Compare and contrast the foreign policy of the UNP regimes of 1948 – 1956 with that of Banadaranayake regimes of 1956 – 1965
Foreign policy of a country directly or indirectly indicates the behavior towards power blocks or policies. It is difficult in the complicated world affairs to be non-aligned or non-committal. There are schools of thoughts that some countries are friendly towards certain blocks and world powers. One might say a country is USA-friendly, USSR-friendly, China-friendly, India-friendly or friendly with any other country or power block. Basic principle of foreign policy of a country is how the nation acts or reacts towards the other members in their dealings. In that respect Sri Lankan foreign policy is clear and specific. Foreign Policy of a nation is a reflection of how it behaves. It varies and changes from leader to leader and government to government. It is important as any other function of the Government as the foreign policy is interconnected to any other areas such as economy, development and all the other areas. Therefore generally it is the head of the state who conducts the foreign policy and relations. Sometimes for convenience and due to pressure of work of the head of the state it is delegated to a very reliable Minister to be the Foreign Minister.
Foreign Policy of a country is the strategies and policies chosen by the State in order to protect, enhance and safeguard its national interest and achieve the goal on social, political and economic issues. It is the duty of the Head of the State to create and implement the foreign policy, which he may designate to a Foreign Minister or the legislature. The foreign policy varies from leader to leader depending on how he/she designs, implements and gives leadership to the policy created with his/her team. Foreign Policy of a country is crucial and important, as all the other areas and fronts on economy, defense, agriculture and development are directly connected to the foreign policy, and as to how the leader conducts these issues with the rest of the world. It is for this reason that the power is vested on the foreign policy issues with the Head of the State, who may carefully delegate it to another person or the legislature. The leader has his/her own strategy and the style of conducting the foreign policy of the state.
Foreign relations refer to the on-going management of relationships between a public policy administrative organization of a State and other entities external to its authority for influence. The primary goal of such organizations is therefore to create, develop and manage foreign policy and therefore describes relationships as seen the self-interested perspective of the State when viewing international relations. In the USA, USSR or any other emerging world power, the Head of the State and his image is the reflection of how the country behaves with the rest of the world. The foreign policy is codified and implemented via the head of the state whose conduct is carefully monitored and scrutinized by the world, in order to respond to and reciprocate based on the conduct and the
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behavior. In these circumstances, Sri Lanka though small but a very senior member of the world family strategically situated has to be extremely careful in dealing with the other members of the world family. In fact and in reality, Sri Lanka has been extremely careful in dealing with other nations on strategies based of non-confrontation, non-alignment on extremely friendly ways. When discussing the foreign policy of a small state such as Sri Lanka, however emphasis on the personal style and the party political complexion of the government in power as an important foreign determinant is not misplaced. In the years following Sri Lanka's attainment of independence on February 4, 1948, the country's political system appeared to be the very model of a parliamentary democracy. The country stood virtually alone among its South and Southeast Asian neighbors in possessing a viable two-party system in which the conservative United National Party (UNP) and the left-of-center Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) alternated with each other in power after fairly contested elections.
Regimes of United National Party (1948 – 1956) During the regimes UNP there were three Prime-Ministers from 1948 to 1956, namely D.S. Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake and John Kotelawala. The United National Party (UNP) was the main party of the independence movement, and its widely respected leader, D. S. Senanayake, as head of a coalition of which the UNP was the chief unit, became Ceylon's first prime minister after independence. He won a major victory in 1952 and continued in power until he died in 1956. The divided opposition failed to agree on a leader until 1951, when Solomon Bandaranaike left the UNP to form the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP). Over the years, the SLFP became the island's other major political party, advocating—like the UNP—a non-aligned foreign policy, with the UNP friendlier to the West, the SLFP, to the former Eastern bloc. Both find their support from within the majority Sinhalese community, and like most other parties, both are led mostly by high caste Sinhalese.Sri Lanka’s foreign policy during the first 8 years of it’s independence was marked by close collaboration with the West, a policy strictly adhered to by all three UNP Prime Ministers who held office during this period. While the characterization of UNP foreign policy as being basically prowestern seems justifiable on the ground of the strong ideological antipathy. With independence Sri Lanka showed that it was no stranger to foreign policy in the self-confident, positive diplomacy of Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake which had two key elements namely the Defence Pact with the UK of 1948 and his attachment to the Commonwealth on which he lavished high praise. On the day Ceylon became independent, the Ceylon – U.K. Defense Agreement: Air and Naval facilities, Training of Ceylon Army came into force, under the terms of Britain trained the use of an airbase at Katunayake and the naval base at Trincomalee. For UNP Prime Ministers during this
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period, the Defense Agreement remained the indispensable condition of Ceylon’s security.1 Sri Lanka’s close commitment to the Commonwealth during the period 1948-1956, friendly ties maintained since then with Pakistan and China, and her major role in the Non-Aligned Moment and commitment to non-aligned philosophy can be interpreted, in a sense, as diplomatic devices to counter-balance Sri Lanka’s unequal relationship with India.2 The UK Defence Pact raised eyebrows in India as much as membership in the Commonwealth in view of India’s republican views. It possibly gave Sri Lanka a kind of pro-Western image in the eyes of the world and it cost it admission to the United Nations in 1948. The attitude of the Soviet Union to Ceylon’s application for UN membership was another major factor determining the island’s foreign policy orientation during this period. In May 1948 Prime Minister D. S. Senanayake had applied for Ceylon’s admission to the United Nations; in August 1948 this application was vetoed by the Soviet delegate in the Security Council. The truth probably is that the Cold War was to blame rather than any question of Sri Lanka’s status or image. Whether there was a pro-Western bias remains an open question but in the opening years Sri Lanka was closely identified with Commonwealth initiatives both in the launching of the Colombo Plan in 1950 as the outcome of the Commonwealth Foreign Ministers Conference and in the key role which Sri Lanka through its doughty representative J. R. Jayewardene played at the San Francisco Peace Conference of 1951 in a virtual confrontation with the awesome Gromyko. The refusal to have any dealing with communist or with communist countries was a guiding principle of UNP foreign policy during this period, but there were two notable exceptions to the rule; first in January 1950 Ceylon accorded recognition to the People’s Republic of China and was among the earliest non communist countries to do so; second October 1952, Ceylon entered into an important Trade Agreement with communist China (under the terms of which China agreed to supply Ceylon with 80,000 tons of rise “ within a short period” in exchange for rubber and other products from Ceylon). The Ceylon – China Trade Agreement was advantageous to Ceylon in both in respect of rubber and rice. Hence the rubber price guaranteed by China was 40% higher than prices obtaining in the West and Ceylon guaranteed rice of “a superior grade at approximately 2/3 of the world price of rice of an inferior grade.3 The Government of Sri Lanka hoped to derive three benefits from the agreement; first, to ensure a steady supply of rice into Sri Lanka at a time of world scarcity of that commodity; second, to save the Ceylonese rubber industry from ruin by assuring producers of a fair price and a reliable market when western prices were uneconomic and western markets uncertain; third, there by to establish the Sri Lankan economy, liquidate the deficit in her trade and payments balance, and advert the drain on Sri Lanka’s external assets.4 Regimes of Sri Lanka Freedom Party (1956 – 1960)
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Shortly before the 1956 elections, Bandaranaike formed the People's United Front (Mahajana Eksath Peramuna—MEP), composed of his own SLFP, the Trotskyite Lanka Sama Samaja (LSSP), and a group of independents. The MEP called for the extension of state control, termination of British base rights, nationalization of tea and rubber plantations, and a foreign policy of strict nonalignment. In the elections, the MEP won 51 seats, and Bandaranaike became prime minister, holding power until September 1959.
The change of government following upon the elections held in April 1956 led to a significant change in Ceylon’s foreign policy, notably in its attitude towards communist countries. However the quit apart from the change of government, there were other factors which determined the nature of the island’s relations with such counties during this period. When the new Bandaranayaike government assumed office in April 1956, therefore two obstacles in the way of closer co-operation between Ceylon and the communist countries had already been removed. In his first speech from the Throne, the new government declared;
In its foreign policy, my government will not align with any power blocs. The position of the base Katunayake and Trincomalee will be reviewed. Every endeavor will be made to establish close collaboration and co-operation with other counties in which Ceylon is not at present represenatated.5
While the new government’s early negotiation with the British for the withdrawal of their bases in Sri Lanka itself removed the taint that the island was aligned with the western bloc, Prime Minister Bandaranaike established his policy of non-alignment on a firm basis by exchanging diplomatic representatives with communist countries, beginning with Soviet Union and China. In September 1956, Sri Lanka and China and Sri Lanka and Soviet Union signed out joint communiqués on the establishment of diplomatic, economic and cultural relations.6 The question of diplomatic representation with China was finalized during Chou En-lai’s visit to Sri Lanka in early 1957 and in February 1957 Wilmot A. Perera was appointed as Sri Lanka’s first ambassador to China. Same year Prof. G. P. Malalasekra was appointed as Sri Lanka’s ambassador in Moscow.
The government began to exploring the possibilities of increases trade with communist counties and the prospects of economic and technical assistance from the Soviet bloc. In February 1958 Prime Minister
of
Czecho
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slovakia Villiam Siroky visited Sri Lanka and as a result of that exchange of student and scholars between Ceylon and the communist countries, and free travel by Ceylonese in such countries was begun. Sino – Ceylonese relations had received a great fillip by the visit to Ceylon of Chou En-lai between 31 January and 5 February 1957. During the course of visit, the Chinese leader had stressed the five principles of peaceful co-existence (panchasila) and the “Bandung Spirit” as being the basis of china’s foreign policy and the essential basis for the co-operation of countries with different political systems.7 Ceylon’s first agreement with a communist country for the provision of economic and technical assistance was signed with Czechoslovakia in August 19565. By this agreement, the government of Czechoslovakia provided credit facilities for the purchase of capital goods, at 3% on unpaid installments due. February 1958, the Soviet Union concluded an economic aid agreement with Ceylon under the terms of which a line of credit of 27 million new roubles was granted at 2.5% interest, repayable in 12 years.8 The biggest donor of foreign aid to Ceylon among the communist countries, however was the Peoples’ Republic China. By signing a agreement in September 1957, China offered economic aid in the form of goods up to the value of Rs: 75 million to Sri Lanka. The Prime Minister wanted to be “friends of all, enemies of non” 9 Bandaranaike took steps to establish diplomatic relations with Soviet Union and China, to permit the importation to Sri Lanka of communist literature and entered into closer collaboration and closer commercial ties with the communist countires. Mrs. Bandaranayeka’s era (1960 – 1965) In elections March 1960, the UNP won 50 of the 151 seats at stake, the SLFP, 46 seats, and other parties, the remaining 55. UNP leader Dudley Senanayake failed to muster a majority, and new elections were called for July. In this second round of polling, the UNP won a majority of the popular vote but only 30 seats. The SLFP, led by its slain leader's widow, Sirimavo Bandaranaike, won 75, and with her supporters on the left, she was able to form a government, becoming the first woman in the world to hold office as prime minister. She committed her government to pursuing continuation of her husband's agenda, including nationalization of enterprises. Mrs. Bandaranaike made history not only as the world’s first Prime Minister but also as a statesman of world class. As a founder member of Non Alignment she gave practical shape to dynamic neutralism to make it a driving force for the Third World in world affairs and the choice of Sri Lanka as the venue for the 5th Non Aligned Summit was a signal recognition of her leadership role. Her proposal for the declaration of the Indian Ocean as a zone of peace was a genuine expression of adherence to its tenets to rid the world of tensions arising from militaristic confrontations.
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When the Sino-India war broke out in October 1962, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike resisted the pressure from elements within the government party as well as from outside it to brand China the aggressor but instead took the initiative in summoning the Colombo Conference of six nonaligned nations to explore ways and means of bringing India and China to the conference table and setting the boundary dispute. The Indian government accepts the Colombo proposal in toto, but the Chinese acceptance was subject to reservations, and although in the event the mediation of the nonaligned powers didn’t lead to a resolution of the conflict. Sri Lanka’s role as a peace-maker in the Sino – Indian conflict was motivated by her manifest desire to prevent the continuation of hostilities between two countries with both of which she had close political and economic ties, and with neither of which she could have afford a breach of the existing goodwill and friendly nation. Sri Lanka’s role and neutralist stand this dispute appeared to have been greatly appreciated in China, where Mrs. Bandaranaike was warmly received and feted during her visit in January 1963. Sri Lanka and China entered into a Maritime Agreement in July1963, which gave most favored nation treatment to the contracting parties in respect of commercial vessels engaged in cargo and passenger service to and from the two countries of third country. A similar agreement had been entered into between Sri Lanka and USSR in February 1962. Besides renewing the Trade agreement with China in 1957 and 1962, SLFP government also entered into bi-lateral trade agreements with Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, Hungary Poland and Rumania. Theses agreements not only decrease the dependence on Ceylon on western markets for the sale of her raw material products, but also opened up new sources from which the island could obtain her requirements of food and manufactured products. Even in Mrs. Bandaranaike’s era China played a major role, Economic Aid Agreement signed between two countries in October 1962, China for the supply of complete plants, agriculture equipments and machinery. Finally, in October 1964, an agreement signed between Ceylon and China provided for an interest free loan of Rs: 20 million to finance complete sets of equipment machines and farm implements.
The most notable diplomatic achievement of Sri Lanka’s relations with India was the signing of the Indo – Ceylon Agreement (also referred to as the Sirima – Shastri Agreement) of October 1964, relating to the question of persons recent Indian origin in Sri Lanka. Under the 1964 agreement, Sri Lanka agreed to grant citizenship to 30,0000 of an estimated 975,000 persons of Indian origin in the Island and India agreed to grant Indian citizenship and repatriate to India 525,000 such persons, the period of the validity of the agreement being 15 years.10 At a domestic level the Sirima-Sastri Pact was a monumental achievement which not only resolved an outstanding problem but laid the foundation for meaningful cooperation between the two countries especially in the realnm of world affairs. This affirmed the historical reality that the personal relationship and chemistry is at the heart
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of Indo-Sri Lankan diplomacy which could mitigate the effect of the overshadowing a symmetries. The success of Mrs. Bandaranaike’s statesmanship was a classic illustration of this which would cost Sri Lanka dearly if overlooked, as happened later.
Conclusion UNP government only ignored the question of establishing diplomatic relations with communist countries. UNP Prime Ministers since independence have claimed to follow a policy of nonalignment, and attempts have been made to show that there was no basic different between the foreign policy of Sri Lanka under the UNP government during the period 1953-1956, and that of the SLFP government which followed.11 SLFP policy, especially as it evolved under the government of Mrs. Bandaranaike, became more outspoken in its anti-pact, anti-colonialist and anti-militarist approach to foreign policy. During the period 1948-56 there existed a fundamental divergence of approach between Government and Opposition on important foreign policy issues in Sri Lanka. Since 1956, successive governments have espoused non-alignment as the basic tenet of their foreign policy, though governments headed by the SLFP have tended to be pro-socialist in orientation, while UNP governments have veered towards the West. The advent of the Bandaranaike government in 1956 connoted a significant shift in Sri Lanka’s relations with the West as it had done in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Communist countries. Bandaranaike had emphasized that the proper position for a country like Sri Lanka was that of a country like Switzerland in Europe, i. e. a country following a neutral policy and non-aligned with any power blocs. The period from 1956 till the end of Mrs. Bandaranaike’s second administration in 1977 can be regarded as a high watermark in its foreign policy when through its Non Alignment role, the personal charisma and statesmanship of Mrs. Bandaranaike, Sri Lanka gained international prestige.
As mentioned earlier Foreign Policy of a country is the strategies and policies chosen by the State in order to protect, enhance and safeguard its national interest and achieve the goal on social, political and economic issues. It is the duty of the Head of the State to create and implement the foreign policy, which he/she may designate to a Foreign Minister or the legislature. The foreign policy varies from leader to leader depending on how he/she designs, implements and gives leadership to the policy created with his/her team. More than ever Sri Lanka finds itself back in the international community enjoying its respect and fellowship and interacting purposefully with it for the attainment of its national objectives. Universality has been matched by fruitful and cordial regionalism in a happy blend of multilateralism and bilateralism which traditionally has been the keynote of Sri Lankan foreign policy and the secret of its success.
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References 1
See Shelton U. Kodikara, “ Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective”, p. 55
2
Shelton U. Kodikara, “ Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective”, p. 18
3
As stated by by Mr. Susantha De Fonseka, a member of the Ceylonese trade delegation to an editor
of U.S. News and World report, 3 April 1953 4
Shelton U. Kodikara, “ Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective”, p. 61
5
House of Representatives Debates (1956) Vol. 24, Col. 25.
6
New York Times, 15th September 1956, p.2
7
New York Times, 2nd February 1956, p. 13; Asian Recorder Vol. 3, p. 1293
8
Shelton U. Kodikara, “ Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective”, p. 76
9
New York Times, 22nd November 1956, p.51
10
Shelton U. Kodikara, “ Foreign Policy of Sri Lanka: A Third World Perspective”, p. 34
11
R. M. Harney, “The Foreign Policy of Ceylon Under Two Premiers”, Austrailian Outlook
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