified a lack of traditional building skills in the East of England region (NHTG, 2008) and contemporary unemployment figures available from the Office of National Statistics stated that 6.8 % of the total population in the Peterborough aged 16- 65 were unemployed, and 17.1 % were economically inactive in October 2009, demonstrating a need for training to help them enter employment (ONS, 2009 and Peterborough City Council, 2008) The project bid was therefore developed to address this need, as well as the social and educational needs of a large number of young people living in and around Peterborough. It was decided that the project would work with young people between the ages of 16 and 19 designated NEET. The programme would use heritage and traditional building skills to engage the young people in learning which may lead to them progressing on to college level courses in bricklaying, engineering, carpentry and other vocational qualifications. It was also decided it would aim to give these people the opportunity to undertake work experience in the rural hinterland that surrounds the urban city centre, which would enable them to build an emotional connection to areas of the city they might not live in or normally associate with. It was felt that the project should aim to instill a sense of pride in the young people involved and in city itself, and that they would be empowered by engaging in community work. Essentially the rural skills would be a conduit for personal growth and individual wellbeing as well as allowing young people to maximise their potential and increase their life chances. But the project would also aim to ensure the conservation and preservation of both traditional skills and Peterborough’s historic environment for the future (Opportunity Peterborough 2011). Once the project had been approved by partners and awarded funding in February 2010 the first 15 trainees were recruited through NACROS, Connexions, and Peterborough Regional College’s existing links with external organisations such as the council’s Youth Offending Services Team. In March 2010 the first cohort started the initial round of delivery. The project was delivered through a combination of practical skills-based training and academic classes in literacy. The training took place in or around Peterborough, including the village of Ufford and historical monument Wothorpe Hall. Alongside this, work was undertaken on the campus of Peterborough Regional College, in the precincts of Peterborough Cathedral and at Bedford Purlieus Nature Reserve in Rockingham Forest. This gave trainees the opportunity to develop an awareness of the different types of landscape character areas found within the Unitary Authority Area boundaries and gave them experience of a real working environment. During this part of the project they spent two days a week over an eight week period learning how to repair walls with experienced dry stone walling trainers. During this period the trainees also attended literacy classes at Peterborough Regional College on a regular basis. The group also participated in a range of other activities such as a traditional Willow weaving workshop, a capacity building training day at Ufford for Peterborough Regional College employees and partners to learn the basic aspects of dry stone walling, working with school groups visiting Bedford Purlieus Woods on the western outskirts of Peterborough, and demonstrating their skills at the 2010 Peterborough Heritage Festival; an event that attracted 10,000 visitors to the city centre (Vivacity, 2010). The trainees’ competency and skills development were assessed in a range of ways, both informally and formally. Informal assessment took place through the production of a display about their work, a presentation to the partners in the scheme (including the Opportunity Peterborough Board of Directors), a project record book, and a learning diary. Whilst these assessments were very different in nature they aimed to develop the trainees’ ability to engage in self reflection, their sense of responsibility, and their communication skills. In terms of formal assessment 7 of the 9 trainees took the LANTRA Level 1 Dry Stone Walling Test on 28 May 2010 and all 7 passed. The following week all 9 trainees undertook and passed their CSCS card test; a necessity for those wanting to work in the British construction industry. The two students who did not take the LANTRA test did complete the traditional skills course and were awarded a college certificate for achieving this (Opportunity Peterborough, 2011). One tangible assessment of performance, was of course, the reconstructed dry stone walls. The original March 2010 cohort has been followed by a further 4 groups undertaking similar programmes of training. Recruitment has continued through the routes described earlier in the paper, but short courses in dry stone walling have also attracted young people to the project. The


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second group started the project in June 2010 with 12 trainees. Of these 12 trainees 10 completed the course and received a qualification. There were 2 students that did not complete the course, but rather than this being due to disengagement it can be attributed to external factors; one found full time work halfway through the course and the other left the area (Peterborough Regional College, 2010). By March 2011 8 of the trainees who had completed the course had progressed onto other courses at Peterborough Regional College on courses including Uniformed Services, Bricklaying, Construction, Carpentry and Joinery. One student progressed on to a full time Princes Trust Diploma and at this time is waiting to see if his application for an apprenticeship has been successful. The third cohort started in June 2011, whilst this group was not supported by Big Lottery Funding the good practice in terms of teaching, learning, and assessment developed during the pilot was applied to this group. Of the 6 trainees that started this round of the project, 5 successfully completed it, and in September 2011 these 5 young people were engaged in full time education at Peterborough Regional College on construction or carpentry courses. One student did not complete the course, having left Peterborough because of family, drug and alcohol problems (Peterborough Regional College, 2011). The retention levels of 80% and above and the high achievement and progression rates clearly demonstrate that the project was successful in terms of empowering the trainees to further develop skills and achieve qualifications needed to work in the local construction industry, and thus contributing to economic recovery in Peterborough, and a sustainable future for the city. The project has also resulted in the restoration and conservation of a key characteristic of the historic fabric of the city, with over 20 metres of wall repaired. However, this project had several aims that could not be measured through statistical analysis. The project had sought to aid participants in feeling a sense of pride in themselves and their city, had aimed to help them to develop personally, and had said it would contribute to the preservation of an important part of Peterborough’s heritage by increasing an interest in it by young people. In order to capture this information, the trainees needed to be asked about their feelings, attitudes, experiences and personal growth, and the comments examined. This was undertaken in February 2012 with the current cohort; several of whom also took part in shorter dry stone walling courses offered in 2011. 4 A TRUE MEASUREMENT OF SUCCESS? REFLECTION BY PARTICPANTS The following reflections by the current cohort were captured on 22rd February 2012 at Peterborough Regional College during the level 1 literacy class which forms part of the Care and Repair project. The current cohort comprises a mixed range of ability in terms of English language, from English as a second language to the achievement of a grade B at G.C.S.E. English Language (Forde, 2012). The group knew that someone was coming to find out about their experiences on the course for a paper, but they were not prepared for task in advance in order to capture their honest opinions. A brief discussion about the task was held and the paper was explained to students, along with the type of narrative that we were trying capture, and the potential outcomes such as the opportunity to contribute to academic discourse on heritage and education and the chance to share their experiences with a range of people. All the students in the class agreed to write down how they had come to be on the course, what they have learnt, how it has changed them, and how it has informed their career choices. The extracts provided are presented in the students’ own words; the only editing that has taken place is the spelling and some grammatical corrections contained in brackets. They provide compelling evidence that whilst most of the students started the course with little understanding of what dry stone walling was and how it related to Peterborough’s local heritage, they have quickly learnt how to build dry stone walls and have found a new appreciation for the built environment. There is a great sense of pride in their work, themselves, and their local area, which is clear in all the contributions. This was also evident in the classroom discussion with Tom saying that he ‘would do this for the rest of my life if I could’, Richard telling everyone that his screensaver on his mobile telephone is of one of the walls the group have worked on, and Phil having to be actively encouraged to put down his dry stone walling handbook to contribute to the reflective exercise. The extracts suggest a brighter future for these young people, the potential continuation of a traditional craft, and the opportunity for economic growth and social development in Peterborough. What is also clear from the reflections that these young people, labeled as

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NEET by the British Government and described as a problem to be tackled in policy documents (University of London, 2009), possess potential and enthusiasm that was not unlocked during their formative education, but has been awakened through their engagement with heritage. Phil: [I] started the course because a friend recommended it. At the start of the course [I] was not sure that I would enjoy it but when I started it turned out I found it interesting. [I] learnt a lot of things about the dry stone walling craft itself but also learnt things about heritage in general, its benefits and also how it impacts the environment and eco-system. [I] also learnt about other heritage skills. [I] have gained experience at working on site and the craft. [It] has also taken me to places that I would not have been for example John Clare[s] Cottage. [I] have a better attitude to heritage and the environment and my career plans have grown from just walling to other skills. [I] feel as though have more chance of getting a job in the art and also a better understanding of heritage. In the future I plan to work in areas such as heritage and the environment. Jamie and Tom: Tom and myself both joined the rural skills course for the same reason: to advance our skills in dry stone walling. To gain knowledge and experience and achieve our level 1 and to and to put in our first steps towards our future careers. Tom: Jane came to a group of us at John Mansfield and explained what the course was about and it’s a national heritage. I was interested in keeping it going because it is a rare and existing [interesting] thing to learn and know. Jamie: I got told about this course by a friend and my previous tutor Kirsty Stone. The course appealed to me as it is physical and I want to help revive a dying trade. Tom: I find being out In the country and being around different parts of history very interesting and exciting because it is an opportunity that don’t always come around. Once you get into it, it really makes you feel different. When I’m home all you can think about is limestone which is what you use to build the wall, and all you want to do is build, build, build. Jamie: I enjoy dry stone walling. It gives me a great sense of achievement and I truly feel proud of what I’m doing. I find building the wall quite relaxing and [it] eases my mind. I would really like the opportunity to renovate broken walls in the countryside to help rebuild parts of our British History. I want to further and widen my skills next year if there is a more advanced course. Jamie and Tom: We both now feel this course has changed our way of thinking. Compared to school days both our lives have improved. We have also had a chance to meet a lot of interesting people and being out in the country all day reall[y] gives you the chance to talk. Richard: Because I enjoy building walls and it is carrying on with a very old skills that helps farmers and the environment. I was at another college and didn’t know what it was. Jane told me and I signed up. I felt like I wasn’t going to like it but I stuck with it and now I do. Practical work, team work, pride. Luke: I’m on this course because I went to Peterborough College one night and found out about this course. I enjoy this course because I get to do dry stone walling and I get to fix bikes and do bike maintenance. I’m coming here so that I can get my level one certificate and I can go on to get a job in the future. I get a sense of achievement when I know that the work is done. 5 CONCLUSION This short paper has attempted to demonstrate that engagement with heritage by educational organisations is an effective tool in transforming the lives of young people and developing sustainable futures for England’s urban areas. Whilst using heritage to engage excluded groups, including young people, for the benefit of local communities and environments is well established within the museums sector in Britain, it is clear that the heritage craft and building sector has not yet fully realised the potential of heritage to empower and educate. The ‘Care and Repair’ project was clearly an innovation in the positive engagement of young people not in education, employment or training, in Peterborough, and in the preservation of an important part of local heritage. It is overwhelmingly clear that in this case the young people have developed specialist skills which they have been able to use to improve the local environment, and transferrable skills they can use in the workplace. But perhaps more importantly they have discovered a sense of pride in themselves and their city, the confidence to progress onto other courses, and they have found something that they are passionate about. The empathy, understanding, and ambition


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stimulated in these young people through their local heritage means that Peterborough has a brighter, more sustainable future. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper could not have been written without the contributions made by students on the Rural Skills course at Peterborough Regional College, both in terms of the discussions we have had and their written reflections; thank you Phil, Tom, Jamie, Richard, Luke, Aurelijus, and Kyle. We would also like to thank our employers Peterborough Regional College, Opportunity Peterborough, and English Heritage for supporting us in the production of this paper. We are particularly grateful to Liz Knight (Director University Centre Peterborough) Kirsty Stone, (Curriculum Team Manager 14 – 19 Peterborough Regional College), Jane Hodges (Curriculum Director 14 – 19 Peterborough Regional College) and Steve Bowyer (Heritage Regeneration Programme Director Opportunity Peterborough) for encouraging us to contribute to the Heritage 2012 conference and for engaging with the paper, offering their expertise and advice. Our sincere thanks also go to Dr Kate Hill of the University of Lincoln for advising us in editing and strengthening the paper following recommendations from the scientific review committee. Finally we would like to thank the Big Lottery for funding the ‘Care and Repair’ project. REFERENCES Bendixson, T. 1988. The Peterborough Effect – Reshaping a City, Peterborough: Peterborough Development Corporation. Bennet, T. 1995. The Birth of the Museum History, Theory, Politics, London: Routledge.

Bradley, D. et al. 2009. Sense of Place and Social Capital and the Historic Built Environment, London: English Heritage. Bradley, M. et al. 2011Assessing the importance and value of historic buildings to young people, London: English Heritage.

Brisbane, M. and Wood, J. 1996. A Future for our Past An Introduction to Heritage Studies, London: English Heritage. Collins, E.J.T. 2004. (ed) Crafts in English Countryside Towards a Future, Wetherby: The Countryside Agency Dodd, J. and Sandell, R. 2001. Including Museums. Perspectives on Museums, Galleries, and Social Inclusion, Leicester: Leicester University Research Centre for Museums and Galleries. Ela Palmer Heritage. 2008. The Social Impacts of Heritage-led Regeneration, London: Ela Palmer Heritage. English Heritage. Unknown. Heritage Works The Use of Historic Buildings in Regeneration, A Toolkit, London: English Heritage. English Heritage. 2009. Heritage Counts. London: English Heritage. Harrison, R. 2012. What is Heritage? Online. Available from: http://www.open.edu/openlearn/historythe-arts/history/heritage/what-heritage. [Accessed 22nd February 2012]. Hewison, R.1987. The Heritage Industry Britain in a Climate of Decline, London, Methuen. Hooper-Greenhill, E et al. 2000. The GLLAM Report, Leicester: Leicester University Research Centre for Museums and Galleries. Hooper-Greenhill, E et al. 2002. The Impact of the DfES Museums and Galleries Education Programme A Summative Evaluation 2002, Leicester: Leicester University Research Centre for Museums and Galleries. Howard, P. 2003. Heritage Management, Interpretation, Identity, London: Continuum. Hunt, A. 23rd September 2011. The New Town of Peterborough The Tale of Two Cities, Public Lecture: Unpublished. Hunt, A. 2012. Changing agricultural practice in Lincolnshire 1930 – 1980, its effect on rural culture, and how this is represented in the county’s museums, PhD Thesis, The University of Lincoln: Unpublished. Forde, T. 2012. Personal Communication 22nd February 2012. ICOM. 2012. A Definition of a Museum. Online. Available from: http://icom.museum/hist_def_eng.html, [Accessed 22nd February 2012]

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Ipsos Mori. 2002. The Impact of Free Entry to Museums, March 2003. Online. Available from: http://www.ipsos-mori.com/DownloadPublication/541_sri-the-impact-of-free-entry-to-museums2003.pdf . [Accessed 1st June 2011] Lowenthal, D. 1985. The Past is a Foreign Country, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Lowenthal, D. 1989. Nostalgia Tells it Like it Wasn’t. In C. Shaw and M. Chase. The imagined Past: History and Nostalgia, 18 – 32, Manchester: Manchester University Press.

Lowenthal, D.1998. The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Museum of East Anglian Life. 2012. Meal’s Social Return on Investment Study. Online. Available from: 2011http://eastanglianlife.org.uk/meal-in-the-community/meals-social-return-on-investment-study2011/[ Accessed 27th February 2012] Museums, Libraries and Archives. 2012. Hard to reach – Stoneham Housing Project. Online. Available from: http://research.mla.gov.uk/case-studies/display-case-study.php?prnt=1&prjid=240. [Accessed 23rd February 2012] National Health Service. 2007. Joint Strategic Needs Assessment for Peterborough. Online. Available from: http://www.peterborough.nhs.uk/documents/Publications/JSNA/5_JSNA_Peterborough__Socioeconcomic_and_Cultu.pdf?preventCache=30%2F06%2F2008+12%3A28. [Accessed 7th May 2012] National Heritage Training Group. 2008. Traditional Building Craft Skills Skills Needs Analysis of the Built Heritage Sector. Online. Available from: http://www.nhtg.org.uk/uploads/NHTG_skillsresearch_England_2008_fullreport_tcm27-11115.pdf. [Accessed 21st February 2012] National Heritage Training Group. 2012. Traditional Building Craft Skills Research – England 2008.Online. Available from: http://www.nhtg.org.uk/nhtginitiatives/publications/research/england2008.aspx#0 [Accessed 21st February 2012] Opportunity Peterborough. 2009. Original Care and Repair’ Project Brief, unpublished. Peterborough City Council, 2008. Sustainable Community Strategy 2008 – 11, unpublished. Peterborough City Council. 2009. Ufford Conservation Area Appraisal Report and Management Plan. Available online at http://www.peterborough.gov.uk/pdf/env-conservation-appraisalUfford%20Con%20Area%20Appraisal.pdf. [Accessed 20th February 2012] Peterborough Regional College. 2010. Handout to Students, unpublished. Peterborough Regional College 2010. MIS data on retention, success and achievement. Peterborough Regional College 2011. MIS data on retention, success and achievement. Sandell, R. 1998. Museums as Agents of Social Inclusion, Museum Management and Curatorship, Vol 17, No 4: 401 – 418. University of London Institute for Learning. 2009. Tackling the NEETs Problem Supporting Local Authorities in Reducing Young People Not in Education, Employment, or Training, London: LSN. University of Massachusetts. 2012. UMASS Amhurst Center for Heritage and Society. What is Heritage? Online. Available from: http://www.umass.edu/chs/about/whatisheritage.html. [Accessed 23rd Feb 2012].

Walsh, K. 1992. The Representation of the Past: Museums and Heritage in the Post – Modern World, London: Routledge. Weinstien, H. Going Local, Museums Journal, Feb 2012, 23 – 27. Vivacity. 2010. Report on 2010 Heritage Festival, unpublished.


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The relationship between World Heritage Sites and school trips in Japan T. Jimura York St John University, York, North Yorkshire, United Kingdom

ABSTRACT: This paper investigates the involvement of WHSs in school trips in Japan. Japan has 16 WHSs and some of them have been visited well by school trips. “Shuugaku ryokou” is a unique concept to Japanese school trips. It aims to learn something significant as human beings and contains at least one night stay. The research was conducted by the review of the past related studies, examination of the websites of WHSs and their related agencies, and the visits to WHSs. The research shows that several cultural WHSs have been established as school trip destinations and the information about their history and value are available at their websites and/or on site. Most of them; however, are not especially for school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Moreover, not WHSs but tourist association, prefectural government or judicial foundation takes a leading role in the provision of the resources and activities especially for shuugaku ryokou.

1 INTRODUCTION The paper explores how World Heritage Sites (WHSs) in Japan have been involved in Japanese school trips and its implications for the future. WHSs are inscribed by UNESCO and their number has increased every year. As of October 2011, 936 properties (725 cultural, 183 natural and 28 mixed properties) are designated as WHSs in the world (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a). WHSs have been examined in heritage and tourism studies since the 1990s. For instance, Shackley (1998) examines the visitor management at WHSs and the case studies from diverse cultural and mixed WHSs (e.g. “Cracow’s Historic Centre” in Poland and “Kakadu National Park” in Australia) are included in the book she edited. Leask and Fyall (2006) cover broader issues which are related to any issues in the management of WHSs (e.g. marketing, generation of income, and policy issues) and the case studies of cultural and natural WHSs from different regions of the world (e.g. “Old Town of Lijiang” in China and “Gondwana Rainforests of Australia”) are also contained. The WHSs in several State Parties (SPs); however, have not been studied well in the previous research and Japan can be seen as one of such SPs. In fact, there are a few heritage and tourism research which investigate WHSs in Japan and are also written in English (e.g. Jimura, 2011), though Japan has 16 WHSs as of October 2011 (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a) and this number is not small compared to the number of WHSs many SPs have. This is the first point the research aims to make contribution to knowledge. UNESCO is the abbreviated form of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation. Therefore, it is natural that the issues in education are one of key tasks UNESCO has been tackling with. UNESCO is also responsible for the designation of WHSs. Hence, education and WHSs need to be closely related to each other, guided and supported by UNESCO. Moreover, education and the conservation of WHSs should be encouraged and promoted further for the future generations. In fact, Article 27 of the World Heritage Convention states that ‘The

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States Parties to this Convention shall endeavor by all appropriate means, and in particular by educational and information programmes, to strengthen appreciation and respect by their peoples of the cultural and natural heritage defined in Articles 1 and 2 of the Convention’ (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011b). In heritage studies; however, the relationships between education and WHSs have not been well examined in the past. This could also imply that educational tourism at WHSs has not been explored enough in tourism studies. This is the second reason why this research is worth conducting. In other words, this research aims to make contribution to two study areas which have not been studied enough, WHSs in Japan and educational tourism at WHSs, and also tries to bridge a gap exists in these two research fields by examining the involvement of Japanese WHSs in school trips and its meanings for the future. 2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 2.1 World Heritage Sites in Japan as tourist destinations This section looks at the first study area of this research, WHSs in Japan. Japan has 16 WHSs as of October 2011 (UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a) (see Table 1). Of these, 12 are cultural and four are natural sites. “Hiraizumi” and “Ogasawara Islands” have been newly inscribed as WHSs in 2011. As Shackley (1998) and Smith (2002) argue, a WHS status can bring the high visibility to the designated sites and attract more visitors to the sites. Although this impact is not common to all WHSs, many WHSs have shown an increase in the number of visitors at least temporarily (Asakura, 2008; Hall & Piggin, 2003; Jimura, 2007, 2011). According to Jimura (2010), the impact of WHS designation on an increase in the number of the visitors to WHSs are likely to be very limited, if a WHS was already famous amongst tourists and established as a tourist destination. Of 16 WHSs in Japan, the following two cultural WHSs can be seen as such a site. Most of Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines inscribed as “Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities)” have attracted overseas tourists as well as domestic tourists for a long time before these properties were listed as cultural WHSs in 1994 (Jimura, 2010). “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara” would also apply to this case with the same reasons to “Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto” (Jimura, 2010). One of the common grounds to these two cultural WHSs is that both Kyoto and Nara are recognised well at least by domestic tourists as old capitals of Japan and the tourists are fully aware that they have rich cultural and historic resources. Other cultural WHSs which have also been established as popular tourist destinations include “Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome)” and “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine” in Hiroshima Prefecture, and “Shrines and Temples of Nikko” in Tochigi Prefecture. Table 1. List of World Heritage Sites in Japan (Source: UNESCO World Heritage Centre, 2011a) ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ No

Name

Type

Year of

Inscription ______________________________________________________________________________________________________ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Buddhist Monuments in the Horyu-ji Area Cultural 1993 Himeji-jo Cultural 1993 Shirakami-Sanchi Natural 1993 Yakushima Natural 1993 Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities) Cultural 1994 Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama Cultural 1995 Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Genbaku Dome) Cultural 1996 Itsukushima Shinto Shrine Cultural 1996 Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara Cultural 1998 Shrines and Temples of Nikko Cultural 1999 Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu Cultural 2000 Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range Cultural 2004 Shiretoko Natural 2005 Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape Cultural 2007 Hiraizumi – Temples, Gardens and Archaeological Sites Representing Cultural 2011 the Buddhist Pure Land 16 Ogasawara Islands Natural 2011 ______________________________________________________________________________________________________


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Compared to cultural WHSs in Japan, the number of visitors to four natural WHSs in Japan is limited mainly due to their locations. Of these, “Shirakami-Sanchi” which extends across Aomori Prefecture and Akita Prefecture is easiest to access for most Japanese and international tourists as it is located in northwest of the Honshu Island (the main island of Japan), though the site is still difficult to access only by public transport and requires tourists a long journey to get to the site (Tohoku Nature Conservation Network, n.d.). “Shiretoko” is situated at the east end of the Hokkaido Island, and “Yakushima” is an island which is located around 60km south of the Kyushu Island. These two are also difficult to access and takes a lot of time for tourists to visit the sites. “Ogasawara Islands” is the most difficult WHS in Japan to access as its main island is located around 800km south of Tokyo. As discussed above, the issues in access have been a main obstacle for tourists who want to visit four natural WHSs in Japan. Furthermore, the size of each natural WHS is very extensive and it is almost impossible for tourists to fully explore the site within the period of short holiday which is common to many Japanese workers. In this sense; therefore, it is no surprises that the four natural WHSs in Japan have not been explored enough by tourists. On the other hand, overall 12 cultural WHSs in Japan can be seen as traditional tourist destinations as most of them are well-known to Japanese tourists, easy to access by public transport except “Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama” in Gifu Prefecture and Toyama Prefecture (Jimura, 2007, 2011), “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” in Shimane Prefecture, and “Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu” in Okinawa Prefecture. 2.2 Educational tourism and school trips to WHSs This section examines the second study area of this research, educational tourism at WHSs. WHSs can be regarded as destination of educational (or education) tourism, because each WHS has historic, cultural and/or natural significance which is peculiar to each. According to Smith & Jenner (1997), the concept of travel for education and learning is a broad and complicated field. This would be a main reason why this study area has not been investigated well in previous tourism research. Educational tourism can be defined as “travelling to learn” and it is not a modern invention (Swarbrooke & Horner, 1999). For example, affluent members of the Greek and Roman elites in the classical period travelled to enhance their understanding of the world. Swarbrooke & Horner (1999) also suggest that there are two types of educational tourism. One is “students’ exchanges” where young students travel to overseas countries in order to learn about and experience the culture, society and language of others. The other is “special interest holidays” where tourists make a trip to learn something new for them (Swarbrooke & Horner, 1999). Considering this typology and definition of each type of educational tourism, it can be said that WHSs can be destinations of both types of educational tourism and in general the concept of school trip seems to have some elements from both types of educational tourism. As discussed above, the school trip can be seen as part of educational tourism and it is not unique to Japan. When school trips in Japan are examined; however, the concept of “shuugaku ryokou”, which is unique to Japan, should be taken into account. Shuugaku ryokou is carried out as part of school events at primary (six grades: 7-12 years old), junior high (three grades: 13-15 years old) and high (three grades: 16-18 years old) schools in Japan. In many cases, shuugaku ryokou includes at least one overnight stay at a tourist destination; and older students become, longer the length of stay becomes. Basically, it is held in the final grade of each school and jointly led by school teachers and tour operators. As what shuugaku means in Japanese means, the original and primary purpose of shuugaku ryokou is to give students an opportunity for learning something essential as human being and Japanese, typically significant aspects of history, culture and/or nature of Japan. In light of the nature of school trip, including shuugaku ryokou, examined above, overall WHSs in Japan seem to be appropriate destinations for these school trips. As mentioned in 2.1; however, the issues in access have been a main obstacle for tourists who want to visit four natural WHSs in Japan: “Shirakami-Sanchi”, “Yakushima”, “Shiretoko” and “Ogasawara Islands”. Furthermore, the size of each natural WHS in Japan is very extensive (2.2) and it is almost impossible for tourists, especially for school children, to fully explore the site in just one or two days. In this sense; therefore, it is natural that the four natural WHSs in Japan have not been established well as destinations of school trips, though each natural WHSs is full of rich natural

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resources which deserve a WHS status, are unique to each site, and are useful for school trips. On the other hand, overall 13 cultural WHSs in Japan can be seen as traditional tourist destinations and have been visited well by students on school trip. Especially “Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto”, “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara” together with “Buddhist Moments in the Horyu-ji Area” in Nara Prefecture, “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” together with “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine”, and “Shrines and Temples of Nikko” have a large number of school trips every year thanks to their location, size, rich cultural resources and links with Japanese history. 3

METHODOLOGY

There are a wide range of alternative approaches in the research in social sciences and management studies. Of these, the difference between positivist and interpretive approaches is a primary dichotomy (Clark et al, 1998; Veal, 2006) and this also applies to the research in tourism and hospitality studies (Clark et al, 1998). The positivist approach aims to follow the principles of natural scientific research and proceeds by the formulation and testing of hypotheses with a view to making inferences about the causal connections between two or more social phenomena or “facts” (Jupp & Norris, 1993), whilst the interpretive approach puts more trust on the people who are studied to provide their own explanation of their situation or behaviour (Veal, 2006). In addition to positivism and interpretivism, the differences between deductive and inductive approaches are also needed to be addressed. In general, deduction can be regarded as the process which starts with theory and proceeds through hypothesis, data collection, and testing of the hypothesis to deduce explanations of the behaviours of particular phenomena (Clark et al, 1998). On the other hand, Induction can be seen as the process which aims to explore and analyse related observations, and this could lead to the development and establishment of theory which is systematically linked with such observations in a meaningful manner (Clark et al, 1998). In light of the points discussed above, it could be said that this research stems from interpretivism and adopts an inductive approach as the main research approach. This means; therefore, this research investigates mainly qualitative data rather than quantitative data. The research also deals with both primary and secondary data; however, the latter is the main data source. In conclusion, the research is conducted by the review of the previous research about WHSs and educational tourism, including school trips; examination of the information, resources and/or data available from the websites of the WHSs and the agencies related to school trips; and the author’s visits to and observations of various Japanese WHSs and visitors to the WHSs. The research; however, has various limitations. First of all, the researcher has not been able to visit all of the four natural WHSs and two cultural WHSs: “Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range” in Wakayama Prefecture, Nara Prefecture and Mie Prefecture; and “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape”. Moreover, some of other cultural WHSs have not been visited in recent years. This is mainly due to the fact that the researcher is currently based in the UK and there are the constraints of time, budget and labour. Another limitation is a lack of collection of primary data from key stakeholders of each WHS. This is also mainly due to the lack of time, budget and labour available for this particular research project. 4 STUDY RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

4.1 WHSs in Nara Prefecture “Buddhist Monuments in the Horyu-ji Area” has two Buddhist temples, Horyu-ji and Hoki-ji, and each has its own website. The useful information about the temple is available from the websites; however, no information, resources and data particularly for school trips are available at the websites. The researcher visited both temples in March 2004 and July 2011. At both times, groups of students, wearing school uniform and exploring the site by group, were observed at Horyu-ji. Eight cultural properties, including five Buddhist temples and one Shinto shrine, are included in “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara”. Like Horyu-ji and Hoki-ji, each of these eight properties has its own website and beneficial information for visitors are available


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from the websites. Of these, six out of eight properties do not provide any information, resources and data directed at school trips. On the other hand, the website of Yakushi-ji offers the information about the activities available for school trips, especially shuugaku ryokou (Yakushiji, n.d.), though the resources for and data about such activities are not available at their website. Todai-ji is somewhat different from other properties included in this WHS and their approach is very unique. They have a website for children and it is called “Todai-ji Kid’s” (Todai-ji, 2011). This website offers the basic information about Todai-ji and easy to understand for Japanese children. Although this is not the resources aimed at school trips and shuugaku ryokou, school teachers can use these resources for their history class and preparation for the school trip to Todai-ji. The researcher visited most of these cultural properties on his school trip when he was a student of a primary school. As a researcher, he has been to there in July 2011 and observed many student groups there, especially at Todai-ji. “Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range” spreads across three Prefectures, including Nara. Six cultural properties in Nara are contained in this WHS. The resources and data geared towards school trips cannot be found their websites. This is probably because they have not had many school trips compared to other two WHSs in Nara due to the size and location of each property. In addition to this, most of these properties are linked with “shugendo”, a spiritual and mysterious Japanese religion which requires demanding ascetic training in mountains, and this would make these properties less approachable than other properties related to Buddhism and Shintoism. There is evidence which could show that Nara Prefecture is very keen to promote itself as a destination of shuugaku ryokou. The tourism promotion section of Nara prefectural government established the website entitled “Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide”, and one of the sections on the website is about three WHSs in Nara Prefecture (Tourism Promotion Section of Nara Prefectural Government, n.d.). The detailed information about each of the three WHSs is available there, mainly focusing on its historic aspect and cultural value. The researcher has not been able to visit this WHS. 4.2 WHSs in Kyoto Prefecture and Shiga Prefecture 17 cultural properties inscribed as “Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto” are located in Kyoto-city, Uji-city in Kyoto Prefecture and Otsu-city in Shiga Prefecture; however, 15 out of 17 properties are located in Kyoto-city. Each of these properties has its own website; however, no information and resources beamed to school trips are available there. Kyoto City Tourism Association; however, fully recognises the popularity of Kyoto-city as a destination of shuugaku ryokou, and makes “Kyoto Shuugaku Ryokou Passport” available at their website. Groups of students who are going to visit Kyoto-city and its surrounding areas on shuugaku ryokou can download the Passport from the website. The passport enables the students to enter many Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines with a concession price, enjoy a discount price at many shops and restaurants and tea houses, and join various programmes which offer diverse experiences peculiar to Kyoto. Except Ujigami Shrine, Kosan-ji, Saiho-ji, Tenryu-ji, Ryoan-ji, NishiHonganji, Nijo-jo Castle, other 10 cultural properties included in this WHS join this scheme. The researcher has been to all of 17 cultural properties on school trips and/or as a researcher. It can be said that Kyoto is always the most popular shuugaku ryokou destination in Japan, especially in spring and autumn. 4.3 WHSs in Hiroshima Prefecture Hiroshima Prefecture has two cultural WHSs: “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” in Hiroshima-city and “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine” in Hatsukaichi-city. These two are closely located and can be visited on the same day. In fact, as discussed in 2.2, many school trips tend to visit both sites. “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine” has its own website, but there are no resources and information designed for school trips. The website of “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” is administered by the City of Hiroshima Council. There are no resources and information aimed at school trips; however, the website has a section for peace learning and shuugaku ryokou, and the weblinks with the websites of “Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum” and “Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” are available there (Hiroshima City, n.d.). A wide range of resources and the information about activities are available at the website of Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum for students who

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visit there on shuugaku ryokou. School teachers can also ask the Museum to send them the learning materials which can be used for the classes for peace-learning at their school (Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum, 2011). The website of “Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” is administrated by Hiroshima Convention and Visitors Bureau, a judicial foundation. The content of this website is basically similar to that of “Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” (4.1): the detailed information about the two WHSs is available. However, there is a notable difference in the content between the two websites: “Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” focuses mainly on the historic aspect and cultural value of their three WHSs; whilst, “Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” put their primary focus on peace-learning though the visit to “Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park”, including “Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum”, and “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” rather than the historic aspect and cultural value of these two WHSs in Hiroshima Prefecture. The researcher visited “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine” in 2011; however, only some student groups were seen in 2011 and it was not sure whether they came to the site on school trip or not. When the researcher was a student of a primary school, originally the destination of his shuugaku ryokou was Hiroshima, including both “Itsukushima Shinto Shrine” and “Hiroshima Peace Memorial”, but it was changed due to a long distance from the city where his primary school is situated. The researcher visited the Memorial, Park and Museum in August 2009 and July 2011. At both times, there were a lot of groups of students as well as school teachers and a tour conductor. In 2011, it was also observed that students from a private primary school based in Tokyo had a lecture about Hiroshima’s atomic bomb experience at a hall in Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. 4.4 WHSs in Tochigi Prefecture The website of “Shrines and Temples of Nikko” is managed by the City of Nikko Council. In addition to the information about its history and cultural value, the conservation activities are also presented well at the website. No resources and information aimed at school trips are available from this website; however, another website about tourism and the WHS entitled “Nikko Kyouiku Ryokou”, which means educational trips to Nikko-city in English, is administered by Nikko Tourist Association. The website has a list of quizzes about each cultural property included in the WHS. If people answer the quizzes online and send their answers via the website with their email address, the website will send them the correct answers by email (Nikko Tourist Association, n.d.). This seems to work as a good gateway for people, especially for children who are going to learn about “Shrines and Temples of Nikko”. The researcher has been to the WHS in July 2009. There were a lot of visitors; however, no groups of students were observed at that time. 4.5 Other cultural WHSs “Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama” consists of the Ogimachi district in Shirakawa-go, Gifu Prefecture and the Ainokura and Suganuma districts (the Gokayama area) in Nanto-city, Toyama Prefecture. Each of the three districts is fallen into the “group of buildings” categories of cultural WHS and located in a mountainous area (Jimura, 2007). The websites of the tourist associations of Shirakawa-go and Nanto-city seem to be most visited ones by tourists. A lot of information about their visitor attractions, accommodation facilities, local restaurants and access to the sites are available at the websites. The history of the sites and unique local culture, especially their historic “gassho-style” houses, are also explained well. However, no resources and information directed at school trips are available at the websites. The website of Shirakawa-go Tourist Association offers the information about various experiences peculiar to Shirakawa-go visitors can join. For example, visitors can enjoy making local crafts and cooking Japanese soba noodle (Shirakawa-go Tourist Association, n.d.). Hence, students who visit there on school trip may also be able to have such experiences in order to be familiar with local culture. The researcher stayed in Shirakawa-go for three months in 2004 for fieldwork and at that time also visited Gokayama. Most visitors were not students but middle-aged people and came to the sites on coach trip.


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“Himeji-jo” is the only WHS situated in Hyogo Prefecture and an excellent example of Japanese-style castle. Its website is administered by the City of Himeji Council and the information about its history, restoration work in recent years and cultural value is presented well at the website. The information for visitors to other visitor attractions in Himeji-city as well as those to “Himeji-jo” is available at the website of the City Council; however, these resources are not directed at school trips. The researcher has been to the site in July 2011; however, no groups of students were observed. “Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu” is located in Okinawa Prefecture. The site does not seem to have its own website and the website of Agency for Cultural Affairs seems to be the only website about the site administrated by an official agency. The researcher’s visit to the WHS was held in 2001 and no groups of students were observed at that time. “Hiraizumi” is located in Iwate Prefecture and has its own website administered by Iwate prefectural government. A wide variety of resources about the WHS is available at the website; however, it is not especially for school trips. The researcher has been to the site in April 2008 before the site was inscribed as a WHS. There were not many tourists and no groups of students were confirmed. “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” is located in Shimane Prefecture. The researcher has never been to the WHS. The website of the WHS is run by Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape World Heritage Centre. The WHS is happy to receive school trips and this policy is clearly noticed at the website. The WHS asks each school, which wants to visit the WHS on school trip, to prepare and submit a plan of the educational programme and/or activity they want to have at the WHS before their visit to the WHS (Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape World Heritage Centre, n.d.). This could also be used as part of shuugaku ryokou. As discussed in 2.2, what shuugaku means is to learn something essential as human being, typically significant aspects of Japanese history, culture and/or nature. As Benesse (2003) implies; however, such an original aim was weakened and shuugaku ryokou often turned into just a long school trip for sightseeing in many schools. Hence, the meaning of shuugaku ryokou has been reviewed by schools, teachers and researchers (Benesse, 2003). In other words, the main focus of such reviews has been to consider what to learn and how to learn through shuugaku ryokou. The above-mentioned approach towards educational programmes and activities taken by “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” might be seen as a somewhat demanding task for each school. In light of the above arguments about the meaning of shuugaku ryokou stated by Benesse (2003); however, this approach should be understood as a good opportunity for students as well as schools to carefully think about what they want to learn and how they want to learn through shuugaku ryokou. 4.6 Natural WHSs Japan has four natural WHSs. As discussed in 2.1 and 2.2; however, the number of visitors to the natural WHSs is much smaller than the number of visitors to cultural WHSs. This tendency also applies to the number of school trips, including shuugaku ryokou. The main obstacles for the natural WHSs are their location far from the metropolitan areas such as Greater Tokyo or Greater Osaka, the difficulty in access by public transport, and their extensive size which would not allow visitors to fully explore the sites in only two or three days which are the typical length of shuugaku ryokou. “Shiretoko” has its own website and it is managed by Shiretoko Nature Foundation. They run a one-week educational outdoor programme for children every summer since 1980 and in total around 1600 children joined this programme (Shiretoko Nature Foundation, 2011). Although the programme does not seem to be run for each school, it could be used as a main activity of shuugaku ryokou if the length of the programme, one week, permits. As for “Shirakami-Sanchi”, the website of its visitor centre can be seen as the official website at least in terms of tourism. No information and resources aimed at school trips are available at the website; however, they provide visitors with three kinds of educational programmes entitled “interpretation programmes”. These three types are categorised by the venue where and how the programme is held and delivered: indoor at the visitor centre, outdoor, enjoying trekking in Shirakami-Sanchi; and outdoor at field of Shirakami-Sanchi (Shirakami-Sanchi Visitor Centre, n.d.). These educational programmes are open to the public older than 6 years old, 8 years old or 10 years old, depending on the content of each programme (Shirakami-Sanchi Visitor Centre, n.d.). Like the programmes offered at “Shiretoko”, these programmes are not geared towards

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school trips, but the interpretation programmes available at “Shirakami-Sanchi” seem to match well the purpose of school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Regarding “Ogasawara Islands”, the website of Ogasawara Village Tourist Association can be regarded as the official website in terms of tourism. No resources and data for school trips or any other educational tourism are available at the website, mainly because the WHS is too far from the Honshu Island. The information about conservation of natural heritage of “Ogasawara Islands” is available at the above-mentioned and other websites. At the moment; however, such calls for awareness-raising do not seem to be linked well with educational tourism, especially with school trips. The website of Yakushima Tourism Association seems to be a main gateway to the island for visitors to “Yakushima”. The level of current provision of the information and resources for school trips available at their website and websites of related agencies are very similar to “Ogasawara Islands”. In short, the information to raise visitors’ awareness of conservation of natural heritage of “Yakushima” does not seem to be integrated enough in school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Any of these four natural WHSs has not been visited by the researcher. 5 CONCLUSION

5.1 Conclusion The research tells that several cultural WHSs have been established as the destinations for school trip, including shuugaku ryokou and the information, resources and data about their history and value are available at their websites and/or on site. Most of such information, resources and data; however, are not aimed at school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Yakushi-ji and Todai-ji, which are part of “Historic Monuments of Ancient Nara” (4.1), and “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” together with Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park (4.3) are a few examples of the case that WHSs themselves arrange some information and resources geared mainly towards school trips. As a whole, not WHSs but tourist association, prefectural government or judicial foundation takes a leading role in the provision of the resources and activities aimed at shuugaku ryokou. In case of the WHSs in Kyoto Prefecture and Tochigi Prefecture, the local tourist association plays a key role in offering of such resources and activities: Kyoto City Tourism Association prepares a unique scheme aimed at shuugaku ryokou (4.2) and Nikko Tourist Association administers a website beamed to shuugaku ryokou (4.4). In Nara Prefecture, Nara prefectural government developed the website called “Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” (4.1) and in Hiroshima Prefecture, the website of “Hiroshima Shuugaku Ryokou Guide” is managed by Hiroshima Convention and Visitors Bureau. Of the school trips to Japanese WHSs, those to “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” together with Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum would have somewhat different focus from those to other WHSs. The school trips to these sites would focus much more on learning about Japan’s atomic bomb experience and various activities to realise world peace rather than learning about the historic and cultural importance of the sites. This would be especially true to shuugaku ryokou. All the agencies related to “Hiroshima Peace Memorial” are very keen to offer the resources and opportunities useful for peace-learning and, in fact, arrange a wide variety of activities for school trips, especially for shuugaku ryokou which aims to learn about world peace (4.3). “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” (4.5), “Shirakami-Sanchi” (4.6) and “Shiretoko” (4.6) are very eager to provide educational programmes and activities with students, though these programmes do not focus primarily on shuugaku ryokou but visits of general public and students as a whole. Of these, the approach adopted at “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” is especially noteworthy as they require schools which want to visit the WHS to develop and submit a plan about what to and how to learn at the WHS before their visit to the WHS. In light of the discussions in recent years about the meaning of shuugaku ryokou (Benesse, 2003), the approach taken at “Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape” seems to be an appropriate and effective measure which gives an opportunity to schools and their students to consider the purpose of school trips and shuugaku ryokou. Hence this type of approach should also be adopted by other WHSs in Japan.


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In light of the above-mentioned key findings of the research, three key points which should be essential for the effective and meaningful involvement of Japanese WHSs in school trips are identified through this research. They are: (1) Comprehensive and cooperative approach to school trips and shuugaku ryokou amongst a WHS, regional and/or local government, and local tourist association (2) Further development of a wide variety of educational resources and activities available at the website and on site (3) More voluntary and positive contribution of schools to the development and improvement of educational programmes they want to have at a WHS In conclusion, the combination or integration of the above-mentioned three key points could lead to the more effective and meaningful involvement of the Japanese WHSs in school trips, especially in shuugaku ryokou. 5.2 Recommendations for the further research in the future As discussed in 3, the different limitations are involved in this research and most of them are related to the volume of the research and the fact the researcher is based in the UK since it looked at all of 16 WHSs in Japan. In the further research in the future; therefore, the number of the WHSs studied needs to be limited based on the results of this research. In other words, only the WHSs which are linked with key findings from this research should be examined further. Another issue needs to be overcome is a lack of primary data. For instance, the collection of primary data from key stakeholders who are in charge of education, tourism and WHS management at selected WHSs could make the study about this theme more meaningful and insightful. REFERENCES Asakura, S. 2008. Impacts of registration for World Heritage in Japan. In Japan Institute of Tourism Research (JITR) (ed.), Proceedings of the 23rd JITR Annual Conference (329-332). Ueda, Japan. 22-23 November 2008. (in Japanese). Benesse. 2003. Toinaosareru Shuugaku Ryokou no Igi [The meaning of Shuugaku Ryokou is questioned]. (in Japanese). Available from http://benesse.jp/berd/center/open/kou/view21/2003/12/06topi_01.html (accessed 8 September 2011). Clark, M., Riley, M., Wilkie, E. & Wood, R. 1998. Research and Writing Dissertations in and Tourism. London: Thomson Learning. Hall, M. & Piggin, R. 2003. World Heritage sites: managing the brand. In A. Fyall, B. Garrod, & A. Leask (eds.), Managing Visitor Attractions: New Direction: 203-219. Oxford: ButterworthHeinemann. Hiroshima City. n.d. Genbaku Dome: Gakushuu [Atomic Bomb Dome: Learning]. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.city.hiroshima.lg.jp/toshiseibi/dome/learning/index.html (accessed 25 October 2011). Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum. 2011. Riyo-annai [The information for visitors]. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.pcf.city.hiroshima.jp/ (accessed 25 October 2011). Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape World Heritage Centre. n.d. Gakko Gakushu Kanren [Educational Programmes for Schools]. (in Japanese). Available from http://ginzan.city.ohda.lg.jp/687.html (accessed 26 October 2011). Jimura, T. 2007. The impact of World Heritage Site designation on local communities – a comparative study of Ogimachi (Japan) and Saltaire (UK). Unpublished Doctoral thesis, Nottingham Trent University, Nottingham. Jimura, T. 2010. The Relationship between the World Heritage Site Inscription and Local Identity. In UNESCO/UNITWIN Network (ed.), Conference Proceedings: World Heritage and Tourism: Managing for the Global and the Local (670-681), Quebec City, Canada. 2-4 June 2010. Jimura, T. 2011. The impact of world heritage site designation on local communities – A case study of Ogimachi, Shirakawa-mura, Japan. Tourism Management 32 (2): 288-296. Jupp, V. & Norris, C. 1993. Traditions in Documentary Analysis. In M. Hammersley (ed.), Social Research: Philosophy, Politics and Practice: 37-51. London: Sage. Kyoto City Tourism Association. 2011. Kyoto Shuugaku Ryokou Passport (in Japanese). Available from http://www.kyokanko.or.jp/shugaku/gif/passport2011.pdf (accessed 24 October 2011).

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Leask, A. & Fyall, A. 2006. (eds.), Managing World Heritage Sites. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Nikko Tourist Association. n.d. Nikko Moude Q&A: Syaji-hen [Visit to Nikko: Shrines and Temples]. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.nikko-jp.org/kyoiku/quiz/index.html (accessed 27 October 2011). Shackley, M. 1998. (ed.). Visitor Management: Case studies from World Heritage Sites. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Shirakami-Sanchi Visitor Centre. n.d. Interpretation Programmes. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.shirakami-visitor.jp/interpri/shirakami-vc.interpri.html (accessed 24 October 2011). Shirakawa-go Tourist Association. n.d. Taiken menyu [List of experiences visitors and tourists can enjoy]. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.shirakawa-go.gr.jp/othercontents/event.html (accessed 25 October 2011). Shiretoko Nature Foundation. 2011. Shiretoko Shizen Kyoshitsu [Shiretoko Outdoor School]. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.shiretoko.or.jp/shizen_k/ (accessed 24 October 2011). Smith, M. 2002. A Critical Evaluation of the Global Accolade: the significance of World Heritage Site status for Maritime Greenwich. International Journal of Heritage Studies 8 (2): 137-151. Smith, C. & Jenner, P. 1997. Education tourism. Travel & Tourism Analyst 3: 60- 75. Swarbrooke, J. & Horner, S. 1999. Consumer Behaviour in Tourism. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Takao-san. n.d. Shugendo. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.takaosan.or.jp/syugen.html (accessed 22 October 2011). Todai-ji. 2011. Todai-ji Kid’s. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.todaiji.or.jp/kids/index.html (accessed 22 October 2011). Tohoku Nature Conservation Network. n.d. Shirakami-Sanchi eno Akusesu (Access to Shirakami-Sanchi) (in Japanese). Available from http://www.jomon.ne.jp/~misago/s_access.html (accessed 13 October 2011). Tourism Promotion Section of Nara Prefectural Government. n.d. Nara Shuugaku Ryokou Guide: Three World Heritage Sites in Nara Prefecture. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.narasyugaku.jp/world/index.html (accessed 23 October 2011). UNESCO World Heritage Centre. 2011a. World Heritage List. Available from http://whc.unesco.org/en/list (accessed 9 October 2011). UNESCO World Heritage Centre. 2011b. UNESCO World Heritage Convention. Available from http://whc.unesco.org/en/conventiontext (accessed 9 October 2011). Veal, A. J. 2006. Research Methods for Leisure and Tourism: A Practical Guide. (3rd edn.) Harlow: Pearson Education. Yakushi-ji. n.d. For Visitors. (in Japanese). Available from http://www.narayakushiji.com/forvisitors.html (accessed 22 October 2011).


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Eco-efficiency eco centre network in school system C.H.Levinton Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

M.E.Yajnes Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

M.Weksler Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

R.Tartaglia Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

L.Amielli Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

S.Rossi Universidad de Buenos Aire; Buenos Aires; Argentina

F.Breyter Arca Grup ONG

ABSTRACT: The Program consists on the Implementation and self-construction of eco centres in schools in poor neighborhoods within the Cuenca of Matanza Riachuelo, province of Buenos Aires, with proximity to the creek, addressing pollution reduction methods. Transfer of a comprehensive program of Pan American Health Organization. Each Eco centre includes construction of a teaching module eco innovation techniques conducted by our center, transferring appropriate low cost technologies for sanitation and environmental improvement of homes in the neighborhood near the school. The training model for sustainability, begun in 1986, believes that the youth of the country is calling "entrepreneurial" in international assessments verified that put Argentina in the 7th place in the world, we look forward a model of several components: banks of materials and technologies for eco entrepreneurs, circuits and sorting recycling, facilitating the formation of entrepreneurial cultures and installation of the "social economy.

1 CONTEXT The Matanza-Riachuelo River, called Riachuelo at its mouth and Matanza in most of its, forms the southern boundary of Buenos Aires City and empties into Rio de la Plata. The basin has a length of about 60 km southwest-northeast direction, an average width of 35 m, covers an area of 2200 km ², living there about 3,500,000 people. The watershed includes Buenos Aires City and municipalities: A. Brown, Avellaneda, Cañuelas, E. Echeverría, G.l L. Heras, La Matanza, Lanús, Lomas de Zamora, M. Paz, Merlo and S.Vicente. Its course receives numerous industrial wastes, being one of the most polluted rivers in the world, with terrible pollution consequences to the population. Main pollutants: heavy metals, waste water from the saturated groundwater basin-wide and urban solid waste as pet bottles and packaging. Basin functions as a wound that separates the city, having brutal significance for the entire metropolitan area of Buenos Aires.

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Figure 1. Dangerous pollution at Matanza- Riachuelo

Figure 2. Matanza- Riachuelo 2200 km ² area

2 ECO TECHNOLOGIES The low cost investment of CEP eco industrial technologies make them available for all: a micro industrial culture in the service of the Millennium Development Goals and climate change. Each Eco Centre spread in each region Ecolab technologies and generate local youth organization that supports the project. The Centre maintains the headed and oversees the sustainability of organizations over time, self-management processes accompanying the growth of organizations. The eco technologies provide the installation of PAHO healthy schools. The students develop the Eco-technologies to eliminate cesspools by dry toilets, provide solar hot water for hygiene, waste sorting and recovery, transformation of rubble masonry, re-use of tires for walls, digester to demonstrate alternative energy applications in various applications, composites ecotechnologies plastics made from polyethylene bags to recycle waste and combined with vegetable fibers. This program is a network with 4 universities in USA, Canada, Australia and Buenos Aires with the CEP. The composites are then applied to a wide range of eco products such as sanitary liners bathrooms, floors, resulting in generation of jobs. In poor neighborhoods a significant proportion of truancy is motivated by the frequency of environmental illnesses and housing insecurity as contamination of the environment causes: Cesspools contamination of ground water, pollution of land, also garbage, lack of thermal insulation, lack of hot water for hygiene. The environmental problems are compounded each year under the pressures of global climate change will tend to generate more complex and increasing vulnerability. In general, the houses inhabited by students and others belonging to residents of


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the community served by the school, have problems with leaks, lack of thermal insulation, cracks, need for expansion, questionable drinking water conditions in conjunction with use irrational and lack of this resource or saturation of the sewers. The black holes and clogging excesses are pumped and dumped secretly via public to pollute. Inefficient garbage collection generates exposure to dengue and in some cases vinchuca. Together with the data observed in terms of housing and environment and exposed, there is a clear lack of information and resources to enable the inhabitants of this district improve its concrete conditions of existence in this regard. Viewing the growing complexity of environmental problems poses we create an integrated system linking university research with schools of all types and nurture the popularization of science and appropriate technology on large scales and territories. At the same time, as students develop this project, get specific training in sustainable architecture for housing. Both issues, general environmental pollution and lack of housing for the most vulnerable classes, thematic nuclei are important in the formation, which are included in nascent form the curricular content.

Figure 3. Pet packaging water solar collector made by elementary students

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Figure 4. Hydroponic bio tower, storm water treatment Figure 5. Bio gas production and earthworm

3 THE PROGRAM AT EMAJEA: DEVELOPMENT OF TAKS We will show the work done at Emajea the Municipal School of Arboriculture, Gardening and Applied Ecology, Lomas de Zamora. As a first step, architects Silvia Rossi and Liliana Amielli from CEP and ecologist Florencia Breyter from ONG Arca conducted during 2010, within Emajea facilities, workshops recycling materials from solid urban waste and its transformation into elements suitable for use in buildings, as membrane and solar collectors from PET bottles, boards from tetra pack containers. CEP Director Architect Carlos Levinton and Architect Martin Weksler trained a group of teachers and students in the use of disused tires for building walls and arming of geodesic structures. Within this context both institutes proposed having an ecology classroom space built with sustainable concepts. In April 2011 began the process for the design of the classroom, being the premises of design and construction the respect for the environment and reuse of recycled elements whose life cycle is complete in its original use to minimize carbon emissions typically generated in the construction. CEP architects had already developed a prototype for the post-earthquake reconstruction of Haiti in operation at present. Design is tailored to the specific needs at every location.


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4 METHODOLOGY OF WORK CEP architect Marta E. Yajnes explains the construction project to teachers and students showing the layout of the classroom, in conjunction with architect Yolanda Gotta, professor at Technical School 27 also in the municipality (who had attend EMAJEA as a student), within the watershed. They will be addressed in turn transfer education in this instance and the future action of CEP antenna in 2012. The action moves to the field and begins with the execution of foundations and wall. Emajea distributes the students per course and rotating them every Saturday, the contribution of students varies from week to week and their capacities for the task because the universe is very broad in previous training in technical and in physical. The number of school students dedicated to the task time varies from 8 to 16 people.

Figure 6. Cep architects transfer tire construction technologies

The tasks are held only on Saturdays with good weather in the morning within the class schedule. We have contribution from Introduction to Construction Types Levinton’s students’ degree, who performs practical tasks and documentation of activities as a replacement to traditional exams, and professionals from development courses performed at CEP on reuse of solid urban waste and solid construction waste in the construction and equipment. Architect Richard Tartaglia incorporates into training. For tasks such as excavation for foundations and completion of the perimeter wall, it has the support of appropriate staff of local cooperative at reduced fee because the school does not have funds beyond the minimum ones provided by cooperative and CEP has voluntary program funds that pay travels, basic tools and materials complementary to those from urban solid waste and construction and demolition waste.

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5 CONSTRUCTION SYSTEM APPLIED TO THE CLASSROOM It is composed by a low wall of a meter height and perimeter foundation built with used tires from cars and trucks with no possibility of reuse in their original purpose due to wear. The tires were provided mostly as leftover donations for Haiti module tests made at the Universidad Kennedy of Buenos Aires, as every CEP program provides its surpluses to the following programs and other local donations. They are filled with a soil slightly stabilized with cement and crushed rubble resulting from demolition works adjacent to the property that was donated. The soil would come from a clearing in the same place for the formation of a lagoon but due to City bureaucratic difficulties to get the right equipment to do so in time, we chose to manage the purchase of the soil at local supplier at a lower price to normal market with a short transfer distance to control carbon emissions also in transfers. As the top we opt for a concrete beam to ensure affirm and level base for the attachment of the geodesic structure. The result material of the clearance will be used for the embankments of the green roof.

Figure 7. Wall tires construction

Figure 8. Wall and beam ready

6 GEODESIC STRUCTURE This geo structure has fully teaching features and assemble allows learning geometry, physics, construction, dimensions, weights and other concepts, we opt for a black iron structure pipe 1, 1/4 "diameter and 1.5 mm wall thickness, these pipes are provided in the market at a length of 6 meters, depending on this data we study the classroom measures to comply with the requirements of use and simultaneously minimize material waste. The pipes were purchased from a local factory and shipped directly from origin to the workshop where the crush and holes


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of all bars took place for subsequent binding. To select the workshop we decided on a reclaimed factory which although is located further away from mobility from Emajea than others gives us a good service at low cost in the case of a worker cooperative. The Cooperative is named December 19th and the technician in charge of quality control in it and who gives their time and expertise to the project is the student of Industrial Design degrees at Fadu, Salvador Marino. At factory we test mobility systems of the dome top vent assembly. In the geometric model we chose 3 different bars to have a good balance between form and amount of resulting different pieces, they are joined with bolts and nuts, with a person qualified at Fadu CEP architect Martin Weksler, is possible to achieve the assembly of all basic geo in two hours with the participation of 10 people who never before had built a structure of these features personally. To facilitate assembly and the didactic aspect of the exercise bars were painted in 3 different colors according to their lengths.

Figure 9. Assembly sequence of the geodesic structure

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Figure 10. Detail of the nodes of the geodesic

Figure 11. Cell mounting dome



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7 GEODESIC STRUCTURE COVERAGE To covers the geodesic structure we chose a material to reduce the light of the geo triangles, a low-cost technology used on the roofs consisting of a mesh tighten to the pipes by standard plastic seals. Following this first loop and in the sectors of greatest inclination lies one of greater strength in the market known as a mesh hail donated by a local company dedicated to manufacturing both fabrics and machines to partial shade fumigation work and are related to the environment through gardening magazine. We immediately place blankets used commercially as packaging of air shipments acting as waterproof and thermal insulation, they have one side with aluminum foil, blankets were donated to the school thanks to Agricultural Engineering Regent M. Florencia Silva efforts. The assembly is completed with cells calls flowers of tires sets section of tires joined together with pet threads and different green roof systems up to area, inclination and solar radiation reception: Soil black sausage wrapped in shading fabrics and discarded item for commercial use or smaller fractions of origin. Seeds are incorporated in the form of creeping plants to have green roofs in the short term and modules pet containers triangles and grass rise from the embankment.

Figure 12. Green roof testing different solutions

Figure 13. Blankets and systems of 7section of tires

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8 PARTICIPATION OF TEACHERS AND STUDENTS OF TECHNICAL SCHOOL Architect Yolanda Gotta transfers the experience to students. She select 5th year courses to have them formed for next year as they will be enrolled in the 6th year. The technical school is specialized on environmental issues, they have been successfully presenting academic competitions. Teachers Cristian Borseti and Gustavo Rojas join us with a group of ten students. Teachers and students work in the reassembly of parts for testing links and other construction details while other members of that group paint pipes of the mobile dome. Then the same group with ITC students Eduardo Barbieri, Leandro Romone, Carla Sicardi, Mili Santamarina, Fabrizio Monti, Marile Oviedo and Ramiro Miotto and CEP architects Yajnes and Tartaglia, with collaboration of CEP voluntary assistants architect Telma Galera and industrial designer Pilar G. Olano assembled the dome mobile system, designed to regulate the heating vent in the summer, as the top center is the point where the heat is concentrated while being closed in winter to prevent leakage of heated air inside. Dome shall have transparent cover for natural light and overhang structure to protect the dome from rain. The dome has a central drive with a 5-axis displacement to facilitate movement and adjusts with a string taken from the geo nodes, that are the points of greatest strength and blocks in order to simplify the manually operated from the same floor of the classroom. Emajea teachers are Gardening Robert Jordan, Ecology Sebastian Staltari, Assistant Ecology: Tec Nancy Cardozo, Applied Ecology Claudio Godio. Field Coordinator Sergio Fouce. Interns Cep extension courses Camila Salvoni, Emi Di Tomaso, Roy C Mora and Adrian Uema.

Figure 14. Learning how to join the 7section of tires

Figure 15. Students at work with tires

Figure 16. Geodesic is mounted by 15 students on Figure 17. Urban wastes saved from being disposed the walls and rotate the horizontal bars into the basin per 30 square meter construction reinforcement


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9 URBAN WASTE SAVED FROM BEING THROWN INTO THE BASIN 30 square meter classroom: we rescued from being discharged: Foundations: 31 truck tires, 1 cubic meters rubble. Walls: 250 car tires, 3 cubic meters of rubble. Windows: 8 truck tires. Triangle Ceiling: 800 milk sachets, 24 square meters 3mm hardboard industrial packaging. 1350 polyethylene supermarket bags and 1000 pet bottles of soda 1500 cc. Geodesic Covering: 6 thermal blankets big international packaging. Green Roof: 50 square meters discarded original shading fabric, 1700 bottles of 600 cc pet. Floor: 56 car tires, 1.4 cubic meters rubble, 18 disused wooden beams 3 "x 6" x 3 meters. 30 square meters discarded 25mm phenolic particle board, 110 used rubber tiles. Embankment: 25 cubic meters earth from the excavation for the pond. Amphitheater: 200 car tires and 2000 pet bottles of soda, one a half liter capacity 10 CONCLUSIONS Classroom will be equipped with all the technologies mentioned, operation was transferred to teachers and students. The space will function as a meeting point for dissemination of knowledge on ecology as well as a neighborhood center within the municipality cultural circuit. The system is constantly fed depending on the capabilities of the members of the program and the characteristics of the waste and grants that are available. The challenges: the characteristics and availability of program actors while the biggest challenge is working on low budget dealing with government departments, whose time resolution is slow. We demonstrate that huge problems could be modified in countless small actions acting in community-based network, considering eco centers architecture as germ for organization construction and development of sustainable economic programs, not only as green buildings. The transformation of negative factors generates opportunity alternative paradigms, as the community can imagine a different future. The project major success is the waste transformation in building materials with low intake of new materials and energy while saving the watershed from waste to develop new job skills in populations with frequent insertion difficulties. This self-management and social economy are the foundation of new social relations and environmental changes are linked to social change. REFERENCES Ackerman, F. 1997. Why Do We Recycle?: Markets, Values and Public Policy, W DC: Island Press. Brown, A. Martinez Ortiz, U. Acerbi, M. & Concuera, J. 2006. Situación Ambiental Argentina 2005. Buenos Aires: Fundación Vida Silvestre. Bueno, M. 1992. El gran libro de la casa sana. Madrid: Ediciones Martinez Roca. Cesarman, E. 1974. Hombre y entropía. Mexico DF: Pax. Edmondson, A. C. 2007. A Fuller Explanation: The Synergetic Geometry of R. Buckminster Fuller. Pueblo: Emergent World Press. Etkin, J. 2007. Capital social y valores en la organización sustentable. Buenos Aires: Granica. Friedman, T. 2005 The world is flat. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux. Freire, P. & Faundez, A.1985. Por uma pedagogia da pergunta. Rio de Janeiro: Paz e Terra Educacao. Gonzalo, G & Nota, V. 2009. Manual de Arquitectura Bioclimatica Sustentable. Tucuman: FAU UNT Herrero, A.C. & Fernández, L. 2008. De los ríos no me río. Diagnóstico y reflexiones sobre Cuencas Metropolitanas de Buenos Aires. Buenos Aires: Temas. Latchinian, A. 2009. Globotomia. Caracas: Ediciones Punto Cero Maturana, H. 1996. La realidad : ¿objetiva o construida?. Fundamentos biológicos del conocimiento. Mexico DF: Anthropos, Porter, R.C. 2002. The Economics of waste. WDC: Resources for the Future. Prigogine I. 1993 Las leyes del caos, Barcelona: Critica Grijalbo Mondadori, s.a.

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Serra Florensa, R. & Coch Roura, H. 1995. Arquitectura y energía natural. Barcelona. Ediciones UPC. Sonderéguer, P. 2002. La cuenca del Matanza-Riachuelo. Lanus: Universidad de Lanús. Stiglitz, J. 2006. Making globalization work. London: Penguin. Thom, R. 1979 Théorie des catastrophes. Copenhague: E. Munksgaard. Thomas, D. 2002. Architecture and the urban environment: a vision for the new age. Oxford: E. Science. Unesco Etxea. 2009. Manual de Educacion para la sostenibilidad. Bilbao: Fundacion Iberdrola Van Bohemen, H. 2005. Ecological bridging between ecology and civil engineering. AC Boxtel: Aeneas Technical Publishers. Wackernagel, M. & Rees, W. E. 2001. Nuestra huella ecológica. Santiago de Chile: Lom.


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Environmental and Heritage Education as a tool for the sustainable development: “an analysis on experimental science and social science textbooks in Secondary School” H. Morón University of Huelva (Spain)

M. C. Morón University of Huelva (Spain)

A. M. Wamba University of Huelva (Spain)

J. Estepa University of Huelva (Spain)

ABSTRACT: Heritage education is understood as a pedagogic tool, in order to create awareness of our historical heritage (including the environment) and construction of social identity. Then, society conscious of this heritage will protect it and conserve it. In this way, environmental education seeks this same target, the protection and conservation of our environmental heritage. From this perspective, the treatment of this heritage on the secondary education textbooks in Spanish school system, have been analysed. To achieve this, we have used some specific criteria and a check list. The research lets us approach the extent to which the treatment of environmental heritage which appears in the textbooks help to its conservation and protection and hence the sustainable development.

1 INTRODUCTION Nowadays, we live in a world dominated by a crisis values, characterized by breaking relations between human beings and their natural environment, which is causing social and environmental problems. For this reason, it is necessary to prevent and minimize the destructive processes in order to defend and preserve our environmental heritage. In this context, we consider education as a tool at the service of sustainability and environmental current problems, since this makes possible to develop not only knowledge and skills but also critical attitudes towards environment. Therefore, from formal education, textbooks take an important role because they are the main teaching resource from which students learn. In this sense, many studies and research have been undertaken on the analysis of textbooks from different approaches, concerning use of knowledge, skills or attitudes contents, use of the images, educational curricula on textbooks, etc. This paper presents an analysis of content on the textbook from a new perspective which is drawn on the attributes of heritage education. So, some of these attributes of heritage education are: interdisciplinary and systemic perspective of treatment knowledge, active role of society, promotions values, use of temporal-space scale, multicultural view, sociocritic knowledge, motivation, preservation and conservation, emphatic, motivation. This perspective makes it possible a systemic and interdisciplinary perspective since working with different issues, areas, topics from Social Science and Experimental Science. Therefore, we can understand heritage as a “conceptual hinge” since this make it possible to come to contents from different areas and disciplines (Bennet, Sandore y Pianfetti, 2002; Tani, 2004). Moreover, heritage perspective makes it possible to work with heritage elements close to students and develop other educative values as such citizenship scientific literacy. So, heritage is a space for “social implication” (García,

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2009) where people build their knowledge through near heritage elements which have meaning for them, have an identity value. In consequence, if the society feels recognized in their heritage as a belonging, it will want to preserve and keep it. This new perspective, which we have been using to analyze the textbook, is called Comprehensive Heritage Perspective (CHP). We view CHP as an ongoing process which builds upon knowledge. This topic, related to Heritage Education, is one of the lines of work DESYM research group, which has extensive experience in this field (Wamba and Pérez Jiménez, 1996 and 2005, Steppe et al., 1998; Estepa, Wamba and Jimenez, 2005, Cuenca, 2004; Wamba et al., 2006a and 2006b; Estepa, Avila and Ferreras, 2008, Jimenez, Cuenca and Ferreras, 2009) and which is currently developing a project I+D+i1 on heritage Education entitled "Heritage and teaching. Analysis of resources and materials for an integrated approach to heritage education" (2008 edition of the National Research EDU2008 code-01968), within which this work is included. Specifically, one of the objectives of this project, in relation to teaching and learning of heritage in a formal education, is to analyze the materials and resources used commonly by teachers in compulsory education classrooms where textbooks are the more widespread use in the Spanish educational system. In this article we focus on the analysis of textbooks Natural Science SSNN (includes all science subjects: Physics and Chemistry, Biology and Geology and Natural Sciences) and Social Sciences SSCC (covers subjects Geography and History) in compulsory secondary education (ESO), where it is analyzed through a validated and reformulated checklist environmental heritage and its didactic treatment from this new perspective. This we can see more specific in the next research question: to what extent the environmental heritage which appears in textbooks of ESO lets us develop sustainable attitudes towards the environment and its heritage? I.e. if these work using CHP as reference. The hypothesis is to depend on the perspective heritage, which SSCC and SSNN textbooks treat heritage, will encourage awareness of environmental problems and their heritage. That is why, we focus on the environmental heritage typology, which is what is directly related to the conservation of the environment and therefore their heritage, in addition, this typology is that it works both from the SSCC as of SSNN. 2 CONCEPTUAL AND METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 What do we mean by environment and landscape? The initial meaning of environment was coined in the United Nations Conference on Human Environment held in Stockholm in 1972: "the environment is the set of physical components, chemical, biological and social effects likely to cause direct or indirect, in a short or long on living beings ". This definition has varied over time and moving towards a more holistic and interdisciplinary concept, since it encompassing several issues which must be approached from different disciplines. In this sense, the environment must always be linked to the concept of system, it understood as a whole make up of different parts which are interconnected. It involves a global behaviour, but not the summation of its parts because of their interactions give rise to emergent properties, which must be absent if they deal with separately. Landscape and its diversity are the materialization of the environmental systems as well as the cultural systems in a particular territory. In this case, concept of landscape has inside an important anthropic component, due to there aren’t any pristine landscapes that they stay away from human actions. In these lines come up the concept of cultural landscape, Carl Sauer (1925) was pioneer in the formulation of the term. He understood the landscape like: “the cultural landscape is fashioned out of a natural landscape by a culture group. Culture is the agent; the natural area is the medium, the cultural landscape the result". In this sense, from some International Organizations also understand the term landscape, from this point of view that combines action between nature and human being (UNESCO, 1972). More recently the European Landscape Convention (2000)2 and Spanish Law 42/2007 on Natural Heritage and Biodiversity, also deals the landscape under this approach.


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2.5 How we have analyzed the environmental heritage in textbooks? The books selected were of secondary school of the subjects of Natural Science (1º and 2º of the ESO), Biology, Geology and Physics-Chemistry (3º and 4º ESO) and the Social Sciences: Geography and History (from 1º to 4º ESO). Furthermore, we treat different publishers from different regions. We designed beforehand a pilot study in order to check collecting and analysing information tools. Contented analysis is performed using a checklist according to a system of categories, with three categories and eight sub-categories (variables) which in turn would be used to analyze the information. This instrument was designed for a previous project (Heritage teaching and dissemination in schools and visitor centres). This project recognizes three levels of development in participants thinking about conceptual and educational aspects of heritage. These follow a hypothesis of development from reductive to complex in respect of interpretative capability and/or systematization regarding its components, recognizing increasing degrees of complexity and depth in the treatment of heritage education. To construct the gradient we considered the different levels of teachers' and administrators' reflection regarding professional development. The initial level of the gradient, which we have called ‘reductionist’, was defined by simpler, more static and a critical conceptualizations of heritage and its teaching- learning, whilst the intermediate (‘applied’) and ultimate (‘integrated) levels were characterized by conceptualizations of an increasingly investigative, complex, critical and constructivist nature, and we reconsidered more desirable in that they superseded the limitations of previous levels (Cuenca, 2003). Category I: Concepts and typology of heritage, this category comprises two variables Perspectives on heritage and Heritage types. Category II: Model of heritage teaching, this category comprises four variables: Role of heritage in Educational programs, role of providers and beneficiaries in heritage education, integration of contents and aims of heritage education and dissemination (academics, Practicalconservationist or Critical). Category III: Heritage and identity, this category comprises two variables; Identity scales and Heritage typology and identity. So this category is highly relevant, since not all patrimonial elements compiled into textbooks have this symbolic-identity value that appears to the number of established relationships / connections between heritage and the different items and subitems of the above categories. This checklist not only allows us to know didactic treatment accorded heritage textbooks or what is the same as promoting heritage perspective, but there are other parameters or indicators such as the formal aspects of the textbooks and the frequency or the number of times they appear such elements. In relation to structure of textbooks, we take into account the formal aspects, like the use of images, amount and type, contents, sections and supplements expansion, etc. These features depend on each publisher and the heritage treatment given to the textbooks by them. Furthermore we take into account other variable, the location of the heritage content in the textbook. In fact, the meaning of the heritage contents can range from presentation to development and additional section. 3 SOME RESULTS We show the following outstanding results based on the analysis of the categories that make up the checklist of SSCC books and SSNN: Category I: we note that the given heritage vision is monumental, exceptional and unidisciplinary, which suggests that patrimonial elements that appear in textbooks are valued only by attributes of stylistic beauty, rareness, singularity and from other attributes more complex and rich as can be from its richness or diversity or social importance. However, there are differences in the treatment of environmental aspects for SSNN economic and social sciences, as these items such as spaces, species and landscapes tend to be valued on the books of SSNN for its rich biodiversity and supporting the idea of system, while SSCC books dominated by a static idea of such items valued for their beauty and monumentality and it related to an undifferentiated view of the environment and in this case there is not any interaction with it. In addition, these environmental elements are mainly liked with geographical topics belong to

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SSCC and issues related to Biology and Geology for SSNN, however physical, chemical and historical topics don’t deal with environmental heritage elements Category II: we can see that these environmental heritage elements are worked by both disciplines as a teaching resource, in fact, it is can be consider the main trend. They are sometimes treated from a simple educational level, that is anecdotally, compared to other more comprehensive level. This suggest us that environmental heritage items are assessed from a more complex and rich point of view. In this sense, environmental heritage elements are usually treated from an academic approach which are associated with conceptual contents, but point the difference between the two areas (SSCC and SSNN) SSNN we note that, from a practical-conservationist, will also treat jointly with other attitudinal content, valuing the importance of conservation and importance to humans and the environment. This relationship appears conceptual content-collection mainly attitudinal: activities they want to find a critical attitude, in topics related to environmental conservation, or when content is linked to cultural and ethnological themes, close to the students by motivation or geographic proximity. By contrast, in the order book is academicians SSCC, transmitter only of information, which supports a vision of heritage anecdotal and of little educational value. Category III: both disciplines match up in heritage and identity relationship that gives textbooks to the elements heritage, for the establishment of links between environmental heritage elements of a society, a culture or identity is not common. Also, when this happens is social, is related to ethnological or historical aspects of art. On the other hand, the environmental heritage elements that are compiled by the books from this perspective symbolic identity are those heritage elements globally recognized, ie, those figures have legal protection as a World Heritage Site, Biosphere Reserve, etc. with excellent reputations or mediatic load. Also, these elements are not related to heritage references nearby, moving from the global to local scale without establishing links or similar exemplifications in the nearby environment (local, regional, etc). 4 CONCLUSIONS AND QUESTIONS FOR DEBATE One of the primary aim of this paper is to present a new heritage perspective (CHP) from which we have analyzed the textbooks in order to know in which extent their treatment makes it possible to foster attitudes sustainable for environment. One of the first observations related to textbooks is; textbooks either SSNN or CCSS have the same heritage treatment, hence their treatment is independent of discipline or area. In some occasions SSNN textbooks approach a symbolic-identity value of environmental heritage (close to our CHP of reference) when draw connections between their environment, for example appear in a context for a county or region in particular. Likewise, Pluckrose (1993) suggests heritage provides a social-cultural context, helps to teaching and learning processes. As a result, geographic proximity or the space context in the textbooks is a crucial element since fostering symbolic-identity connections with environmental elements. Therefore, if the textbook omits geographical references, heritage treatment will have a heritage perspective further of our reference perspective. Previous findings reinforce our theoretical framework of this research, particularly related to comprehensive heritage term and their systemic dimension or connection with environment term. For example, we can regard this coherence conceptual with the results when appear heritage in contents related to environment, ecosystems or reservoirs in SSNN textbooks. In these contents there is a relation between heritage-environment from a systemic perspective which is related to reference CHP. However, this reference level (CHP) is not usually treating in textbook as we can regard trough different criteria and analysis check list: Check list which we use to analyses textbook, suggests that heritage is treating meanly from a classical heritage perspective. The main attributes of this perspective is; a value exceptional and temporal heritage, i.e. environmental heritage is value for beauty, grandiosity or exceptionalism which is corresponded with recognized worldwide elements. Moreover this heritage is worked as an object related to knowledge concepts and without any connection with other areas, kind of contents of cultural or social context close for student. So, this heritage doesn’t


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approach a symbolic-identity value and form educational processes it is fostered an academic teaching and hence surface learning. Criteria analyses as such formal aspect and the context, reinforce this classical heritage perspective when environmental heritage doesn’t work cross or transversal on the textbook but from time to time in some unities or expansion section or/and supplements section of textbooks. As a result, regarding to heritage and its systemic dimension, we regard that heritage is treated without connections and simply way. This fact, suggests us a simplistic view of environment where environment is a medium with elements without any relation between them and environmental heritage only has exceptionalism, beauty or grandiosity values. Finally, this previous results suggest us those textbooks doesn’t work from a CHP which fostering comprehensive environmental education. So, environmental heritage doesn’t have a symbolic-identitary value close to students. As a result, from teaching and learning these knowledge have less value and meaning for students and hardly fostering critics attitudes and sustainable for environment. In conclusion, this new CHP as reference level, help to enhance teaching and learning from heritage when we work in our lesson with a close cultural and social contexts which fosters a symbolic-identity value. Heritage from this perspective provides to whatever content which we want to teach, two important attributes: a social-cultural contexts and identity value. Last but not least, this last idea proves a range of possibilities since CHP can be used for other areas not directly related to SSCC (where there is more tradition to work with heritage) and not only environmental education in order to develop sustainable attitudes towards environment. ENDNOTES 1 2

These acronyms mean; innovation, develop and research. The European Landscape Convention (ELC) has been ratified by Spain on March 1, 2008.

REFERENCES Aranda, A., Del Pino, M. y Montes, F. (2010). “Los aspectos patrimoniales en la educación primaria en la nueva reforma educativa en Andalucía (España)”. Revista Iberoamericana de Educación, No. 52/1 Bennett, N. A., Sandore, B., y Pianfenetti, E. S (2002). Ilinois Digital Cultural Heritage CommunityCollaborative interactions among libreroes, museums and elementary schools. D-Lib Magazine, 8 (1) Calaf, R. (2008) Educación patrimonial. Epistemología, metodología y estudio de casos. Aula historia social, 21, 95-96 Cantell, H; Rikkenen, H. (2003):“Maximising the use of communication technologies in geographical education”. En R. Gerber (ed.): International Handbook on Geographical Education. Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publisher. Pp 47-64. Cuenca J. M. (2002): “El patrimonio en la didáctica de las ciencias sociales. Análisis de concepciones, dificultades y obstáculos para su integración en la enseñanza obligatoria”. Huelva: Universidad de Huelva (Tesis doctoral). Cuenca, J. M. (2003). Análisis de concepciones sobre la enseñanza del patrimonio en la educación obligatoria. Enseñanza de las Ciencias Sociales. Revista de Investigación, 2 ,37 e46. Cuenca, J.M. (2004): El patrimonio en la didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales. Análisis de concepciones, dificultades y obstáculos para su integración en la enseñanza obligatoria. Michigan, Proquest. Universidad de Michigan. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uhu/ fullcit?p3126904 Cuenca, J.M. y Estepa, J. (2005). Concepciones de maestros y profesores sobre el patrimonio y su enseñanza-aprendizaje. En Proceeding Congreso Internacional de Investigación Educativa. “La investigación educativa. Hacia una educación de calidad para todos” (pp. 32-44), Temuco (Chile): Universidad de la Frontera. Estepa J, Ávila R.M; Ferreras, M (2008): “Primary and secondary teachers’ conceptions about heritage and heritage education: A comparative analysis”. Teaching and Teacher Education 24 (2008) 2095– 2107 Estepa J., Ferreras M., López , I. y Morón H. (2011). “Análisis del patrimonio presente en los libros de texto: obstáculos, dificultades y propuestas”. Revista de Educación. N 355. Mayo-Agosto (pp. 5573588).

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El patrimonio y la Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales. Cuenca, Asociación Universitaria de Profesores de Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales. Hernández Cardona, F.X. (2004): Didáctica e interpretación del patrimonio. En R. Calaf y O. Fontal (coord.) Comunicación educativa del patrimonio: referentes, modelos y ejemplos. (pp 35-49) Gijón: Trea. Jimenez, P; Cuenca , J.M y Ferreras, M. (2010): “Heritage education: Exploring the conceptions of teachers and administrators”. Teaching and Teacher Education 26 (2010) 1319-1331. López I; Cuenca J.M (2011): “El patrimonio en los libros de texto de Ciencias Sociales, Geografía e Historia” En prensa. Mattozzi, I (2001). La didáctica de los bienes culturales. A la búsqueda de una definición. En J. estepa, C. Dominguez y J. M. Cuenca (edits). Museo y Patrimonio en la Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales. Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 57-96. Morón, H. y Wamba, a. M. (2008). La importancia de la percepción de los riesgos ambientales en la formación inicial del profesorado. Actas de los XXIII Encuentros de Didáctica de las Ciencias Experimentales. Almería. Editorial Universidad de Almería. Morón, Mª C. y Estepa, J. (2010) “Las nuevas tecnologías de la información y de la comunicación como recurso para la innovación en la enseñanza de las Geografía: una reflexión sobre distintas experiencias.” En IX Congreso Nacional de la Didáctica de la Geografía. Geografía educación y formación del profesorado en el marco del espacio europeo de educación superior. Vol. 2, 2010, págs. 589-606. Pluckrose (1993) Enseñanza y aprendizaje de la Historia. M.E.C.-Morata, Madrid. Rico, L. (2009) La difusión del patrimonio en los materiales curriculares. El caso de los gabinetes pedagógicos de bellas artes. Universidad de Málaga. Sadler (2009). Situated learning in science education: socio-scientific issues as contexts for practice. Studies in Science Education. Vol. 45, No. 1, Peg. 1-42. Sarmiento, M. (2010). La educación patrimonial: un camino para la conservación del patrimonio arqueológico. El caso de Calima-Darién en Colombia. II Encuentros latinoamericano de Bibliotecarios, Archivistas y Museólogos (9, 10 y 11 de Septiembre del 2010) Lima. Perú. 3 Eje conservación del patrimonio cultural y medioambiente. Sauer, C O. (1925): The morphology of landscape. University of California. Publications in Geography 2 (2), p. 19-54 (Reimpreso en AGNEW, John; LIVINGSTONE, David N.; ROGERS, Alisdair (eds.) (1996). Human Geography: An essential anthology. Oxford: Blackwell, p. 296-315). Wamba, A. M. y Jiménez, R. (2005). La enseñanza y difusión del Patrimonio y la Alfabetización Científica: relaciones C-T-S y Patrimonio. Enseñanza de las Ciencias. Número Extra. VII Congreso. Wamba, A.M.; Aguaded, S. y Cuenca, J.Mª. (2006a) Las actividades prácticas en museos de ciencia y centros de interpretación: ¿cómo orientarlas desde una perspectiva holística? Alambique, n 47, 74-81. Wamba, A.M.; Jiménez Pérez, R. y Cuenca, J.M. (2006b) La enseñanza del Patrimonio en la ESO: concepciones de los profesores de Ciencias Experimentales y Sociales. Actas de los XXII Encuentros de Didáctica de las Ciencias Experimentales. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza.


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WILSON, M. (2007). Mapping New Brunswick: The impact of heritage on the design and production of a pedagogical wall map. Geomatica, 61(2), 109-116. Zoido Naranjo, F. (2006): “Principales retos de adaptación de la Convención Europea del Paisaje a las políticas de ordenación del territorio en Europa”. En: El paisaje y la gestión del territorio: criterios paisajísticos en la ordenación del territorio y el urbanismo. Coord. por Rafael Mata Olmo, Alexandre Tarroja i Coscuela, 2006, ISBN 84-9803-144-3 , pags. 359-374 Zoido Naranjo, F. (2007): “Paisaje, territorio y patrimonio”. En: Actas del V Congreso Internacional "Restaurar la Memoria patrimonio y territorio”, Valladolid 2006 . Coord. por José Javier Rivera Blanco, Vol. 1, 2007, ISBN 978-84-9718-511-0 , pags. 227-230 Zoido Naranjo, F. (2009): “El Convenio Europeo del Paisaje”. Gestión del paisaje. Coord. por Jaume Busquets Fàbregas, Albert Cortina Ramos, 2009, ISBN 978-84-344-2890-4, pags.

1644



1645

Diffusion of heritage and culture through design in Alcântara C.S. Rijo Faculdade de Arquitectura da Universidade Técnica de Lisboa, Portugal

ABSTRACT : The purpose of this communication is to present a reflection on the importance of heritage as a cultural expression, in a measure of identity and image associated with a site, and the contributions of the project-design as a discipline that ensures the development of the visual identity of a place, as result of an investigation. Discusses the importance of heritage as a differential factor, since the cultural diversity takes many forms through time and space. The designer should contribute to this diversity is perceived by many people because it is this way to preserve it at a level intangible. This study is under investigation for the doctoral thesis in design in the FA-UTL, which aims to create a final image that identifies and project the neighborhood as a place of Alcântara both memory and future in the capital city.

1 HERITAGE AS A CULTURAL EXPRESSION The propose of UNESCO convection is "awareness, locally, nationally and internationally, the importance of intangible cultural heritage and their mutual recognition" and "international cooperation and assistance as part of a world increasingly globalized, which threatens to standardize cultures of the world while increasing social inequalities. "(UNESCO, 2003) At a time when cities are constantly changing, the cultural references have been lost, yielding a loss of identity and relationship to the place. There is today a set of initiatives, individual and collective, aimed at preserving heritage, as a response to the phenomenon of cultural globalization (Smith, 2000). It is our duty, as citizens know our cultural heritage. These portray the history, the tradition and strengthen their sense of belonging. This feeling is developed by perceptual experiences as feelings and emotions arise that mark that because we only value, preserve and protect what you know. It is to retrain the asset is to strengthen the meaning of cultural while develops identity. The equity can be defined as a cultural asset, tangible or intangible, that awakens the sense of worth and identity while manifesting their own culture. This is what connects the past and present while it lets us know the tradition and culture. It is an architectural representation that arouses a sense of identity and belonging. The revitalization of heritage must guarantee respect for the culture (including artistic styles) and ensure its historical significance. At a time when we rediscover the value of assets as part of cultural identity, it becomes crucial to their dissemination and projection.

1646


2 DESIGN: IDENTITY AND IMAGE For a place that is perceived as different, the identity of your brand should be unique. The resources of a physical location (architecture, urbanism, transport, monuments), its geographic location and its cultural events contribute to determining their identity, these components must be integrated into the essence of brand positioning of the site. For this measure is essential to identify their distinguishing characteristics and build an identity based on their distinctive cultural resources (Landry & Bianchini, 1995), in order to attract tourists, residents and or investors. The culture of a place provides insight into how citizens relate to the past present and future (Elizagarate, 2006), while giving it a unique individuality, because a culture is not to copy or imitate (Anholt, 2007). Accordingly, the assets, as an integral element of culture are an essential element in the representation of places and should be integrated into the construction of their identity. The use of architectural features has been a prime vehicle in brand building and rebuilding of our cities. The representation of cultural heritage involves a set of experiences and feelings, which seeks to symbolically represent their distinguishing characteristics through the recognition of a common past (Silva, 2000). The designer must assess these distinguishing aspects, in order to achieve this identity to develop an emotional relationship with the receiver. Thus the designer fulfills its function, as written by Victor Margolin, the designer should seek to investigate new concepts and try to understand how design affects the human action, not forgetting that the design as a culture relates to disciplines that study human behavior (such as sociology and anthropology) at the same time linked with studying objects (such as art history and material culture)(2002). According Buchaman design is often overstated and is seen merely as a commercial application area rather than being seen as a source of interdisciplinary collaboration and space that can give an objective and purpose to the design and planning. (Buchanan & Margolin, 1995). 3 ALCANTARA: TANGIBLE AND INTANGIBLE HERITAGE In assessing the identity of a culture is the most relevant factors, it is one that provides insight into how the site relates to citizens in the past present and future, since culture is not to copy or imitate (Elizagarete, 2003). By the above, is to analyze the cultural heritage of a city or neighborhood need a multidisciplinary approach to the song. Located in West Lisbon, Alcântara was largely left abandoned as to the protection of their historical heritage. This neighborhood portrays the diversity of the city of Lisbon, with the presence of three distinct architectural components: initially religious and aristocratic (figs 1- 4) that after the industrial revolution assumed a character worker (figs 5- 6), recognized by Angelina Vidal Lisbon in his book Ancient and Modern, when he writes signs of an aristocratic world-religious, preindustrial are gradually being stifled (Vidal, 1900). In the nineteenth century became one of the most active areas of the city with the development of the capital's main factories. By understanding to Lisbon as a city, becomes a monument where they perceive the architectural form and allegorical, while it is understood that the city representative of a community is universal or particular, as a collective monument, monument that is considered as a work of art that spans the centuries preserving and transmitting their own ideological value (Pereira, 1989). Alcântara turns out to be so surprised to have a heritage as old and diverse, where you can meet properties of historic and artistic interest.

1647


Figure 1 Alto de Santo Amaro, back of the chapel of Santo Amaro, a small temple dating from 1549, photograph by Edward Portugal File photo of the City of Lisbon

Figure 2 Alto de Santo Amaro, photograph of the author, 2011

Figure 3 Burnay Palace at the end of the century XIX, Image Francesco Rocchini, evidence for albumin File photo of the City of Lisbon

Figure 4 Burnay Palace, photo by the author, 2011

Figure 5 Overview of the Neapolitan factory building, Archives of General Directorate for National Buildings and Monuments (DGEMN)

Figure 6 The Neapolitan Building Factory, photo by the author, 2011

5 CONCLUSION Increasingly there is awareness that the region should invest in a unique and distinctive identity in order to design the expressions of identity. According to the UNESCO Universal Declaration cultural diversity contributes to a life of intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual satisfaction and constitutes an essential element of the transformation of urban and social reality. The historical and cultural heritage is the representative element of a city or place because it is through him that the place is distingue. The designer should contribute to this diversity is perceived and perceived by a lot of people in order to preserve it at a level intangible.

1648


The measure of identity and the value attributed to assets is somewhat complex since it is related socio-economic aspects, geographical, political, and other values like, personal experiences, cultural heritage or symbolic references. The heritage is a cultural reference that marks an epoch and represents the diversity in that because it portrays the past and present. Culture takes diverse forms across time and space, constituting the common heritage of humanity and should be recognized and affirmed for the benefit of present and future generations. REFERENCES Anholt, S. 2007. Competitive identity The new brand management for nations, cities and regions. Journal of Brand Management (vol. 14, pp. 0-134). Palgrave Macmillan. Arévalo, J. M. 2004. La tradición, el patrimonio y la identidad, Revista de Estudios Extremeños, Badajoz: Departamento de Publicaciones Excelentísima Diputación Provincial, pp. 925-955. Buchanan, R. & Margolin, V.1995. The idea of design – A Design Issues reader. Cambridge. London: The MIT Press, Consiglieri, C. 1993. Pelas Freguesias de Lisboa. Lisboa: Câmara Municipal - Pelouro da Educação. Costa, M.1950. Feiras e divertimentos populares de Lisboa. Lisboa: s.n. Elizagarate, V. 2003. Marketing de Ciudades, Editora Pirámide, Madrid. Elizagarate, V.2006. Estrategias de marketing para las ciudades el turimo y la organizacion de eventos en la Europa des S. XXI. Fragoso, A. M. 1999. Imagem institucional das cidades. Lisboa: Universidade Aberta. Freire, J. P. 1929. Alcântara. Apontamentos para uma monografia. Coimbra: Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade. Guilmore, B., & Pine, J. 1999. The experience economy – work is theatre & every business a stage. Boston: Harvard Business School Press. Julier, G. 2008. The culture of design. London: SAGE Publications Ltd. Kolb, B. 2006. Tourism Marketing for cities and towns – using branding events to attract tourists. Amsterdam: Butterworth-Heinemann. Landry, C., & Bianchini, F. 1995. The creative city. DEMOS. pp.36 Margolin, V.2002. The politics of the artificial; essays on design and design studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Martins, J. P. 2006. Os espaços e as práticas - arquitectura e ciências sociais habitus, estruturação e ritual. Universidade Técnica de Lisboa / Faculdade de Arquitectura. Pereira, J. F. 1989. Dicionário da Arte Barroca em Portugal, Lisboa, Presença, (pp. 23-24). Lisboa: Presença. Ribeiro, I., Custódio, J. & Costa, L. 1981. Arqueologia industrial do Bairro de Alcântara estudos e materiais. Lisboa: Companhia Carris de Ferro de Lisboa. Silva, E. P. 2000. Património e identidade. Os desafios do turismo cultural. Available at http://ceaa.ufp.pt/turismo3.htm Smith, A.D. 1990. Towards a Global Culture? In M. Featherstone. ed. Global Culture: Nationalism, Globalization, and Modernity. London: Sage Unesco 2003. Declaração Universal sobre a Diversidade Cultural. Vidal, A. 1900. Lisboa Antiga e Lisboa Moderna. Lisboa, Colecção Memórias de Lisboa Yeoman, I. et. al. 2005. Capturing the essence of a brand from its history the case of Scottish tourism marketing. Brand Management (pp. 134-147).

Index of Authors

1651

Index of authors

Aktüre, Z. Abidi, L. H. Addo, E.

3

Breyter, F.

1621

379

Briggs, A.

397, 1069

127, 1017 1961

Brostrom, T.

405

Bustamante Gutierrez, I. de.

501

Albanese, V.

947

Buzăianu, F. I.

777

Alcorn, A.

379

Cabeza Lainez, J. M.

629

Almeida, F.

729

Cagat, K.

787

Alonso, A.

1659

Calderón Aguilera, C. M.

415

Aguiar, J.

Alves, S. Alzahrani, D. A. Amielli, L. Amoêda, R.

387

Caliandro, L. P.

1075

13

Callieri, M.

1701

1621

Caminiti, E.

209

1357, 1669 619, 2085

Campbell, J. W. P.

1931

Cang, V. G.

1087

Apicella, A.

23

Cannas, L.

423

Arckens, M.

553

Cantone, F.

1719

Arellano Agudo, A. R. de

581

Capelo, A. M.

1573

Anton Barco, M.

581

Arroba, M.

1679

Carbajo Cruces, E.

Ashley, K. S.

1031

Cardaci, A.

1537, 2141

Atanasio Guisado, A.

1041

Carlos, J. S.

1949

Ateú, S.

1689

Carman, J.

797

Casa Martin, F. da

501

Aversa, B. R.

23

Baeza Herrera, O.

415

Cassinelli, G.

Baker, K.

719

Casu, P.

Bakker, K. A.

175

Cavallazzi, R. L.

Bandyopadhyay, S.

291

Cercleux, A. L.

433 423, 1729 433 103, 875

Barbosa, M.

1961

Chen, H.-H.

221

Bellamy, M. J.

1051

Chillón, M. C.

805

Benassi, L.

1701

Chinchón Yepes, S.

Benigno, A.

1749

Claus, K. E. A.

175

Benítez, P.

1679

Colombo, S.

281

Birdsall-Jones, C.

1227

Compán, V.

2017

Black, N. H.

1061

Cooper, E.

1209

553

Cordero, M.

1837

Boriani, M.

1711

Cossu, G. P.

1897

Bourgeois, J.

1379

Costa, L. M. S. A.

Bozelli, R. L.

563

Boom, S.

Crecent, R.

1347

433 1837


1652

Crompton, A.

1435

Eriksson, P.

405

Csanádi, G.

231

Espinosa Fernández, A.

1787

Csizmady, A.

231

Estepa, J.

1633

Curulli, I.

1581

Falasca, C. C.

Dal Sasso, P.

1075

Feraboli, M. T.

Damen, S. G.

31

Fernandez Tapia, E. J.

855, 1759 1161 501

De Maestri, S.

1093

Ferreira, T.

1767

De Masi, A.

1103

Ferreira, V.

1961

De Medici, S.

41

Ferrer, P.

De Reu, J.

91

Fiorino, D. R.

1777

Dee, J.

71

Firnigl, A.

1171

Galiano Garrigós, A. L.

1787

Galiano Garrigós, V.

1749

Galizia, M.

1445

2055

García Alías, E.

1797

Devilat, B. M.

463

Garrote, M. A.

1809

Devine, K.

475

Garzulino, A.

1711

1591

Gharib, R. Y.

Deom, C. Derks, R. Dermitzaki, A. Dettori, M.

Di, X.

451 31 815

805

53

Di Pilla, L.

423

Gherri, B.

511

Diano, D.

485

Ghini, A.

511

Dias, R. A.

57

Giambruno, M. C.

63, 1711 865

Dijokienơ, D.

1113

Giannakopoulou, S.

Dixey, A. E.

1123

Giannattasio, C.

1777

Dolin, T.

1219

Gonçalves, M. M. C. S

1181

Domènech Casadevall, G.

1739

González Avilés, A. L.

1749

815

Gradolí Martínez, C.

1847

103, 875

Gratowski, S. V. von

1971

1005

Gravante, A.

1819

Duca, G.

493

Green, A. R.

245

Ĉukanoviü, D.

825

Green, R. J.

253

Doxanaki, A. Drăghici, C. C. Dugulan, D.

Echarri Iribarren, V.

1749, 1787

Gregg, M.

521

El Amrousi, M.

1133

Grillo, S. M.

1729, 1777

El Barazi, K.

1143

Guagnini, A.

1829

El Fadl, B. R. A.

1153

Gual Ortí, J.

1413

Emiro÷lu, M. K.

835

Guimarey, B.

1837

Ennen, E.

845

Gül , M.

71

1653

Index of authors

Gupta, R.

521

Levinton, C. H.

1621

Henyei-Neto, G.

1191

Limbouri-Kozakou, E.

1995

Herbig, U.

1557

Lira, S.

1357

Herrero García, L. F.

1847

Llopis, V.

1659

Higuera, J. L.

531

Lloyd, S. V.

245

Hill, M.

745

Loader, K.

915

Hughes, N. J.

1919

Loddo, G.

1897

Hunt, A.

1601

Longobardi, G.

1281

875

Lopes, A. F.

563

Isabel, M.

1749

López, M. I.

925

Ivanov, A.

1199

López Mateu, V.

263

López Sabater, A.

Ianos, I.

Jackson, S. A. Jacoby, J. Jiménez Alcalá, B.

1209 543

López-Gil, A. Lu, Y.-C.

1887 1267, 1867 805 1289 31

Jimura, T.

1611

Lubkemann, S.

Jones, R.

1219

Ludoni, D.

1897

Jones, T.

1227

Lufrano, C.

855, 1759

Kaliampakos, D.

865

Kamara, J.

2077

Karro, K.

339

Katapidi, I.

81

Luis i Ginovart, J.

2067, 2111

Lupo, E.

273

Machado, D. B. P.

433

Macías Gutiérrez, V.

1909

Kershaw, A.

1601

Mackay, C. A.

1919

Klagyivik, M.

1171

MacKenzie, A.

93, 571

Krempl, S.

1239

Magliocco, A.

Kumarasuriyar, A.

1857

Makrodimitri, M.

La Vergata, A.

1249

Maneiro Jurjo, J. M.

939

Lameira, G.

1255

Manfredi, C.

281

Landorf, C.

883, 1401

Manso, M.

739

Laumain, X.

1267, 1867

Marchal, S.

1299

433 1931

Leandro, L.

897

Marinova, D.

1239

Leandro, L. A. L.

563

Mariotti, M.

1309

Leboreiro Amaro, M. A.

905

Marrero, M.

1941

León Casero, J.

1877

Martínez, A.

1659

Leonardi, M.

1277

Martínez de Dios, J. R.

2027

Leturia Nabaroa, M.

709

Martínez-Rocamora, A.

1941

Leus, M.

553

Martínez Sierra, E.

1909


1654

Martins, A. M. T.

1949

Ollero Baturone, A.

2027

Mateus, L.

1961

Ongsavangchai, N.

975

McCleery, Alison

1317

Palacios, D.

699

McCleery, Alistair

1317

Panagiaris, G.

815

Meloni, A.

423

Panin, O.

975

Mencías, D.

1679

Pardo, D.

1335

Meneses, J. A.

1679

Parham, S.

245

Mercader Moyano, M. P.

581

Merciu, F. C.

103, 875

Merciu, G. L.

103

Parri, A. Parsons, A.

2121 1341

1971

Passano, M. G. P. da

Merino Sanjuán, L.

1413

Pau, B.

31

591

Pasqualini, P.

Meriakri, V. V. Metgod, T. L. M.

1701

Pearson, N.

423 2121

Miani, F.

947

Pedrazzini, N.

273

Michelson, A.

955

Pedrosa, M. A.

1573 1887

Millán, P.

1749

Pellicer Armiñana, T. M.

Miranda, D.

1837

Peptenatu, D.

103, 875 1181

Montero, F. J.

531

Pérez Cano, M. T.

Moore, K. J.

965

Petermans, A.

985

Morales Conde, M. J.

2027

Philips, H. F.

597

Moreno, J.

1659

Philokyprou, M.

1995

Morón, H.

1633

Piedecausa García, B.

1347

Morón, M. C.

1633

Pingi, P.

1701

Mosavi, A.

1983

Pinheiro, C.

1357

Pintilii, R. D.

103

Moulis, S.

93

Muñoz, A.

1809

Mura, C. Navickienơ, E. Neffa, E.

Pinto, L.

1369

Pittaluga, M.

1897

1325

Plets, G.

1379

897

Plets, R.

1379

423

1857

Plevoets, B.

985

Nogueira de Moraes, L.

115

Pollastri, S.

1517

Nomeikaite, L.

108

Popescu, I. C.

1005

Norton, S. C.

915

Porrà, D.

Odai, A.

127

Povilionis, G.

Olivares Santiago, M.

581

Pozzi, C.

Oliveira, M. D.

139

Pradhananga, N.

Nielsen, D.

423 1391 153 1401

1655

Index of authors

Pressnail, K. D.

2121

Salem, D. S.

Pulido Arcas, J. A.

629

Salom, C.

Pultrone, G.

995

Sánchez-Montañés Macías, B.

Puyuelo Cazorla, M. Quattrone, G. Quesada Arce, A. B.

1413 291 1423

Sanjust, P. Santagati, C. Santamarina, B.

939 2067, 2111 629 2037 1445 303, 1547

Radu, D. P.

875

Santos, M. C.

1573

Ramalhete, F.

609

Sanz Martínez, A.

1847

Ramírez Pacheco, G. Ramos, C. T. Rankin, L. Rashid, M. S. A.

1787 159

Sapounakis, A.

311

Sasani, A.

2047

1435

Schriver, S.

1481

755

Schubert, L.

663

Restuccia, F.

1445

Scolaro, A. M.

2055

Rey, J.

1547

Scopigno, R.

1701

139

Sendra, J. J.

387

Ribeiro, J. T. Rickard, V.

1919

Senia, C.

Rijo, C. S.

1645

Seva-Román, E.

671

Rinella, T. A.

1457

Sezgin, P. J. D.

677

Ritson, J. S.

2005

Shams, A.

687

Robador, M. D.

1809

Silva, A. T.

31

Roders, A. R. P.

31, 175

Rodríguez Liñán, C.

2027

Silva, F. Simonelli, R.

41

609 63

Siotto, E.

1701

2017

Skrzypaszek, J.

1491

Rodríguez-Uribe, D.

1469

Snook, L. J. C.

319

Rodriguez-Uribe, N.

1469

Solà-Morales Serra, P.

Rodríguez Romero, E. J.

619

Rodríguez-Mayorga, E.

Rohdin, P. Rossi, S.

405 1621

2067, 2111

Solís-Guzmán, J.

1941

Soma, T.

1499

Rubio Bellido, C.

629

Spearritt, P.

167

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