i
IBN QUTAYBAH'S CONTRIBUTION TO QUR’ĀNIC EXEGESIS AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF HIS WORK TA’WĪL MUSHKIL AL-QUR’ĀN (The Interpretation of the Difficult Passages of the Qur’ān). BY
DR. MUHAMMAD AMIN A. SAMAD
ii PUBLISHER’S NOTE This book is a revision of a dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in February 1994 at the Faculty of Arts, the Uni-versity of Melbourne, Australia. It conains some Qur’anic sciences by Ibn Qutaybah, one of the earlier com- mentators of the Qur’an. -The Qur’an is believed by Muslims to be revealed by Allah to Prophet Muhammad s.a.w. fourteen centuries ago in its original words. It contains figurative language, such as: metaphor, inversion, ellipsis and brevity, repetition and pleonasm, metonymy and allusion, as well as the disagreement of the word with its literal meaning, such as: imprecation, sudden transition, juncture, tempora, and mor-phology. Words which have many different meanings, and the meanings of particles in the Qur’an are also dealt with in this book. This book, then, is indis-pensable for those who intend to have better and deeper under-standing of the Qur’an, the holy book of Islam, embraced by one-fifth of the world population. It is also hoped that this book would shed some light to those who are curious about Islam and its holy book, the Qur’an.
................. ................ ................. ................
iii ABSTRACT This book is an attempt to present Ibn Qutaybah’s contribution to Qur’ānic exegesis analyzing his work Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān (The Interpretation of the Difficult Passages of the Qur’ān). Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) was one of the great Sunnī scholars of the third/ninth century. He was a prolific writer and a scholar of many branches of learning, such as: kalām (scholastic theology), tafsīr (Qur’ānic exegesis), H.adīth (the Prophet’s Tradition), history and the science of language, including grammar, prose and poetry. He was said to be the third great writer of Arabic prose chronologically after Ibn Muqaffa‘ (d. 141/759) and alJāh.iz. (d. 254/868). He was one of the earliest commentators of the Qur’ān; he was earlier than al-T.abarī (d. 310/923), al-T.abarsī (d. 548/1153), al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1144) and Ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240). Ibn Qutaybah took part in theological debate of his time and wrote his Ta’wīl defending the Qur’ān against the attack of philosophic scepticism. His Ta’wīl was a treatise on Qur’ānic rhetoric and on the inimitability of the Qur’ān in which he clarified through philo-logical explanations many Qur’ānic verses assumed to be obscure by some sceptics. This obscurity is based on their allegations of the existence of contradiction, disagree-ment and ungrammatical usage in the verses of the Qur’ān. Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl countered these allegations with arguments based purely on Arabic usage in prose as well as poetry, and cited many poems of pre-Islamic as well as contemporary poets as shawāhid (quotations serving as textual evidence). He dealt with the phenomena of figurative language, such as: metaphor, inversion, ellipsis and pleonasm, metonymy and allusion. He also dealt with ambi-guous letters, words and particles in the verses of the Qur’ān.
iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would like to express my deepest appreciation to Dr. Abdul Khaliq Kazi, the former Associate Professor of Arabic and Islamic Studies and Head of Department of Asians Languages, the University of Melbourne for his advice, encouragement and support throughout this research. I am greatly indebted to Mr. Ali (Alan) Philpot, Mr. Barakatullah (Brian) Arab and Dr. Abdul Hadi T. Skinner who have edited, corrected the draft and proof-read the manuscript patiently and meticulously with their invaluable suggestions and advice which I highly appreciated. However, I am solely responsible for all the defects contained in this thesis, from organization structure, translations and expressed views to typographical errors. My thanks also go to Asst. Prof. Dr. Teddy Mantoro for his advice and assistance in many ways, as well as to those who have assisted me spiritually as well as materially, and contributed directly or indirectly to the accomplishment of this research. For this contribution I shall always be grateful.
Canberra, 6 December, 2011
Muhammad Amin A. Samad
v TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM The English transliteration for Arabic names and terms followed in this thesis is as follows: a. Consonants: = a or ’ = kh
= b
= t
= th
= d
= s
= dh
= sh
= s.
= ‘
= z. = k w=
= h.
= r
= z
= d
= gh
= l
= j
= m
.
= t.
= f
= q
= n
= h
= ’ (like alif)
= y
b. Vowels: Short:
long:
Fath.ah -----: = a
= ā
Kasrah ----- = i
= ī
D.ammah --: = u
=
ū
c. Tā’ marbūt.ah: ah, e.g., sūrah (
)
Tā’ marbūt.ah in id.āfah: at, e.g., sūrat al-Baqarah ( d. Alif maqs.ūrah: á, e.g., qad.á (
) and shūrá (
)
)
vi LIST OF ABREVIATIONS
BSOAS
Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
EI2
Encyclopedia of Islam (New Edition)
IC
Islamic Culture
IQ
Islamic Quarterly
IR
Islamic Review
JAOS
Journal of American Oriental Society
MW
Muslim World
Q
Qur’ān
SEI
Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam
SI
Studia Islamica
vii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ABSTRACT ….iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS … . …v TRANSLITERATION SYSTEM… .... LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ….. TABLE OF CONTENTS … INTRODUCTION
…
v
vi vii
xiv
Chapter THE SOURCES AND HIS-TORICAL BACKGROUND ...1 A. An Evaluation of Some of the Literature Relevant to the Study of Ibn Qutaybah....... 1 1. The Literary Works of Ibn Qutaybah ……1 a. Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān ....... .1 b. Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ā ... 3 c. Gharīb al-H.adīth….......4 d. Adab al-Kātib .........4 2. Books on Tafsīr (Qur’ānic Exegesis) by Others ..7 a. Majāz al-Qur’ān by Abū ‘Ubaydah ........... 7 b. Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān by al-Farrā’ .........
8
c. Jāmi‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al- Qur’ān by Ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī ...... 8 3. Books on Arabic Language and Literature …8 a. Kitāb al-Ad.dād by Ibn al-Anbārī ...
viii b. Al-S.āh.ibī fī Fiqh al-Lughah by Ibn Fāris ... 8 c. Lisān al-‘Arab by Ibn Manz.ūr ... 10 B. Historical Background …. 10 1. A Short Synopsis of Ibn Qutaybah’s Life ..10. 2. Political, Social, and Cultural Conditions in Ibn Qutay-bah’s Life ... 14 a. Political Condition b. Social Condition
.... 14 .... 16
c. Cultural Condition . 18 3. Historical Perspective on the Development of Early Qur’ānic Exegesis ... 21 a. Tafsīr and Ta’wīl b. Categories of Tafsīr
... 21 ... 23
(1)Traditional Commentary .... 23 (2) Rational Commentary
... 25
(3) Symbolic (Allegorical) Commentary .... 27 C. Early Development of Tafsīr Endnotes to Chapter I.
... 29
…43
II. IBN QUTAYBAH’S REFUTATION OF ALLEGATIONS OF SOLECISM, CONTRADICTION AND AMBIGUITY IN THE VERSES OF THE QUR’ĀN …….. 59 A. Variant Readings in the Qur’ān ... 59 B. Ungrammatical Usage in the Qur’ān .....77
ix 1. Inna hādhān lasāh.irān )ّن هذَاّنِ لَسَاحِرَاّن َ (إ 2. Wa ’l-s.ābi’ūn )(وَالّصَا ِبئُوّْن 3. Wa ’l-muqīīn al-s.alāh
... 78
..... 81
) (وًالْمُ ِقيْ ِم ْينَ الّصَالة.... 84
4. Nujjī al-mu’minīn ) (نُّجِي ْال ُمؤْ ِمنِين..... 90 5. Fa’as.s.addaqa wa akun min al-s.ālih.īn )حيْن ِ ِق وَأَ ُكنْ ِمنَ الّصَال َ ّص َّد َ َ (فَأ..... 92 C. Contradiction and Disagreement in the Verses of the Qur’ān …93 1. Contradiction ..... 93 2. Disagreement ..... 94 D. Ambiguity of the Verses of the Qur’ān ... 98 1. The Meaning of Ambiguity ..... 98 2. Muh.kamāt and Mutashābihāt ... 99 3. The Ta’wīl of the Mutashābihāt .... 101 Endnotes to Chapter II
... 111
III. IBN QUTAYBAH’S TREATMENT OF THE PHENOMENA OF FIGURATIVE LANGUAGE ….. 127 A. Metaphor … 127 1. Majāz 2. Isti‘ārah
... 127 133
B. Inversion (Maqlūb) ... 139 1. Ascribing Something with Its Opposite Quality …..140 2. Designating Two Contradictory Things Having
x One Basic Meaning with One Name ... 141 3. Advancing What will Be Clear by Retarding, and 4. Inversion by Mistake ... 162 C. Ellipsis (H.adhf) and Brevity (Ikhtis.ār) ... 166 1. The Ellipsis of the Mud.āf whose function is Replaced by the Mud.āf Ilayh
…167
2. The Ellipsis of the Verb ... 168 3. The Ellipsis of the Main Clause of a Conditional or an Incomplete Sentence 4. The Ellipsis of One or Two Words
... 171
5. The Ellipsis of the Main Clause of an Oath ... 172 6. The Ellipsis of the Word lā
... 173
7. The Use of the Pronouns for Something Which Has not Been Mentioned before
... 174
8. The Ellipsis of the Prepositions 9. Complex Ellipsis
.... 176
... 177
D. Repetition (Takrār) and Pleonasm (Ziyādah) ... 179 1. Repetition
... 179
a. Repetition of Words ... 179 b. Repetition of Meaning 2. Pleonasm
... 182
a. General Pleonasm ... 182
... 181
xi b. Specific Pleonasm
... 183
E. Kināyah (Metonymy) and Ta‘rīd. (Allusion) ... 195 1. Kināyah (Metonymy) a. Kunyah b. Fulān
... 196
... 197 ... 199
2. Ta‘rīd. (Allusion)
... 201
F. The disagreement of the Word with Its Literal Meaning …206
1. Imprecation 2. Repetition
.. 207
3. Rhetorical Question ... 207 4. Imperative
... 208
5. Specification 6. Number a. Noun
... 208 ... 209
... 210
b. Adjective (Quality) ... 211 c. Verb
... 212
7. Sudden Transition (Iltifāt) .... 215 8. Juncture
.... 219
9. Tempora
... 220
10. Morphology ... 222 Endnotes to Chapter III
. 225
205
xii IV. IBN QUTAYBAH’S TREATMENT OF AM-BIGUOUS LETTERS, WORDS AND PARTICLES IN THE VERSES OF THE QUR’ĀN ... 267 A. Letters Assumed to Be Absurd and Stylistically Spoiling …267 B. Words which Have Many Different Meanings … 273 1. al-qad.ā’ ) (اْلقَضَاء2. al-hudá ) )اْل ُهّدَى3. al-ummah )(اْألُمَة
4. al-
‘ahd ) (اْل َعهّْد5. al-ill )ّ (اْإلل6. al-qunūt ) (اْل ُق ُنوْت7. al-dīn ) (ال ِّديْن8. almawlá )َ (ْال َموْلى9. al-d.alāl )ضالَل َ (ال10. al-imām ( (اْإلمَام11. al-s.alāh ) (الّصَالة12. al-kitāb ) (اْل ِكتَاب13. al-sabab ) (السَبَب.14. al-z.ulm )(الّظُلْم 15. al-balā’ ( (اْل َبالَء16. al-rijz ) (الرِجْزand al-rijs ) (الرِجْس17. alfitnah ) (اْلفِ ْتنَة18. al-fard. ) (اْلفَرْض19. al-khiyānah )خيَانَة ِ (اْل20. alislām )سالَم ْ (اْإل21. al-īmān ) (اْإليْمَاّن22. al-d.urr ) (الضر23. al-h.araj ) (الْحَرَج24. al-rūh. ) (ال ُروْح25. al-wah.y ) (اْلوَحْي26. al-farah. )(اْلفَرَح 27. al-fath. ) (اْل َفتْح28. al-karīm ) (اْلكَ ِريْم29. al-mathal (( اْل َمثَل30. ald.arb ) (الضَرْب31. al-zawj ) (ال َزوْج32. al-ru’yah) (ال ُر ْؤيَة33. al-nisyān )سيَاّن ْ ِ (الن34. al-s.ā‘iqah ) )الّصَاعِقَة35. al-akhdh ) (اْألَخْذ36. al-sult.ān ) (السُلْطَاّن37. al-ba’s ) (اْلبَأْسand al-ba’sā’ ) (اْلبَأْسَاء38. al-khalq ) (اْلخَلْق39. al-rajm ) (الرَجْم40. al-sa‘y ) (السَعْي41. al-muh.s.anāt )حّصَنَات ْ ُ (اْلم42. al-matā‘ ) (اْلَ َمتَاع43. al-h.isāb ) (الْحِسَاب44. al-amr )(اْألَمْر C. Meanings of Particles
…… 333
1. ka’ayyin )ْ (كََأيِن2. kayfa )َ ( َكيْف3. sawá )سوَى َ ( , siwá )سوَى ِ ( and
xiii suwá )سوَى ُ ( 4. ayyāna )َ (أيَاّن5. al-āna )َ (اْآلّن6. anná ) (أنَى7. wayka’anna )َ ( َويْكََأّن8. ka’anna )َ (كَأَّن9. lāta )َ (لَات10. mahmā )( َمهْمَا 11. mā ) (مَا12. kāda )َ (كَاد13. bal )ْ ( َبل14. hal )ْ ( َهل15. law lā )(لَوْلَا and law mā ) (َلوْ مَا16. lammā )َ ) لمَا17. aw )ْ (َأو18. am )ْ (أَم19. lā ) (ال20. awlá )َ (َأوْلى21. lā jarama )َ (لَاجَرَم22. in al-khafīfah َ(إّن ) الْخَ ِفيْفَة23. hā ) (هَا24. hāti )ِ )هَات25. ta‘āl )ْ (تَعَال26. halumma )َ(هَلُم 27. kallā )َّ ( َكال28. Ruwaydan ) ( ُر َو ْيّدًا29. alā (َ )أَال30. al-wayl )(اْل َويْل 31. la‘amruka )َ (لَعُمْ ُرك32. iy )ْ (إي33. ladun (ْ)َلّدُّن D. The Substitution of Particles in the Verses of the Qur’ān .... 361 1. ilá )إلى َ ( 2. bi )ب ِ ( 3. ‘alá )َ (عَلى4.‘an )ْعن َ ( 5. fī )ْ (فِي6. li ( ) ِل7. min )ْ( ِمن Endnotes to Chapter IV ... 373 CONCLUSION
... 439
BIBLIOGRAPHY ... 448 A. Arabic Sources ... 448 B. English and Other Language Sources ... 458 C. Articles ... 467 APPENDICES .... 463 1. Authorities and Transmitters of the Qur’ān ... 463 2. Glossary ... 464
xiv INTRODUCTION Ibn Qutaybah (d. 276/889) was one of the great and early scholars among Muslims who lived in the 9th century C.E. Although he was of a Persian origin he was considered one of the great masters of Arabic language and literature. His book Adab al-Kātib (The Accomplishment of the Secretary) which is one of the mains sources of this book indicates his mastery of Arabic philology. The Qur’ān was revealed in the early 6th century C.E. in Arabic older than Old English (Anglo-Saxon) used in about 450 C.E. till 1150 C.E. which is totally non-understandable nowadays, as it con-sisted of almost purely Germanic vocabularies of Kentish, West Saxon, Mercian, and Northumbian dialects.1 On the contrary, the Arabic language of the Qur’ān which is called classical Arabic is still understood by people today, despite many difficult words and expressions in it. Here lies the importance of Ibn Qutaybah's book, Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān (The Interpretation of Difficult Passages of the Qur’ān) where he explained them referring to the Arabs' way of expression and the location of majāz (figurative expression) in it. The Arabic language is called Lughat al-Ad.dād ("The Language of Opposite Meanings") where many words have the same opposite meanings which may confuse some people, such as the word s.arīm which means "dawn" as well as "night". There are also words which have many different meanings, such as qad.ā which means "to decree", "to order", "to inform", and "to make". Ibn Qutaybah explains these issues as well as variant readings, ungrammatical usage, the phenomena of figurative language, and many other issues in the Qur’ān. As Ibn Qutaybah was one of the earlier commentators of the Qur’ān, earlier than "the father of the commentary of the Qur’ān" alTabarī (d. 310/923), his books Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān and Tafsīr gharīb al-Qur’ān (Commentary of the Obscure Passages of the Qur’ān) which is also used as reference in this book were referred to by the
xv mufassirīn (commentators of the Qur’ān) of later generations. Hence the contribution of Ibn Qutaybah in the field of tafsīr (commentary of the Qur’ān) is indis-pensable for those who are interested in studying comprehensively the science of tafsīr. At the end of each chapter of this book the endnotes are given more elaborately to facilitate further research for those who are interested in further study in their respective fields. The Arabic name "Allāh" - the proper name of God among Muslims and a small minority of non-Muslim Arabs - is used in this research. However, when the translation of a Qur’ānic verse with the name "Allāh" in it, the name is kept as given by its translator, either "Allah" or "God".
_______________ 1 Standard Dictionary (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1973), p. 420 (s.v. English)
1 CHAPTER I SOURCES AND HISTORICAL BACKGROUND A. An Evaluation of Some of the Literature Relevant to the Study of Ibn Qutaybah There are numerous Arabic sources for our present study, dating from a generation earlier to a generation after that of Ibn Qutaybah. Ibn Qutaybah himself was a prolific writer and all - possibly except one - of his authentic works have been published. For the purpose of systematical survey we divide the sources into genre as follows: 1. The Literary Works of Ibn Qutaybah 2. Books on Tafsīr (Qur’ānic exegesis) 3. Books on Arabic Language and Literature 1. The Literary Works of Ibn Qutaybah Ibn Qutaybah was a writer and a scholar of many branches of learning: kalām (theology), the science of language (including tafsīr, h.adīth, grammar and poetry), and history, political as well as religious. He was said to be the third great writer of Arabic prose chronologically after Ibn al-Muqaffa‘ (d. 141/759) and al-Jāh.iz. (d. 254/868).1 His books were considered “a comprehensive encyclopaedia portraying the highest level of Islamic thinking which had been reached in the third century A.H.”.2 Lecomte in his dissertation on Ibn Qutaybah’s works mentions sixty book titles, among which only sixteen are extant and authentic,3 and four of which are among my major sources for my study as follows: a. Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān This book is the object of my analytical study to assess Ibn Qutaybah’s contributions to Qur’ānic exegesis. The motive for his writing the book was to defend the Qur’ān from the mulh.idīn (heretics, unbelievers) who charged the Qur’ān with imperfection, such as contradiction, obscurity, and solecism. He said: .... Therefore, I write this book collecting the
2 interpretations of the difficult passages of the Qur’ān [which is also the title of the book] taken from the commentaries [of the commentators] adding with explanation and clarification, and referring to the Arabs' way of expression (lughat al-‘arab) - as long as there is no [contrary] view known (to me) from a well-informed leading scholar (mā lam a‘lam fīhi maqālan li-imām mut.t.ali‘)4 - to show the obstinate person the location of the majāz (figurative expression) and how it is possible without judging [it] with [one's] personal opinion (ra’y), or deciding [it] with [one’s own] interpretation (ta‘wīl)...5 In other words, apart from being a defence of the Qur’ān, the book also serves as a transmitter of the science of exegesis in Ibn Qutaybah’s time to following generations, since he, as he claims, does not give us his personal opinion. To judge to what extent the book complies with this statement of Ibn Qutaybah, we have to compare it with other books of exegesis belonging to earlier and later generations. The present edition of the Ta‘wīl as stated by its editor, Saqr, is based on three manuscripts: (1) MS no. 518-tafsīr at Dār al-Kutub al-Mis.riyyah library, written by Burhān al-Dīn in 558/1163 with commentary in its margin. It contains one hundred and thirty-four folios, the first of which is missing. The symbol used by the editor to identify this manuscript in his notes is the letter J. (2) The manuscript at Murād Mullā library, anonymously written in 532/1137-8 contains one hundred and seventeen folios. The symbol is the letter M. (3) MS no. 663-tafsīr at Dār al-Kutub al-Mis.riyyah library, written by Muh.ammad ibn Ah.mad ibn Yah.yá in 379/989-90, containing eighty-five folios. Although it is not the oldest manuscript, the scribe omitted many texts and poems used by the author as shawāhid (quotations serving as textual evidence). Its symbol is the letter D.6 At the end of the book the editor includes a list showing the variant texts among the three manuscripts.7 At the bottom of the book he gives us his valuable commentary as footnotes. The purpose of this commentary, as
3 he puts it, is “either to support a view, to weaken a statement, to elaborate a general concept, to clarify an obscure statement, to show the origin of an idea, or to agree with an opinion”,8 so that the reader should have a better understanding of the text. b. Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ān As Ibn Qutaybah did not want to make his work Ta‘wīl lengthy, he continued it in another book with a different title, namely, Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ān (Commentary on the Obscure Passages of the Qur’an). Like his Ta‘wīl, the sources of this Tafsīr are also books of exegesis and philology without departing from their schools (madhāhib). He does not give us his views except as explanation of what he has chosen from his sources. He bases his choice on the most appropriate philological point of view and the closest to the sense of the context of the verse he is dealing with.9 The significance of this Tafsīr for the present study lies in that it contains the commentary on some Qur’ānic verses explained or used as shawāhid in the Ta’wīl. It serves as a commentary and confirmation of Ibn Qutaybah’s view in his Ta‘wīl. Like the Ta‘wīl this Tafsīr is also edited by A. H. S.aqr, with footnotes as commentary, the purpose of which is similar to that which he had stated in the introduction to the Ta‘wīl mentioned above.10 His introduction is short, but contains valuable information in which he points out that the sources of the Tafsīr are taken from various books of scholars. He relies mainly on the works of two philologists, Abū ‘Ubaydah’s (d. 210/-824) Majāz al-Qur‘ān (The Literary Expression of the Qur’ān) and al-Farrā’’s (d. 207/822) Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān (The Meanings of the Qur’ān).11 S.aqr states further in his introduction that Ibn Qutaybah’s Tafsīr became an important source for Qur’ānic commentators of later generations, such as al-T.abarī (d. 311/923), al-Qurt.ubī (d. 671/1272), al-Rāzī (d. 606/-1209), and Abū H.ayyān al-Andalusī (d. 744-5/1344). AlT.abarī was said to have copied it literally on many occasions without mentioning Ibn Qutaybah’s name.12
4 c. Gharīb al-H.adīth This book, Gharīb al-H.adīth (The Uncommon Words in the H.adīth) consists of three volumes, and is edited by Dr. ‘Abd Allāh al-Jubūrī from four manuscripts: (1) the Z.āhiriyyah manuscripts, written by ‘Abd al-Ghanī ibn ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abd al-Wāh.id al-Maqdisī at Fust.āt., Cairo, in 571/1175, in two volumes, but incomplete; (2) the manuscript of Sir A. Chester Beatty in Dublin, Ireland, volume two only, but makes the Z.āhiriyyah manuscript complete; (3) the S.an‘ā’ (Sanna) manuscript, consisting of two volumes, but volume one is missing; (4) the Moroccan manuscript, consisting of four volumes, with volume four only extant.13 When Ibn Qutaybah found many h.adīths (a h.ādīth) and isnads (chains of authorities on which the h.adīths are based) had been omitted by Abū ‘Ubayd in his work Gharīb al-H.adīth, he started writing his own Gharīb al-H.adīth, containing and explaining those missing h.adīths and isnāds, and quoting shawāhid from poetry. When Ibn Qutaybah found some mistakes in Abū Ubayd’s Gharīb al-H.adīth, he corrected them in a separate book entitled Is.lāh. al-Ghalat. (The Correction of Mistakes). In the earlier chapters of the Gharīb al-H.adīth Ibn Qutaybah explains the etymology of a number of technical terms, such as wud.ū’ (ablution), s.alāh (prayer), kāfir (unbeliever) and z.ālim (transgressor). Then he explains uncommon words in the h.adīths of the Prophet, followed by those of the s.ah.ābah (companions of the Prophet), the tābi‘īn (lit., “followers”, the generation after the s.ah.ābah) and the tābi‘ī al-tābi‘īn (lit., “followers of the followers”, the generation after the tābi‘īn). Apart from philological, etymological and grammatical information, the book also contains a number of Qur’ānic verses and poems dealt with by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta‘wīl. Therefore, this book is also necessary for this study. d. Adab al-Kātib The book Adab al-Kātib (The Accomplishments of the Secretary) is
5 a compendium and a manual of Arabic stylistics dealing with lexicography, orthography, orthoepy, also verb and noun formation. It has a long introduction where Ibn Qutaybah explains the circumstances that led him to write this book. In his introduction Ibn Qutaybah described the literary decadence of his time. A writer would be satisfied with his good handwriting and correct writing of its letters. A poet would feel he had reached his pinnacle if he could cite some lines of poetry in praising a songstress and in describing a cup of wine. A person such as this would criticise the Qur’an without understanding the meaning of its verses, and would belie the Prophet’s tradition without knowing its isnād.14 The common lexical, orthographical and orthoepical mistakes in Ibn Qutaybah’s time led him to write his Adab al-Kātib dealing with these subjects. The newly appointed vizier ‘Abd Allāh ibn Yah.yá ibn Khāqān, whom he praised in his introduction and for whom the book was written,15 was so pleased that he appointed him qād.ī (a judge) at Dīnawar. The book is divided into four chapters. Chapter one, entitled Kitāb al-Ma‘rifah (The Book of Suitable Terms), is the lexical study of various subjects in thirty-eight sections. In section one, for example, the word h.umah is commonly believed to mean “the organ that stings in some insects such as the scorpions”, while it means “the poison and the harm from the sting”.16 Chapter two entitled Kitāb Taqwīm al-Yad (The Book of Orthography) is the study of correct spelling, laid out in sixteen sections. In section two, for example, the omission and retention of the alif al-was.l (alif of connection) in the expression bismillāh occurs respectively in the beginning and the middle or end of a sentence, such as and .17 Chapter three entitled Kitāb Taqwīm al-Lisān (The Book of Orthoepy) is the art of correct pronunciation treated in thirty-five sections. In section two, for example, the word al-ghasl is used for “the act of washing”, al-ghisl for “the thing washed”, and al-ghusl for “the water used
6 for washing”.18 Chapter four entitled Kitāb al-Abniyah (The Book of Word Formation) deals with the formation of verbs and nouns and their meanings. The formation of verbs is laid out in sixteen sections, such as in section four the expression means “I found So-and-so praiseworthy, I found him breaking his promise and I found him a coward.”19 The meanings of the formed words are treated in twenty-nine sections, such as in section twenty-seven the expression means where ‘alá is substituted with fī.20 The formation of nouns is treated in thirty-six sections. For example, in section two, words in fu‘lah and fu‘alah forms are attributes of objects and subjects respectively, e.g., rajul sukhrah (a mocked man) and sukharah (a mocker), rajul subbah (an insulted man) and subabah (an insulter), and rajul khud‘ah (a cheated man) and khuda‘ah (a cheater).21 The meanings of formed nouns are treated in ten sections. For example, section six deals with words used for both singular and plural, e.g., fulk (a ship or ships), and khalq Allāh (a creature or creatures of Allah). The exception is the word zawj which means one of a pair or one pair (a couple).22 The Adab al-Kātib was published by Max Grunert from six manuscripts and one published text, identified as follows: A = Lyon’s Codex 541 (=259) B = Lyon’s Codex 535, an excellent old manuscript W = Wiener (Vienna’s) Manuscript G = Gawaliki (al-Jawāliqī)’s commentary of Ibn Qutaybah’s Adab al-Kātib L = Landberg’s Codex containing 137 folios, of which 90 folios are vowalized R = Codex of Univers. Lips. Ref. 354 C = Published text, Cairo, 1300 A.H., 229 pages Variant texts are included in the footnotes - the sources of which are identified with the above letters.23
7 The Adab al-Kātib demonstrates Ibn Qutaybah’s competence in this field of philology. Ibn Khaldūn (d. 737/1337) in his work Muqaddimah said that he heard from some scholars in their teaching sessions that the Adab al-Kātib of Ibn Qutaybah was one among the four sources of adab science.24 The Adab al-Kātib is essential for this study. Many topics in Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl are also treated in his Adab al-Kātib, such as the substitution of particles and the meaning of terms, such as zawj. Moreover, the Adab al-Kātib gives us some idea how Ibn Qutaybah quotes the views of leading grammarians from both schools, the Bas.ran and the Kūfan. 2. Books on Tafsīr (Qur'ānic Exegesis) Books on tafsīr, which are the main sources of Ibn Qutaybah, will be evaluated here. They are Abū ‘Ubaydah’s Majāz al-Qur’ān and al-Farra’’s Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān. Al-Tabarī’s work Jāmi‘ al-Bayān, which took Ibn Qutaybah’s works as part of its sources, will also be evaluated here, as follows: a. Majāz al-Qur’ān The book was edited by Fu’ād Sezgin in two volumes. The author, Abū ‘Ubaydah Ma‘mar ibn al-Muthanná, was one of the leading philologists of the Basran school. His main study was the rare expressions of the Arabic language and the history of the Arabs.25 Denounced for being an a‘jamī - non-Arab, for he was of Jewish-Persian origin - he tried to avenge himself by writing on the shortcomings of the Arabs in which he supported the Shu‘ūbī causes. This act resulted in the aversion of the people of Bas.rah towards him. They did not even attend his funeral.26 The term majāz in the case of Majāz al-Qur’ān, as suggested by Gibb, means “interpretation” or “paraphrase”, as the book consists “... of brief notes on the meaning of selected words and phrases in the order of the suras”. Majāz al-Qur’ān, then, is “a paraphrastic interpretation”, or, in Wansbrough’s term, “periphristic exegesis” of the Qur’ān.27 In the introductory chapter, Abū ‘Ubaydah mentions thirty-nine kinds of majāz. The use of this term, as found by Wansbrough, is replaced by taqdīr
8 (restoration) by the later grammarian Abū al-Barakāt ibn al-Anbārī (d. 577/1181).28 By comparing Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl with Abū ‘Ubaydah’s Majāz al-Qur’ān in examining majāz we shall have some idea of the extent of the former’s reliance on the latter as its main source and of the development of this term in general. b. Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān The author of this book, al-Farrā’, the sobriquet of Abū Zakariyyā Yah.yá ibn Ziyād al-Kūfī, was the most well-known student of al-Kisā’ī (d. ca. 189/805). Like his teacher, he was also of Persian origin and belonged to the grammarians of the Kūfan school. However, he also took his knowledge from Yūnus ibn H.abīb al-Thaqafī of the Bas.ran school.29 He was also influenced, to some extent, by al-As.ma‘ī (d. 216/831), Abū Zayd al-Ans.ārī (d. 215/830), and Abū ‘Ubaydah, all belonging to the Bas.ran school.30 Tha‘lab (d. 291/904) of the Kūfan school who took his knowledge from al-Farrā’ praised him so much that he said that without al-Farrā’ the Arabic language would have collapsed.31 Al-Farrā’ was the first grammarian of the Kūfan school who continuously discussed grammatical problems in the verses of the Qur’ān in his Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān.32 This continuous discussion frustrated Blachère who said that the book “is highly disappointing and without any general themes, being confined for the most part to argumentation on casual syntax;...”33 This book is, however, very important for this present study since Ibn Qutaybah quoted it several times in his Ta’wīl. c. Jāmi‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān The author of Jāmi‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān (The Comprehensive Exposition of the Interpretation of the Verses of the Qur’ān), Ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī (d. 310/923), is considered by Muslim scholars “the father of the science of tafsīr”. It is said that he wrote forty pages every day for forty years. Many of his works were lost, but his Jāmi‘ has survived. He was “a man of encyclopaedic learning who absorbed the whole mass of tradition in his time”.34
9 Al-T.abarī’s Jāmi‘, better known as Tafsīr al-T.abarī, consists of thirty volumes containing collections of h.adīths with their full isnād dealing with the commentary on the Qur’ān. Unlike Ibn Qutaybah who selected a few chapters from which he selected some verses of the Qur’ān in his Ta’wīl and Tafsīr, al-T.abarī deals with whole chapters, although not whole verses, of the Qur’ān.35 Later commentators, such as al-Zamakhsharī (d. 538/1143), Ibn ‘At.iyyah (d. 542/1147 or 546/1151), Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1373) and al-Suyūt.ī (d. 991/1505) followed al-T.abarī in examining and explaining the whole Qur’ān in their tafsir works. Al-T.abarī’s tafsīr was highly recommended by Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 728/1328) who stated that it was one of the best, and the worthiest of its kind.36 The significance of al-T.abarī’s Jāmi‘ for this present study is that it elaborates what Ibn Qutaybah is discussing in his Ta’wīl and gives various interpretations from other commentators. Sometimes, he offers his own opinion. In so doing, the position of Ibn Qutaybah among Qur’ānic commentators will become obvious. 3. Books on Arabic Language and Literature Among the important sources on Arabic language and literature for this study are the works of Abū Bakr ibn al-Anbārī, Ibn Fāris and Ibn Manz.ūr, as follows: a. Kitāb al-Ad.dād The author of Kitāb al-Ad.dād (The Book of Opposite Meanings) was Abū Bakr ibn Qāsim ibn al-Anbārī (d. 328/940)37. He was a late contemporary of Ibn Qutaybah who attacked him most and who disagreed with him and his teacher Abū ‘Ubaydah on many issues. He was the most brilliant student of Tha‘lab of the Kūfan school. He was said to have memorized three hundred thousand lines of poetry as shawāhid for the Qur’ān and one hundred and twenty Qur’ānic commentaries with their isnāds.38 He was the tutor of the caliph al-Muqtadir’s son ‘Abd al-Wāh.id.39 He was included among the sixth generation of the grammarians of the Kūfan school by al-Zubaydī (d. 379/989-10).40
10 The book contains some terms discussed by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl, such as al-mawlá and hal. His view on the position of the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm (those who are deeply rooted in knowledge) regarding the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt (ambiguous verses of the Qur’ān) is different from that of Ibn Qutaybah. They will be dealt with in due course. b. Al-S.āh.ibī fī Fiqh al-Lughah The book, al-S.āh.ibī fī Fiqh al-Lughah wa Sunan al-‘Arab fī Kalāmihā (al-S.āh.ibī in the Science of Language and Expression of the Arabs) was written by Abū al-H.usayn ibn Fāris ibn Zakarīyā, better known as Ibn Fāris (d. 395/1004). He was a son of a jurist of the Shāfi‘ī school and a student of the great Shāfi‘ī scholar Abū al-H.asan ‘Alī al-Qat.t.ān (d. 345/956) who was a student of Tha‘lab, al-Mubarrad (d. 284-5/898) and Ibn Abī al-Dunyā (d. 281/894). Al-Qat.t.ān was also a philololgist from whom Ibn Fāris received his knowledge at Quzwayn.41 Ibn Fāris shifted from the Shāfi‘ī to Mālikī school at Rayy where he lived and died. Despite his being a follower of the Mālikī school, Ibn Fāris was suspected of having a Shī‘ī leaning, due to his glorifying ‘Alī, his being associated with the Shī‘ī enthusiast al-S.āh.ib, living in the Shī‘ī dynasty, and teaching the children of its rulers.42 The book was a collection of Ibn Fāris’s writings on the science of language. The title of the book was given after the name of the vizier alS.āh.ib Ismā‘īl ibn ‘Abbād who had a library where the book was to be lodged. Many subjects in Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl are also mentioned by Ibn Fāris in his al-S.āh.ibī, such as the meanings of particles, isti‘ārah (metaphor), al-h.adhf wa ’l-ikhtis.ār (ellipsis and brevity), al-takrār (repetition) and al-ziyādah (pleonasm). Many similiarities are found between the two books which lead us to assume that Ibn Fāris had copied from Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl without referring to him. c. Lisān al-‘Arab The book,
Lisān al-‘Arab (The Language of the Arabs), was
11 written by Jamāl al-Dīn Abū al-Fad.l Muh.ammad Mukarram ibn ‘Alī ibn Ah.mad al-Ans.ārī, better known as Ibn Manz.ūr and Ibn Mukarram (d. 711/1311-2). It is an encyclopaedia containing various subjects, such as: philology, grammar, Islamic jurisprudence, literature, tafsīr and h.adīth. It was based on five earlier works, namely: Abū Mans.ūr Muh.ammad ibn Ah.mad al-Azharī’s Tahdhīb al-Lughah, Abū al-H.asan ‘Alī ibn Ismā‘īl ibn Sidāh’s al-Muh.kam, Muh.ammad ibn al-Athīr’s al-Nihāyah, al-Jawharī’s al-Qāmūs, and Abū Muh.ammad ibn Barrī’s commentary of al-Jawharī’s al-Qāmūs. The book consists of fifteen volumes and was completed in 689/1290.43 So far, I have dealt with some of the literature relevant to the study of Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl. Other literature is quoted throughout this study. We now come to the historical background, the second part of this chapter.
B. Historical Background 1. A Short Synopsis of Ibn Qutaybah’s Life Abū Muh.ammad ‘Abd Allāh ibn Muslim ibn Qutaybah al-Kūfī (from Kūfah where he was born according to some historians) al-Marwazī (from Marw or Merv in Khorasan - presently called Mary in Turkmenistan, a southern republic in the former Soviet Union, now an independent state from which his father originated), al-Dīnawarī (from Dīnawar where he became qād.ī) and al-Baghdādī (from Baghdād according to other historians, and where he settled), was born in Kūfah44 in 213/82845 and died in Baghdād in 276/889.46 The cause of his death was the eating of harīsah (cooked meat and wheat pounded together) which caused him suffer heartburn, then lost consciousness and died. The word qutaybah is the diminutive form (tas.ghīr) of qitbah, qitb or qatab which are the singular form of aqtāb meaning “intestines”. This is also the meaning given by Ibn Qutaybah himself in his Adab al-Kātib.47 Another meaning of this term is given by Qutaybah ibn Muslim (d. 97/716)
12 the governor (amīr) of Khorasan who said that his name meant ikāf (the packsaddle of the donkey). The name Ibn Qutaybah was also referred to by some authors as al-Qutabī and very rarely al-Qutaybī.48 Ibn Qutaybah was also the name of a traditionist among the Shi‘īs. In response to the Umawī’s fabricated traditions praising the s.ah.ābah, especially ‘Uthmān - but with the exception of ‘Alī and Banū Hāshim - the Shi‘īs later also invented traditions of their own, praising ‘Alī and the Banū Hāshim clan. They had their isnād names like al-Suddī and Ibn Qutaybah, so that the Sunnīs would think that they were the famous Sunnī traditionists. To make a distinction between the two Suddīs and Ibn Qutaybahs the Sunnīs called those who belonged to the Shi‘īs al-Suddī al-S.aghīr (the Junior) who was Muh.mmad ibn Marwān, and Ibn Qutaybah the Shi‘ī, those who belonged to the Sunnīs were called al-Suddī al-Kabīr (the Senior) who was Ismā‘īl ibn ‘Umar, and Ibn Qutaybah the Sunnī.49 Very little was known about Ibn Qutaybah’s early life. We only know that as a young boy he frequented the Qur’ānic school (kuttāb) from which he learned and memorized some Qur’ānic verses, prophetic traditions and poetry, became trained in fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), nah.w (grammar, syntax) and arithmetic. Then he frequented the great mosques of Baghdād where he learned various sciences from the ‘ulamā’, such as theology, tafsīr, sharī‘ah (Islamic law), h.adīth, literature and history. He also studied books translated from foreign languages, especially Persian.50 There were twenty-eight teachers of Ibn Qutaybah in the true sense recorded by Lecomte.51 Among his important teachers were those who were known for their attachment to the Sunnah, such as the Sunnī theologian Ish.āq ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Rāhawayh al-Hanzalī (d. ca. 237/851) who was a student of Ah.mad ibn H.anbal, the Sunnī philologist and traditionist Abū H.ātim Sahl ibn Muh.ammad al-Sijistānī (d. 255/869), and the philologist al-‘Abbās ibn al-Faraj al-Riyāshī (d. 257/871) who transmitted the works of pioneers of philology in the second/eighth century, such as al-As.ma‘ī and Abū ‘Ubaydah.52 After the new caliph al-Mutawakkil changed the ideology of the
13 state from Mu‘tazilah to Sunnī orthodoxy in 232/846 Ibn Qutaybah found himself favoured by the new government, because his views in his literary works agreed with the new trend. The vizier Abū al-H.asan ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Yah.yá ibn Khāqān (d. 263/877) appointed him qād.ī of Dīnawar in about 236/851, and he probably remained in this office until 256/870. Then he became an inspector of maz.ālim (courts for the redress of wrongs) of Bas.rah until this city was sacked by the Zanj in 257/871. This new post was given to him probably due to the favour of another powerful ‘Abbāsī official, Sa‘īd ibn Makhlad.53 Ibn Qutaybah was also a teacher. He was generous to his students with his knowledge and books. He even allowed them access to his books before they had paid their fees. Among his students was his son Ah.mad who later became qād.ī in Egypt in 321/933. Ibn Qutaybah continued teaching in Baghdād until the end of his life at the age of 61.54 Despite Ibn Qutaybah‘s reputation as a great Sunnī scholar and an advocate of the Sunnī orthodoxy, some ‘ulamā‘ criticized and denounced him, among them being: (1). Abū al-H.asan ‘Alī ibn ‘Umar al-Dāraqut.nī (d. 385-995) accused him of leaning towards anthropomorphism (tashbīh), deviating from the ‘itrah (descendants of the Prophet).55 (2). Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muh.ammad ibn ‘Abd Allāh al-D.abbī al-H.ākim (d. 405/1014-5), also known as Ibn al-Bayyi‘, also accused Ibn Qutaybah of deviating from the ‘itrah and turning away from the ahl al-bayt (the Prophet's household). (3). Abū Bakr Ah.mad ibn al-H.usayn al-Bayhaqī (d. 458/ 1066) accused Ibn Qutaybah of being a Karrāmī, a sect among the anthropomorphism.56 These accusations were rejected by the ‘ulamā and biographers of Ibn Qutaybah, whose views were divided by Lecomte into two categories: very favourable and favourable. Those whose views belonged to the first category were: Ibn Taymiyyah,57 al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1347), Ibn Kathīr (d. 774/1372-3), and Ibn al-‘Imād (d. 1089/1678). Those whose views
14 belonged to the second category were: Ibn al-Nadīm (d. 385/995), al-Khat.īb al-Baghdādī (d. 463/1071), al-Sam‘ānī (d. 562/1167), Abū al-Barakāt Ibn al-Anbārī (d. 577/1181), Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 579/1201), al-Qift.ī (d. 646/1248), Ibn Khallikān (d. 681/1282), and al-Suyūt.ī.58 The earliest criticism came from Ibn Qutaybah’s late contemporary Abū Bakr Muh.ammad ibn al-Qāsim al-Anbarī, who was a student of Tha‘lab. He wrote a book entitled Risālat al-Mushkil criticizing Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl and his teacher Abū H.ātim al-Sijistānī. But his books are not extant except for Kitāb al-Ad.dād in which he criticized Ibn Qutaybah’s works Is.lāh. al-Ghalat. and Ta’wīl.59 2. Political, Social and Cultural Conditions in Ibn Qutaybah’s Life a. Political Condition Ibn Qutaybah lived during the reigns of eight ‘Abbāsī caliphs: al-Ma’mūn (197-218/813-833), al-Mu‘tas.im (218-227/833-842), al-Wāthiq (227-232/842-847), al-Mutawakkil (232-247/847-861), al-Muntas.ir (247248/861-862), al-Musta‘īn (248-252/862-866), al-Mu‘tazz (252-255/ 866-869), al-Muhtadī (255-256/869-870), and al-Mu‘tamid (256-278/ 870-892). He was born in the first half of the third century of Hijrah, when the ‘Abbāsī dynasty reached its ultimate glory and prosperity under al-Ma’mūn. The ‘Abbāsī empire extended to the Indian subcontinent and the border of China in the East, and to the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean in the West. However, the earlier period of al-Ma’mūn witnessed much disturbance: civil war between the Hāshimīs and the ‘Alawīs which ended with the defeat of the latter, rebellions against al-Ma’mūn, and the rivalry betwen Arab and Persian elements in state affairs. Being a son of a Persian mother, Persian influence greatly increased during his reign. In order to please the Arabs he shifted the capital of his empire from Merv in Persia to Baghdād in 204/819.60 As a patron of learning, al-Ma’mūn encouraged the search for knowledge. This caused the emergence of intellectual movements, among
15 which was the Mu‘tazilī school of theology which he himself adopted and made the official madhhab of his empire. He supported its scholars in their debates against their opponents among the Sunnī scholars. Al-Ma’mūn was succeeded by his brother al-Mu‘tas.im who followed the same path in defending the Mu‘tazilī school. It was in this period that the fitnah (civil strife) of the issue of khalq al-Qur’ān (the creation of the Qur’ān) occurred in which Ah.mad ibn H.anbal (d. 241/856) was one of its victims. In this early ‘Abbāsī period the Persians obtained high positions in the government, such as those of viziers and army leaders. However, this condition changed with the occurrence of the so-called Barmakid and Banū Sahl disasters. This resulted with the enmity between the Arabs and the Persians. The Arabs wanted to regain the glory they had enjoyed in the Umawī period, whereas the Persians were not satisfied with the high positions they already possessed; they wanted to bring back the glory of their ancient Sassanian empire. The seed of the Shu‘ūbīyah trend grew with the atheistic tendency, which later threatened the new empire. To get rid of these Persians and to counter their nationalistic ambition the caliph al-Mu‘tas.im tried to replace them with Turkish slaves who were renowned for their perseverance on the battle-field. They were brought into the capital city Baghdād and their number kept increasing. Then the caliph built a new capital called Sāmarrā’61 where he moved in with them. Unlike the Persians who were highly civilized, the Turkish slaves were nomads. Their main skills were hunting, raiding and horse riding. As skilled fighters and army officials their influence in the state kept growing. It became so great that al-Mutawakkil who succeeded al-Wāthiq could not resist it. However, he was successful in shifting to the Sunnī orthodoxy as the madhhab of the state. He ordered people to abandon any debate on kalām (theology) and urged them to return to the Sunnah of the Prophet. He removed the vizier ‘Abd al-Malik al-Zayyāt and the qād.ī al-qud.āt (the chief judge) Ah.mad ibn Abī Dāwūd from their positions for being Mutazilīs. But
16 when he appointed his vizier ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Yah.yá ibn Khāqān assisted by twelve thousand Arabs in his attempt to stop the penetration of the Turkish officers in the state, the Turkish officers sensed the threat. They assassinated this caliph and his vizier, and appointed the caliph’s son al-Muntas.ir as a ruler. Al-Muntas.ir ruled for six months only. He died in 248/862 and was succeeded by al-Musta‘īn. The new caliph, who was unable to withstand the influence of his Turkish officers, moved to Baghdād. As he refused to return to Sāmarrā’ they deposed him in 251/865 and appointed al-Mu‘tazz as his successor. Baghdād was surrounded, and finally al-Musta‘īn was assassinated. Al-Mu‘tazz imprisoned his brother al-Mu’ayyid when he heard a rumor that al-Mu’ayyid wanted to depose him. However, he was finally deposed and assassinated by the Turkish officers who sensed his intention to rid himself of them. As his successor they appointed Muh.ammad ibn al-Wāthiq who was called al-Muhtadī. His piety seemed to bother them, and his intention to dissolve them ended with his assassination in 256/870. He was succeeded by al-Mu‘tamid. Although al-Mu‘tamid tried hard to regain his power with the help of his brother al-Muwaffaq who led his army in defending the state, this ‘Abbāsī state was far from being stable. The T.āhirīs, Sāmānīs, and S.afawīs were separating themselves from the ‘Abbāsī empire in the East, while the T.ūlūnīs were establishing their own state in Egypt; besides, the Romans were attacking the empire. This was the political condition of the ‘Abbāsī empire in the time of Ibn Qutaybah. b. Social Condition The city of Baghdād, the seat of the ‘Abbāsī caliphs, was flourishing with prosperity and luxury. Goods from the empire’s provinces overflowed into the city. The city itself, as well as the palaces of the caliphs and emirs, was decorated and furnished with goods brought by traders from China and India in the East and from Byzantine in the West. The citizens of Baghdād consisting of different elements
17 contributed with their different and various traditions and cultures to the society. The Persians were sharing and competing with the Arabs in running the affairs of the state as well as in the fields of science and literature. The Turks were playing their important roles in the palaces and in the army with their military skills. The Greeks were contributing with their wisdom and literature, the Arabs with their poetry, eloquence, preserved geneology, ancient traditions, familiarity with and knowledge of horses, arms, military equipment and excellent memory. The Indians were contributing with their knowledge, such as: arithmetic, astronomy, medicine, maps and carpentry.62 Taverns and drinking gatherings were frequented by various people. They provided the venue for poets and men of letters to recite their works and exchange elegant talk while listening to songs and music. The citizens became more interested in beauty and art. They enjoyed flowers, fragrances, gentle voices and beautiful faces. They liked being clean, wearing good clothes and living in good houses. They enjoyed entertainment at their festivals and various occasions, and the Muslims joined their fellow citizens the Jews and the Christians in their religious festivities.63 People’s addiction to alcohol made it one of the topics of their discussions in their gatherings and the object of appreciation among their poets, such as Abū Nuwās (d. ca. 198/783) and Muslim ibn al-Walīd (d. 207/823). They started questioning whether or not the type of alcohol called nabīdh was among the prohibited alcohol (khamr) in Islam. The question developed into a very serious issue and eventually Ibn Qutaybah wrote a book entitled Kitāb al-Ashribah (The Book of Beverage) portraying the controversial issue at that time and giving his legal judgement: khamr is prohibited by the Qur’ān, and nabīdh is prohibited by the Sunnah.64 It is worthy to note that this easy and prosperous life was enjoyed by the ruling class only, namely, the caliphs, the emirs, the generals and their associates among the middle class, such as traders, high government officials and artisans. The lower classes in the land were not privy to such life. As a matter of fact, the deviation from the religion and irreligious
18 practices within the society were not ignored by the people who wanted to bring the society back to the correct path and often revolted against the rulers. c. Cultural Condition Apart from the emergence of the Mu‘tazilī theological doctrine in the period of al-Ma’mūn who adopted it and made it the official madhhab of his empire, and the shift to the Sunnī orthodoxy by al-Mutawakkil who, unlike al-Ma’mūn, did not like to be involved in theological debates, this era saw the flourishingof learning. Books of Greek, Persian and Indian antiquities were studied and translated into Arabic. The famous translator at this time was H.unayn ibn Ish.āq (d. 261/873) who was well versed in the Greek, Syriac, Arabic and Persian languages. The result of extensive studies of these books produced Muslim scholars such as Abū ‘Uthmān ibn Bah.r al-Jāh.iz. and Ya‘qūb ibn Ish.āq al-Kindī (d. ca. 252/866).65 Books of other religions such as the Torah (al-Tawrāh), the Gospel (al-Injīl) and the Zoroastrian Avesta were also translated. Besides al-Jāh.iz., the other scholars in this field were al-Naz.z.ām of the Mu‘tazilī school and Ibn Qutaybah of the Sunnī school.66 The Qur’ān and the H.adīth were also extensively studied. Theological controversies and debates between the followers of the Mu‘tazilī and the Sunnī schools necessitated the extensive study of both. The philologists studied the linguistic style of the Qur’ān, its words, their meanings and styles. Others studied events involved in certain verses, the asbāb al-nuzūl (the occasions which led to the revelation of the verses of the Qur’ān), and the ta’wīl of the s.ahābah in certain verses.67 It is noteworthy that the books on Qur’ānic exegesis at the end of the 2nd/8th century and the beginning of the 3rd/9th century were fragmentary and were confined to philological explanations of the verses. This was apparent in their titles, such as: Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān which was the title of the works of al-Kisā’ī, al-Farrā’ and al-Akhfash (d. 210/825), I‘rāb al-Qur‘ān, Lughat al-Qur‘ān (The Language of the Qur‘an), Gharīb al-Qur‘ān which was the title of the works of Abū ‘Ubayd Qāsim ibn
19 Sallām (d. 223/838), and Majāz al-Qur’ān which was the title of the works of Abū ‘Ubaydah and Qut.rub (d. 206/822).68 The extensive study of H.adīth literature in the ‘Abbāsī period produced great scholars, such as the founders of the four madhāhib (schools of jurisprudence), namely, Abū H.anīfah (d. 150/767), Mālik ibn Anas (d. 179/795), al-Shāfi‘ī (d. 204/820), and Ah.mad ibn H.anbal. Moreover, efforts were also made in compiling, explaining, sorting, and setting aside the obscure h.adīth and explaining the ambiguous ones. In this period, apart from the Musnad of Ah.mad ibn H.anbal, the six canonical books of h.adīths called al-Kutub al-Sittah (the Six Books) were compiled. They were the collections of al-Bukhārī (d. 256/870), Muslim (d. 261/875), Ibn Mājah (273/886), Abū Dā’ūd (d. 275/888), al-Tirmidhī (d. 279/892), and al-Nasā’ī (d. 303/892).69 In the field of grammar two main schools of philology appeared: the Bas.ran school whose leaders were Sībawayh (d. 179/196) and al-As.ma‘ī, and the Kūfan school which came later with some differences, and still later developed into a school of its own, whose leaders were al-Kisā’ī and al-Farrā’. The caliphs of Baghdād took the side of the Kūfan school, since the teachers of their children belonged to this school, such as alKisā’ī, al-Farrā’, al-Mufad.d.al Muh.ammad ibn Ya‘lá al-D.abbī and alSharq ibn Qat.t.āmī. Al-Ma’mūn, for example, took the side against Sībawayh in a debate between the latter and al-Kisā’ī on a certain grammatical issue. Ibn Qutaybah who mixed the two schools was considered to belong to the Baghdādī school. According to him al-Kisā’ī and al-Farrā’ did not belong to the Kūfan school, but to the Baghdādī school70 which was the mixture of the two schools.71 Abū al-T.ayyib ‘Abd al-Wāh.id ibn ‘Alī al-Lughawī (d. 351/962) made a suggestion which was elaborated later on by Ibn al-Nadīm that Ibn Qutaybah combined the two schools into a “Baghdādī synthesis”. This view was considered doubtful and rejected by the contemporary scholars Lecomte and al-Jubūrī respectively. Lecomte said:
20 In fact, in addition to the point already emphasized by G. Weil... that the schools of Bas.ra and Kūfa can scarcely have assumed their distinctive characteristics before the end of the 3rd/9th century, nothing has been found in Ibn Ķutayba’s philological work, or at least in what now survives, which could really justify this point of view. Although he in effect contrasts them with the “Bas.rans”, he regularly refers to those who were later to be attached to the “School of Kūfa” as “Baghdādīs”, and the synthesis of which so much has been made is no more than a genuine eclecticism which never claimed to form a school. All that can be said is that Ibn Ķutayba in fact joins certain reputedly Kūfi tendencies to others considered to be Bas.ran. His position may be summarized by stating that in grammar he remains on the whole a supporter of the norm, i.e., “Bas.ran”, in spite of his attachment to the teaching of al-Kisā’ī and of al-Farrā’, whereas in a more general way, in philology and especially in poetry, he does not hesitate to depart from the usually accepted views, an attitude considered to be “Kūfi”.72 In rejecting the view that Ibn Qutaybah was one of the founders of the Baghdādī school of grammar which was the mixture of the two schools, the Bas.ran and the Kūfan, al-Jubūrī’s argument is as follows: (1). Ibn Qutaybah cited only linguistic aspects (wujūh min al-lughah) from the two schools, and probably aspects of grammatical orientation in special issues, as found in his Adab al-Kātib and Gharīb al-H.adīth. (2). Despite his vast knowledge of grammar, Ibn Qutaybah did not express his views on this subject. He cited the views of grammarians without expressing which was the more acceptable one, whereas in the field of linguistics (lughah) he exercised ijtihād (independent judgement) and gave his fatwá (legal opinion) on its issues. Therefore, in
21 al-Juburī’s opinion, Ibn Qutaybah was not a grammarian (nah.wī), but one of the philologists (fuqahā’ al-lughah).73 Other grammarians worthy of mention here are: Ibn al-Sikkīt (d. 244/858-9) who was the last grammarian of the Kūfan school who taught the son of Ja‘far al-Mutawakkil and who wrote Is.lāh. al-Mant.iq (Reconstruction of Logic) and Tahdhīb al-Alfāz. (Expression Training), Tha‘lab who gave his commentary on the compiled poetry of the pre-Islamic poet Zuhayr ibn Abī Sulmá (d. 5/627), al-Māzinī (d. 249/863) who was said to be the first to formulate the ‘ilm al-tas.rīf (etymology), and al-Mubarrad who combined philology with literature in his work al-Kāmil fī ’l-Lughah wa ’l-Adab (The Perfect Book on Linguistics and Literature).74 Among the poets of this period were: Abū Tammām (d. 228/843) who had a dīwān (compiled poems), Abū ‘Ubādah al-Buh.turī (d. 283-4/897) who had also a dīwān, Di‘bil al-Khuzā‘ī who composed poems in praising ahl al-bayt (the Prophet's household), Ibn al-Rūmī (d. 282-3/896), and Ibn al-Mu‘tazz (d. 296/863) each of whom had their own dīwān.75 3. Historical Perspective on the Early Development of Qur’ānic Exegesis a. Tafsīr and Ta’wīl The word tafsīr is the mas.dar (verbal noun) from the second form of the verb fasara, namely, fassara which means “to explain”, “to expound”, “to interpret”, or “to comment”. Tafsīr is “the explanation, revealing and exposing the sensible meaning” ( ). It is also said that the word fasara is the inversion (maqlūb) of the word safara which means “unveiling” or “uncovering”. For example, the expression (the woman uncovered) means “she revealed her face”, and the expression (the dawn uncovered) means “it unveiled the sky of the darkness of night with its light”. Tafsīr, then, is the meanings of the verses of the Qur’ān which need explanation.76
22 Technically, the definition of tafsīr as given by al-Zarkashī (d. 794/1392) is as follows: “It is a knowledge through which the Book of Allah revealed to His Prophet Muh.ammad, peace be upon him, may be understood, its meaning may be clear, and its legal judgements and wisdom may be discovered..."77 The word ta’wīl is the mas.dar from the second form of the verb āla (which means “returning”), namely, awwala which means “returning (something)”, as if the commentators return the verse to its various possible meanings. It is “the act of reducing of (two or more) senses or interpretations which an expression can have or allow to one that which suits the apparent meaning”. The Arabic expression āla ilayh means “he returned to him”, while (َ ) means “he arranged, evaluated and explained the statement” (
).78
Technically, according to early commentators in general, such as Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-T.abarī, ta’wīl has the same meaning as tafsīr, so that ta’wīl al-Qur’ān has the same meaning as tafsīr al-Qur’ān.79 However, Muqātil ibn Sulaymān states on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās that tafsīr is what is known by the ‘ulamā’, while ta’wīl by Allah alone.80 But Ibn ‘Abbās was also reported to have said that some tafsīrs are known to man, and others to Allah alone.81 Later commentators, however, make the distinction between the two terms with divergent opinions: tafsīr belongs to the s.ahābah, while ta’wīl belongs to the fuqahā’ (legists);82 tafsīr, as mentioned by al-Māturīdī (d. 333/944), has a single interpretation, while ta’wīl has many interpretations; tafsīr, according to al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī (d. 502/1109), is more common than ta’wīl, as the former is used mostly for words and their synonyms, while the latter mostly for meanings and sentences; moreover, tafsīr is used for both divine and secular books, ta’wīl for divine books only;83 tafsīr is based on riwāyah (transmission of tradition), while ta’wīl involves dirāyah (comprehension), namely, research and investigation;84 tafsīr is the obvious meaning of the verses, while ta’wīl is the deep meaning derived from the verses through research and investigation. The commentators give the preponderance - which is neither
23 definite nor final to avoid giving final interpretation to what is really meant by Allah in the Qur’ān - to what they think the most suitable meaning over other meanings.85 b. Categories of Tafsīr Based on its sources there are three main categories of tafsīr: traditional commentary ( , also called and ), rational commentary (
, also called
and
),
and symbolic or allegorical commentary ( ). They will be dealt with briefly as follows: (1) Traditional Commentary. It is either the commentary of the Qur’ān by the Qur’ān itself, by the Sunnah of the Prophet, or by the s.ahābah. An example of the commentary of the Qur’ān by itself is as follows: One Qur’ānic verse mentions that cattle are lawful to Muslims for food, but not without exception. It says: “... Lawful to you is the [flesh of every] beast that feeds on plants, save what is mentioned to you [hereafter]: ...” (Q. 5:1, Asad)86 The commentary of the expression “save what is mentioned to you [hereafter]” is given in another verse, as follows:
... Forbidden to you is carrion, and blood, and the flesh of swine, and that over which any name other than God’s has been invoked, and the animal that has been strangled, or beaten to death, or killed by a fall, or gored to death, or savaged by a beast of prey, save that which you [yourselves] may have slaughtered while it was still alive; and [forbidden to you is] all that has been slaughtered on idolatrous altars. (Q. 5:3, Asad).87
24 This is the strongest commentary of this category of tafsīr, since it comes from the Qur’ān itself. It is Allah Who explains what He means in the Qur’ān. The example of the commentary of the Qur’ān by the Sunnah of the Prophet is as follows: When the verse “Those who have attained to faith, and who have not obscured their faith by wrongdoing - it is they who shall be secure, since it is they who have found the right path!” (Q. 6:82, Asad) was revealed, it distressed the s.ahābah. They asked the Prophet, saying: “O Messenger of Allah, is there any of us who has not obscured his faith by wrongdoing?” The Prophet answered: “It is not what you think it means. Haven’t you heard what the pious servant of Allah [i.e., Luqman the sage] said to his son? He said: ‘O my dear son! Do not ascribe divine powers to aught beside God: for, behold, such [a false] ascribing divinity is indeed an awesome wrong!’ (Q. 31:13, Asad). It [i.e., the word z.ulm in the verse] means shirk (polytheism).”88 This Prophetic commentary of the Qur’ān is also strong, since it is the duty of the Prophet to explain what has been revealed to the people, as mentioned in the Qur’ān, as follows:
“And upon thee [too] have We bestowed from on high this reminder, so that thou might make clear unto mankind all that has ever been thus bestowed upon them, and that they might take thought.” (Q. 16:44, Asad). However, the acceptance of this Prophetic commentary is also on condition that it is reported by reliable authorities. With regard to the commentary of the s.ahābah, although not so strong as the two commentaries mentioned earlier, it is also accepted by the Muslims. This is because the s.ahābah were people who met the Prophet, witnessed the revelation, knew the asbāb al-nuzūl and knew more of the
25 Arabic language and its eloquence which enabled them to better understand the divine texts. Although the traditionist al-H.ākim accepted the commentary of the s.ahābah and raised it to the same level of the Prophetic commentary, one has to be careful in accepting this commentary of the s.ahābah or the tābi‘īn for the following reasons: There are many commentaries attributed to the s.ahābah or tābi‘īn without isnād (chains of authority), so that we cannot make a distinction between the genuine and the fabricated ones. Moreover, many isrā’ilīyāt (Jewish legends) were spread among Muslims, some of which contained legends and beliefs contradictory to the teachings of Islam. There were also some extremists who fabricated sayings and attributed them to the s.ahābah to support their views, or to flatter the rulers. There is also the possibility that the atheists (zanādiqah) fabricated sayings and attributed them to the s.ahābah or the tābi‘īn in order to destroy Islam.89 (2) Rational commentary. It is a commentary based exclusively on the commentator’s ability to grasp the meanings of the Qur’ānic verses due to the absence of traditional commentary on the verses in question. This can be accomplished only if he possesses and exercises the knowledge of the sciences of the Qur’ān and the Arabic language, such as naskh (abrogation of legal passages of the Qur’ān), asbāb al-nuzūl, ah.kām (laws contained in the Qur’ān), i‘rāb, balāghah (eloquence), and classical Arabic poetry. The commentary of this genre, however, was opposed by a group of Muslim scholars for the following reasons: (a) They said that rational commentary was a statement concerning Allah without knowledge, an act which was prohibited by Allah, as mentioned in Q. 2:169 and 7:33. (b) They contended that it was the duty of the Prophet to explain the Qur’ān as mentioned in Q. 16:44, and this duty was exclusively the Prophet’s privilege. (c) The Prophet warned people from giving interpretation of the Qur’ān based on their personal opinion. In a tradition on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās the Prophet said: “Whoever speaks on the Qur’ān without knowledge (‘ilm) let him make his place in Hell.”90 (d) The s.ahābah and the tābi‘īn refrained from giving their interpretation of the Qur’ān with their
26 personal opinion. Abū Bakr, for example, was reported to have said: “Any land may carry me, and any sky may overshadow me if I spoke on the Qur’ān with my personal opinion or with what I have no knowledge.”91 On the other hand, Muslim scholars en masse accept the rational interpretation for the following reasons: (a) Allah urges Muslims to contemplate the contents of the Qur’ān when He said: ( “[All this have We expounded in this] blessed divine writ which We have revealed unto thee, [O Muhammad,] so that men may ponder over its messages, and that those who are endowed with insight may take them to heart.” (Q. 38:29, Asad)92 They maintain that pondering over the Qur’ān can be achieved only by searching its deeper meanings and mysteries, and therefore, giving one’s personal opinion in the interpretation of the Qur’ān is justified. (b) Muslim scholars are urged to discover the laws in the Qur'an by searching and finding its deeper meanings, based on Q. 4:83, and this can only be carried out by giving one’s independent judgement. (c) If rational interpretation is prohibited because it is based on independent judgement, then the use of independent judgement in Islamic laws would also have been prohibited. Consequently, many of these Islamic laws would have been ineffective. This is contrary to what has been established among Muslim scholars that a mujtahid (a legist who exercises ijtihād, i.e., independent judgement in a legal question based upon the interpretation of the Qur’ān and the Sunnah) is always rewarded, whether his judgement is right or wrong. (d) The s.ahābah themselves have different interpretations on some Qur’ānic verses, as the Prophet did not explain all the verses of the Qur’ān. He explained only those which needed explanation, leaving the rest to be understood by the s.ahābah themselves. If personal opinion was not allowed on the Qur’ān, the Prophet would have explained the whole Qur’ān, and the s.ahābah would not have given their personal opinion.(e) The Prophet
27 prayed for his cousin Ibn ‘Abbās that Allah would teach him the ta’wīl of the Qur’ān. If the term ta’wīl here means the interpretation based on what have been reported from the Prophet rather than Ibn ‘Abbās’s own personal opinion, then singling him out with this prayer would have been futile. The arguments of scholars who opposed rational commentary were countered by other scholars with the following arguments: (a) Giving one's interpretation on the Qur’ān with ijtihād (lit., exertion, namely, independent judgement) is not a statement concerning Allah without knowledge, but rather with knowledge and which is permitted in religion, since a mujtahid according to a h.adīth will be rewarded with two merits if he is right, and one merit if he is wrong in his ijtihād. Since ijtihād is a meritorious act, it cannot be a prohibited one at the same time. (b) With regard to the Prophet’s warning against practising tafsīr without knowledge, Ibn al-Naqīb gives us five views which constitute five types of prohibited tafsīr, namely, tafsīr without having the sciences required for it; tafsīr of ambiguous passages which are known by Allah alone; tafsīr intended to support a straying sect, and in so doing, making the tafsīr subordinate to the sect; stating with certainty the meaning intended by Allah without proof; and lastly, tafsīr based on one’s own discretion (istih.sān) and whim (hawá).93 (c) That the Prophet was appointed to explain the Qur’ān does not mean that nobody else was allowed to do it. This is apparent as the verse mentioned above ends with “and that they might take thought”. (Q. 16:44, Asad). Many verses in the Qur’ān were not explained by the Prophet, and it is the duty of Muslim scholars to find their meanings and interpretations. (d) The s.ahābah’s restraint from giving their own tafsīr was a precaution against stating what may not have been meant by Allah. Abū Bakr himself gave his personal opinion concerning the kalālah (a deceased person who has left as heir neither a descendant nor an ascendant)94 in the Qur’ān 4:176 and said: “I say it with my opinion; if it is right it is from Allah, and if it is not, it is from Satan.”95 Among the exponents of the rational commentary, to mention a few, were al-Ghazālī, al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, and al-Qurt.ubī.96 (3) Symbolic (Allegorical) Commentary. It is a commentary of the
28 Qur’ān which is different from its apparent meaning due to some hints which appeared through inspiration to some dedicated people endowed with knowledge. Contrary to the acquired knowledge known as , this type of knowledge known as
comes directly from Allah, as
mentioned in the Qur’ān, as follows: (“…and unto whom We had imparted knowledge [issuing] from Ourselves.” Q. 18:65, Asad).97 There is a great difference between the esoterical commentary ( ) claimed by the Bāt.inīs (adherents of inner meanings of the Qur’ān) and the symbolic commentary ( ). To the Bāt.inīs, the only acceptable meaning is the esoterical one, whereas the Sūfīs accept both the ostensible and the symbolic meanings. The Sūfīs urge people to learn the ostensible meaning before they learn the symbolic meaning. They say that whoever claims to have understood the mysteries of the Qur’ān through mystical interpretation - without knowing the ostensible meaning is like a man who claims to have reached the roof of the house without passing through the door.98 Muslim scholars have different views on this symbolic tafsīr. Those who reject it associate it with the esoterical tafsīr which, in their view, distorts the meaning of the Qur’ān. However, the exponents of this type of tafsīr give conditions for its validity, as follows: it is not contrary to its obvious meaning; it is not considered the only valid meaning by rejecting the obvious one; it is not a remote meaning which is beyond the context of its words, such as interpreting the term lama‘a as a verb meaning “to shine” ather than “indeed with” in the verse “For, behold, God is indeed with the doers of good.” (Q. 29:69, Asad); it is not contrary to Islamic teachings and to reason; and finally, it does not contain a view which might confuse people.99 One example of the symbolic commentary is Ibn ‘Abbās’s interpretation of the verse: “When God’s succour comes, and victory,” (Q. 110:1, Asad) as a sign of the Prophet’s approaching death.100
29 c. Early Development of Tafsīr The Qur’ān was revealed to Prophet Muhammad in the Arabic language.101 Although in clear Arabic,102 the s.ahābah had different levels of knowledge in understanding the Qur’ān. This is natural, since it is unlikely that any book written on any subject in any particular language and style will be fully understood by any native speaker of that language. ‘Umar, for example, did not know the meaning of the word abban in the verse (“And fruits and fodder”. Q. 80:31). On one occasion, whilst he was reading from the pulpit the verse (“Or [that He will] take them to task through slow decay?” Q. 16:47, Asad), he asked the meaning of takhawwuf. A Bedouin of Hudhayl tribe told him that according to the language of this tribe the word means tanaqqus. (diminution, decrease).103 Besides ‘Umar, Ibn ‘Abbās who was nicknamed turjumān al-Qur’ān (the interpreter of the Qur’ān), was reported to have said that he had not known the meaning of the word fāt.ir in the verse )١٤ : “ (األنعامHe is the Creator of the heavens and the earth,” Q. 6:14, Dawood)104 until two Bedouins came to him asking his judgement on their dispute over a well; one of them said anā fat.artuhā (“I was the one who made it”), while the other said anā ibtada’tuhā (“I was the one who started digging it.”)105 It was also reported that he had not known the meaning of the word iftah. in the verse (“Our Lord! Judge rightly between us and our people,” Q. 7:89) until he heard a woman called Dhū Yazan say to her husband meaning (“I shall prosecute you”).106 Generally speaking, the s.ahābah understood the Qur’ān more than any other people, since it was revealed in their language. However, they had different levels of understanding. Some of them had more knowledge of the Arabic language and were more familiar with its pre-Islamic literature - which helped them grasp the meanings of the Qur’ānic texts -
30 than other people. Others used to accompany the Prophet and witnessed the asbāb al-nuzūl of certain Qur’ānic verses. Some others knew more of the ways of the Arabs in the pre-Islamic era. Those who knew the Arabs’ way of performing their pilgrimage and worshipping their idols, and those who were familiar with the customs and traditions of the Jews and Christians in pre-Islamic Arabia had better understanding of Qur’ānic verses dealing with these particular subjects.107 The Prophet explained to the s.ahābah the meanings of Qur’ānic verses which were not understood by them or those that needed explanation. Zakāt, for example, originally means “growth”, but technically means “obligatory charity”, was explained by the Prophet in detail. This explanation was later transmitted to the people of the next generation, so that they also became well-acquainted with the divine texts. However, such information was included in the h.adīth literature, since tafsīr as an independent science emerged later in the early third century A.H. After the death of the Prophet questions on Qur’ānic verses were directed to the s.ahābah. The prominent exegetes among them in this period were: ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abbās, ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd, ‘Alī ibn Abī T.ālib and Ubayy ibn Ka‘b; to a lesser degree, Zayd ibn Thābit, Abū Mūsá al-Ash‘arī, ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr, Abū Bakr, ‘Umar and ‘Uthmān. They moved to other cities in Muslim lands and transmitted to people what they had learned from the Prophet and what they knew from the asbāb al-nuzūl. They opened schools for teaching tafsīr in important cities. In Makkah the school was led by Ibn ‘Abbās; among his students were: Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr (d. 94/713), Mujāhid ibn Jabr (d. 103/722) whose tafsīr has been published,108 T.āwūs ibn Kaysān al-Yamānī (d. 106/725), ‘Ikrimah (Ibn ‘Abbās’s client, d. 105/723) and ‘At.a’ ibn Abī Rabāh (d. 114/732). In Madīnah, it was led by Ubayy ibn Ka‘b (d. 22/641); among his students were: Muh.ammad ibn Ka‘b al-Qurz.ī (d. 117/735), al-Rāfi‘ ibn Mahrān (his agnomen was Abū al-‘Āliyah al-Riyāhī, d. 90/709 or 117/735 or 93/712) and Zayd ibn Aslam (his agnomen was Abū Usāmah, the client of ‘Umar, d. 136/754). In Iraq it was led by ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd (d. 32/652); among his students in Kūfah were ‘Alqamah ibn Qays (d. ca. 62/682 or
31 72/692) and Masrūq ibn al-Ajda‘ (d. 63/683). In Bas.rah, they were al-H.asan al-Bas.rī (d. 110/728), Qatādah ibn Di‘āmah al-Sudusī (d. 118/736), ‘At.a’ ibn Abī Muslim al-Khurasānī (d. 135/753) and Murrah ibn Shurāh.īl al-Hamadhānī (his agnomen was Abū Isma‘īl, d. 76/696).109 In this period of the tābi‘īn, many isrā’iliyyāt (Jewish traditions used to amplify Qur’ānic allusions) found their way into tafsīr. This is because people were curious to know the details of stories mentioned in the Qur’ān. For example, they wanted to know the size of Prophet Noah’s ark, the number and names of the as.h.āb al-kahf (Men of the Cave) and the colour of their dog, the kind of tree from which Allah talked to Prophet Moses and the kind of birds which were revived by Allah for Prophet Abraham. Such details could be found in the Torah or its commentary and legends put into it.110 Moreover, some of the Jews who converted to Islam brought the isrā’iliyyāt with them. Although the Prophet was reported to have said that Muslims should neither believe nor disbelieve what the people of the Book related to them, they consulted them; even Ibn ‘Abbās was reported to have listened to them.111 Ibn Khaldūn gave us his account on this matter and said: .... The Arabs had no books or scholarship. The desert attitude and illiteracy prevailed among them. When they wanted to know certain things that human beings are usually curious to know, such as the reason for the existing things, the beginning of creation, and the secrets of existence, they consulted the earlier people of the Book about it and got information from them. The people of the Book were the Jews who had the Torah and the Christians who followed the religion (of the Jews). Now the people of the Torah who lived among the Arabs at that time were themselves Bedouins. They knew only as much about the matter as is known to ordinary people of the Book (in contrast to the learned rabbis). The majority of those Jews were Himyarites who had adopted
32 Judaism. When they became Muslims, they clung to the information they possessed, such as information about the beginning of creation and information of the types of forecasts and predictions. That information had no connection with the commandments of the Islamic Law. Such men were Ka‘b b. al-Ah.bār, Wahb b. Munabbah, ‘Abdallāh b. Sallām and similar people. The Qur’ān [sic] commentaries were filled with materials of such tendencies transmitted on their authority.112 It was commonly believed that the recording of oral traditions attributed to the Prophet started only at the second century of A.H. after the death of all of the s.ah.ābah and prominent tābi‘īn, such as Sa‘īd ibn al-Musayyab (d. 100/713) and al-H.asan al-Bas.rī. Mālik ibn Anas, for example, stated that Ibn Shihāb al-Zuhrī (d. 124/742) was the earliest compiler.113 However, the extant and earliest religious book written in the early period of Islam was al-S.ah.īfah al-S.ah.īh.ah (The Authentic Scroll) of Hammām ibn Munabbih. The compiler Ibn Munabbih (d. 101/719) was a student of the prominent s.ah.ābī (a companion of the Prophet) Abū Hurayrah (d. 58/677). Two identical manuscripts of it were found; one in Damascus, and the other in Berlin. It was discovered, edited and published by Muhammad Hamidullah in Damascus in 196l. It contained one hundred and thirty-eight h.adīths on the authority of Abū Hurayrah. Many of these h.adīths were identical to those reported by Ah.mad ibn H.anbal in his Musnad and al-Bukhārī in his S.ah.īh.. Some s.ah.ābah and tābi‘īn had recorded the h.adīths, but their recordings were lost, such as Sa‘īd ibn ‘Ubādah (d. 15/637), Ibn ‘Abbās (d. 69/689), Samrah ibn Jundub (d. 60/680), Jābir ibn ‘Abd Allāh (d. 78/670), ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Amr ibn al-‘Ās. (d. 65/685) and Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr (d. 95/714).114 In the early period of the second century A.H. religious knowledge had not yet been divided into branches and therefore scholars were not specialists in one particular branch. Tafsīr was still included in the H.adīth
33 and the mufassirīn (scholars on tafsir) were themselves muh.addithīn (scholars on h.adīths), until the two sciences separated completely in the early third century A.H. Among scholars who wrote tafsīr based on what they had learned from the s.ah.ābah and the tābi‘īn with sanad (isnād, chains of authorities on which traditions and historical writings are based) were Wakī‘ ibn al-Jarrāh. (d. 196/811), Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah (d. 198/813), Shu‘bah ibn al-Hajjāj (d. 160/776), ‘Abd al-Razzāq ibn Hammām (d. 211/827) and Abū Khālid Yazīd ibn Hārūn (d. 206/822).115 Unfortunately, none of these works are extant. However, there are some extant works of this second century A.H., among which are: Tafsīr (MS. Husnu 17) of Muqātil ibn Sulaymān (d. 150/767), al-Sīrah al-Nabawiyyah (Cairo, 1955) of Ibn Ish.āq (d. 151/768) in the recension of Ibn Hishām (d. 218/834), Tafsīr (MS. Ayasofya 118) of Muh.ammad ibn Sā’ib al-Kalbī (d. 146/763), and Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-Karīm (Rampur, 1965), of Sufyān al-Thawrī (d. 161/778). They contained mainly commentaries and paraphrastic explanations in addition to the asbāb al-nuzūl, except Ibn Ish.āq’s Sīrah which contained mainly the Prophet’s biography and asbāb al-nuzūl.116 In this period of compilation the ‘Abbāsī dynasty was seizing political power after successfully overthrowing the Umawī dynasty in 132/750. In this critical situation, traditions exaggerating Ibn ‘Abbās’s piety, virtue and knowledge, were invented for the political ends of his descendants who were ruling the Muslim empire. Moreover, before the ‘Abbāsī dynasty took power the qus.s.ās. (story tellers) had already used the highly respected position of Ibn ‘Abbās’s family among Muslims to fabricate traditions in his and ‘Ali’s name. Consequently, according to al-Shāfi‘ī, there were only about one hundred traditions handed down by Ibn ‘Abbās.117 Ibn H.anbal was reported to have said that there are three things which have no basis: tafsīr, malāh.im (apocalyptic h.adīths), and maghāzī (accounts of the early battles in Islam).118 As h.adīths, tafsīr and sayings ascribed to Ibn ‘Abbās transmitted through various channels and isnāds were so numerous that there was hardly a single Qur’ānic verse without one or more commentaries attributed
34 to him. This led the critics among scholars to examine and evaluate these channels and isnāds. Among the critics of h.adīth and tafsīr transmission in this period were Yah.yá ibn Sa‘īd al-Qat.t.ān (d. 198/813) and ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn Mahdī (198/814). Their views were widely accepted by scholars such as the traditionist Ah.mad ibn H.anbal and Yah.yá ibn Ma‘īn (d. 233/848) and scholars of the following generation.119 Among the evaluated channels are the following: (1). Mu‘āwiyah ibn S.ālih. - ‘Alī ibn Abī T.alh.ah al-Hāshimī (d. 143/760-1) Ibn ‘Abbās. This is the best channel. Although it was reported that ‘Alī ibn Abī T.alh.ah did not hear the tafsīr directly from Ibn ‘Abbās but from his students Mujāhid or Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, his tafsīr was accepted as reliable. Al-T.abarī, Ibn Abī H.ātim, Muslim and other h.adīth compilers relied on his transmission. Ah.mad ibn H.anbal said of it as follows: “There is a scroll in Egypt on tafsīr transmitted by ‘Alī ibn Abī T.alh.ah, and if a man goes there to get it is not a great thing,” meaning that it deserved this great effort. (2). Qays ibn Muslim al-Kūfī (d. 130/748) - ‘At.ā’ ibn al-Sā’ib - Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr - Ibn ‘Abbās. This is also a very good channel, the isnād is s.ah.īh. (sound) based on the conditions laid down by al-Bukhārī and Muslim. (3). Ibn Ish.āq - Muh.ammad ibn Abī Muh.ammad (the client of Zayd ibn Thābit’s family) - ‘Ikrimah or Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr - Ibn ‘Abbās. This channel is still good, and the isnād is h.asan (good) according to the standard laid down in accepting h.adīths. 4). Al-D.ah.h.āk ibn Muzāh.im al-Hilālī (d. 103/722) - Ibn ‘Abbās. This is a weak channel. It is weaker if the channel is Juwaybir - al- D.ah.h.āk Ibn ‘Abbās. (5). Ismā‘īl ibn ‘Abd al-Rah.mān (al-Suddī al-Kabīr, d. 128/745) - Abū Mālik (or Abū S.ālih., Ummu Hānī’s client) - Ibn ‘Abbās. The reports of al-Suddī al-Kabīr are found in the collections of h.adīth compilers
35 Muslim, Abū Dāwūd, Ibn Mājah, al-Nasā’ī and al-Tirmidhī. Ibn Abī H.ātim did not include them among the sound reports. (6). Muqātil ibn Sulaymān - Ibn ‘Abbās. Although praised by al-Shāfi‘ī, many scholars considered him weak, because he reported from Mujāhid and al- D.ah.h.āk, but he never had contact with them. Moreover, he was known to be a follower of al-tajsīm and al-tashbīh (anthropomorphism). Al-Suyūt.ī preferred al-Kalbī to Muqātil. When Wakī‘ was asked about Muqātil’s tafsīr, he said, “Do not look at it.” When he was asked what to do with it, he said, “Bury it.” Ah.mad ibn H.anbal said about him: “I do not like to report anything from Muqātil.”120 (7). Muh.ammad ibn Sā’ib al-Kalbī - Abū S.ālih. - Ibn ‘Abbās. This is the worst channel, especially if Muh.ammad ibn Marwān (al-Suddī al-S.aghīr, d. 189/805) is included in it. Al-Kalbī was reported to have said on his death-bed: “Everything I have told you from Abū S.ālih. are lies.” His reports were frequently narrated by al-Tha‘labī and al-Wāh.idī.121 In the late second and early third century A.H. lexical tafsīr became more developed. Apart from traditional sources and lexical explanation, grammatical phenomena as well as symbolic problems were also included. Grammatical phenomena were justified with shawāhid from ancient poetry and secular rhetoric, while symbolic problems were solved by applying the periphrastic principle “taqdīr” (supposition), but mainly expressed with the term majāz. Among the extant lexical tafsīr in this period are Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān of al-Farrā’, Majāz al-Qur’ān of Abū ‘Ubaydah, and later Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān of Ibn Qutaybah.122 The process of tafsīr compilation with isnād reached its culmination with Ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī. His tafsīr belonged to the category of tafsīr bi ’l-ma’thūr. Immediately after putting the verse - partly or wholly - he explained it by paraphrasing and mentioning oral traditions from the s.ah.abah or tābi‘ī with full isnād. He evaluated them, especially if two or more meanings or variant readings were involved, and gave his opinion, although he was against al-tafsīr
36 bi’l-ra’y. He gave his own legal judgement from the Qur’ānic verses, as he had a madhhab of his own. As a compiler, al-T.abarī also included some contradictory traditions and isrā’ilīyāt, all with their isnād in his tafsīr. For example, he mentioned a tradition from Mu‘āwiyah from ‘Alī ibn T.alh.ah from Ibn ‘Abbās who said that the meaning of in Q. 2:260123 is (cut them into pieces). Then al-T.abarī mentioned another tradition that he was told by Muh.ammad ibn Sa‘īd, having heard it from his father, that he was told by his uncle who was told by his father from his father from Ibn ‘Abbās, that means َ (tie them up).124 Scholars’ objections to his tafsīr was that some of his authorities were weak, such as al-Suddī al-S.aghīr and Juwaybir, and that it contained some isrā’iliyyāt which he acknowledged. However, these materials had their own valuable contribution to his tafsīr collection. It is said that it is in itself an encyclopedia of traditional commentary in which various views of religion during his time were recorded and critically evaluated. Al-T.abarī’s method of writing tafsīr was followed by many commentators in later generations, such as Ibn ‘At.iyyah, Ibn Kathīr, and alSuyūt.ī. Ibn ‘At.iyyah was a grammarian, a philologist, a man of letters, a poet and a qād.ī in Andalusia. His work al-Muh.arrir al-Wajīz fī Tafsīr al-Kitāb al-‘Azīz (The Short Deliverer in the Commentary of the Glorious Book) was a collection of opinions mentioned by commentators of traditional commentary. It was praised by Ibn Khaldūn who considered it the first tafsīr in which traditions were critically scrutinised. All commentaries were abridged, and the most likely interpretations were selected.125 It was also praised by Ibn Taymiyyah who preferred it to al-Zamakhsharī’s al-Kashshāf, although al-T.abarī’s tafsīr is the soundest one.126 It is still in manuscripts consisting of ten volumes. The second great commentator of traditional tafsīr after al-T.abarī was Ibn Kathīr whose agnomen was Abū al-Fidā. His work Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Az.īm contains commentaries from the salaf (the s.ah.ābah,
37 tābi‘īn and tābi‘ī al-tābi‘īn) with isnād. He evaluated them and rejected the unsound ones. He mentioned the verse, explained it in simple language, gave shawāhid from other verses, or h.adīths to clarify the meaning, and rejected the isrā’iliyyāt. Al-Suyūt.ī was a prolific writer. His work al-Durr al-Manthūr fī ’l-Tafsīr bi ’l-Ma’thūr (The Scattered Pearls in Traditional Exegesis) was a short copy of his Turjumān al-Qur’ān. However, another and more popular exegesis was Tafsīr al-Jalālayn written by his teacher Jalāl al-Dīn al-Mah.allī (d. 863/1459) and later continued by himself. Al-Mah.allī started his tafsīr from the beginning of chapter 18 (sūrat al-Kahf) till the end (sūrat al-Nās), including chapter 1 (sūrat al-Fātih.ah), then he passed away. Al-Suyūt.ī continued the work from chapter 2 (sūrat al-Baqarah) till chapter 17 (sūrat al-Isrā’). The book is not purely traditional as it lacks isnād. Another leading commentator after al-T.abarī was Mah.mūd ibn ‘Umar al-Zamakhsharī (538/1143-4) whose agnomen was Jār Allāh. Contrary to his contemporary Ibn ‘At.iyyah who was a Mālikī Sunnī, al-Zamakhsharī was a H.anafī Mu‘tazilī. His tafsīr entitled al-Kashshāf ‘an H.aqā’iq al-Tanzīl (The Unveiler of the Realities of the Revelation) was a purely rational commentary. The characteristic of this tafsīr is that it offers brief explanation, contains no isrā’iliyyāt, largely relies on Arabic expression and philological interpretation of the Qur’ān through his mastery of Arabic language. In addition, it uses a question-and-answer dialogue style “if you say...” (fa’in qulta ...) “I would say...” (qultu...). His main interest was in the rhetoric of the Qur’ān which was neglected by al-T.abarī. As a Mu‘tazilī he put great efforts in interpreting the Qur’an in such a way as to suit the Mu‘tazilī theology in general, and in Allah’s abolute oneness and justice in particular. For example, the verse meaning “Some faces will on that Day be bright with happiness, looking up to their Sustainer” (Q. 75:22-3, Asad) indicates that Muslims will see Allah in the Hereafter. But as a Mu‘tazilī, al-Zamakhsharī did not believe in seeing Allah in the Hereafter, because He
38 is spiritual. Therefore, he explained the word nāz.irah stating that it has an idea of expectation, like the word muntaz.irah (expecting), giving an example in the expression (I am looking forward to what So-and-so will do to me).127 These verses belong to the category of the mutashābihāt according to the Mu‘tazilīs, whereas verses that agree with their view are placed by them into the category of muh.kamāt (clear verses), such as the following verse: “No human vision can encompass Him, whereas He emcompasses all human vision: for He alone is unfathomable, all-aware.” (Q. 6:103, Asad). Similarly, al-Zamakhsharī explained the term kursī (throne) in the verse which means “His throne doth extend over the heavens and the earth...” (Q. 2:255, Ali). He gave four interpretations on this verse, three metaphorically, namely, Allah’s greatness, knowledge, and power, and one literally which was a report that Allah created a throne beside the ‘Arsh (the Throne) under which were the sun and the moon, or, as reported by al-H.asan, the Throne itself.128 In the second half of the sixth century A.H. a Sunnī commentator, Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1209), wrote his tafsīr called Mafātīh. al-Ghayb (The Keys of the Unknown). Since he was interested in philosophy and scientific explanation of the universe, he explained verses which refer to nature and its phenomena, such as rain and earthquake. As a Shāfi‘ī follower, he explained the legal prescriptions of the Qur’an according to this school, although he also mentioned other madhhabs. As a Sunnī he refuted the Mu‘tazilīs’ use of reasoning and tradition to support their view. He mentioned asbāb al-nuzūl more often, but he did not go into the details of rhetoric or grammar. He used istit.rād (digression) so much that his tafsīr contained many subjects which were not necessarily logically related. It is not surprising that it was said in exaggeration that his tafsīr contains everything except tafsīr.129 The frequent use of istinbat. (deduction) in his approach strongly emphasises the rationalistic nature of
39 his commentary. He wrote his tafsīr until sūrat al-Anbiyā’ (chapter 21), about half of the Qur’ān. The work was continued by his student Shihāb al-Dīn al-Khāwī, then by Najm al-Dīn al-Qāmūlī, probably from the notes of his lectures. At the seventh/thriteenth century another Sunnī commentator appeared, al-Bayd.āwī (d. 685/1286 or 691/1292). His work Anwār al-Tanzīl wa Asrār al-Ta’wīl (The Lights of the Revelation and the Mysteries of the Ta’wīl) is a mixture of traditional and rational commentaries. He took the tafsīr from al-Zamakhsharī and selected from him his own tafsīr by removing from it most of the Mu‘tazilī theology, such as the expression (praise be to Allah Who created the Qur’ān), since as a Sunnī he did not believe in the creation of the Qur’ān. The remaining Mu‘tazilī ideas were debated by him by presenting the Sunnī commentary, consulting and using the similar method used by al-Rāzī and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī in their tafsīr books. In presenting variant readings, he used the term wa fī qirā’ah (and in another variant reading) and wa qīla (and it is said) for the variant reading he approved and doubted respectively. He took great interest in grammar and the Shāfi‘ī fiqh to which he belonged. Following al-Zamakhsharī’s method he cited h.adīth at the end of each sūrah mentioning its value. One of the major Shī‘ī books on tafsīr is the work of Abū ‘Alī alFad.l al-T.abarsī (d. 496/1153 or 538/1144) entitled Majma‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān (The Collection of the Explanation on the Commentary of the Qur’ān). As a Mu‘tazilī follower, he expanded the Mu‘tazilī thought, and as a Shī‘ī, he gave more symbolic (allegorical) commentary in his tafsīr. For example, after giving the interpretation of the verse “Then We raised you up after your death so that you might give thanks” (Q. 2:56) he stated that according to some people among the upholders of the Shī‘ī school, this verse proved that the raj‘ah (return after occultation) was a possible occurrence for some people. This is because the manifestation of miracles among imāms and saints (awliyā’) is possible.130 He gives a different interpretation of the term al-ghayb in the
40 verse (“Those who believe in the unseen” Q. 2:3) and supports the view of Ibn Mas‘ūd and a group of people among the s.ah.ābah that the word al-ghayb here means what is unknown to people. This is because this interpretation is more general and includes the time of al-Mahdi’s occultation (ghaybah) and return (raj‘ah).131 Among the Ismā‘ilī Shī‘īs it is worth-mentioning Ismā‘īl ibn Hibat Allāh (d. 1173-4/1760). His tafsīr is entitled Mizāj al-Tasnīm (The Mixture of Tasnīm).132 For the Ismā‘ilīs the ostensible meaning of the Qur’ān is only the symbol of its inner meaning. Therefore, the whole Qur’ān is mutashābihāt and in need of interpretation which is known only by their imāms. One example of this esoteric interpretation (al-tafsīr al-bāt.in) of the Qur’ān attributed to Ibn Hawshab al-Kūfī (d. 266/880) is as follows: “The seven verses of the sūra [i.e., sūrat al-Fātih.ah (chapter 1)] symbolise the seven degrees of religion. The sūra of Praise [i.e. sūrat al-H.amd, another name for sūrat al-Fātih.ah] opens the Book of God, and similarly the degrees of religion open the door of knowledge in God’s religion.”133 The idea of inner meaning was derived from the following verse: “.... And thereupon a wall will be raised between them [and the believers], with a gate in it: within it [bāt.inuhu] will be grace and mercy, and against the outside thereof [z.āhiruhu], suffering.” (Q. 57:13, Asad).134 One of the compilers of the allegorical tafsīr was Abū ‘Abd alRah.mān al-Sulamī (d. 412/1021). His work Haqā’iq al-Tafsīr (The Realities of Interpretation) contained neither philological explanation nor traditional commentary, despite his recognition of its validity. He confined himself exclusively to the symbolic meanings of the Qur’ānic verses which had not previously been compiled and the sayings of the s.ūfīs and other important personalities, such as al-H.allāj (ex. 309/922) and Ja‘far al-S.ādiq (d. 148/756).135 An example of al-Sulamī’s tafsīr is the interpretation of the verse )٦٦ “Yet if We were to ordain for them, ‘Lay down your lives,’ or,
41 ‘Forsake your homelands,’ only a very few of them would do it...” (Q. 4:66, Asad). The word (lay down your lives) and (forsake your homelands) mean respectively that Prophet Moses asked his people “to kill their selves” and “to remove worldly love from their hearts”.136 When the mystical commentary of the s.ūfīs was denounced by the ‘ulamā’, al-Ghazālī (d. 504/1111) came to the rescue. Being himself a s.ūfī, he said that the words of the Qur’ān belong to “the world of humanity”, whereas their meanings belong to what he called “the world of angels”. He contended that man cannot reach the truth because of the weakness of his faith, his lust for wordly things and his adherence to the literal meaning of the Qur’ān which can only be revealed to the elect through intuition. Defending the mystical interpretation of the Qur’ān through intuition which occurs when reason stops, he said: “Why should it be impossible that beyond reason there should be a further plane, on which appear things which do not appear on the plane of the intelligence, just as it is possible for the intelligence itself to be a plane above the discriminating faculty and senses?”137 Apart from the mystical interpretation used by the s.ūfīs, Muh.yī ’l-Dīn ibn ‘Arabī (d. 638/1240) and later his student ‘Abd al-Razzāq al-Kāshānī (d. 730/1330) used another category of mystical tafsīr, namely, (speculative or theosophical commentary). Without openly rejecting the obvious meanings of the verses, they went further with their speculative interpretation to support the idea of (Unity of Being). Ibn ‘Arabī’s tafsīr was lost, but we can find some glimpse of it in his works al-Futūh.āt al-Makkiyyah and Fus.ūs. al-H.ikam. He was charged by some ‘ulamā’ like Ibn Taymiyyah and al-Taftāzānī with heresy, and his idea of h.ulūl (substantial union of a divine spirit with man) and as heretical. However, some others defended him, such as al-Fīrūzābādī and al-Suyūt.ī.138 An example of this speculative commentary is the verse “And He is with you wherever you may be...” (Q.
42 57:4, Asad) which is explained by al-Kāshānī in his Ta’wīlāt al-Qur’ān (The Interpretations of the Qur’ān) as “God is everywhere because He created His existence everywhere”. This Ta’wīlāt was mistakenly ascribed to Ibn ‘Arabī. In this chapter a glimpse of some literature related to the study of Ibn Qutaybah’s contribution to Qur’ānic exegesis, a short synopsis of Ibn Qutaybah’s life, political, social and cultural conditions in his life as well as a glimpse of early Qur’ānic exegesis have been presented. We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah was born when the ‘Abbāsī dynasty reached its ultimate glory and prosperity under al-Ma‘mūn in the first half of the third century A.H. He witnessed the government's shifting from the Mu‘tazilī theological school to the Sunnī orthodoxy under al-Mutawakkil as the madhhab of the state. He found himself in line with the new trend and became a champion and an advocate of the Sunnī orthodoxy. He defended the Qur’ān and the Sunnah against philosophic scepticism and heresies in his time through his writings.
43
ENDNOTES TO CHAPTER I
1.
Gerard Lecomte, “Ibn Kutayba,” EI2, p. 847.
2.
Al-Sayyid Ah.mad S.aqr’s introduction to Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān (Cairo: Dār al-Turāth, 1393/1973), 2nd ed., p. 2 of the introduction. 3.
See G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba (mort en 276/889): l’homme, son oevre, ses idées (Damascus: Catholic Printing Press, 1965), pp. 97-178. 4.
In manuscript D, instead of mut.t.ali‘ (well-informed), it is written muttaba‘ (followed), see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 674. 5.
In S.aqr’s quotation the word lam is missing in the expression mā lam a‘lam, see ibid, p. 77 of the introduction. 6.
Ibid., pp. 85-86 of S.aqr’s introduction.
7.
Ibid., pp. 673-94.
8.
Ibid., p. 86 of S.aqr’s introduction.
9.
Idem, Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ān, ed. A.H. S.aqr (Beirut: Dār al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1398/1978), p. 4. 10.
Ibid., p. “h” of S.aqr’s introduction.
11.
Ibid., pp. “j” and “d”.
12.
Ibid., p. “d”.
13.
For further details, see idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, ed. Dr. ‘Abd Allāh al-Jubūrī, 1st ed. (Baghdād: Mat.ba‘ah al-‘Anī, 1397/1977), vol. 1, pp. 90-114. 14.
Idem, Adab al-Kātib, ed. von Max Grünert (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1900), p.
15.
Ibid., p. 6, n. “b”.
2.
44 16.
Ibid., p. 22.
17.
Ibid., pp. 236-237.
18.
Ibid., p. 337.
19.
Ibid., p. 473.
20.
Ibid., p. 536. Cf. idem, Ta’wīl, p. 567.
21.
Idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 567.
22.
Ibid., pp. 641-642; cf idem, Ta’wīl, p. 498.
23.
Max Grünert’s introduction in idem, Adab al-Kātib, pp. ix-x.
24.
The other three sources are al-Mubarrad’s al-Kāmil, al-Jāh.iz.’s al-Bayān wa al-Tabyīn, and Abū ‘Alī al-Qālī al-Baghdādī’s al-Nawādir, see Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddimah (Cairo: al-Mat.ba‘ah Azhariyyah, 1384/1930), p. 489. 25.
R.A. Nicholson, A Literary History of the Arabs (Cambridge: The University Press, 1956), p. 344. 26.
Carl Brockelmann, Ta’rīkh al-Adab al-‘Arabī, trans. Dr. ‘Abd al-H.alīm al-Najjār (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1961), vol. 2, p. 143. See also Yāqūt al-Rūmī, Kitāb Irshād al-Arīb ilá Ma‘rifat al-Adīb, also known as Mu‘jam al-Udabā’, and T.abaqāt al-Udabā’, ed. D.S. Margoliouth (Egypt: [al-] Mat.ba‘ah al-Hindiyyah, 1925), vol. 7, p. 16. 27.
H.A.R. Gibb, “Abū ‘Ubayda Ma‘mar b. al-Muthannā,” EI2, 2, p. 158; and J. Wansbrough, “Majāz al-Qur’ān: Periphrastic Exegesis,” BSOAS (Univ. of London), vol. xxxiii, part 2 (1970), pp. 247-66. 28.
Wansbrough, “Majāz al-Qur’ān,” p. 157.
29.
Brockelmann, Ta’rīkh, vol. 2, p. 199.
30.
R. Blachére, “al-Farrā’,” EI2, 2, p. 806.
31.
Brockelmann, Ta’rīkh, vol. 2, p. 199.
32.
Ibid, 2, p. 196.
45 33.
Blachère, “al-Farrā’,” p. 806.
34.
Nicholson, A Literary History, pp. 145 and 351.
35.
Ibn Qutaybah, for example, did not include seven sūrahs (chapters) in his Ta’wīl, and mentioned one verse only in sūrah 54, namely verse 14. In his Tafsīr he did not include thirty-two sūrahs, and dealt with one verse only from sūrah 21, namely, verse 10. His Ta’wīl included the missing sūrahs in his Tafsīr, and not vice versa. See his Ta’wīl, pp. 595-621 and his Tafsīr, pp. 547-554. 36.
Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá Shaykh al-Islām Ah.mad ibn Taymiyyah, collected and arranged by Muh.ammad ibn Qāsim al-‘Ās.imī al-Najdī, 37 vols. (Makkah: Maktabat al-Nahd.ah al-H.adīthah, 1404 A.H.), vol. 13, p. 361. 37.
Abū Bakr Muh.ammad al-Zubaydī, T.abaqāt al-Nah.wiyyīn wa ’l-Lughawiyyīn, ed. Muh.ammad Abū al-Fad.l Ibrāhīm, 1st ed. (Egypt: Muh.ammad Sāmī al-Khānjī), 1373/1954), p. 171. 38.
Yāqūt al-Rūmī, Mu‘jam al-Udabā’, vol. 7, p. 73.
39.
Brockelmann, Ta’rīkh, vol. 2, p. 214.
40.
Al-Zubaydī, T.abaqāt, pp. 168-172.
41.
See Abū al-H.usayn Ah.mad ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī fī Fiqh al-Lughah wa Sunan al-‘Arab fī Kalāmihā, ed. Mus.t.afā al-Shuwaymī (Beirut: A. Badrān & Co., 1383/1963), p. 6 (the editor’s introduction). 42.
See ibid., p. 9.
43.
See Abū al-Fad.l Jamāl al-Dīn Muh.ammad ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān al-‘Arab 15 vols. (Beirut: Dār S.ādir lil-T.ibā‘ah wa ’l-Nashr, [1374-5]/1955-1956), vol. 15, p. 494. 44.
See Ibn al-Nadīm, al-Fihrist (Egypt: al-Mat.ba‘ah al-Istiqāmah, 1929), p. 86; Abū al-Barakāt Ibn al-Anbārī, Nuzhat al-Alibbā’ fī T.abaqāt al-Udabā’, ed. Dr. ‘Āt.iyyah ‘Āmir (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksel, [1962]), p. 128; and Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil fī ’l-Ta’rīkh (N.p.: Idārat al-T.ibā‘ah al-Munīriyyah, 1353 A.H.), vol. 7, p. 175. According to al-Khat.īb al-Baghdādī, al-Sam‘ānī and al-Qift.ī, Ibn
46 Qutaybah was born in Baghdād, see their respective works Ta’rīkh Baghdād aw Madīnat al-Salām, 14 vols. (Egypt: Maktabat al-Khānjī, 1931), vol. 10, p. 170; al-Ansāb (reproduced in fascimile from the manuscript in the British Museum add 23,355 with an introduction by D.S. Margoliouth, D. Litt. Leyden: E.J. Brill, Imprimerie Orientale; London: Luzac & Co., 1912. Repr. Baghdād: Maktabat al-Muthanná, 1970), p. 447; and Inbāh al-Ruwāt ‘alá Anbāh al-Nuh.āh, ed. Muh.ammad Abū al-Fad.l Ibrāhīm, 3 vols. (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-Mis.riyyah, 1369-74/1950-5), vol. 2, p. 143. Ibn Khallikān mentioned Kūfah and Baghdād without stating the correct one; see Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A‘yān wa Anbā’ Abnā’ al-Zamān, ed. Dr. Ih.sān ‘Abbās (Beirut: Dār al-Thaqāfah, [1970]), vol. 3, p. 43. 45.
See al-Khat.īb al-Baghdādī, Ta’rīkh Baghdād, vol. 10, p. 170; al-Sam‘ānī, al-Ansāb, p. 447; al-Qift.ī, Inbāh al-Ruwāt, vol. 2, p. 143; and Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 43. 46.
This is the date given by the earliest biographer al-Zubaydī, see T.abaqāt al-Nah.wiyyīn, p. 200; Shayms al-Dīn al-Dhahābī, Tadhkirat al-H.uffāz., 4 vols. (with continuous pagination), (Hyderabad-Deccan: Dār al-Ma‘ārif al-‘Uthmāniyyah, 1376/1956), vol. 2, p. 631; Ibn al-Nadīm stated 270 A.H., see al-Fihrist, p. 86; Ibn al-Athīr stated 276 A.H. and 270 A.H., see al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 438, and Ibn Khallikān stated 270 A.H., 271 A.H. and 296 A.H., but the right one according to him was 276 A.H., see Wafayāt, vol. 3, p. 43. This view is supported with the report of Qāsim ibn As.bagh al-Bayyānī (d. 340/952) who said that he came to Baghdād in 274/888 and learned from Ibn Qutaybah, see al-Khat.īb al-Baghdādī, Ta’rīkh Baghdād, vol. 10, p. 170. 47.
See Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 77.
48.
For further details, see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, pp. 660-661 (s.v.
49.
).
According to Ah.mad Amīn, al-Suddī al-S.aghīr was an extremist Rāfid.ī Shī‘ī; see A. Amīn, Fajr al-Islām, 12th ed. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahd.ah alMis.riyyah, 1978), p. 275. The Shī‘ī traditionist who was called Ibn Qutaybah was probably Muh.ammad ibn al-H.usayn al-‘Asqalānī (d. 301/913), who, according to Abū ‘Alī al-Nisābūrī, transmitted traditions in Palestine. See al-Dhahābī, Kitāb
47
T.abaqāt al-H.uffāz., ed. Wüstenfeld (Gottingen: N.p., 1833-1834), p. 79, quoted by Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, p. 29. 50.
See Shawqī Dayf, al-‘As.r al-‘Abbāsī al-Thānī (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1977), p. 611. 51.
See Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, pp. 47-8, n. 2, 50-74. There are fourteen other teachers of Ibn Qutaybah, but of “the second degree”. For further details, see ibid., pp. 75-82. 52.
Idem, “Ibn Ķutayba”, E.I.2, p. 844.
53.
Ibid., pp. 844-845.
54.
See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, S.aqr’s introduction, pp. 35 and 38-39.
55.
Al-Dāraqut.nī was a Shāfi‘ī, but was suspected of being a Shī‘ī, see Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, p. 15. 56.
See al-Jubūrī’s introduction in Ibn Qutaybah’s Gharīb al-H.adīth, pp. 19-20; and S.aqr’s introduction in Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl, pp. 49-51. 57.
Ibn Taymiyyah says that the position of Ibn Qutaybah among the Sunnīs is like that of al-Jāh.iz. among the Mu‘tazilīs. As the former was the spokesman of the Sunnah, so was the latter of the Mu‘tazilah. Quoting from Kitāb al-Tah.dīth bi-Manāqib Ahl al-H.adīth by an unidentified writer Ibn Taymiyyah said that the people of Maghrib (Morocco) used to say that a house without any writing of Ibn Qutaybah has no goodness in it. See Ibn Taymīyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., ed. Dr. Muh.ammad ‘Abd al-Mun‘im Khafājī (Cairo: Dār al-T.ibā‘ah al-Muh.ammadiyyah bi-al-Azhar, n.d.), p. 130. 58.
See Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, pp. 16-7. Among the biographers of the second category in favouring Ibn Qutaybah, al-Khat.īb al-Baghdādī and Ibn al-Jawzī stated that Ibn Qutaybah was reliable, pious and virtuous, while Ibn Khallikān mentioned only that he was virtuous and reliable; see their respective works Ta’rīkh, vol. 10, p. 170, al-Muntaz.am fī Ta’rīkh al-Mulūk wa ’l-Umam (Hyderabad Deccan: Mat.ba‘at Dā’irat al-Ma‘ārif al-‘Uthmāniyyah, 1357-9 A.H.), vol. 5, p. 102; and Wafayāt, vol. 2, p. 246.
48 59.
For further details, see S.aqr’s introduction in Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl, pp.
70-76. 60.
For further details, see Sir William Muir, The Caliphate: Its Rise, Decline and Fall (Oxford: The Religious Tract Society, 1891), p. 498. 61.
The word sāmarrā’ is derived from sarra man ra’ā meaning “whoever saw it rejoiced” at its beauty, or wittily said that “whoever saw it” with the Turks settled there “rejoiced” to be at Baghdād and well rid of them. See Sir William Muir, The Caliphate, p. 509, n. 2. Another witty reading is that the word is derived from sā’a man ra’ā meaning “whoever saw it grieved” from its bad condition. 62.
Dr. Muh.ammad Zaghlūl Sallām, Ibn Qutaybah (Egypt: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1957), pp. 10-11. 63
. Ibid., pp. 12-13.
64.
See Ibn ‘Abd Rabbih, al-‘Iqd al-Farīd, ed. Ah.mad Amīn et al. (Cairo: Mat.ba‘at al-Istiqāmah, 1372/1953), vol. 6, p. 355. 65.
M.Z. Sallām, Ibn Qutaybah, p. 17.
66.
Ibid., p. 15.
67.
Ibid., p. 16.
68.
G. Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, p. xxx; see also S.aqr’s introduction in Ibn Qutaybah, Tafsīr, p. “j” and M.Z. Sallām, Ibn Qutaybah, p. 18. 69
See M.Z. Sallām, Ibn Qutaybah, p. 16.
70
Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 390 and 640.
71
Lecomte quoted Abū al-T.ayyib ‘Abd al-Wāh.id al-Lughawī who said that the city of Baghdād was not a city of knowledge, but a city of government. The existing knowledge was brought to the city to please the caliphs and their courts. Al-T.ayyib said further that the people of Baghdād mixed everything; they did not make any distinction among the schoolars of Bas.rah or between alRu’āsī and al-Kisā’ī, or even between the reading of the H.ijāzī and that of H.amzah. The only thing they did was invent technical terms, such as h.afd. for
49 jarr, s.ifah for z.arf, h.urūf al-s.ifāt for h.urūf al-jarr and nasq for ‘at.f, see Lecomte. Ibn Qutayba, p. 391, n. 2, quoting Abū al-T.ayyib, Marātib alNah.wiyyīn (Cairo: N.P., 1375/1955), pp. 101-102. 72. 73.
Lecomte, “Ibn Ķutayba”, p. 846. See al-Jubūrī’s introduction in Ibn Qutaybah, Gharīb al-H.adīth, pp.
17-19. 74.
Sallām, Ibn Qutaybah, p. 18.
75.
Ibid., p. 19.
76.
Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 5, p. 55; Jalāl al-Dīn Muh.ammad al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān, ed. M. A. Ibrāhīm, 4 vols. 1st ed. (Cairo: Maktabat wa Mat.ba‘at al-Mashhad al-H.usaynī, 1387/1967), vol. 4, p. 167; and Abū ’l-Fad.l Muh.ammad Murt.ad.á al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs min Jawāhir al-Qāmūs (Egypt: alMat.ba‘ah al-Khayrīyah, 1306/[1888]), vol. 3, p. 470. According to Muh.ammad Fu’ād ‘Abd al-Bāqī, the word tafsīr is mentioned once only in the Qur’ān, as follows: “And no question do they bring to thee but We reveal to thee the truth and the best explanation (tafsīr).” (Q. 25:33). See M.F ‘Abd al-Bāqī, al-Mu‘jam al-Mufahras li-Alfāz. al-Qur’ān al-Karīm ([Cairo]: Dār wa Mat.ābi‘ al-Sha‘b, n.d.), p. 519 (s.v. ). 77.
See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān, ed. Muh.ammad Abū al-Fad.l Ibrāhīm, 4 vols (Beirut: Dār al-Ma‘rifah, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 13. 78.
Qāmūs al-Mu h.īt., 2nd ed., 4 vols. in 2 bindings (Cairo: Mat.ba‘at Mus.t.afá ’l-Bābī ’l-H.alabī, 1371/1952), vol. 3, p. 341 (s.v. ); and al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs, vol. 7, p. 215 (s.v. ). The term ta’wīl is mentioned 17 times in the Qur’ān according to M.F. ‘Abd al-Bāqī. It deals with the interpretation of visions as in Q. 12:6, 21, 36-37, 44-45, and 100-1, of strange behaviour as in Q. 18:78 and 82, of obscure verses as in Q. 3:7 where ta’wīl is mentioned twice, of the unseen as in Q. 10:39 where ta’wīl is mentioned once, and with the fulfilment of the event in the Hereafter as in Q. 7:53 where ta’wīl is also mentioned twice. See M.F. ‘Abd al-Bāqī, al-Mu‘jam, p. 97 (s.v. )اول.
50 79.
Al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs, vol. 7, p. 215; see also Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 113; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 167. 80.
Muqātil, Tafsīr, M.S. Hasan Husnu 17, 2r quoted by Wansbrough, Quranic Studies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), p. 155. 81.
Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 188.
82.
Al-Māturīdī, Ta’wīlāt al-Qur’ān, M.S. Medine 180, quoted by Wansbrough, Quranic Studies, p. 154. 83.
Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 167.
84.
Ibid., p. 168; and al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 2, p. 150.
85.
Al-S.ābūnī, al-Tibyān fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān (Damascus: Maktabat al-Ghazālī, 1401/1981), 2nd ed., p. 63. Ibn Qutaybah used both terms ta’wīl and tafsīr in the title of his works, namely, Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān and Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ān, the latter being the continuation of the former. Apparently, he did not make any distinction between the two terms, as he stated that he wrote his Gharīb al-Qur’ān in order that his Ta’wīl would not become too long. However, according Lecomte, Ibn Qutaybah did make such a distinction: tafsīr is simply paraphrasing simple texts or difficult ones due to exclusively lexicographic order, whereas ta’wīl is a kind of tafsīr with deeper meaning. See Lecomte, Ibn Qutayba, pp. 290-294. According to Ibn Taymiyyah, al-T.abarī used the term ta’wīl meaning tafsīr when he used the expression (“the statement concerning the interpretation of this verse”) in his Jāmī‘. In other words, al-T.abarī did not make a distinction between ta’wīl and tafsīr. See Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 113. Contrary to this view is that of Dr. Mus..tafá Zayd who maintained that al-T.abarī did make a distinction between the two terms. When al-T.abarī used the expression (the interpretation of this verse according to me), in Zayd’s view, is what the Prophet meant when he prayed for his cousin Ibn ‘Abbās, saying (“O Allah, give him understanding in religion and teach him ta’wīl [of the Qur’ān]”), see Dr. M. Zayd, Dirāsāt fī ’l-Tafsīr (Cairo: Dār al-Fikr al-‘Arabī, n.d.), p. 17.
51 86.
See also Q. 22:30.
87.
For another example, see Q. 44:3 where the commentary of “the Blessed Night” is given in Q. 97:1 which is, in turn, clarified in Q. 99:3-5. 88.
Muh.ammad ‘Alī al-S.ābūnī (ed.), Mukhtasar Tafsīr Ibn Kathīr, 3 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Qur’ān al-Karīm, 1402/1981), vol. 2, pp. 594-5. 89.
See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān, 2 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Fikr, 1408/1988), vol. 2, pp. 23-24. 90.
See Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá, vol. 13, p. 370. Quoting from Ibn al-Anbārī’s work al-Radd ‘alá Man Khālafa Mus.h.af ‘Uthmān, which is not extant, al-Qurt.ubī mentions two interpretations on the above h.adīth: (a) Whosoever gives his own opinion on the ambiguous verses of the Qur’ān on which neither the s.ah.ābah nor the tābi‘īn have ever expressed their opinion, he will be exposed to Allah’s wrath; (b) Whoever gives an opinion that he knows is wrong about the verses of the Qur’ān, he will be exposed to Allah’s wrath, and this is the right view according to al-Qurt.ubī; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 32. In another tradition on the authority of Jundub, the Prophet said: “Whoever interprets the Qur’ān by independent reason is wrong even if he arrives at the right meaning.” For similar h.adīths, see al-Tirmidhī, Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 199 no. 2950 (chap. tafsīr al-Qur’ān). See also al-S.ābūnī, al-Tibyān, p. 154. 91.
See Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá, vol. 13, pp. 371-372 and alS.ābūnī, al-Tibyān, p. 154. 92.
For similar verses, see Q. 4:82 and 47:24.
93.
Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 191.
94.
Kalālah is one of the three terms which ‘Umar wished the Prophet had defined in his lifetime, the other two being the khilāfah (caliphate, succession) and the ribā (usury), see A.Y. Ali, The Holy Qur’ān (Doha: Qatar National Printing Press, n.d.), p. 182, n. 520. 95.
Al-S.ābūnī, al-Tibyān, pp. 164-166.
96.
Ibid., pp. 167-8.
52 97.
Idem, (ed.), Mukhtas.ar, vol. 2, p. 427. See also Q. 2:282.
98.
See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 2, p. 79.
99.
See al-S.ābūnī, al-Tibyān, p. 175; al-Zarqānī mentions the fifth condition is that the allegorical commentary has to be supported by a legal shāhid (textual evidence); see al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 2, p. 81. 100.
See Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muh.ammad ibn Muh.ammad al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘ li-Ah.kām al-Qur’ān, 20 vols. in 10 bindings (Beirut: Dār Ih.yā’al-Turāth al-‘Arabī, 1967), vol. 20, p. 232; Abū ‘Abd Allāh Muh.ammad b. Ismā‘īl al-Bukhārī, S.ah.īh. al-Bukhārī (N.p: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.), pp. 183-184. Another classification of tafsīr which appeared in the second half of the second century A.H. was the following categories: legalistic tafsīr, linguistic tafsīr, formal tafsīr of scholars, and the tafsīr of the mutashābihāt which is known to Allah only; see M.O.A. Abdul, “The Historical Development of Tafsir”, Islamic Culture (Hyderabad, The Islamic Culture Board), vol. l, no. 1 (July, 1976), p. 144. Wansbrough, on the other hand, gives us five categories of tafsīr i.e., narrative (haggadic), legal (halakhic), textual (masoretic), rhetorical, and allegorical; for further details, see J. Wansbrough, Quranic Studies, pp. 119-246. 101.
See Q. 12:2, 39:28 and 42:3.
102.
See Q. 26:195.
103.
See Dr. Muh.ammad H.usayn al-Dhahabī, al-Tafsīr wa ’l-Mufassirūn, 3 vols (Cairo: Dār al-Kutub al-H.adīthah, 1396/1976), vol. 1, p. 74; and Ah.mad Amīn, Fajr al-Islām, p. 196. 104.
See also Q. 12:101, 14:10, 35:1, 39:46 and 42:11.
105.
Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 44; al-Suyūt.ī did not mention that the statement anā ibtada’tuhā was that of the other Bedouin in the dispute. See al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 4 106.
Al-T.abarī mentioned that the word fatah.a which means qad.á (to judge) is the language of the Murād tribe and that according to al-Farrā’ the people of ‘Umān (Oman) called their qad.ī by the name al-fātih. and al-fattāh.; see
53
Abū Ja‘far ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān, 30 vols. (Beirut: Dār al-Ma‘rifah lil-T.iba‘ah wa al-Nashr, 1406-7/1986-7), vol. 9, p. 3; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘ , vol. 1, p. 44. Al-Suyuti gives the meaning of ufātih.uk as uh.ākimuk (I argue with you), see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 5. 107.
A. Amīn, Fajr al-Islām, pp. 197-199.
108.
The complete tafsīr of Mujāhid was edited and published by A. Surtī based on a manuscript from the sixth century of Hijrah. It was entitled Tafsīr Mujāhid, 2 vols (Beirut: n.d.). See Ahmad von Denffer, ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān: An Introduction to the Science of the Qur‘ān (Leicester: The Islamic Foundation, 1403/1983), p. 130. Mujāhid was reported to have asked Ibn ‘Abbās’s commentary on the whole Qur’ān and recorded it. For this reason Sufyān al-Thawrī said: “If the commentary comes from Mujāhid it is sufficient for you.” See Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá, vol. 13, p. 369. 109.
Al-S.ābūnī, al-Tibyān, pp. 73-84; A. Amīn, Fajr al-Islām, pp. 204-205; and Dr. Muh.ammad B. Mahrān, Dirāsāt Ta’rīkhiyyah min al-Qur’ān al-Karīm (N.p.: Imām Muh.ammad ibn Su‘ūd Islamic University, 1400/1980), pp. 104-105. 110.
These are, according to Ibn Taymiyyah, unnecessary details which have been concealed by Allah in the Qur’ān; see Ibn Taymīyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá, vol. 13, p. 367. 111.
Mahrān mentions nine reasons for the infiltration of isrā’iliyyāt and nas.rāniyyāt (legends from Christians) in tafsīr which have been mentioned above. For further details, see Mahrān, Dirāsāt Ta’rīkhiyyah, pp. 105-111. Ibn ‘Abbās was reported to have asked Ka‘b al-Ah.bār the interpretation of the term Umm al-Kitāb (the Mother of the Book) and al-marjān (the coral), see Ignaz Goldziher, Madhāhib al-Tafsīr al-Islāmī, trans. & annot. Dr. ‘Abd al-H.alīm al-Najjār (Cairo: Mat.ba‘ah al-Sunnah al-Muh.ammadiyyah, 1374/1955), p. 88; and al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 9 and 126. Such questions do not necessarily mean that Ibn ‘Abbās did not know the meaning of these words, but rather to learn Ka‘b al-Ah.bār’s understanding of these words based on his knowledge of the Jewish tradition. Ibn ‘Abbās was also reported to have asked Ka‘b al-Ah.bār
54 the meaning of the verse: 02 “They extol His limitless glory by night and by day, never flagging [therein]” (Q. 21:20, Asad) and how the angels glorify Allah continuously. “Do your blinking of your eyes and your breathing afflict you?,” asked Ka‘b al-Ah.bār. “No,” answered Ibn ‘Abbās. “The angels’ continuous glorification of Allah is like that,” said Ka‘b al-Ah.bār. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 19. In justifying Ibn ‘Abbās’s questioning the Jewish converts to Islam, Muh.ammad al-Dhahabī said that the questions did not touch the ‘aqīdah (belief) or us.ūl al-dīn (the fundamentals of the religion of Islam), but rather the stories of the past. In this way, Ibn ‘Abbās was combining two h.adīths: one allowed the Muslims to speak about Banī Isrā’īl (the children of Israel, namely, the Jews and their tradition) without restriction, and the other prohibited the Muslims from believing or disbelieving the people of the Book (the Jews and the Christians). However, al-Dhahābī does not maintain that Ibn ‘Abbās asked the Jewish converts in such an extensive way as assumed by Goldziher and A. Amīn, since many stories reported by alT.abarī in his Jāmi‘ were not sound, and Ibn ‘Abbās himself warned the Muslims from asking the people of the Book; see al-Dhahābī, al-Tafsīr wa ’l-Mufassirūn, vol. 1, pp. 71-74. 112.
Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddimah, p. 368; the translation is rendered by Rosenthal, see idem, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal, 3 vols. (New York: Pantheon Books Inc., 1958), vol.2, p. 445. 113.
See Ibn al-Jawzī, Kitāb S.ifat al-S.afwah, 4 vols. 1st ed. (Hyderabad Deccan: Mat.ba‘at Dā’irat al-Ma‘ārif al-‘Uthmāniyyah, 1357/[1938]), vol. 2, p. 78. 114.
See Dr. S.ubh.ī al-S.ālih., ‘Ulūm al-H.adīth wa Mus.t.alah.uh (Beirut: Dār al-‘Ilm lil-Malāyīn, n.d.), pp. 23-33. Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr was reluctant to write a tafsīr, probably because he did not want to give his personal opinion of the Qur’ān, particularly the mutashābihāt. One day he was asked to do so and he replied: “To lose a part of my body is better than to write a tafsīr”; see Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-A‘yān, edited and annotated by Muh.ammad Muhyī al-Dīn ‘Abd al-H.amīd, 6 vols. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Nahd.ah al-Mis.riyyah, 1384/1964), vol. 2, pp. 112-113. However, eventually he consented when he
55 was asked by the Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwān. 115.
For further details see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, pp. 211-212.
116.
These books belonged to the category of haggadic (narrative) tafsīr as suggested by Wansbrough; see Quranic Studies, pp. 122-138. Some Muslim scholars considered Muqātil ibn Sulaymān as an unreliable authority, because he was said to have received his knowledge from the people of the Book and to have been a Zaydī with anthromorphic leanings; others accepted him as reliable. Al-Shāfi‘ī, for example, praised him and put his knowledge in tafsīr on the same level as Zuhayr ibn Abī Sulmá’s in poetry and Abū H.anīfah’s in Islamic jurisprudence; see Kamāl al-Dīn al-Dumyarī, H.ayāt al-H.ayawān al-Kubrá (Egypt: al-Mat.ba‘ah al-Sharqiyyah, ca. 1300/[1882-1883]), vol. 1, pp. 297-298 (article dhubāb). However, Abū H.ātim reported from al-Sammāk who said that ‘Ikrimah stated: “Everything I have told you about (the interpretation of) the Qur’ān is from Ibn ‘Abbās.” See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 211. 117. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 209. 118.
See Ibid., p. 178.
119.
See Ibid., p. 209; and Nabia Abbott, Qur’ānic Commentary and Tradition. Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri II (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967) , p. 112. 120.
See Muhyī ’l-Dīn ibn Sharaf al-Nawawī, Tahdhīb al-Asmā’ wa ’l-Lughāt, 3 vols. (Cairo: al-Mat.ba‘ah al-Munīriyyah, 1927), vol. 2, p. 111. 121.
Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, pp. 208-9; H.ajji Khalīfah, Kashf al-Z.unūn ‘an Asāmī ’l-Kutub wa ’l-Funūn (Lexicon), edited by Gustavus Fluegel, 7 vols. (Leipzig and London: Published for the Oriental Translation Fund of Great Britain and Ireland, 1835-1856), vol. 2, pp. 334-335; and al-Dhahābī, al-Tafsīr wa ’l-Mufassirūn, vol. 1, pp. 77-81. One of the prominent authorities on tafsīr in this period, ‘Amir Abū ‘Amr al-Sha‘bī (d. 103/721), was reported to have rebuked Abū S.ālih.: “How could you interpret the Qur’ān when you cannot read it?” He was also reported to have told al-Suddī (al-Kabīr): “Beating your backside with a drum is better than this circle of yours.” With regard to al-D.ah.h.āk, he did not meet Ibn ‘Abbās, and he did not claim to have met him, but he met Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr at
56 al-Rayy from whom he took Ibn ‘Abbās’s tafsīr. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 31. 122.
See Wansbrough, Quranic Studies, pp. 218-27.
123.
The verse runs as follows: Asad and Pickthall translated it respectively as follows: “Said He: ‘Take, then four birds and teach them to obey thee’” and “(His Lord) said: Take four of the birds and cause them to incline unto thee,...” See Muh.ammad Asad, The Message of the Qur’ān, trans. and expl. (Gibraltar: Dār al-Andalus, 1984), p. 59; and Muh.ammad M. Pickthall, trans., The Glorious Qur’ān (New York: Muslim World League, 1977), p. 41. 124.
See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol 3, pp. 35-6. Accepting both meanings, Ibn Kathīr said that the birds were tied up, slaughtered, and cut into pieces. See alS.ābūnī (ed.), Mukhtasar, vol. 1, p. 237. Ibn Qutaybah holds the same view based on his understanding of the texts. He states that the expression means (join them to you). Then the birds were cut into pieces. The ellipsis of the expression faqat.t.i‘hunna (then cut them into pieces) is apparent in the verse (“then place them separately on every hill [around thee]”, Asad’s translation). The word juz’an means “in pieces”, namely, after the birds had been cut into pieces. A similar expression would be “Take this cloth and make it a banner on every lance of yours,” meaning, it has to be cut into pieces before the pieces are made into banners; see Ibn Qutaybah, Tafsīr, p. 96; and idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 2, p. 593. Ibn al-Anbārī includes the term s.āra among the words which have opposite meanings. He states that the expression means “I collected it” ( ) as well as “I cut and separated it” ( ); see Muh.ammad ibn Qāsim ibn al-Anbārī, Kitāb al-Ad.dād, edited from a unique transcript by M.A. Ibrāhīm (Kuwayt: Dār al-Turāth al-‘Arabī, 1960), p. 36. The term s.urhunna is the language of Madīnah, Hijāz and Bas.rah, meaning “cause them to incline”. The variant reading s.irhunna is that of a group of people in Kūfah meaning “cut them into pieces”. But a group of grammarians of Kūfah state that in the Arabic language neither fas.urhunna nor fas.irhunna means “cut them into pieces”, but both mean “cause them to incline”. S.irhunna is the language of
57
Hudhayl and Sālīm; see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 35-6. A. Y. Ali, rejecting the idea of slaughtering, translated s.urhunna as “tame them”, see A.Y. Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 106. Pickthall and Asad shared the same view and translated it respectively as “cause them to incline unto thee” and “teach them to obey thee” as mentioned above. However, the term of s.urhunna meaning “cut them into pieces”, according to Ibn ‘Abbās, agrees with that in the Nabatean language, see ‘Abd Allāh Ibn ‘Abbās, Kitāb Gharīb al-Qur’ān, verified and presented by Dr. Ah.mad Būlūt. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Zahrā’, 1993),p. 40. Nabatea or Nabatæa was an ancient Arab kingdom in South-West Asia, now West Jordan; see Abū al-Qāsim ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il al-Wāridah fī ’l-Qur’ān al-Kariīm: Riwāyat ‘an alS.ah.ābī ’l-Jalīil Ibn ‘Abbās, Rad.iya Allāh ‘anhu. Edited, commented and annotated by Dr. ‘Abd al-H.amīd al-Sayyid T.alab. Kuwayt: Mat.bū‘āt Jāmi‘at alKuwayt, 1985, pp. 61-62, n. 2. 125.
Ibn Khaldūn, Muqaddimah, vol. 2, p. 446.
126.
See Ibn Taymīyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá, vol. 13, p. 388.
127.
Abū al-Qāsim Mah.mūd ibn ‘Umar al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf ‘an H.aqā’iq al-Tanzīl, ed. by W. Nassau Lees et al. with continuous pagination, 2 vols. (Calcutta: Mat.ba‘at al-Līsī, 1856), vol. 2, p. 157. 128.
Ibid., vol. 1, p. 170
129.
Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 4, p. 213.
130.
Abū ‘Alī al-Fad.l ibn al-H.asan al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān fī Tafsīr al-Qur’ān, 10 vols. in 5 bindings (S.aydā: Mat.ba‘at al-‘Irfān, 1333/[1915]), vol. 1, p. 115. 131.
Ibid., p. 38. This Shī‘ā view is also obvious in his commentary on the “light verse” (Q. 24:35) where he quoted the statement of the Shī‘ī eighth imām, ‘Alī al-Rid.ā (d. 203/818), that the mishkāt (the niche) is the Shī‘ī community, and the mis.bāh. (the lamp) is Prophet Muh.ammad. See ibid., vol. 7, p. 143. 132.
The title is derived from the Qur’ānic verse
“And mixed with the water of Tasnīm” (Q. 83:27). This mixture of pure wine
58 and Tasnīm is for as.h.āb al-yamīn (those of the right hand, i.e., people who will enter Paradise in general), while the pure water of Tasnīm is for al-muqarrabīn (those who are brought near unto their Lord, i.e., people who will enter Paradise with the privilege of being near to God). See al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 616. 133
Translated from edition of Arabic text by Kamil Hussein in Collectanea of the Isma’ili Society (Leiden: N.p., 1948), vol. 1, p. 189, quoted by John Alden Williams (ed.), Islam (New York: George Braziller, 1961), p. 235. 134
See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 2, p. 74.
135.
Al-H.allāj was reported to have said (I am the Truth), and Ja‘far alS.ād.iq was reported to have fallen down and lost consciousness while he was performing his prayer. When he was asked what happened, he said that he kept on repeating a Qur’ānic verse until he heard it spoken by its Speaker. See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 2, pp. 91 and 87. However, Ibn Taymiyyah said that a large number of sayings attributed to Ja‘far al-S.ādiq were not authentic; see Ibn Taymiyyah, al-Rasā’il al-Munīriyyah, vol. 1, p. 230, quoted by Jullandri, “Qur’ānic Exegesis and Classical Tafsīr”, IQ xii (1968), p. 109. 136.
MS. no. 50 fol. 48, Dār al-Kutub al-Mis.rī, Cairo, p. 78, quoted by Jullandri, “Qur’ānic Exegesis”, p. 109. 137.
Al-Gazālī, Mishkāt al-Anwār, ed. Abū al-‘Alā’ ‘Afīfī (Cairo: Dār al-Qawmīyah lil-T.ibā‘ah wa ’l-Nashr, 1383/1964), pp. 77-8; and W.H.T. Gairdner, Al-Ghazzali’s Mishkāt al-Anwār (“The Niche for Lights”), a translation with introduction (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1952), pp. 146-147. 138138.
T.H. Weir, “Ibn ‘Arabi”, SEI, p. 146 and Jullandri, “Qur’ānic Exegesis”, pp. 113-114.
59 CHAPTER II IBN QUTAYBAH'S REFUTATION OF ALLEGATIONS OF SOLECISM, CONTRADICTION AND AMBIGUITY IN THE VERSES OF THE QUR’ĀN A. Variant Readings in the Qur’ān There has never been any disagreement among the ‘ulamā’ that the Qur'ān was revealed in seven ah.ruf (lit., "letters"), as it was reported by many s.ah.ābah, such as ‘Umar, ‘Uthmān, Ubayy ibn Ka‘b, Abū Hurayrah, ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abbās, and ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd1 in many h.adīths. One of these h.adīths runs as follows: [from ‘Umar b. al-Khat.t.āb] I heard Hishām b. H.ākim2 recite the sūra of the Furqān (25) during the lifetime of the Messenger of God, may God bless him and grant him peace. I listened to his recitation, and [noticed that] he was reciting according to many h.arfs in which the Messenger of God had never had me recite. I was about to grab hold of him in [the middle of his] prayer, but I waited till he had recited the final salutations. When he had finished, I seized him by his robe and said: 'Who taught you to recite the sūra which I have just heard you recite?' He said: 'The Messenger of God taught me to recite it.' I said: 'You are lying. By God, the Messenger of God himself taught me to recite this sūra which I have just heard you recite.' So I hurriedly took him to the Messenger of God and said: 'O Messenger of God, I have heard this man recite the sūra of the Furqān in h.arfs in which you never taught me to recite, and it was you yourself who taught me to recite the sūra of the Furqān.' (...)
60 The Messenger of God said: 'Let him go, ‘Umar; and you Hishām, recite.' So he recited for him the recitation I had heard him recite and the Messenger of God said: 'It was sent down like that.' Then the Messenger of God said: '[Now] you recite, ‘Umar', and I recited it as the Messenger of God had taught me. Then the Messenger of God said: 'It was sent down like that.' Then the Messenger of God said: 'Indeed, this Qur'ān was sent down in seven h.arfs. You should recite whichever comes easily to you.'[15]3 But the ‘ulamā’ have different opinions on the meaning of the term ah.ruf in these h.adīths. According to al-H.āfiz. Abū H.ātim ibn al-H.ayyān alBustī (d. 354/965) as reported by al-Qurt.ubī, there are 35 different opinions, but al-Qurt.ubī himself mentions five opinions only.4 The term h.arf (pl. ah.ruf) means "an edge", "an aspect", "a boundary", "a margin", "a side", and "a part of something". A letter is called h.arf because it is a part of the alphabet.5 The example of the word h.arf meaning wajh (an aspect, a side) in the Qur’ān is as follows: "And there is, too, among men many a one who worships God on the border-line [of faith]: thus, if good befalls him, he is satisfied with Him, but if a trial assails him, he turns away utterly,..." (Q. 22:11, Asad). Here worshipping Allah when one is only in favourable conditions or in doubt is called "worshipping Allah one-sidedly".6 As many different views exist concerning what the seven ah.ruf correspond to, some important ones are mentioned here, as follows: a. As the term ah.ruf is applicable to the alphabet, the word, the meaning and the side, it is considered ambiguous, so the seven ah.ruf is ambiguous. This is the view of the grammarian Ibn Sa‘dān.7 b. They are the seven dialects of the Arabs in which the Qur’ān was revealed, among which was the dialect of the Quraysh. The other
61 dialects are those of the Hudhayl, Thaqīf, Hawāzin, Kinānah, Tamīm, and Yamān.8 This is the correct view according to al-Bayhaqī. However, according to Abū H.ātim al-Sijistānī, the seven dialects are: the Quraysh, Hudhayl, Tamīm, al-Azd, Rabī‘ah, Hawāzin, and Sa‘d ibn Bakr. Ibn Qutaybah, who rejects this view, insists that the Qur’an was revealed in the language of the Quraysh, citing the Qur’anic verse: "And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with a message] in his own people's tongue, …" (Q. 14:4, Asad).9 c. They are the seven categories of the contents of the Qur’ān, namely: nahy (prohibiting), amr (commanding), h.alāl (lawful), h.arām (unlawful), muh.kam (clear), mutashābih (ambiguous), and amthāl (parables). Another view is that they are: amr, zajr (reprimand), targhīb (encouragement of good), tarhīb (discouragement of evil), jadal (dialectic), qas.as. (narrative), and mathal (parable, pl. amthāl)10. Yet another view is that they are: wa‘d (promise), wa‘īd (threat), h.alāl, h.arām, mawā‘iz. (exhortations), amthāl, and ih.tijāj (protest). Several categories are also included by some scholars, such as nāsikh (abrogating) and mansūkh (abrogated). d. They are dialectal readings for a single expression or a single word, with different vowelisations, but have the same meaning, such as the expression "come!" can be expressed in many different dialects, such as: halumma, aqbil, ta‘āl, iyyāya, qas.dī, nah.wī, and qurbī. This view is attributed by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr to the majority of the ‘ulamā’, pointing out the h.adīth reported by Ah.mad and al-T.abrānī on the authority of Abū Bakrah, as follows: The Prophet said: "Gabriel said: 'O Muh.ammad, recite the Qur’ān according to one h.arf.' Michael said: 'Request more [than this for him].' He said: '[Recite] according to two h.arfs.' [This continued] until it reached seven ah.ruf. Each one is curative and sufficient - as long as one does not finish up a verse of punishment with a verse of mercy, or a verse of mercy with one of
62 punishment - as if one were to say ta‘āl, aqbil, and halumma (all meaning 'come')..."11 This type of variant reading was permitted at first, since it was difficult for the early Muslims to recite the Qur’ān with one reading due to their illiteracy and lack of ability to grasp and memorise the Qur’ānic verses perfectly. For example, Ibn Mas‘ūd was reported to have read to an unidentified person the verse "Verily, [in the life to come] the tree of deadly fruit will be the food of the sinful." (Q. 44:43-4, Asad). But the man read t.a‘ām al-yatīm ("the food of the orphan"). When Ibn Mas‘ūd failed to correct him, he said: "Can you read t.a‘ām al-fājir ("the food of the insolent)?" When the man said "yes", he said: "So, do it!" Later, when the one reading became easy for people, these variant readings became abrogated. This is the view of Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah, Ibn Wahb, Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-T.ah.āwī, al-Bāqillānī, alT.abarī and others.12 In other words, in the early period of Islam, those Arabs who could not memorise or recite correctly the Qur’ān, due to reasons such as illiteracy and lack of memory or ability to articulate properly, were temporarily permitted to recite it in their own words and languages, provided that they did not change the meaning. Once they could recite it properly as taught by the Prophet, they had to adhere to it, and their former readings became abrogated and later called qirā’āt munkarah ("rejected readings"). This is apparently what al-T.abarī meant when he stated that the ‘Uthmānic recension contained one reading only. e. They are seven variant readings based on seven aspects. According to Ibn Qutaybah, they are as follows: 1. The variant i‘rāb (desinential or grammatical inflection, rules governing vowel endings) of the word or the vowelisation of its letters which changes neither its s.ūrah (form) nor its meaning, such as the reading wa hal yujāzá illā ’l-kafūru, meaning "Is ever any requited [thus] but the utterly ingrate?" instead of wa hal nujāzī illā ’l-kafūra, meaning "But do We ever requite [thus] any but the utterly
63 ingrate?" (Q. 34:17, Asad). Both readings convey the same idea and meaning, namely, only the ingrate - like the people of Sheba whose ungratefulness led to the downfall of their kingdom Sheba, as mentioned in the previous verses - will be requitted by Allah.13 The first reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū ‘Amr and Ibn ‘Āmir, while the second reading belonged to H.amzah, al-Kisā’ī, H.afs. and ‘Ās.im.14 2. The variant i‘rāb of the word and the vowelisation of its letters which change its meaning only, not its s.ūrah, such as the reading of rabbunā (in the nominative) and bā‘ada (in the indicative) instead of rabbanā (in the vocative) and bā‘id (in the imperative) in the verse rabbunā bā‘ada bayna asfārinā, meaning "long has our Sustainer made the distance between our journey-stages!" instead of rabbanā bā‘id bayna asfārinā, meaning "Our Sustainer! Make long the distances between our journey-stages." (Q. 34:19, Asad). According to Ibn Qutaybah, these two variant readings serve dual purposes: describing the prayer of the people of Sheba (Saba’) and the answer to this prayer.15 The first reading belonged to Abū S.ālih., Muh.ammad ibn al-H.anafīyah, Abū al-‘Āliyah, Nas.r ibn ‘Ās.im and Ya‘qūb. It was also reported that Ibn ‘Abbās said that the people of Sheba complained that Allah had made their journey-stages long, although Allah had shortened the journey for them. They made this statement arrogantly and discontentedly ( ). This reading was chosen by Abū H.ātim who said that the people of Sheba did not ask Allah to lengthen their journey-stages but rather to shorten them.16 The second reading was that of the masses (qirā’at ’l‘āmmah) according to al-Qurt.ubī. It was the reading of Nāfi‘, ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī according to Ibn Mujāhid.17 3. The variant letters of the word which change its meaning only without changing its i‘rāb and s.ūrah, such as wa’nz.ur ilá ’l-‘iz.āmi kayfa
64 nunshiruhā, meaning "and look at the bones how We revive them", instead of kayfa nunshizuhā, meaning "how We put them together" (Q. 2:259, Asad).18 The first reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘ and Abū ‘Amr, whereas the second belonged to ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī.19 4. The variant words which change the s.ūrah, but not the meaning, such as the variant reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd as well as ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn al-Aswad in kānat illā zaqyatan wahidah instead of s.ayh.atan wāh.idah both readings mean "Nothing was [needed] but one single blast [of Our punishment]" (Q. 36:29, Asad), since the word zaqyah is the synonym of s.ayh.ah (lit. "a shout").20 5. The variant words which change its s.ūrah and meaning, such as ‘Alī's reading of wa t.al‘in mand.ūd, meaning "and a clustered spadix" instead of wa t.alh.in mand.ūd, meaning "and a clustered acacia" (Q.56:29).21 However, according to Abū Bakr al-Anbārī, ‘Alī went back to the Qur’ān (‘Uthmānic recension) accepting that wa t.alh.in was the right reading. When it was read to him wa t.alh.in mand.ūd he said: "Why don't you read wa t.al‘in?" and cited the verse lahā t.al‘un nad.īd "(and tall-palm-trees) with their thickly clustered dates." (Q. 50:10, Asad). Qays ibn ‘Abbād said to him: "O Prince of the believers, shall we rub it off from the mus.h.af?" He answered: "Today the Qur’ān (meaning the ‘Uthmānic recension) is not to be disturbed ( )."22 6. The variant reading by means of inversion ( ), such as Abū Bakr's reading of wa jā’at sakrat ’l-h.aqq bi ’l-mawt, meaning "and the agony of truth comes in death," instead of wa jā’at sakrat ’l-mawt bi ’l- h.aqq, meaning "and the agony of death comes in truth." (Q. 50:19, Pickthall).23 Al-Qurt.ubī states that Ibn Mas‘ūd also read the above verse the same as the reading of Abū Bakr and
65 that we should not follow this reading. He contends that there are two reports about Abū Bakr's reading: one which is the same as the one in the mus.h.af, and that is what we should follow, and the other is what is mentioned above and should be rejected; probably he forgot when he read that reading, or the narrator might have made mistakes in narrating this report. Moreover, as reported by Abū Bakr al-Anbārī, Masrūq said that when Abū Bakr was dying, he called his daughter ‘Ā’ishah. When she saw him she said: "This is like what the poet said: بِهَا ‘... a day when she rattled in her throat (in dying) and the heart became annoyed with it'". Abū Bakr told her: "Why don't you read wa jā’at sakrat ’l-mawt bi ’lh.aqq?" Here he did not read the verse with inversion.24 7. The variant reading by means of addition and omission , such as ‘amilat (with the omission of h) instead of ‘amilathu in the verse wa mā ‘amilathu aydīhim, meaning "and their hands made it not" (Q. 36:35).25 The first reading belonged to H.amzah, and al-Kisā’ī, whereas the second belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū ‘Amr, Ibn ‘Āmir and H.afs. who took it from ‘Ās.im.26 Another example cited by Ibn Qutaybah is the addition of unthá ("female") according to Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading at the end of the verse ) ( , meaning "Behold, this is my brother: he has ninety-nine ewes." (Q. 38:23, Asad).27 The variant readings which have different meanings as mentioned above belong to the category of ikhtilāf taghāyur (difference by variation) which serve as complements or commentary to the others. With regard to the variant readings which contradict each other which belong to the category of what Ibn Qutaybah called ikhtilāf tad.ādd (difference by contradiction) this kind of reading is not permissible; it does not exist except in verses dealing with injunction or prohibition among abrogating (nāsikh) and abrogated (mansūkh) verses.28
66 Although Muslim scholars have different interpretations regarding the meaning of the seven variant readings of the Qur’ān, they all agree to its validity as part of revelation. A question arises whether the seven variant readings are included in the present ‘Uthmānic recension. Some scholars among the fuqahā’ (Muslim jurists), qurrā’ (Qur’ān reciters), and mutakallimīn (Muslim scholastic theologians), such as Ibn H.azm, confirm it, contending that they are part of the revelation, and as such, are also preserved by Allah, based on the Qur’ānic verse: ".... Lo! We verily are its Guardian" (Q. 15:9).29 The second view is that of the great majority of the ‘ulamā’. They say that the ‘Uthmānic recension contains the seven variant readings which agree to the rasm (orthography) - also called s.ūrah or shakl (consonantal outline, consonantal skeleton) - of this recension only, compiled according to the Prophet's last presentation of the Qur’ān to Gabriel.30 Any other variant reading which is different from the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic recension is unacceptable. Moreover, reading the variant readings based on dialects was permitted only in the beginning of Islam, when the Arabs had difficulty in using the Quraysh dialect.31 The third view is that of al-Qāsim ibn Farh. al-Shāt.ibī (d. 590/1194) who said that the seven ah.ruf were included in Abū Bakr’s compilation, but only one variant reading in the ‘Uthmānic recension.32 Based on this statement of Ibn Qutaybah, the possible readings are those belonging to aspect one (such as wa hal yujāzá illā ’l-kafūru instead of wa hal nujāzī illā ’l-kafūra) and two (such as rabbunā bā‘ada instead of rabbanā bā‘id), and probably also aspect three (such as nunshiruhā instead of nunshizuhā) of his categorization. However, according to Muslim scholars who advocate the seven variant readings based on the seven Arabic tribal dialects, the only remaining reading in the ‘Uthmānic recension is the language of the Quraysh tribe to which the Prophet and the people of Makkah belonged. Moreover, as mentioned earlier, the Prophet's order to read the Qur’ān with the seven variant readings was only permitted
67 to ease the burden for the illiterate and non-Qurayshī Arabs with their different tribal dialects. ِAfter the death of the Prophet, the s.ah.ābah still read the Qur’ān in seven variant readings according to the readings they had received from him. Disputes concerning these variant readings appeared and later became intense and almost caused fitnah (dissention), especially among Muslim armies stationed far away from Makkah and Madīnah. This happened in 30/651 during the campaign of Azerbaijan and Armenia when the people of Shām (Syria) and Iraq met and listened to each other's reading of the Qur’ān. When they heard the difference in their readings they disagreed and almost accused each other of infidelity. In the meantime, the number of variant readings was increasing in the course of time until it reached about thirty, spreading throughout the Muslim lands. This incident was witnessed by Hudhayfah al-Yamān who became alarmed and feared of the spread of this fitnah. He went back to Madīnah and told ‘Uthmān: "Rescue this community before they disagree like the disagreement among the Jews and the Christians." This news so shocked ‘Uthmān that he immediately acted accordingly. It was to prevent this fitnah that ‘Uthmān ordered Zayd ibn Thābit, ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr, Sa‘īd ibn al-‘Ās. and ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn alH.ārith ibn Hishām to copy the texts of the Qur’ān from the authorized copy kept by H.afs.ah, the Prophet's wife and ‘Umar's daughter. He said that if the three last scribes disagreed with the former (Zayd ibn Thābit) about the texts of the Qur’ān, they should write them in the dialect of the Quraysh, as the Qur’ān was revealed in their dialect.33 Then ‘Uthmān sent four copies to different cities accompanied with a qāri’: to Makkah with ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Sā’ib, to Syria with al-Mughīrah ibn Shihāb, to Bas.rah with ‘Āmir ibn ‘Abd al-Qays, and to Kūfah with Abū ‘Abd al-Rah.mān al-Sulamī. In Madīnah two copies were kept, one with Zayd ibn Thābit, and another by ‘Uthmān for himself. These qurrā’ taught people in their respective cities the variant readings which had been confirmed being from the Prophet, reported by a h.adīth mutawātir (a h.adīth handed down by many chains of
68 unimpeachable transmitters), and in agreement with the rasm of the copy (of the ‘Uthmānic recension) they possessed. They did not teach them the abrogated readings nor those which had been reported with a h.adīth āh.ād (a h.adīth reported by one chain of transmitters), although it agreed with the rasm of the copy. In so doing, the variant readings reported with tawātur and which agreed with the rasm of the copy were recorded and preserved. It was reported that ‘Uthmān also sent a copy to Yaman (Yemen) and Bahrayn. He ordered all other copies to be burnt, including the mus.h.af of Ibn Mas‘ūd and of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b. As the ‘Uthmānic recension was written without dots and vowelisation it included all mutawātir readings from the Prophet, such as fatabayyanū (Q. 4:94) which was the reading of all qurrā’ (as in our present mus.h.af) except H.amzah who read fatathabbatū.34 Similarly, bushran (Q. 7:57) which was the reading of ‘Ās.im (as in our present mus.h.af) is also read nashran, which was the reading of A‘mash and H.amzah; bushr is the easing (takhfīf) of bushur, the broken plural of bashīr; nashr is the mas.dar of the verb nashara (to spread).35 These variant readings were not the result of an ijtihād in finding possible readings in ‘Uthmānic recension, but rather from the readings taught by the Prophet himself to the s.ah.ābah. The s.ah.ābah, in turn, taught them to the people of the next generation, the tābi‘īn until they reached us. Abū ‘Amr ibn al‘Alā’ (d. 154/771), who was one of the seven qurrā’ and one of the leading grammarians of Bas.rah, said that if he were allowed to read other than what had already been read and taught he would have read a different reading. When he was asked by al-As.ma‘ī how to make the distinction between wa taraknā ‘alayh (Q. 37:108) and wa bāraknā ‘alayh (Q. 37:113) since both were written orthographically the same in the ‘Uthmānic codices, he answered that it could only be known by hearing it from the early mashāyikh (scholars). This also indicates that variant readings had already existed earlier than the ‘Uthmānic recension, and therefore, were not the product of it.36
69 We have noticed that among the seven variant readings advocated by Ibn Qutaybah which could be included in the ‘Uthmānic recension are three readings only. They are those which do not change in the rasm, although they change in the i‘rāb, the meaning or the wording. What happens, then, with the rest of the variant readings? They are found in the books of tafsīr. We have also noticed that there are many interpretations regarding the meaning of the term ah.ruf. The Qur’ānic commentators know that it has something to do with reading the Qur’ān, as the Prophet allowed us to read whichever is convenient for us among the seven ah.ruf. The term "seven" itself does not necessarily mean the exact number. It could be a metonym for "several", since this term is often synonymous with "several" in Arabic usage. Likewise, the term "seventy" and "seven hundred" could mean respectively "many" and "very many."37 According to (al-Qād.ī) ‘Iyād. (d. 544/1149), the term "seven", "seventy", and "seven hundred" indicates the greatness in number of units, tens and hundreds respectively.38 It is not surprising, then, that the grammarian Ibn Sa‘dān (d.230/845) suggests that the term ah.ruf meant in the h.adīth is ambiguous.39 It is noteworthy to include the views of two contemporary scholars regarding the meaning of seven ah.ruf and their existence or non-existence in the ‘Uthmānic codices. They are Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān and Muh.ammad ‘Abd al-‘Az.īm al-Zarqānī. According to the contemporary scholar Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān the more acceptable view is that the seven ah.ruf are the seven languages of the Arabs for one meaning, such as aqbil, ta‘āl, halumma, ‘ajjil and asri‘. They are different words for one meaning, namely, "come!” This is the view of Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah and Ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī. Among the arguments of followers of this view are as follows: (1). A man read a different reading from what ‘Umar had learned from the Prophet. The Prophet told them that both were correct, and said that the Qur’ān is correct as long as the verse of mercy is not substituted
70 with that of punishment and vice versa. (Reported by Ah.mad ibn H.anbal with reliable transmitters as well as al-T.abarī). (2) Busr ibn Sa‘īd said that Abū Juhaym al-Ans.ārī told him that two men disagreed on a verse, each claimed to have received it from the Prophet. When they asked him about it he said that the Qur’ān was sent down with seven ah.ruf, that they should not dispute over the Qur’ān, for disputing over it could lead to infidelity (kufr). (Reported by Ah.mad). (3). Al-A‘mash said that Anas read inna nāshi’at al-layl hiya ashaddu wat.’an wa as.wabu qīlā (Q. 73:6). When he was told that it should be wa aqwamu qīlā he said that aqwamu, as.wabu and ahya’u are the same. (Reported by al-T.abarī, Abū Ya‘lā and al-Bazzār with sound transmitters).40 (4) The tābi‘ī Muh.ammad ibn Sīrīn said that he was told that Gabriel and Michael came to the Prophet. Gabriel told the Prophet to read the Qur’ān in two h.arfs. Michael told Gabriel to give him more which he did until it reached seven ah.ruf. Muh.ammad ibn Sīrīn said further that there is no variance of reading in the matters of h.alāl, h.arām, amr or nahy. It is like saying ta‘āl, halumma and aqbil. We read in kānat illā s.ayh.atan wāh.idah (Q. 36:29 and 53), whereas Ibn Mas‘ūd read in kānat illā zaqyatan wāh.idah. (Reported by al-T.abarī, the h.adīth is mursal as the name of the s.ah.ābah was not mentioned in the isnād).41 The argument against the view that the seven readings are seven languages (dialects) of the Arabs is that there are more than seven languages of the Arabs. In addition, ‘Umar and Hishām ibn H.ākim who had different readings belonged to the same Quraysh tribe and language. It was unlikely that ‘Umar would reject his own language. Therefore, the difference was in wording but the same in meaning as mentioned above.42 Al-T.abarī who has the same view answers a hypothetical question: "Where can we find in the Qur’ān a single reading read in seven
71 different languages with different wordings but agree in meaning?" He says: "We do not claim that they still exist nowadays." "What, then, would happen to the other six variant readings?", another hypothetical question. He answered that the Muslim community was ordered to preserve the Qur’ān and was given a choice in reading and keeping any of the seven ah.ruf.43 At the time of ‘Uthmān, the situation necessitated adherence to one reading only in order to avoid the fitnah (civil strife). The Muslim community which is immune from error (ma‘s.ūm) agreed to this decision.44 The third view is that the seven ah.ruf are the seven aspects: amr, nahy, h.alāl, h.arām, muh.kam, mutashābih and amthāl. The argument against this view is that since the Muslims are allowed to choose any of the seven ah.ruf, they may choose the h.arām aspect of a particular verse, whereas others choose its h.alāl aspect. It is inconceivable that the legal judgment of something could be halal and h.arām at the same time. Moreover, the flexibility in the possibility in reading up to seven ah.ruf would not be in turning something h.alāl, for example, into h.arām, or changing its meaning. The h.adīth mentioned before stated that the Prophet confirmed that variant readings would not be contradictory to each other.45 The fourth view says that the seven ah.ruf are based on seven aspects (similar to Ibn Qutaybah's view). However, al-Qat.t.t.ān states that some of these variant readings claimed by the followers of this view are of āh.ād (reported by one chain of authority), whereas there has never been any disagreement among Muslim scholars that the accepted readings of the Qur’ān are those reported in mutawātir (many chains of authority). Furthermore, the majority of the claimed variant readings vary only in the vowelisation of consonants of the words and the way of expressing them, like the variant i‘rāb, tas.rīf (conjugation), tafkhīm (emphatic pronunciation), imālah (inclining), iz.hār (clear pronunciation), idghām (contraction) and ishmām (giving "the flavour" of one sound to another).
72 These types of variant readings do not change the wording or the meaning, and therefore belong to one word.46 Al-Qat.t.ān states further that the upholders of this fourth view believe that the ‘Uthmānic codices include all these seven ah.ruf. Since the ‘Uthmānic codices write without alif following letter mīm, it can be read either in singular (li’amānatihim) or in plural (li’amānātihim). The same with which is written without alif after letter bā’, so that it can also be read bā‘id. However, this cannot be applied to variant readings based on addition (ziyādah) and omission (naqs), such as wa a‘adda lahum jannātin tajrī tah.tahā ’l-anhār (Q. 9:100) and min tah.tihā ’l-anhār with the additional min. Another example is the reading wa mā khalaqa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá (Q. 92:3) and wa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá with the omission of mā khalaqa. Similarly, the variant reading based on inversion and substitution cannot be included in the ‘Uthmānic codices.47 Al-Qat.t.ān contends that should the seven ah.ruf be included in the ‘Uthmānic codices, the ‘Uthmānic codex - the copy kept by ‘Uthmān himself which is also called al-Mus.h.af al-Imām, the Master Copy of the Qur’ān - would not have become conclusive in settling the conflict in difference of readings. This conflict was permanently settled only by uniting people in one of the seven ah.ruf revealed in the Qur’ān. Otherwise, the conflict would have remained unsettled and there would not have been any difference between ‘Uthmānic compilation and that of Abū Bakr. The permission to read in seven ah.ruf was only given in the beginning to obviate inconvenience. This permission was no longer needed in the time of ‘Uthmān. The compilation of the Qur’ān in one reading by ‘Uthmān was agreed by the s.ah.ābah. It was such a great work, al-Qat.t.ān contends, that it ended the conflict in variant readings and united the community.48 Another contemporary scholar, Shaykh Muh.ammad al-Zarqānī, chooses the view of Abū al-Fad.l al-Rāzī regarding the seven ah.ruf which is almost similar to that of Ibn Qutaybah. Al-Zarqānī quoted al-Rāzī's view as follows:
73 1) The variation of number and gender of the noun: singular, dual or plural, masculine or feminine, such as the reading (liamānātihim) in plural and (liamānatihim) in singular. 2) The variation in tenses of the verb: mād.ī (past), mud.āri‘ (imperfect) and amr (imperative), such as reading qālū rabbanā bā‘id bayna asfārinā and ...rabbunā ba‘‘ada... 3) The variation in wujūh al-i‘rāb (aspects of grammatical inflection), such as wa lā ["not" indicating negation] yud.ārru kātibun wa lā shahīd and wa lā ["not" indicating prohibition] yud.ārra... (for being majzūm by lā) 4) Variation by means of omission and addition, such as wa mā khalaqa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá and wa ’l-dhakari wa ’l-unthá with the omission of mā khalaqa. 5) Variation by means of inversion, such as wa jā’at sakratu ’l-mawt bi ’l-h.aqq which is also read wa jā’at sakratu ’l-h.aqq bi ’l-mawt. 6) Variation by means of substitution, such as munshizuhā and nunshiruhā, as well as wa talh.in and wa tal‘in. 7) Variation of languages (dialects) in fath., imālah, tarqīq (softening the pronunciation), tafkhīm, iz.hār and idghām, such as the opening and shading in reading atá and mūsá in the verse
(Q.
79:15) and Q. 20:9), so that it is read atá and até as well as mūsá and mūsé. Similarly, the word balá is read balá as well as balé in balá qādirīn (Q. 75:4).49 One of the main differences between al-Razi's view and that of Ibn Qutaybah is that Ibn Qutaybah does not include the variation of dialects in pronouncing words as one of the seven ah.ruf. The reason is that despite these variations, such as the Hudhalīs in pronouncing letter h.ā’ of h.attá sounding like the letter ‘ayn and read ‘attá h.īn for h.attá h.īn, they still belong to the same word and meaning. On the contrary, al-Rāzī counts it as one of the seven ah.ruf to which al-Zarqānī leans, since the difference
74 among the Arab tribes in the past was mainly in dialects.50 Al-Zarqānī quotes Ibn H.ajar who stated that al-Rāzī adopted and edited Ibn Qutaybah's view on the seven ah.ruf.51 According to al-Zarqānī the seven ah.ruf in al-Rāzī's view were included in the ‘Uthmānic codices. Each of these codices contained the rasm which agrees with all or some of the seven ah.ruf, so that each codex contained at least one h.arf. The word liamānatihim (Q. 70:32), for example, both in singular or in plural are included in these codices, because it was written in the singular, but a small alif was added to it to indicate that it can be read in plural.52 The word ya‘kifūna and ya‘kufūna, rabbanā bā‘id and rabbunā bā‘ada, as well as wa lā yud.ārru and wa lā yud.ārra are all included in these codices, since they contained no vowel signs.53 With regard to the fourth variant reading which is variation by means of addition and omission al-Zarqānī gives an example other than that given above. It is wa a‘adda lahum jannātin tajrī tah.ahā ’l-anhār and ...min tah.tihā... with the addition of min, both readings are mutawātir, and both agree with the rasm of the mus.h.af. The reading with the addition of min agrees with that in the Meccan codex (the mus.h.af sent to Makkah), whereas that with the omission of min agrees with that of other codices. Any reading which does not agree with the rasm of any of the ‘Uthmānic codices are abrogated by the last reading read by Gabriel to the Prophet then the Prophet to Gabriel - at the year of his death. This includes Ibn ‘Abbās's reading wa kāna warā’ahum malikun ya’khudhu kulla safīnatin s.ālih.atin ghas.ban with the addition of s.ālih.atin. All of the s.ah.ābah agreed that this reading had been abrogated.54 With regard to the fifth variant reading which is variation by means of inversion, al-Zarqānī states that the example given above which is wa jā’at sakratu ’l- h.aqq bi ’l-mawt (the inversion of ...al-mawt bi ’l- h.aqq) is also abrogated. A similar abrogated inverted reading is idhā jā’a fath.u ’llāh wa ’l-nas.r (the inversion of ... nas.ru ’llāh wa ’l-fat h.). The valid example
75 given by al-Zarqānī for the inverted reading is fayaqtulūna wa yuqtalūna and fayuqtalūna wa yaqtulūna. Both reading are mutawātir, and agree with the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codices, since they contain no vowel signs.55 With regard to the sixth variant reading which is variation by means of substitution, al-Zarqāni states that some readings of this genre are acceptable which agree to the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codices, like fatabayyanū and fatathabbatū, for both are written with the same rasm, namely, . Other readings such as ka ’l-s.ūfi ’l-manfūsh rather than ka ’l-‘ihni ’l-manfūsh and fa’md.ū ilá dhikri ’llāh rather than fa’s‘aw ilá dhikri ’llāh, these readings are abrogated and do not agree with the ‘Uthmānic codices.56 With regard to the seventh variant reading which is the variation of languages or dialects, these readings do not change the words and therefore also agree with the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codex. One example is the verse hal atāka h.adīth mūsá (Q. 20:9) in which the letter yā’ is written instead of alif in atāka and mūsá, namely, and to indicate that both words can be read with imālah, namely, atéka and musé.57 The letter yā’ in words such as mūsá ‘īsá and mus.t.afá is called alif maqs.ūrah (lit., "a shortened alif") and phonetically written with letter a with an accent aigu on it (á) according to McGill University transliteration system. (See the table of the transliteration system on p. v above). We have seen how al-Zarqānī explained and defended the view of al-Rāzī concerning the seven ah.ruf and their inclusion in the ‘Uthmānic codices. He has proved that variation of readings by means of inversion, substitution as well as addition and omission which could not take place in the ‘Uthmānic codices according to al-Qa t.t.ān could and did occur. This argument can also be used to justify Ibn Qutaybah's view which, as mentioned earlier, is very similar to that of al-Rāzī. Al-Zarqānī rejects the view of al-T.abarī and Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah that the seven a h.ruf are the seven dialects of one word with the same meaning. It is like the reading of halumma, aqbil, ta‘āl, ‘ajjil, asri‘, qas.dī
76 and nah.wī used when we call someone to come to us as mentioned before. All these, al-Zarqānī contends, belong to one variant reading only, namely, the substitution of the words in general which is broader than the substitution with exclusively synonymous words.58 Al-Zarqānī also rejects the view that there was only one reading that remained in the ‘Uthmānic codices and the rest were abrogated and excluded from them with the approval of the s.ah.ābah. He states that these are false arguments. Even in the time of the Prophet people disagreed on reading the Qur’ān in variant readings. The Prophet confirmed to them the existence of these variant readings which are a mercy for them and for the Muslim community at large. When he was told to read the Qur’ān to his people with one reading, he asked for more and said that his community could not bear it. As his community will remain till the Resurrection Day, and so their inability to bear only one reading will also remain. If Muslim nations have problems with the correct pronunciation of some letters of the Qur’ān and some dialects, how could it be possible that the s.ah.ābah who were living in the best generation close this door of mercy and lenience that had been opened by Allah to the Muslims? How could they disagree with the Prophet's guidance in his asking lenience for his community with variant readings? How could they disagree with the Prophet in his confirming the existence of these variant readings (rather than limiting them to one reading) in settling the disagreement among people in his community? How could ‘Uthmān do such things without any action from the s.ah.ābah to prevent him from doing these deeds? In addition, how could the ijmā‘ (agreement) take place on keeping one h.arf and abandoning the other six ah.ruf when the meaning of ah.ruf itself had not been agreed upon? Had this actually happened, why did not ‘Uthmān allow these six ah.ruf to remain in history, not to be totally forgotten, since they were not abrogated? Why did not history keep them, when the s.ah.ābah kept in history the abrogated and isolated readings, even fabricated traditions that reach us today and will reach people in the future?59
77 We have seen how al-Qat.t.ān and al-Zarqānī adopted different views about the seven ah.ruf and how these two scholars defended their respective views. Al-Qat.t.ān adopted the view of al-T.abarī and others that the seven ah.ruf were seven synonyms of a word, and only one reading existed in the ‘Uthmānic codices, as the other six were only optional. On the other hand al-Zarqānī adopted al-Rāzī's view which is similar to that of Ibn Qutaybah, and contended that the seven ah.ruf which are seven aspects of readings existed in the ‘Uthmānic codices.
B. Ungrammatical Usage in the Qur’ān Ibn Qutaybah mentions five main grammatical errors (alh.ān, sing. lah.n), in the Qur’ān alleged by his opponents. They are as follows: 1. ) 2. )٦٩
for (
5. )١٠
for ...
3. 4. )
(Q. 20:63)
(
for for
(Q. 5:69) (Q. 4:162) (Q. 21:88)
for
(Q. 63:10)
He cites the statement of ‘Ā’ishah on the authority of Abū Mu‘āwiyah Muh.ammad ibn H.āzim al-Tamīmī (d. 193/809), from Hishām ibn ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d. 146/763-4) and from his father from ‘Ā’ishah who said that there were three scribes' errors in the Qur’ān, mentioning the first three errors above.60 He also cites the statement of ‘Uthmān who said: "I see a solecism in it, and the Arabs will correct it with their tongue ( ); so, he did it, but kept the rasm as it was. Moreover, al-Hajjāj was reported to have assigned ‘Ās.im, Nājiyah ibn Rumh., and ‘Alī ibn As.ma‘ to trace any Qur’ānic book which did not agree with the ‘Uthmānic
78 recension, to destroy it and to give its owner sixty dirhams as compensation.61 1. Regarding the first alleged solecism, namely, inna hādhāni lasāh.irān, Ibn Qutaybah mentions three views, as follows: a. According to grammarians whom Ibn Qutaybah does not identify, among whom was al-Kisā’ī, it is the dialect of the Balh.arth (Banī ’lH.ārith) ibn Ka‘b tribe who express the dual with alif in all of the three cases. They say, for example, marartu birajulān, qabid.tu dirhamān, and jalastu bayna yadāh.62 The example in poetry is as follows: * "He was hit with a blow that led him to a barren, dusty place." Here bayna udhunāhu is used instead of bayna udhunayh.63 b. It is the error of the scribe and therefore should be read inna hādhayn lasāh.irān. This is the view of Abū ‘Amr al-‘Alā’ and ‘Īsá ibn ‘Umar among the qurrā’ who affirm ‘Ā’ishah's statement, and ‘Ās.im ibn Abī al-S.abāh al-Jah.darī who explicitly supports ‘Uthmān's statement mentioned before. ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī, the muqri’ and mufassir of Bas.rah, in his mus.h.af (codex) followed the ‘Uthmānic recension, but read inna hādhayn, wa ’l-s.ābi‘īn, wa ’l-muqīmūn, and wa ’l-s.ābirūn.64 c. Some unidentified qurrā’ read in hādhān sāh.irān based on Ubayy ibn Ka‘b's reading in his mus.h.af, in dhān illā sāh.irān, as well as that of ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd who read an hādhān sāh.irān.65 Commenting on this reading Ibn Khālawayh states that the qurrā’ unanimously agree in reading inna except Ibn Kathīr and H.afs. from ‘Ās.im, both read in; they read hādhān (with alif) except Abū ‘Amr who read hādhayn (with yā’). They agree in reading with the light nūn in the dual form hādhān, except Ibn Kathīr who read it with a stressed nūn, namely, hādhānn.66
79 The argument of those who read inna hādhān is the report of alD.ah.h.āk from Ibn ‘Abbās who said that Allah revealed the Qur’ān in the language of all the tribes of the Arabs, and in this case, in the language of the Balh.arth ibn Ka‘b tribe that uses alif invariably in the dual form. The argument of those who read in is that by reading inna with the light nūn, it invalidates its grammatical function, so that hādhayn in the accusative case returns to its original nominative case hadhān. Therefore, there is no solecism in this case. Moreover, another argument is that the word in here does not mean "verily", but rather mā (not), and the letter lām means illā (except), so that the reading means ("These two people are none but two magicians"). The example from the Qur’ān is the verse )٤ : ( meaning ("No 67 human soul but has a guardian over it." Q. 86:4). Abū al-‘Abbās al-Mubarrad interprets the meaning of inna in this reading as na‘am (yes). He says that when a Bedouin came to Ibn al-Zubayr saying: "May Allah curse the camel that carried me to you," he answered inna wa rākibuhā, meaning na‘am wa rākibuhā ("yes, and its rider"). As a shāhid, he cites the poems of ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Qays as follows:
My reprovers came early in the morning abusing me and I blamed them; they said, “Hoariness has come upon you, and you have become old,” and I said “yes”.68 The argument of those who read hādhayn is the afore-mentioned statement of ‘Uthmān who considered hādhān to be a solecism and stated that the Arabs would correct it with their tongues. If it were said that ‘Uthmān was more entitled to correct the solecism, it would be said that the solecism is not an error, but rather a deviation from using the Qurayshī dialect.69 The argument of those who read hādhānn is that the stress on the letter nūn serves as a substitute for the missing alif as an indication that a letter is missing in that word. Therefore, this stress indicates that the word
80 hādhān is made of incomplete letters and to distinguish it from words made of complete letters. In other words, as the word is the combination of and the dual , one of its two alifs is replaced with the stressed nūn.70 Ibn Qutaybah states that the word hādhān was written in the ‘Uthmānic codex (Mus.h.af al-Imān) without alif, and in fact, the dual is always written in it without alif, such as qāla rajulāni ( 71
Q. 5:23),
fa’ākharāni yaqūmāni ( Q. 5:107). Moreover, it is reported by ‘Abd Allāh from ‘Amr ibn ‘Abd Allāh al-Awdī from Wakī‘ from alA‘mash from Ibrāhīm who said that people thought that in reading, the letter alif and the letter yā’ were the same, and that inna hādhāni and inna hādhayni were identical when reading.72 Al-Farrā’ gives three reasons for reading inna hādhān in the above verse: (a) It is the language of the Banī al-H.ārith as mentioned earlier; (b) When the Arabs say muslimūn they added in the written word the letter waw after a d.ammah on the letter mīm that preceded it. When they say muslimīn, they added the letter yā‘ after putting a kasrah on the letter mīm. However, when they say ithnayn, if they put the letter yā‘, it would not be preceded by a kasrah, but by a fath.ah. Therefore, they keep the letter alif as it is and write ithnān; similar to the case of ithnān is hādhān (c) The letter alif is a support for the word hādhā. In the dual number only one letter is added to it, namely, the letter nūn, so that it becomes hādhān in all cases. It is like al-ladhī in which the letter yā’ remains after adding the letter nūn in the plural, so that it becomes al-ladhīn, except for the Banī Kinānah who read it as al-ladhūn.73 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions five views given by Arabic grammarians as well as by himself in justifying the above reading as follows: a. It is the language of the Kinānah and the Banī ’l-H.ārith to always put the letter alif in the dual form as mentioned earlier. b. The word inna means "yes", which is the view of Abū ’l-‘Abbās and al-Mubarrad as mentioned earlier, so that it does not affect the inflection of words which follow it, namely, hādhān remains as it is.
81 c. The whole expression hādhān las.āh.irān - which consists of mubtada’ (subject) and khabar (predicate) - is the khabar of the hidden mubtada’, namely, the d.amīr al-sha’n (the pronoun indicating circumstances) which serves as the ism of inna. Therefore, the full expression is . d. The same as above, except that sāh.irān is the khabar of the hidden mubtada’, so that the full expression is . e. The letter hā’ in hādhān should be joined with inna instead of dhān, so that it is read . f. According to al-Suyūt.ī, the significance of the alif of the dual in hādhān is that it rhymes together with the word that follows it, namely, sāh.irān as well as yuridān, so that they all rhyme together. As evidence, he gives similar examples from the Qur’ān. The use of tanwīn (nunation) with the additional alif in the word salāsil - so that it becomes salasilan - will make it rhyme with the word that follows it, namely, aghlālan and sa‘īran (Q. 76:4). Similarly, the nunation of Saba’ changes it to Saba’in to rhyme with binaba’in and yaqīnin. (Q. 27:22).74 Al-Zarqānī gives four variant readings of as follows: (a)
was the reading of Nāfi‘ and others; (b)
was the reading of
Ibn Kathīr; (c) was the reading of H.afs.; and (d) was the reading of Abū ‘Amr. As the ‘Uthmānic codices contained the seven ah.ruf the word hādhān was written without alif or yā’, so that it could be read with the four variant readings mentioned above.75 2. With regard to the verse ... )٦٩ : ( "Lo! those who believe, and those who are Jews, and Sabaeans, and Christians..." (Q. 5:69, Pickthall), Ibn Qutaybah gives us the reasons for
82 reading al-s.ābi’ūn without falling into a grammatical error, as follows: The word al-s.ābi’ūn is marfū‘ (in the nominative case),76 because it is radd ‘alá mawd.i‘ (a return to the position) of the whole expression inna ’l-ladhīna āmanū, namely, in the nominative case. The assertive particle inna does not affect the meaning of the sentence. Therefore, it is possible to say, for example, .This expression conveys the same meaning as (except for emphasis which Ibn Qutaybah does not mention). Other "sisters" of inna do affect the meaning of the sentence, so that the word after the conjunction must also be affected; for example, . Here the word zaydun has to be put in the accusative case, because la‘alla affects the meaning of the sentence, namely, the existence of doubt in it, whereas inna does not. Ibn Qutaybah contends further that according to the grammarian al-Kisā’ī of the Kūfan school, it is possible to say or . This is also the view of the grammarians of the Bas.ran school. They say it is possible to read inna ’llāha wa malā’ikatuhu (instead of malā’ikatahu) yus.allūna ‘alá ’l-nabiyyi (Q. 33:56), and cite the following poem of D.ābi’ al-Burjumī as a shāhid: "Faman yaku amsá bi ’lmadīnati rah.luhu, fa’innī wa qayyārun [instead of qayyāran] bihā lagharību.77 According to al-Farrā’, since the subject al-ladhīna is indeclinable, the effect of inna on it is weak, therefore the word al-s.ābi’īn which is connected to it is also weak and can be ignored; consequently, it is possible to read al-s.ābi’īn in the nominative case, namely, al-s.ābi’ūn. However, he disagrees with al-Kisā’ī in the possibility of using the expression . Because the word ‘abd is declinable, the effect of inna cannot be weak on it as well as on the word connected to it, namely, zayd; therefore, zaydan should be used here. He contends further that the afore-mentioned poem of al-Burjumī does not support al-Kisā’ī's view in accepting zaydun in the above example. The reason is that qayyār is connected to the pronoun
83 ī in innī, an indeclinable, and metonymically expressed word, whereas zayd is connected to a declinable word ‘abd. Similarly, it is not possible to read inna ’llāha wa malā’ikatuhu (Q. 33:56) for the same reason. In addition, it is more likely and permissible to say qayyārun (besides the usual reading qayyāran) than al-s.ābi’ūn. The reason is that the word al-ladhīna with which it is connected can be read as al-ladhūna in the nominative case.78 Another reason for justifying the reading al-s.ābi’ūn is that, according to al-Kisā’ī, the word is following the noun in the term hādū, which does not mean "the Jews" as usually interpreted, but "the people who repented and returned to the right way", an interpretation similarly given to the verse innā hudnā ilayka ("behold, unto Thee have we turned in repentance!" Q. 7:156, Asad). Since some of the Sabaeans were included among "the people who repented and returned to the right way", the word al-s.ābi’ūn is placed in the nominative case. Al-Kisā‘ī probably means that al-s.ābi’ūn is in the nominative case because this term is connected to people who are following the right path, namely those who are hādū as well as āmanū. Again, al-Farrā’ rejects this view stating another interpretation that the believers in the beginning of the verse refer to the pretending believers only and not the sincere ones, then the Jews and Christians are mentioned. The verse continues with "... whosoever [among them, i.e., the pretending believers, the Jews, the Sabaeans and the Christians] believeth in Allah and the Last Day and doth right - there shall no fear come upon them neither shall they grieve." (Q. 5:69, Pickthall).80 It means that whoever among those people, whether they disbelieve or pretend to believe, will be safe if they become believers. Al-Zamakhsharī gives us the reason for reading al-s.ābi’ūn instead of al-s.ābi’īn in the above verse: it is the mubtada’ (subject) of a hidden 79
khabar (predicate) kadhālik ("like that"). It is like saying ("Lo! those who believe, and those who are Jews, and Christians, all of them will be so-and-so, and the Sabaeans will
84 also be like that"). Al-Zamakhsharī rejects the view that al-s.ābi’ūn should be ma‘t.ūf to the phrase , because this could occur only after the completion of the sentence, namely, after mentioning the predicate. Therefore, according to him, it is wrong to say, for example, , (but rather,
).81
Al-Suyūt.ī mentions five views reported from Abū al-Baqā’, including the three views mentioned above. The two remaining views are as follows: a. Inna in the verse in question means "yes", and the words that follow, including al-s.ābi’ūn, are in the nominative case. As a shāhid, the poem of ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Qays mentioned before was cited.82 b. Al-s.ābi’ūn is a plural treated as a singular number, and its letter nūn is the letter of the inflection ( ). There 83 is no further comment from al-Suyūt.ī. This means that al-s.ābi’ūna, being treated as a singular noun, its letter wāw remains, although the word is in the accusative case; instead, its letter nūn is inflected with fath.ah, so that it becomes al-s.ābi’ūna. It is like the term Fir‘awnu (in the nominative case) and Fir‘awna (in the accusative case).84 3. The verse in question runs as follows:
.)١٦٦ :
(
But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge, and the believers who believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee and those who are [especially] constant in prayer, and those who pay the poor-due, and the believers in Allah and the Last
85 Day - these it is unto whom We shall grant a mighty reward. (Q. 4:162) Following the ‘Uthmānic recension it is written wa ’l-muqīmīn als.alāh (in the accusative case) in the above verse rather than wa ’l-muqīmūn al-s.alāh (in the nominative case). The latter is grammatically considered the correct one, as it is connected to al-mu‘minūn which is also in the nominative case. Ibn Qutaybah mentions five different views among the grammarians concerning wa ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh in the above verse, as follows: a. The expression is ma‘t.ūf (conjoined) with the pronoun ka in ilayka, so that the verse means ("...,they believe in that which has been revealed unto thee, ... and unto those who were constant in prayer"). This view, however, is rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school. They contend that a noun cannot be connected with a pronoun in the genitive case, unless it is accompanied by the preposition of that pronoun. In this case, the verse should be read wa ilá ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh. The absence of the preposition ilá in the Qur’ānic text wa ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh indicates that there is no such connection as mentioned above.85 b. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the pronoun ka in qablika, so that the verse means ("... and in that which was revealed before thee and before those who were constant in prayer"). This view is also rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school on the same argument mentioned above. In this case, the term qabl is not mentioned in al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh.86 c. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with mā unzila ilayka, so that the verse means ("... believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... and believe in those who are constant in prayer"). This is the view of al-Kisā’ī. As a shāhid it is mentioned in the Qur’ān
86 ("and trusts the believers", Q. 9:61, Asad) which means . d. The expression is in the accusative case because it is a praise ( ), as if it is said
("I praise those who are constant in
prayer"), or ("I mean those who are constant in prayer"). According to Sībawayh and others among the grammarians of the Bas.ran school the transition of a noun into the accusative case is a legitimate grammatical device to emphasise its significance, in this case, those who are constant in prayer.87 Asad, Pickthall and Ali follow this view by adding the term "especially" - between parenthesis by Asad and Ali - in translating this expression (al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh). e. The expression is in the accusative case as a break required after using long successive words in the nominative case. Then the expression goes on and returns to the nominative case. This is the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah.88 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions six views, including those mentioned above except the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah. The remaining two views are as follows: a. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the word qabl in qablika, so that the verse means ("... and that which was revealed before thee and that which was revealed to those who were constant in prayer"). b. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the pronoun hum in minhum, so that the verse means "But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge ... and from among those who are constant in prayer").89 This view, as mentioned earlier, is rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school, since the Qur’ānic text does not say wa min al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh. Al-T.abarī gives us some views on the verse in question. He says that Qur’ānic commentators do not agree that al-rāsikhūn fi ’l-‘ilm and al-
87 muqīmīn al-s.alāh mentioned in the above verse relate to the same category of people. Those who say so maintain that al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the accusative case for the following reasons: a. It was the scribe's error and should be al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh. This is the view of Abān ibn ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Affān and ‘Ā’ishah; it is also the reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd in his codex.90 b. The expression is s.ifah (the characteristic) of al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm. It is because of the length of the verse that al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh is changed into the accusative case (i.e., al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh) as a praise. This is the view of some grammarians of the Bas.ran and the Kūfan schools. They say that the Arabs occasionally change the i‘rāb of the middle s.ifah of something they are praising or blaming, and finally return to the i‘rāb of the first s.ifah.91 Other grammarians say that al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is not the s.ifah of al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, although the latter are also found among the former. In this case, al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the genitive case (khifd.). Al-T.abarī gives us some views in understanding the verse, some of which have already been mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah and al-Suyūt.ī above. Their different understandings of the verse are as follows: a. ("... and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee and [believe] in [the injunction of] performing prayer..."). Al-mu’tūn al-zakāh is in the nominative case because it is ma‘t.ūf with al-mu’minūn, so that the verse means ("and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... they are those who pay the poor-due"). b. ("...and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... and in angels"), so that the
88 al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh are the angels who pray to Allah by glorifying Him and asking forgiveness for people on the earth. c. ( "... and believe in those who are constant in prayer, they and those who pay the poor-due..."). Those who are constant in prayer in the above view are the angels or the prophets - or the infallible imāms according to the Shī'īs as mentioned by al-T.abarsī.92 d. "But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge ... and from among those who are constant in prayer" as mentioned by al-Suyūt.ī (b) above. e. ("..., and the believers believe in that which has been revealed unto thee, ... and unto those who were constant in prayer"), as mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah (a) above. The best view according to al-T.abarī is the second view (b) above which is that of al-Kisā’ī. Therefore, the verse means ("... and the believers of them believe in that which is revealed unto thee O Muhammad from the Book, and that which was revealed among My Books before thee, and in the angels who are constant in prayer."). If we go back to the s.ifah of al-rāsikhūna fi ’l-‘ilm, the verse means ("But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge, and the believers in the Books, and the angels, and those who pay the poor-due, and the believers in Allah and the Last Day...").93 If we examine the view chosen by al-T.abarsī for the interpretation of the verse in question, it contains the pillars of faith and of Islam. The belief in Allah, His angels, His messengers - as angels and messengers are those who are constant in prayer94 - His revealed Books, and the Last Day mentioned in the verse, are among the pillars of faith. The five pillars of Islam are represented by establishing the obligatory prayers and paying the
89 zakāt mentioned in this verse as well as other verses scattered throughout the Qur’ān. If we look into the meaning of the verse in question, we find that they are almost identical to those of verses 2-5 of sūrat al-Baqarah. These verses run as follows:
. This is the Book wherein there is no doubt, a guidance for those who fear Allah (al-muttaqīn), who believe in [the existence] of that which is beyond the reach of human perception (al-ghayb), and are constant in prayer, and spend out of what We have provided for them, and who believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee, and are certain of the Hereafter. These are rightly guided by their Lord, and these shall surely prosper (al-muflih.ūn). (Q. 2:2-5). The similarity between the two groups of verses is as follows: Q. 2:2-5 Q. 4:162 a. a. b.
b.
c.
c.
d.
d.
e.
e.
f.
f.
g.
g.
90 h.
h.
We have noticed that the meaning of the two groups are almost identical. The expression yu’minūna bimā unzila ilayka wa mā unzila min qablika is found in both groups. The term al-ākhirah (the Hereafter) in Q. 2:4 is itself al-yawm al-ākhir (the Last Day) in Q. 4:162. As those who are constant in prayer in Q. 2:2-5 are the muttaqīn it is highly probable that those who are constant in prayer in Q. 4:162 are the al-rāsikhūn fi ’l-‘ilm and al-mu’minūn. For this reason, I lean to the view of Sībawayh, al-Farrā’, Khalīl and the grammarians of the Bas.ran school in general, that almuqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the accusative case because it indicates praise as mentioned above. There are many ways to emphasise a statement: we highlight it, underline it, or write it in italics. One of many ways to emphasise a statement in the classical Arabic literature as well as in the Qur’ān is by changing its case, as we have noticed above. 4. With regard to the verse kadhālika nunjjī ’l-mu’minīn ("thus We save believers" Q. 21:88), Ibn Qutaybah says that although it is written in the mus.h.af with one letter nūn, all the qurrā’ read it with two nūns, namely, nunjī, except ‘Ās.im who read it nujjī with one nūn.95 The reason for dropping the second nūn, in their view, is that this letter nūn is hidden in the letter jīm, or, as al-T.abarī put it, is not clearly pronounced, as is in allā (originally an lā), so that this letter nūn is dropped. The subject is then Allāh, and the object is al-mu’minīn which is in the accusative case.96 On the other hand, ‘Ās.im’s reading is acceptable among some grammarians, such as al-Farrā’, Abū ‘Ubayd, and Tha‘lab. They base their view on the assumption that there is a hidden mas.dar (verbal noun) after the verb which serves as the subject in the verse, namely, al-najā’, so that the verse reads nujjī ’l-najā’u ’l-mu’minīn which later becomes nujjī ’lmu’minīn. It is like the expression d.uriba al-d.arbu zaydan which later
91 becomes d.uriba zaydan; the more acceptable expression is man kadhaba kāna sharran lahu ("whoever lies it is bad for him") in which the subject alkadhib (lying) is not expressed but understood. As a shāhid in poetry they cite the satiric poem of Jarīr ridiculing Farazdaq, as follows: ("Even if Qufayrah [Farazdaq's mother] bore a dog's cub, dogs would be cursed of that cub"). La subba ... al-kilābā here means la subba al-sabbu ... al-kilābā, so that al-kilābā remains in the accusative case.97 Abū ‘Ubayd who chooses ‘Ās.im's reading says that he (Abū ‘Ubayd) does so, because he does not like to disagree with the text of the mus.h.af; moreover, there is also a variant reading similar to this verse, namely, li-yajziya qawman bimā kānu yaksibūn ("so that He may requite people according to what they have earned." Q. 45:14). This verse is read by Abū Ja‘far al-Madanī li-yujzā qawman, meaning li-yujzā ’l-jazā’u qawman.98 The use of the mas.dar of a verb as a subject in the above examples is unacceptable according to al-Zajjāj and Abū H.ātim, because it only repeats the meaning of the verb. They say that it is not possible to say d.uriba zaydan meaning d.uriba ’l-d.arbu zaydan, because the verb d.uriba has already indicated the action of beating (al- d.arb), and therefore, the use of al-d.arb is redundant. They reject ‘Ās.im’s reading nujjī ’l-mu’minīn as a solecism, because the noun al-mu’minīn is in the accusative case where no subject is mentioned. Therefore, the proper expression with nujjī is almu’minūn, like the expression kurrima ’l-s.ālih.ūn.99 Another view of Abū ‘Ubayd is that the reading nujjī is originally nunjī, and the second nūn is contracted with the letter jīm. However, the idea of contraction (idghām) is rejected by al-Nah.h.ās who says that because the articulation of the two letters is very different no grammarian allows the contraction of nūn with jīm. For example, the verse man jā’a bi’l-h.asanah (Q. 6:160, 27:89, and 28:84) is never read maj jā’a bi ’l-h.asanah. The best explanation for this, according to al-Qurt.ubī, is that of ‘Alī ibn Sulaymān
92 al-Akhfash. He says that due to the combination of two letter nūns in nunjī the second nūn is dropped. It is like wa lā tafarraqū (Q. 3:103) which is originally wa lā tatafarraqū.100 Another view worth mentioning is that of Abū ‘Alī who says that ‘Ās.im should have read nunjī with two letter nūns, but only one nūn was clear. People who heard his reading thought that there was a contraction between the letter nūn and the letter jīm. Therefore, they changed it with one letter nūn.101 If we look into the present Qur’ānic text based on the variant reading of ‘Ās.im we find that a small lone letter nūn is put after the letter nūn in n-j-y. Its purpose is to help the reader in reading the word, so that he will read it rather than . However, since this lone nūn is not joined with the rasm of the word, the rasm is not affected or changed. It is written like this: . Therefore, I lean to the view of Abū ‘Alī above. It means that ‘Ās.im did really read nunjī like the other qurrā’. The only difference is that he did not pronounce the second nūn clearly, since it was not written in the ‘Uthmānic recension. 5. According to Ibn Qutaybah most of the qurrā’ read fa’as.s.addaqa wa akun (without waw) rather than wa akūna.102 He states that the reason for reading akun is that according to some grammarians the word akun takes the position of fa’as.s.addaqa, namely, in the apocopate form (jazm). Without (fā’) the word has to be in the apocopate form, namely, as.s.addaq. Originally, the expression is law lā akhkhartanī ... atas.addaq wa akun min al-s.ālih.īn. As a shāhid they give the following example in poetry: ("Give me your camel so that I may leave you and go back to my way," namely, "treat me well and bring back your kindness to me, for this may induce me to make peace with you and bring me back to what I used to be"). Without la‘allī it is read us.ālih.kum in the apocopate form, and that is the reason astadrij is also in the apocopate
93 form. However, it is also possible to read wa akūna which is the reading of Abū ‘Amr ibn al-‘Alā’ according to Ibn Qutaybah, and of Ibn Mas‘ūd and other qurrā’ according to al-Farrā’.103 Ibn Mas‘ūd maintains that this reading is correct and not disagreeing with the rasm of the mus.h.af, since the letter waw may be dropped in the text while it remains there in the reading. It is like the letter alif which is dropped in al-Rah.mān ( ) and ).104
Sulaymān (
C. Contradiction and Disagreement in the Verses of the Qur’ān There are some Qur’ānic verses in which, to some people, contradiction ( ) seems to occur. In other verses disagreement ( ) seems to occur because of (a) not noticing the existence of relevance, (b) misunderstanding the words, or (c) misunderstanding the expression used in these verses. To prove the absence of such contradiction and disagreement in these verses Ibn Qutaybah explains them one by one, among which are as follows: 1. Contradiction a. )٣٩ : ( ("For on that Day neither man nor invisible being will be asked about his sin." Q. 55:39, Asad) seems to be contradictory with )٩٣-٩٦ : ( "But by thy Sustainer! [On the Day of Judgment] We shall indeed call them to account, one and all, for whatever they have done!" )Q. 15:92-93, Asad). Ibn Qutaybah's commentary is that the Resurrection Day ( ) will 105 last fifty thousand years. On that day people will be and then will not be questioned. They will be questioned and put on trial in Allah's court. After the completion of reckoning good and bad deeds they have done on the earth, then what Allah described when He said )٣٣ :
(
"When the sky is rent asunder and becomes
94 red like [burning] oil" (Q. 55:37, Asad) will take place. The talking and arguing will cease, the faces of the blessed will turn white and of the damned will turn black (Q. 3:106-7 and 39:6). The two parties will be identified with marks; the leaves containing the record of their deeds will fly from their hands; the blessed will be sent to Heaven and the damned will be sent to Hell (Q. 56:8-9 and 41). This is the moment where neither man nor invisible being (jinni) will be questioned about his sin as mentioned in the above verse.106 b. It is stated in one verse )٦٨ : ( "[And] He will say: 'Contend not before Me, [O you sinners,] for I gave you a forewarning [of this Day of Reckoning].'" (Q. 50:28, Asad), whereas in the other it is stated: )٣١ : ( "And then, behold, on the Day of Resurrection you all shall place your dispute before your Sustainer." (Q. 39:31, Asad). Ibn Qutaybah's commentary is that people will argue against each other where the wronged will complain against the wrong-doers, and when the disputes are settled Allah will tell them not to speak, argue or make any excuse any longer, for their arguments and excuses will be of no avail. Ibn Qutaybah presents one interpretation given by ‘Ikrimah on the verse )٣٦-٣٥: ( "That Day on which they will not [be able to] utter a word, nor be allowed to proffer excuses!" (Q. 77:35-36, Asad) and the verse Q. 39:31 above. ‘Ikrimah said that on that Day they will argue with each other, then Allah will seal their mouths, and their hands and legs will talk.107 2. Disagreement a. Not noticing the existence of relevance, as follows: (1) The verse “And if you have reason to fear that you might not act equitably towards orphans,” continues with )٣ : ( “then marry from among [other] women such as are lawful to you - [even] two, three, or four" (Q. 4:3, Asad) which seems irrelevant. Ibn Qutaybah's
95 explanation is that if you fear that you might not deal fairly with the orphans that are assigned to you, then fear also that you might not do justice among women if you marry them. Therefore, marry two, three or four wives and not more. Otherwise, you will not be able to do justice among them. The verse continues with: "But if you have reason to fear that you might not be able to treat them with equal fairness, then [only] one - or [from among] those whom you rightfully possess." It means that if you still fear that you would not be able to do justice with two, three or four wives, then marry one wife only, or confine yourself to your imā’ (slave girls) whom your right hand possesses. This is more appropriate, so that you would not become unfair with them. Quoting Ibn ‘Abbās Ibn Qutaybah said that like the orphans, women are also under the protection of men. Since justice is highly required from the guardians of orphans towards these orphans, so it is with the husbands towards their wives. Therefore, the number of wives is limited to four and not more to avoid injustice.108 (2) One verse reads: "God has laid down that the Ka‘bah, the Inviolable Temple, shall be a symbol for all mankind; and [so, too] the sacred month [of pilgrimage] and the garlanded offerings," then the verse continues with ( )٩٣ : "that these [are symbols] meant to make you aware that God is aware of all that is in the heavens and all that is on earth, and that God has full knowledge of everything." (Q. 5:97, Asad). The second part of the verse seems to be irrelevant to the first part. In order to show the existence of relevance between the two parts of the above verse, Ibn Qutaybah described at first the condition of the Arabs before the advent of Islam. He said that the Arabs in the pre-Islamic era were accustomed to waging war among themselves, shedding blood and taking others' property unjustly, frightening travellers, seeking vengeance and killing an innocent person rather than the killer in revenge. They even killed a close friend or a relative in retaliation for another close friend or
96 relative. An example can be seen with Tawbah ibn al-Mud.arris al-‘Abasī who wrote a poem consoling his mother after killing his own maternal uncle in revenge for his brother's assassination. They might kill three, four or more persons in revenge for one person. An unidentified poet wrote a poem regarding such an event when he said "They accused )you( of killing one of their men; in revenge, they killed eight men )of yours(; then they continued tending (their camels) fearlessly (of any retaliation from you)." For this reason Allah made the Ka‘bah, the Inviolable Temple and the sacred territory (al-h.arām) around it, so that people who were afraid for themselves could take refuge within this sacred territory. Allah made the sacred month so that when it arrived people and their property became safe again. After they had sacrificed or put the garland around the neck of the animals to be sacrificed they would be free to go and travel in search of their subsistence which would make them prosper and safe from poverty. If Allah had left these Arabs in their state of ignorance and continuous state of hostility, travelling and trade would have stopped and they would have become extinct. Allah did not want this to happen. He did what He did because He knew what was good for them and wanted us to know that Allah is aware of all that is in the heavens and all that is on earth and has full knowledge of everything. b. Misunderstanding the words, as follows: (1) The word kuffār in the following verse is misunderstood by some people as "infidels" rather than "tillers". The verse runs as follows: ) ٦٠ : ( "Its parable is that of [life-giving] rain: the herbage which it causes to grow delights the tillers of the soil..." (Q. 57:20, Asad). They wondered why the verse specified the infidels alone in rejoicing on seeing the growth of the plants when the believers would not have their faith decrease if they shared the infidels' joy. Ibn Qutaybah states that the word kuffār in the above verse means "the farmers", as the root-meaning of the word kafara from which kuffār is derived means "to cover". The farmer who sows the seeds is called kāfir, because he covers them with soil when he
97 plants them. The night is called kāfir because it covers everything with its darkness. It is in this sense that the pre-Islamic poet Labīd said “...in a night where the clouds covered its stars". In addition, another Qur’ānic verse mentions the word zurrā‘ (farmers) instead of kuffār, as follows:
(2)
)٦٩ : ( "... [they are] like a seed that brings forth its shoot, and then He strengthens it, so that it grows stout, and [in the end] stands firm upon its stem, delighting the sowers..." (Q. 48:29, Asad).109 The word subātan in the following verse is misunderstood by some people and translated as "sleep" rather than "rest". The verse reads as follows: )٩ : “And [We] made your sleep for rest." (Q. 78:9, ‘Ali). Therefore they wonder how sleep is made for sleep. Ibn Qutaybah explains that subātan in the above verse means "rest", so that the verse means "and We made sleep for rest for your body". Saturday is called meaning "the day of rest" on which the children of Israel have rest. The word sabt originally means "stretching" from which it becomes "rest". The expression means "the woman undid the plait of her hair". However, sleep is sometimes called subāt because sleep occurs with stretching.110 Another meaning of subāt is given by al-Qurt.ubī which is "cutting"
( ). The expression means “he cut his hair,” and if someone sleeps he cuts his relation with people and his work.111 c. Misunderstanding the expression in the verses, as follows: (1) The verse “... and goblets that will [seem to] be crystal" (lit., "and goblets which were crystal"), then the verse continues with )١٦-١٥ : ( “Crystal-like, [but] of silver" (Q. 76:15-6, Asad) (lit., "crystal [made] of silver"). To some people the two verses seem to disagree. The first verse mentions goblets made of crystal, then in the second, the crystal is made of
98 silver. Ibn Qutaybah's explanation is that everything in Paradise such as beds and cups are different from what we have in this world. Allah mentions what we know in this world to indicate what we do not know in the next world. Referring to Ibn ‘Abbās's statement, Ibn Qutaybah says that there is nothing in this world similar to that in Paradise except in names. The goblets in this world are made of crystal or of silver. In Paradise these goblets are white as silver and pure as crystal. The verse, then, means according to Ibn Qutaybah "crystal as if it were silver" rather than "crystal-like, [but] of silver" as viewed by Ibn Kathīr and translated by Asad above.112 (2) The verse )٣٣ : ( “That We may send upon them stones of clay" (Q. 51:33, Pickthall). This verse seems to indicate that the stones were made of clay. Referring to Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation, Ibn Qutaybah says that these stones are ājurr (baked bricks), for it is as hard as stone.113 D. The Ambiguity of the Verses of the Qur’ān 1. The meaning of ambiguity The word tashābuh (similarity, resemblance, likeness), which is the mas.dar of the word mutashābih (ambiguous, obscure) as explained by Ibn Qutaybah, is the resemblance of a word with another in its appearance ( ) when they differ in meaning. For example, the fruit of Paradise resembles that of the earth, but the taste is different, as mentioned in the following verse: )٦٥ : ( ("It is given to them [namely, the people of Paradise] something resembling it." Q. 2:25). The verb tashābaha ("to resemble one another") in the verse )١١٨ : ( "their hearts are all alike" (Q. 2:118) means "their hearts resemble each other in infidelity and in harshness". The verb ishtabaha ("to resemble one another") in the expression ("the matter is obscure to me") means "it resembles another matter, so that I can hardly make any distinction between the two". The verb shabbaha ("to liken, to make equal
99 or similar") in the expression covered the truth with falsehood (
("you made me uncertain") if you ). Magicians (
)
are called ("dubious persons"), because they make falsehood 114 seem reality. The word mutashābih may also be applied to something ambiguous (mysterious) and subtle, even if it does not make us confused with its resemblance to something else. The letters of the alphabet at the openings of many chapters of the Qur’ān, known as al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah (lit., "disjoined letters"), are sometimes called mutashābih since they resemble other letters. These ambiguous letters will be dealt with in chapter four of this study. 2. Muh.kamāt and Mutashābihāt There has never been any dispute among Muslim scholars regarding the existence of muh.kamāt (clear verses) as well as mutashābihāt (ambiguous verses) in the Qur’ān. The Qur’ān itself affirms their existence as follows: ( )٣ : “He it is Who hath revealed unto thee (Muhammad) the Book, containing verses that are clear in and by themselves [namely, precise in meaning] - they are the essence of the Book - and others allegorical..." (Q. 3:7). But they disagree in regard to the verses which are considered to belong to the mutashābihāt and in the possibility of knowing their ta’wīl. The Ash‘arīs and the Mu‘tazilīs believe that the mutashābihāt are explained by the muh.kamāt, but what is ambiguous (mutashābih) according to the Ash‘aris is clear (muh.kam) according to the Mu‘tazilīs and vice versa. For example, the Qur’ānic verse )٦٩ : ( “Then whosoever will, let him believe, and whosoever will, let him disbelieve;" (Q. 18:29, Pickthall), and )٣٠ : ( “Yet, you cannot will, except by the will of Allah." (Q. 76:30, Dawood). According to the Ash‘arīs, the first verse is mutashābih because they do not believe in
100 the infinite free-will, while the second one is muh.kam. The Mu‘tazilīs hold the opposite view, because they do not believe in finite free-will. Generally speaking, the muh.kamāt are verses which decide clearly and elaborately with clear evidence the ruling of something whether it is h.alāl (lawful, permissible), h.arām (unlawful, prohibited), wa‘d (promise), wa‘īd (threat), thawāb (reward), ‘iqāb (punishment), amr (command), zajr (reproof), khabar (news of the past), mathal (parable), ‘iz.ah (sermon, advice), ‘ibar (deterrent examples), etc. These muh.kamāt verses are the mother of the Book, namely, the foundation (origin, source) of the Book, wherein the religion of Islam, the religious obligations (al-farā’id.), penal laws (al-h.udūd), and matters concerning Muslims' religious affairs are found. However, there are different opinions among the ‘ulamā’ on what is precisely meant by muh.kamāt and its relation to mutashābihāt, among which are as follows: a. The muh.kamāt are verses which are to be acted upon (al-ma‘mūl bihā) and abrogate others, while the mutashābihāt are verses which are abrogated and which are not to be followed. Among the followers of this view are Ibn ‘Abbās, Qatādah, al-Rabī‘, and al-D.ah.h.āk ibn Muzāh.im.115 b. The muh.kamāt are verses in which h.alāl and h.arām are explained; the rest are mutashābihāt. This is the view of Mujāhid.116 c. The muh.kamāt are verses which have no more than one ta’wīl, while the mutashābihāt are those which are subject to many interpretations. This is the view of Muh.ammad ibn Ja‘far ibn al-Zubayr.117 Al-Sayyid alMurtad.á who supports this view states that the majority of the mutashābihāt have many meanings. It is difficult to know which of these interpretations is meant by Allah.118 d. The muh.kamāt are verses which deal with stories of nations and messengers sent to them which were elaborately told to the Prophet and then to his followers. The mutashābihāt are those which are ambiguous due to the repetition of the stories in different chapters of the Qur’ān;
101 some stories are related in the same wording with different meanings, but others in different wording but with the same meanings. This is the view of Ibn Zayd who cites the verse: )١ : ( "A-L-R. (This is) a Book, with verses that have been made clear in and by themselves, and then have been distinctly spelled out from One Who is wise and all aware." (Q. 11:1). One example of the mutashābihāt given by Ibn Zayd is the story of Prophet Moses mentioned in many chapters in the Qur’ān with different wording but with the same meanings (ideas). Another example is the use of )٦٣ :
(
("introduce therein" Q. 23:27) which has the same
meaning with )٤٠ : )٣٦ :
(
("load therein" Q. 11:40),
( ("thrust thy hand" Q. 28:32) which has the same meaning
with )١٦ : ( ("put thy hand into" Q. 27:12), and : ( )٦٠ ("a snake, moving rapidly", Q. 20:20, Asad) has the same idea with )١٠٣ : ( ("a serpent, plainly visible", Q. 7:107, Asad).119 e. The muh.kamāt are verses whose meanings and interpretations are known by the ‘ulamā’, while the mutashābihāt are those whose interpretations are known to Allah alone, such as the time of the coming of the Doomsday, and al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah. This is the view of Jābir ibn ‘Abd Allāh ibn Rubāb to which al-T.abarī leans.120 3. The ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt One of the big issues in the course of the history of the Qur’ānic exegesis is whether the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm (those who are deeply rooted in knowledge) know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt or not. One group, such as Ibn H.azm, says that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. The other group, such as Ibn Qutaybah, believes that they know them. The discrepancy lies in their way of reading and understanding the following verse:
102 " But those in whose hearts is perversity follow the part thereof that which is allegorical seeking (to create) dissension and seeking its interpretation. None knoweth its interpretation save Allah. And those who are deeply rooted in knowledge say: ‘We believe in it; it is all from our Lord’; but only the wise take heed." (Q. 3:7) The core issue in the above verse is lā ya‘lamu ta’wīlahu illā ’llāh wa al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm yaqūlūn āmannā bihi. Those who assert that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, in reading the above verse, make a pause in illā ’llāh, and then start a new sentence with wa al-rāsikhūn fī al-‘ilm, as translated above. Asad, Ali, Pickthall and Dawood all make a full stop after translating illa ’llah. Among those who hold this view are: Ā‘ishah, ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, al-H.asan al-Bas.rī, Mālik, al-Kisā’ī and al-Farrā’. But those who assert that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, instead of making that pause, they continue the reading with wa ’l-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, which, in so doing, becomes connected with Allāh by means of the conjunction wa ("and"). Consequently, the meaning of the verse becomes that beside Allah, the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm also know the ta‘wīl of the mutashābihāt. Among those who hold this view are Ibn ‘Abbās, al-Rabī‘ and Muh.ammad ibn Ja‘far ibn al-Zayd.121 Ibn al-Anbārī accepts both interpretations and includes this verse among the al-ad.dād in his work al-Ad.dād. However, he states that the majority of scholars hold the first view.122 Ibn Qutaybah maintains that the significance of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān is that as the Qur’ān was revealed in the language of the Arabs with its own way of expression and style, such as the use of brevity, elaborateness, emphasis, symbolic expression, the concealment of meanings at one time and then revealing it at another, it can be understood by quick-understanding people only. Otherwise, every verse would be clear to everybody, disregarding his level of understanding. Consequently, there would be neither rivalry for precedence (tafād.ul) among people, nor diligent study (to understand the Qur’ān), and ideas would become dead. Similarly, in every branch of knowledge, there are things which are sublime
103 and subtle through which students should pass, so that they will ascend from one level to another, until they reach its highest level. In this way, scholars will possess the merit of insight and good judgment, for which they will be rewarded by Allah.123 Ibn Qutaybah gives many examples from the hadīths, the sayings of the s.ah.ābah, poetry and Arabic expressions to indicate the existence of difficult expressions which cannot be easily understood, similar to the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. One of them is the saying of the Prophet, as follows: "Women who dress and at the same time are naked will not enter Heaven," meaning that women who wear very thin or skimpy clothes which reveal the outline of their bodies are effectively naked. Such women will not enter Heaven.124 Ibn Qutaybah explicitly asserts that he does not belong to "those who claim that the mutashābih in the Qur’ān is unknown to the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm". His arguments are as follows: a. Allah would not reveal anything in the Qur’ān except for the benefit of mankind, and that He would expose what He meant by what He had revealed.125 b. It is impossible to believe that the Prophet himself did not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. Since he knew the mutashābihāt, despite the verse "None knoweth its interpretation save Allah" it is possible that his elected s.ah.ābah would also have known it. He taught ‘Ali the tafsīr. Ibn ‘Abbās, for whom the Prophet had prayed to become expert in the ta’wīl of the Qur’ān, was reported to have said that he knew everything in the Qur’ān except four things which he knew later, namely: : ( )٣٦ (filth, Q. 69:36), )١٣ :
(
(compassion, Q. 19:13), :
(
)١١٤(soft of heart, Q. 9:114), and )٩ : ( (inscription, Q. 126 18:9). c. If the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm did not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, they would not have any supremacy over seekers of knowledge, or even the ignorant among Muslims, because all of them say, "We believe in it; it is all from our Lord."
104 d. The word yaqūlūn in the verse is a hāl (an adverb or a circumstantial phrase) to the verb ya‘lamu. It is like the expression "Nobody comes to you except ‘Abd Allāh and Zayd says 'I am happy to visit you.'"), meaning ("Nobody comes to you except ‘Abd Allāh and Zayd, saying 'I am happy to visit you.'" As a shāhid from poetry Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of Yazīd ibn Mufarrigh al-H.imyarī lamenting an unidentified person, or satirising ‘Ubbād ibn Ziyād according to S.A. S.aqr, or regretting the loss of his servant Burd by selling him out of necessity according to al-T.abarsī.127 The poem reads as follows:
You have cut your tie with Umāmah after weary days, and the wind is weeping its grief, and the lightning is illuminating (in) a cloud. It means "the lightning illuminating the cloud is also weeping its grief". If the lightning did not share with the wind in its grief, it would not have made any sense ( ) to mention it in the poem.128 Ibn Qutaybah considers the term mushkil as a synonym of mutashābih. He states that since the word mushkil literally means "something which makes a form" (ashkala), namely, "it takes the form of something else", it resembles it.129 He believes that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. With this in mind, Ibn Qutaybah calls his book which is being studied here Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān. It is worthy to mention here the arguments of a scholar who held a different view, living in a different time and place, to compare it with those of Ibn Qutaybah. The person was Ibn H.azm, an advocate of the Z.āhirī school who lived in Andalusia (Muslim Spain) in the fifth/eleventh century,
105 two centuries after Ibn Qutaybah's time. Ibn H.azm insisted that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. His main argument is as follows: a. The word al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm in the verse in question is the subject of a new sentence. The conjunction wa ("and") in the verse joins two sentences instead of two nouns, as translated above. b. Allah prohibited people from seeking the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, for He said in the verse that those who seek and follow its ta’wīl are those in whose hearts is perversity and are creators of fitnah. c. Had the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm known the ta’wīl they would have explained it to the people, because they are enjoined by Allah to do so, or they would be cursed by Him. He said: )١٥٩ : ( “Those who hide the proofs and the guidance which We revealed, after We had made it clear in the Scripture: such are accursed of Allah and accursed of those who have the power to curse." (Q. 2: 159, Pickthall).130 If they explained it to the people, these people would have the same knowledge of it with the explainer, so that it would not become mutashābih any longer. In other words, there would be no more mutashābihāt left unexplained. Yet, the Qur’ān states the existence of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. Since the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm would never conceal the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt if they knew it, for fear of Allah’s curse, and since no ta’wīl has been given, it means that they do not know it. d. ‘Ā’ishah reported that the Prophet, after reading the verse in question, said: "If you see people who follow what is mutashābih [in the Qur’an], they are those whom Allah called as such [namely, those in whose heart is doubt]. Therefore, beware of them."131 Both Ibn al-Anbārī and Ibn Qutaybah regarded al-h.urūf almuqat.t.a‘ah as mutashābihāt. For the former, they are the only ambiguous contents of the Qur’ān,132 whereas for the latter their interpretation is known by the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-ilm which will be dealt with in due course.
106 Among the arguments given by those who assert that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt are the following: a. Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading of Q. 3:7, as reported by Ibn Dā’ūd on the authority of al-A‘mash, is as follows: ("and those al-rāsikhūna fī ’l-‘ilm say: 'We believe in it.'"133 Nobody knows its interpretation except Allah. b. Ubayy ibn Ka‘b's variant reading is ("Its interpretation is with Allah only, and the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm say 'We believe in it'").134 c. In the codex of Ibn ‘Abbās it is written wa yaqūlu ’l-rāsikhūna fī ’l‘ilm.135 d. A h.adīth reported by al-Bukhārī, Muslim and Abū Dā’ūd on the authority of ‘Ā’ishah that the Prophet, after citing the verse in question (Q. 3:7) warned the Muslims not to seek the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. e. A h.adīth reported by Ibn Mardawayh from ‘Amr ibn Shu‘ayb from his father who reported from his (‘Amr's) grand-father, that the Prophet said: "The verses of the Qur’ān were not revealed to contradict one another; therefore, act upon what you know in it, and believe in what is ambiguous in it."136 A similar h.adīth was also reported by al-H.ākim on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ūd, and by al-Bayhaqī on the authority of Abū Hurayrah. f. It was reported by Ibn Abī H.ātim that ‘Ā’ishah said: "Their [i.e., alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm's] soundness of instruction is that they believe in its (the Qur’ān's) mutashābihāt without knowing their ta’wīl. g. Al-Dārimī in his Musnad reported from Sulaymān ibn Yassār that ‘Umar beat S.abīgh ibn ‘Isl for his questioning about the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān.137
107 h. Ibn ‘Abbās's statement that tafsīr is divided into four categories: known by everybody, known by the Arabs through their language, known by scholars, and known by Allah alone.138 i. If the seeking of the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt were permitted, Allah would not have denounced it, as mentioned in the beginning of the verse in question (Q. 3:7). j. It would not be eloquent to begin the sentence in the verse in question with yaqūlūn āmannā bihi; instead, wa hum yaqūlūn…or wa yaqūlūn… would be proper.139 Moreover, it would be stylistically deviating from the ostensible meaning of the text to consider the expression yaqūlūn āmannā bihi as a h.āl for exclusively al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm with the exclusion of Allāh.140 k. If the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm knew the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt with a dalālah (an indicant, a hint), their faith in the mutashābihāt would have been like that in the muh.kamāt; therefore, this faith of theirs in the mutashābihāt would not have been highly praised. l. The expression kullun min ‘indi rabbinā ("it is all from our Lord") in the verse indicates that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm believe in what they know in detail and what they do not. Otherwise, the expression would not have any meaning. Among the arguments given by those who assert that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt are the following: a. A h.adīth stating that the Prophet prayed to Allah for Ibn ‘Abbās that He would teach him the ta’wīl of the Qur’ān. b. A statement of Ibn ‘Abbās, as reported by Mujāhid, that he was one of the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm who knew the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. c. The statement of Ibn Mas‘ūd that he knew the asbāb al-nuzūl of the verses of the Qur’ān. d. The statement of al-H.asan that he would like to know the meanings and the asbāb al-nuzūl of the verses of the Qur’ān.
108 e. The s.ah.ābah asked the Prophet or the more knowledgeable among themselves, such as Ibn ‘Abbās, the meaning of verses unclear to them. Moreover, they learned from the Prophet not more than ten verses at one time and acted according to their contents. Then they learned about ten other verses until they learned the whole Qur’ān. f. Allah enjoins the Muslims to ponder the meanings of the Qur’ānic verses without restriction to the muh.kamāt. g. The s.ah.ābah and the tabi‘īn gave their commentary on all the verses of the Qur’ān, with the exception of some mutashābihāt. However, it does not mean that nobody knows their ta’wīl. The ‘ulamā’ among these people have agreed that the Qur’ān is understandable and explicable, and the existence of the mutashābihāt in it does not necessarily mean that Allah conceals His knowledge of them from people. h. Allah mentions in the Qur’ān that its verses, without exception, are bayān (explanation), hudan (guidance), shifā‘ (healing) and maw‘iz.ah (advice). These can only be achieved by understanding their meanings. i. It would be unreasonable that Allah would reveal to the Prophet through Gabriel something which neither Gabriel nor the Prophet could understand. Since the purpose of sending His revelation is to be understood, it would be useless to reveal something which is beyond human understanding. j. It is true that some knowledge is kept by Allah Himself, such as the time of the occurrence of the Doomsday, but such things are not revealed in the Qur’ān, which are not meant to be known by mankind. k. Assuming that some Qur’ānic verses are mutashābihāt the ta’wīl of which is known by Allah alone could be abused as a pretext to avoid complying with many Qur’ānic verses. l. Allah in the verse in question denounced exclusively those in whose hearts is perversity, due to their ignorance and evil intention, for they do not want to find the truth, but to create dissension (fitnah). To these people the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt would not be known, but rather to the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm.
109 Al-Farrā’'s position on this issue is clear, namely, al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. He states that al-rāsikhūn is marfū‘ by yaqūlūn, and not by ya‘lamu. It is similar to the verse )٤٣ : ( "..., their gaze returning not to them, and their hearts as air" (Q. 14:43), where af’idatuhum is marfū‘ by hawā’, not by lā yartaddu.141 Here "their hearts" is a subject for a new sentence, and is not connected with "their gaze". Abu ‘Ubaydah’s position on the above issue is not clear. He does not give us his commentary on Q. 3:7 except that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm are the ‘ulamā’ who are also of sound faith ( ).142 It is possible that his position is like that of al-Farrā’, or else, he would have said that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm also know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. If it is so, then Ibn Qutaybah disagrees not only with al-Farrā’, but also with Abū ‘Ubaydah, two of his prominent teachers. The complexity of the issue is that there is no indication that the verse in question limits the division of the Qur’ānic verses into exclusively muh.kamāt and mutashābihāt. Moreover, the ‘ulamā do not agree as to what belongs to the category of mutashābihāt as well as their interpretation. However, the effective enquirers (al-muh.aqqiqīn) among the mufassirīn bring about reconciliation between the two contending views by accepting both of them with the following explanation: The Qur’ānic verses in their relation to each other can be divided into three categories: absolutely clear ( ), absolutely ambiguous (
), and partly clear and partly ambiguous (
). The nature of the ambiguity of the mutashābihāt is either in wording (lafz.), such as the word abb (fodder - which is an uncommon word among the Arabs - in Q. 80:31); in meaning (ma‘ná), such as the attributes of Allah; or in both wording and meaning, such as the injunction on fighting the idolators in Q. 9:5. These mutashābihāt in their relation to human level of understanding are divided into three categories: things which are completely unknown by people and beyond human
110 understanding, such as the appearance of the beast as one of the signs of the Doomsday mentioned in Q. 27:82; things which can be known by people, such as uncommon words and some laws; and lastly, things which are known by exclusively the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-ilm. In other words, they know some mutashābihāt and do not know some others which belong to the first category. This type of knowledge is the one which the Prophet had prayed for, his cousin Ibn ‘Abbas. When the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm said āmannā ("we believe"), they believed in the mutashābihāt regardless whether they knew the ta’wīl of them or not.
111 ENDNOTES TO CHAPTER II 1. Al-Suyūt.ī mentions also other s.ah.ābah, all twenty-one in number, see al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. Ibn al-Jazarī also mentions the same names, but excludes Sulaymān ibn Surād, see al-Nashr fī ’l-Qira’āt al-‘Ashr, ed. by Muh.ammad ‘Alā’ al-D.abbā’ (Egypt: al-Maktabah al-Tijāriyyah al-Kubrá, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 21. 2. Hishām ibn H.ākim ibn H.izām ibn Khuwaylid al-Qurashī al-Asadī was one of the s.ah.ābah. He belonged to the Quraysh tribe of Banī Asad (ibn Khuzaymah); see Ibn H.ajar al-‘Asqalānī, Kitāb al-Is.ābah fī Tamyīz al-S.ah.ābah 4 vols. (Baghdād: Dār al-‘Ulūm al-H.adīthah, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 603. 3. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 10; John Cooper, The Commentary of the Qur’ān by Abū Ja‘far Muh.ammad b. Jarīr al-T.abarī, being an Abridged Translation of Jāmi‘ al-Bayān ‘an Ta’wīl Ay al-Qur’ān, with introduction and notes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), vol. 1, p. 17; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 34-35; and al-Bukhārī, S.ah.īh., vol. 6, p. 100. 4. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, pp. 42-46. Al-Suyūt.ī says that there are forty different opinions, but he mentions sixteen opinions only, then he mentions the thirty-five different opinions given by Ibn H.ibbān al-Bustī, see al-Itqān, vol. 1, pp. 131-141. 5. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 23. 6. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 35-6. Lane's translation of the above verse is as follows: "And of men is he who serves God standing aloof with respect to religion, in fluctuating state, like him who is in the outskirts of the army, who, if sure of victory and spoil, stands firm, and otherwise flees." See Edward W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, Book 1, 8 pts. with continuous pagination (New York: Fredrick Ungar Publishing Co., 1956), pt. 2, p. 550. For further details, see alT.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 93-94; see also J. Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, pp. 2930. 7. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. 8. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 24. 9. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 135.
112 10. The two views are based on h.adīth, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 24; and J. Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, p. 29. 11. J. Cooper's translation, see Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, p. 21; see also al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 134. 12. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, pp. 134-135. According al- al-T.abarī, the person was Abū al-Dardā’ rather than Ibn Mas‘ūd, see Jāmi‘, vol. 25, p. 78 13. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 36. 14. See Abū Bakr Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah fī ’l-Qirā’at, verified by Dr. Shawqī D.ayf, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1400/[1979-1980]), pp. 528-529. Al-Farrā’ also mentions the two variant readings without giving any details of it, see Abu Zakariyā Yah.yá al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, ed. A.Y. Najātī and M.A. alNajjār , 3 vols. (Egypt: al-Hay’ah al-Mis.riyyah al-‘Āmmah lil-Kuttāb, 1972-1980), vol. 2, p. 359. Another example is the verse wa ya’murūna ’l-nāsa bi ’l-bakhli instead of bi ’l-bukhli; both have the same meaning, namely, "and bid others to be niggardly" (Q. 4:37 and 57:24, Asad). The mas.dar (verbal noun) bakhal is the root of the verb bakhila and bakhala, whereas bukhl is that of bakhula. The other similar variant reading is ilá maysurah instead of ilá maysarah (Q. 2:280), see Ibn Qutaybah Ta’wīl, p. 36; it is like the terms maqbarah and maqburah, and mashraqah and mashruqah, see al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 181. 15. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 36-37 and 41. Another example cited by Ibn Qutaybah which belongs to this category of variant reading is the reading of Ibn ‘Abbās wa’ddakara ba‘da amahin, meaning "and he remembered after forgetting" instead of wa’ddakara ba‘da ummatin, meaning "he remembered after a long period of time" (Q. 12:46). The two readings mean that the man who had been released from prison remembered the case of Prophet Joseph after a period of time and after he had forgotten it. Both readings, Ibn Qutaybah asserts, were revealed to the Prophet to include these two meanings, ibid., pp. 37 and 40. 16. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, pp. 290-291. The first reading is also chosen by Asad in translating the verse in question, see The Message, p. 34. 17. See al-Qur t.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, p. 290; Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb alSab‘ah, p. 529. Apart from the variant readings rabbanā bā‘id and rabbunā bā‘ada, al-Farrā’ also mentions rabbanā ba‘‘id, rabbanā ba‘uda, and rabbunā
113 ba‘‘ada, see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, pp. 359-360. They are all written in one rasm, namely . 18. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 37 and 41. Another example is the reading of furrigha ‘an qulūbihim, meaning "fear is emptied [i.e., freed] from their hearts" instead of fuzzi‘a ‘an qulūbihim, meaning "the terror [of the Last Hour] is lifted from their hearts." (Q. 34:23, Asad), see ibid., pp. 37 and 42. The latter reading belongs to the seven qurrā’ except Ibn ‘Āmir who read fazza‘a; see Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 530. 19. See Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 189. 20. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37; al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 18 and al-Qur t.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 21. Another example is the reading of ka ’l-s.ūf almanfūsh instead of ka ’l-‘ihn al-manfūsh, both have the same meaning, namely, "like fluffy tufts of wool." (Q. 101:5, Asad), see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37. 21. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37. Instead of wa t.al‘in mand.ūd, Ibn alJazarī who quoted Ibn Qutaybah's view mistakenly put wa t.al‘in nad.īd which he himself rejected and said that this reading has nothing to do with the varying of readings ( ); see Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, pp. 27-28. AlSuyūt.ī correctly quoted the same variant reading, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 132. 22. In another report when ‘Alī was asked whether the term wa t.alh.in should be replaced with wa t.al‘in in the mus.h.af, he answered: "The Qur’ān should be neither disturbed nor replaced" ( ); see al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 208-209. 23. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 24 and 37; and al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 26, p. 100. 24. See Abū al-Fidā Ismā‘īl Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Az.īm, with introduction by Dr. Yusūf ‘Abd al-Rah.mān al-Mur‘ishī, 4 vols. (Beirut: Dār alMa‘rifah, 1407/1987), vol. 4, p. 240; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 12-13. It is also the view of Ibn H.azm that the above variant reading of Abū Bakr belonged to the category of the qira’āt munkarah. He asserts that anybody other than the Prophet could make mistakes and should not be followed; see Abū
114 Muh.ammad ‘Alī Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām fī Us.ūl al-Ah.kām, ed. Ah.mad Shākir, 8 vols. in 2 bindings (Cairo: Mat.ba‘at al-‘Ās.imah, n.d.), vol. 4, p. 537. 25. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 38. 26. See Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 540. 27. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 38; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 174. The addition of unthā (female) and dhakar (male) for emphasis is common among the Arabs; they say, for example, ("this is a male man"), see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 23, p. 91. 28. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 40; and al-Tirmidhī, Sunan, vol. 5, pp. 193-194 (h.adīth no. 2943). 29. Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām, vol. 4, pp. 520-521. 30. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 31. 31. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 42. 32.See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, p. 223. 33. Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām, vol. 4, p. 523. 34. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 337. 35. Al-Qurt.ubī mentions seven variant readings of bushran. They are: (1) bushran itself and (2) nashran, as mentioned above; (3) nushuran which was the reading of Abū ‘Amr and the people of the two holy cities, Makkah and Madinah; nushur is the broken plural of nāshir in the pattern of shāhid and shuhud; (4) nushran which was the reading of al-H.asan and Qatādah; nushr is the easing (takhfīf) of nushur, like reading kutb and rusl for respectively kutub and rusul; (5) bushrá which was the reading of Muh.ammad al-Yamānī; (6) bashran; bashr is the mas.dar of bashara which means bashshara (to bring good news); and (7) bushurá. Al-Qurt.ubī does not give us the names of the qurrā’ to whom the last two variant readings belong; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, pp. 228-229. 36. See the introduction of Dr. Shawqī D.ayf (ed.) in Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 12. 37. See Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 8, pp. 145-146.a
115 38. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 465. 41. See Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān, Mabāh.ith fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān. 19th edition (Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Risālah, 1406/1983), pp. 162-163. 42. Ibid, p. 163 43. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 20. 44. There is a h.adīth stating that "the community of Muh.ammad (or, in another version, 'my community') will never agree on an error". (Reported by alBukhārī, al-Tirmidhī, Ibn Mājah, and Ah.mad ibn H.anbal). 45. Al-Qat.t.ān, Mabāh.ith, pp. 164-165. 46. Ibid., pp. 165-166. 47. Ibid., p. 166. 48. Ibid., pp. 1 and 666-667 49. See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 155-157. 50. Ibid., pp. 161-163. 51. Ibid., p. 158. 52. The reading li’amānatihim in the singular is that of Ibn Kathīr, whereas the rest of the qurrā’ read li’amānātihim in the plural. Al-T.abarī states that the correct reading is li’amānātihim in the plural. Dr. Labīb al-Sa‘īd criticises al-T.abarī in this and other cases where correct readings were considered wrong by him. Al-Sa‘īd contends that this reading of Ibn Kathīr was also transmitted with tawātur (handed down by many chains of unimpeachable transmitters). Moreover, like the rest of the qurrā’, Ibn Kathīr read al-amānāt and amānātikum in the plural in Q. 4:58 and Q. 8:27 respectively. He could have read both in the singular as he did in Q. 70:32 above, had it been from his own whim rather than from Allah. See Dr. Labīb al-Sa‘īd, Difā‘an al-Qirā’āt al-Mutawātirah fī Muwājahat al-T.abarī ’lMufassir (A Defence on the Mutawātir Qirā’āt in Countering the Commentator alT.abarī) (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, [1398]/1978), p. 116. It is noteworthy that al-T.abarī lived in the period of ikhtiyār ("choice"). It was the period where scholars of the Qur’ānic text chose their own readings in verses written in ambiguous rasm. The
116 choice was governed by three criteria: the rasm of the mus.h.af, the Arabic language and the isnād. This period of ikhtiyār ended in 322/934 when Ibn Mujāhid's choice of the seven variant readings of the text (qirā’āt) of the seven qurrā’ was declared canonical by the authorities in Baghdād, as they were qirā’āt with mutawātir isnāds. See A. Jones, "The Qur’ān - II," in Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, eds. A.F.L. Beeston et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 241-242. Al-T.abarī chose the readings based on his knowledge of the Arabic language, whereas many other readings were later accepted and included in the seven qirā’āt. Al-T.abarī passed away earlier in 310/923. Had he lived and witnessed the canonisation of the seven qirā’āt, he would not have chosen or preferred one among the seven canonised qirā’āt. 53. Al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 169-170. 54. Ibid., p. 170. Quoting from Abū ‘Amr al-Dānī (d. 444/1052) in his work al-Muqnī‘, A.T. Welch mentioned variant readings among the ‘Uthmānic codices. For example, it was written in the standard codex in Madīnah (Q. 3:184) and written the standard codex
(Q. 40:21), whereas in the mus.h.af sent to Damascus it was (with the additional bi) and . Similarly, it was written in (Q. 36:35) and
(Q. 40:26), whereas in the mus.h.af
sent to Kūfah it was written (with the ellipsis of hu) and (with the addition of alif). These brought Welch to the following conclusion: "Such variations can best be explained as resulting from carelessness on the part of the scribes or lack of concern for exact uniformity among the authorities." See A.T. Welch, "al-Ķur’ān", EI2, p. 408. The reading wa bi’l-zubur wa bi’l-Kitāb was that of Ibn ‘Āmir and was written in the mus.h.afs of the people of Syria; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 296. The reading ‘amilat was that of the Kūfans, whereas the rest read ‘amilathu, including ‘Ās.im, as in the Egyptian standard edition of the mus.h.af issued in 1924, and Nāfi‘; see Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah bi-Riwāyat al-Imām Qālūn (Tripoli: Jam‘iyat al-Da‘wah al-Islāmīyah al-‘Ālamīyah, 1395/1986), p. 442. The reading was that of ‘Ās.im, as in the Egyptian standard edition, whereas was that of Nāfi‘ as in the Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah, p. 469. This finding supports the view that the variant readings were kept in the ‘Uthmānic codices, and that they were not the outcome of the scribes' negligence or "lack of
117 concern for exact uniformity among the authorities" as assumed by Welch. 55. Ibid., pp. 170-171. 56. Ibid., 171. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid., p. 175. 59. Ibid., pp. 177-178. 60. This report was narrated by Is.h.āq ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Mukhlad, known as Is.h.āq ibn Rāhawayh (d. 238/853), one of Ibn Qutaybah's teachers. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 25-26. 61. Ibid, p. 51. This is probably what was meant by Ibn Abū Dā’ūd when he said that al-Hajjāj ibn Yūsuf "has changed in the ‘Uthmānic codex eleven ah.ruf ", such as lam yatasanna became lam yatasannah (Q. 2:259) and biz.anīn became bid.anīn (Q. 81:24); see Abū Bakr ‘Abd Allāh Ibn Abī Dā’ūd, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, ed. Arthur Jeffery (Egypt: al-Mat.ba‘ah al-Rah.mānīyah, 1355/1936), pp. 117-118. Instead of changing the ah.ruf in the ‘Uthmānic codex which seemed to be in the above statement, al-Hajjaj changed the ah.ruf that did not agree with the ‘Uthmānic codex as stated by Ibn Qutaybah above. Al-T.abarsī and Saqr reject the genuinness of the stories concerning the statements of ‘Ā’ishah and ‘Uthmān mentioned above and considered them fabricated ones; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 26, n. 3. 62. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 20; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 20. According to al-Suyūt.ī, it is also the dialect of the Banī Kinānah, see al-Itqan, vol. 2, pp. 273-274. Abū al-Khat.t.āb claimed to have heard the Kinānah tribe using alif invariably for the dual; see Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, ed. Dr. M.F. Sezgin (Egypt: Muh.ammad Sāmī Amīn al-Khānjī, n.d.), p. 21. Besides the Balh.arth, alT.abarī mentions also the Khath‘am and the Zubayd tribes in Yemen, see his work, Jāmi‘, vol. 16, p. 121. According to Ibn Jamā‘ah, among the grammarians who state that the Banī al-H.ārith use alif invariably in the dual number is al-Kisā’ī. Other tribes mentioned by al-Kisā’ī are the Khath‘am, the Zubayd and the Hamadān. Abū Khat.t.āb mentioned the Kinānah; others mention the Banī al‘Anbar, the ‘Udhrah, the Murād and others; see Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Al Mukarram in his
118 note in Abu ‘Abd Allāh ibn Khālawayh, al-Hujjah fī ’l-Qirā’āt al-Sab‘, ed. and annot. Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Alī Sālim al-Mukarram (Beirut and Cairo: Dār al-Shurūq, 1399/1979), p. 242, n. 6, quoting Ibn Jama‘ah's marginal notes on the commentary on Ibn al-H.ājib's al-Shāfiyah (N.p.: Mat.ba‘at Dār al-T.ibā‘ah al-‘Āmirah, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 277. 63. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 50;and al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs, 10/405. According to Ibn Manz.ūr, the poem belonged to Hawbar al-H.ārithī who mentioned udhunayh instead of udhuynāh, see Lisān, vol. 10, p. 64, vol. 9, p. 163, and 20, p. 226. Another example from poetry is as follows: in which abā abāhā and ghayatāhā are used respectively for abā abīhā and ghayatayhā; see Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 242; and alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 16. 64. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 51. 65. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 52; and Abū Zakariyā Yah.yá ibn Ziyād alFarrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, ed. A.Y. Najātī and M.A. al-Najjār, 3 vols. (Egypt: alHay’ah al-Mis.riyyah al-‘Āmmah lil-Kuttāb, 1972-1980), vol. 2, pp. 183-184. The variant reading in hādhān lasāh.irān and in hādhān sāh.irān are also attributed to Ibn Mas‘ūd, see A. Jeffery, ed. Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur’ān: The Old Codices (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1937), pp. 146 and 60. 66. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 242 and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 419. 67. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, pp. 242-243 and 368. 68. Ibid., p. 243. The view that particle inna in the verse inna hādhān means "yes" is rejected by al-T.abarsī with the following argument: (a) If it was so, hādhān would become mubtada’ and lasā h.irān its khabar with the emphatic la. This emphatic la in the khabar in the Arabic language should not occur with a simple mubtada’, except in an isolated case or necessity. In other words, the mubtada’ has to be emphasised first, then the emphatic la can be added to its khabar; (b) Quoting Abū ‘Alī, translating inna with "yes" in the above verse does not fit in the structure of the sentence. It is not correct to say "yes, these two are surely sorcerers" confirming Prophet Moses's statement in verse 61:
119 )٦١ : ( "Woe unto you! Do not invent lies against God, lest He afflict you with most grievous suffering: for He who contrives [such] a lie is already undone!" (Q. 20:61, Asad). It is also improper to say "yes ..." after the statement:٦٦ : )"So they debated among themselves as to what to do; but they kept their counsel secret" (Q. 20:62, Asad). See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, pp. 15-16. 69. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, pp. 243-244. 70. Ibid., p. 121. 71. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 57. This is also apparent in the mus.h.af of Madīnah. See Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah, pp. 111 (Q. 5:25) and 125 (Q. 5:109) which is based on the reading of Nāfi‘, the qāri’ of Madīnah. However, in the Egyptian mus.h.af which is based on the reading of ‘Ās.im, the qāri’ of Kūfah, the alif of the dual is written in rajulān and fa’ākharān yaqūmān. 72. Ibn Abī Dā’ūd Sulaymān al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, p. 104. This is also the view of al-T.abarsī who said that the best view is that inna hādhān lasāh.irān belongs to the language of the Kinānah tribe, or, according to Abū alH.asan and Abū ‘Alī al-Fārisī, the language of the Banī al-H.ārith; see Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, pp. 16-17. 73. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 184. 74. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 573-4. However, the variant reading salāsilan belongs to Nāfi‘, al-Kisā’ī, Abū Bakr from ‘Ās.im, and Hishām from Ibn ‘Āmir. The reading of Qunbul, Ibn Kathīr and H.amzah is salāsila’ (with waqf, a slight stop) without alif or tanwīn. The rest of the qurrā’ also read salāsila’ but with the additional alif. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 123. Following the variant reading of the qāri’ of Madīnah, Nāfi‘, the mus.h.af printed by the Islamic Call Society in Libya in 1986 writes salāsilan. On the other hand, the mus.h.af printed in Egypt, which is largely circulated in the Muslim world, writes salāsila’, following the reading of ‘Ās.im, the qāri’ of Kūfah. See Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīriyyah, p. 575 (Q. 76:4). For the Egyptian mus.h.af see the text of the Qur’ān in the translation of Asad, Ali, or Pickthall. A similar example is the reading of Nāfi‘
120 qawārīran and of ‘Ās.im qawarira’ (Q. 76:15). 75. See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 373-374 and 393. 76. However, ‘Ā’ishah, Ubayy and others are reported to have al-s.ābi‘īna in their codices, see Ibn Abī Dā’ūd al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, p. 232. 77. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 52-53. The poem was cited by D.abī ibn alH.ārith al-Burjumī in his prison when he was jailed in the time of ‘Uthmān for slandering women of unblemished reputation (qadhf al-muh.s.anāt). It means: "Whoever makes Madinah his final destination, [as for me] I and [my riding animal] Qayyār are strangers in it." Qayyār was the name of his horse or his camel. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 311, n. 2. 78. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 310-311. 79. Similarly, it is said that the believers in the verse: : "And [always], O you believers - all of you - turn unto God in repentance, so that you might attain to a happy state!" (Q. 24:31, Asad) are pretending believers only, namely, the hypocrites; see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 2, p. 220. However, al-Qurt.ubī does not include hypocrites in the term almu’minūn ("the believers") in this verse and states that asking for repentance is incumbent exclusively on believers; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 90, and vol. 12, p. 238. The Prophet was reported to have said in one h.adīth on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar as follows: "Verily, I turn unto Him in repentance a hundred times every day" (Reported by al-Bukhārī, Ibn H.anbal and al-Bayhaqī). 80. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 312. An almost identical verse with the word al-s.ābi‘īna (in the accusative case) put after, rather than before, the word al-nas.ārá (the Christians), and with the addition of "surely their reward is with their Lord" is found in Q. 2:62. Nāfi‘ read al-s.ābūn and al-s.ābīn without hamzah in the Qur’ān, whereas other qurrā’ read them with hamzah, namely, al-s.ābi’ūn and al- s.ābi’īn; see Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 158; see also Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīriyyah, pp. 120 (Q. 5:71) and 10 (Q. 2:61). 81. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 373. 82. This poem is also used as a shāhid in dealing with the verse inna
121 hādhān lasāh.irān, see p. 63 above. 83. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274. 84. There are many different views about the Sabaeans. According to Abū ‘Ubaydah, they were people who changed their religion. The root meaning of s.aba’a is "to rise, to grow". The expression means "the stars rise from their points of rising", and s.aba’at sinnuh means "his tooth is growing"; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 172. The Sabaean is called S.ābi’ (pl. S.ābi‘ūn) as well as S.ābin (pl. S.ābūn) which is the variant reading of Nāfi‘. The root meaning of s.abā (present: yas.bū) is "to lean". According to al-Suddī and Ish.āq ibn Rāhawayh, they are a sect among the people of the Book. According to Abū al‘Āliyah and al-D.ah.h.āk they belonged to a sect among the people of the Book who read the Psalms (al-Zabūr), and for this reason, Abū H.anīfah and Ish.āq ibn Rāhawayh allowed the Muslims to eat their slaughtered animals and to marry their women. On the other hand, according to al-Qurt.ubī they were people who believed in one God but believed also in the stars' influence, and for this reason, Abū Sa‘īd al-Istakhrī stated that they were non-belivers. Al-Khalīl said that they claimed to be the followers of Prophet Noah. According to Mujāhid, al-H.asan and Ibn Abī Nujayh, they are people who mix Judaism with Magian. According to Qatādah and al-H.asan, they worship angels, face the Qiblah in their five daily prayers and read the Psalms. According to Ibn Kathīr, the right view is that of Mujāhid and Wahb ibn Munabbih who said that they were neither Jews, Christians, Magians nor polytheists, but rather people who remained in their nature and did not follow any particular religion. Therefore the polytheists called a person who converted to Islam a Sabaean, namely, a person who was not a follower of any religion on earth at that time. See al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtasar, vol. 1, p. 72; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, pp. 434-435. B. Carra de Vaux divides the Sabaeans into two groups: the followers of Prophet Yah.yá (John the Baptist), and the pagan Sabaeans who lived under the Muslim rule. For further details, see B. Carra de Vaux "al-Sabi‘a", SEI, pp. 477-8. See also M. Asad, The Message, p. 14, n. 49. 85. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139. 86. 87.
Ibid. This is also the view of al-Farrā’ according to Ibn Qutaybah; see Ta’wīl,
122 pp. 53-4; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 366; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 2, p. 139; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 13; and al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 388. 88. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 53; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 142. Similar to al-muqīmīn is al-s.ābirīn in Q. 2:177. Of all the qurrā’ only ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī read it as al-s.ābirūn, although in writing, he kept it as al-s.ābirīn for the same reasons mentioned before. For further details, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 53-54. 89. These views are reported by Abū al-Baqā’. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274; see also al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 18. This is also the reading of Ubayy, Anas, ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī, Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, and others. See Arthur Jeffery, ed., Materials, pp. 38 and 216. Al-Zamakhsharī mentions that this reading is that of Mālik ibn Dīnār, ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī and ‘Īsá al-Thaqafī, as written in the codex of ‘Abd Allāh (ibn Mas‘ūd); see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 336. According to al-Qurt.ubī, the reading of Ubayy is al-muqīmīn, as in the ‘Uthmānic recension; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 13. This is also the reading of Abu ‘Amr in one report, see al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 388. 91. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 18. 90.
92.
See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 140.
93.
For further details, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, pp. 19-20.
94.
See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 54; and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 430. Beside ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir also reads nujjī with one nūn; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 60. 96. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55; Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 250; and alT.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 65. 95.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 55-56; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 210; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 335. 97.
123 98.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55; and Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 250.
99.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55, n. 1. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 335.
100. 101. 102.
See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 60. The text says
without
, but this must be misprinted, as
none of the qurrā’ read it that way. It should be
, and the expression
"without wāw" is meant by Ibn Qutaybah the absence of wāw in
, namely,
not . See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 56, al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 87-88; and vol. 3, p. 160, and Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 346. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 56; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 259; and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 637. Besides Ibn Mas‘ūd, according to the codex of Ibn ‘Abbās it is read wa akūna. The codex of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b reads fa’atas.addaqa. Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading is . See A. Jeffery, Materials, pp. 171 and 206. 104. See A. Jeffery, Materials, pp. 171 and 206. See also al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 87-88 and vol. 3, p. 160. 103.
105.
Ibn Qutaybah is referring to the Qur’ānic verse:
)٤ : ( "Whereby the angels and the Spirit ascend unto Him in a Day whereof the span is fifty thousand years." (Q. 70:4). This is the interpretation of ‘Ikrimah, Qatādah and Ibn ‘Abbās as reported by al-T.abarī. However, in another report attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās he was asked about the day in which the span is fifty thousand years. He asked the questioner about the day in which the span is one thousand years mentioned in Q. 32:5). When the questioner declined to answer, Ibn ‘Abbās told him that both days were mentioned by Allah in the Qur’ān, and He Himself knew them best. Ibn ‘Abbās did not want to give any commentary on them. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 29, p. 45. 106. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 65. According to Qatādah, the questioning will occur before their mouths were sealed, their hands spoke and their feet testified as mentioned in Q. 36:65. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 174; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 295.
124 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 66. See also Q. 36:65. In the Hereafter the wronged will dispute against the wrong-doers, the speakers of truth against the liars and non-believers against believers and the weak against the arrogant; see alQurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 254. 108. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 72-73. This is also the view of Qatādah and Mujāhid. This is one interpretation given by al-T.abarī. The other interpretation is that of ‘Ā’ishah who says that the verse deals with the guardians of orphans who intend to marry them for their wealth and beauty with lower than the minimum dowry. The verse prohibits them from doing so unless they pay the dowry in full, or marry other women. For further details, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 4, pp. 155160; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 11; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, pp. 459-461. 109. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 75-76; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 255. 110. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 79-80; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 171. 111. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 172. 107.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 80. Al-Qurt.ubī and Ibn Kathīr also mention Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation with the addition that Ibn ‘Abbas makes the exception with the crystal that it is of silver. But he says further that the crystal of Paradise is like silver (in its whiteness) with the purity of crystal. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 141. Ibn Kathīr also quotes Ibn ‘Abbās's statement who says that the goblets are of silver but transparent so that its content can be seen through it; such goblets will not be found in this world. See Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 486. 113. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 81. Al-Qushayrī states that the verse said "stones of clay" to distinguish it from the "stones of water" which are hail stones. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 48. 112.
114. 115. 116.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 101-102. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 114-115.
Ibid., p. 115. Ibid., pp. 115-116. This is also the view of Abū ‘Alī al-Jubbā’ī, according to al-T.abarsī, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 409. 117.
125 118. 119.
See al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī. vol. 2, p. 97. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, p. 116; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol.
1, p. 409. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 116-117; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 1, p. 409. 121. Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 410. 120.
122.
Ibn Al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 424-425.
123.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 86. For further details and more examples, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp.
124.
87-98. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 98. Ibid., p. 99. 127. Ibid., p. 101, n. 2; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 410. 125. 126.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 101. See also Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 424. For further details on this poem, see al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 1, p. 44; and Abū al-Faraj al-As.bahānī, Kitāb al-Aghānī, ed. Rudolph E. Brünnow, 20 vols. (Leiden: E.J. Brill), vol. 17, pp. 53-55. 129. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 102. 130. Many interpretations are given on his verse: (a) It is about the Jewish rabbis and the Christian priests who concealed the prophecies about Prophet Muh.ammad; (b) It is about the Jews of Madīnah who concealed the law of stoning; (c) It is applicable to anyone who conceals the truth or the teachings of Islam. This verse is the reason why Abū Hurayrah narrated the h.adīths of the Prophet. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 2, pp. 184-185. Another Qur’ānic verse referred to by Ibn H.azm is as follows: 128.
)١٨٣ : ( ... "And (remember) when Allah laid a charge on those who had received the Scripture (He said): Ye are to expound it to mankind and not to hide it...." (Q. 3:187, Pickthall). 131. For further details on Ibn H.azm's view on the mutashābihāt, see al-
126 Ih.kām, vol. 4, pp. 489-494. 132. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 44 and vol. 4, p. 491. 133. A. Jeffery, Materials, p. 32; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 191. 134. Jeffery, Materials, pp.123-4; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 191. 135. Jeffery, Materials, p. 196. See also al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, p. 113; and al-S.ābūnī (ed.), Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, p. 265. 136. 137.
Al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.s.ar, vol. 1, p. 265 See Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 130.
Al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, p. 265; Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat alIkhlās., p. 136; and Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá (Muqaddimat al-Tafsīr), vol. 13, p. 375. 139. This is also the view of S.ābigh ibn ‘Isl who was beaten by ‘Umar when he said that if the wāw is wāw ‘at.f (wāw of conjunction) between the two nouns and not wāw isti’nāf (wāw of continuation between two sentences or phrases), the verse would have said wa yaqūlūn; see Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 130. For further details on S.abīgh, see Abbott, Qur’ānic Commentary, pp. 107-10. 138.
At least two Qur’ānic verses use the same style as the verse (Q. 3:7) in question, and therefore, weaken this argument. One of them is 140.
)٦٦ : ( "And thy Lord shall come with angels, rank in rank" )Q. 89:22, Pickthall) in which "rank in rank" is attributed to the angels only. The other verse deals with the distribution of the fay’ (the spoils) of the Banī al-Nad.īr among the three groups of people, namely, the muhājirīn, the ans.ār (Q. 59:8-9), and )١٠ : ( ... "...and those who came (into the faith) after them, say: 'Our Lord! Forgive us...'" Q. 59:10, Pickthall). 141. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 78, and vol. 1, p. 191. 142. Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 86.
59 CHAPTER II IBN QUTAYBAH'S REFUTATION OF ALLEGATIONS OF SOLECISM, CONTRADICTION AND AMBIGUITY IN THE VERSES OF THE QUR’ĀN A. Variant Readings in the Qur’ān There has never been any disagreement among the ‘ulamā’ that the Qur'ān was revealed in seven ah.ruf (lit., "letters"), as it was reported by many s.ah.ābah, such as ‘Umar, ‘Uthmān, Ubayy ibn Ka‘b, Abū Hurayrah, ‘Abd Allāh ibn ‘Abbās, and ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd1 in many h.adīths. One of these h.adīths runs as follows: [from ‘Umar b. al-Khat.t.āb] I heard Hishām b. H.ākim2 recite the sūra of the Furqān (25) during the lifetime of the Messenger of God, may God bless him and grant him peace. I listened to his recitation, and [noticed that] he was reciting according to many h.arfs in which the Messenger of God had never had me recite. I was about to grab hold of him in [the middle of his] prayer, but I waited till he had recited the final salutations. When he had finished, I seized him by his robe and said: 'Who taught you to recite the sūra which I have just heard you recite?' He said: 'The Messenger of God taught me to recite it.' I said: 'You are lying. By God, the Messenger of God himself taught me to recite this sūra which I have just heard you recite.' So I hurriedly took him to the Messenger of God and said: 'O Messenger of God, I have heard this man recite the sūra of the Furqān in h.arfs in which you never taught me to recite, and it was you yourself who taught me to recite the sūra of the Furqān.' (...)
60 The Messenger of God said: 'Let him go, ‘Umar; and you Hishām, recite.' So he recited for him the recitation I had heard him recite and the Messenger of God said: 'It was sent down like that.' Then the Messenger of God said: '[Now] you recite, ‘Umar', and I recited it as the Messenger of God had taught me. Then the Messenger of God said: 'It was sent down like that.' Then the Messenger of God said: 'Indeed, this Qur'ān was sent down in seven h.arfs. You should recite whichever comes easily to you.'[15]3 But the ‘ulamā’ have different opinions on the meaning of the term ah.ruf in these h.adīths. According to al-H.āfiz. Abū H.ātim ibn al-H.ayyān alBustī (d. 354/965) as reported by al-Qurt.ubī, there are 35 different opinions, but al-Qurt.ubī himself mentions five opinions only.4 The term h.arf (pl. ah.ruf) means "an edge", "an aspect", "a boundary", "a margin", "a side", and "a part of something". A letter is called h.arf because it is a part of the alphabet.5 The example of the word h.arf meaning wajh (an aspect, a side) in the Qur’ān is as follows: "And there is, too, among men many a one who worships God on the border-line [of faith]: thus, if good befalls him, he is satisfied with Him, but if a trial assails him, he turns away utterly,..." (Q. 22:11, Asad). Here worshipping Allah when one is only in favourable conditions or in doubt is called "worshipping Allah one-sidedly".6 As many different views exist concerning what the seven ah.ruf correspond to, some important ones are mentioned here, as follows: a. As the term ah.ruf is applicable to the alphabet, the word, the meaning and the side, it is considered ambiguous, so the seven ah.ruf is ambiguous. This is the view of the grammarian Ibn Sa‘dān.7 b. They are the seven dialects of the Arabs in which the Qur’ān was revealed, among which was the dialect of the Quraysh. The other
61 dialects are those of the Hudhayl, Thaqīf, Hawāzin, Kinānah, Tamīm, and Yamān.8 This is the correct view according to al-Bayhaqī. However, according to Abū H.ātim al-Sijistānī, the seven dialects are: the Quraysh, Hudhayl, Tamīm, al-Azd, Rabī‘ah, Hawāzin, and Sa‘d ibn Bakr. Ibn Qutaybah, who rejects this view, insists that the Qur’an was revealed in the language of the Quraysh, citing the Qur’anic verse: "And never have We sent forth any apostle otherwise than [with a message] in his own people's tongue, …" (Q. 14:4, Asad).9 c. They are the seven categories of the contents of the Qur’ān, namely: nahy (prohibiting), amr (commanding), h.alāl (lawful), h.arām (unlawful), muh.kam (clear), mutashābih (ambiguous), and amthāl (parables). Another view is that they are: amr, zajr (reprimand), targhīb (encouragement of good), tarhīb (discouragement of evil), jadal (dialectic), qas.as. (narrative), and mathal (parable, pl. amthāl)10. Yet another view is that they are: wa‘d (promise), wa‘īd (threat), h.alāl, h.arām, mawā‘iz. (exhortations), amthāl, and ih.tijāj (protest). Several categories are also included by some scholars, such as nāsikh (abrogating) and mansūkh (abrogated). d. They are dialectal readings for a single expression or a single word, with different vowelisations, but have the same meaning, such as the expression "come!" can be expressed in many different dialects, such as: halumma, aqbil, ta‘āl, iyyāya, qas.dī, nah.wī, and qurbī. This view is attributed by Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr to the majority of the ‘ulamā’, pointing out the h.adīth reported by Ah.mad and al-T.abrānī on the authority of Abū Bakrah, as follows: The Prophet said: "Gabriel said: 'O Muh.ammad, recite the Qur’ān according to one h.arf.' Michael said: 'Request more [than this for him].' He said: '[Recite] according to two h.arfs.' [This continued] until it reached seven ah.ruf. Each one is curative and sufficient - as long as one does not finish up a verse of punishment with a verse of mercy, or a verse of mercy with one of
62 punishment - as if one were to say ta‘āl, aqbil, and halumma (all meaning 'come')..."11 This type of variant reading was permitted at first, since it was difficult for the early Muslims to recite the Qur’ān with one reading due to their illiteracy and lack of ability to grasp and memorise the Qur’ānic verses perfectly. For example, Ibn Mas‘ūd was reported to have read to an unidentified person the verse "Verily, [in the life to come] the tree of deadly fruit will be the food of the sinful." (Q. 44:43-4, Asad). But the man read t.a‘ām al-yatīm ("the food of the orphan"). When Ibn Mas‘ūd failed to correct him, he said: "Can you read t.a‘ām al-fājir ("the food of the insolent)?" When the man said "yes", he said: "So, do it!" Later, when the one reading became easy for people, these variant readings became abrogated. This is the view of Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah, Ibn Wahb, Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-T.ah.āwī, al-Bāqillānī, alT.abarī and others.12 In other words, in the early period of Islam, those Arabs who could not memorise or recite correctly the Qur’ān, due to reasons such as illiteracy and lack of memory or ability to articulate properly, were temporarily permitted to recite it in their own words and languages, provided that they did not change the meaning. Once they could recite it properly as taught by the Prophet, they had to adhere to it, and their former readings became abrogated and later called qirā’āt munkarah ("rejected readings"). This is apparently what al-T.abarī meant when he stated that the ‘Uthmānic recension contained one reading only. e. They are seven variant readings based on seven aspects. According to Ibn Qutaybah, they are as follows: 1. The variant i‘rāb (desinential or grammatical inflection, rules governing vowel endings) of the word or the vowelisation of its letters which changes neither its s.ūrah (form) nor its meaning, such as the reading wa hal yujāzá illā ’l-kafūru, meaning "Is ever any requited [thus] but the utterly ingrate?" instead of wa hal nujāzī illā ’l-kafūra, meaning "But do We ever requite [thus] any but the utterly
63 ingrate?" (Q. 34:17, Asad). Both readings convey the same idea and meaning, namely, only the ingrate - like the people of Sheba whose ungratefulness led to the downfall of their kingdom Sheba, as mentioned in the previous verses - will be requitted by Allah.13 The first reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū ‘Amr and Ibn ‘Āmir, while the second reading belonged to H.amzah, al-Kisā’ī, H.afs. and ‘Ās.im.14 2. The variant i‘rāb of the word and the vowelisation of its letters which change its meaning only, not its s.ūrah, such as the reading of rabbunā (in the nominative) and bā‘ada (in the indicative) instead of rabbanā (in the vocative) and bā‘id (in the imperative) in the verse rabbunā bā‘ada bayna asfārinā, meaning "long has our Sustainer made the distance between our journey-stages!" instead of rabbanā bā‘id bayna asfārinā, meaning "Our Sustainer! Make long the distances between our journey-stages." (Q. 34:19, Asad). According to Ibn Qutaybah, these two variant readings serve dual purposes: describing the prayer of the people of Sheba (Saba’) and the answer to this prayer.15 The first reading belonged to Abū S.ālih., Muh.ammad ibn al-H.anafīyah, Abū al-‘Āliyah, Nas.r ibn ‘Ās.im and Ya‘qūb. It was also reported that Ibn ‘Abbās said that the people of Sheba complained that Allah had made their journey-stages long, although Allah had shortened the journey for them. They made this statement arrogantly and discontentedly ( ). This reading was chosen by Abū H.ātim who said that the people of Sheba did not ask Allah to lengthen their journey-stages but rather to shorten them.16 The second reading was that of the masses (qirā’at ’l‘āmmah) according to al-Qurt.ubī. It was the reading of Nāfi‘, ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī according to Ibn Mujāhid.17 3. The variant letters of the word which change its meaning only without changing its i‘rāb and s.ūrah, such as wa’nz.ur ilá ’l-‘iz.āmi kayfa
64 nunshiruhā, meaning "and look at the bones how We revive them", instead of kayfa nunshizuhā, meaning "how We put them together" (Q. 2:259, Asad).18 The first reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘ and Abū ‘Amr, whereas the second belonged to ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī.19 4. The variant words which change the s.ūrah, but not the meaning, such as the variant reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd as well as ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn al-Aswad in kānat illā zaqyatan wahidah instead of s.ayh.atan wāh.idah both readings mean "Nothing was [needed] but one single blast [of Our punishment]" (Q. 36:29, Asad), since the word zaqyah is the synonym of s.ayh.ah (lit. "a shout").20 5. The variant words which change its s.ūrah and meaning, such as ‘Alī's reading of wa t.al‘in mand.ūd, meaning "and a clustered spadix" instead of wa t.alh.in mand.ūd, meaning "and a clustered acacia" (Q.56:29).21 However, according to Abū Bakr al-Anbārī, ‘Alī went back to the Qur’ān (‘Uthmānic recension) accepting that wa t.alh.in was the right reading. When it was read to him wa t.alh.in mand.ūd he said: "Why don't you read wa t.al‘in?" and cited the verse lahā t.al‘un nad.īd "(and tall-palm-trees) with their thickly clustered dates." (Q. 50:10, Asad). Qays ibn ‘Abbād said to him: "O Prince of the believers, shall we rub it off from the mus.h.af?" He answered: "Today the Qur’ān (meaning the ‘Uthmānic recension) is not to be disturbed ( )."22 6. The variant reading by means of inversion ( ), such as Abū Bakr's reading of wa jā’at sakrat ’l-h.aqq bi ’l-mawt, meaning "and the agony of truth comes in death," instead of wa jā’at sakrat ’l-mawt bi ’l- h.aqq, meaning "and the agony of death comes in truth." (Q. 50:19, Pickthall).23 Al-Qurt.ubī states that Ibn Mas‘ūd also read the above verse the same as the reading of Abū Bakr and
65 that we should not follow this reading. He contends that there are two reports about Abū Bakr's reading: one which is the same as the one in the mus.h.af, and that is what we should follow, and the other is what is mentioned above and should be rejected; probably he forgot when he read that reading, or the narrator might have made mistakes in narrating this report. Moreover, as reported by Abū Bakr al-Anbārī, Masrūq said that when Abū Bakr was dying, he called his daughter ‘Ā’ishah. When she saw him she said: "This is like what the poet said: بِهَا ‘... a day when she rattled in her throat (in dying) and the heart became annoyed with it'". Abū Bakr told her: "Why don't you read wa jā’at sakrat ’l-mawt bi ’lh.aqq?" Here he did not read the verse with inversion.24 7. The variant reading by means of addition and omission , such as ‘amilat (with the omission of h) instead of ‘amilathu in the verse wa mā ‘amilathu aydīhim, meaning "and their hands made it not" (Q. 36:35).25 The first reading belonged to H.amzah, and al-Kisā’ī, whereas the second belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū ‘Amr, Ibn ‘Āmir and H.afs. who took it from ‘Ās.im.26 Another example cited by Ibn Qutaybah is the addition of unthá ("female") according to Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading at the end of the verse ) ( , meaning "Behold, this is my brother: he has ninety-nine ewes." (Q. 38:23, Asad).27 The variant readings which have different meanings as mentioned above belong to the category of ikhtilāf taghāyur (difference by variation) which serve as complements or commentary to the others. With regard to the variant readings which contradict each other which belong to the category of what Ibn Qutaybah called ikhtilāf tad.ādd (difference by contradiction) this kind of reading is not permissible; it does not exist except in verses dealing with injunction or prohibition among abrogating (nāsikh) and abrogated (mansūkh) verses.28
66 Although Muslim scholars have different interpretations regarding the meaning of the seven variant readings of the Qur’ān, they all agree to its validity as part of revelation. A question arises whether the seven variant readings are included in the present ‘Uthmānic recension. Some scholars among the fuqahā’ (Muslim jurists), qurrā’ (Qur’ān reciters), and mutakallimīn (Muslim scholastic theologians), such as Ibn H.azm, confirm it, contending that they are part of the revelation, and as such, are also preserved by Allah, based on the Qur’ānic verse: ".... Lo! We verily are its Guardian" (Q. 15:9).29 The second view is that of the great majority of the ‘ulamā’. They say that the ‘Uthmānic recension contains the seven variant readings which agree to the rasm (orthography) - also called s.ūrah or shakl (consonantal outline, consonantal skeleton) - of this recension only, compiled according to the Prophet's last presentation of the Qur’ān to Gabriel.30 Any other variant reading which is different from the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic recension is unacceptable. Moreover, reading the variant readings based on dialects was permitted only in the beginning of Islam, when the Arabs had difficulty in using the Quraysh dialect.31 The third view is that of al-Qāsim ibn Farh. al-Shāt.ibī (d. 590/1194) who said that the seven ah.ruf were included in Abū Bakr’s compilation, but only one variant reading in the ‘Uthmānic recension.32 Based on this statement of Ibn Qutaybah, the possible readings are those belonging to aspect one (such as wa hal yujāzá illā ’l-kafūru instead of wa hal nujāzī illā ’l-kafūra) and two (such as rabbunā bā‘ada instead of rabbanā bā‘id), and probably also aspect three (such as nunshiruhā instead of nunshizuhā) of his categorization. However, according to Muslim scholars who advocate the seven variant readings based on the seven Arabic tribal dialects, the only remaining reading in the ‘Uthmānic recension is the language of the Quraysh tribe to which the Prophet and the people of Makkah belonged. Moreover, as mentioned earlier, the Prophet's order to read the Qur’ān with the seven variant readings was only permitted
67 to ease the burden for the illiterate and non-Qurayshī Arabs with their different tribal dialects. ِAfter the death of the Prophet, the s.ah.ābah still read the Qur’ān in seven variant readings according to the readings they had received from him. Disputes concerning these variant readings appeared and later became intense and almost caused fitnah (dissention), especially among Muslim armies stationed far away from Makkah and Madīnah. This happened in 30/651 during the campaign of Azerbaijan and Armenia when the people of Shām (Syria) and Iraq met and listened to each other's reading of the Qur’ān. When they heard the difference in their readings they disagreed and almost accused each other of infidelity. In the meantime, the number of variant readings was increasing in the course of time until it reached about thirty, spreading throughout the Muslim lands. This incident was witnessed by Hudhayfah al-Yamān who became alarmed and feared of the spread of this fitnah. He went back to Madīnah and told ‘Uthmān: "Rescue this community before they disagree like the disagreement among the Jews and the Christians." This news so shocked ‘Uthmān that he immediately acted accordingly. It was to prevent this fitnah that ‘Uthmān ordered Zayd ibn Thābit, ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Zubayr, Sa‘īd ibn al-‘Ās. and ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn alH.ārith ibn Hishām to copy the texts of the Qur’ān from the authorized copy kept by H.afs.ah, the Prophet's wife and ‘Umar's daughter. He said that if the three last scribes disagreed with the former (Zayd ibn Thābit) about the texts of the Qur’ān, they should write them in the dialect of the Quraysh, as the Qur’ān was revealed in their dialect.33 Then ‘Uthmān sent four copies to different cities accompanied with a qāri’: to Makkah with ‘Abd Allāh ibn al-Sā’ib, to Syria with al-Mughīrah ibn Shihāb, to Bas.rah with ‘Āmir ibn ‘Abd al-Qays, and to Kūfah with Abū ‘Abd al-Rah.mān al-Sulamī. In Madīnah two copies were kept, one with Zayd ibn Thābit, and another by ‘Uthmān for himself. These qurrā’ taught people in their respective cities the variant readings which had been confirmed being from the Prophet, reported by a h.adīth mutawātir (a h.adīth handed down by many chains of
68 unimpeachable transmitters), and in agreement with the rasm of the copy (of the ‘Uthmānic recension) they possessed. They did not teach them the abrogated readings nor those which had been reported with a h.adīth āh.ād (a h.adīth reported by one chain of transmitters), although it agreed with the rasm of the copy. In so doing, the variant readings reported with tawātur and which agreed with the rasm of the copy were recorded and preserved. It was reported that ‘Uthmān also sent a copy to Yaman (Yemen) and Bahrayn. He ordered all other copies to be burnt, including the mus.h.af of Ibn Mas‘ūd and of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b. As the ‘Uthmānic recension was written without dots and vowelisation it included all mutawātir readings from the Prophet, such as fatabayyanū (Q. 4:94) which was the reading of all qurrā’ (as in our present mus.h.af) except H.amzah who read fatathabbatū.34 Similarly, bushran (Q. 7:57) which was the reading of ‘Ās.im (as in our present mus.h.af) is also read nashran, which was the reading of A‘mash and H.amzah; bushr is the easing (takhfīf) of bushur, the broken plural of bashīr; nashr is the mas.dar of the verb nashara (to spread).35 These variant readings were not the result of an ijtihād in finding possible readings in ‘Uthmānic recension, but rather from the readings taught by the Prophet himself to the s.ah.ābah. The s.ah.ābah, in turn, taught them to the people of the next generation, the tābi‘īn until they reached us. Abū ‘Amr ibn al‘Alā’ (d. 154/771), who was one of the seven qurrā’ and one of the leading grammarians of Bas.rah, said that if he were allowed to read other than what had already been read and taught he would have read a different reading. When he was asked by al-As.ma‘ī how to make the distinction between wa taraknā ‘alayh (Q. 37:108) and wa bāraknā ‘alayh (Q. 37:113) since both were written orthographically the same in the ‘Uthmānic codices, he answered that it could only be known by hearing it from the early mashāyikh (scholars). This also indicates that variant readings had already existed earlier than the ‘Uthmānic recension, and therefore, were not the product of it.36
69 We have noticed that among the seven variant readings advocated by Ibn Qutaybah which could be included in the ‘Uthmānic recension are three readings only. They are those which do not change in the rasm, although they change in the i‘rāb, the meaning or the wording. What happens, then, with the rest of the variant readings? They are found in the books of tafsīr. We have also noticed that there are many interpretations regarding the meaning of the term ah.ruf. The Qur’ānic commentators know that it has something to do with reading the Qur’ān, as the Prophet allowed us to read whichever is convenient for us among the seven ah.ruf. The term "seven" itself does not necessarily mean the exact number. It could be a metonym for "several", since this term is often synonymous with "several" in Arabic usage. Likewise, the term "seventy" and "seven hundred" could mean respectively "many" and "very many."37 According to (al-Qād.ī) ‘Iyād. (d. 544/1149), the term "seven", "seventy", and "seven hundred" indicates the greatness in number of units, tens and hundreds respectively.38 It is not surprising, then, that the grammarian Ibn Sa‘dān (d.230/845) suggests that the term ah.ruf meant in the h.adīth is ambiguous.39 It is noteworthy to include the views of two contemporary scholars regarding the meaning of seven ah.ruf and their existence or non-existence in the ‘Uthmānic codices. They are Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān and Muh.ammad ‘Abd al-‘Az.īm al-Zarqānī. According to the contemporary scholar Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān the more acceptable view is that the seven ah.ruf are the seven languages of the Arabs for one meaning, such as aqbil, ta‘āl, halumma, ‘ajjil and asri‘. They are different words for one meaning, namely, "come!” This is the view of Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah and Ibn Jarīr al-T.abarī. Among the arguments of followers of this view are as follows: (1). A man read a different reading from what ‘Umar had learned from the Prophet. The Prophet told them that both were correct, and said that the Qur’ān is correct as long as the verse of mercy is not substituted
70 with that of punishment and vice versa. (Reported by Ah.mad ibn H.anbal with reliable transmitters as well as al-T.abarī). (2) Busr ibn Sa‘īd said that Abū Juhaym al-Ans.ārī told him that two men disagreed on a verse, each claimed to have received it from the Prophet. When they asked him about it he said that the Qur’ān was sent down with seven ah.ruf, that they should not dispute over the Qur’ān, for disputing over it could lead to infidelity (kufr). (Reported by Ah.mad). (3). Al-A‘mash said that Anas read inna nāshi’at al-layl hiya ashaddu wat.’an wa as.wabu qīlā (Q. 73:6). When he was told that it should be wa aqwamu qīlā he said that aqwamu, as.wabu and ahya’u are the same. (Reported by al-T.abarī, Abū Ya‘lā and al-Bazzār with sound transmitters).40 (4) The tābi‘ī Muh.ammad ibn Sīrīn said that he was told that Gabriel and Michael came to the Prophet. Gabriel told the Prophet to read the Qur’ān in two h.arfs. Michael told Gabriel to give him more which he did until it reached seven ah.ruf. Muh.ammad ibn Sīrīn said further that there is no variance of reading in the matters of h.alāl, h.arām, amr or nahy. It is like saying ta‘āl, halumma and aqbil. We read in kānat illā s.ayh.atan wāh.idah (Q. 36:29 and 53), whereas Ibn Mas‘ūd read in kānat illā zaqyatan wāh.idah. (Reported by al-T.abarī, the h.adīth is mursal as the name of the s.ah.ābah was not mentioned in the isnād).41 The argument against the view that the seven readings are seven languages (dialects) of the Arabs is that there are more than seven languages of the Arabs. In addition, ‘Umar and Hishām ibn H.ākim who had different readings belonged to the same Quraysh tribe and language. It was unlikely that ‘Umar would reject his own language. Therefore, the difference was in wording but the same in meaning as mentioned above.42 Al-T.abarī who has the same view answers a hypothetical question: "Where can we find in the Qur’ān a single reading read in seven
71 different languages with different wordings but agree in meaning?" He says: "We do not claim that they still exist nowadays." "What, then, would happen to the other six variant readings?", another hypothetical question. He answered that the Muslim community was ordered to preserve the Qur’ān and was given a choice in reading and keeping any of the seven ah.ruf.43 At the time of ‘Uthmān, the situation necessitated adherence to one reading only in order to avoid the fitnah (civil strife). The Muslim community which is immune from error (ma‘s.ūm) agreed to this decision.44 The third view is that the seven ah.ruf are the seven aspects: amr, nahy, h.alāl, h.arām, muh.kam, mutashābih and amthāl. The argument against this view is that since the Muslims are allowed to choose any of the seven ah.ruf, they may choose the h.arām aspect of a particular verse, whereas others choose its h.alāl aspect. It is inconceivable that the legal judgment of something could be halal and h.arām at the same time. Moreover, the flexibility in the possibility in reading up to seven ah.ruf would not be in turning something h.alāl, for example, into h.arām, or changing its meaning. The h.adīth mentioned before stated that the Prophet confirmed that variant readings would not be contradictory to each other.45 The fourth view says that the seven ah.ruf are based on seven aspects (similar to Ibn Qutaybah's view). However, al-Qat.t.t.ān states that some of these variant readings claimed by the followers of this view are of āh.ād (reported by one chain of authority), whereas there has never been any disagreement among Muslim scholars that the accepted readings of the Qur’ān are those reported in mutawātir (many chains of authority). Furthermore, the majority of the claimed variant readings vary only in the vowelisation of consonants of the words and the way of expressing them, like the variant i‘rāb, tas.rīf (conjugation), tafkhīm (emphatic pronunciation), imālah (inclining), iz.hār (clear pronunciation), idghām (contraction) and ishmām (giving "the flavour" of one sound to another).
72 These types of variant readings do not change the wording or the meaning, and therefore belong to one word.46 Al-Qat.t.ān states further that the upholders of this fourth view believe that the ‘Uthmānic codices include all these seven ah.ruf. Since the ‘Uthmānic codices write without alif following letter mīm, it can be read either in singular (li’amānatihim) or in plural (li’amānātihim). The same with which is written without alif after letter bā’, so that it can also be read bā‘id. However, this cannot be applied to variant readings based on addition (ziyādah) and omission (naqs), such as wa a‘adda lahum jannātin tajrī tah.tahā ’l-anhār (Q. 9:100) and min tah.tihā ’l-anhār with the additional min. Another example is the reading wa mā khalaqa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá (Q. 92:3) and wa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá with the omission of mā khalaqa. Similarly, the variant reading based on inversion and substitution cannot be included in the ‘Uthmānic codices.47 Al-Qat.t.ān contends that should the seven ah.ruf be included in the ‘Uthmānic codices, the ‘Uthmānic codex - the copy kept by ‘Uthmān himself which is also called al-Mus.h.af al-Imām, the Master Copy of the Qur’ān - would not have become conclusive in settling the conflict in difference of readings. This conflict was permanently settled only by uniting people in one of the seven ah.ruf revealed in the Qur’ān. Otherwise, the conflict would have remained unsettled and there would not have been any difference between ‘Uthmānic compilation and that of Abū Bakr. The permission to read in seven ah.ruf was only given in the beginning to obviate inconvenience. This permission was no longer needed in the time of ‘Uthmān. The compilation of the Qur’ān in one reading by ‘Uthmān was agreed by the s.ah.ābah. It was such a great work, al-Qat.t.ān contends, that it ended the conflict in variant readings and united the community.48 Another contemporary scholar, Shaykh Muh.ammad al-Zarqānī, chooses the view of Abū al-Fad.l al-Rāzī regarding the seven ah.ruf which is almost similar to that of Ibn Qutaybah. Al-Zarqānī quoted al-Rāzī's view as follows:
73 1) The variation of number and gender of the noun: singular, dual or plural, masculine or feminine, such as the reading (liamānātihim) in plural and (liamānatihim) in singular. 2) The variation in tenses of the verb: mād.ī (past), mud.āri‘ (imperfect) and amr (imperative), such as reading qālū rabbanā bā‘id bayna asfārinā and ...rabbunā ba‘‘ada... 3) The variation in wujūh al-i‘rāb (aspects of grammatical inflection), such as wa lā ["not" indicating negation] yud.ārru kātibun wa lā shahīd and wa lā ["not" indicating prohibition] yud.ārra... (for being majzūm by lā) 4) Variation by means of omission and addition, such as wa mā khalaqa ’l-dhakara wa ’l-unthá and wa ’l-dhakari wa ’l-unthá with the omission of mā khalaqa. 5) Variation by means of inversion, such as wa jā’at sakratu ’l-mawt bi ’l-h.aqq which is also read wa jā’at sakratu ’l-h.aqq bi ’l-mawt. 6) Variation by means of substitution, such as munshizuhā and nunshiruhā, as well as wa talh.in and wa tal‘in. 7) Variation of languages (dialects) in fath., imālah, tarqīq (softening the pronunciation), tafkhīm, iz.hār and idghām, such as the opening and shading in reading atá and mūsá in the verse
(Q.
79:15) and Q. 20:9), so that it is read atá and até as well as mūsá and mūsé. Similarly, the word balá is read balá as well as balé in balá qādirīn (Q. 75:4).49 One of the main differences between al-Razi's view and that of Ibn Qutaybah is that Ibn Qutaybah does not include the variation of dialects in pronouncing words as one of the seven ah.ruf. The reason is that despite these variations, such as the Hudhalīs in pronouncing letter h.ā’ of h.attá sounding like the letter ‘ayn and read ‘attá h.īn for h.attá h.īn, they still belong to the same word and meaning. On the contrary, al-Rāzī counts it as one of the seven ah.ruf to which al-Zarqānī leans, since the difference
74 among the Arab tribes in the past was mainly in dialects.50 Al-Zarqānī quotes Ibn H.ajar who stated that al-Rāzī adopted and edited Ibn Qutaybah's view on the seven ah.ruf.51 According to al-Zarqānī the seven ah.ruf in al-Rāzī's view were included in the ‘Uthmānic codices. Each of these codices contained the rasm which agrees with all or some of the seven ah.ruf, so that each codex contained at least one h.arf. The word liamānatihim (Q. 70:32), for example, both in singular or in plural are included in these codices, because it was written in the singular, but a small alif was added to it to indicate that it can be read in plural.52 The word ya‘kifūna and ya‘kufūna, rabbanā bā‘id and rabbunā bā‘ada, as well as wa lā yud.ārru and wa lā yud.ārra are all included in these codices, since they contained no vowel signs.53 With regard to the fourth variant reading which is variation by means of addition and omission al-Zarqānī gives an example other than that given above. It is wa a‘adda lahum jannātin tajrī tah.ahā ’l-anhār and ...min tah.tihā... with the addition of min, both readings are mutawātir, and both agree with the rasm of the mus.h.af. The reading with the addition of min agrees with that in the Meccan codex (the mus.h.af sent to Makkah), whereas that with the omission of min agrees with that of other codices. Any reading which does not agree with the rasm of any of the ‘Uthmānic codices are abrogated by the last reading read by Gabriel to the Prophet then the Prophet to Gabriel - at the year of his death. This includes Ibn ‘Abbās's reading wa kāna warā’ahum malikun ya’khudhu kulla safīnatin s.ālih.atin ghas.ban with the addition of s.ālih.atin. All of the s.ah.ābah agreed that this reading had been abrogated.54 With regard to the fifth variant reading which is variation by means of inversion, al-Zarqānī states that the example given above which is wa jā’at sakratu ’l- h.aqq bi ’l-mawt (the inversion of ...al-mawt bi ’l- h.aqq) is also abrogated. A similar abrogated inverted reading is idhā jā’a fath.u ’llāh wa ’l-nas.r (the inversion of ... nas.ru ’llāh wa ’l-fat h.). The valid example
75 given by al-Zarqānī for the inverted reading is fayaqtulūna wa yuqtalūna and fayuqtalūna wa yaqtulūna. Both reading are mutawātir, and agree with the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codices, since they contain no vowel signs.55 With regard to the sixth variant reading which is variation by means of substitution, al-Zarqāni states that some readings of this genre are acceptable which agree to the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codices, like fatabayyanū and fatathabbatū, for both are written with the same rasm, namely, . Other readings such as ka ’l-s.ūfi ’lmanfūsh rather than ka ’l-‘ihni ’l-manfūsh and fa’md.ū ilá dhikri ’llāh rather than fa’s‘aw ilá dhikri ’llāh, these readings are abrogated and do not agree with the ‘Uthmānic codices.56 With regard to the seventh variant reading which is the variation of languages or dialects, these readings do not change the words and therefore also agree with the rasm of the ‘Uthmānic codex. One example is the verse hal atāka h.adīth mūsá (Q. 20:9) in which the letter yā’ is written instead of alif in atāka and mūsá, namely, and to indicate that both words can be read with imālah, namely, atéka and musé.57 The letter yā’ in words such as mūsá ‘īsá and mus.t.afá is called alif maqs.ūrah (lit., "a shortened alif") and phonetically written with letter a with an accent aigu on it (á) according to McGill University transliteration system. (See the table of the transliteration system on p. v above). We have seen how al-Zarqānī explained and defended the view of al-Rāzī concerning the seven ah.ruf and their inclusion in the ‘Uthmānic codices. He has proved that variation of readings by means of inversion, substitution as well as addition and omission which could not take place in the ‘Uthmānic codices according to al-Qa t.t.ān could and did occur. This argument can also be used to justify Ibn Qutaybah's view which, as mentioned earlier, is very similar to that of al-Rāzī. Al-Zarqānī rejects the view of al-T.abarī and Sufyān ibn ‘Uyaynah that the seven a h.ruf are the seven dialects of one word with the same meaning. It is like the reading of halumma, aqbil, ta‘āl, ‘ajjil, asri‘, qas.dī
76 and nah.wī used when we call someone to come to us as mentioned before. All these, al-Zarqānī contends, belong to one variant reading only, namely, the substitution of the words in general which is broader than the substitution with exclusively synonymous words.58 Al-Zarqānī also rejects the view that there was only one reading that remained in the ‘Uthmānic codices and the rest were abrogated and excluded from them with the approval of the s.ah.ābah. He states that these are false arguments. Even in the time of the Prophet people disagreed on reading the Qur’ān in variant readings. The Prophet confirmed to them the existence of these variant readings which are a mercy for them and for the Muslim community at large. When he was told to read the Qur’ān to his people with one reading, he asked for more and said that his community could not bear it. As his community will remain till the Resurrection Day, and so their inability to bear only one reading will also remain. If Muslim nations have problems with the correct pronunciation of some letters of the Qur’ān and some dialects, how could it be possible that the s.ah.ābah who were living in the best generation close this door of mercy and lenience that had been opened by Allah to the Muslims? How could they disagree with the Prophet's guidance in his asking lenience for his community with variant readings? How could they disagree with the Prophet in his confirming the existence of these variant readings (rather than limiting them to one reading) in settling the disagreement among people in his community? How could ‘Uthmān do such things without any action from the s.ah.ābah to prevent him from doing these deeds? In addition, how could the ijmā‘ (agreement) take place on keeping one h.arf and abandoning the other six ah.ruf when the meaning of ah.ruf itself had not been agreed upon? Had this actually happened, why did not ‘Uthmān allow these six ah.ruf to remain in history, not to be totally forgotten, since they were not abrogated? Why did not history keep them, when the s.ah.ābah kept in history the abrogated and isolated readings, even fabricated traditions that reach us today and will reach people in the future?59
77 We have seen how al-Qat.t.ān and al-Zarqānī adopted different views about the seven ah.ruf and how these two scholars defended their respective views. Al-Qat.t.ān adopted the view of al-T.abarī and others that the seven ah.ruf were seven synonyms of a word, and only one reading existed in the ‘Uthmānic codices, as the other six were only optional. On the other hand al-Zarqānī adopted al-Rāzī's view which is similar to that of Ibn Qutaybah, and contended that the seven ah.ruf which are seven aspects of readings existed in the ‘Uthmānic codices.
B. Ungrammatical Usage in the Qur’ān Ibn Qutaybah mentions five main grammatical errors (alh.ān, sing. lah.n), in the Qur’ān alleged by his opponents. They are as follows: 1. ) 2. )٦٩
for (
5. )١٠
for ...
3. 4. )
(Q. 20:63)
(
for for
(Q. 5:69) (Q. 4:162) (Q. 21:88)
for
(Q. 63:10)
He cites the statement of ‘Ā’ishah on the authority of Abū Mu‘āwiyah Muh.ammad ibn H.āzim al-Tamīmī (d. 193/809), from Hishām ibn ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr (d. 146/763-4) and from his father from ‘Ā’ishah who said that there were three scribes' errors in the Qur’ān, mentioning the first three errors above.60 He also cites the statement of ‘Uthmān who said: "I see a solecism in it, and the Arabs will correct it with their tongue ( ); so, he did it, but kept the rasm as it was. Moreover, al-Hajjāj was reported to have assigned ‘Ās.im, Nājiyah ibn Rumh., and ‘Alī ibn As.ma‘ to trace any Qur’ānic book which did not agree with the ‘Uthmānic
78 recension, to destroy it and to give its owner sixty dirhams as compensation.61 1. Regarding the first alleged solecism, namely, inna hādhāni lasāh.irān, Ibn Qutaybah mentions three views, as follows: a. According to grammarians whom Ibn Qutaybah does not identify, among whom was al-Kisā’ī, it is the dialect of the Balh.arth (Banī ’lH.ārith) ibn Ka‘b tribe who express the dual with alif in all of the three cases. They say, for example, marartu birajulān, qabid.tu dirhamān, and jalastu bayna yadāh.62 The example in poetry is as follows: * "He was hit with a blow that led him to a barren, dusty place." Here bayna udhunāhu is used instead of bayna udhunayh.63 b. It is the error of the scribe and therefore should be read inna hādhayn lasāh.irān. This is the view of Abū ‘Amr al-‘Alā’ and ‘Īsá ibn ‘Umar among the qurrā’ who affirm ‘Ā’ishah's statement, and ‘Ās.im ibn Abī al-S.abāh al-Jah.darī who explicitly supports ‘Uthmān's statement mentioned before. ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī, the muqri’ and mufassir of Bas.rah, in his mus.h.af (codex) followed the ‘Uthmānic recension, but read inna hādhayn, wa ’l-s.ābi‘īn, wa ’l-muqīmūn, and wa ’l-s.ābirūn.64 c. Some unidentified qurrā’ read in hādhān sāh.irān based on Ubayy ibn Ka‘b's reading in his mus.h.af, in dhān illā sāh.irān, as well as that of ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd who read an hādhān sāh.irān.65 Commenting on this reading Ibn Khālawayh states that the qurrā’ unanimously agree in reading inna except Ibn Kathīr and H.afs. from ‘Ās.im, both read in; they read hādhān (with alif) except Abū ‘Amr who read hādhayn (with yā’). They agree in reading with the light nūn in the dual form hādhān, except Ibn Kathīr who read it with a stressed nūn, namely, hādhānn.66
79 The argument of those who read inna hādhān is the report of alD.ah.h.āk from Ibn ‘Abbās who said that Allah revealed the Qur’ān in the language of all the tribes of the Arabs, and in this case, in the language of the Balh.arth ibn Ka‘b tribe that uses alif invariably in the dual form. The argument of those who read in is that by reading inna with the light nūn, it invalidates its grammatical function, so that hādhayn in the accusative case returns to its original nominative case hadhān. Therefore, there is no solecism in this case. Moreover, another argument is that the word in here does not mean "verily", but rather mā (not), and the letter lām means illā (except), so that the reading means ("These two people are none but two magicians"). The example from the Qur’ān is the verse )٤ : ( meaning ("No 67 human soul but has a guardian over it." Q. 86:4). Abū al-‘Abbās al-Mubarrad interprets the meaning of inna in this reading as na‘am (yes). He says that when a Bedouin came to Ibn al-Zubayr saying: "May Allah curse the camel that carried me to you," he answered inna wa rākibuhā, meaning na‘am wa rākibuhā ("yes, and its rider"). As a shāhid, he cites the poems of ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Qays as follows:
My reprovers came early in the morning abusing me and I blamed them; they said, “Hoariness has come upon you, and you have become old,” and I said “yes”.68 The argument of those who read hādhayn is the afore-mentioned statement of ‘Uthmān who considered hādhān to be a solecism and stated that the Arabs would correct it with their tongues. If it were said that ‘Uthmān was more entitled to correct the solecism, it would be said that the solecism is not an error, but rather a deviation from using the Qurayshī dialect.69 The argument of those who read hādhānn is that the stress on the letter nūn serves as a substitute for the missing alif as an indication that a letter is missing in that word. Therefore, this stress indicates that the word
80 hādhān is made of incomplete letters and to distinguish it from words made of complete letters. In other words, as the word is the combination of and the dual , one of its two alifs is replaced with the stressed nūn.70 Ibn Qutaybah states that the word hādhān was written in the ‘Uthmānic codex (Mus.h.af al-Imān) without alif, and in fact, the dual is always written in it without alif, such as qāla rajulāni ( 71
Q. 5:23),
fa’ākharāni yaqūmāni ( Q. 5:107). Moreover, it is reported by ‘Abd Allāh from ‘Amr ibn ‘Abd Allāh al-Awdī from Wakī‘ from alA‘mash from Ibrāhīm who said that people thought that in reading, the letter alif and the letter yā’ were the same, and that inna hādhāni and inna hādhayni were identical when reading.72 Al-Farrā’ gives three reasons for reading inna hādhān in the above verse: (a) It is the language of the Banī al-H.ārith as mentioned earlier; (b) When the Arabs say muslimūn they added in the written word the letter waw after a d.ammah on the letter mīm that preceded it. When they say muslimīn, they added the letter yā‘ after putting a kasrah on the letter mīm. However, when they say ithnayn, if they put the letter yā‘, it would not be preceded by a kasrah, but by a fath.ah. Therefore, they keep the letter alif as it is and write ithnān; similar to the case of ithnān is hādhān (c) The letter alif is a support for the word hādhā. In the dual number only one letter is added to it, namely, the letter nūn, so that it becomes hādhān in all cases. It is like al-ladhī in which the letter yā’ remains after adding the letter nūn in the plural, so that it becomes al-ladhīn, except for the Banī Kinānah who read it as al-ladhūn.73 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions five views given by Arabic grammarians as well as by himself in justifying the above reading as follows: a. It is the language of the Kinānah and the Banī ’l-H.ārith to always put the letter alif in the dual form as mentioned earlier. b. The word inna means "yes", which is the view of Abū ’l-‘Abbās and al-Mubarrad as mentioned earlier, so that it does not affect the inflection of words which follow it, namely, hādhān remains as it is.
81 c. The whole expression hādhān las.āh.irān - which consists of mubtada’ (subject) and khabar (predicate) - is the khabar of the hidden mubtada’, namely, the d.amīr al-sha’n (the pronoun indicating circumstances) which serves as the ism of inna. Therefore, the full expression is . d. The same as above, except that sāh.irān is the khabar of the hidden mubtada’, so that the full expression is . e. The letter hā’ in hādhān should be joined with inna instead of dhān, so that it is read . f. According to al-Suyūt.ī, the significance of the alif of the dual in hādhān is that it rhymes together with the word that follows it, namely, sāh.irān as well as yuridān, so that they all rhyme together. As evidence, he gives similar examples from the Qur’ān. The use of tanwīn (nunation) with the additional alif in the word salāsil - so that it becomes salasilan - will make it rhyme with the word that follows it, namely, aghlālan and sa‘īran (Q. 76:4). Similarly, the nunation of Saba’ changes it to Saba’in to rhyme with binaba’in and yaqīnin. (Q. 27:22).74 Al-Zarqānī gives four variant readings of as follows: (a)
was the reading of Nāfi‘ and others; (b)
was the reading of
Ibn Kathīr; (c) was the reading of H.afs.; and (d) was the reading of Abū ‘Amr. As the ‘Uthmānic codices contained the seven ah.ruf the word hādhān was written without alif or yā’, so that it could be read with the four variant readings mentioned above.75 2. With regard to the verse ... )٦٩ : ( "Lo! those who believe, and those who are Jews, and Sabaeans, and Christians..." (Q. 5:69, Pickthall), Ibn Qutaybah gives us the reasons for
82 reading al-s.ābi’ūn without falling into a grammatical error, as follows: The word al-s.ābi’ūn is marfū‘ (in the nominative case),76 because it is radd ‘alá mawd.i‘ (a return to the position) of the whole expression inna ’l-ladhīna āmanū, namely, in the nominative case. The assertive particle inna does not affect the meaning of the sentence. Therefore, it is possible to say, for example, .This expression conveys the same meaning as (except for emphasis which Ibn Qutaybah does not mention). Other "sisters" of inna do affect the meaning of the sentence, so that the word after the conjunction must also be affected; for example, . Here the word zaydun has to be put in the accusative case, because la‘alla affects the meaning of the sentence, namely, the existence of doubt in it, whereas inna does not. Ibn Qutaybah contends further that according to the grammarian al-Kisā’ī of the Kūfan school, it is possible to say or . This is also the view of the grammarians of the Bas.ran school. They say it is possible to read inna ’llāha wa malā’ikatuhu (instead of malā’ikatahu) yus.allūna ‘alá ’l-nabiyyi (Q. 33:56), and cite the following poem of D.ābi’ al-Burjumī as a shāhid: "Faman yaku amsá bi ’lmadīnati rah.luhu, fa’innī wa qayyārun [instead of qayyāran] bihā lagharību.77 According to al-Farrā’, since the subject al-ladhīna is indeclinable, the effect of inna on it is weak, therefore the word al-s.ābi’īn which is connected to it is also weak and can be ignored; consequently, it is possible to read al-s.ābi’īn in the nominative case, namely, al-s.ābi’ūn. However, he disagrees with al-Kisā’ī in the possibility of using the expression . Because the word ‘abd is declinable, the effect of inna cannot be weak on it as well as on the word connected to it, namely, zayd; therefore, zaydan should be used here. He contends further that the afore-mentioned poem of al-Burjumī does not support al-Kisā’ī's view in accepting zaydun in the above example. The reason is that qayyār is connected to the pronoun
83 ī in innī, an indeclinable, and metonymically expressed word, whereas zayd is connected to a declinable word ‘abd. Similarly, it is not possible to read inna ’llāha wa malā’ikatuhu (Q. 33:56) for the same reason. In addition, it is more likely and permissible to say qayyārun (besides the usual reading qayyāran) than al-s.ābi’ūn. The reason is that the word al-ladhīna with which it is connected can be read as al-ladhūna in the nominative case.78 Another reason for justifying the reading al-s.ābi’ūn is that, according to al-Kisā’ī, the word is following the noun in the term hādū, which does not mean "the Jews" as usually interpreted, but "the people who repented and returned to the right way", an interpretation similarly given to the verse innā hudnā ilayka ("behold, unto Thee have we turned in repentance!" Q. 7:156, Asad). Since some of the Sabaeans were included among "the people who repented and returned to the right way", the word al-s.ābi’ūn is placed in the nominative case. Al-Kisā‘ī probably means that al-s.ābi’ūn is in the nominative case because this term is connected to people who are following the right path, namely those who are hādū as well as āmanū. Again, al-Farrā’ rejects this view stating another interpretation that the believers in the beginning of the verse refer to the pretending believers only and not the sincere ones, then the Jews and Christians are mentioned. The verse continues with "... whosoever [among them, i.e., the pretending believers, the Jews, the Sabaeans and the Christians] believeth in Allah and the Last Day and doth right - there shall no fear come upon them neither shall they grieve." (Q. 5:69, Pickthall).80 It means that whoever among those people, whether they disbelieve or pretend to believe, will be safe if they become believers. Al-Zamakhsharī gives us the reason for reading al-s.ābi’ūn instead of al-s.ābi’īn in the above verse: it is the mubtada’ (subject) of a hidden 79
khabar (predicate) kadhālik ("like that"). It is like saying ("Lo! those who believe, and those who are Jews, and Christians, all of them will be so-and-so, and the Sabaeans will
84 also be like that"). Al-Zamakhsharī rejects the view that al-s.ābi’ūn should be ma‘t.ūf to the phrase , because this could occur only after the completion of the sentence, namely, after mentioning the predicate. Therefore, according to him, it is wrong to say, for example, , (but rather,
).81
Al-Suyūt.ī mentions five views reported from Abū al-Baqā’, including the three views mentioned above. The two remaining views are as follows: a. Inna in the verse in question means "yes", and the words that follow, including al-s.ābi’ūn, are in the nominative case. As a shāhid, the poem of ‘Ubayd Allāh ibn Qays mentioned before was cited.82 b. Al-s.ābi’ūn is a plural treated as a singular number, and its letter nūn is the letter of the inflection ( ). There 83 is no further comment from al-Suyūt.ī. This means that al-s.ābi’ūna, being treated as a singular noun, its letter wāw remains, although the word is in the accusative case; instead, its letter nūn is inflected with fath.ah, so that it becomes al-s.ābi’ūna. It is like the term Fir‘awnu (in the nominative case) and Fir‘awna (in the accusative case).84 3. The verse in question runs as follows:
.)١٦٦ :
(
But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge, and the believers who believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee and those who are [especially] constant in prayer, and those who pay the poor-due, and the believers in Allah and the Last
85 Day - these it is unto whom We shall grant a mighty reward. (Q. 4:162) Following the ‘Uthmānic recension it is written wa ’l-muqīmīn als.alāh (in the accusative case) in the above verse rather than wa ’l-muqīmūn al-s.alāh (in the nominative case). The latter is grammatically considered the correct one, as it is connected to al-mu‘minūn which is also in the nominative case. Ibn Qutaybah mentions five different views among the grammarians concerning wa ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh in the above verse, as follows: a. The expression is ma‘t.ūf (conjoined) with the pronoun ka in ilayka, so that the verse means ("...,they believe in that which has been revealed unto thee, ... and unto those who were constant in prayer"). This view, however, is rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school. They contend that a noun cannot be connected with a pronoun in the genitive case, unless it is accompanied by the preposition of that pronoun. In this case, the verse should be read wa ilá ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh. The absence of the preposition ilá in the Qur’ānic text wa ’l-muqīmīn al-s.alāh indicates that there is no such connection as mentioned above.85 b. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the pronoun ka in qablika, so that the verse means ("... and in that which was revealed before thee and before those who were constant in prayer"). This view is also rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school on the same argument mentioned above. In this case, the term qabl is not mentioned in al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh.86 c. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with mā unzila ilayka, so that the verse means ("... believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... and believe in those who are constant in prayer"). This is the view of al-Kisā’ī. As a shāhid it is mentioned in the Qur’ān
86 ("and trusts the believers", Q. 9:61, Asad) which means . d. The expression is in the accusative case because it is a praise ( ), as if it is said
("I praise those who are constant in
prayer"), or ("I mean those who are constant in prayer"). According to Sībawayh and others among the grammarians of the Bas.ran school the transition of a noun into the accusative case is a legitimate grammatical device to emphasise its significance, in this case, those who are constant in prayer.87 Asad, Pickthall and Ali follow this view by adding the term "especially" - between parenthesis by Asad and Ali - in translating this expression (al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh). e. The expression is in the accusative case as a break required after using long successive words in the nominative case. Then the expression goes on and returns to the nominative case. This is the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah.88 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions six views, including those mentioned above except the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah. The remaining two views are as follows: a. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the word qabl in qablika, so that the verse means ("... and that which was revealed before thee and that which was revealed to those who were constant in prayer"). b. The expression is ma‘t.ūf with the pronoun hum in minhum, so that the verse means "But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge ... and from among those who are constant in prayer").89 This view, as mentioned earlier, is rejected by the grammarians of the Bas.ran school, since the Qur’ānic text does not say wa min al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh. Al-T.abarī gives us some views on the verse in question. He says that Qur’ānic commentators do not agree that al-rāsikhūn fi ’l-‘ilm and al-
87 muqīmīn al-s.alāh mentioned in the above verse relate to the same category of people. Those who say so maintain that al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the accusative case for the following reasons: a. It was the scribe's error and should be al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh. This is the view of Abān ibn ‘Uthmān ibn ‘Affān and ‘Ā’ishah; it is also the reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd in his codex.90 b. The expression is s.ifah (the characteristic) of al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm. It is because of the length of the verse that al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh is changed into the accusative case (i.e., al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh) as a praise. This is the view of some grammarians of the Bas.ran and the Kūfan schools. They say that the Arabs occasionally change the i‘rāb of the middle s.ifah of something they are praising or blaming, and finally return to the i‘rāb of the first s.ifah.91 Other grammarians say that al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is not the s.ifah of al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, although the latter are also found among the former. In this case, al-muqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the genitive case (khifd.). Al-T.abarī gives us some views in understanding the verse, some of which have already been mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah and al-Suyūt.ī above. Their different understandings of the verse are as follows: a. ("... and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee and [believe] in [the injunction of] performing prayer..."). Al-mu’tūn al-zakāh is in the nominative case because it is ma‘t.ūf with al-mu’minūn, so that the verse means ("and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... they are those who pay the poor-due"). b. ("...and the believers believe in that which is revealed unto thee ... and in angels"), so that the
88 al-muqīmūn al-s.alāh are the angels who pray to Allah by glorifying Him and asking forgiveness for people on the earth. c. ( "... and believe in those who are constant in prayer, they and those who pay the poor-due..."). Those who are constant in prayer in the above view are the angels or the prophets - or the infallible imāms according to the Shī'īs as mentioned by al-T.abarsī.92 d. "But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge ... and from among those who are constant in prayer" as mentioned by al-Suyūt.ī (b) above. e. ("..., and the believers believe in that which has been revealed unto thee, ... and unto those who were constant in prayer"), as mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah (a) above. The best view according to al-T.abarī is the second view (b) above which is that of al-Kisā’ī. Therefore, the verse means ("... and the believers of them believe in that which is revealed unto thee O Muhammad from the Book, and that which was revealed among My Books before thee, and in the angels who are constant in prayer."). If we go back to the s.ifah of al-rāsikhūna fi ’l-‘ilm, the verse means ("But as for those from among them who are deeply rooted in knowledge, and the believers in the Books, and the angels, and those who pay the poor-due, and the believers in Allah and the Last Day...").93 If we examine the view chosen by al-T.abarsī for the interpretation of the verse in question, it contains the pillars of faith and of Islam. The belief in Allah, His angels, His messengers - as angels and messengers are those who are constant in prayer94 - His revealed Books, and the Last Day mentioned in the verse, are among the pillars of faith. The five pillars of Islam are represented by establishing the obligatory prayers and paying the
89 zakāt mentioned in this verse as well as other verses scattered throughout the Qur’ān. If we look into the meaning of the verse in question, we find that they are almost identical to those of verses 2-5 of sūrat al-Baqarah. These verses run as follows:
. This is the Book wherein there is no doubt, a guidance for those who fear Allah (al-muttaqīn), who believe in [the existence] of that which is beyond the reach of human perception (al-ghayb), and are constant in prayer, and spend out of what We have provided for them, and who believe in that which is revealed unto thee, and that which was revealed before thee, and are certain of the Hereafter. These are rightly guided by their Lord, and these shall surely prosper (al-muflih.ūn). (Q. 2:2-5). The similarity between the two groups of verses is as follows: Q. 2:2-5 Q. 4:162 a. a. b.
b.
c.
c.
d.
d.
e.
e.
f.
f.
g.
g.
90 h.
h.
We have noticed that the meaning of the two groups are almost identical. The expression yu’minūna bimā unzila ilayka wa mā unzila min qablika is found in both groups. The term al-ākhirah (the Hereafter) in Q. 2:4 is itself al-yawm al-ākhir (the Last Day) in Q. 4:162. As those who are constant in prayer in Q. 2:2-5 are the muttaqīn it is highly probable that those who are constant in prayer in Q. 4:162 are the al-rāsikhūn fi ’l-‘ilm and al-mu’minūn. For this reason, I lean to the view of Sībawayh, al-Farrā’, Khalīl and the grammarians of the Bas.ran school in general, that almuqīmīn al-s.alāh is in the accusative case because it indicates praise as mentioned above. There are many ways to emphasise a statement: we highlight it, underline it, or write it in italics. One of many ways to emphasise a statement in the classical Arabic literature as well as in the Qur’ān is by changing its case, as we have noticed above. 4. With regard to the verse kadhālika nunjjī ’l-mu’minīn ("thus We save believers" Q. 21:88), Ibn Qutaybah says that although it is written in the mus.h.af with one letter nūn, all the qurrā’ read it with two nūns, namely, nunjī, except ‘Ās.im who read it nujjī with one nūn.95 The reason for dropping the second nūn, in their view, is that this letter nūn is hidden in the letter jīm, or, as al-T.abarī put it, is not clearly pronounced, as is in allā (originally an lā), so that this letter nūn is dropped. The subject is then Allāh, and the object is al-mu’minīn which is in the accusative case.96 On the other hand, ‘Ās.im’s reading is acceptable among some grammarians, such as al-Farrā’, Abū ‘Ubayd, and Tha‘lab. They base their view on the assumption that there is a hidden mas.dar (verbal noun) after the verb which serves as the subject in the verse, namely, al-najā’, so that the verse reads nujjī ’l-najā’u ’l-mu’minīn which later becomes nujjī ’lmu’minīn. It is like the expression d.uriba al-d.arbu zaydan which later
91 becomes d.uriba zaydan; the more acceptable expression is man kadhaba kāna sharran lahu ("whoever lies it is bad for him") in which the subject alkadhib (lying) is not expressed but understood. As a shāhid in poetry they cite the satiric poem of Jarīr ridiculing Farazdaq, as follows: ("Even if Qufayrah [Farazdaq's mother] bore a dog's cub, dogs would be cursed of that cub"). La subba ... al-kilābā here means la subba al-sabbu ... al-kilābā, so that al-kilābā remains in the accusative case.97 Abū ‘Ubayd who chooses ‘Ās.im's reading says that he (Abū ‘Ubayd) does so, because he does not like to disagree with the text of the mus.h.af; moreover, there is also a variant reading similar to this verse, namely, li-yajziya qawman bimā kānu yaksibūn ("so that He may requite people according to what they have earned." Q. 45:14). This verse is read by Abū Ja‘far al-Madanī li-yujzā qawman, meaning li-yujzā ’l-jazā’u qawman.98 The use of the mas.dar of a verb as a subject in the above examples is unacceptable according to al-Zajjāj and Abū H.ātim, because it only repeats the meaning of the verb. They say that it is not possible to say d.uriba zaydan meaning d.uriba ’l-d.arbu zaydan, because the verb d.uriba has already indicated the action of beating (al- d.arb), and therefore, the use of al-d.arb is redundant. They reject ‘Ās.im’s reading nujjī ’l-mu’minīn as a solecism, because the noun al-mu’minīn is in the accusative case where no subject is mentioned. Therefore, the proper expression with nujjī is almu’minūn, like the expression kurrima ’l-s.ālih.ūn.99 Another view of Abū ‘Ubayd is that the reading nujjī is originally nunjī, and the second nūn is contracted with the letter jīm. However, the idea of contraction (idghām) is rejected by al-Nah.h.ās who says that because the articulation of the two letters is very different no grammarian allows the contraction of nūn with jīm. For example, the verse man jā’a bi’l-h.asanah (Q. 6:160, 27:89, and 28:84) is never read maj jā’a bi ’l-h.asanah. The best explanation for this, according to al-Qurt.ubī, is that of ‘Alī ibn Sulaymān
92 al-Akhfash. He says that due to the combination of two letter nūns in nunjī the second nūn is dropped. It is like wa lā tafarraqū (Q. 3:103) which is originally wa lā tatafarraqū.100 Another view worth mentioning is that of Abū ‘Alī who says that ‘Ās.im should have read nunjī with two letter nūns, but only one nūn was clear. People who heard his reading thought that there was a contraction between the letter nūn and the letter jīm. Therefore, they changed it with one letter nūn.101 If we look into the present Qur’ānic text based on the variant reading of ‘Ās.im we find that a small lone letter nūn is put after the letter nūn in n-j-y. Its purpose is to help the reader in reading the word, so that he will read it rather than . However, since this lone nūn is not joined with the rasm of the word, the rasm is not affected or changed. It is written like this: . Therefore, I lean to the view of Abū ‘Alī above. It means that ‘Ās.im did really read nunjī like the other qurrā’. The only difference is that he did not pronounce the second nūn clearly, since it was not written in the ‘Uthmānic recension. 5. According to Ibn Qutaybah most of the qurrā’ read fa’as.s.addaqa wa akun (without waw) rather than wa akūna.102 He states that the reason for reading akun is that according to some grammarians the word akun takes the position of fa’as.s.addaqa, namely, in the apocopate form (jazm). Without (fā’) the word has to be in the apocopate form, namely, as.s.addaq. Originally, the expression is law lā akhkhartanī ... atas.addaq wa akun min al-s.ālih.īn. As a shāhid they give the following example in poetry: ("Give me your camel so that I may leave you and go back to my way," namely, "treat me well and bring back your kindness to me, for this may induce me to make peace with you and bring me back to what I used to be"). Without la‘allī it is read us.ālih.kum in the apocopate form, and that is the reason astadrij is also in the apocopate
93 form. However, it is also possible to read wa akūna which is the reading of Abū ‘Amr ibn al-‘Alā’ according to Ibn Qutaybah, and of Ibn Mas‘ūd and other qurrā’ according to al-Farrā’.103 Ibn Mas‘ūd maintains that this reading is correct and not disagreeing with the rasm of the mus.h.af, since the letter waw may be dropped in the text while it remains there in the reading. It is like the letter alif which is dropped in al-Rah.mān ( ) and ).104
Sulaymān (
C. Contradiction and Disagreement in the Verses of the Qur’ān There are some Qur’ānic verses in which, to some people, contradiction ( ) seems to occur. In other verses disagreement ( ) seems to occur because of (a) not noticing the existence of relevance, (b) misunderstanding the words, or (c) misunderstanding the expression used in these verses. To prove the absence of such contradiction and disagreement in these verses Ibn Qutaybah explains them one by one, among which are as follows: 1. Contradiction a. )٣٩ : ( ("For on that Day neither man nor invisible being will be asked about his sin." Q. 55:39, Asad) seems to be contradictory with )٩٣-٩٦ : ( "But by thy Sustainer! [On the Day of Judgment] We shall indeed call them to account, one and all, for whatever they have done!" )Q. 15:92-93, Asad). Ibn Qutaybah's commentary is that the Resurrection Day ( ) will 105 last fifty thousand years. On that day people will be and then will not be questioned. They will be questioned and put on trial in Allah's court. After the completion of reckoning good and bad deeds they have done on the earth, then what Allah described when He said )٣٣ :
(
"When the sky is rent asunder and becomes
94 red like [burning] oil" (Q. 55:37, Asad) will take place. The talking and arguing will cease, the faces of the blessed will turn white and of the damned will turn black (Q. 3:106-7 and 39:6). The two parties will be identified with marks; the leaves containing the record of their deeds will fly from their hands; the blessed will be sent to Heaven and the damned will be sent to Hell (Q. 56:8-9 and 41). This is the moment where neither man nor invisible being (jinni) will be questioned about his sin as mentioned in the above verse.106 b. It is stated in one verse )٦٨ : ( "[And] He will say: 'Contend not before Me, [O you sinners,] for I gave you a forewarning [of this Day of Reckoning].'" (Q. 50:28, Asad), whereas in the other it is stated: )٣١ : ( "And then, behold, on the Day of Resurrection you all shall place your dispute before your Sustainer." (Q. 39:31, Asad). Ibn Qutaybah's commentary is that people will argue against each other where the wronged will complain against the wrong-doers, and when the disputes are settled Allah will tell them not to speak, argue or make any excuse any longer, for their arguments and excuses will be of no avail. Ibn Qutaybah presents one interpretation given by ‘Ikrimah on the verse )٣٦-٣٥: ( "That Day on which they will not [be able to] utter a word, nor be allowed to proffer excuses!" (Q. 77:35-36, Asad) and the verse Q. 39:31 above. ‘Ikrimah said that on that Day they will argue with each other, then Allah will seal their mouths, and their hands and legs will talk.107 2. Disagreement a. Not noticing the existence of relevance, as follows: (1) The verse “And if you have reason to fear that you might not act equitably towards orphans,” continues with )٣ : ( “then marry from among [other] women such as are lawful to you - [even] two, three, or four" (Q. 4:3, Asad) which seems irrelevant. Ibn Qutaybah's
95 explanation is that if you fear that you might not deal fairly with the orphans that are assigned to you, then fear also that you might not do justice among women if you marry them. Therefore, marry two, three or four wives and not more. Otherwise, you will not be able to do justice among them. The verse continues with: "But if you have reason to fear that you might not be able to treat them with equal fairness, then [only] one - or [from among] those whom you rightfully possess." It means that if you still fear that you would not be able to do justice with two, three or four wives, then marry one wife only, or confine yourself to your imā’ (slave girls) whom your right hand possesses. This is more appropriate, so that you would not become unfair with them. Quoting Ibn ‘Abbās Ibn Qutaybah said that like the orphans, women are also under the protection of men. Since justice is highly required from the guardians of orphans towards these orphans, so it is with the husbands towards their wives. Therefore, the number of wives is limited to four and not more to avoid injustice.108 (2) One verse reads: "God has laid down that the Ka‘bah, the Inviolable Temple, shall be a symbol for all mankind; and [so, too] the sacred month [of pilgrimage] and the garlanded offerings," then the verse continues with ( )٩٣ : "that these [are symbols] meant to make you aware that God is aware of all that is in the heavens and all that is on earth, and that God has full knowledge of everything." (Q. 5:97, Asad). The second part of the verse seems to be irrelevant to the first part. In order to show the existence of relevance between the two parts of the above verse, Ibn Qutaybah described at first the condition of the Arabs before the advent of Islam. He said that the Arabs in the pre-Islamic era were accustomed to waging war among themselves, shedding blood and taking others' property unjustly, frightening travellers, seeking vengeance and killing an innocent person rather than the killer in revenge. They even killed a close friend or a relative in retaliation for another close friend or
96 relative. An example can be seen with Tawbah ibn al-Mud.arris al-‘Abasī who wrote a poem consoling his mother after killing his own maternal uncle in revenge for his brother's assassination. They might kill three, four or more persons in revenge for one person. An unidentified poet wrote a poem regarding such an event when he said "They accused )you( of killing one of their men; in revenge, they killed eight men )of yours(; then they continued tending (their camels) fearlessly (of any retaliation from you)." For this reason Allah made the Ka‘bah, the Inviolable Temple and the sacred territory (al-h.arām) around it, so that people who were afraid for themselves could take refuge within this sacred territory. Allah made the sacred month so that when it arrived people and their property became safe again. After they had sacrificed or put the garland around the neck of the animals to be sacrificed they would be free to go and travel in search of their subsistence which would make them prosper and safe from poverty. If Allah had left these Arabs in their state of ignorance and continuous state of hostility, travelling and trade would have stopped and they would have become extinct. Allah did not want this to happen. He did what He did because He knew what was good for them and wanted us to know that Allah is aware of all that is in the heavens and all that is on earth and has full knowledge of everything. b. Misunderstanding the words, as follows: (1) The word kuffār in the following verse is misunderstood by some people as "infidels" rather than "tillers". The verse runs as follows: ) ٦٠ : ( "Its parable is that of [life-giving] rain: the herbage which it causes to grow delights the tillers of the soil..." (Q. 57:20, Asad). They wondered why the verse specified the infidels alone in rejoicing on seeing the growth of the plants when the believers would not have their faith decrease if they shared the infidels' joy. Ibn Qutaybah states that the word kuffār in the above verse means "the farmers", as the root-meaning of the word kafara from which kuffār is derived means "to cover". The farmer who sows the seeds is called kāfir, because he covers them with soil when he
97 plants them. The night is called kāfir because it covers everything with its darkness. It is in this sense that the pre-Islamic poet Labīd said “...in a night where the clouds covered its stars". In addition, another Qur’ānic verse mentions the word zurrā‘ (farmers) instead of kuffār, as follows:
(2)
)٦٩ : ( "... [they are] like a seed that brings forth its shoot, and then He strengthens it, so that it grows stout, and [in the end] stands firm upon its stem, delighting the sowers..." (Q. 48:29, Asad).109 The word subātan in the following verse is misunderstood by some people and translated as "sleep" rather than "rest". The verse reads as follows: )٩ : “And [We] made your sleep for rest." (Q. 78:9, ‘Ali). Therefore they wonder how sleep is made for sleep. Ibn Qutaybah explains that subātan in the above verse means "rest", so that the verse means "and We made sleep for rest for your body". Saturday is called meaning "the day of rest" on which the children of Israel have rest. The word sabt originally means "stretching" from which it becomes "rest". The expression means "the woman undid the plait of her hair". However, sleep is sometimes called subāt because sleep occurs with stretching.110 Another meaning of subāt is given by al-Qurt.ubī which is "cutting"
( ). The expression means “he cut his hair,” and if someone sleeps he cuts his relation with people and his work.111 c. Misunderstanding the expression in the verses, as follows: (1) The verse “... and goblets that will [seem to] be crystal" (lit., "and goblets which were crystal"), then the verse continues with )١٦-١٥ : ( “Crystal-like, [but] of silver" (Q. 76:15-6, Asad) (lit., "crystal [made] of silver"). To some people the two verses seem to disagree. The first verse mentions goblets made of crystal, then in the second, the crystal is made of
98 silver. Ibn Qutaybah's explanation is that everything in Paradise such as beds and cups are different from what we have in this world. Allah mentions what we know in this world to indicate what we do not know in the next world. Referring to Ibn ‘Abbās's statement, Ibn Qutaybah says that there is nothing in this world similar to that in Paradise except in names. The goblets in this world are made of crystal or of silver. In Paradise these goblets are white as silver and pure as crystal. The verse, then, means according to Ibn Qutaybah "crystal as if it were silver" rather than "crystal-like, [but] of silver" as viewed by Ibn Kathīr and translated by Asad above.112 (2) The verse )٣٣ : ( “That We may send upon them stones of clay" (Q. 51:33, Pickthall). This verse seems to indicate that the stones were made of clay. Referring to Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation, Ibn Qutaybah says that these stones are ājurr (baked bricks), for it is as hard as stone.113 D. The Ambiguity of the Verses of the Qur’ān 1. The meaning of ambiguity The word tashābuh (similarity, resemblance, likeness), which is the mas.dar of the word mutashābih (ambiguous, obscure) as explained by Ibn Qutaybah, is the resemblance of a word with another in its appearance ( ) when they differ in meaning. For example, the fruit of Paradise resembles that of the earth, but the taste is different, as mentioned in the following verse: )٦٥ : ( ("It is given to them [namely, the people of Paradise] something resembling it." Q. 2:25). The verb tashābaha ("to resemble one another") in the verse )١١٨ : ( "their hearts are all alike" (Q. 2:118) means "their hearts resemble each other in infidelity and in harshness". The verb ishtabaha ("to resemble one another") in the expression ("the matter is obscure to me") means "it resembles another matter, so that I can hardly make any distinction between the two". The verb shabbaha ("to liken, to make equal
99 or similar") in the expression covered the truth with falsehood (
("you made me uncertain") if you ). Magicians (
)
are called ("dubious persons"), because they make falsehood 114 seem reality. The word mutashābih may also be applied to something ambiguous (mysterious) and subtle, even if it does not make us confused with its resemblance to something else. The letters of the alphabet at the openings of many chapters of the Qur’ān, known as al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah (lit., "disjoined letters"), are sometimes called mutashābih since they resemble other letters. These ambiguous letters will be dealt with in chapter four of this study. 2. Muh.kamāt and Mutashābihāt There has never been any dispute among Muslim scholars regarding the existence of muh.kamāt (clear verses) as well as mutashābihāt (ambiguous verses) in the Qur’ān. The Qur’ān itself affirms their existence as follows: ( )٣ : “He it is Who hath revealed unto thee (Muhammad) the Book, containing verses that are clear in and by themselves [namely, precise in meaning] - they are the essence of the Book - and others allegorical..." (Q. 3:7). But they disagree in regard to the verses which are considered to belong to the mutashābihāt and in the possibility of knowing their ta’wīl. The Ash‘arīs and the Mu‘tazilīs believe that the mutashābihāt are explained by the muh.kamāt, but what is ambiguous (mutashābih) according to the Ash‘aris is clear (muh.kam) according to the Mu‘tazilīs and vice versa. For example, the Qur’ānic verse )٦٩ : ( “Then whosoever will, let him believe, and whosoever will, let him disbelieve;" (Q. 18:29, Pickthall), and )٣٠ : ( “Yet, you cannot will, except by the will of Allah." (Q. 76:30, Dawood). According to the Ash‘arīs, the first verse is mutashābih because they do not believe in
100 the infinite free-will, while the second one is muh.kam. The Mu‘tazilīs hold the opposite view, because they do not believe in finite free-will. Generally speaking, the muh.kamāt are verses which decide clearly and elaborately with clear evidence the ruling of something whether it is h.alāl (lawful, permissible), h.arām (unlawful, prohibited), wa‘d (promise), wa‘īd (threat), thawāb (reward), ‘iqāb (punishment), amr (command), zajr (reproof), khabar (news of the past), mathal (parable), ‘iz.ah (sermon, advice), ‘ibar (deterrent examples), etc. These muh.kamāt verses are the mother of the Book, namely, the foundation (origin, source) of the Book, wherein the religion of Islam, the religious obligations (al-farā’id.), penal laws (al-h.udūd), and matters concerning Muslims' religious affairs are found. However, there are different opinions among the ‘ulamā’ on what is precisely meant by muh.kamāt and its relation to mutashābihāt, among which are as follows: a. The muh.kamāt are verses which are to be acted upon (al-ma‘mūl bihā) and abrogate others, while the mutashābihāt are verses which are abrogated and which are not to be followed. Among the followers of this view are Ibn ‘Abbās, Qatādah, al-Rabī‘, and al-D.ah.h.āk ibn Muzāh.im.115 b. The muh.kamāt are verses in which h.alāl and h.arām are explained; the rest are mutashābihāt. This is the view of Mujāhid.116 c. The muh.kamāt are verses which have no more than one ta’wīl, while the mutashābihāt are those which are subject to many interpretations. This is the view of Muh.ammad ibn Ja‘far ibn al-Zubayr.117 Al-Sayyid alMurtad.á who supports this view states that the majority of the mutashābihāt have many meanings. It is difficult to know which of these interpretations is meant by Allah.118 d. The muh.kamāt are verses which deal with stories of nations and messengers sent to them which were elaborately told to the Prophet and then to his followers. The mutashābihāt are those which are ambiguous due to the repetition of the stories in different chapters of the Qur’ān;
101 some stories are related in the same wording with different meanings, but others in different wording but with the same meanings. This is the view of Ibn Zayd who cites the verse: )١ : ( "A-L-R. (This is) a Book, with verses that have been made clear in and by themselves, and then have been distinctly spelled out from One Who is wise and all aware." (Q. 11:1). One example of the mutashābihāt given by Ibn Zayd is the story of Prophet Moses mentioned in many chapters in the Qur’ān with different wording but with the same meanings (ideas). Another example is the use of )٦٣ :
(
("introduce therein" Q. 23:27) which has the same
meaning with )٤٠ : )٣٦ :
(
("load therein" Q. 11:40),
( ("thrust thy hand" Q. 28:32) which has the same meaning
with )١٦ : ( ("put thy hand into" Q. 27:12), and : ( )٦٠ ("a snake, moving rapidly", Q. 20:20, Asad) has the same idea with )١٠٣ : ( ("a serpent, plainly visible", Q. 7:107, Asad).119 e. The muh.kamāt are verses whose meanings and interpretations are known by the ‘ulamā’, while the mutashābihāt are those whose interpretations are known to Allah alone, such as the time of the coming of the Doomsday, and al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah. This is the view of Jābir ibn ‘Abd Allāh ibn Rubāb to which al-T.abarī leans.120 3. The ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt One of the big issues in the course of the history of the Qur’ānic exegesis is whether the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm (those who are deeply rooted in knowledge) know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt or not. One group, such as Ibn H.azm, says that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. The other group, such as Ibn Qutaybah, believes that they know them. The discrepancy lies in their way of reading and understanding the following verse:
102 " But those in whose hearts is perversity follow the part thereof that which is allegorical seeking (to create) dissension and seeking its interpretation. None knoweth its interpretation save Allah. And those who are deeply rooted in knowledge say: ‘We believe in it; it is all from our Lord’; but only the wise take heed." (Q. 3:7) The core issue in the above verse is lā ya‘lamu ta’wīlahu illā ’llāh wa al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm yaqūlūn āmannā bihi. Those who assert that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, in reading the above verse, make a pause in illā ’llāh, and then start a new sentence with wa al-rāsikhūn fī al-‘ilm, as translated above. Asad, Ali, Pickthall and Dawood all make a full stop after translating illa ’llah. Among those who hold this view are: Ā‘ishah, ‘Urwah ibn al-Zubayr, al-H.asan al-Bas.rī, Mālik, al-Kisā’ī and al-Farrā’. But those who assert that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, instead of making that pause, they continue the reading with wa ’l-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, which, in so doing, becomes connected with Allāh by means of the conjunction wa ("and"). Consequently, the meaning of the verse becomes that beside Allah, the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm also know the ta‘wīl of the mutashābihāt. Among those who hold this view are Ibn ‘Abbās, al-Rabī‘ and Muh.ammad ibn Ja‘far ibn al-Zayd.121 Ibn al-Anbārī accepts both interpretations and includes this verse among the al-ad.dād in his work al-Ad.dād. However, he states that the majority of scholars hold the first view.122 Ibn Qutaybah maintains that the significance of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān is that as the Qur’ān was revealed in the language of the Arabs with its own way of expression and style, such as the use of brevity, elaborateness, emphasis, symbolic expression, the concealment of meanings at one time and then revealing it at another, it can be understood by quick-understanding people only. Otherwise, every verse would be clear to everybody, disregarding his level of understanding. Consequently, there would be neither rivalry for precedence (tafād.ul) among people, nor diligent study (to understand the Qur’ān), and ideas would become dead. Similarly, in every branch of knowledge, there are things which are sublime
103 and subtle through which students should pass, so that they will ascend from one level to another, until they reach its highest level. In this way, scholars will possess the merit of insight and good judgment, for which they will be rewarded by Allah.123 Ibn Qutaybah gives many examples from the hadīths, the sayings of the s.ah.ābah, poetry and Arabic expressions to indicate the existence of difficult expressions which cannot be easily understood, similar to the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. One of them is the saying of the Prophet, as follows: "Women who dress and at the same time are naked will not enter Heaven," meaning that women who wear very thin or skimpy clothes which reveal the outline of their bodies are effectively naked. Such women will not enter Heaven.124 Ibn Qutaybah explicitly asserts that he does not belong to "those who claim that the mutashābih in the Qur’ān is unknown to the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm". His arguments are as follows: a. Allah would not reveal anything in the Qur’ān except for the benefit of mankind, and that He would expose what He meant by what He had revealed.125 b. It is impossible to believe that the Prophet himself did not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. Since he knew the mutashābihāt, despite the verse "None knoweth its interpretation save Allah" it is possible that his elected s.ah.ābah would also have known it. He taught ‘Ali the tafsīr. Ibn ‘Abbās, for whom the Prophet had prayed to become expert in the ta’wīl of the Qur’ān, was reported to have said that he knew everything in the Qur’ān except four things which he knew later, namely: : ( )٣٦ (filth, Q. 69:36), )١٣ :
(
(compassion, Q. 19:13), :
(
)١١٤(soft of heart, Q. 9:114), and )٩ : ( (inscription, Q. 126 18:9). c. If the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm did not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, they would not have any supremacy over seekers of knowledge, or even the ignorant among Muslims, because all of them say, "We believe in it; it is all from our Lord."
104 d. The word yaqūlūn in the verse is a hāl (an adverb or a circumstantial phrase) to the verb ya‘lamu. It is like the expression "Nobody comes to you except ‘Abd Allāh and Zayd says 'I am happy to visit you.'"), meaning ("Nobody comes to you except ‘Abd Allāh and Zayd, saying 'I am happy to visit you.'" As a shāhid from poetry Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of Yazīd ibn Mufarrigh al-H.imyarī lamenting an unidentified person, or satirising ‘Ubbād ibn Ziyād according to S.A. S.aqr, or regretting the loss of his servant Burd by selling him out of necessity according to al-T.abarsī.127 The poem reads as follows:
You have cut your tie with Umāmah after weary days, and the wind is weeping its grief, and the lightning is illuminating (in) a cloud. It means "the lightning illuminating the cloud is also weeping its grief". If the lightning did not share with the wind in its grief, it would not have made any sense ( ) to mention it in the poem.128 Ibn Qutaybah considers the term mushkil as a synonym of mutashābih. He states that since the word mushkil literally means "something which makes a form" (ashkala), namely, "it takes the form of something else", it resembles it.129 He believes that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. With this in mind, Ibn Qutaybah calls his book which is being studied here Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān. It is worthy to mention here the arguments of a scholar who held a different view, living in a different time and place, to compare it with those of Ibn Qutaybah. The person was Ibn H.azm, an advocate of the Z.āhirī school who lived in Andalusia (Muslim Spain) in the fifth/eleventh century,
105 two centuries after Ibn Qutaybah's time. Ibn H.azm insisted that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. His main argument is as follows: a. The word al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm in the verse in question is the subject of a new sentence. The conjunction wa ("and") in the verse joins two sentences instead of two nouns, as translated above. b. Allah prohibited people from seeking the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt, for He said in the verse that those who seek and follow its ta’wīl are those in whose hearts is perversity and are creators of fitnah. c. Had the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm known the ta’wīl they would have explained it to the people, because they are enjoined by Allah to do so, or they would be cursed by Him. He said: )١٥٩ : ( “Those who hide the proofs and the guidance which We revealed, after We had made it clear in the Scripture: such are accursed of Allah and accursed of those who have the power to curse." (Q. 2: 159, Pickthall).130 If they explained it to the people, these people would have the same knowledge of it with the explainer, so that it would not become mutashābih any longer. In other words, there would be no more mutashābihāt left unexplained. Yet, the Qur’ān states the existence of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. Since the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm would never conceal the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt if they knew it, for fear of Allah’s curse, and since no ta’wīl has been given, it means that they do not know it. d. ‘Ā’ishah reported that the Prophet, after reading the verse in question, said: "If you see people who follow what is mutashābih [in the Qur’an], they are those whom Allah called as such [namely, those in whose heart is doubt]. Therefore, beware of them."131 Both Ibn al-Anbārī and Ibn Qutaybah regarded al-h.urūf almuqat.t.a‘ah as mutashābihāt. For the former, they are the only ambiguous contents of the Qur’ān,132 whereas for the latter their interpretation is known by the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-ilm which will be dealt with in due course.
106 Among the arguments given by those who assert that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt are the following: a. Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading of Q. 3:7, as reported by Ibn Dā’ūd on the authority of al-A‘mash, is as follows: ("and those al-rāsikhūna fī ’l-‘ilm say: 'We believe in it.'"133 Nobody knows its interpretation except Allah. b. Ubayy ibn Ka‘b's variant reading is ("Its interpretation is with Allah only, and the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm say 'We believe in it'").134 c. In the codex of Ibn ‘Abbās it is written wa yaqūlu ’l-rāsikhūna fī ’l‘ilm.135 d. A h.adīth reported by al-Bukhārī, Muslim and Abū Dā’ūd on the authority of ‘Ā’ishah that the Prophet, after citing the verse in question (Q. 3:7) warned the Muslims not to seek the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. e. A h.adīth reported by Ibn Mardawayh from ‘Amr ibn Shu‘ayb from his father who reported from his (‘Amr's) grand-father, that the Prophet said: "The verses of the Qur’ān were not revealed to contradict one another; therefore, act upon what you know in it, and believe in what is ambiguous in it."136 A similar h.adīth was also reported by al-H.ākim on the authority of Ibn Mas‘ūd, and by al-Bayhaqī on the authority of Abū Hurayrah. f. It was reported by Ibn Abī H.ātim that ‘Ā’ishah said: "Their [i.e., alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm's] soundness of instruction is that they believe in its (the Qur’ān's) mutashābihāt without knowing their ta’wīl. g. Al-Dārimī in his Musnad reported from Sulaymān ibn Yassār that ‘Umar beat S.abīgh ibn ‘Isl for his questioning about the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān.137
107 h. Ibn ‘Abbās's statement that tafsīr is divided into four categories: known by everybody, known by the Arabs through their language, known by scholars, and known by Allah alone.138 i. If the seeking of the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt were permitted, Allah would not have denounced it, as mentioned in the beginning of the verse in question (Q. 3:7). j. It would not be eloquent to begin the sentence in the verse in question with yaqūlūn āmannā bihi; instead, wa hum yaqūlūn…or wa yaqūlūn… would be proper.139 Moreover, it would be stylistically deviating from the ostensible meaning of the text to consider the expression yaqūlūn āmannā bihi as a āl for exclusively al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm with the exclusion of Allāh.140 k. If the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm knew the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt with a dalālah (an indicant, a hint), their faith in the mutashābihāt would have been like that in the muh.kamāt; therefore, this faith of theirs in the mutashābihāt would not have been highly praised. l. The expression kullun min ‘indi rabbinā ("it is all from our Lord") in the verse indicates that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm believe in what they know in detail and what they do not. Otherwise, the expression would not have any meaning. Among the arguments given by those who assert that the alrāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt are the following: a. A h.adīth stating that the Prophet prayed to Allah for Ibn ‘Abbās that He would teach him the ta’wīl of the Qur’ān. b. A statement of Ibn ‘Abbās, as reported by Mujāhid, that he was one of the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm who knew the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. c. The statement of Ibn Mas‘ūd that he knew the asbāb al-nuzūl of the verses of the Qur’ān. d. The statement of al-H.asan that he would like to know the meanings and the asbāb al-nuzūl of the verses of the Qur’ān. e. The s.ah.ābah asked the Prophet or the more knowledgeable among themselves, such as Ibn ‘Abbās, the meaning of verses unclear to them.
108 Moreover, they learned from the Prophet not more than ten verses at one time and acted according to their contents. Then they learned about ten other verses until they learned the whole Qur’ān. f. Allah enjoins the Muslims to ponder the meanings of the Qur’ānic verses without restriction to the muh.kamāt. g. The s.ah.ābah and the tabi‘īn gave their commentary on all the verses of the Qur’ān, with the exception of some mutashābihāt. However, it does not mean that nobody knows their ta’wīl. The ‘ulamā’ among these people have agreed that the Qur’ān is understandable and explicable, and the existence of the mutashābihāt in it does not necessarily mean that Allah conceals His knowledge of them from people. h. Allah mentions in the Qur’ān that its verses, without exception, are bayān (explanation), hudan (guidance), shifā‘ (healing) and maw‘iz.ah (advice). These can only be achieved by understanding their meanings. i. It would be unreasonable that Allah would reveal to the Prophet through Gabriel something which neither Gabriel nor the Prophet could understand. Since the purpose of sending His revelation is to be understood, it would be useless to reveal something which is beyond human understanding. j. It is true that some knowledge is kept by Allah Himself, such as the time of the occurrence of the Doomsday, but such things are not revealed in the Qur’ān, which are not meant to be known by mankind. k. Assuming that some Qur’ānic verses are mutashābihāt the ta’wīl of which is known by Allah alone could be abused as a pretext to avoid complying with many Qur’ānic verses. l. Allah in the verse in question denounced exclusively those in whose hearts is perversity, due to their ignorance and evil intention, for they do not want to find the truth, but to create dissension (fitnah). To these people the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt would not be known, but rather to the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm. Al-Farrā’'s position on this issue is clear, namely, al-rāsikhūn fī ’l‘ilm do not know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. He states that al-rāsikhūn
109 is marfū‘ by yaqūlūn, and not by ya‘lamu. It is similar to the verse )٤٣ : ( "..., their gaze returning not to them, and their hearts as air" (Q. 14:43), where af’idatuhum is marfū‘ by hawā’, not by lā yartaddu.141 Here "their hearts" is a subject for a new sentence, and is not connected with "their gaze". Abu ‘Ubaydah’s position on the above issue is not clear. He does not give us his commentary on Q. 3:7 except that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm are the ‘ulamā’ who are also of sound faith ( ).142 It is possible that his position is like that of al-Farrā’, or else, he would have said that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm also know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. If it is so, then Ibn Qutaybah disagrees not only with al-Farrā’, but also with Abū ‘Ubaydah, two of his prominent teachers. The complexity of the issue is that there is no indication that the verse in question limits the division of the Qur’ānic verses into exclusively muh.kamāt and mutashābihāt. Moreover, the ‘ulamā do not agree as to what belongs to the category of mutashābihāt as well as their interpretation. However, the effective enquirers (al-muh.aqqiqīn) among the mufassirīn bring about reconciliation between the two contending views by accepting both of them with the following explanation: The Qur’ānic verses in their relation to each other can be divided into three categories: absolutely clear ( ), absolutely ambiguous (
), and partly clear and partly ambiguous (
). The nature of the ambiguity of the mutashābihāt is either in wording (lafz.), such as the word abb (fodder - which is an uncommon word among the Arabs - in Q. 80:31); in meaning (ma‘ná), such as the attributes of Allah; or in both wording and meaning, such as the injunction on fighting the idolators in Q. 9:5. These mutashābihāt in their relation to human level of understanding are divided into three categories: things which are completely unknown by people and beyond human understanding, such as the appearance of the beast as one of the signs of the Doomsday mentioned in Q. 27:82; things which can be known by people,
110 such as uncommon words and some laws; and lastly, things which are known by exclusively the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-ilm. In other words, they know some mutashābihāt and do not know some others which belong to the first category. This type of knowledge is the one which the Prophet had prayed for, his cousin Ibn ‘Abbas. When the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm said āmannā ("we believe"), they believed in the mutashābihāt regardless whether they knew the ta’wīl of them or not.
111 ENDNOTES TO CHAPTER II 1. Al-Suyūt.ī mentions also other s.ah.ābah, all twenty-one in number, see al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. Ibn al-Jazarī also mentions the same names, but excludes Sulaymān ibn Surād, see al-Nashr fī ’l-Qira’āt al-‘Ashr, ed. by Muh.ammad ‘Alā’ al-D.abbā’ (Egypt: al-Maktabah al-Tijāriyyah al-Kubrá, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 21. 2. Hishām ibn H.ākim ibn H.izām ibn Khuwaylid al-Qurashī al-Asadī was one of the s.ah.ābah. He belonged to the Quraysh tribe of Banī Asad (ibn Khuzaymah); see Ibn H.ajar al-‘Asqalānī, Kitāb al-Is.ābah fī Tamyīz al-S.ah.ābah 4 vols. (Baghdād: Dār al-‘Ulūm al-H.adīthah, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 603. 3. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 10; John Cooper, The Commentary of the Qur’ān by Abū Ja‘far Muh.ammad b. Jarīr al-T.abarī, being an Abridged Translation of Jāmi‘ al-Bayān ‘an Ta’wīl Ay al-Qur’ān, with introduction and notes (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987), vol. 1, p. 17; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 34-35; and al-Bukhārī, S.ah.īh., vol. 6, p. 100. 4. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, pp. 42-46. Al-Suyūt.ī says that there are forty different opinions, but he mentions sixteen opinions only, then he mentions the thirty-five different opinions given by Ibn H.ibbān al-Bustī, see al-Itqān, vol. 1, pp. 131-141. 5. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 23. 6. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 35-6. Lane's translation of the above verse is as follows: "And of men is he who serves God standing aloof with respect to religion, in fluctuating state, like him who is in the outskirts of the army, who, if sure of victory and spoil, stands firm, and otherwise flees." See Edward W. Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, Book 1, 8 pts. with continuous pagination (New York: Fredrick Ungar Publishing Co., 1956), pt. 2, p. 550. For further details, see alT.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 93-94; see also J. Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, pp. 2930. 7. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. 8. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 24. 9. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 135.
112 10. The two views are based on h.adīth, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 24; and J. Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, p. 29. 11. J. Cooper's translation, see Cooper, Commentary, vol. 1, p. 21; see also al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 134. 12. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, pp. 134-135. According al- al-T.abarī, the person was Abū al-Dardā’ rather than Ibn Mas‘ūd, see Jāmi‘, vol. 25, p. 78 13. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 36. 14. See Abū Bakr Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah fī ’l-Qirā’at, verified by Dr. Shawqī D.ayf, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1400/[1979-1980]), pp. 528-529. Al-Farrā’ also mentions the two variant readings without giving any details of it, see Abu Zakariyā Yah.yá al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, ed. A.Y. Najātī and M.A. alNajjār , 3 vols. (Egypt: al-Hay’ah al-Mis.riyyah al-‘Āmmah lil-Kuttāb, 1972-1980), vol. 2, p. 359. Another example is the verse wa ya’murūna ’l-nāsa bi ’l-bakhli instead of bi ’l-bukhli; both have the same meaning, namely, "and bid others to be niggardly" (Q. 4:37 and 57:24, Asad). The mas.dar (verbal noun) bakhal is the root of the verb bakhila and bakhala, whereas bukhl is that of bakhula. The other similar variant reading is ilá maysurah instead of ilá maysarah (Q. 2:280), see Ibn Qutaybah Ta’wīl, p. 36; it is like the terms maqbarah and maqburah, and mashraqah and mashruqah, see al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 181. 15. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 36-37 and 41. Another example cited by Ibn Qutaybah which belongs to this category of variant reading is the reading of Ibn ‘Abbās wa’ddakara ba‘da amahin, meaning "and he remembered after forgetting" instead of wa’ddakara ba‘da ummatin, meaning "he remembered after a long period of time" (Q. 12:46). The two readings mean that the man who had been released from prison remembered the case of Prophet Joseph after a period of time and after he had forgotten it. Both readings, Ibn Qutaybah asserts, were revealed to the Prophet to include these two meanings, ibid., pp. 37 and 40. 16. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, pp. 290-291. The first reading is also chosen by Asad in translating the verse in question, see The Message, p. 34. 17. See al-Qur t.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, p. 290; Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb alSab‘ah, p. 529. Apart from the variant readings rabbanā bā‘id and rabbunā bā‘ada, al-Farrā’ also mentions rabbanā ba‘‘id, rabbanā ba‘uda, and rabbunā
113 ba‘‘ada, see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, pp. 359-360. They are all written in one rasm, namely . 18. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 37 and 41. Another example is the reading of furrigha ‘an qulūbihim, meaning "fear is emptied [i.e., freed] from their hearts" instead of fuzzi‘a ‘an qulūbihim, meaning "the terror [of the Last Hour] is lifted from their hearts." (Q. 34:23, Asad), see ibid., pp. 37 and 42. The latter reading belongs to the seven qurrā’ except Ibn ‘Āmir who read fazza‘a; see Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 530. 19. See Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 189. 20. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37; al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 18 and al-Qur t.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 21. Another example is the reading of ka ’l-s.ūf almanfūsh instead of ka ’l-‘ihn al-manfūsh, both have the same meaning, namely, "like fluffy tufts of wool." (Q. 101:5, Asad), see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37. 21. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 37. Instead of wa t.al‘in mand.ūd, Ibn alJazarī who quoted Ibn Qutaybah's view mistakenly put wa t.al‘in nad.īd which he himself rejected and said that this reading has nothing to do with the varying of readings ( ); see Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, pp. 27-28. AlSuyūt.ī correctly quoted the same variant reading, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 132. 22. In another report when ‘Alī was asked whether the term wa t.alh.in should be replaced with wa t.al‘in in the mus.h.af, he answered: "The Qur’ān should be neither disturbed nor replaced" ( ); see al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 208-209. 23. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 24 and 37; and al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 26, p. 100. 24. See Abū al-Fidā Ismā‘īl Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān al-‘Az.īm, with introduction by Dr. Yusūf ‘Abd al-Rah.mān al-Mur‘ishī, 4 vols. (Beirut: Dār alMa‘rifah, 1407/1987), vol. 4, p. 240; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, pp. 12-13. It is also the view of Ibn H.azm that the above variant reading of Abū Bakr belonged to the category of the qira’āt munkarah. He asserts that anybody other than the Prophet could make mistakes and should not be followed; see Abū
114 Muh.ammad ‘Alī Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām fī Us.ūl al-Ah.kām, ed. Ah.mad Shākir, 8 vols. in 2 bindings (Cairo: Mat.ba‘at al-‘Ās.imah, n.d.), vol. 4, p. 537. 25. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 38. 26. See Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 540. 27. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 38; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 174. The addition of unthā (female) and dhakar (male) for emphasis is common among the Arabs; they say, for example, ("this is a male man"), see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 23, p. 91. 28. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 40; and al-Tirmidhī, Sunan, vol. 5, pp. 193-194 (h.adīth no. 2943). 29. Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām, vol. 4, pp. 520-521. 30. Ibn al-Jazarī, al-Nashr, vol. 1, p. 31. 31. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 42. 32.See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, p. 223. 33. Ibn H.azm, al-Ih.kām, vol. 4, p. 523. 34. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 337. 35. Al-Qurt.ubī mentions seven variant readings of bushran. They are: (1) bushran itself and (2) nashran, as mentioned above; (3) nushuran which was the reading of Abū ‘Amr and the people of the two holy cities, Makkah and Madinah; nushur is the broken plural of nāshir in the pattern of shāhid and shuhud; (4) nushran which was the reading of al-H.asan and Qatādah; nushr is the easing (takhfīf) of nushur, like reading kutb and rusl for respectively kutub and rusul; (5) bushrá which was the reading of Muh.ammad al-Yamānī; (6) bashran; bashr is the mas.dar of bashara which means bashshara (to bring good news); and (7) bushurá. Al-Qurt.ubī does not give us the names of the qurrā’ to whom the last two variant readings belong; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, pp. 228-229. 36. See the introduction of Dr. Shawqī D.ayf (ed.) in Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 12. 37. See Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 8, pp. 145-146.a
115 38. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 131. 39. Ibid. 40. Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 465. 41. See Mannā‘ al-Qat.t.ān, Mabāh.ith fī ‘Ulūm al-Qur’ān. 19th edition (Beirut: Mu’assasat al-Risālah, 1406/1983), pp. 162-163. 42. Ibid, p. 163 43. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 20. 44. There is a h.adīth stating that "the community of Muh.ammad (or, in another version, 'my community') will never agree on an error". (Reported by alBukhārī, al-Tirmidhī, Ibn Mājah, and Ah.mad ibn H.anbal). 45. Al-Qat.t.ān, Mabāh.ith, pp. 164-165. 46. Ibid., pp. 165-166. 47. Ibid., p. 166. 48. Ibid., pp. 1 and 666-667 49. See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 155-157. 50. Ibid., pp. 161-163. 51. Ibid., p. 158. 52. The reading li’amānatihim in the singular is that of Ibn Kathīr, whereas the rest of the qurrā’ read li’amānātihim in the plural. Al-T.abarī states that the correct reading is li’amānātihim in the plural. Dr. Labīb al-Sa‘īd criticises al-T.abarī in this and other cases where correct readings were considered wrong by him. Al-Sa‘īd contends that this reading of Ibn Kathīr was also transmitted with tawātur (handed down by many chains of unimpeachable transmitters). Moreover, like the rest of the qurrā’, Ibn Kathīr read al-amānāt and amānātikum in the plural in Q. 4:58 and Q. 8:27 respectively. He could have read both in the singular as he did in Q. 70:32 above, had it been from his own whim rather than from Allah. See Dr. Labīb al-Sa‘īd, Difā‘an al-Qirā’āt al-Mutawātirah fī Muwājahat al-T.abarī ’lMufassir (A Defence on the Mutawātir Qirā’āt in Countering the Commentator alT.abarī) (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, [1398]/1978), p. 116. It is noteworthy that al-T.abarī lived in the period of ikhtiyār ("choice"). It was the period where scholars of the Qur’ānic text chose their own readings in verses written in ambiguous rasm. The
116 choice was governed by three criteria: the rasm of the mus.h.af, the Arabic language and the isnād. This period of ikhtiyār ended in 322/934 when Ibn Mujāhid's choice of the seven variant readings of the text (qirā’āt) of the seven qurrā’ was declared canonical by the authorities in Baghdād, as they were qirā’āt with mutawātir isnāds. See A. Jones, "The Qur’ān - II," in Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, eds. A.F.L. Beeston et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 241-242. Al-T.abarī chose the readings based on his knowledge of the Arabic language, whereas many other readings were later accepted and included in the seven qirā’āt. Al-T.abarī passed away earlier in 310/923. Had he lived and witnessed the canonisation of the seven qirā’āt, he would not have chosen or preferred one among the seven canonised qirā’āt. 53. Al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 169-170. 54. Ibid., p. 170. Quoting from Abū ‘Amr al-Dānī (d. 444/1052) in his work al-Muqnī‘, A.T. Welch mentioned variant readings among the ‘Uthmānic codices. For example, it was written in the standard codex in Madīnah (Q. 3:184) and written the standard codex
(Q. 40:21), whereas in the mus.h.af sent to Damascus it was (with the additional bi) and . Similarly, it was written in (Q. 36:35) and
(Q. 40:26), whereas in the mus.h.af
sent to Kūfah it was written (with the ellipsis of hu) and (with the addition of alif). These brought Welch to the following conclusion: "Such variations can best be explained as resulting from carelessness on the part of the scribes or lack of concern for exact uniformity among the authorities." See A.T. Welch, "al-Ķur’ān", EI2, p. 408. The reading wa bi’l-zubur wa bi’l-Kitāb was that of Ibn ‘Āmir and was written in the mus.h.afs of the people of Syria; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 296. The reading ‘amilat was that of the Kūfans, whereas the rest read ‘amilathu, including ‘Ās.im, as in the Egyptian standard edition of the mus.h.af issued in 1924, and Nāfi‘; see Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah bi-Riwāyat al-Imām Qālūn (Tripoli: Jam‘iyat al-Da‘wah al-Islāmīyah al-‘Ālamīyah, 1395/1986), p. 442. The reading was that of ‘Ās.im, as in the Egyptian standard edition, whereas was that of Nāfi‘ as in the Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah, p. 469. This finding supports the view that the variant readings were kept in the ‘Uthmānic codices, and that they were not the outcome of the scribes' negligence or "lack of
117 concern for exact uniformity among the authorities" as assumed by Welch. 55. Ibid., pp. 170-171. 56. Ibid., 171. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid., p. 175. 59. Ibid., pp. 177-178. 60. This report was narrated by Is.h.āq ibn Ibrāhīm ibn Mukhlad, known as Is.h.āq ibn Rāhawayh (d. 238/853), one of Ibn Qutaybah's teachers. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 25-26. 61. Ibid, p. 51. This is probably what was meant by Ibn Abū Dā’ūd when he said that al-Hajjāj ibn Yūsuf "has changed in the ‘Uthmānic codex eleven ah.ruf ", such as lam yatasanna became lam yatasannah (Q. 2:259) and biz.anīn became bid.anīn (Q. 81:24); see Abū Bakr ‘Abd Allāh Ibn Abī Dā’ūd, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, ed. Arthur Jeffery (Egypt: al-Mat.ba‘ah al-Rah.mānīyah, 1355/1936), pp. 117-118. Instead of changing the ah.ruf in the ‘Uthmānic codex which seemed to be in the above statement, al-Hajjaj changed the ah.ruf that did not agree with the ‘Uthmānic codex as stated by Ibn Qutaybah above. Al-T.abarsī and Saqr reject the genuinness of the stories concerning the statements of ‘Ā’ishah and ‘Uthmān mentioned above and considered them fabricated ones; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 26, n. 3. 62. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 20; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 20. According to al-Suyūt.ī, it is also the dialect of the Banī Kinānah, see al-Itqan, vol. 2, pp. 273-274. Abū al-Khat.t.āb claimed to have heard the Kinānah tribe using alif invariably for the dual; see Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, ed. Dr. M.F. Sezgin (Egypt: Muh.ammad Sāmī Amīn al-Khānjī, n.d.), p. 21. Besides the Balh.arth, alT.abarī mentions also the Khath‘am and the Zubayd tribes in Yemen, see his work, Jāmi‘, vol. 16, p. 121. According to Ibn Jamā‘ah, among the grammarians who state that the Banī al-H.ārith use alif invariably in the dual number is al-Kisā’ī. Other tribes mentioned by al-Kisā’ī are the Khath‘am, the Zubayd and the Hamadān. Abū Khat.t.āb mentioned the Kinānah; others mention the Banī al‘Anbar, the ‘Udhrah, the Murād and others; see Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Al Mukarram in his
118 note in Abu ‘Abd Allāh ibn Khālawayh, al-Hujjah fī ’l-Qirā’āt al-Sab‘, ed. and annot. Dr. ‘Abd al-‘Alī Sālim al-Mukarram (Beirut and Cairo: Dār al-Shurūq, 1399/1979), p. 242, n. 6, quoting Ibn Jama‘ah's marginal notes on the commentary on Ibn al-H.ājib's al-Shāfiyah (N.p.: Mat.ba‘at Dār al-T.ibā‘ah al-‘Āmirah, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 277. 63. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 50;and al-Zabīdī, Tāj al-‘Arūs, 10/405. According to Ibn Manz.ūr, the poem belonged to Hawbar al-H.ārithī who mentioned udhunayh instead of udhuynāh, see Lisān, vol. 10, p. 64, vol. 9, p. 163, and 20, p. 226. Another example from poetry is as follows: in which abā abāhā and ghayatāhā are used respectively for abā abīhā and ghayatayhā; see Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 242; and alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 16. 64. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 51. 65. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 52; and Abū Zakariyā Yah.yá ibn Ziyād alFarrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, ed. A.Y. Najātī and M.A. al-Najjār, 3 vols. (Egypt: alHay’ah al-Mis.riyyah al-‘Āmmah lil-Kuttāb, 1972-1980), vol. 2, pp. 183-184. The variant reading in hādhān lasāh.irān and in hādhān sāh.irān are also attributed to Ibn Mas‘ūd, see A. Jeffery, ed. Materials for the History of the Text of the Qur’ān: The Old Codices (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1937), pp. 146 and 60. 66. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 242 and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 419. 67. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, pp. 242-243 and 368. 68. Ibid., p. 243. The view that particle inna in the verse inna hādhān means "yes" is rejected by al-T.abarsī with the following argument: (a) If it was so, hādhān would become mubtada’ and lasā h.irān its khabar with the emphatic la. This emphatic la in the khabar in the Arabic language should not occur with a simple mubtada’, except in an isolated case or necessity. In other words, the mubtada’ has to be emphasised first, then the emphatic la can be added to its khabar; (b) Quoting Abū ‘Alī, translating inna with "yes" in the above verse does not fit in the structure of the sentence. It is not correct to say "yes, these two are surely sorcerers" confirming Prophet Moses's statement in verse 61:
119 )٦١ : ( "Woe unto you! Do not invent lies against God, lest He afflict you with most grievous suffering: for He who contrives [such] a lie is already undone!" (Q. 20:61, Asad). It is also improper to say "yes ..." after the statement:٦٦ : )"So they debated among themselves as to what to do; but they kept their counsel secret" (Q. 20:62, Asad). See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, pp. 15-16. 69. Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, pp. 243-244. 70. Ibid., p. 121. 71. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 57. This is also apparent in the mus.h.af of Madīnah. See Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīrīyah, pp. 111 (Q. 5:25) and 125 (Q. 5:109) which is based on the reading of Nāfi‘, the qāri’ of Madīnah. However, in the Egyptian mus.h.af which is based on the reading of ‘Ās.im, the qāri’ of Kūfah, the alif of the dual is written in rajulān and fa’ākharān yaqūmān. 72. Ibn Abī Dā’ūd Sulaymān al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, p. 104. This is also the view of al-T.abarsī who said that the best view is that inna hādhān lasāh.irān belongs to the language of the Kinānah tribe, or, according to Abū alH.asan and Abū ‘Alī al-Fārisī, the language of the Banī al-H.ārith; see Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, pp. 16-17. 73. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 184. 74. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 573-4. However, the variant reading salāsilan belongs to Nāfi‘, al-Kisā’ī, Abū Bakr from ‘Ās.im, and Hishām from Ibn ‘Āmir. The reading of Qunbul, Ibn Kathīr and H.amzah is salāsila’ (with waqf, a slight stop) without alif or tanwīn. The rest of the qurrā’ also read salāsila’ but with the additional alif. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 123. Following the variant reading of the qāri’ of Madīnah, Nāfi‘, the mus.h.af printed by the Islamic Call Society in Libya in 1986 writes salāsilan. On the other hand, the mus.h.af printed in Egypt, which is largely circulated in the Muslim world, writes salāsila’, following the reading of ‘Ās.im, the qāri’ of Kūfah. See Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīriyyah, p. 575 (Q. 76:4). For the Egyptian mus.h.af see the text of the Qur’ān in the translation of Asad, Ali, or Pickthall. A similar example is the reading of Nāfi‘
120 qawārīran and of ‘Ās.im qawarira’ (Q. 76:15). 75. See al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 373-374 and 393. 76. However, ‘Ā’ishah, Ubayy and others are reported to have al-s.ābi‘īna in their codices, see Ibn Abī Dā’ūd al-Sijistānī, Kitāb al-Mas.āh.if, p. 232. 77. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 52-53. The poem was cited by D.abī ibn alH.ārith al-Burjumī in his prison when he was jailed in the time of ‘Uthmān for slandering women of unblemished reputation (qadhf al-muh.s.anāt). It means: "Whoever makes Madinah his final destination, [as for me] I and [my riding animal] Qayyār are strangers in it." Qayyār was the name of his horse or his camel. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 311, n. 2. 78. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 310-311. 79. Similarly, it is said that the believers in the verse: : "And [always], O you believers - all of you - turn unto God in repentance, so that you might attain to a happy state!" (Q. 24:31, Asad) are pretending believers only, namely, the hypocrites; see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 2, p. 220. However, al-Qurt.ubī does not include hypocrites in the term almu’minūn ("the believers") in this verse and states that asking for repentance is incumbent exclusively on believers; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 90, and vol. 12, p. 238. The Prophet was reported to have said in one h.adīth on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar as follows: "Verily, I turn unto Him in repentance a hundred times every day" (Reported by al-Bukhārī, Ibn H.anbal and al-Bayhaqī). 80. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 312. An almost identical verse with the word al-s.ābi‘īna (in the accusative case) put after, rather than before, the word al-nas.ārá (the Christians), and with the addition of "surely their reward is with their Lord" is found in Q. 2:62. Nāfi‘ read al-s.ābūn and al-s.ābīn without hamzah in the Qur’ān, whereas other qurrā’ read them with hamzah, namely, al-s.ābi’ūn and al- s.ābi’īn; see Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 158; see also Mus.h.af al-Jamāhīriyyah, pp. 120 (Q. 5:71) and 10 (Q. 2:61). 81. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 373. 82. This poem is also used as a shāhid in dealing with the verse inna
121 hādhān lasāh.irān, see p. 63 above. 83. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274. 84. There are many different views about the Sabaeans. According to Abū ‘Ubaydah, they were people who changed their religion. The root meaning of s.aba’a is "to rise, to grow". The expression means "the stars rise from their points of rising", and s.aba’at sinnuh means "his tooth is growing"; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 172. The Sabaean is called S.ābi’ (pl. S.ābi‘ūn) as well as S.ābin (pl. S.ābūn) which is the variant reading of Nāfi‘. The root meaning of s.abā (present: yas.bū) is "to lean". According to al-Suddī and Ish.āq ibn Rāhawayh, they are a sect among the people of the Book. According to Abū al‘Āliyah and al-D.ah.h.āk they belonged to a sect among the people of the Book who read the Psalms (al-Zabūr), and for this reason, Abū H.anīfah and Ish.āq ibn Rāhawayh allowed the Muslims to eat their slaughtered animals and to marry their women. On the other hand, according to al-Qurt.ubī they were people who believed in one God but believed also in the stars' influence, and for this reason, Abū Sa‘īd al-Istakhrī stated that they were non-belivers. Al-Khalīl said that they claimed to be the followers of Prophet Noah. According to Mujāhid, al-H.asan and Ibn Abī Nujayh, they are people who mix Judaism with Magian. According to Qatādah and al-H.asan, they worship angels, face the Qiblah in their five daily prayers and read the Psalms. According to Ibn Kathīr, the right view is that of Mujāhid and Wahb ibn Munabbih who said that they were neither Jews, Christians, Magians nor polytheists, but rather people who remained in their nature and did not follow any particular religion. Therefore the polytheists called a person who converted to Islam a Sabaean, namely, a person who was not a follower of any religion on earth at that time. See al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtasar, vol. 1, p. 72; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, pp. 434-435. B. Carra de Vaux divides the Sabaeans into two groups: the followers of Prophet Yah.yá (John the Baptist), and the pagan Sabaeans who lived under the Muslim rule. For further details, see B. Carra de Vaux "al-Sabi‘a", SEI, pp. 477-8. See also M. Asad, The Message, p. 14, n. 49. 85. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139. 86. 87.
Ibid. This is also the view of al-Farrā’ according to Ibn Qutaybah; see Ta’wīl,
122 pp. 53-4; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 366; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 2, p. 139; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 13; and al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 388. 88. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 53; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 142. Similar to al-muqīmīn is al-s.ābirīn in Q. 2:177. Of all the qurrā’ only ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī read it as al-s.ābirūn, although in writing, he kept it as al-s.ābirīn for the same reasons mentioned before. For further details, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 53-54. 89. These views are reported by Abū al-Baqā’. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274; see also al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 139. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 18. This is also the reading of Ubayy, Anas, ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī, Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, and others. See Arthur Jeffery, ed., Materials, pp. 38 and 216. Al-Zamakhsharī mentions that this reading is that of Mālik ibn Dīnār, ‘Ās.im al-Jah.darī and ‘Īsá al-Thaqafī, as written in the codex of ‘Abd Allāh (ibn Mas‘ūd); see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 336. According to al-Qurt.ubī, the reading of Ubayy is al-muqīmīn, as in the ‘Uthmānic recension; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 13. This is also the reading of Abu ‘Amr in one report, see al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 388. 91. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 18. 90.
92.
See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 140.
93.
For further details, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 6, pp. 19-20.
94.
See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 274.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 54; and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 430. Beside ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir also reads nujjī with one nūn; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 60. 96. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55; Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 250; and alT.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 65. 95.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 55-56; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 210; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 335. 97.
123 98.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55; and Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 250.
99.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 55, n. 1. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 335.
100. 101. 102.
See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 60. The text says
without
, but this must be misprinted, as
none of the qurrā’ read it that way. It should be
, and the expression
"without wāw" is meant by Ibn Qutaybah the absence of wāw in
, namely,
not . See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 56, al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 87-88; and vol. 3, p. 160, and Ibn Khālawayh, al-H.ujjah, p. 346. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 56; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 259; and Ibn Mujāhid, Kitāb al-Sab‘ah, p. 637. Besides Ibn Mas‘ūd, according to the codex of Ibn ‘Abbās it is read wa akūna. The codex of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b reads fa’atas.addaqa. Ibn Mas‘ūd's variant reading is . See A. Jeffery, Materials, pp. 171 and 206. 104. See A. Jeffery, Materials, pp. 171 and 206. See also al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 87-88 and vol. 3, p. 160. 103.
105.
Ibn Qutaybah is referring to the Qur’ānic verse:
)٤ : ( "Whereby the angels and the Spirit ascend unto Him in a Day whereof the span is fifty thousand years." (Q. 70:4). This is the interpretation of ‘Ikrimah, Qatādah and Ibn ‘Abbās as reported by al-T.abarī. However, in another report attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās he was asked about the day in which the span is fifty thousand years. He asked the questioner about the day in which the span is one thousand years mentioned in Q. 32:5). When the questioner declined to answer, Ibn ‘Abbās told him that both days were mentioned by Allah in the Qur’ān, and He Himself knew them best. Ibn ‘Abbās did not want to give any commentary on them. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 29, p. 45. 106. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 65. According to Qatādah, the questioning will occur before their mouths were sealed, their hands spoke and their feet testified as mentioned in Q. 36:65. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 174; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 295.
124 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 66. See also Q. 36:65. In the Hereafter the wronged will dispute against the wrong-doers, the speakers of truth against the liars and non-believers against believers and the weak against the arrogant; see alQurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 254. 108. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 72-73. This is also the view of Qatādah and Mujāhid. This is one interpretation given by al-T.abarī. The other interpretation is that of ‘Ā’ishah who says that the verse deals with the guardians of orphans who intend to marry them for their wealth and beauty with lower than the minimum dowry. The verse prohibits them from doing so unless they pay the dowry in full, or marry other women. For further details, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 4, pp. 155160; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, p. 11; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, pp. 459-461. 109. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 75-76; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 255. 110. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 79-80; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 171. 111. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 172. 107.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 80. Al-Qurt.ubī and Ibn Kathīr also mention Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation with the addition that Ibn ‘Abbas makes the exception with the crystal that it is of silver. But he says further that the crystal of Paradise is like silver (in its whiteness) with the purity of crystal. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 141. Ibn Kathīr also quotes Ibn ‘Abbās's statement who says that the goblets are of silver but transparent so that its content can be seen through it; such goblets will not be found in this world. See Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 486. 113. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 81. Al-Qushayrī states that the verse said "stones of clay" to distinguish it from the "stones of water" which are hail stones. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 17, p. 48. 112.
114. 115. 116.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 101-102. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 114-115.
Ibid., p. 115. Ibid., pp. 115-116. This is also the view of Abū ‘Alī al-Jubbā’ī, according to al-T.abarsī, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 409. 117.
125 118. 119.
See al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī. vol. 2, p. 97. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, p. 116; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol.
1, p. 409. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 116-117; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 1, p. 409. 121. Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 410. 120.
122.
Ibn Al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 424-425.
123.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 86. For further details and more examples, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp.
124.
87-98. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 98. Ibid., p. 99. 127. Ibid., p. 101, n. 2; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 410. 125. 126.
Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 101. See also Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 424. For further details on this poem, see al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 1, p. 44; and Abū al-Faraj al-As.bahānī, Kitāb al-Aghānī, ed. Rudolph E. Brünnow, 20 vols. (Leiden: E.J. Brill), vol. 17, pp. 53-55. 129. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 102. 130. Many interpretations are given on his verse: (a) It is about the Jewish rabbis and the Christian priests who concealed the prophecies about Prophet Muh.ammad; (b) It is about the Jews of Madīnah who concealed the law of stoning; (c) It is applicable to anyone who conceals the truth or the teachings of Islam. This verse is the reason why Abū Hurayrah narrated the h.adīths of the Prophet. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 2, pp. 184-185. Another Qur’ānic verse referred to by Ibn H.azm is as follows: 128.
)١٨٣ : ( ... "And (remember) when Allah laid a charge on those who had received the Scripture (He said): Ye are to expound it to mankind and not to hide it...." (Q. 3:187, Pickthall). 131. For further details on Ibn H.azm's view on the mutashābihāt, see al-
126 Ih.kām, vol. 4, pp. 489-494. 132. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 44 and vol. 4, p. 491. 133. A. Jeffery, Materials, p. 32; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 191. 134. Jeffery, Materials, pp.123-4; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 191. 135. Jeffery, Materials, p. 196. See also al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 3, p. 113; and al-S.ābūnī (ed.), Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, p. 265. 136. 137.
Al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.s.ar, vol. 1, p. 265 See Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 130.
Al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, p. 265; Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat alIkhlās., p. 136; and Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwá (Muqaddimat al-Tafsīr), vol. 13, p. 375. 139. This is also the view of S.ābigh ibn ‘Isl who was beaten by ‘Umar when he said that if the wāw is wāw ‘at.f (wāw of conjunction) between the two nouns and not wāw isti’nāf (wāw of continuation between two sentences or phrases), the verse would have said wa yaqūlūn; see Ibn Taymiyyah, Tafsīr Sūrat al-Ikhlās., p. 130. For further details on S.abīgh, see Abbott, Qur’ānic Commentary, pp. 107-10. 138.
At least two Qur’ānic verses use the same style as the verse (Q. 3:7) in question, and therefore, weaken this argument. One of them is 140.
)٦٦ : ( "And thy Lord shall come with angels, rank in rank" )Q. 89:22, Pickthall) in which "rank in rank" is attributed to the angels only. The other verse deals with the distribution of the fay’ (the spoils) of the Banī al-Nad.īr among the three groups of people, namely, the muhājirīn, the ans.ār (Q. 59:8-9), and )١٠ : ( ... "...and those who came (into the faith) after them, say: 'Our Lord! Forgive us...'" Q. 59:10, Pickthall). 141. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 78, and vol. 1, p. 191. 142. Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 86.
267 CHAPTER IV IBN QUTAYBAH'S TREATISE OF AMBIGUOUS LETTERS, WORDS, AND PARTICLES IN THE VERSES OF THE QUR’ĀN This chapter examines letters assumed to be absurd and stylistically spoiling, words which have many different meanings, meanings of particles, and the substitution of particles in the verses of the Qur’ān as follows: A. Letters Assumed to Be Absurd and Stylistically Spoiling The main concern of Ibn Qutaybah on this subject is the letters of the alphabet at the beginning of twenty-nine sūrahs in the Qur’ān, technically called by the exegetes al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah (the disconnected letters) and fawātih. al-suwar (the openings of the chapters). The term alphabet itself is derived from the first and the second letters of the Greek alphabet, namely, alpha (, ), and beta (, ), corresponding to letter A and B respectively in the Latin alphabet. The Arabic alphabet is called h.urūf al-mu‘jam (lit., "the letters of the dictionary"), al-h.urūf al-hijā’īyah (lit., "letters put in successive order"), and al-h.urūf al-abjadīyah (lit., "the letters put in the abjd order"), which is the classical Arabic alphabetical order. They and their numerical values are as follows: ( ا1) (2), (3), (4), (60), (600),
(5), (6), (7), (70), (700),
(80),
(8), (90),
(800),
(9),
(10),
(100), (200), (900), and
(20), (300),
(30), (40), (50), (400),
(500),
(1000). They are combined
together for easy memorisation as follows: . This classical order is closer to the Greek alphabetical order than the modern one which is as follows: .
268 There are fourteen letters of the Arabic alphabet which occur in fourteen different combinations. These letters are: , , , , , , , , , , , , , and . They are always pronounced singly, such as: nūn for N, t.ā-hā for T.-H, and alif-lām-mīm, for A-L-M. Their combinations and the sūrahs in which they are located are as follows: 31, and 32); 44, 45, and 46); (26, and 28);
(10, 11, 12, 14, and 15); (42); (20), and
(19); (68);
(13); (50);
(2, 3, 29, 30,
(7); (38),
(40, 41, 43, (27);
(36).
Ibn Qutaybah mentions four different views concerning these letters. He states that each of these views has its own merit, which are as follows: These letters are the names of the sūrahs to which they belong; they are Allah's oaths; they are letters taken from Allah's attributes, and they are letters taken from the attributes of the Qur’ān. According to the first view, the letter or combined letters at the beginning of a certain sūrah is the name of that sūrah itself. Sūrat al-A‘rāf (sūrah 7), for example, is also called Sūrat . However, whenever the same letters occur at the beginning of more than one surah, the usual name of that surah is added to it, for example, (sūrah 2), (sūrah 3), and (sūrah 1 2 41). This is the view of Zayd ibn Aslam (d. 136/754). With regard to the second view, Ibn Qutaybah says that it means that Allah's oath includes all the letters of the alphabet by mentioning some of them. It is like someone saying that he has learned the ABC, meaning all the letters of the alphabet, or that he had read al-h.amdu lillāh, meaning the whole introductory sūrah of the Qur’ān.3 The reason for Allah's oaths with these letters is to indicate their nobility and merit ( ) "because they are the foundation of His Scriptures revealed in various languages, the bases of His beautiful names and exalted attributes, and the origins of the languages of nations by which they know each other, remember and believe in His Oneness..."4 The Qur’ānic verse )١ : ( , for example, according to this view, means "By the letters of the alphabet, it is
269 the book where there is no doubt in it..." (Q. 2:1)5 With regard to the third view, the use of letters of the alphabet to indicate Allah's attributes is praised by Ibn Qutaybah as an art of abbreviating words with letters commonly practised among the Arabs.6 One of the many examples given by him is the combined letters . According to the interpretation attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās, each of these letters respectively stands for an attribute of Allah, namely, stands for (Efficient), and
for
(Guiding),
for
(Wise),
for
(All-knowing),
7
for
(truthful).
Other examples given by Ibn Qutaybah are: stands respectively for
(Allah's sign),
(Allah's beauty), and (Gentle) and
,
,
, and which
(Allah's magnificence),
(Allah's glory);
stands for
8
(Exalted), two attributes of Allah. It is also reported that
according to Ibn ‘Abbās
is the abbreviation of “Allah, Jibril, and
Muhammad”. Another interpretation attributed to him is that the for
(I, Allah, know),
stands for
stands
(I, Allah, see), and
stands for (I, Allah, decide). This interpretation is chosen by alZajjāj who said that every letter should have a meaning.9 The fourth view is that of al-Kalbī who says that the combination of letters in means that the Qur’ān is an efficient, guiding, wise, ).10 . Instead of
knowing, and truthful book (
H.akīm, the letter y stands forْ ("His Hand is above their hands") 11 is also attributed to al-Kalbī. However, al-Qurt.ubī states that according to al-Kalbī, these letters are of Allah's names by which He made His oath.12 Some exegetes whom Ibn Qutaybah does not identify say that , , and letter being"), and
respectively means
("O man"),
("O human
(the inkwell).13 According to Ibn ‘Abbās as reported by
270 ‘Ikrimah, which is read t.āhā and means is the language of H.abashah (Abyssinia, Ethiopia), whereas in another report by Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, also from Ibn ‘Abbās, it is in the Nabatean language. Similarly, which is read yā-sīn meaning "O human being" is the language of T.ayy according to Ibn ‘Abbās (or H.abashah as reported by Ibn Mardawayh). The letter which is read nūn is a Persian word meaning ("I do 14 whatever I want") according to al-D.ah.h.āk as reported by al-Kirmānī. Another group of scholars claim that the interpretation of al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah is known to Allah alone. ‘Āmir al-Sha‘bī, Sufyān al-Thawrī, and a group of traditionists are reported to have said that these letters "...are Allah's secret in the Qur’ān, and Allah has a secret in each of His Books. They are included among ambiguous things ( ) known to Allah alone, which is not to be talked about, but to be believed and read as they are revealed".15 It is also reported that Abū Bakr and ‘Alī held the same view, and Abū ’l-Layth al-Samarqandī reports that ‘Umar, ‘Uthmān, and Ibn Mas‘ūd say that the al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah are among the hidden things upon which no commentary should be given. Abū H.ātim says that these letters are found in the opening of some sūrahs, but what Allah means by them is not for us to know. Another scholar, Abū Bakr al-Anbārī, says that there are letters in the Qur’ān the meaning of which are hidden from the whole world as a test from Allah; whoever believes in them will be rewarded and be pleased, and those who disbelieve and doubt them will become sinful and be far away (from Allah's guidance).16 According to the contemporary scholar Dr. Mus.t.afá Zayd, the most acceptable view on this subject is that these letters are a symbol of challenge; with them Allah challenged the Arab idolaters to produce a chapter similar to that of the Qur’ān by using the same letters of the alphabet used in the Qur’ān, if they kept rejecting the Qur’ān as a revelation from Him. These fourteen letters are half and representing the whole twenty-eight letters of the alphabet. They are found at the beginning of the sūrahs which speak about the Qur’ān, either at the beginning or in the
271 middle of the respective sūrahs.17 We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah does not mention the view of scholars who consider these al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah to be mysterious and inexplicable. This is most probably due to his conviction that the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt are known by the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, as mentioned earlier in the second chapter of this study. The Orientalists have many different theories about these mysterious letters. Noldeke's theory which he later abandoned is that they are the names of the owners of the sheets of the Qur’ān. He states that stands for al-Zubayr,
stands for al-Mughīrah,
stands for T.alh.ah ibn stands for ‘Abd al-Rah.mān.18
‘Ubayd Allāh, and
as well as letter
Another Orientalist, Morris Seale, suggests that they are mnemonic devices as a guide to the contents of the sūrah. For example, in sūrat alShu‘arā’ (Poets, Q. 26) and sūrat al-Qas.as. (Story, Q. 28), the first verse in these two chapters is the combination of letters . These letters stand for T.ūr Sinā’ (Mount Sinai) and Mūsá (Moses), the two main subjects of these sūrahs. In sūrat Maryam (Mary, Q. 19) the first verse is the combination of letters . These five letters, as suggested by Seale, are introductory letters to the contents of this chapter: the priest Zacharia (Zakarīyā), the temple, the birth of John (Yah.yá), Jesus son of Mary (‘Īsá ibn Maryam) and Abraham as “a man of truth” )
). Each letter stands for
these five contents. stands for (a priest in the Hebrew sense rather than in Arabic sense of a soothsayer), referring to Zakarīyā; هـstands for (a temple, although the word mih.rāb is used in this sūrah); يstands for ; stands for ; and stands for who was Abraham. Seale 19 admits that this is only a conjecture. James A. Bellamy had another theory. He proposed that these letters "were originally abbreviations of the basmalah, some of which became corrupt early in the course of transmission". He assumes that since
272 only the readers of Kūfah who regarded , , and as āyāt (Qur’ānic verses) with the exclusion of other groups of letters, whereas the non-Kūfan readers did not call any of them an āyah (a verse), but rather introductions to the sūrahs20, they are, like the basmalah, not part of the Qur’ān. Then to suit his theory, traditions mentioning these mysterious letters are rejected, and the occurrence of corruption in the Qur’ān is assumed.21 In my view, when the non-Kūfan readers did not call these letters āyāt, but fawātih. suwar, it is because they are not sufficient to make a word to constitute an āyah, as the minimum requirement for an āyah is one word. The point of the discussion is whether the possibility of a word, let alone a letter, can constitute an āyah. Here Ibn al-Munayyar and Abū ‘Amr al-Dānī said that there is no word which is itself an āyah in the Qur’ān except (Q. 55:64), and that al-Zamakhsharī says that knowing the āyāt is based on tawqīf (revelation), and there is no room for qiyās (analogy) in it.22 Moreover, when al-Suyūt.ī said that they agreed on as an āyah, but disagreed on ,23 it does not mean that the latter is not a part of the Qur’ān, but rather it is not sufficient to be counted as one āyah. Bellamy's theory is not plausible, either. He incorrectly developed the interpretation of Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr that these mysterious letters are Allah's names, such as , and , the combination of which makes (al-Rah.mān(, one of the names of Allah and His attributes.24 Since only four out of the nineteen letters of the basmalah do not belong to Allah's names, he builds his theory that these mysterious letters were originally abbreviations of the basmalah, as mentioned earlier. Montgomery Watt, after explaining and evaluating various theories of some Orientalists, such as Hirschfeld, Edward Goossens, Nöldeke and Alan Jones, admitted to the mysterious nature of these letters. He concluded: "We end where we began; the letters are mysterious, and have so far baffled interpretation."25
273 B. Words which Have Many Different Meanings This subject is usually treated as one of the branches of the sciences of tafsīr called al-wujūh wa ’l-naz.ā’ir fī ’l-Qur’ān, usually translated as "homonyms and synonyms in the Qur’ān". Wujūh (sing. wajh, "face", "meaning", "aspect") are words which agree in wording but differ in meaning ( ); for example, the word s.alāh in the verse )٣ :
(
"and are constant in prayer" (Q. 2:3) has a different
meaning from s.alāh in the following verse: )٨٧ : ( "Said they: 'O Shu‘ayb! Does thy [habit of] praying compel thee to demand of us that we give up all that our forefathers were wont to worship,..." (Q. 11:87). In the first verse s.alāh means the established and obligatory prayer, whereas in the second, Shu‘ayb's s.alāh means his religion.26 Naz.ā’ir (sing. naz.īr, similar, equivalent, matching) are al-alfāz. almushtarikah, namely, words which indicate many different things equally, such as the word ‘ayn which equally means "eye", "spring" (the place where water comes out from the ground), "the sun itself", and "letter ". They also include al-alfāz. al-mutawat.i’ah (Latin: denoteta; sing. denotatum), namely, words that indicate many different things with one shared meaning, such as the word insān (man) which is applied to Zayd, ‘Umar, etc. Synonymous words (al-alfāz. al-mutarādifah) are also included in the naz.ā’ir, such as the words khamr, rāh., and ‘aqqār, which all mean one thing, the intoxicant made from raisins. Wujūh refers to a word with many different meanings, whereas naz.ā’ir refers to a word with the same concept but different wordings.27 This branch of science is very important in studying the Qur’ān. Abū ’l-Dardā’ and Muqātil ibn Sulaymān were reported to have said that a man would not become a true faqīh until he knew the wujūh in the Qur’ān.28 Al-Zarkashī ranked it number four among the forty-seven branches of Qur’ānic science in his work al-Burhān, whereas al-Suyūt.ī
274 placed it at number thrity-nine of the eighty branches in his work al-Itqān. Among the scholars of this branch of science were: Muh.ammad ibn al-Sā’ib al-Kalbī (d. 146/763), Muqātil ibn Sulaymān al-Balkhī (d. 150/767), Abū al-‘Abbās Muh.ammad ibn Yazīd ibn al-Mubarrad (d. 285/898), Abū Bakr Muh.ammad al-Naqqāsh (d. 351/962), Abū al-Fad.l Bakr ibn Muh.ammad al-Bukhārī (d. 514/1120-1), Ah.mad ibn Fāris (d. 395/1005), Abū ‘Abd Allāh al-H.usayn al-Dāmaghānī (d. 478/1085-6), Abū ’l-H.asan ‘Alī al-Zaghwānī (d. 527/1133), Ibn al-Jawzī (d. 597/1201) and Abū ’l-Fad.l Hubaysh [al-]Tiflīsī (from Tiflis or Tbilisi, the capital of the present Republic of Georgia; d. 600/1204 or 629/1232). Ibn Qutaybah mentions forty-four words which have many different meanings or wujūh in his Ta’wīl. These words and their meanings are as follows: 1.
(decree)
The basic or primary meaning of qad.ā’ is "finishing something entirely, either by word or by deed".29 Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of the verb qad.á which is derived from the mas.dar (verbal noun) qad.ā’, as follows: a.
(to decree, to ordain) which is the basic meaning of qad.á, as in
)٤٢ : ( "... thus, He withholds [from life] those upon whom He has decreed death,..." (Q. 39:42).30 b. to order, to command), as in )٢٣ : ( "For thy Sustainer has ordered that you shall worship none but Him." (Q. 17:23).31 This is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās, al-H.asan, and Qatādah, according to al-T.abarsī.32 According to Yah.yá ibn Sallām, who mentions ten meanings of , this term in the above verse means (entrust, direct, recommend, charge, enjoin).33 This is also the view of the Mujāhid, based on the variant readings of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b, Ibn Mas‘ūd and al-D.ah.h.āk.34
275 c.
(to inform), as in )٤ : ( "And We made [this] known to the children of Israel through revelation: 'Twice, indeed, will you spread corruption on earth and will indeed become grossly overbearing.’" (Q. 17:4). This view of Ibn Qutaybah is also that of Abū ‘Ubaydah, al-Farrā’, al-T.abarsī, Ibn Kathīr, al-Suyūt.ī, and Yahyá ibn Sallām, who uses the term , the
synonym of .35 Ibn Qutaybah and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī maintain that since Allah informed the children of Israel that they would commit corruption in the future, its occurrence was a decree from Him.36 d. (to make, to do), as in )١٢ : ( " And He [it is Who] made them completely seven heavens." (Q. 41:12).37 Then the meaning eveloped and became "to accomplish, to complete, to fulfil". The dead person is called he has completed his appointed time", and (Q. 33:23).38 2. a.
“he has fulfilled (redeemed) his pledge (by death)."
(guidance) Ibn Qutaybah mentions five meanings of hudá, as follows: (to guide), which is the basic meaning of hudá , as in
)٢٢ : ( "... he said [to himself]: 'It may well be that my Sustainer will [thus] guide me onto the right path!'" (Q. 28:22),39 namely, the road to Madyan.40 b. (to guide by means of explanation), as in )١٧ : ( "And as for [the tribe of] Thamūd, We offered them guidance [by means of explanation], but they chose blindness in preference to the guidance:..." (Q. 41:17).41 According to Qatādah fahadaynāhum means "We have explained to them the way to virtue as well as evil," whereas according to Ibn ‘Abbās, al-Suddī and Ibn Zayd it means "We have explained to them the truth."42
276 c.
(to guide by means of calling), as in
)٧ : ( ".... Thou art a warner only; and for every folk a guide." (Q. 13:7, Pickthall).43 The guide meant in this verse is Allah according to Ibn ‘Abbās, Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, al-D.ah.h.āk and Mujāhid, whereas according to Qatādah, al-Zajjāj, Ibn Zayd and Ibn ‘Abbās in another report, it is a prophet sent to his people. Another view says that a guide here means any person who calls people to the truth.44 d. (to guide by means of inspiration), as in )٥٠ : ( "He replied: Our Sustainer is He Who gives unto everything [that exists] its true nature and form, and thereupon guides it." (Q. 20:50), namely, by means of inspiration.45 Muh.ammad Asad translates khalqahu as "its true nature and form", and Ibn Qutaybah, giving his commentary on it, said that it means "its form from the females (of its species)", namely, every creature is created and formed inside its mother's womb according to her species. The inspiration meant in this verse according to Ibn Qutaybah, Ibn ‘Abbās, al-Suddī and al-Farrā’, is the sexual instinct among creatures towards their own species.46 However, Ibn Qutaybah also mentions another interpretation, namely, "the inspiration to look for pasture and to avoid danger ( )". This is similar to the view of Tiflīsī and al-Suyūt.ī when they said that hadá in the above verse means "the inspiration to look for food".47 The third interpretation is that of Mujāhid, ‘At.ā’, Muqātil, and Yah.yá ibn Sallām which is a combination of the two previous interpretations.48 In the following verse )٣ : ( “and Who determines the nature [of all that exists], and thereupon guides it [towards its fulfilment]" (Q. 87:3) the guidance in this verse according to Ibn Qutaybah is the inspiration to approach the females, namely, the sexual instinct. This is also the view of Muqātil, Yah.yá ibn Sallām, alKalbī, al-Farrā’ and Tiflīsī.49 In my view, the meaning of hadá in this type of Qur’anīc verse is the natural instinct given to every creature to
277 preserve its life and species in particular, and to fulfil its nature in general, because it includes both views mentioned above. e. (to guide by means of doing), as in )٥٢ : ( “... and that Allah does not bless with His guidance the artful schemes of those who betray their trust." (Q. 12:52). It means that Allah will not make the artful schemes of the betrayers work. Another interpretation is that it means Allah will not make it proper for them.50 Ibn al-Jawzī mentions twenty-four meanings of hadá in his work Nuzhah, but mentions fourteen only in his work Qurrah. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Zarkashī, al-Suyūt.ī, and Tiflīsī mention seventeen meanings, whereas al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn Qutaybah mention respectively sixteen and four meanings. Ibn Qutaybah deals with this word very briefly: less than one-fifth of the total number of its meanings.51 3.
(nation, people, community)
a.
Ibn Qutaybah gives us five meanings of ummah as follows: (a category of people, a community), which is the basic meaning of the term ummah, as in )٢١٣ : ( "All mankind were once a single community; [then they began to differ] whereupon Allah raised up the prophets..." (Q.2:213). According to Abū ‘Ubaydah and Ibn al-Jawzī, ummah here means millah (religion); al-T.abarsī says ummah wāh.idah means ‘alá millah wāh.idah (belonging to one religion), whereas al-Zamakhsharī does not interpret ummah, probably retaining its basic meaning as mentioned above. A question arises: what religion did people embrace in the above verse? It was the true religion (Islam), according to Ibn ‘Abbās in one report, Qatādah, Mujāhid, ‘Ikrmah and al-D.ah.h.āk; this is the interpretation chosen by Tiflīsī and Ibn Kathīr. This view is supported with ‘Abd Allāh ibn Mas‘ūd's - or, according to Ibn Kathīr, Ubayy ibn Ka‘b's - variant reading kāna ’l-nāsu ummatan wāh.idatan
278 fa’khtalafū with the addition of fa’khtalafū ("then they disagreed"). The other interpretation is that the community in the above verse followed disbelief; this is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās in another report and also that of al-H.asan. This is also the view of Ibn Qutaybah and alRāghib al-As.bahānī when they say that ummah wāh.idah means s.infan wāh.idan fī ’l-d.alāl ("a kind of people in error").52 b. (a period of time), as in )٤٥ : ( "... and he [suddenly] remembered [Joseph] after a (long) period of time..." (Q. 12:45).53 This period was said to have been seven years.54 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, al-H.asan, Mujāhid, and Qatādah.55 This period of time can mean "years", as in : ( )٨ “And if We defer their suffering until a reckoned period of time..." (Q. 11:8). It means reckoned years.56 According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the term ummah meaning “years” in the above verse is the language of Azdshanū’ah, one of the four branches of Azd, an ancient Arab tribe living in Yemen.57 Tiflīsī shares Ibn Qutaybah's view on the two verses above.58 Ibn al-Jawzī, however, says that the word ummah in the above verses means "a period of time" which is contrary to the view of alDāmaghānī who says that it means in both verses "years."59 However, a variant reading attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās, ‘Ikrīmah and al-D.ah.h.āk is ba‘da amahin and ba‘da amhin, meaning "after forgetting" ( ).60 According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the term ummah meaning nisyān (“forgetting”) in the above verse is the language of Tamīm and Qays (ibn) ‘Aylān.61 c. (leader, chief, head and commander), as in )١٢٠ : ( “Verily, Abraham was a leader, obedient to Allah,..." (Q. 16:120). This is the view of Ibn Qutaybah and Abū ‘Ubaydah as well as Qatādah according to Yah.yá ibn Sallām.62 This is also the language of the Quraysh, according to Ibn ‘Abbās.63 It means people followed his examples. Prophet Abraham was referred to as ummah because he and the people who followed him constituted a community, so that he was
279 the founder of that ummah. It is also said that he was called an ummah because he possessed the good qualities of an ummah. He was an ummah himself, as he represented an ummah.64 He was the only believer when other people disbelieved; therefore he was an ummah, and this is the view of Mujāhid. Another view is that he was an ummah because he was an example and a teacher to the people.65 According to Ibn Mas‘ūd and Ibn ‘Umar the term ummah means respectively "the person who teaches good things" ( ) and "the person who teaches people their religion" (
).66
d. Despite the difference of interpretations, they all complement each other and serve to broaden the meaning of the verse. e. (a group of ‘ulamā’), as in ( )١٠٤ : "And that there might grow out of you a group of ‘ulamā’ who teach all that is good..." (Q. 3:104). They are, according to alRāghib al-As.bahānī, a group of selected people with knowledge and good work who become examples for others.67 There are two different views concerning meaning of the particle min in this verse: (1) lil-tab‘īd. (a partition min), namely, "some", so that the verse means that some of the Muslims should establish a group of ‘ulamā’ to teach people virtuous deeds, as this duty is fard. kifāyah, a duty that should be carried out by a group of Muslims only, in this case, the ‘ulamā’. This is the view of Ibn Qutaybah and al-Qurt.ubī;68 (2) lil-tabyīn (an explanatory min), so that the verse means "an ummah inviting unto all that is good might grow out of you". In other words, "be an ummah that invite unto all that is good".69 f. (the religion), as in : ( )٢٣ "... Behold, we found our forefathers following one religion, and, verily, it is but in their footsteps that we follow!" (Q. 43:23).70 Abū ‘Ubaydah interprets as ("following one religion and 71 uprightness"). Al-Farrā‘ and al-Zamakhsharī give also the variant reading immah beside ummah. According to al-Farrā’, ummah is the
280 reading of the qurrā’ except Mujāhid, as well as ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al‘Azīz who read immah.72 Al-Zamakhsharī states that both ummah and immah come from the root amma ("to intend"). Ummah means "the intended way", while immah means "the condition of the person who has the intention". Al-Zamakhsharī also gives us another interpretation of the term ‘alá ummah, namely, ("in good living and 73 good condition"). The expression fulān lā ummata lahu means "Soand-so has no religion."74 As a shāhid from poetry Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of al-Nābighah in which ummah means religion, as follows: * “I have sworn so that I would not leave any doubt in your mind;will the person who has a religion verily commit a sinwhile he [at the same time]is obeying [his religion]?”75 According to Ibn Fāris, instead of ummah, it should be read immah to mean "a religion" in this poem, for ummah here means "a dominating tradition."76 A similar expression is wa hal yastawī dhū ummah wa kafūr, meaning "And are one who has religion and one who is an infidel equal?"77 Originally, ummah was said of a group of people belonging to one religion, then later on was meant the religion itself, as in )٥٢ : ( “And verily, this religion of yours is one religion ...” (Q. 23:52). This is also the interpretation of al-H.asan, Ibn Jurayj, Yah.yá ibn Sallām and Ibn Kathīr.79 We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah mentions five meanings of ummah. Ibn al-Jawzī also mentions five, while Yah.yá ibn Sallām, alDāmaghānī and Tiflīsī mention nine, but they do not include "a group of ‘ulamā’" as one of its wujūh. 78
4.
(covenant) Ibn Qutaybah mentions six meanings of ‘ahd, as follows:
281 a.
(assurance of security, safety, peace, protection) as in
)٤ : ( "...observe, then, your security with them until the end of the term agreed with them..." (Q. 9:4).80 According to Tiflīsī the meaning of ‘ahd in this verse is amānah (loyalty),81 whereas according to al-Suyūt.ī it means mīthāq (agreement, covenant).82 b. (oath, promise) as in "and fulfil your oath with Allah when you make the oath," as the verse continues with )٩١ : ( "... and do not break [your] oaths after having [freely] confirmed them..." (Q. 16:91).83 c. (injunction, instruction, advice), as in )٦٠ : ( "Did I not enjoin you, O you children of Adam, that you should not worship Satan..." (Q. 36:60).84 d. (protection of honour), as in the h.adīth "Verily, the protection of honour is a part of faith."85 e. (time) as in the expression ("That happened in 86 the time of So-and-so"). f. (agreement, covenant), as in )١٢٤ : ( "... He said: 'Behold, I shall make thee a leader of men.' Abraham asked: 'And [wilt Thou make leaders] of my offspring as well?' [Allah] answered: 'My covenant does not embrace the evildoers.'" (Q. 2:124). It means that wrong doers among his descendants will be excluded from Allah's covenant87 or, according to Mujāhid and Ibn al-Jawzī, will be excluded from the leadership and prophethood respectively.88 Ibn al-Jawzī mentions seven meanings of the term ‘ahd in his work Nuzhah, whereas Ibn Qutaybah, al-Dāmaghānī, and al-Tiflīsī mentions six meanings in their respective works. Two meanings given by Ibn Qutaybah, namely, al-h.ifāz. and al-zamān, both without any example from the Qur’ān, are not included by any of the writers mentioned
282 above. 5. (pact, covenant; blood relationship, nearness with respect to kindred) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of ill, as follows: a. (ilāh, Allah), as in )١٠ : ( "They respect neither Allah nor protective obligation with regard to a believer..." (Q. 9:10). Instead of "tie" and "pact" as translated respectively by Asad and Pickthall, the term ill here means Allah, according to Ibn Qutaybah, based on Mujāhid's interpretation. Ibn Qutaybah says that the word "ill" in "Jibrīl" - which can be read "Jibra Ill" - means "Allah".89 Al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, however, rejects the idea that ill or iyl is the name of Allah.90 Lane mentions "lordship" (rubūbīyah) as one of the meanings of the term ill.91 According to Ibn ‘Abbās the term ill in the above verse is qarābah (kinship, relationship) in the language of the Quraysh.92 Speaking of the term jabr as being among the ad.dād, alAnbārī says that the term means a king (malik) as well as a servant (‘abd), and the word "Jabra’il" means "‘Abd Allāh" (the servant of Allah); jabr means "servant", and il or ill means al-rubūbiyyah (the lordship). He says that "Jibra Ill" is the reading of Ibn Ya‘mar. On the other hand, the term ill in the verse in question means Allah according to "some commentators". When the Muslims who were fighting Musaylimah read to Abū Bakr some verses of what Musaylimah claimed to be a revealed book, Abū Bakr said, "Verily, this is not a word which comes from God (Allah)" ( ).93 In other versions Abū Bakr said: "It is indeed a statement which does not come from lordship (God)" ( ),94 and "This would not have come from Allah" ( ).95 According to Ibn Jinnī the word Allāh in the Nabatean language is ill.96 b. (kinship, relationship), as in the poem of H.assān ibn Thābit, as
283 follows: * "By thy life! Verily, thy kinship with the Quraysh tribe is like the kinship of the young camel with the young of the ostrich." This meaning of the term ill is a good one (wajh h.asan) for that term in the above verse.97 Ibn alAnbārī also mentions the other meanings of ill in the above verse, namely, kinship (qarābah), and treaty (h.ilf), whereas dhimmah in the above verse means covenant (‘ahd).98 c. (covenant, treaty, pact), as in the above verse which is the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah.99 Both Ibn Qutaybah and Ibn al-Anbārī mention the three meanings of the term ill in the Qur’ān in their respective works; the former in his dealing with the term ill itself, while the latter when dealing with the term jabr as having two opposite meanings. However, the latter gives us more details of it. Al-Zamakhsharī also dealt with the term. However, al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Tiflīsī and al-Qurtubī did not include this term in their works.100 6.
(obedience)
The basic meaning of qunūt is "obedience", then the meaning developed into "standing in prayer". The most common meaning of qunūt in Arabic language is the du‘ā’ (supplication) to Allah while standing. However, the term is also applicable to any other act of obedience, even the nīyah (intention) of doing it.101 This is also the view of Ibn Qutaybah who confirms that the basic meaning of qunūt is "obedience to Allah"; other meanings, such as "prayer", "standing in prayer", and "supplication" are derived from it.102 According to al-Tabarsī, the term also means "the continuance of doing a particluar thing" ( ).103 Ibn Qutaybah mentions five meanings of qunūt, as follows: a. (standing). The prayer is called qunūt because it is performed while standing. When the Prophet was asked: "What is the most excellent characteristic of the act of prayer?", he answered: "the long continuance of the standing (in prayer)".104 The example
284 from the Qur’ān is )٩ : ( "Or [dost thou deem thyself equal to] one who stands [in prayer] throughout the night, prostrating himself or standing, evermindful of the life to come, and hoping for his Sustainer's grace?" (Q. 39:9).105 According to some commentators, this verse also indicates that the qunūt means not only standing in the prayer, but also the khushū‘ (submissiveness) in it.106 Ibn Qutaybah also cites a h.adīth stating that the similarity of the mujāhid (the person who strives in the path of Allah) is like a person who performs prayer while fasting ( ).107 The h.adīth was reported by Muslim and Ah.mad on the authority of Abū Hurayrah. b.
(supplication), since it is cited while one is standing in prayer before or after bowing (ruku’). No example from the Qur’ān is given. c. (restraint from talking while standing in prayer), except from reciting the verses of the Qur’ān. Zayd ibn Arqam was reported to have said: "We used to talk while we were [standing] in prayer until it was revealed )٢٣٨ : ( ‘... and stand before Allah [in prayer] restraining from talking'." (Q. 2:238).108 This is also the view of Mujāhid when he says that qānitīn in this verse means being at a standstill and refraining hands and sight from wandering.109 However, it is also possible that qānitīn in this verse means "obeying"; this is also the view of al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Suyūt.ī.110 d.
(the affirmation of one's serfdom), as in
)٢٦ : ( "For, unto Him belongs every being that is in the heavens and on earth; all things affirm their serfdom to Him." (Q. 30:26).111 e. (obedience), as in )٣٥ : ( "... And the obedient men and the obedient women..." (Q. 33:35, Lane).112 Al-
285 T.abarsī mentions two meanings of and in the said verse, i.e., "the men who keep on doing good deeds", and "the women who keep on doing good deeds," and "the men who supplicate" and "the women who supplicate."113 These five meanings of qunūt are also mentioned by al-Suyūt.ī.114 7.
(recompense)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of dīn, as follows: a. (recompense), as in )٤ : ( "Lord of the Day of Recompense [and of Punishment (al-qas.as.)]. (Q. 1:4)115 The Arabs say meaning "you will be rewarded (compensated) according to your deed" or "people will do to you as you do to them".116 b. (supreme authority and power), as the Arabs say "I conquered the people, I subdue them, so they submitted." Therefore, the verse )١٩٣ :
(
and
)٣٩ : (, respectively means "and the supreme authority belongs to Allah" (Q. 2:193), and "the whole supreme authority belongs to Allah" (Q. 8:39).117 Ibn Kathīr and al-Zamakhsharī, however, mention "the religion of Islam" as the meaning of dīn in the above verse, whereas al-T.abarsī gives "obedience".118 c. (obedience), as in ) ( "... and [they] do not follow the religion of truth" (Q. 9:29) which means, according to Ibn Qutaybah, Abū ‘Ubaydah, Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī, "[they] do not obey [Allah] with true obedience" ( [ ] ) 119 d.
(reckoning), as in )٣٦ : ( "... that is the right 120 reckoning." (Q. 9:36) It means that the four sacred months Muh.arram, Rajab, Dhū ’l-Qa‘dah and Dhū ’l-H.ijjah during which warfare was prohibited in pre-Islamic Arabia - in one year is the right reckoning. However, al-Zamakhsharī's interpretation of the term dīn is "religion", so the above verse means that the sacredness of the four
286 months is the upright religion, the religion of Abraham and Ishmael.121 With regard to the term dāna in the following h.adīth, Lane mentions three various interpretations, as follows: "The intelligent is he who (1) abases, and enslaves himself, (2) who reckons himself, or (3) who overcomes himself, and works for that which shall be after death."122 Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of dīn, whereas al-Dāmaghānī as well as al-Suyūt.ī, Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī mention five, six and ten respectively. With the exception of Ibn Qutaybah, they mention the term dīn in the Qur’ān which means "religion" - (millah) according to al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī, dīn al-islām bi‘aynih (the religion of Islam itself) according to al-Tiflīsī - among which is as follows: )٥ : ( "... and to establish worship and to pay the poor-due. That is the true religion." (Q. 98:5). 123 Ibn Qutaybah does not deal with dīn which means religion here probably because it is easy to identify, such as in the verse )١٩ : ( "Lo! religion with Allah (is) Islam" (Q. 3: 19). 8.
(master, client, kinsfolk)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions six meanings of mawlá as follows: a. (al-mu‘tiq, manumitter of slaves). No example is given by Ibn Qutaybah. b. (al-mu‘taq, client, freed slave). No example is given by Ibn Qutaybah, but Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī give us the following example: )٥ : ( “....And if you know not who their fathers were, [call them] your brethren in faith and your clients." (Q. 33:5).124 c. (man's paternal relative, kinsman), as in )٥ : ( "Now, behold, I am afraid of [what] my kinsfolk [will do] after I am gone,..." (Q.19:5, Asad).125 Abū ‘Ubaydah and Ibn al-Anbārī
287 interpret mawālī in this verse as "paternal cousins" ( al-Tiflīsī inteprets it as "inheritors" ( d.
), whereas
126
).
(guardian, patron, protector), whether a relative or not.The example of the relative mawlá is the Prophet's following statement: “Any woman who marries without the consent of her guardian her marriage is void." 127 The example of the non-relative mawlá is as follows )١١ : ( “This, because God is the Protector of all who have attained to faith, whereas they who deny the truth have no protector." (Q. 47:11, Asad).128 According to al-Dāmaghānī and al-Dāmaghānī the term mawlá in this verse means rabb (Master, Lord).129 The example of the mawlá who is either a relative or not, is as follows:
)٤١ : "The Day when no guardian shall be of the least avail to his friend,..." (Q. 44:41), namely, according to Ibn Qutaybah's interpretation, the day when the help of a guardian, whether he is a relative or not, is of no avail.130 e. (ally), as in the poem of al-Nābighah al-Ja‘dī when he said: "(They are) mawālī of alliance, not of kinship," namely, they are allies and not kinsfolk or, according to Ibn Manz.ūr, paternal cousins.131 f. (have a higher claim, more entitled to), as in )٦ : ( "The Prophet has a higher claim on the believers than [they have on] their own selves,..." (Q. 33:6, Asad). It means that the Prophet is more entitled to be obeyed by the believers than they are by their own selves.132 According to al-Farrā’, the above verse was revealed to disprove the practice of Muslims in making brotherhood among themselves, so that they can inherit from each other, like natural brothers, instead of giving the inheritance to their relatives and
288 families. Therefore, it was revealed that the Prophet is closer to them than themselves, and yet, they cannot inherit from him, let alone inherit from their adopted brothers.133 In another report it is said that when the Prophet ordered people to join him in the campaign of Tabūk, a group of people said that they would first ask their parents' permission; then the above verse was revealed.134 The term mawlá, as we have seen, belongs to the category of ad.dād. It means "the person who frees a slave" as well as "the freed slave". It has many other meanings in the Qur’ān. Ibn Qutaybah and Tiflīsī mention six meanings of mawlá, while Ibn al-Anbārī and alSuyūt.ī mentions nine and eight meanings respectively. Al-Dāmaghānī, in dealing with the term walī gives us five meanings of each walī and mawlá, while Ibn al-Jawzī does not mention this term in his works Nuzhah and Qurrah .135 9.
(straying) The basic meaning of d.alāl is "straying" which is the opposite of "guidance".136 Ibn Qutaybah cites three meanings of d.alāl, as follows:
a.
(confusion and abandoning the truth or losing or straying from the right way),137 as in )٧ : ( "And 138 found thee lost on thy way, and guided thee?" (Q. 93:7, Asad). Ibn al-Jawzī mentions two different meanings of the term d.alāl in the above verse: "forgetting", which is the view of Tha‘lab, and "straying", upon which five interpretations are given: (a) the Prophet's straying from the characteristics of prophethood ) ), which is the view of al-H.asan and al-D.ah.h.āk; (b) his straying at the mountain paths of Makkah when he was a small boy, and Allah brought him back to his grand-father ‘Abd al-Mut.t.alib, which is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās; (c) his straying when the the halter (nose rope) of his camel which was carrying Khadījah's goods to Syria was taken one day by Iblis and led astray, then Jibrīl came to rescue and led it back
289 to the caravan, which is the view of Sa‘īd ibn al-Musayyab; (d) his being among straying people, and Allah guided him, which is the view of Ibn al-Sā’ib, al-Farrā’, and al-Kisā’ī; and (e) his being undistinguished and unknown, and Allah guided people to him, so that they knew him well, and this is the view of ‘Abd al-‘Azīz ibn Yah.yá and Muh.ammad ibn ‘Alī al-Tirmidhī. 139 b.
(forgetfulness), as in
)٢٨٢ : ( "And if two men are not available, then a man and two women from among such as are acceptable to you as witnesses, so that if one of them should forget, the other could remind her." (Q. 2:282). This interpretation is according to that of Ibn Qutaybah, Yah.yá ibn Sallām, Abū ‘Ubaydah and alFarrā’.140 c. (annihilation and voidness), as in )١٠ : ( "And they say: 'What! After we have been annihilated and become united with the earth, shall we indeed be [restored to life] in a new act of creation?'" (Q. 32:10).141 Similar interpretations are also given by Abū ‘Ubaydah, al-Farrā’, Ibn Kathīr, al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī.142 As we have seen Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings only of d.alāl. Tiflīsī, al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī mention respectively seven, eight and ten meanings, among which are jahl (ignorance) and khusrān (loss).143 10. a.
(leader) Four meanings of imām are cited by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: (the person whose example you follow), which is the basic
meaning of imām, as in )١٢٤ : ( "He said: 144 'Behold, I shall make thee a leader of men.'" (Q. 2:124, Asad). b. (the book recording the deeds of mankind in this world), as in
290 )٧١ : ( "On the day We shall summon all men with their record [namely, the book containing the records of their deeds], ..." (Q. 17:71, Pickthall).145 Al-T.abarsī mentions five interpretations of the term imām in the said verse: (1) of Ibn ‘Abbās according to one report, al-H.asan and Abū al-‘Āliyah, as mentioned above; (2) of Ibn Zayd and al-D.ah.h.āk, the revealed book, i.e., it will be called "O people of the Qur’ān, O people of the Torah..." (3) of Mujāhid and Qatādah, the prophet of people, i.e., it will be proclaimed "Bring forth the followers of Abraham, the followers of Moses, and of Muh.ammad;" they will come forward and will take their books in their right hands; then it will be summoned: "Bring forward the followers of Satan and misguiding leaders"; this is another interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās as reported by Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr; (4) of al-Jubbā’ī and Abū ‘Ubaydah, the ‘ulamā’ and leaders followed by people;146 and (5) of Muh.ammad ibn Ka‘b, who mistook imām for ummahāt ("mothers") as plural for umm ("a mother").147 c. (The Preserved Tablet), as in "... for all things do We take account in a clear Preserved Tablet." (Q. 36:12).148 d. (the way), as in "... and behold, both these [sinful communities] are on a clear way" (Q. 15:79) which is the interpretation of Yah.yá ibn Sallām, Ibn ‘Abbās, Mujāhid, al-H.asan, Qatādah, al-Farrā’, Ibn Qutaybah and al-Zamakhsharī.149 However, the term imām in this verse also means kitāb (record) in the Quraysh language according to Ibn ‘Abbās.150 Abū ‘Ubaydah's interpretation of the term imām in this verse is that it is anything we follow and through which we are guided.151 11.
(prayer) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings for s.alāh, as follows:
a.
(supplication, prayer) as in
291 "..., and pray for them: behold, thy prayer will be [a source of] comfort to them...." (Q. 9:103, Asad).152 b. (blessing and forgiveness), as in "Verily, Allah and His angels bless and forgive the Prophet [namely, the angels ask Allah blessings and forgiveness on him] ..." (Q. 33:56).153 Instead of al-maghfirah, al-Suyūt.ī mentions alistighfār.154 . Both al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī mention the meaning of s.alāh as al-maghfirah wa ’l-istighfār, namely, forgiveness from Allah, and asking forgiveness from His angels and men. 155 AlZamakhsharī mentions al-rah.mah wa ’l-ra’fah (mercy) as the meaning of al-s.alāh in the above verse.156 According to Tiflīsī, the expression means ("they greet him").157 S.alāh from Allah is His mercy to the Prophet, whereas from the angels is du‘ā’ and istighfār for him.158 c. (religion), as in ( : ) "Said they: O Shu‘ayb! Does thy religion compel thee to demand of us that we give up all that our forefathers were wont to worship,...?" (Q. 11:87).159 This is the interpretation of al-H.asan, ‘At.ā’ and Abū Muslim. However, s.alāh in the said verse can also mean the established prayer itself, and this is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās.160 Prophet Shu‘ayb was said to perform prayers very often. While praying, his people winked at each other and laughed. They asked him sarcastically whether his prayers were the motive for asking them to abandon their idols which had been worshipped by their ancestors.161 Ibn Qutaybah does not give us the other meanings of s.alāh, such as the five daily prayers (Q. 2:3), the congregational Friday prayer (Q. 62:9), the reading in the prayer (Q. 17:110), and the funeral prayer (Q. 9:84), probably because they are easily identified in their respective verses. 12.
(writing, the act of writing) According to Ibn al-Jawzī, the basic meaning of kitāb is jam‘
292 (collecting), since the writer (al-kātib) collects letters when he writes.162 Ibn Qutaybah mentions us five meanings of kitāb as follows: a. (what was written by Allah in the Preserved Tablet). This is, according to Ibn Qutaybah, the basic meaning of the term kitāb, but no example is given.163 The example of the term kitāb meaning al-Lawh. al-Mah.fūz. mentioned by Tiflīsī is as follows:
The Prophet is clolser to the Believers than in their own“ selves, and his wives are their mothers. Blood relations among each other have closer personal tie, in the Decree of God [i.e., al-Lawh. al-Mah.fūz.], than (the brotherhood of) Believers and Muhajirs: nevertheless you do what is just to your closest friends: such is the writing in the decree (of God) [i.e., al-Lawh. al-Mah.fūz.]. (A. 33:6, Ali) Al-Dāmaghānī mentions other verses, namely,
No misfortune can happen on earth in your souls but is recorded in a decree [i.e., al-Lawh. al-Mah.fūz.] before We bring it into ixistence: that is truly easy for God. (Q. 57:22, Ali)
293 We already know how much of them the erth takes away;Wit Us a Recording guarding (the full account) [i.e., al-Lawh. al-Mah.fūz.]. (Q. 50:4)164 b.
(divine decree), as in "Allah has divinely decreed: I verily shall prevail, I and My messengers!..." (Q. 58:21).165 Beside qad.ā’ al-T.abarsī also mentions the other meaning of kitāb, namely "what was written by Allah in the Preserved Tablet".166 Al-Zamakhsharī gives the last meaning only.167 c. (divine prescript) as in ي
"O you who believe! Retribution is prescribed for you in cases of killing..."(Q. 2:178).168Al-T.abarsī also mentions the second interpretation, namely, "it has been prescribed in the Preserved Tablet as an injuction for you".169 d. (make), as in "[As for the true believers], it is they in whose hearts He has made faith ..." (Q. 58:22).170 Both al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī mention athbata and thabbata, both meaning "to affirm" for the meaning of kataba in the above verse.171 e. (command), as in "O my people! Enter the holy land which Allah has ordained for you..." (Q. 5:21). This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Abū ‘Ubaydah and Ibn Kathīr.172 Instead of "hath ordained for you" or "has promised you" as translated by Pickthall and Asad respectively, Ibn Qutaybah says that kataba’llāhu lakum means "Allah has ordered you to enter" 173
which is the interpretation of Qatādah and al-Suddī.174 Ibn Qutaybah also gives another meaning of kataba in this verse, namely, "make" so that the verse means "enter the land which has been made for the descendants of Abraham"
294 .175 This interpretation is similar to that of Ibn ‘Abbās above. The third interpretation, however, says that the term kataba in this verse means "it has been ordained in the Preserved Tablet that it is for you” .176 However, according to al-Rāghib al-As.banānī, the holy land was given to them on the condition that they entered therein.177 Ibn Qutaybah and Tiflīsī mention five, while Yah.yá ibn Sallām gives four meanings of the term kitāb. Ibn al-Jawzī cites eleven meanings, whereas al-Dāmaghānī lists ten meanings of this term. This great number is the result of their including the term kitāb to mean "what is written", so that it includes the Qur’ān, as well as the Torah and the Bible. 13.
(reason, motive, means) and
(rope)
Sabab, as mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, has four meanings as follows: a. (rope) which is its basic meaning.178 b. The connection or motive by which one achieves or reaches something, as in ("So-and-so is the motive for my coming to you") meaning "So-and-so has brought me to you”
, and the
expression ("There is no relationship between you and me, neither blood relationship nor spiritual one"). In other words, "there is nothing that can bring us together" (namely, "we have nothing to do with each other"). Originally, sabab signifies "a dry rope let down (or made to descend) from above", "a rope of which one end is attached to a roof or a ceiling or the like", or "a strong and long rope by means of which one ascends (such as palm trees) or descends (such as the access to water)".179 From this meaning, another meaning appears, as follows: c. (way, means), because by following it one will reach one's goal, as in "And so he chose the right means [in whatever he did]." (Q. 18:85, Asad).180
295 d.
(the door, the gate), because through it one reaches a certain و
place, as in
"And Pharaoh said: O Haman! Build me a lofty tower that I may reach the doors, the doors of the heavens, and that [thus] I may have a look at the God of Moses: for, behold, I am indeed certain that he is a liar." (Q. 40:36-37).181 However, Al-T.abarsī, cites three interpretations of the term asbāb in the said verse: "the roads from one heaven to another" according to al-Suddī, "the doors of the roads of heavens" according to Qatādah, an Al-T.abarsī, and "the stopping places in the heavens" , according to Ibn ‘Abbās.182 Lane gives usthe meanings of asbāb here as "the places of ascent", "the tracks", "the regions" and "the gates" of heavens.183 As a shāhid Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of Zuhayr as follows: * Whoever fears the door of fate of death he will get it, even if he should get to the doors of heaven with a ladder. It means that whoever fears death will meet it soon.184 Ibn Qutaybah, having in his mind of the basic meaning of h.abl as "a means to reach an end", mentions two meanings of it, as follows: a. (Allah's covenant and His Book), as in "And hold fast, all of you together, unto Allah's covenant and His Book [namely, the Qur’ān which is the link for the Muslims to reach Him and Paradise], and do not draw apart from one another...." (Q. 3:103).185 However, al-Zamakhsharī mentions "the covenant" only,186 whereas according to Ibn Mas‘ūd the term h.abl Allāh in the verse means "the Qur’ān"187 which is also the view of Mujāhid and
296 Qatādah;188 it is said that it is also the view of al-Suddī, while according to Ibn ‘Abbās and Abū Zayd it means "the religion of Allah", namely, Islam.189 b. )peace, security, safety, protection), as in ("Overshadowed by ignominy are they wherever they may be, save [when they bind themselves again] with protection from Allah and peace from men." (Q. 3:112).190 As a shāhid from poetry, Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of al-A‘shá as follows: * And when the (assurance of) safety from a tribe permits them[namely, the camels or the caravan] to pass [the territory belonging to that tribe], they also took permission from other tribes [and brought it] to you [to pass their territories safely].191 In the past, the caravan's route may have crossed the territories of several tribes. It was necessary for them to obtain from each an assurance of safe conduct which often involved payment of money.192 14.
(wrongdoing) Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings for z.ulm as follows:
a.
(Putting something not in its proper place), namely, wrong doing. This is the basic meaning of z.ulm. The Arabic expression (lit., "a wronged piece of land") means "a piece of land dug
in the wrong place", and the expression means "keep on 193 the track, and do not deviate from it". No example from the Qur’ān is given here by Ibn Qutaybah, either in his work Ta’wīl or in his work Tafsīr.194 b. (polytheism, idolatory), as in
297 "Those who believe and who have not obscured their belief by polytheism, theirs is safety; and they are rightly guided." (Q. 6:82).195 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Sa‘īd ibn alMusayyab, Qatādah, Mujāhid and the majority of commentators. When the above verse was revealed the Prophet's companions felt uneasy and asked the Prophet: "Which of us has never obscured his belief by wrongdoing?" The Prophet said: "It is not what you think it means. Have you ever heard of what the pious servant (meaning Luqman) said: ) 'O my dear son! Do not ascribe partners unto Allah. For, behold, to ascribe partners (unto Him) is a tremendous wrong doing.'" (Q. 31:13).196 Al-Zamakhsharī, however, insists on interpreting z.ulm in this verse as ma‘s.iyah (disobedience), and rejects kufr (disbelief), because of the keyword labs (obscurity); in his view, kufr cannot make faith obscure, but ma‘s.iyah can.197 c. (reduction, loss, detriment, imperfection, blemish). The expression
means "I reduce your right." The example from
the Qur’ān is as follows: "Each of the two gardens yielded its produce, and made not aught thereof to suffer loss..." (Q. 18:33).198 d. (denial, disbelief), as in "whereas those whose weight is light in the balance - it is they who will have squandered their own selves by their wilful denial of Our messages." (Q. 7:9).199 We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings for z.ulm. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, Ibn al-Jawzī, Tiflīsī, and al-Dāmaghānī mention respectively five, six, seven, and nine meanings, among which is al-sariqah (stealing). This meaning was not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl. One of the examples in the Qur’ān is the following: “[The brother] replied: 'Its requital? He
298 in whose camel-pack [the cup] is found - he shall be [enslaved as] a requital thereof! Thus do we [ourselves] requite the thieves.'" (Q. 12:75).200 It had been among the laws of Prophet Abraham to hand over the thief to the victim of the theft, and that was the rule that Prophet Joseph wanted to be applied.201 15. (test, trial, affliction) Ibn Qutaybah states that the basic meaning of balā’ is "a test", either for good or for bad things. It has two meanings: balā’ meaning a test and blessing. The root of the term meaning a test is balā yablū balwan (in Ibn Qutaybah's example, , and the noun is balā’). For good things it is said ablá yublī iblā’an yablū balā’an
and for bad things it is said balā .202
According to al-Sharīf al-Murtad.á,however, (instead of ), ً , as well as are used for good things, whereas for bad things , and (bilan) are commonly used. In other words, although is used for both good and bad things, it is more frequently used for good things, whereas for bad things (bilan) is more frequently used among the 203 Arabs. The examples given by Ibn Qutaybah from the verses of the Qur’ān are as follows: a. (trial, test) as in “For, behold, all this way indeed a trial, clear in itself" (Q. 37:106), namely, the injunction to sacrifice his (Prophet Abraham's) son is a test for him.204 The test can be for either good or bad things. Allah says: “... and We try you with evil and with good for ordeal" (Q. 21:35, Pickthall), namely, We test you with evil to see your patience, and with good to see your gratitude.205 They are, according to Ibn ‘Abbās, poverty and richness, sorrow and happiness, and comfort and hardship; or, according to Ibn Zayd, what you like, dislike and fail to do, so that you will become patient of what you dislike and thankful
299 of what you like . b. (blessing), as in “And [remember the time] when We saved you from Pharaoh's people, who afflicted you with cruel suffering, slaughtering your sons and sparing [only] your women: That was a tremendous blessing from your Sustainer." (Q. 2:49).206 Al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī interpret balā’ for both good and bad things: the good thing was that the children of Israel were delivered from Pharaoh's folk, and the bad thing was that the Pharaoh's folk afflicted them with dread torment as mentioned in the above verse.207 16. (punishment, a conduct that leads to punishment) and (dirt, filth) Al-rijz, according to Ibn Qutaybah, Tiflīsī, and Ibn al-Jawzī has three meanings in the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (punishment), as in ( “.... If thou remove this punishment from us, we will truly believe in thee,..." (Q. 7:134).208 According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning (punishment) is the language of the Hudhayl (or T.ayy).209 b.
(the trick of Satan), since it leads to punishment, as in "... and free you from the trick of Satan..." (Q. 8:11).210 According to Ibn ‘Abbās,
in this verse means
(the scare of Satan) in the language of the Quraysh.211 c.
(idols), since they also lead to Allah's punishment, as in
“And idols shun" (Q. 74:5).212 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Mujāhid, Qatādah, and al-Zuhrī. Al-H.asan's interpretation is
300 "avoid disobedience", whereas al-Kisā’ī makes a distinction between alrijz meaning "punishment" and al-rujz meaning "idols".213 However, Ibn Qutaybah states that since the term rujz also means "punishment", the verse means "avoid idolatory because it leads to punishment". This interpretation is similar to that of al-Zamakhsharī.214 Al-rijs means al-natn (decay).215 This basic meaning developed into kufr (disbelief) and nifāq (hypocrisy), as in "But as for those in whose hearts is disease, each new message but adds another [element of] disbelief to the disbelief which they already harbour, and they die while [still] refusing to acknowledge the truth." (Q. 9:125, Asad).216 17. a.
(test, trial, ordeal) Ibn Qutaybah mentions eight meanings of the term fitnah, as follows: (test), as in the Arabic expression (I tested the gold in fire). The example in the Qur’ān is as follows:
"Yea, indeed, We did test those who lived before them;..." (Q. 29:3, Asad).217 b. (persecution), as in “Now there is among men many a one who says [of himself and of others like him], 'We do believe in God' - but whenever he is made to suffer in Allah's cause, he thinks that persecution at the hands of man is as [much to be feared, or even more than] Allah's chastisement;.." (Q. 29:10, Asad).218 c. (persecution by fire), as in “Verily, as for those who persecute by fire believing men and believing women, and thereafter do not repent, hell's suffering awaits them: yea, suffering through fire awaits them!" (Q. 85:10).219 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Qatādah and al-D.ah.h.āk.220 According to Ibn Kathīr, this is also the
301 interpretation of Mujāhid.221 d. (turning someone away from the truth and making someone make an error), as in "... and beware of them, lest they tempt thee away from aught that God has bestowed from on high upon thee...." (Q. 5:49, Asad).222 Both Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-Zamakhsharī give the interpretation of in the above verse as (to deviate you from it 223 and make you commit error). e. (polytheism, idolatry), as in "… for 224 polytheism is worse than slaughter." (Q. 2:191). This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Qatādah, Mujāhid,225 as well as Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, ‘Ikrimah, al-H.asan, al-D.ah.h.āk and al-Rabī‘ ibn Anas.226 Abū ‘Ubaydah and Lane interpret fitnah here as kufr (disbelief).227 f. (disbelief and sin), as in ".... so let those who would go against His bidding beware, lest disbelief and sin or painful punishment befall them." (Q. 24:63).228 g. (sin), as in ".... Surely, it is into sin that they (thus) have fallen...." (Q. 9:49). This is also Abū ‘Ubaydah's interpretation.229 h. (warning, deterring example), as in ".... O our Sustainer, make us not a deterring example for evildoing folk." (Q. 10:85).230 The verse means "do not make the wrongdoing folk believe that they are right and we the believers are wrong when they see us in misery and misfortune, while they are in happiness and prosperity."231 This is the view of Mujāhid who says that the verse means "do not destroy us with our enemies' hands, and do not punish us with Your punishment, or our enemies would say 'if they were on the right way,
302 then why did we [who are on the wrong way] subjugate them'".232 A similar view is also given by al-Farrā’, al-Zamakhsharī, al-T.abarsī, and Ibn Manz.ūr.233 We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah mentions eight meanings only of fitnah, whereas Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Suyūt.ī mention fifteen, Tiflīsī mention fourteen, and both Yah.yá ibn Sallām and al-Dāmaghānī mention eleven meanings. Many other meanings, such as
(assassination) in Q. 4:101,
(madness, insanity) in Q. 68:6, and (error) in Q. 5:41, are dealt with by all of them with the exception of Ibn Qutaybah. The term fitnah in the verse Q. 6:23 which means (excuse) according to Qatādah234 are dealt with by all of them. However, Ibn Qutaybah puts the verse into the category of verses with the term fitnah meaning . Nevertheless, he says that the term here means (the answer) to the question asked as a test mentioned in the preceding verse.235 18. a.
(duty, decree, order) (the injunction of doing something), as in
"... [seeing that] We have already made known what We have enjoined upon them with regard to their wives..." (Q. 33:50).236 b. (explanation), as in “A sūrah [is this] which We have bestowed from on high, and which We have distinctly explained..." (Q. 24:1).237 This is the interpretation of Mujāhid and Qatādah according to Ibn Kathīr.238 However, according to Ibn Qutaybah, it is also possible that the term farad.a in this verse means "to enjoin" as translated by Pickthall.239 There are two variant readings in this verse: farad.nāhā and farrad.nāhā. The former means "We have enjoined the execution of what has been prescribed", and the latter means "We have distinctly explained in detail and define what has been
303 prescribed in general, and what is h.alāl (permitted) and what is h.arām (prohibited)".240 c. (sending down, revelation), as in "Verily, He Who has sent down to thee the Qur’ān will surely bring thee home again..." (Q. 28:85).241 d. (permission), as in “There is no reproach for the Prophet in that which Allah permits for him..." (Q. 33:38).242 19.
(disloyalty, treachery, betrayal)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of khiyānah, as follows: a. entrusting a person with something, but he does not fulfil the trust . Ibn Qutaybah does not give us an example from the Qur’ān, but from poetry, the poem of al-Namir ibn Tawlab as follows: * Verily, after (the loyalty and disloyalty of) Wahb tribe, Banī Rabī‘ah are like the house keeper; he was (entrusted) to keep it, then he betrayed it. Here Ibn Qutaybah makes a distinction between khā’in (a traitor) and sāriq (a thief); the former is a person who takes something which is entrusted to him, whereas the latter takes what is not entrusted to him.243 The example from the Qur’ān is given by Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī, as follows: ".... Hence, do no contend with 244 those who are treacherous." (Q. 4:105). b. (violation of treaty), as in "And if thou fearest violation of treaty from people [with whom thou hast made a treaty], cast it back at them in an equitable
304 manner..." (Q. 8:58).245 c. (disobedience of Muslims), as in "O you who believe! Do not disobey Allah and His messenger, nor knowingly betray your trusts..." (Q. 8:27).246 The disobedience meant in this verse is neglecting Allah's injunctions and the Prophet's practice (sunnah) and laws (sharā’i‘) according to Ibn ‘Abbās, or any religious matter according to alH.asan.247 20.
(submission)
There are three meanings of islām mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. , entering into peace, (al-s.ulh., according to al-Dāmaghānī), as in “,... and do not say unto anyone who offers you peace: 'Thou art not a believer,...'" (Q. 4:94).248 Al-Zamakhsharī mentions a variant reading salama beside salāma; both have three meanings: istislām (surrender), islām (becoming Muslim), and taslīm (greeting with Islamic greeting). He also mentions the variant reading mu’manan (believed, saved) beside mu’minan (a believer). In a military detachment to Fadak, its inhabitants fled except Mirdās ibn Nāhik who had confidence with his being a Muslim and came down from the mountain, joined the takbīr with the invaders, pronounced the shahādah before them and greeted them with al-salāmu ‘alaykum. Usāmah ibn Zayd, not believing Mirdās's testament, killed him and seized his sheep. The Prophet who heard the incident was very upset and asked Usāmah: "Did you kill him because you wanted to take his property?" and read the above verse to him. When Usāmah asked him to ask Allah's forgiveness for him, he kept asking "How with lā ilāha illā ’llāh?", meaning "how should I ask forgiveness for you after you have killed a person who has pronounced the shahādah (became a Muslim)?" Upon hearing
305 this, Usāmah wished he had become Muslim just at that moment, so that the sin he had just committed would be forgiven. Finally the Prophet prayed forgiveness for him and told him to free a slave.249After the incident and hearing the above verse, Usāmah promised not to kill a Muslim, and apologized to ‘Alī in his caliphate for not taking part in fighting against the dissenters.250 These reports indicate that salāma or salama includes its three meanings istislām, islām, and taslīm in the verse in question, although Ibn Qutaybah mentions one only as mentioned above. b. , following and submitting with the tongue only, not with the heart (al-iqrār bi ’l-lisān, according to al-Dāmaghānī), as in "The Bedouin say: We have believed. Say (unto them O Muhammad): You have not [yet] believed, but rather say: We have [outwardly] surrendered, for the faith hath not yet entered your hearts..." (Q. 49:14).251 A group of people among the Banī Asad tribe who wanted to get charity came to the Prophet and claimed to have become Muslims. But Allah wanted them to know that the Prophet already knew that īmān had not yet entered into their hearts. So, the above verse was revealed to him. This was reported by Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr and Ibn Zayd.252 c. , following and submission with the tongue and with the heart; (al-ikhlās., sincerity, according to al-Dāmaghānī), as “....He [namely, Abraham] said: I have surrendered [outwardly and inwardly] to the Sustainer of the Worlds." (Q. 2:131).253 21.
(belief, faith)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of īmān, as follows: a. , belief, confirmation, attestation, as in the statement of Prophet Jacob's children to him about the death of their brother Joseph, as
306 follows: ".... But [we know that] thou wouldst not believe us even though we speak the truth." (Q. 12:17). This is also the interpretation given by Abū ‘Ubaydah, Ibn Kathīr, al-Zamakhsharī, and al-Tabarsī.254 This interpretation, as we shall see, deals with its general context, and not faith in religion. b. (believing with the tongue only, not with the heart), as in "That is because they believed [with their tongues] then disbelieved [with their hearts]..." (Q. 63:3).255 This is called hypocrisy, and this is one interpretation. The apostates claimed to be believers when they were among believers, but among disbelievers they disbelieved. Another interpretation, however, says that the term āmanū means that they really believed, but later disbelieved and became apostates.256 c. (believing with the tongue and with the heart), as in "(And) lo! those who believe (outwwardly and inwardly) and do good works are the best of all creatures." (Q. 98:7).257 d. , believing some and disbelieving others , believing while ascribing partners to Allah, according to alDāmaghānī), as in "And most of them do not even believe in Allah without [also] ascribing partners (unto Him),..." (Q. 12:106). Ibn Qutaybah gives his commentary on this verse. He says that if we ask the idolators among the Arabs, "Who created you?," they would say "Allah.”258 This interpretation is that of Ibn ‘Abbās, Mujāhid, ‘ A t.ā’, ‘Ikrimah, alSha‘bī, Qatādah, al-D.ah.h.āk, and ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn Zayd ibn Aslam.259 22.
(damage, harm, hurt, injury, misfortune, loss, or diasdvantage) Ibn Qutaybah mentions six meanings of d.urr or d.arr, as follows:
307 a.
(the opposite of benefit), namely, harm, as in
"Said he: 'Do [you really think that] they hear you when you invoke them, or benefit you or do you harm?'" (Q. 26:72-73, Asad).260 b. (misfortune and affliction), as in "And if Allah should touch thee with misfortune, there is none who can remove it but He;..." (Q. 6:17, Asad).261 c. (want of rain, drought), as in "And if We cause mankind the taste of mercy [namely, rain] after some adversity [namely, drought] wich had afflicted them..." (Q. 10:21, Pickthall).262 d. (terror, fright, alarm, shock), as in "And whenever terror befalls you at sea, all those [powers] that you are wont to invoke forsake you, [and nothing remains for you] save Him:..." (Q. 17:67).263 e. (illness, disease) as in "And [remember] Job, when he cried unto his Sustainer, 'Affliction [namely, disease] has befallen me: but Thou art the most merciful of the merciful.'" (Q. 21:83, Asad).264 Here the term d.urr is interpreted by Ibn Qutaybah as "disease". f. ( اdefect, blemish, decrease, loss damage; lack, shortage), as in "Those who reject God, hinder (men) from the path of God, and resist the apostle, after guidance has been clearly shown to them, will not injure [namely, defect, according to Ibn Qutaybah's interpretation] God in the least, ..." (Q. 47:32, Ali).265 We notice that Tiflisi does not give (want of rain, drought) as one of the meanings of the term d.urr or d.arr, whereas Ibn Qutaybah
308 does not mention
(hunger, starvation) as the meaning of the term in the
following verse: “And when they presented themselves before him, they said: 'O thou great one! Hardship has visited us and our folk,...'" (Q. 12:88, Asad) which is starvation as mentioned by al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī.266 AlZamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī also include "starvation" as the meaning of d.urr in this verse.267 23.
a.
( اnarrowness, confinement; hardship, difficulty; restriction; oppression, distress, anguish, prohibition) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of h.araj, as follows: (narrowness, annoyance, hardship). This is the basic meaning of h.araj according to Abū ‘Ubaydah and Ibn al-Athīr,268 as in "... it is He who has elected you [to carry His message], and has laid no hardship on you in [anything that pertains to] religion,..." (Q.22:78, Asad).269 According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning is the language of Qays (ibn) ‘Aylān.270
b.
(doubt), as in "A divine writ has been bestowed from on high upon thee - and let there be no doubt about this in thy heart - ..." (Q. 7:2, Asad). This is also the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, Mujāhid, Qatādah, al-Suddī, and alFarrā’.271Ibn Kathīr mentions Mujāhid, Qatādah and al-Suddī who interpret h.araj as shakk.272 According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning is in th language of the Quraysh.273 Abū ‘Ubaydah, however, interprets h.araj in this verse as d.īq.274
c. 24.
(sin, offence, misdeed, crime), as in ) "No offence attaches to the blind..." (Q. 24:61).275 (breath of life, soul; spirit) Ibn Qutaybah gives seven meanings of rūh. in the Qur’ān, as
309 follows: a. (soul of the bodies) taken away by Allah at the moment of 276 death. No example from the Qur’ān is given by Ibn Qutaybah; others mention the following verses: "And they will 277 ask thee about [the nature of] soul..." (Q. 17:85). This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās. But Ibn Qutaybah mentions the above verse as one of the examples of the term rūh. meaning a huge angel which is ‘Ali's interpretation. Other interpretations include: Gabriel, according to al-H.asan and Qatādah, Prophet ‘Īsá (Jesus), and the Qur’ān.278 Asad’s interpretation of rūh. in the above verse is "divine inspiration". He contends that "the preceding as well as the subsequent verses relate explicitly to the Qur’ān and hence, to the phenomenon of divine revelation".279 b. (Gabriel), as in "And lo! it is a revelation of the Lord of the Worlds, which the True Spirit [namely, Gabriel] hath brought down upon thy heart, ..." (Q. 26:192-193, Pickthall).280 c. (a huge angel), so huge that as he stands alone he makes one line by himself, while other angels make another, mentioned in the Qur’ān as follows: "On the day when the angels and the Spirit stand arrayed, they speak not, saving him who the Beneficent alloweth and who speaketh right." (Q. 78:38). The Spirit here means, according to Ibn Qutaybah, the huge angel.281 Al-Qurt.ubī mentions eight interpretations of the term al-rūh. in the above verse, as follows: (1) a huge angel, who in the Hereafter will stand alone and make one line by himself, and another for the other angels; this is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās and Ibn Mas‘ūd quoted by Ibn Qutaybah above (and of ‘At.ā, according to al-T.abarsī); (2) Gabriel, according to al-Sha‘bī, al-D.ah.h.āk, and Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr; (3) soldiers
310 of Allah, neither human beings nor angels, but have human forms and eat food; this is the view of Abū S.ālih. and Mujāhid (as well as Qatādah according to al-T.abarsī); (4) the nobles among angels, according to Muqātil ibn H.ayyān; (5) (guards of angels); (6) human beings, according to al-H.asan and Qatādah; they interpret al-rūh. as dhawū al-rūh. (those who have spirits); according to alT.abarsī, this is the view of al-H.asan only; al-T.abarī states that Qatādah said: ("This is among what has been concealed by Ibn ‘Abbās"), and this is the interpretation chosen by M. Asad; (7) the spirits (souls) of the children of Adam before they return to their bodies, according to ‘At.iyyah (or Ibn ‘Abbās, according to alT.abarī), and (8) the Qur’ān according to Zayd ibn Aslam.282 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions (an army of angels) as the interpretation of rūh. 283 in the above verse. d. (blowing, breathing), as in the following poem of Dhū ’lRummah: * And I said to him: “Lift it [the fire] up to you to keep it alive with your gentle blowing..”.284 The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: “And remember her who guarded her chastity, whereupon We breathed into her of Our blowing and caused her, together with her son, to become a symbol [of Our grace] unto all people." (Q. 21:91). Ibn Qutaybah states that the Messiah is called "the Spirit of Allah" because he was created through Gabriel by Allah's breath. The Messiah is also so called because he existed by His word "be" and he existed.285 Another interpretation is that rūh. here means
311 the spirit of ‘Īsá.286 e. (the word of Allah), namely, revelation, is also called rūh., because it gives life to the ignorant and infidels who are like dead people, as in "... By His Own will does He bestow His word upon whomever He wills of His servants,..." (Q. 40:15).287 The meaning of the term rūh. here according to alZamakhsharī, Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī is wahy (revelation).288 According to al-Farrā’, the rūh. here means (prophethood), whereas al-Tabarsī mentions three meanings: the Qur’ān and all the revealed books sent to messengers, the revelation, and Jibrīl (Gabriel).289 f. (blessing), as in ... [As for the true believers,] it is they in whose hearts He has inscribed faith, and whom He has strengthened with blessing from Him, ..." (Q. 58:22).290 Al-Tabarsī mentions four meanings of rūh. in this verse: the light of faith, the light of reasoning, the Qur’ān, and Gabriel.291 g. (life and eternity where there will be no death), as in "Perpetual life [awaits him in the life to come], and inner fulfilment, and a garden of bliss." (Q. 56:89). This is the interpretation of Abu ‘Ubaydah and al-Farrā’ quoted by Ibn Qutaybah.292 This is one of the three interpretations given by al-Zamakhsharī, the other two being istirāh.ah (rest) and rah.mah (blessing).293 AlT.abarsī mentions two different interpretations, the rest from the burden of life which is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās and Mujāhid, and the air (al-hawā’).294 There are two more interpretations of rūh. which are not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah: firstly,
(the command), as in
"The Messiah, Jesus son of Mary, was only a messenger of Allah, and His word which He conveyed unto Mary, and a command from Him...." (Q. 4:171);295 Other
312 interpretations are given by al-T.abarsī, among which are: Gabriel, a mercy from Allah, and a spirit created, fashioned, then sent by Allah to Mary which is the interpretation of Ubayy ibn Ka‘b reported by Abū al‘Āliyah;296 secondly, the Qur’ān, as in “And thus have We revealed to thee (Muh.ammad) the Qur’ān by Our command ..." (Q. 42:52).297 With regard to the second verse, rūh.an min amrinā is the Qur’ān itself according to al-D.ah.h.āk whose view is adopted by al-Suyūt.ī, whereas Ibn Qutaybah gives
(the word of Allah) as its interpretation.298
However, there are many other interpretations, namely, ة
(prophethood)
according to Ibn ‘Abbās,
(blessing) according to al-H.asan and Qatādah, (revelation) according to al-Suddī, (scripture) according 299 to al-Kalbī, and Jibrīl according to al-Rabī‘. 25.
(inspiration, revelation)
Ibn Qutaybah interprets the basic meaning of wah.y, as follows: "everything suggested by means of speaking, writing, sign, or message ."300 Ibn Manz.ūr includes inspiration ( 301
),
secret talk ( ) among the meanings of wah.y. However, according to al-Qurt.ubī, the term wah.y among the Arabs means "writing", "inscription" as in the following poem of Dhū al-Rummah: * Except the four black women who were similar to the remnant of inscription in the midst of leaves, and in the following poem of ‘Antarah: [It is] similar to an inscription on leaves in the time of Kisra (Khosrau),so that he gave them as
313 a gift to a non-eloquent a‘jamī (non-Arab).”302 Ibn Qutaybah mentions six meanings of this term in the Qur’ān, as folows: a. ( اsending a message), namely, revelation through Gabriel, as in "Behold, We have sent thee a message as We sent to Noah and the prophets after him,..." (Q. 4:163).303 b. (sign, gesture, signal), as in “Thereupon he came out of the sanctuary unto his people and signified to them [by gestures]: 'Extol His limitless glory by day and by night!'" (Q. 19:11, Asad).304 This is the view of Qatādah, al-Kalbī and Ibn Munabbih. The other view is that of Mujāhid and ‘Ikrimah, that the term awh.á in this verse means respectively, "wrote on the ground", and "wrote in a scroll."305 This latter view is rejected by Ibn Qutaybah. His argument is that in another verse mentioning the same story, the term ramz (sign, gesture) is given, as follows: “[Zachariah] prayed: 'O my Sustainer! Appoint a sign for me!' Said [the angel]: 'Thy sign shall be that for three days thou wilt not speak unto men other than by gestures...'" (Q. 3:41, Asad). The sign here means, Ibn Qutaybah contends, moving the two lips, eyebrows or eyes, and not writing.306 c. (inspiration) as in "And [remember the time] when I inspired the white-garbed ones: 'Believe in Me and in My Apostle! 'They answered: 'We believe; and bear Thou witness that we have surrendered [unto Thee].'" (Q. 5:111, Asad).307 According to al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, wah.y in this verse means revelation to the white garbed ones through Prophet ‘Īsá (Jesus).308 Both Abū Ubaydah and al-Zamakhsharī intepret wah.y in this verse as
314 amr (command).309 d. (information given during sleep), namely, true vision, as in “And it was not (vouchsafed) to any mortal that Allah should speak to him unless (it be) by true vision..." (Q. 42:51).310 e. (information through the whispering of the devil), as in "And, verily, the devils tempt their minions with wicked suggestions to dispute with you..." (Q. 6:121).311 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās.312 f. (order, command), as in "as they Sustainer will have ordered her to do." (Q. 99:5). This is the interpretation given by Mujāhid adopted by Ibn Qutaybah. 313 Here Ibn Qutaybah cites the poem of al-‘Ajjāj in which the term wah.y, means "order", as follows: “He ordered it (the earth) to settle, and so it 314 settled." However, according to Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation, awh.á lahā here means "Allah gave permission to the earth to tell what had been done on it", and this intepretation is adopted by al-Farrā’.315 26. Ibn a.
(joy, gladness, happiness) There are three meanings of the term farah. in the Qur’ān given by Qutaybah, as follows: (joy, happiness, delight, pleasure), as in
"... when ye are in the ships and they sail with them a fair breeze they are glad therein..." (Q. 10:22, Pickthall).316 b. (contentment, satisfaction), as in "Every sect is content with that [religion] which it has." (Q. 23:53 and 30:32, Lane).317 c. (exultation, wantonness, pride, arrogance, vanity, cockiness and liveliness, high spirits, exuberance, wildness, insolence,
315 impertinence, excessive joy), as in "When [they perceived his arrogance,] his people said unto him: 'Exult not [in thy wealth], for, verily, God does not love those who exult [in things vain]!'" (Q. 28:76, Asad).318 This is, according to Ibn Kathīr, the interpretation of Mujāhid.319 Here Tiflīsī and alDāmaghānī mention the three meanings of the term in conformity with those mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah. 27.
(opening, conquest, victory) Three meanings of fath. are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as
follows: a.
(opening something closed), as in
"... till, when they reach it, they shall find its gates wideopen;..." (Q. 39:73, Asad).320 Al-Zamakhsharī mentions two interpretations regarding the position of wa in the above verse: (1) It means "when they came to Heaven they came to it with its doors (or gates) open” ( ); (2) It means “when they came to it its door had been opened”. “Unlike the doors of Hell which will be opened only when those who are to enter it arrive, the doors of Heaven will have been opened before the arrival of its companions, as mentioned in the Qur’ān "Gardens of Eden, whereof the gates are opened for them." (Q. 38:50, Pickthall).321 b.
(victory), as in "...thus, if victory 322 comes to you from Allah..." (Q. 4:141). c. (judgement) which is an opening to what is ambiguous, as in "Say: Our Sustainer will bring us all together, then He will judge between us with truth." (Q. 34:26).323
316 According to Abū ‘Ubaydah, Ibn Kathīr and al-T.abarsī, yaftah. in the above verse means yah.kum (decide), which is similar to yaqd.ī (judge).324 Another meaning which is not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah is al-irsāl (the sending down), as in "Whatever grace Allah sends down to man, none can withhold it;..." (Q. 35:2).325 28.
(noble; eminent; generous; beneficent; kind; honourable)
There are four meanings of karīm in the Qur’ān given by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. (distinguished, honoured, eminent) as in 326
Asad),
"... and shall cause you to enter an abode of glory." (Q. 4:31, "a good place", according to al-T.abarsī's interpretation.327
b.
(forgiving), as in "..., verily, my 328 Sustainer is self-sufficient, forgiving." (Q. 27:40). Al-T.abarsī's interpretation of karīm in the above verse is "He is kind to His servants, grateful, ungrateful, disobedient as well as obedient among them."329 c. (bountiful), as in "... and a bountiful provision." (Q. 8:4 and 74; 22:50; 24:26; 34:4, Pickthall).330 d. (nice, fine, good) as in "... but speak to 331 them a gracious word." (Q. 17:23, Pickthall). Another meaning of karīm mentioned by Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī is respectively (a person who makes himself noble) and (a 332 person who thinks he is noble) as in Q. 44:49. 29.
(likeness, similarity, example; lesson; similar case)
Three meanings of mathal in the Qur’ān are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows:
317 a.
(similarity, likeness) as in
"The likeness of those who choose other patrons than Allah is as the likeness of the spider when she takes unto herself a house, and lo! the frailest of all houses is the spider's house, if they but knew." (Q. 29:41, Pickthall).333 b. (example, lesson, advice) as in ("and so We made them a thing of the past, and an example to those who would come after them." (Q. 43:56, Asad).334 c. (image and description) as in "The image and the description of the Garden which those who keep their duty (to Allah) are promised: Therein are rivers of water unpolluted, ..." (Q. 47:15).335 Ibn Kathīr mentions which is the synonym of (description) 336 as the meaning of mathal in the above verse. Al-Farrā’ states that the variant reading of Ibn ‘Abbās and ‘Alī is , meaning 337 . 30.
(beating, striking, hitting)338
Three meanings of d.arb in the Qur’ān are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. (beating with hands) as in "Now when you meet [in battle] those who disbelieve, smite their necks ..." (Q. 47:4).339 b. (travel), as in "... while others 340 travel in the land..." (Q. 73:20, Pickthall). c. (explanation and description), as in "Allah describes a parable..." (Q. 16:75 and 112).341 According to Ibn al-Jawzī, Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī the term d.arb in the above verse means was.f only, whereas al-T.abarsī mentions
318 tabyīn only. 342 The fourth meaning of this term, according to alDāmaghānī and Tiflīsī, is bayān, as in Q. 14:45 and Q. 25:39.343 31. (one of a pair, a pair, a couple; mate, partner; husband, wife) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of zawj in the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (a pair or one of the pair), as in "and that it is He who creates the two pairs [namely, spouses] - the male and the female". (Q. 53:45). Here zawj means one of the pair.344 b. (kind, species, class), as in "Limitless in His glory is He who has created all species in whatever the earth produces..." (Q. 36:36).345 c. (companion, mate, fellow), as in "[And God will thus command:] 'Assemble all those who were bent on evildoing, together with others of their ilk and [with] that they were wont to worship.'" (Q. 37:22, Asad). The meaning of azwāj here is "companions". Ibn Qutaybah does not explain what kind of companions they are, but al-Dāmaghānī, Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī say that they are (their companions among the devils, 346 namely, evil people). According to Mujāhid, ‘Umar and al-Suddī, the term azwāj means "people like them who had committed similar sins", whereas according to Qatādah and Abū al-‘Āliyah, it means "the followers of people who had committed similar sins". However, these two slightly different interpretations are also given by Ibn ‘Abbās, and both mean the same thing, namely "people committing the same sin will be assembled together", so that the adulterers will be assembled together, and alcohol drinkers will also be assembled together, and so on.347 Al-H.asan interprets the term ْ in the above verse as "the wives of idolaters who are also unbelievers and idolaters"; they will be assembled together with their husbands.348 According to Qut.rub, Ibn Qutaybah, al-T.abarī and al-Qurt.ubī, the
319 term zawj is applicable to one pair as well as one of a pair. There is no disagreement in accepting that it is applicable to one of a pair. It is explicitly said in the Qur’ān "Eight pairs: Of the sheep twain, and of the goats twain.... And of the camels twain and of the oxen twain..." (Q. 6:143-144, Pickthall). The expression "eight pairs" means "eight individuals of (four) pairs": sheep, goats, camels and oxen. In Arabic expression it is said meaning "So-and-so has two mates of pigeons, namely, a male and a female); means "I have two individuals of a pair of slippers". This is also the argument of Ibn al-Anbārī who rejects the opinion that the term zawj is also applicable to a pair instead of exclusively one of a pair. However, according to alT.abarī and al-Qurt.ubī it is possible to say either ("both are two spouses") or
("both are a pair"). It is, al-Qurt.ubī contends, like saying ("both are the same", in dual form) and ("both are 349 the same", in singular form). According to al-Zamakhsharī, one of a pair is called zawj on the condiutuion that it is accompanied with the other ionber of the pair. It is like calling zujājah (a glass) ka’s (a cup, as drinking glass) if it contains alcohol.350 Like Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Sijistānī and Ibn al-Fāris also say thgat zawj means ”one of a pair” and not two.351 In modern Arabic, zawj means one of a pair as well as a pair, a spouse (a husband or a wife) as well as a couple, a mate, a partner, while zawjah means a wife. 32.
(seeing, viewing)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of ru’yah in the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (seeing with eyes), as in "And [so], on the Day of Resurrection thou wilt see all who invented lies about God [with] their faces darkened [by grief and ignominy]...." (Q. 39:60, Asad).352
320 b.
(knowledge), as in
“Are, then, they who are bent on denying the truth not aware that the heavens and the earth were [once] one single entity, which We then parted asunder? ..." (Q. 21:30).353 c. (notification, information), as in "Hast thou not been informed of those who have received the Scripture...?" (Q. 3:23 and 4:44 and 51).354 According to Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī, the meaning of is (have not you seen what they have done), while according to al-Zamakhsharī and al-Zamakhsharī the expression means (has not it come to your knowledge about).355 Ibn al-Jawzī, who cites six meanings of ru’yah, mentions the three other meanings, as follows: (1) (consideration), as in "Have, then, they [who deny the truth] never considered the birds, enabled [by God] to fly in mid-air, ..." (Q. 16:79, Asad); (2) (hearing), as in "Now, whenever thou hear such as indulge in [blasphemous] talk about Our messages, ..." (Q. 6:68); and (3)
(wonder,
astonishment, amazement, surprise), as in "Hast thou not been surprised at those who consider themselves pure?..." (Q. 4:49), and "Hast thou not been surprised at those who claim that they believe in that which is revealed unto thee..." (Q. 4:60).356 The term ta‘ajjub is usually translated as "wonder", "astonishment" or "amazement". However, I have chosen “surprise" in translating this term in the above verses, since this word "can also suggest a certain amount of moral condemnation."357 This "certain amount of condemnation" is also found in the above verses. The first verse was
321 revealed in the cases of the Arabs in the early period of Islam, the Jews and the Christians: The Arabs liked to praise and flatter each other. They claimed to be pure and said that the sins they committed in the day time would be forgiven at night, and vice versa, and therefore were sinless like babies (al-D.ah.h.āk's and al-Suddī's interpretation). The Jews considered themselves "God's chosen people" (see Q. 5:18) and therefore were destined for His grace, whereas the Christians believed in "Jesus's vicarious atonement" for the sins of man. The second verse deals with those who reject the laws of God in general and the hypocrites in particular.358 33.
(forgetfulness, oblivion)
Two meanings of nisyān in the Qur’ān are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. (the opposite to remembering), as in "... behold, I forgot about the fish..." (Q. 18:63, Asad).359 b. (omission, neglect, abandonment, leaving), as in "And verily We made a covenant of old with Adam, but he neglected it, and We found no firmness of purpose in him." (Q. 20:115).360 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās according to al-T.abarsī. Ibn Zayd's interpretation is that Adam overlooked the covenant and unintentionally made the mistake by eating the prohibited fruit.361 34.
(bolt of lightning, thunderbolt, thunder) and (strike of lightning, the act of stunning or being stunned, unconsciousness) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of s.ā‘iqah and s.a‘aq in the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (death) as in "And [on that Day,] the trumpet [of judgment] will be sounded, and all [creatures] that are in the heavens and all that are on earth will die,..."
322 (Q. 39:68).362 b. (punishment), as in "But if they turn away, say: 'I warn you of [the coming of] a thunderbolt of punishment like the thunderbolt [that fell upon the tribes] of ‘Ād and Thamūd.'" (Q. 41:13, Asad).363 c. (fire from the cloud), as in "...; and He [it is Who] lets loose the thunderbolts and strikes with them whom He wills." (Q. 13:13, Asad).364 Another meaning of the term which is not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah is (unconsciousness), as in "...; 365 and Moses fell down in a swoon...." (Q. 7:143). This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, al-H.asan and Ibn Zayd. Moses was unconscious and later became conscious again, as the verse continues with "And when he came to himself..." (Q. 7:143).366 35.
(taking, accepting, receiving, seizing)
According to Ibn Qutaybah, the basic meaning of akhdh from which other meanings are metaphorically derived is "to take with hand".367 He does not include it as one of the meanings of the term in the Qur’ān, and therefore, he does not give us any example from it. However, Tiflīsī mentions an example from the Qur’ān in which the term akhdh means the taking itself, namely, "And whenever thy Sustainer takes their offspring from the loins of the children of Adam,..." (Q. 7:172).368 Ibn Qutaybah mentions three metaphorical meanings of akhdh in the Qur’ān as follows: a. (acceptance), as in "If such-and-such teaching] is vouchsafed unto you, accept it;..." (Q. 5:41, Asad).369 b. (arrest and taking a prisoner, detaining), as in "They said: 'O thou great one!
323 Behold, he has a father, a very old man: detain, therefore, one of us in his stead...." (Q. 12:78, Asad).370 c. (act of punishment, torture), as in "And such is thy Sustainer’s punishing grasp [i.e., punishment] whenever He takes to task any community that is given to evildoing: verily, His punishing grasp [i.e., punishment] is grievous, severe!." (Q. 11:102, Asad).371 Al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī and Tiflīsī mention one more meaning of akhdh in the Qur’ān, namely, (killing), as in "... and each of those communities schemed to kill the messenger sent unto them,..." (Q. 40:5).372 In the Arabic expression the term akhdh means "manners", "a way of life" or "disposition". Therefore, the above expression means "The sons of So-and-so and those who took to their way of life - and adopt their manners or disposition - went away."373 36.
(strength, might, force, power, authority)
There are two meanings of sult.ān in the Qur’ān given by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. (power and force), as in ".... Yet I had no power at all over you: I but called you - and you responded unto me...." (Q. 14:22, Asad).374 b. (argument, evident, proof), as in “And verily We sent Moses with Our revelations and a clear proof..." (Q. 40:23).375 37.
(might, strength and distress)
There are three meanings of ba’s and ba’sā’ mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: a. (misfortune, hardship, affliction), as in
324 "And, indeed, We sent Our messages unto people before thy time, [O Prophet,] and visited them with misfortune and hardship..." (Q. 6:42, Asad).376 b. (severe punishment), as in "And, then, when they [clearly] beheld Our punishment, they said: ’We have come to believe in the One God, ..." (Q. 40:84, Asad).377 c. (the strength in fighting), as in ".... Allah may well curb the strength in fighting of those who disbelieve ..." (Q. 4:84).378 38.
(creation, making)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of khalq from the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (the act of measuring, determining the measure, proportion, or the like, of a thing) which is, according to Ibn Qutaybah, the basic meaning of khalq, is derived from the Arabic expression ("assessor of skin"), namely, the woman who assesses and measures a piece of leather before cutting it to be made into something such as a waterskin or a haversack. Ibn Qutaybah does not mention any example from the Qur’ān, but from Zuhayr's poem praising a person who carries out what he has determined to do as follows: * And thou indeed cuttest [namely, execute] what thou hast measured [namely, planned]; but some of the people measure [namely, plan to do something]then will not cut [namely, execute it]. (Lane's translation).379 b.
(fabricating lies). The Arabic expression
325 means "So-and-so related to us legends, fabricated lies."380 Lane's translation and explanation of the above expression is as follows: "Such a one related to us fictitious tales or stories, such as are deemed pretty, or such as are told by night (for entertainment).”381 The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: “This is but a fable [namely, fabricated lies] of the men of old." (Q. 26:137).382 This variant reading, khalq al-awwalīn ("the fables of the men of old"), was that of Ibn Kathīr, al-Kisā’ī, Abū Ja‘far and Abū ‘Amr ibn al-‘Alā’. Another variant reading, khuluq al-awwalīn ("the tradition and religion of the men of old"), was that of the qurrā’ of Madinah in general except Abū Ja‘far, and of Kūfah of later generations in general. Commenting on this reading Ibn ‘Abbās said that the people of ‘Ād told their prophet Hūd that they did what they did according to their ancestors' tradition and religion.383 This reading was chosen by al-Farrā’ and Ibn Kathīr.384 c. (shaping), as in "... and how thou didst shape of clay as it were the likeness of a bird by My permission...." (Q. 5:110, Pickthall).385 d. (creating and beginning something), as in "It is He who has created you [all] out of one living entity, and out of it brought into being its mate, ..." (Q. 7:189, Asad).386 e. (ordinance, decree, religion), as in ".... 387 There is no altering Allah's ordinance ..." (Q. 30:30). It means that Allah's decree pertaining to tawh.īd (the Oneness of Allah), justice, and sincerity in worship have to be observed firmly by people. This is the interpretation of al-D.ah.h.āk, Mujāhid, Qatādah, Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, Ibrāhīm al-Nakhā‘ī and Ibn Zayd.388 However, ‘Ikrimah renders another interpretation on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās and ‘Umar, that the verse means that there is no change in Allah's creation, and therefore, it is prohibited to castrate the livestock.389
326 39. a.
(throwing or casting of stones, stoning) Ibn Qutaybah mentions five meanings of rajm as follows: (throwing), which is the basic meaning of rajm,390 as in “And indeed, We have adorned the skies nearest to the earth with lamps [namely, stars], and We have made them missiles for casting at the devils..." (Q. 67:5).391 This is one interpretation. Another interpretation is that the stars are made as a means of guessing and "missiles thrown at the unseen"
by the devils of mankind, namely, astrologers, using stars as guides to the unknown.392 b. (killing), as in "Said [the others]: 'Truly, we augur evil from you. If you desist not, we will surely kill you...'" (Q. 36:18).393 Ibn Qutaybah states that it is reported that Qābīl (Cain) killed his brother Hābīl (Abel) by throwing (rajm) stones at him. Since he was the first man killed, the act of killing is metaphorically called rajm, although without using stones.394 This is the interpretation of Qatādah, while that of Mujāhid is ("I shall 395 surely abuse you"). c. (abuse, scold, vilification), as in "He answered: 'Dost thou dislike my gods, O Abraham? Indeed, if thou desist not, I shall surely abuse thee..." (Q. 19:46).396 This is the interpretation of al-Suddī, Ibn Jurayj, and alFarrā’, whereas "stoning" as the meaning of rajm here is the interpretation of al-H.asan and al-Jubbā’ī.397 d. (guess, assumption), as in "[And in times to come] some will say, '[They were] three, the fourth of them being their dog,' while others will say, 'Five, with their dog as the sixth of them’ - idly guessing at something of which they can have no knowledge - ..." (Q. 18:22, Asad).398 This is
327 the interpretation of Qatādah and Abū ‘Ubaydah.399 According ti Ibn ‘Abbās the term meaning is the language of Hudhayl.400 e.
(curse, banishment). Satan is called rajīm (outcast) because he is repelled with shooting stars (meteors) from ascending to heaven. No example from the Qur’ān is given by Ibn Qutaybah. Others give the following verse: "Now whenever thou happen to read this Qur’ān, seek refuge with Allah from Satan, the accursed [namely, cast at with curse]." (Q. 16:98, Asad).401
40.
(quick movement, effort) Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of sa‘y in the Qur’ān, as
follows: a.
(walking quickly), or ( العدوrunning) as in
"And [then and there] a man came running from the farthermost end of the city,..." (Q. 28:20, Asad).402 b. (walking), as in "And when (his son) was old enough to walk with him, (Abraham) said: O my dear son, I have seen in a dream that I must sacrifice thee...." (Q. 37:102, Pickthall).403 He was at an age where he could assist his father Abraham in his daily affairs according to Mujāhid and Abū ‘Ubaydah, which is approximately thirteen years old. According to Ibn Kathīr, this is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās, ‘Ikrimah, Sa‘īd ibn Jubayr, ‘At.ā’ and Zayd ibn Aslam. This interpretation is also mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah. Another interpretation is that it was the age where he worked for Allah and worshipped Him, according to al-H.asan, al-Kalbī, Ibn Zayd and Muqātil.404 c. (action, work, effort), as in "Verily, your effort 405 is dispersed (towards divergent ends)." (Q. 92:4). d. (striving, labouring) as in
328 “whereas for those who strive against Our messages, seeking to defeat their purpose, there is grievous suffering in store as an outcome of [their] vileness." (Q. 34:5, Asad).406 Despite the difference of meanings, Ibn Qutaybah states that the basic meaning of the term sa‘y is walking quickly . This is 407 also the view of Ibn al-Jawzī. 41.
(protected women) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of muh.s.anāt as follows:
a.
(married women), for they are protected by their husbands, as in "And [forbidden to you are] all married women other than those whom you rightfully possess [through wedlock]..." (Q. 4:24, Asad).408 Al-Farrā’ and al-T.abarī mention both dhawāt al-azwāj and al-‘afā'if (chaste women) for the meaning of al-muh.s.anāt in this verse. 409 This is also the view of Tha‘lab who says that every ‘afīfah (a chaste woman) is a muh.s.anah (a protected woman) and a muh.s.inah (a self-protecting woman), whereas every married woman is a muh.s.anah only.410
b.
(free women, not slaves), although they are unmarried. Unlike slaves, free women can protect as well as be protected. The example in the Qur’ān is as follows:
"And as for those of you who, owing to circumstances, are not in a position to marry free believing women, [let them marry] believing maidens from among those whom you rightfully possess..." (Q. 4.25, Asad).411 c. (chaste women), as in "And as for those who accuse chaste women [of adultery]..." (Q. 24:4, Asad).412 42.
(possession, pleasure, object of delight) Ibn Qutaybah gives us four meanings of matā‘ as follows:
329 a.
(period of time, limited or appointed time, term), as in “;... and on earth you shall have your abode and a period of time till the end (of the appointed time)." (Q. 2:36). Pickthall, Asad and Ali respectively translate matā‘ here as "provision", "livelihood" and "means of livelihood", while according to Ibn Qutaybah it means "a period of time".413 However, Ibn Qutaybah interprets "enjoyment" (mut‘ah) as the meaning of matā‘ in his Tafsīr. He also interprets the meaning of in this verse as ("till the oppointed time") which is commonly understood as "till the time of death".414 Al-Zamakhsharī interprets matā ‘as "enjoyment of life"
, while that of al-T.abarsī is "enjoyment" , and h.īn as "the time of death", "the end of the appointed time", or "the day of Resurrection".415 Ibn Qutaybah's understanding of the verse is that Allah gave Adam temporary life (or enjoyment) on this earth, which would end with death. This life is in contrast with life in Heaven which is permanent and will not end with death. b. (tools, utensils), as in "...and, likewise, from that [metal] which they smelt in the fire in order to make ornaments or utensils, [there rises] scum...." (Q. 13:17, Asad).416 c. (benefit, avail), as in "[On the other hand] you will incur no sin if you [freely] enter houses not intended for living in but serving a purpose useful to you:..." (Q. 24:29).417 d. (the benefit, provision or maintenance a divorced woman gets from her husband after divorce other than the dowry).418 Ibn Qutaybah does not give us an example for this meaning. Others give us the following verse: "And the divorced women, too, shall have [a right to] maintenance in a goodly manner: this is a duty for all who are conscious of God." (Q. 2:241,
330 Asad).419 43.
(counting, reckoning, calculation)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of h.isāb in the Qur’ān, as follows: a. (plenty, abundance). The expression means "I gave him what is sufficient for him"
. The example from the
Qur’ān is as follows: “[All this will be] a reward from thy Sustainer, an abundant gift." (Q. 78:36).420 b. (repayment, recompense, punishment), as in “Their recompense rests with none but my Sustainer: if you could but understand [this]!” (Q. 26:113Asad).421 c. ( اreckoning, accounting), as in "He will in time be called to account with an easy accounting." (Q. 84:8, Asad).422 44.
(order, command, decree, authority, affair)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions nine meanings of amr, as follows: a. (divine decree), as in "His verily is all 423 creation and divine decree..." (Q. 7:54). b. (religion) as in "But they (mankind) have broken their religion among them into sects, ..." (Q. 23:53, Pickthall).424 c. (word, speech, remark, statement, report, account), as in ".... When (the people of the city) disputed their statements among themselves, ..." (Q. 18:21).425 d. (punishment), as in "And when 426 punishment will be decided, Satan will say..." (Q. 14:22). e. (resurrection), as in "The
331 commandment of Allah [namely, the resurrection] is [bound] to come: do not therefore, call for its speedy advent!..." (Q. 16:1). 427 This is Ibn ‘Abbās's interpretation. Other interpretations are: Allah's punishment on disbelievers among the idolaters, according to al-H.asan and Ibn Jurayj, and Allah's laws and injunctions, according to al-D.ah.h.āk.428 f. (resurrection or death), as in "... and you were hesitant, and you were doubtful; and your wishful thinking beguiled you until Allah's command [namely, resurrection or death] came to pass; ..." (Q. 57:14).429 g. (inspiration, revelation), as in "Through 430 all of them descends His inspiration,..." (Q. 65:12). h. (offence, sin, crime, misdeed), as in "And thus they had to taste the evil outcome of their own offence, and the consequence of their offence was loss." (Q. 65:9).431 i. (everything), as in "....Behold, all 432 things tend towards Allah" (Q. 42:53). We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah mentions nine meanings of the term ‘amr. They are only about half of the meanings given by Yah.yá ibn Sallām, Tiflīsī, al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī who mention respectively thirteen, fourteen, sixteen, and nineteen meanings. This indicates Ibn Qutaybah's brief account in dealing with the term in particular, and alwujūh wa ’l-naz.ā‘ir in the Qur’ān in general. Among the meanings of ‘amr not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl, are the following: a. (the execution of the infidels of Makkah in the battle of Badr), as in "..., (it was) that Allah might conclude a thing [namely, the killing of the infidels of Makkah in the battle of Badr] that must be done..." (Q. 8:44).433 b. (the conquest of Makkah), as in "...
332 then wait till Allah makes manifest His will [namely, the conquest of Makkah]..." (Q. 9:24).434 This is the interpretation of Ibn ‘Abbās and Mujāhid, whereas according to al-H.asan it is the punishment which will be inflicted upon disbelievers.435 c. (the execution of Banī Qurayz.ah and the expulsion of Banī al-Nad.īr tribes) as in ".... Forgive and be indulgent (toward them) until Allah manifests His will [namely, the execution of Banī Qurayz.ah and the expulsion of Banī al-Nad.īr]..." (Q. 2:109).436 d.
(victory), as in
".... They said: 'Have we any part in (achieving) victory?' Say (O Muhammad): 'The victory belongs wholly to Allah....'" (Q. 3:154).437 e. (consultation, suggestion), as in "The great ones among Pharaoh's people said: 'Verily, this is indeed a sorcerer of great knowledge who wants to drive you out of your land!' [Said Pharaoh:] 'What, then, do you advise?'" (Q. 7:109-110, Asad).438 f. (caution, precaution), as in ".... and should misfortune befall thee, they will say [to themselves], 'We have already taken our precautions beforehand!'..." (Q. 9:50, Asad).439 g. (drowning), as in "(Noah) said: Today there is no protection from Allah's commandment [namely, drowning]..." (Q. 11:43).440 h. (order, command), as in "Behold, Allah commands you to deliver all that you have been entrusted with unto those who are entitled thereto,..." (Q. 4:58).441 i. (plenty, greatness in number), as in
333 "And when We decide to destroy a community We increase the number of its people who have lost themselves entirely in the pursuit of pleasures,..." (Q.17:16)442 There are four variant readings of amarnā. (1) amarnā which is the common reading; (2) āmarnā which is the reading of ‘Alī, Qatādah, and Abū al-‘Āliyah according to alT.abarsī, and that of Ibn ‘Abbās according to al-Qurt.ubī; (3) amirnā which is the reading of al-H.asan and Yah.yá ibn Ya‘mar according to al-T.abarsī; and (4) ammarnā which is the reading of Ibn ‘Abbās, Abū ‘Uthmān al-Nahdī, and Abū Ja‘far Muh.ammad ibn ‘Alī according to alT.abarsī, whereas according to al-Qurt.ubī it is that of Abū al-‘Āliyah, Mujāhid and al-H.asan beside Abū ‘Uthmān al-Nahdī. The first three readings mean "we increased their number", the last means "we made them rulers".443 We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah examined al-wujūh wa ’l-naz.ā’ir in the Qur’ān very briefly. We have also seen that scholars in later generations treated this field of study very extensively, so that sometimes they included the commentaries of the mufassirīn and gave the specific meanings rather than the wujūh of the terms they were dealing with. It is true that the interpretations of these early mufassirīn were compiled and became a science by itself. We also have seen that despite the differences and variety of interpretations of a certain verse or word, many of them are reconciliable and run together, and this contributes to further understanding of the Qur’ānic texts. C. Meanings of Particles Ibn Qutaybah deals with thirty-three particles in his Ta’wīl in a chapter entitled ("The Interpretation of Particles and Uninflected Verbs Similar to Them"). The term (lit. "letters of meanings") for the particles means meaningful letters, which are the opposite of the (alphabetical letters) which have no meaning. These particles are as follows:
334 1.
(how many a) The particle ka’ayyin means kam (how many a), as in
“And how many a community has turned with disdain from the commandment of its Sustainer and His apostles..." (Q. 65:8, Asad). 444 The term ka’ayyin can be read as kā’in which is more eloquent in Ibn Qutaybah's view. The example of the latter is in the following poem of Zuhayr: * How many a silent person whom you admire; his [only] merit or demerit (lies) in [his] speaking.445 2.
(how)
Kayfa has two meanings: a. (in what condition), as in the expression (how are you) meaning "in what condition are you"? It is here an interrogative particle. b. (wonder, surprise), as in "How can you refuse to acknowledge God, seeing that you were lifeless and He gave you life,..." (Q. 2:28, Asad).446 According to alZamakhsharī, it implies inkār (rejection, reproach) and ta‘ajjub, whereas according to al-Farrā’ it means ta‘ajjub and tawbīkh (reproof, reproach).447 Ibn Fāris gives more details about kayfa. He mentions three meanings of it, two of which are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah above. The other meaning is "in whatever condition", as in the expression meaning "I shall surely welcome you in whatever condition you have been ." However, he mentions three other meanings, as follows: a.
(negation), as in "How would God bestow His guidance upon people who have resolved to deny the truth after having attained to faith,..." (Q. 3:86, Asad). It means
335 that Allah will never guide such people. b. (reproach), as in "And how could you deny the truth when it is unto you that God's messages are being conveyed, ..." (Q. 3:101, Asad). c. (emphasis), as in "How, then, [will the sinners fare on Judgment Day,] when We shall bring forward a witness from within every community,..." (Q. 4:41). The particle kayfa here emphasises the content of the previous verse, namely, "Verily, Allah does not wrong [anyone] by as much as an atom's weight;..." (Q. 4:40). It means, Allah would never wrong anybody, not even as much as the weight of an atom (dharrah) in this world, let alone in the Hereafter when He brings of every community a witness...."448 Al-Zarkashī gives two more meanings of kayfa other than those mentioned above, namely: a. (to give warning), as in “Behold, then, what all their scheming came to in the end:…” (Q. 27:51, Asad). b. (to allert, to call attention) and (to give a lesson, a deterrent example) as in “Behold how We bestow [on earth] more bounty on some of them than on others;” as the verse continues with “but [remember] the life to come will be far higher in degree and far greater in merit and bounty.” (Q. 17:21, Asad).449 3.
,
and
(except, other than; equal, even)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions two meanings of the word sawá and siwá as follows: a. (other than), as in the following Dhū al-Rummah's poem: * And water, [namely, a watering place] avoided by
336 rain[namely, did not receive water from rain, but from a spring],so that there was nothing in it [namely, the watering place]other than green hatching doves.450 The poet was speaking about a dry watering place, as it received its water solely from a spring. The supply of water was so minimal that green doves were able to build their nests and hatch their young in it. b. (middle), as in “[Pharaoh said to Moses:] 'But we can surely produce magic to match thine! So make a tryst between us and thee, which we shall not fail to keep - neither we nor thou - in a central place, [namely, equally distant for both sides]." (Q. 20:58).451 4.
(when)
According to al-Farrā’ and Ibn Qutaybah the particle ayyān is a combination of two words, (which, what), and (time), so that the expression
means "at what time?” The first two letters in
, namely,
أوare dropped and the particle becomes , which in turn, combined with and finally becomes
. The example from the Qur’ān is as follows:
“They are dead, not living, and they do not [even] know when they will be raised from the dead!" (Q. 16:21, Asad).452 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions several views about the origin of the term ayyān, as follows: (1) The same as above, namely, from however, instead of dropping the first two letters of and the second letter yā’ in combined together and become that it becomes
and
;
, the first letter alif of
are dropped; the two words are ; next, the letter
is changed into , so
; (2) It originates from the two words
("which
337 time"); (3) It originates from the word ُ أَيin the pattern of
, namely,
453
.
Al-Suyūt.ī mentions further details about the use of the particle ayyān. An unidentified grammarian says that it can be used for the past, whereas others, like Ibn Mālik and Abū H.ayyān, say that it is used exclusively for the future. It is used for questioning about a great event according to alSakkākī, while the common view among the Arabic grammarians is that, like the word matá, it can be used for any event.454 5.
(now, at present) According to al-Farrā’, quoted by Ibn Qutaybah, the origin of
is
. The first letter (alif) was dropped, the second letter (wāw) was turned into alif which was combined with the remaining alif, and the word became in accusative case, namely, (āna). The definite article was added to it, and it became
(al-āna). The example given by Ibn Qutaybah is as
follows: “[But God said:] ‘Now? [thou repent, when it is too late?] When ever before this thou hast been rebelling [against Us], and hast been among those who spread corruption?’" (Q. 10:91, Asad).455 This was said by Allah to Pharaoh who was repenting while he was drowning. Al-Suyūt.ī gives us more details about the meaning of al-ān. He says that although the term means the present, it can also be used metaphorically for other than the present. A group of philologists specify the meaning of this term to indicate the boundary between the past and the future, although it could also mean what is close to either of the two (past or future), namely, what has just happened (the present perfect tense) as well as what is going to happen. Jamāl al-Dīn ibn Mālik (d. 672/1274) the author of the poems on grammar known as the Alfīyah ("The One Thousand Liner") states that the term al-ān is to indicate the whole present time, such as the time of doing or saying something, or some of this present time. The example of the past with some present time is the following Qur’ānic verse:
338 “Now hath Allah lightened your burden ...” (Q. 8:66, Pickthall); it is like saying
, meaning "I have eaten just now".
The example of the future with some present time is as follows: "... and anyone who now [or ever] tries to listen will [likewise] find a flame lying in wait for him!" (Q. 72:9, Asad). Moreover, the use of al-ān here is in general sense, not restricted to the present.456 6.
(how, wherefrom)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions two meanings of anná, as follows: a. (how) as in "He said: How could Allah bring this [township] back to life after its death?" (Q. 2:259).457 b. (wherefrom, whence), as in "... where can 458 He have a child from... " (Q. 6:101). Three different interpretations were given by the commentators concerning the meaning of anná in the following verse: “... go, then, unto your tilth as you may desire, ..." (Q. 2:223). It according to Mujāhid, al-Farrā’ Ibn Qutaybah, and Ibn al-
means: 459
Jawzī; according to Qatādah and al-Rabī‘; and ("when") according to al-Daāk which is rejected by the philologists, as stated by al-T.abarsī, because the term anná never means "when".460 7. a.
(alas, ah, wellady) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of wayka’anna, as follows: (do you not see), which is the opinion of al-Kisā’ī, as in
"Do you not see how Allah enlarged the provision for whom He will.... Do you not see how the disbelievers never prosper?" (Q. 28:82).461 b. (does he not know) which, according to Ibn Qutaybah, is the interpretation of Qatādah and a shāhid for al-Kisā’ī’s interpretation, so
339 that the above-mentioned verse means, "Does he not know that Allah enlarged the provision for whom He will....? Does he not know that the disbelievers never prosper?"462 c. (a mercy for you), which is, according to some unidentified linguists, the language of H.imyar. Ibn Qutaybah does not cite any example for this meaning.463 Al-Suyūt.ī adds details about the term wayka’anna and its origin, and states four views: that of al-Kisā’ī, al-Akhfash, al-Khalīl, and Ibn al-Anbārī. The term, according to al-Kisā’ī, is used for regret and wonder
. It is originally from
. The word
is a second person
pronoun in the genitive form. According to al-Akhfash, noun (ism fi‘l) meaning "I wonder", is originally
is a verbal
is the second person pronoun;
with the ellipsis of li. Therefore, the verse mentioned
above means, according to al-Akhfash Allah ..." Al-Khalīl's view is that, simply stated,
"I wonder because stands alone, and
is a separate word indicating investigation , not similarity , namely, it does not mean "as if" in this sense. Ibn al-Anbārī's view is that the term has three meanings: (“do you not see”), (“woe unto you”), and that
indicating wonder is joined with
frequent use; it is similar to the joining of words in from 8.
("O son of my mother").
due to its
which is derived
464
(as if, as though)
The particle ka‘anna is a combination of the particle ka ("as", "like") and anna ("that"). It is used for a simile, such as the expression ("He drank a drink like honey") is similar to ("He drank a drink as if it were honey"). It functions the same as ka if it were without tashdīd, and with the ellipsis of any pronoun attached to it, such as ka’annahu becomes ka’an in the following poem of Abū
340 Muh.ammad ‘Abd Allāh ibn Barrī (d. 582/1187) to al-Mufad.d.al al-Nukrī, describing a horse: * He is very strong; his tail is raised while galloping,and his neck is like a long palm stump.465 9.
(not)
The particle lāta, as stated by Sībawayh, to some extent, is similar to laysa ("not to exist", "not to be"). Unlike laysa, lāta is indeclinable, as in “..., and they called [unto Us] when it was no longer the time for escape." (Q. 38:3).466 According to some unidentified grammarians of the Baghdādī school in is separated from (meaning "no"), and is connected with , so that
was originally
. This
to other words, such as , which becomes poem of Abū Wajzah, as follows:
is additional to
as well as
. As a shāhid, they cite the
* [They are] the compassionates when there is no compassionate, and the feeders in the time when there is no feeder.467 According to Ibn Qutaybah, lāta is the combination of lā with the additional h, so that lā becomes lāh, and later becomes lāta. It is like the word ( thumma) which becomes (thummah) and (thummata). He cites the view of Ibn al-A‘rābī who says that mentioned above was originally
in the poem
with the additional h, then it was
started with . However, if we join the two words, the h becomes ta; instead of saying al-‘āt.ifūnah h.īna mā we say al-‘āt.ifūnata h.īna ma.468 This view of Ibn Qutaybah, despite his belonging to the Baghdādī school, is
341 in line with that of Abū ‘Ubaydah, as well as the Kūfī and the Bas.rī grammarians.469 10.
(whatever, whatsoever) The particle mahmā functions as mā in recompense, such as
"And they said [unto Moses:] 'Whatever sign thou mayest produce before us in order to cast a spell upon us thereby, we shall not believe thee!'" (Q. 7:132).470 Ibn Qutaybah states the view of al-Khalīl and Sībawayh on the particle mahmā as follows: According to al-Khalīl, the origin of mahmā is mā added with an ineffectual mā ; the alif of the first mā is replaced with h, so that
becomes
. He asserts that this ineffectual
mā can also be added to matá, such as the expression rendered
can also be
; it can also be added to ayy, such as
"... by whichever name you invoke Him, [He is always the One] His are the most beautiful names..." (Q. 17:110), meaning as ("unto whichever ye cry"). Sībawayh asserts that it is possible that mahmā was originally mah with an additional mā; it is the same as mā added to idh.471 11.
(what) and
(who)
In this section Ibn Qutaybah examines mā and its meanings, including man. He does not treat man independently. He states that originally mā and man have the same meaning, then man was used for human beings, and mā for others. He cites three examples of the meanings of mā as follows: a. (who, whom) as in ) "And Him Who hath created male and female." (Q. 92:3, Pickthall). This is the opinion of Abū ‘Ubaydah.472 b. (who, which), as in the above verse.473 This interpretation of mā
342 with al-ladhī in the above verse is from al-H.asan and al-Kalbī.474 This interpretation is advocated by Abu ‘Amr ibn al-‘Alā’ who contends that the people of Makkah, when they heard thunder, used to say to it meaning "Glorified be Whom you have 475 glorified"). c. turns its succeeding verb into mas.dar; it is what modern grammarians call mā mas.darīyah. This is the view of al-Farrā’, who interprets the above verse as "And His creation of male and 476 female." The meanings of mā were extensively discussed by grammarians in the past. Ibn al-Anbārī, for example, mentioned three meanings: (1) al-ladhī, such as the expression meaning ("‘Abd Allāh who stood up"); (2) lam (not), such as
meaning
("‘Abd Allāh did not stand up"); and (3) mazīdah (additional), such as (Q. 2:26) in which 477 mā is additional. Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī mentioned six and seven meanings respectively, whereas Ibn Fāris and al-Suyūt.ī both mentioned eight meanings.478 Despite the discrepancy which occasionally occurred in the interpretation of the particle mā in the verses of the Qur’ān, these various interpretations are generally reconciliable, and even complement each other. For example, in the verse (Q. 80:17), according to Tiflīsī's interpretation, mā means "what" 479
; this is the interpretation which is adopted by A.Y. Ali when he translates the above verse as follows: "Woe to man! What hath made him reject God?"480 On the other hand, al-Zamakhsharī and al-Suyūt.ī asserts that mā in this verse indicates wonder;481 this is the interpretation followed by M.M. Pickthall when he translates the verse as follows: "Man is (self-) destroyed: how ungrateful!"482 Both
343 interpretations are mentioned by al-Farrā’ and al-T.abarsī.483 The third interpretation is that of Ibn al-Jawzī who maintains that mā indicates wonder in the interrogative form ,484 namely, in modern terminology, a rhetorical question 12.
.
(almost, nearly, to be near to, to be on the point of)
The term kāda, like karaba and awshaka, belongs to the category of verbs called by the grammarians af‘āl al-muqārabah, namely, verbs which indicate being on the verge of doing something.485 According to Ibn Qutaybah, the term kāda means "to be on the point of (doing something) but did not do it" . It is not followed by an; therefore, it is not right to say , but rather , as in ".... So they sacrificed her [namely, the cow], though almost they did not." (Q. 2:71, Pickthall).486 However, kāda followed by an occurs in poetry,487 as in the following poem of Ru’bah: "It had nearly 488 come to nought from length of wear." (Lane's translation) Another view is that kāda indicates the occurrence of something , such as the following poem of Dhū al-Rummah: * And if Luqman the sage happened to take a glance t Mayy unveiled, he would be surprised. Here kāda yabraqu ("he would be on the point of being surprised") means labariqa ("he would be surprised).489 According to this view the term kāda here is, as stated by al-Murtad.á, additional and has no function, and therefore is not translated. Similarly, the verse (Q. 24:40) means ("he does not see it"). The term yakad here is not only additional, but is also said to function as emphasis. However, another view says that yakad in the above verse is not
344 additional.490 Al-Suyūt.ī gives us more details on kāda. He asserts that the term indicates that something nearly happened. If it is followed by a negation, then it negates that it nearly happened. On the other hand, the affirmation of itindicates the affirmation that it had nearly happened.491 Al-Suyūt.ī notes that it is commonly said that kāda with negation indicates the occurrence of the action, whereas kāda with affirmation indicates the negation of such an occurrence. For example, (he almost did not do) means 492
is also Ibn Fāris's view.
(he did), as in Q. 2:71 mentioned above. This The expression
(Zayd almost did)
means (he did not do), as in "And they 493 almost beguile thee (Muhammad)..." (Q. 17:73). Al-Suyūt.ī rejects the view that the present tense of kāda with negation indicates that the action does occur, as in "... 494 he cannot nearly see it" (Q. 24:40, Rodwell), since he does not see anything. He contends that instead of "he almost does not see it" the meaning of the verse is "he does not almost see it (or, he is not near to seeing it)", namely, the negation of almost (or the nearness to) seeing it, let alone seeing it.495 The same with Q. 2:71 above where the people of Moses slaughtered the cow; before that, they had not almost done it, namely, they had been far from slaughtering it.496 Al-Suyūt.ī also states that kāda sometimes means arāda (to want), as in "... I want to keep it hidden..." (Q. 20:15). This view is also mentioned by al-Murtad.á and Ibn al-Anbārī.497 On the other hand, arāda sometimes means kāda, as in upon the point of falling into ruin..." (Q. 18:77).498 13.
“... a wall
(nay, rather; even; but; however, yet)
Bal is a particle of digression and emendation; it denotes digression from that which precedes. Ibn Qutaybah mentions two ways of using bal, as
345 follow: a. to correct a wrong statement, such as "I saw Zayd, nay, rather ‘Amr." b. to shift from one object of discourse to another, as in "Sād. Consider this Qur’ān, endowed with all that one ought to remember! But nay - they who are bent on denying the truth are lost in [false] pride, and [hence] deeply in the wrong." (Q. 38:1-2, Asad).499 According to al-Tha‘ālibī the meaning of bal in the above verse is inna ("verily").500 14. (an interrogative particle introducing direct and indirect questions) Ibn Qutaybah mentions the function and meanings of hal, as follows: a. It is used to ask questions,501 as in "Say: 'Can any of those beings to whom you ascribe a share in God's divinity create [life] in the first instance, and then bring it forth anew?'" (Q. 10:34, Asad).502 Ibn Qutaybah states that there is (affirmation) and (reproach) in this verse. The taqrīr is the affirmation that none of the partners ascribed to Allah by infidels can produce creation and reproduce it, except Allah Himself. The tawbīkh is reproaching the infidels for believing and ascribing partners to Allah. b. (already) in some Qur’ānic verses, according to the Qur’ānic commentators, such as Abū ‘Ubaydah, al-Kisā’ī, Sībawayh, al-Farrā’, al-Zamakhsharī, al-T.abarsī and al-Zarkashī, as in “There has already been an immensely long span of time when man was not yet a thing to be thought of." (Q. 76:1).503 c. (not), according to the linguists, as in “Wait they [namely, they did not wait], indeed for nothing
346 [namely, anything] less than the angels should come to them..." (Q. 6:158).504 Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī mention four meanings of hal, whereas Ibn al-Jawzī mentions seven meanings as above. The rest are as follows: a. (an expression indicating a polite offer, such as, "shall I...?", "would you like ...", etc), 505 as in “Shall I point out 506 to you a bargain...” (Q. 61:10, Asad). b. (negative question, such as "is it not", etc), as in "Is not in all of this, to anyone endowed with reason, a solemn affirmation [of the existence and oneness of Allah]?." (Q. 89:5). c. (command), as in "[And] He adds: 'Would you like to look [and see him]?'" (Q. 37:54, Asad), meaning "look [at him]!" d. (request), as in "On the day when We will ask Hell: 'Art thou filled?' - and it will answer: '[Give me] more'" (Q. 50:30).507 15.
and (if only, were it not that, were it not for; why not, why was there not) Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of law lā as follows: a. (why not). It is a word indicating incitement to do, or reproof for not doing something, if it is not followed by a main clause (jawāb), as in the Arabic expression (If only I did such-and-such), and in the Qur’ānic verse "If only, when Our disaster came on them, they had been humble!" (Q. 6:43, Pickthall).508 Similarly, law mā sometimes also means hallā, as in "Why dost thou not bring before us angels ..." (Q. 15:7, Asad), meaning "If only you would bring angels before us..."509
347 b.
(if not, were it not that), indicating something has not taken place due to the occurrence of something else, if law lā is followed by a main clause, as in
"And had he not been of those who glorify (Allah), he would have indeed remained in its belly till the Day all shall be raised from the dead." (Q. 37:143-1444).510 c. (not), according to some commentators, as in "For, there has never yet been any community that has ever believed and profited by its belief except the people of Jonah" (Q. 10:98).511 16.
(not, not yet; when, as; since, whereas)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions three meanings of lammā as follows: a. (not, not yet), as in “... Nay, they have not yet tasted the suffering which I do impose!" (Q. 38:8, Asad).512 b. (but, except), as in ".... Yet, all this would have been nothing but a [brief] enjoyment of life in this world..." (Q. 43:35, Asad).513 c. (when, at the time when, at the time of) if it is followed by a main clause, as in “.... And when thy Sustainer's judgment came to pass, ..." (Q. 11:101, Asad).514 17.
(or)
Ibn Qutaybah mentions four meanings of aw as follows: a. (to indicate doubt), such as the expression ‘Abd Allah or Muh.ammad").515 b.
("I saw
(to choose between two things), namely, or, as in "...[he] shall redeem himself by fasting, or alms, or [any other] act of worship...." (Q. 2:196, Asad).516
348 c.
(the conjunction "and"), as in "and then giving forth a reminder, [promising] freedom from blame or [offering] a warning!" (Q. 77:5-6, Asad).517 Al-Farrā’ rejects the occurrence of aw meaning wa in Arabic language other than in the Qur’ān as in the above example. Giving the example of the verse “... And behold, either we [who believe in Him] or you [who deny His oneness] are on the right path, or have clearly gone astray!" (Q. 34:24, Asad), al-Farrā’ says that the commentators' interpretation of this verse is "we are on the right path, and you have clearly gone astray". In the expression
("if you like take one or two dirhams"), it never means "take one and two", namely, three. Therefore, the meaning of the above verse is "we are on the right path, or have clearly gone astray, and you, too, are on the right path, or have clearly gone astray", whereas Allah knows that His messenger is on the right path, and the others have clearly gone astray. It is the same as saying "one of us is a liar" when we accuse somebody of lying, but not openly.518 d. ("nay, rather", "nay, but"), as in "And [then] We sent him [once again] a hundred thousand [souls], nay, rather more." (Q. 37:147).519 This interpretation, however, is rejected by Ibn Qutaybah who claims that bal is used to correct a wrong statement. He maintains that instead of bal, the particle aw in the above verse means wa. As evidence, he quotes Jarir's poem as follows: * “How did you make the [two] tribes Tha‘labah the knights and Riyah. equal to T.uhayyah and Khishāb tribes?”520 This is a clear evidence for those who claim that Ibn Qutaybah does not belong to either the grammarian school of Bas.rah or Kūfah, but of Baghdād, the mixture of the two schools. The former school says that aw cannot be interpreted as wa or bal, but the latter allows it, whereas
349 Ibn Qutaybah says that it can be interpreted as wa, but not as bal.521 The argument of the grammarians of Bas.rah is as follows: (1) If aw can be interpreted as bal in this poem, then this can also be applied to other poems or expressions. For example, the expression ("I beat Zayd or ‘Amr") can never mean ("I beat Zayd, nay, rather ‘Amr"); (2) Bal is used to correct a mistake or a forgotten thing. Allah never forgets or makes mistakes. When He uses it, it means to correct the previous statement which is not His, as in “And [yet] some say: 'The Most Gracious has taken unto Himself a son!' Limitless is He in His glory! Nay, [those whom they regard as God's 'offspring' are but His] honoured servants." (Q. 21:26, Asad).522 Defending the school of Kūfah in general and al-Farrā’ in particular who holds this view, Ibn Fāris asserts that this view had been adopted by people before al-Farrā’. Moreover, it is wrong to assume that bal can only be used after a mistake or forgetting, as the Arabs cite the following poem of al-‘Ajjāj: ("Nay, but he did not agitate sorrows and distress which has appeared"). Here, bal neither corrects a mistake nor has the sense of aw. With regard to the verse "And yet, after all this, your hearts hardened and became like rocks, or even harder,..." (Q. 2:74, Asad), or “.... And so, the advent of the Last Hour will but manifest itself [in a single moment,] like the twinkling of an eye, or closer still..." (Q. 16:77, Asad), Ibn Fāris gives his commentary as follows: In these verses the Speaker, namely, Allah, knows whether their hearts were hardened like rocks or harder, or whether the advent of the Last Hour will manifest itself in a twinkling of an eye or closer, but He wants to keep them secret, and therefore puts aw. Another interpretation, however, is that in Q. 2:74 some of their hearts are as hard as rocks, and others are harder than rocks.523
350 There are other meanings of أوwhich are not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah. For example, (unless) mentioned by Ibn Fāris, as in the expression ("I will surely force you, or [namely, unless] you give me my right").524 Al-Tha‘ālibī mentions two other meanings, namely, (till, up to), and (until). The example of the former is in Imru’ al-Qays's following poem which he cited while he was coming to the Caesar for help against the Banī Asad tribe that had killed his father: * So, I said to him: “Do not let your eyes weep; verily, we are trying (to get our) right or [namely, until] we die; in that case, we shall be excused.”525 The example of the latter is the following poem: “with beating and stabbing or [namely, until] he dies the quickest (death)".526 This poem was probably a description of a fight where a person kept attacking his enemy fiercely and did not stop fighting until he was killed. 18. a.
("or", introducing the second member of an alternative question) Two meanings of am are mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, as follows: (or), as in
"Can you ever feel secure that He Who is in heaven will not cause the earth to swallow you up when, lo and behold, it begins to quake? Or can you ever feel secure that He Who is in heaven will not let loose against you a deadly stormwind, ...?" (Q. 67:16-17, Asad).527 b. (alif as an interrogative particle), as in "Do they, perchance, envy other people for what Allah has granted them out of his bounty?..." (Q. 4:54, Asad). This is also the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah.528 Ibn Qutaybah maintains that there
351 are many verses in the Qur’ān where the particle am serves as alif istifhām, especially when the am does not constitute an alternative question, as in "Alif Lam Mim. (This is) the revelation of the Book in which there is no doubt, - from the Lord of the worlds. Or do they say, 'He has forged it'?" (Q. 32:1-3, Ali). Ibn Qutaybah asserts that since the particle am here is not preceded by another question, then it serves as alif istifhām. Otherwise, it means aw.529 Ali translates am as an interrogative particle aw above. There are other meanings of am which are not mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, among which are as follows: a. , as in "Nay, rather they say: '(he is), a poet' ..." 530 (Q. 52:30). b. , as in "And they assert, '[Muh.ammad] has invented it." 531 (Q. 10:38). c. additional , as in I am surely better than this contemptible man who can hardly make his meaning clear." (Q. 43:52).532 19. (not) Ibn Qutaybah mentions one meaning only of lā, namely lam, with one example from the Qur’ān, and two from poetry. The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: "… for [as long as he was alive] he did not accept the truth, nor did he pray [for enlightenment]." (Q. 75:31, Asad). One example from poetry is the poem of Abū Khirāsh alHudhalī as follows: * If you forgive, Oh God, forgive generously; (for) is there any servant of Yours who does not commit sin?533
352 Ibn al-Jawzī mentions three meanings of lā, one of which is lam as mentioned above. The other two are lā indicating negation ( in modern terminology), and lā indicating prohibition (
in modern
terminology). Their respective examples are as follows: “And God will not speak to them on the Day of Resurrection, nor will He cleanse them [of their sins]; ..." (Q. 2:174, Asad), and "... and do not forget thine own [rightful] 534 share in this world, ..." (Q. 28:77). Ibn al-Anbārī includes the term lā among the ad.dād (words which have opposite meanings). Beside negation, lā could also mean affirmation, if the sentence is affirmative, and lā in it is additional, such as in the verse: "Allah said: 'What has kept thee from prostrating [lit., 'from not prostrating'] thyself when I commanded thee?' ..."(Q. 7:12), meaning “What prevented you from prostrating." In this case, lā is s.ilah according to al-Farrā’ and alZamakhsharī,535 whereas according to Abū ‘Ubaydah, Ibn al-Anbārī, Ibn Kathīr and al-Qayrawānī it is additional (zā’idah).536 This is also the view of Qut.rub who says that like mā, lā occurs additionally in the Qur’ān.537 There are also different views on the position of lā in the beginning of many verses of the Qur’ān, such as "Nay, I swear by the Day of Resurrection" (Q. 75:1, Pickthall). Al-Kisā’ī, for example, says that lā in this case is additional. This is also the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah. On the other hand, according to al-Farrā’, it is not additional, but a negation of the infidels' allegation that Allah has a son, a companion and a spouse.538 Many Qur’ānic verses refer to the unbelievers' allegation that Allah has a son (Q. 2:116, 10:68, 18:4, 19:33, 19:91 and 21:26). Two verses deny the allegation that Allah has a son and a consort (Q. 6:101 and 72:3). 20.
(nearer) Ibn Qutaybah gives us one meaning of awlá, namely, intimidation
353 and threats , as in “[And yet, O man, thine end comes hourly] nearer unto thee and nearer - and ever nearer unto thee and nearer." (Q. 75:34-5, Asad), meaning, "Threat be upon you again and again with your end."539 The term awlá in the expression awlá lahu means, according to alAsma‘ī, "his ruin is approaching" . This is also the view of Tha‘lab and al-Nah.h.ās. Tha‘lab says that the Arabic expression awlá laka means that the ruin is near as if it is said to him ("You are approaching the ruin), as the origin of awlá is al-walyu, meaning "nearness". Al-Nah.h.ās says that awlá laka means ("you almost 540 became ruined"), as if it is said, "the ruin is near to you". 21.
(surely, certainly, definitely, of course)
According to al-Farrā’ lā jarama meant the same as lā budda (definitely, inevitably) and lā mah.ālah (positively, absolutely, by all means); then, through its frequent expression, it meant an oath, and eventually it also meant h.aqqan (truly, certainly). The expression means "truly, I shall certainly come to you". The basic meaning of jarama, according to al-Farrā’, is kasaba (to earn, obtain, acquire, gain), as in the following poem of Abū Asmā’ ibn al-D.arībah or ‘Atīyah ibn ‘Afīf: * And verily thou [Karz al-‘Uqaylī] didst thrust Abū ‘Uyaynah[of the Fazārah tribe] with a thrust [of thy spear] that causedFazārah [tribe] after it, to be angry [against thee]. (Lane's translation). 541 The expression means ("their provider"). Sin, Ibn Qutaybah contends, is called jurm, because it is acquisition and perpetration.542 There are five Qur’ānic verses with the expression lā jarama, but
354 Ibn Qutaybah does not cite any of them. They are Q. 11:22, 16:23, 62 and 109, and 40:43. Al-Suyūt.ī gives four interpretations of the meaning of lā jarama as follows: (1) Lā is the negation of what is mentioned before, jarama means "true", so that the expression means "nay, it is true that..." (2) Lā is additional, jarama means kasaba, so that the expression mentioned above means “may their deed provide for them remorse" (3) Lā and jarama are two words combined to mean "truly"; and (4) Lā jarama means lā budda.543 22.
(light "in")
Ibn Qutaybah cites three meanings of the light in, as follows: a. (not), as in "Nothing was [needed] but one single blast [of Our punishment] - and lo! they became as still and silent as ashes." (Q. 36:29, Asad).544 b. (verily), as in ".... Verily, our Sustainer's promise has been fulfilled." (Q.17:108, Asad).545 c. (since, as, because), as in "..., and give up all outstanding gains from usury, since ye are truly believers." (Q. 2:278).546 This meaning is based on the views of unspecified Qur’ānic commentators by Ibn Qutaybah. He asserts that philologists do not put idh as the meaning of in in the above or similar verses; therefore, the meaning of the above verse is "whoever becomes a true believer will stop practising usury."547 There are three other meanings of in which are not treated by Ibn Qutaybah in this section, as follows: a. (the conditional "if"), as in "[And We said:] 'If you persevere in doing good, you will but be doing good to yourselves; and if you do evil, it will be [done] to yourselves....'" (Q. 17:7, Asad), and “Say [O Muh.ammad, to mankind): 'If ye love Allah, follow me;...'" (Q. 3:31, Pickthall).548
355 b.
(in as additional), as in "And yet, We had established them securely in a manner in which We have never established you, [O people of later times;]..." (Q. 46:26, Asad).549 c. ("verily", "surely"), as in "... saying [to one another]: 'These two are surely sorcerers..." (Q. 20:63, Asad), based on the variant reading of H.afs. and Ibn Kathīr.550 23. ( هـاha! hey! look! there!) According to Ibn Qutaybah the particle hā is synonymous with the imperative khudh ("take!") and tanāwal ("take!", "accept!"), such as in the imperative expression "Take [it], man!"). The example in the Qur’ān is as follows: "... Take, read my book!" (Q. 69:19, Pickthall). The origin of hā’um is hākum where the letter kāf is substituted with the letter hamzah.551 Another view, as stated by Ibn Manz.ūr, is that ha is h.arf tanbīh ("the letter of alertness"), namely, an interjection at the beginning of the sentence used to attract the listener's attention similar to the English "hey". For example, (lit., "Hey, this is your brother") and (lit., "Hey, indeed, this is your brother").552 According to Ibn Zayd and Ibn ‘At.īyah hā means ta‘āl ("come!"), while according to Muqātil it means halumma ("come on!").553 According to Ibn Qutaybah, the dual of hā’um is hā’umá.554 This is also the view of Ibn al-Sikkīt and al-Kisā’ī who say that the Arabs say for the singular, for the feminine gender, they say
for the dual, and ,
for the plural; , and
. 555
24. According to Ibn Qutaybah, hāti is synonymous with the imperative "give me", as in ".... Say: Give me
356 your proof (of what you are claiming) if what you say is true!" (Q. 2:111). He quotes al-Farrā’ who said that he had never heard of , the dual number for
, but the singular and plural only, namely,
singular feminine), and expressed by
and
meaning
25.
(for
(for plural feminine). Negation is ("I shall not give you"), but the
Arabs do not say it for the past tense, such as the negative imperative, such as
and
("I have given"), nor in
("do not give!").556
(lit., "be elevated!", "come up!” "come!")
The original meaning of ta‘āl, according to al-Farrā’, as quoted by Ibn Qutaybah, is ("come up to us!"), but through popular usage the term became synonymous with said to a person on an elevated place
("come!"), so much so that it can be ("come up!"), when we actually
mean "come down!". It can be used for the singular feminine gender (
),
for the dual ( ), the plural masculine ( ), and the plural feminine ( ). Although it cannot be used for the negative imperative, it can be used in the past and the present tenses, such as ("I came"), and ("To what thing shall I come?"). The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: "..., say: Come:! Let us summon our sons and your sons,..." (Q. 3:61, Asad).557 26.
(come!, come on!, onward!, up!, get up!)
Halumma means (come!, come up!). The people of H.ijāz do not make it dual or plural, as it is invariably used for the singular, the dual, the plural, masculine and feminine. The Banū Tamīm people of Najd, however, make dual and plural of it, and say for singular feminine, for dual,
for plural masculine, and
can be followed by la, for example,
and
for plural feminine. .558
There are two Qur’ānic verses mentioning this term, neither of
357 which is given by Ibn Qutaybah as an example. They are "Say: 'Bring forward your witnesses...'"(Q. 6:150, Asad) and "..., as well as those who say to their brethren, 'come hither to us...'"(Q. 33:18, Asad). It is used here invariably, namely, in the language of H.ijāz, although it indicates plural in both verses. Philologists have different views about the origin of halumma. AlKhalīl asserts that its origin is the combination of for calling attention (
), and
(imperative verb from
meaning "to collect", "to settle").
The alif of is dropped, and it becomes . Al-Farrā’, on the other hand, asserts that it is the combination of the words hal and ’umma. It is like allāhumma which is originally from ("O Allah, lead us well").559 Ibn Fāris states that, according to some philologists whom he does not identify, this term is originally from meaning "shall I lead (the way)?"; it was originally an expression given by a person who is going to bring the meal. This expression develops and later becomes an invitation to a meal. However, in Ibn Fāris's view, the term is ambiguous.560 27. (not at all!, on the contrary!, by no means! certainly not!, never!, no!) The term kallā indicates prevention ( ) and rebuke ( ).561 Ibn Qutaybah cites six Qur’ānic verses as examples, two of which are as follows: a. "thinking that his wealth will make him live for ever. Nay, but [in the life to come such as] he shall indeed be abandoned to crushing torment!" (Q. 104:3-4, Asad). Here, Ibn Qutaybah asserts, kallā means "his wealth will not make him live for ever". Therefore, it rejects the previous statement in the verse preceding it. b. "… and then, behold, it will be for Us to make its meaning clear. Nay, but [most of] you love this
358 fleeting life." (Q. 75:19-20, Asad). Kallā here means "stop hurrying" إ. 562 In other words, kallā in this verse reproves the earlier statement indicating that the Prophet moved his tongue in haste in repeating the revelation, namely, "Move not thy tongue in haste, [repeating the words of the revelation:]" (Q. 75:16, Asad). Ibn al-Jawzī cites two meanings of kallā, as follows: (a) (not) which is found in fourteen verses of the Qur’ān, among which is Q. 104:4 mentioned above; (b) (truly, verily) which is found in nineteen verses of the Qur’ān, among which is Q. 75:20 mentioned above.563 28. (slowly, gently, leisurely) The term ruwaydan means
(slowly, gently, leisurely). Ibn
Qutaybah cites only one example from the Qur’ān, namely “Let, then, the deniers of the truth have their will: let them have their will (amhilhum) for a little while." (Q. 86:17, Asad). However, he says that here ruwaydan means qalīlan (for a little while).564 If the term is not preceded by amhilhum in the above verse, then it means mahlan. It is always in the diminutive form (tas.ghīr), and in imperative mood, except in the following poem where it is neither in diminutive form nor in imperative mood: "She is like a drunk walking 565 slowly." 29.
(a particle indicating alertness)
The term alā is used and added to the sentence to indicate alertness. The expression means "Understand (ifham) that people are going out." The example in the Qur’ān is as follows: "Oh, verily, on the Day when it befalls them there will be nothing to avert it from them; ..." (Q. 11:8, Asad).566
359 Al-Suyūt.ī mentions three functions of alā, one of which is to alert the listener ( ), as mentioned above. The other two are to incite ( ), and to offer (
), as in the following respective examples: "Would you, perchance, fail to fight against people who
have broken their solemn pledges, ..." (Q. 9:13, Asad), and "... do you not desire that God should forgive you your sins,..?" (Q. 24:22, Asad).567 30.
(affliction, distress, woe)
Al-wayl, as stated by Ibn Qutaybah, is a word that combines all bad things ( ). He quotes al-As.ma‘ī's view who says that the term indicates taqbīh (the act of denouncing something as ugly or disgraceful), such as “.... But woe unto you for all your [attempts at] defining [God]." (Q. 21:18, Asad). The expression means "woe and moaning to him". It is also used to express tah.assur (regret) and tafajju‘ (agony, affliction, grief), as in "And they could only cry: 'Oh, woe unto us! Verily, we were wrongdoers!'" (Q. 21:14, Asad).568 There are many different views about the meaning of wayl, among which are the following: al-Khalīl: the severity of evil (shiddat al-sharr); al-As.ma‘ī: agony (tafajju‘); Abū Zayd: disaster; Sībawayh: a person who is in disaster; Ibn ‘Arafah: sadness; this view is similar to that of al-Farrā’ who says that the origin of wayl is way, meaning sadness.569 31.
(by your life)
The expression la‘amruk (by your life) and la‘amr Allāh (by the everlasting existence of Allah, by the Eternal God) are oaths.570 Ibn Qutaybah does not mention the only example from the Qur’ān which is as follows: "Verily, by thy life (O Prophet), in their wild intoxication, they wander in distraction, to and fro."
360 (Q. 15:72, Ali). Ibn ‘Abbās was reported to have said that Allah never swears with the life of a person except with that of Prophet Muh.ammad.571 32.
(yes, yea)
According to Ibn Qutaybah iy means balá (yes, indeed, certainly, surely). It is used before an oath572, as in "And some people ask thee, 'Is all this true?' Say: 'Yea, by my Sustainer! It is most certainly true, ...'" (Q. 10:53, Asad).573 Sometimes we hear people join إيwith the that follows it and sayَ إيْوmeaning 574 "yes". 33.
(on, at, upon, from) Ladun means ‘inda (on, at, upon, from), as in "...[for by] now thou hast heard enough excuses from me." (Q.
18:76, Asad). The letter in can be dropped, as in the following poem of Ghaylān ibn H.ārith al-Rub‘ī in describing the camel he was driving: * It takes two elbows long upon its rope from its two jaws to its upper chest [namely, it has a long neck].575 Ibn Qutaybah also mentions ladá which is similar to ladun, meaning ‘inda, as in "... - and [lo!] they met her lord at the 576 door." (Q. 12:25, Asad). So far, we have seen how Ibn Qutaybah dealt with the thirty-three particles and uninflected verbs in his work Ta’wīl. Most of them were mentioned very briefly. For example, the term la‘amruk, was covered in less than two lines, iy in two, kayfa and ayyāna in four, awlá and alā in five, lā, al-wayl and hā in six lines. We have also seen that other scholars,
361 such as Ibn al-Jawzī, Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Qurt.ubī and al-Suyūt.ī gave much more details regarding these terms than Ibn Qutaybah. However, despite his brevity, we note that some of his contributions highlight his deep understanding of this subject. Ibn al-Jawzī in his work Nuzhah, for example, mentions Ibn Qutaybah by name and quotes his interpretations of several terms and particles more than forty times. D. The Substitution of Particles in the Verses of the Qur’ān According to Ibn Qutaybah there are particles in the verses of the Qur’ān that substitute each other. Besides Ta’wīl, this topic is also discussed by him in his work Adab al-Kātib, although in some cases he does not give examples from the Qur’ān in it. However, I shall also include in this study some examples which have not been quoted by him but have been quoted by other scholars. These particles were not treated by later scholars as substituting or being in the sense of (synonymous with) each other, but as having many wujūh. These particles are: and . They are dealt with as follows: 1.
(to; toward; up to; as far as; till, until)
a. Ilá in the sense of ma‘a (with),577 as in "And when Jesus became aware of their refusal to acknowledge the truth, he asked: 'Who will be my helpers in God's cause?'..." (Q. 3:52, Asad). The verse means, according to Ibn Qutaybah, "... who will be my helpers with Allah ( ).578 The example from the Arabs' expression is the proverb which means "a small group of camels (from three to nine heads) with another small group makes a larger group of camels (ibil).579 b. Ilá in the sense of fī, as in the expression meaning .580 The example given by al-Suyūt.ī is the following verse:
362 “.... [God] … will surely gather you all together on the Day of Resurrection..." (Q. 4:87, Asad).581 There are two more particles substituted by mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah in his work Adab al-Kātib but without any example from the Qur’ān, as follows: (a) Ilá in the sense of min, as in the following poem of Hanī‘ ibn Ah.mar al-Kinānī: “He was given drink, so there is no drink from me, Ibn Ah.mar." (b) Ilá in the semse of ‘inda, as in the expression ("it is more delicious to me than such and such") in which ilayya ("to me") is in the sense of ‘indī ("for me").582 2.
(in, at, on; with; through, by means of)
a. Bi in the sense of ‘an, as in ".... Ask, then, about Him, [the] One who is [truly] aware." (Q. 25:59, Asad). Here bihi is in the sense of ‘anhu.583 The example from poetry is the following poem of ‘Alqamah ibn ‘Abadah: * And if ye ask me regarding [the diseases of] women,verily, I ppossess knowledge of the diseases of women, [I am] a physician. Here bi ’l-nisā’ is in the sense of ‘an al-nisā'.584 b. Bi in the sense of li (for), as in “We created them not save with truth [namely, for the truth]." (Q. 44:39, Pickthall).585 The creation of the heavens and the earth bi’l-h.aqq (lit. "with truth") is mentioned in Q. 6:73, 14:19, 16:3, 29:44, 39:5, 45:22 and 64:3. In other verses it is stated that Allah did not create the heavens, the earth and all that is between them, namely, the entire universe, except bi’l-
363 h.aqq (Q. 15:85, 30:8 and 46:3). On the other hand, Allah says that He has not created heaven and earth and all that is between them bāt.ilan (lit. "in vain") (Q. 38:27). Moreover, those who are endowed with insight and keep remembering Allah will say after reflecting the creation of the heavens and the earth: "Our Lord! Thou createdst not this in vain (bāt.ilan)." (Q. 3:191, Pickthall). Here the term bāt.ilan, meaning "without meaning and purpose" (as translated by Asad) is the opposite of bi’l-h.aqq, which means, "with a definite purpose and meaning". Bi’l-h.aqq also means lil-h.aqq, "for a definite purpose and meaning" if we assume that bi is in the sense of li in the above verses as stated by Ibn Qutaybah. c. Bi in the sense of min, as in “A fountain from which the servants of God shall drink." (Q. 76:6, Lane). According to Ibn Qutaybah, the expression yashrabu bihā in this verse is in the sense of yashrabu minhā. It is similar to the expression which means ("I drank such and such water"). From poetry he quotes the poem of Abū Dhu’ayb alHudhalī describing the clouds as follows: 586
* “They [namely, the clouds] drank from the water of the sea, then rose up from the green depth of the sea passing quickly and noisily.587 d. Bi meaning fi, as in the following poem of al-A‘shá: meaning "what is (the benefit of) the old man's crying over the ruins" in which bi’l-at.lāl means fī ’l-at.lāl.588 The examples given by Ibn alJawzī and al-Suyūt.ī respectively are as follows: ".... In Thy hand is all good...." (Q. 3:26, Asad), and
364 "for indeed God did succour you at Badr,..." (Q. 3:123, 589
Asad). e. Bi meaning ‘alá, as in the poem of ‘Amr ibn Qami’ah when he says ("On your affection to my people..."), in which bi means ‘alā, and mā is additional.590 The examples from the Qur’ān given by Ibn alJawzī and al-Suyūt.ī respectively are as follows: "On that day those who disbelieved and disobeyed the messenger will wish that the ground would become levelled on them" (Q. 4:42) and "... who, if thou trust him with a treasure,..." (Q. 3:75) in which biqint.ār means ‘alá qint.ār.591 f. Bi meaning min ajl (for the sake of, because of), as in the poem of Labīd when he said: "acts of conquering were scattering for the 592 sake of blood revenge." The examples from the Qur’ān given by Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Suyūt.ī are respectively as follows: "..., and those who, because of him (Satan) become polytheists." (Q. 16:100) in which bihi means min ajlihi; and “Each one of them We seized for his crime: ..." Q. 29:40, Ali), in which bidhanbihi means min ajli dhanbihi.593 3.
(on, upon, at, by, in; to, toward, for)
a. ‘Alá in the sense of (meaning) min (from), as in "Who, when they take by measure from men, take fully" (Q. 83:2, Lane), in which ‘alá ’l-nās means min al-nās.594 The example from poetry is the poem of S.akhr al-Ghayy, as follows: * [I am going to tell you about an essay (maqālah) you cannot deny], whenever you deny it you will know that
365 blood will spill from its sides [namely, an essay that will kindle war and spill blood].595 b. ‘Alá meaning ‘inda (at, near, by, with, on; upon), as in ) “And (further), they have a charge of crime against me, so that I fear they may slay me." (Q. 26:14, Ali), in which ‘alayya dhanb means ‘indī dhanb.596 c. ‘Alá meaning fī, as in the expression ("It was so in the time of So-and-so"), in which ‘alá ‘ahd means fī ‘ahd, and in “And they followed what the devils related (or recited) in the time of (or during) the reigh of Solomon..." (Q. 2:102, Lane). Here ‘alá mulki means fī mulki.597 d. ‘Alá meaning bi, as in the expression meaning 598 ("Mount thou in the name of God." Lane). Al-Dāmaghānī cites the following verse as an example: "....So put your trust (in Allah) if ye are indeed believers." (Q.5 :23, Pickthall), in which ‘alá Allāh means bi Allāh.599 e. ‘Alá meaning ma‘a, as in the poem of al-Shammākh as follows: And two special kinds of garments and seventy dirhams;with that, a goat's skin thong tanned with pods of acacia nilotica (a species of sant tree).600 Al-Suyūt.ī cites the following example "...; and giveth his wealth, (accompanied) with his love, ..." (Q. 2:177), in which ‘alá h.ubbihi means ma‘a h.ubbihi as translated above. 601 AlQurt.ubī suggests two meanings for h.ubbihi in the above verse: "his love for his wealth", and "his love for the persons mentioned later: his kinsfolk, orphans, etc".602 Pickthall and Ali, however, translate ‘alá
366 h.ubbihi respectively as "for love of Him" and "out of love for Him", namely, Allah.603 Ibn Qutaybah mentions two more examples of substitutions of particles with ‘alá in his work Adab al-Kātib, without giving any example from the Qur’ān, as follows: (a). ‘Alā in the sense of ‘an, as in the expression meaning ("I have been pleased with you"), and meaning “I shot [the arrow] from the bow").604 (b) ‘Alá in the sense of li, as in the poem of al-Rā‘ī (‘Ubayd ibn al-H.usayn al-Numayrī), ("She took care of him for months and he devoted himself to her"), in which khalá ‘alayhā means khalá lahā.605 4. a.
(off, away, from; out of, about; for) ‘An in the sense of bi (in, at, on, with), as in the expression meaning
("I shot with the bow"),606 and as in “And neither does he speak out of his own desire.” (Q.
53:3, Asad). b. ‘An in the sense of min, as in the expression
meaning
(“have taken this from you”), and in “And it is He who accepteth the repentance from His servants..." (Q. 42:25, Asad).607 c. ‘An in the sense of ‘alá, as in the following poem of Dhū al-Is.ba‘ al‘Adwānī: * To God be attributed the excellence of the son of thy paternaluncle, thou hast not become possessed of superiority, on grounds of pretension to respect (or honour), above me [ ], nor art thou my governor that thou shouldst rule me.” (Lane's translation).608
367 The only example from the Qur’ān given by Ibn al-Jawzī and AlSuyūt.ī is the following verse: ".... And yet, he who acts niggardly [in God's cause] is but niggardly towards his own self..." (Q. 47:38, Asad).609 Here ‘an nafsih means ‘alá nafsih. d. ‘An in the sense of ba‘da (after), as in the expression أ meaning "( أI shall do that after a while").610 An example from the Qur’ān is given by al-Zarkashī and al-Suyūt.ī as follows: “.... distorting the meaning of the [revealed] words after [knowing] their context..." (Q. 5:13). This interpretation is apparent if we compare it with another similar verse using min ba‘di mawād.i‘ihi instead of ‘an mawād.i‘ihi, namely, Q. 5:41.611 Al-Qurt.ubī's commentary on this second verse is that the Jews distorted the meaning of the context of the Torah dealing with the stoning of the adulterer after the Prophet had explained to them what Allah meant by this penal law and after they had understood it. Through their interpretation they wanted to change the ruling of stoning for forty lashes.612 Asad and Pickthall render the same translation of ‘an mawād.i‘ihi and min ba‘di mawād.i‘ihi in the above verses respectively as "out of their context" and "from their context". Ali translates the former as "from their (right) places" and the latter as "from their (right) time".613 Ibn Qutaybah mentions other substitutions of particles with ‘an, but without any example from the Qur’ān, as follows: (a) ‘an in the sense of min ajl (for the sake of, because of), as in the following poem of Labīd: “for a watering place because of which the 614 fields become diminished." (b)‘an meaning fawqa (above, on), as in the following poem: * If you threwest colocynths upon our helmets they
368 would roll along from what is gilded thereof, they being near together. (Lane’s translation).”615 5.
(in; at; on; near; by; within; during)
a. Fī in the sense of ‘alá as in the expression
meaning
("The signet-ring cannnot be inserted into [namely, fit on] my finger"), and in "And I will assuredly crucify you upon the trunks of palm-trees" (Q. 20:71, Lane) in which fī judhū‘ al-nakhl means ‘alá judhū‘ al-nakhl.616 b. Fī in the sense of ilá , as in “And they put their hands to their mouths" (Q. 14:9) in which fī afwāhihim means ‘alá afwāhihim.617 c. Fī in the sense of bi, as in the following poem of al-A‘shá: “And if he is requested [to give] the parchments [namely, the books of the prophets] he will respond." Here fī ’l-mahāriq means bi’lmahāriq. 618 The example from the Qur’ān cited by al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī is as follows: “Are they waiting until Allah comes to them with the shadows of the clouds...?" (Q. 2:210) in which fī z.ulal means bi-z.ulal.619 This is one interpretation. The other interpretation is that there is no substitution of particles in this verse, so that the verse means: "Are they waiting until Allah reveals Himself unto them in the shadows of the clouds?" This is the interpretation adopted by Asad, Pickthall and Ali,620 which appears to be the more appropriate one. d. Fī meaning min, as in the following poem of Imru’ al-Qays: * Can anyone [i.e., the former inhabitant of the consumed (effaced)ruins] be happy whose most recent time [in happiness] wasthirty months in [i.e.,
369 from] the last three years [i.e., theimpossibility of happiness after seperation]? Here fī thalāthati ah.wāl means min thalāthati ah.wāl.621 The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: "One day We shall raise from all peoples a witness against them from amongst themselves..." (Q. 16:89, Ali)622 in which fī kulli ummah means min kulli ummah. e. Fī meaning ma‘a, as in the expression meaning ("So-and-so is intelligent as well as gentle").623 The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: ".... [And thou shalt go] with nine [of My] messages unto Pharaoh and his people..." (Q. 27:12, Asad).624 Asad's interpretation of āyāt as "messages" is based on the opinion of some unidentified commentators who "see in it a reference to nine specific commandments or ethical principles...".625 Others render āyāt as "signs", the miracles performed by Prophet Moses. Therefore, the verse means, according to this view, that the radiant hand, as mentioned in the previous verse, is one in addition to nine other miracles. However, according to other commentators fī means min ("among") rather than ma‘a in this verse, so that the two miracles mentioned earlier, namely, the radiant hand and the staff, are included in the nine miracles. This is the view of alNah.h.ās, al-Mahdāwī, al-Qushayrī, and Ibn Kathīr, and on which Pickthall and Ali render their translations.626 Al-Zarkashī mentions other meanings of fī, among which are as follows: a. (at, with), as in “Pharaoh said: ‘Did we not bring thee up among us when thou wert a child? And didst thou not spend among us years of thy [later] life?’” (Q. 26:18, Asad). Here means .
370 (after), as in “… and his weaning is after two years” (Q. 31:14), namely, the baby stops his total dependance on his mother’s milk after two years. Here fī ‘āmayn means ba‘da ‘āmayn. c. ( about, from), as in “Amd whoever is blind in these [namely, Allah’s blessings in this mentioned mentioned earlier], he will also become blind about [His blessings in] the Hereafter, [because of his disbelief in them]...” (Q. 17:72).627 However, translators like Ali and Pickthall, translate in the above verse in its original sense in their respective translations, as follows: “But those who are blind in this world, will be blind in the Hereafter…”, and “for whoever is blind [of heart] in this [world] will be blind in the life to come [as well]…”628 b.
6.
(for)
a. Li in the sense of ‘alá, as in the expression
meaning
("So-and-so fell upon his mouth"), and in "... and neither speak loudly to him, as you would speak loudly to one another, ..." (Q. 49:2, Asad) in which lahu means ‘alayh.629 b. Li in the sense of ilá , as in the expression ("I guided him to it").630 The example from the Qur’ān is as follows: “as thy Sustainer will have inspired her to do." (Q. 99:5, Asad) in which awh.á lahā means awh.á ilayhā.631 c. Li meaning min ajli, as in the expression meaning
("I did that for you")
("I did that for your sake").632 Ibn al-Jawzī
mentions lām al-sabab in the following verse: “(Saying): We feed you, for the sake of Allah only." (Q. 76:9, Pickthall) which is probably one example from the Qur’ān.633 Another probable example from the Qur’ān is as follows:
371 "He will say: Ah, would that I had provided beforehand for my life [to come]." (Q. 89:24, Asad) in which lih.ayātī means min ajli h.ayātī fī ’lākhirah ("for the sake of my life in the Hereafter") according to one interpretation; however, according to another, such as that of alZarkashī, it means fī h.ayātī ("in my life").634 There are two more substitutions mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah solely in his work Adab al-Kātib and without any example from the Qur’ān, most probably because they occur only in Arabic literature and poetry, as follows: (a) Li meaning ma‘a, as in the following poem of Mutammim ibn Nuwayrah al-Yarbū‘ī: * When we separated it was as if Mālik and I did not stay the night together in spite of the length of the meeting. (b) Li meaning ba‘da (after), as in the poem of al-Rā‘ī, as follows: * Until they [namely, the sheep], after completing five distant [pastures], reached a frontier seized with severe wind successively. Here litimmi khimsin means ba‘da tamāmi khimsin. 635 The example from the Qur’an is given by al-Zarkashī as follows: “Establish [your] prayer after the sun’s 636
decline …” (Q. 17:78). 7.
(from)
a. Min in the sense of ‘alá, as in “And [We] delivered him from the people who denied Our revelations..." (Q.21:77, Pickthall) in which min al-qawm means ‘alá ’l-qawm.637
372 b. Min in the sense of ‘an, as in the expression
meaning 638
("So and so related to me from so and so"). Although no example is given by Ibn Qutaybah from the Qur’ān, al-Zakrkashī and al-Suyūt.ī cite the following verse as an example: ".... We were indeed heedless of this [promise of resurrection]!..." (Q. 21:97, Asad) in which min hādhā means ‘an hādhā .639 c. Min in the sense of bi, as in “For him are angels ranged before him and behind him, who guard him by Allah's command" (Q. 13:11, Pickthall) in which min amr Allāh means bi-amr Allāh.640 There are four views concerning the person who is guarded in this verse: every human being, the Prophet, and every prophet. They are all protected till Allah's decree is imposed on them. The other view is that the protectors in the verse are not guardian angels, and the protected person is every ruler who is surrounded by his bodyguards but cannot protect him from Allah's decree. This is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās and ‘Ikrimah as quoted by alQurt.ubī.641 d. Min in the sense of fī, as in ".... Show me what it is that they have created on earth..." (Q. 35:40, Asad) in which min al-ard. means fī ’l-ard..642 We have seen that in this section Ibn Qutaybah discussed the substitution of particles with others very briefly and incompletely. For example, in his work Ta‘wīl he mentions only one particle that is substituted by fī, namely, ‘alá whereas in his Adab al-Kātib he mentioned five particles that are substituted by fī, including ‘alá and ilá. However, he does not give any example from the Qur’ān for the other three particles, as others did in their works. This number is still small compared to that of alDāmaghānī, who mentions eight, and Ibn al-Jawzī as well as al-Suyūt.ī who mentioned ten particles in their works.
373 ENDNOTES TO CHAPTER IV 1. Ibn Qutaybah’s Ta’wīl, pp. 299-300 and al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 228. 2. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 156. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibn Qutaybah., Ta’wīl, p. 301; and al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, p. 229. 5. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 301. 6. Ibid., p. 302. 7. Ibid. For further details and other interpretations, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 16, pp. 32-35. 8 Ibid., p. 309. 9 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 155. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 299. Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 502 12 Al-Qurt.ubī al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 156. 10 11
13. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 309; Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 61. 14. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 114, 117 and 118, and Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 61. 15. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 154. 16. Ibid. 17. For further details, see Dr. Mus.t.afá Zayd, Dirāsāt fī ’l-Tafsīr, pp. 4950. 18. See Theodor Noldeke and Friedrich Schwally, Geschichte des Qorans i-ii (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1961), vol. 2, p. 72. 19. See Morris Seale, Qur’ān and Bible (London: Croom Helm Ltd., 1978), pp 34-35. 20. See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, pp. 268 and 171; and al-Suyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 1, p. 195.
374 21. James A. Bellamy, "The Mysterious Letters of the Koran: Old Abbreviations of the Basmalah", JAOS xciii (1973), pp. 277-278. 22. See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, pp. 267-268. 23. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 1, p. 195. 24. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, pp. 32-33. This is also the interpretation of ‘Ikrimah, see Noldeke, Geschichte, vol. 2, p. 73. 25. See W. Montgomery Watt, Bell's Introduction to the Qur’ān (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1970), pp. 61-65. For further studies on Western scholars' points of view on this subject, see A. Jeffery, "The Mystic Letters of the Koran", MW xiv (1924), pp. 247-260; Alan Jones, "The Mysterious Letters of the Qur’ān", SI 16 (1962), pp. 5-11; and R. Marston Speight, "The Opening Verses of the Chapters of the Qur’ān", MW 59/3-4 (1969), pp. 205-209. Among Muslim writers on this subject are al-Zarqānī, Manāhil al-‘Irfān, vol. 1, pp. 225-236; Dr. Hāshim Amir ‘Ali, "The Mysterious Letters of the Qur’ān", IC 36 (Jan. 1962), pp. iii-iv; and ‘Alī Nas.ūh. al-T.āhir, "Abbreviations in the Holy Qur’ān", IR (Dec. 1950), pp. 8-12. 26. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 394-5; idem, Qurrah, p. 161; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta‘wīl, p. 461. 27. For further details, see Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 46-48 (al-Rād.i's introduction) and pp. 83-84. 28. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 122. 29. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 8, p. 2989 (supplement) 30. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 441; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 187. 31. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 441; ibid., Tafsīr, p. 253; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 374; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 406; alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 764; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 506. 32 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 409. 33 Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf: Tafsīr al-Qur’ān mimā ’shtabahat Asmā’uh wa Tas.arrafat Ma‘ānīh, presented and edited by Hind Shalabī (Tunis: al-Sharikah al-Tūnīsiyyah lil-Tawzī‘ ,1979), p. 340. 34 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 37.
375
35. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 441; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 370; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 116; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 406; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 506; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 399; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 27; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 129; idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 173 and Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 340. 36. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 441 and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 406. 37. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 441; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 406; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 7. Yah.yá ibn Sallām and Ibn alJawzī use the term khalq (creation) for the meaning of qad.á in the above verse, see al-Tas.ārīf, p. 343 and Nuzhah, pp. 508-509. According to al-Farrā’, the term qad.á in the above verse means "He created and controlled them (khalaqahunna wa h.akamahunna), see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 13. As another example, Ibn Qutaybah cites Q. 41:12, and as a shāhid, he cites the poem of Abū Dhu’ayb where qad.á means "to make", as follows * "With both of them two coats of mail made by David or [i.e., and] the perfect expert (blacksmith) Tubba‘." See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 441-442 and idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 2, pp. 17-18; see also [al-Mufad.d.al al-D.abbī], alMufad.d.alīyāt, p. 881. This poem is also cited by Ibn Fāris as a shāhid to indicate that the term qad.á in the verse in question means "He decided their creation" ( ); see Maqāyis vol. 5, p. 99. Tubba‘ was the title of the kings of Yemen, like the Pharaohs of Egypt, and the Caesars of the Roman empire. Tubba‘ did not make the coats of mail by himself, but by his blacksmiths who were experts in this profession. See also Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 186; and al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 87. Al-Suyūt.ī cites Q. 80:23 as an example of qad.á meaning "to do", see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 129. 38. According to Ibn Qutaybah qad.á nah.bahu means qutila (he was killed), since the verse in question deals with martyrs; see Ta’wīl, p. 183; and
376 idem, Tafsīr, p. 349. For further details, see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, pp. 158-160. 39. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 443; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 628; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 474; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 297; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 124. According to Yah.yá ibn Sallām, this is the meaning given by Qatādah, see al-Tas.ārīf, p. 100. 40. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 304; ‘Ikrimah says that Moses was to choose one of four roads before him; when he made his choice and chose the correct one, he said the verse mentioned above; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 247. 41. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 443; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 297; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 626; and idem, Qurrah, p. 241. 42. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, pp. 8-9. 43. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, 443; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 473; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 627; idem, Qurrah, p. 242; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 298; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, p. 103; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 123. 44. See Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 278. 45. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 444; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 475-476; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 629; and idem, Qurrah, p. 244. 46. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 444; idem, Tafsīr, p. 279; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 13; and al-Farrā’, see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 181. 47. Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 299 and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 123. 48 . See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 13; and Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 103. 49. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 444; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 103; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 474; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 256; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 299; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 629. 50. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 444. This is also the view of al-Dāmaghānī, Tiflīsī, Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Zarkashī, and al-Suyūt.ī; see Qāmūs, p. 475; Wujūh, p.
377 299; Nuzhah, p. 629; al-Burhān, vol. 1, p. 104; and al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 123. 51. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 625-30; idem, Qurrah, pp. 241-244; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, pp. 96-123; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 1, pp. 102-104; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 122-124; idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, pp. 307-8; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 295-300; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 473-476; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 443-444. 52. See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 72; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 143; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, pp. 306-307; alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 134; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 29; al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 30-33; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 257; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 445; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 23. 53. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 445; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, pp. 99 and 313; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 47; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 28; al-Zamakshsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 660; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 144. 54 Ibn Qutaybah, Tafsīr, pp. 202 and 218. 55. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, 238. 56. Ibn Qutaybh, Ta’wīl, p. 445. 57 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 49. 58 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 29 59 Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 144; idem, Qurrah, p. 56; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 43. 60. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 9, p. 201; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 1, p. 313; and al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 660. See also Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 136; Ibn Qutaybah, Tafsīr, p. 218; al-Rāghib alAs.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 23; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 103.. 61 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 51 62. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 445; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 30; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 144; idem, Qurrah, p. 56; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 43; and Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 152. According to Ibn ‘Abbās the term ummah meaning imām in this verse is the language of the Quraysh, see Gharīb al Qur’ān,
378 p. 53. Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al Qur’ān, p. 53. 64. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 445 and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 23. Here Ibn al-Jawzī is quoting Ibn Qutaybah, see Nuzhah, p. 144. Al-Qurt.ubī says that the ummah is the person who combines good things in himself ( ), see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 10, p. 197.E 63
65. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 445; idem, Tafsīr, p. 249; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 755; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 391; and alFarrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 114. 66 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 612. 67. See al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 23. 68. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 446; idem, Tafsīr, p. 108; and al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 165. Al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī, and Tiflīsī mention neither this verse nor any other in which the word ummah means a group of ‘ulamā’. 69. Al-Zamakshsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 224; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 483. 70. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 446; idem, Tafsīr, p. 397; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 136. 71 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, 203 72 Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 30. 73 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1324. 74. Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 90. 75. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta‘wīl, p. 446 and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 23. 76 Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 28. 77 Lane, Lexicon, pt. p. 90. 78. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 446; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 43; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 143; idem, Qurrah, p. 56; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 12, p. 129. 79. See Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 151; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-
379 Bayān, vol. 4. 109. See also Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 257 and vol. 4, p. 136. 80. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 447; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 447; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 312. 81 82
Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 209 Al-Suyūt.ī Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 628.
83. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 447; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 350; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 448; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 209; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 336-337. Ibn ‘Abbās says that the term ‘ahd includes a promise; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 382. 84. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 447; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 350; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 447; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 209; and al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 15, p. 47. Al-T.abarsī's interpretation of the said verse is as follows: "Have I not commanded you ( ) through the tongues of prophets and messengers in the revealed books not to worship Satan...?"; see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, 430. 85. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 337. No Qur’ānic verse was given as an example by Ibn Qutaybah. For the h.adīth, see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 312. 86. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 447. Again, no Qur’ānic verse was given by Ibn Qutaybah as an example here. 87. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 448 and al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 209. 88. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 201 and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 448. For further details on the meanings of of ‘ahd see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, pp. 2182-2183 (s.v. ). 89. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 449; Sufyān al-Thawrī, Tafsīr al-Qur’ān alKarīm, ed. and annot. Imtiyāz ‘Alī ‘Arshī, 1st ed. (Rampur: Hindustan Printing Works, 1385/1965), p. 81; and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 21. 90. See al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 20. 91
Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 75. Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 47. 93 Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 394-395. 92
380 94
Ibn Qutaybah, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 2, p. 532 Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 21. 96 Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 109. 95
97. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 449 and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 21. 98 Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 395. 99. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 450; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz, vol. 1, p. 253; and Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 395. Al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī mentions "pact" as well as "kinship" as the meaning of ill in the above Qur’ānic verse; see alMufradāt, p. 20. 100. See al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 530. 101. See Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, pp. 73-74 102. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 452; idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 1, p. 171; and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 31. 103. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 342. 104. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 451; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 484; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, p. 73; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2566. According to alRāghib al-As.bahānī the term qunūt in this h.adīth means "keeping oneself busy with worship and avoiding any other activity" ( ), see alMufradāt, p. 413. The h.adīth was reported by Muslim, al-Nasā’ī, Ibn Mājah, alTirmidhī and Ah.mad on the authority of Jābir ibn ‘Abd Allāh; see Wensinck, alMu‘jam, vol. 5, p. 473 (s.v. ); it was also reported by al-Bayhaqī, see al-Sunan al-Kubrá, vol. 3, p. 8. 105. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 451; idem, Tafsīr, p. 382; and al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 241. 106 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 51. 107 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 451. 108. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 452; Abū al-H.usayn Sa‘īd Hibat Allāh alRāwandī, Fiqh al-Qur’ān, ed. al-Sayyid Ah.mad al-H.usaynī, 2 vols. (Qumm: alMat.ba‘ah al-‘Ilmiyyah, 1397 A.H.), vol. 1, p. 100; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 241; and Ibn
381 Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 31; Lane translated the above verse as follows: "And stand ye unto God, in the divinely-appointed act of prayer, refraining from talking"; see Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2566. 109 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 163. 110 Al- Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 391; Ibn al-Jawzī , Nuzhah, p. 483; and al-Suyūt.ī, Asbāb al-Nuzūl (Cairo: Dār al-Tah.rīr lil-T.ab‘ wa ’l-Nashr, 1382 A.H.), p. 33. 111. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 452; idem, Tafsīr, p. 340; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 147; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 391; and al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 241. According to Ibn ‘Abbās and Abū ‘Ubaydah the term
in the said
verse means (obedient); see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 302; and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 121. 112. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta‘wīl, p. 452; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 147. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 484; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 242; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2566. 113 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 358. Al-Suyūt.ī Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 173. 115. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 453; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 23; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 9; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 24; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 101; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 298; and idem, Qurrah, p. 115 116. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 453; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 13, p. 169 114
(s.v.
).
117. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 453. 118 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 234; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 513 and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 286. 119. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 453-454; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 1, p. 255; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 101; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 298; and idem, Qurrah, p. 116. Al-Zamakhshsarī, however, mentions "the religion of Islam which is the truth" as the meaning of dīn al-h.aqq in the above verse, see al-
382 Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 537. 120. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 454 and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 101. According to Ibn al-Jawzī, dīn here means "number" (‘adad); see Nuzhah, p. 298; and idem, Qurrah, p. 115. Both Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Dāmaghānī mention al-h.isāb as one of the meanings of the dīn, with different examples; the former with Q. 24:25, and the latter with Q. 83:11; see Nuzhah, p. 297; idem, Qurrah, p. 115; and Qāmūs, p. 178. 121. See al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 541. 122 See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 943. 123. Beside millah, al-Dāmaghānī mentions also as another meaning of dīn; Qāmūs, pp. 178-179; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 298; idem, Qurrah, p. 116; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 102; al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 102; alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 1625; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 523. Al-Qurt.ubī mentions t.ā‘ah and millah as the meaning of dīn on the said verse, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 43. 124. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 455; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 278; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 498. Abū ‘Ubaydah's and al-Tabarsi's interpretation of mawālīkum in the said verse is "your paternal cousins" and "associate (allies)"; Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 134; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 337. 125. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 455; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 498; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 408. This is the meaning of mawālī in this verse in the language of the Quraysh, according to Ibn ‘Abbās, see Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 43; and Abū ‘Ubayd al-Qāsim ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il al-Wāridah fī ’lQur’ān al-Karīm: Riwāyah ‘an al-S.ah.ābī ’l-Jalīl Ibn ‘Abbās Rad.iya ’llāh ‘anh. Edited, commented, and annotated by Dr. ‘Abd al-H.amīd al-Sayyid T.alab (Kuwayt: Mat.bū‘āt Jāmi‘at al-Kuwayt, 1985), p. 82. 126 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 1; Ibn al-Anbārī, alAd.dād, p. 47; and al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 278. 127. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 455; and Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 46. The h.adīth was reported by al-Dārimī and Abū Dā’ūd, al-Tirmidhī, Ibn Mājah
383 and Ah.mad ibn H.anbal; see Wensinck, al-Mu‘jam, vol. 1, p. 190 (s.v. ); it was also reported by al-Bayhaqī, see al-Sunan al-Kubrá, vol. 7, p. 138. 128. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 455; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 215; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1365; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 100. 129 Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 497; and al-Dāmaghānī, Wujūh, p. 278. 130. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 455; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1343; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 67. However, according to al-Dāmaghānī and al-Tiflīsī, mawlá in this verse means "a relative among the disbelievers", see Qāmūs, p. 497, and Wujūh, p. 278. 131. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 456; Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 49; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 409. 132. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 455-456. 133 Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 335. 134 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 338. 135. For further details of the term mawlá, see al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 278; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 496-498; Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 46-50; and alSuyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 265. 136
Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 390.
137. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 457; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 409 and idem, Qurrah, p. 164. 138. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 457 and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 1796. 139 Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 409; and idem, Qurrah, pp. 196-197. See also al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1616; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 506. 140. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 457; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 347; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 82; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 184; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 182; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 1, p. 398; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 393; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 293; al-Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 183; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 409; and idem, Qurrah,
384 p. 166. See also Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 343; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 1797. 141. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 45; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 408. Ibn al-Jawzī mentions also Q. 18:104 as an example, while al-Dāmaghānī mentions Q. 47:1 and 8, and Q. 18:104; see Qurrah, p. 166; and Qāmūs, p. 293. 142. See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 131; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 331; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 466; alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1112; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 328; see also Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 392. 143. The example of d.alāl meaning jahl but nisyān according to Ibn Qutaybah is Q. 26:20. The example of d.alāl meaning khusrān is Q. 36:24 and 40:25; see Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 181-182; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 407-409; idem, Qurrah, pp. 165-166; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 292. 144. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 459; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 102; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 201. See also Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 126, and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 91. 145. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 459 and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 126. According to Ibn Kathīr this is the view of Abū al-‘Āliyah, al-H.asan and alD.ah.h.āk, see Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 574. 146. Abū ‘Ubaydah, however, also mentions another interpretation, namely "the book", as mentioned earlier; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 386. Lane also mentions the four interpretations above; see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 91. 147. See Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 430; see also al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 1, p. 778. 148. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 459; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 148; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 91. Al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī simply interpret imām as lawh. (tablet), whereas Abū ‘Ubaydah interprets it as kitāb (a book); see al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1184; Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 418; and Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 2, p. 158. 149. See Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 149; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 3, p. 343; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 91; Ibn Qutaybah,
385 Ta’wīl, p. 459; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr vol. 2, p. 576; and al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 724. See also al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 45; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 126 and idem, Qurrah, p. 50. 150 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 52; and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 158, n.1. 151 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 354. For more details on the meanings of imām, see Ibn Manz.ūr, vol. 12, pp. 24-26; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 91. 152. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 460; idem, Tafsīr, p. 192; idem, Mukhtalif al-H.adīth, p. 237; idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 1, p, 167; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 268; Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 80; al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 1, p. 562; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 67; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 173; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 395; idem, Qurrah, pp. 160-161; alSuyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 125; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 14, pp. 464-465; and alRāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 285. According to Yah.yá ibn Sallām, the meaning of Tas.ārīf, p. 633.
in the above verse is
( اasking forgiveness), see al-
153. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 460; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, pp. 17201721. Al- Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, 125 Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 28; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 394-395; and idem, Qurrah, p. 161. 156 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1635. 157 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 173. 158 Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 14, p. 465. For further details, see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, pp. 1720-1721. If s.alāh here means istighfār, in other verses of the Qur’ān, the term istighfār means s.alāh (prayer), as in Q. 3:17, 8:33, and 51:18, see Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 90; and idem, Qurrah, p. 30; see also al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 341. 159. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 461; idem, Tafsīr, p. 208; Tiflīsū, Wujūh, p. 173; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 395; idem, Qurrah, p. 161; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, 154 155
386 vol. 2, p. 125. Ibn Qutaybah mentions also the other meaning of s.alāh in the above verse, namely, "reading" which is the view of al-A‘mash; see Ta’wīl, p. 461; al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 12, p. 62; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 9, p. 87. 160. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 188. 161. Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 626. 162 Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 525 and idem, Qurrah, p. 205. 163. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 462. 164 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 247; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 400. 165. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 462; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p.255; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 514-515; and idem, Qurrah, p. 206. 166 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 255. 167
Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1462. 168. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 462; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 247; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 515; idem, Qurrah, p. 206; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, p. 699. . Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 265. 170. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 462; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 352; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 514; idem, Qurrah, p. 206; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 248. Other examples given by Ibn Qutaybah are Q. 3:53 and Q. 7:156 171 Al-Zamakhsharī, al- Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1462 and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 255. 172. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 178; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 160; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 38. 173. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 463; see also Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 514; idem, Qurrah, p. 206; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 248. 174. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 178. 169
175. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wil, p. 463. 176. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 178. 177. See al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 424. 178. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 464; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, p. 458.
387 179. See Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1825. 180. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 464; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 490; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 813; and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 1, p. 413. Al-Dāmaghānī suggests "the stopping places of the roads" , whereas Tiflīsī states that it is "the roads and the stopping places of the land" ( ) for the meaning of sabab in the above verse; see Qāmūs, p. 225, and Wujūh, p. 126. 181. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 464; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 225; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 126; al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 247 ("places of ascent and roads" rather than "doors" in p. 113); "their roads and doors", according to alZamakhsharī, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1280; "their places of ascent" (marāqīhā) or "their regions" , see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, p. 458. Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 524. Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1285. 184. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 464; instead of wa law nāla it is written wa in yurqá in Zuhayr's Dīwān, see Zuhayr ibn Abī Sulmá, Dīwān (Beirut: Dār Bayrūt lil-T.ibā‘ah wa ’l-Nashr, 1406/1986), p. 87. For the meanings of sabab see al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 257. 185. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 464 and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 67. 186 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 223. 187 Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 116. 188 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 159. 189 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 482. 182 183
190. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 464-465; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 67. H.abl min Allāh according to al-Dāmaghānī means "the religion of Islam", see Qāmūs, p. 116. According Ibn ‘Abbās, Mujāhid, al-H.asan, Qatādah and Abū ‘Ubaydah h.abl in this verse means ‘ahd (covenant); see al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, p. 311; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 488; and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 1, p. 101. According to al-Zamakhsharī the term h.abl in the said verse means dhimmah (covenant of protection); see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 227.
388 191. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 465; al-A‘shá, Dīwān, p. 151; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 101; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 135; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 158. 192. See al-Murs.ifī, Raghbat al-Āmil ([Cairo]: al-Nahd.ah, 1348/[1929]), vol. 4, p. 52, with the commentary of Mah.mūd Muh.ammad Shākir, quoted by alSayyid A. S.aqr in Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 465, n. 2; see also Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 135. 193. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 467; idem, Tafsīr, pp. 28-9; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 426; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, p. 373. 194. Ibn al-Jawzī, however, gives many examples, among which are: Q. 2:35, 3:57, and 4:10; see Nuzhah, p. 427; and idem, Qurrah, p. 173. 195. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 467; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 215; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 308; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 195; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 427; idem, Qurrah, p. 173; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 316. 196. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 327. 197
Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 413 198. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 467-468; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 216; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 402; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 87; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 800; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 468; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 309; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 316; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 1920 (s.v. ); Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 427; and idem, Qurrah, p. 174. Other examples given by Ibn Qutaybah are Q. 2:57, 19:60 and 36:54. 199. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 468; idem, Tafsīr, p. 165; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 196; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 428; idem, Qurrah, p. 174; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 399. Al-Zamakhsharī interprets yaz.limūn in this verse as ("they wrongly deny it"), see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 439. 200. Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 310; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 196-197; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 428; and idem, Qurrah, p. 174.
389 201
Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p.; 503. 202. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 469-470. This explanation of Ibn Qutaybah is quoted by Ibn al-Jawzī, see Nuzhah, p. 189 and idem, Qurrah, p. 71. 203 Al-Murtad.á, Amālī, vol. 4, p. 24. 204. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 469; idem, Tafsīr, p. 373; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 77; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 49. 205. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 469; Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 217; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 49. The above verse, however, is treated by Ibn Qutaybah as an example for the term balā’ meaning "a test", see Ta’wīl, p. 469. The other example given by Tiflīsī is Q. 7:168. Al-Suyūt.ī uses the term makrūh instead of al-sharr for the meaning of fitnah in the above verse, see Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 261. 206. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 370; al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 217; alFarrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 69; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 77; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 49. This meaning is also advanced by Al-Suyūt.ī on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās in the above verse, see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 6 and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 620. 207 Al-Zamakhsharī , al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 75; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 1, pp. 105-106. 208. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 469; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 191; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 110; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 313; idem, Qurrah, p. 124; al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 137; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 5, p. 352. 209 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 38 and ibid., n. 1; see also Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 47 and ibid., n. 1. 210. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471; idem, Tafsīr, p. 177; al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 173; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 314; and idem, Qurrah, p. 124; al- Zamakhsharī, al-T.abarsī and Tiflīsī give here (Satan's temptation) instead of as the meaning of , see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 504, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 526, and Wujūh, p. 110. Ibn Kathīr mentions "temptation" ( ) and "evil idea" ( ) as the meaning of rijz in the verse
390 in queston; see Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 304. Yah.yá ibn Sallām mentions
(pl. of
) only, see al-Tas.ārīf, p. 321. Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 46; and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 112, n. 1. 212. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471, Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 321; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 110. Al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī use here the term als.anam (the idol, the image) instead of al-awthān, see Qāmūs, 191, Nuzhah, p. 314; and idem, Qurrah, p. 124; al-Suyūt.ī puts it in plural, namely al-as.nām (the idols), see Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 137, as well as in singular, see Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 563. 213. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, pp. 200-201. Another interpretation is that of al-Jubbā’ī, namely, "avoid bad deeds and blameworthy character", whereas an unidentified commentator who is probably of s.ūfī leaning says that the verse means "take out the love of the world from your heart because it is the head of every sin". See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 385. 214. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471; idem, Tafsīr, p. 495; and alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1546. 215. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 6, pp. 9496. 216. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 471; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 110; and al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 137. See also al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 84; and al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 572. According to Ibn Kathīr the meaning of rijs in the above verse is "doubt"; see Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 417. 217. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 472; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 13, p. 320; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 478-479; idem, Qurrah, p. 193; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. Yah.yá ibn Sallām and alDāmaghānī and Tiflīsī call it al-ibtilā’ (trial) instead of al-ikhtibār, see al-Tas.ārīf, p. 180, Qāmūs, p. 348 and Wujūh, p. 216. Both al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī use the term al-imtih.ān (test) for the interpretation of the term fitnah in the above verse. 211
391 218. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 472; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 348; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 217; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 479; idem, Qurrah, p. 193; al-Suyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. Yah.yá ibn Sallām uses the term
(punishment), whereas Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-T.abarsī use the term
(offense) and (pl. of ) as the meaning of fitnah in the above verse. See al-Tas.ārīf, p. 18, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 114 and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 274. 219. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 472; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1595; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, 348; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 479; idem, Qurrah, p. 193; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 217. Al-Suyūt.ī mentions a different example, namely, “(It is) the day when they will be tormented at the Fire, ..." (Q. 51:13, Pickthall); see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. This example is also given by Yah.yá ibn Sallām, see al-Tas.ārīf, p. 181 220. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 468 and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2335. 221 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 529. 222. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 473; others mention al-s.add only, see Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 217; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 479; idem, Qurrah, p. 194; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 349; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 126; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. 223 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 168; and al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 363. 224. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 473; others use the term al-shirk rather than al-ishrāk; see Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 179; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 347-348; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 216; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 478; idem, Qurrah, pp. 192-193; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 126; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. 225. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 287. 226. See Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 233.
392 227. Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 68; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2336. For further details on this verse, see al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 132. 228. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 473. Al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī respectively interpret fitnah here as mih.nah (severe trial, affliction) and "an affliction (balīyah) which appears in their hearts, such as hypocrisy"; however, T.abarsī gives also another interpretation, namely, "punishment in this world". See al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 964; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 158. According to Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Suyūt.ī the term fitnah in this verse means ‘uqūbah (punishment), see Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 480 and idem, Qurrah, p. 195; and alSuyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. Al-Suyūt.ī does not include kufr as one of the fifteen meanings of fitnah in his al-Itqān. AlDāmaghānī, Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī cite Q. 3:7 as the example from the Qur’ān in which fitnah means kufr, but according to al-Suyūt.īit means al-id.lāl (misleading), see al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 348; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 216; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 478; idem, Qurrah, p. 193; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 126. 229. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 473; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 261; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 216; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 480; idem, Qurrah, p. 194; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127 (in idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169 it is written al-d.alālah which is a misprint and should be al-ithm); al-Dāmaghānī suggests kufr, whereas al-T.abarsī suggests as the meaning of fitnah in this verse, see, Qāmūs, p. 348 and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 37. 230. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 473-474; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 218; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 480; idem, Qurrah, p. 194; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. According to al-Dāmaghānī, the term fitnah in this verse means fitnah itself, namely, temptation. 231. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 474. 232 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 8, p. 370. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 150; al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 1, p. 595; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 128; and Ibn Manz.ūr Lisān, vol. 13, p. 317. 233
393 234. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 402. 235. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 473; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, pp. 179-182; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 348-9; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 216-218; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 479-480; Qurrah, pp. 193-194; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 126-127; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 169. 236. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 475; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 188; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1139; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 220; alDāmaghānī. Qāmūs, p. 355. Ibn al-Jawzī uses the term al-ilzam (duty, obligation) as the meaning of al-fard. in the above verse, see Nuzhah, p. 468. Ibn Qutaybah includes in this category of meaning the following verse: “.... It is an injunction from Allah..." (Q. 4:11, Pickthall), whereas according to alDāmaghānī and Tiflīsī, the term farīd.ah here means farīd.ah itself, namely, religious duty. See Ta’wīl, p. 475; Qāmūs, 356; and Wujūh, p. 221. 237. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 475; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 188; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 355; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 220; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 468; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2373. 238 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 271 239. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 475; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 12, p. 158; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 244; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 376. 240. See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 63; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 124; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 7, p. 302 and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, pp. 2373-2374. 241. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 475-476; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 189; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 112; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 356; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 221; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 468. The term farad.a in the verse could also mean the injunction to follow the contents of the Qur’ān, see Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 476; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1068; alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 269; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 376.
394 242. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 476; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 188; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 355; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 220; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 468. Al-T.abarsī's interpretation on this verse is that Allah allowed or enjoined the Prophet to marry the divorced wife of his adopted son; see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 361. A similar view is that of al-Zamakhsharī, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1133. 243. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 477; and idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 35. 244. Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 94; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 166; and Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 282. 245. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 477-478; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 178; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 414; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 553; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 93-4; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 167; and Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 282. 246. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 478; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 177; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 93; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 166; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 281-282. 247 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 536. 248. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 479; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 245; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 136; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1414. 249 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 313. 250 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 95. 251. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 479; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 245. 252 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 138. For further details, see Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, pp. 234-235. 253. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 479; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 244. 254. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 481; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 303; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 488; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 645; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 218. It is also the interpretation given by Tiflīsī, al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn Fāris, see Wujūh, p. 41; Qāmūs, p. 47; and Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 135. 255. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 481; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 108;
395 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 41; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 47. 256. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1486; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 291. 257. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 481; and Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, pp. 108-109. 258. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 481-482, and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 47-48. 259 For further details, see Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, pp. 512-513; alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 680; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 268. 260. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 338; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 290; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 180-1. Ibn al-Jawzī makes the distinction between d.urr and d.arr; the former is used for misfortune, the latter for the opposite of benefit as in the above example; see Nuzhah, p. 403. 261. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 289; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 179. It includes sickness according to al-Zamakhsharī and alT.abarsī, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 397; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 281. 262. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483. Al-Dāmaghānī cites Q. 6:42 as an example, see Qāmūs, p. 289; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 404. Like in the previous verse, al-T.abarsī and Ibn Kathīr interprets d.arrā’ in this verse as shiddah and balā’, including drought; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 101. Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr. vol. 2, p. 427. Pickthall translates it as "adversity". 263. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 289; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 180; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 427; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 404. 264. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 289; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 180; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 404. 265. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 483; al-Dāmaghānī and Tiflīsī mention Q. 3:144 and 4:113 as examples, see Qāmūs, p. 289; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 180; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 405. 266. Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 290; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 404-
396 405. Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 674; and al-T.abarsī Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 260. 268. See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 69; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, p. 233. 269. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 484; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 124; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 71; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 239. 270 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qurān, p. 57; and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 90. 271. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 484; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol.2, p. 395; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 370; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 437; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 123; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 71; and Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 239. 272 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 209. 273 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 45; and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, pp. 98 and 101. 274 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 210. 275. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 484; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 155; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 124; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 72; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 239. 276. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 485; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, p. 462. 267
277. Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 213; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 117; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 322; idem, Qurrah, p. 132; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 128. 278. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 486; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, pp. 782-783; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 437. See also Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 65. 279. See M. Asad, The Message, p. 432, n. 101. 280. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 486; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 284; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 360; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 304; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 116; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 323; idem, Qurrah, p. 132; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 2, p. 454; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 128; and Lane,
397 Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 1180; al-Dāmaghānī cites Q. 2:253 which is also mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, see Qāmūs, p. 212; and Ta’wīl, p. 486. 281. Ibn Qutaybah cites also Q. 17:85 as an example, see Ta’wīl, p. 486; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, pp. 496-497; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 116; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 212; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 323; and idem, Qurrah, p. 132. 282 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, pp. 186-187; see also al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 30, pp. 15-16; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 427; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1573; and M. Asad, The Message, p. 924. 283 Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 128. 284. See Carlile H. Macartney, ed., Dīwān Shi‘r Dhī ’l-Rummah (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1919), p. 176; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, p. 460; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 205. 285. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 487; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 117; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 323; idem, Qurrah, p. 133. 286 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 892; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 62. 287. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 487. 288 Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1274, Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 116; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 212. Ibn al-Jawzī cites Q. 16:2 as the example of rūh. meaning wah.y; see Nuzhah, p. 323; and idem, Qurrah, p. 132. 289. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 6; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 517. 290. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 487; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 212; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 116; Ibn al-Jawzī, Qurrah, p. 133; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 128. 291. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 255. 292. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 488; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 253; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 131; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 323-324; idem, Qurrah, p. 133; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 128. 293
Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1337.
398 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 228. 295. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 323; idem, Qurrah, p. 133; al-Suyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 2, p. 127; and idem, al-Mu‘tarak, vol.2, p. 122. 296 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 145. 294
297. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 127. 298. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 487. 299. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 16, p. 54. According to al-T.abarsī, Qatādah's and al-Suddī's interpretation of rūh. in this verse is respectively the Qur’ān and the Holy Spirit (Gabriel), see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 37. 300. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489; 301 Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 379. 302 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, pp. 85-86. 303. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 621; and idem, Qurrah, p. 237. 304. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 119; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 622; idem, Qurrah, p. 237; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 505; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 380; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 305-306. This is the view of Qatādah, al-Kalbī and Ibn Munabbih. The other view is that of Mujāhid and ‘Ikrimah, that the term awh.á in this verse means respectively, "wrote on the ground", and "wrote in a scroll", see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 85. 305 Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, p. 85. 306 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489. 307. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 325; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 119; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 263; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 306; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 622; and idem, Qurrah, p. 237. 308 Al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 516. 309
Abū Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 182; and al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 390.
399 310. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 489; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 26; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 306; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 622; and idem, Qurrah, p. 238. 311. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 490; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 423; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 306; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 515; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 622; and idem, Qurrah, p. 238. 312 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 385. 313.Ibn Kathir, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 577. 314 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 490; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 306; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 622; and idem, Qurrah, p. 238. It is noteworthy that Ibn al-Jawzī and Tiflīsī, give us respectively seven and ten meanings of the term wah.y. 315. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 526; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 283. 316. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 491; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 244; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 220; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 353. 317. Ibn Qutaybah Ta’wīl, p. 491; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 243; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 109; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 219-220; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 353; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2361. 318. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 491; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 410; alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 266; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 219; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 352-353; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2361. 319 Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 410. 320. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 492; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 250; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 580; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 215; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 462; and idem, Qurrah, p. 186. 321 Al-Zamakhsharī al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1268. 322. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 492; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 250; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 215; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 463; idem, Qurrah, p. 186; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 347. "Conquest and victory over the enemies ( )
" is the meaning of the above verse according to al-T.abarsī's interpretation,
400 see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 127. 323. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 492; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 249; Tiflīsī, Wujūh. p. 215; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 347; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 462; and idem, Qurrah, p. 186. 324 Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 149; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 546; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 390. 325 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 215; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 347. 326. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 494; Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī mention h.asan (good) as the translation of the term karīm in the above verse, see Wujūh, p. 250; and Qāmūs, p. 403. 327. See Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 38. This is also the interpretation rendered by Ibn al-Jawzī, see Nuzhah, p. 522. 328. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 494, and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 522. 329 Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 224. 330. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 494 and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 250. Here Ibn alJawzī is quoting Ibn Qutaybah, see Nuzhah, p. 522; 331. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 495; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 37; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 522; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 250. 332 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 250, and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 403. 333. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 496; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 284; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 610. Ibn al-Jawzī and Tiflīsī cite Q. 14:24 as the example of the term mathal meaning shabah. See Qurrah, p. 216; and Wujūh, p. 264. 334. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 496; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 254; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 52; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 612; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 428; Ibn al-Jawzī, Qurrah, p. 216; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 265. This is the interpretation of Mujāhid; see Ibn Kathir, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 141. 335. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 496; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 296; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, p. 611; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 428-9; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Qurrah, p. 217.
401 336
Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 189. 337 Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 60. 338. According to Ibn al-Jawzī the basic meaning of d.arb is striking with something like a whip, see Qurrah, p. 163. 339. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 397; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 179; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 401-402; and idem, Qurrah, p. 164. Al-Dāmaghānī cites Q. 8:12 as an example see Qāmūs, p. 288; see also Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 1778. 340. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 497; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 382; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 288; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 178; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 3, p. 398; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 401; and idem, Qurrah, p. 163. 341. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 497. 342 Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 402; idem, Qurrah, p. 164; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 179; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 288; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 375. 343 Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 288; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 179. For other meanings of d.arb, see al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 619. 344. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 498 and 340; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 123. According to Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Dāmaghānī the meaning of azwāj in Q. 4:12 and Q. 2:25 is "wives". See Qurrah, p. 140; and Qāmūs, p. 219. 345. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 498; idem, Tafsīr, p. 365; idem, Mukhtalif al-H.adīth, p. 16; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1190; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 424; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 123; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 337; idem, Qurrah, p. 140; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 219-220. 346. For another example, see Q. 81:7. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 498; idem, Tafsīr, p. 370; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 220; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 123; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, p. 336; and idem, Qurrah, pp. 139-140. 347. See al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 23:31. Al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 441. 349. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 339-340; idem, Tafsīr, p. 162; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 641; Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 373 (no. 281); al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 8, p. 48; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, p. 113; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 2, p. 291. 348
402 350 351
Al- Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 430. Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, pp. 1266-1267, and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 2,
p. 35. 352. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 499; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 108; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 319; idem, Qurrah, p. 128; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 188. 353. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 499; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 45; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 320; idem, Qurrah, pp. 128-129; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 108; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 188. 354. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 499; and idem, Tafsīr, p. 128. 355 Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 108; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 189, al-Zamakhsharī al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 293; and al-Zamakhsharī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 53. Among the examples of meaning "have not you been informed" given by al-Dāmaghānī, Tiflīsī and Ibn al-Jawzī are Q. 2:258 and Q. 105:1, see alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 189; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 108-109; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 320-321; and idem, Qurrah, p. 130. 356. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 320 and idem, Qurrah, p. 129. 357 S.I. Hayakawa, Choose the Right Word: A Modern Guide to Synonyms (New York: Harper & Row, 1968), p. 610. 358 For further details, see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 5, pp. 246-247 and 263-264; and al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar, vol. 1, pp. 402-403 and 408-409; see also Asad, The Message, p. 113, n. 66. 359. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 500; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 285; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 455; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 580; and idem, Qurrah, p. 226. 360. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 500; idem, Tafsīr, p. 283; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 193; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 285; al-Dāmaghānī. Qāmūs, pp. 454455; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 379-380; idem, Qurrah, p. 226; and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, pp. 422-423. Al-Zamakhsharī also mentions "forget" as the other meaning of nasiya in this verse, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 868. 361. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 32. 362. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 501; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 69; alRāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 281; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 508; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 391; idem, Qurrah, p. 160; and Tiflisi, Wujūh, p.
403 169. Al-Dāmaghānī, mentions the meaning as (death at the appointed time without being punishment), see Qāmūs, p. 281, whereas Ibn Fāris renders the meaning of s.a‘iqa in the above verse as "death caused by lightning", see Maqāyīs, vol. 3, pp. 285-286. Lane mentions several meanings, namely, "shall die", "shall fall down dead" or "in a swoon", or "shall lose their reason"; see Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1690. According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning “death” is the language of Ghassān, see Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 38, and in the language of Oman, see Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, P. 46. 363. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 501; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 392; idem, Qurrah, p. 160; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 169; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 281; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 280. Al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī interpret s.ā‘iqah respectively as "a severe punishment like a thunderbolt" and "a punishment like that inflicted on ‘Ād and Thamūd", see al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1293, and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 7. 364. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 501; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 392; idem, Qurrah, p. 160; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 170; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 281; and alRāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 281. 365. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 392; idem, Qurrah, p. 160; and alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 475. Al-Dāmaghānī uses Q. 2:55-56 as the example of the term s.ā‘iqah meaning "death from punishment other than the appointed time, and the person concerned returns to the world", namely, "unconsciousness", see Qāmūs, p. 280. 366. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 475. 367. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 502. 368. Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 12. Both al-Zamakhsharī and mention akhraja ("take out") as the meaning of akhadha in this verse, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 489; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 497. 369. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 502; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 20; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 10; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 133. 370. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 502 and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 28. According to al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī and Tiflīsī, the meaning of the term in this verse is "arrest" only, not "taking a prisoner", see Qāmūs, p. 21, Nuzhah, p.
404 133, and Wujūh, p. 11. Ibn Kathīr mentions the meaning of khudh in the above verse as baddil (exchange), see Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 504. 371. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 503; al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī and Tiflīsī use the meaning ‘adhāb (punishment, torture) instead of ta‘dhīb for the term akhdh in the above verse, see Qāmūs, p. 21, Nuzhah, p. 134; and Wujūh, p. 11. 372. Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 21; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 134; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 11. See also al-T.abarsī, Maj ma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 514 and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 77. 373 Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 30. 374. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 504; idem, Tafsīr, p. 33; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 345. Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī mention mulk only as the meaning of the term, see Wujūh, pp. 133-134 and Qāmūs, p. 243, 375. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 504; idem, Tafsīr, p. 33; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 83; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1276; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 519; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 133; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 242243.; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 345. 376. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 505; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 185. Tiflīsī suggests (drought and hardship) as the meaning of in the above verse. Al-Dāmaghānī mentions different verses, namely Q. 7:94 and 2:14, in which , according to him, means (poverty and hardship); see Qāmūs, 62. 377. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 505; and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 184. Ibn Kathīr, Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī mention ‘adhāb as the meaning of the term in the above verse, see Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 97; Wujūh, p. 42 ; and Qāmūs, p. 62. Lane mentions both "punishment" and "severe punishment" as the meaning of the term ba’s; see Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 146. 378. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 505; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 146. Ibn al-Jawzī mentions al-shiddah fī ’l-qitāl, whereas Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī simply suggest al-qitāl (the fighting) as the meaning of the term in the above verse; see Wujūh, p. 42; and Qāmūs, p. 62. 379. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 507; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 2, pp. 799-800; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 2, pp. 213-214; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p.
405 157; and Zuhayr, Dīwān, p. 29 in which it is written instead of . What the poet means, according to Ibn Manz.ūr, is as follows: "If you consider doing something you execute and accomplish it, while others consider but they do not execute it, because they do not have a firm decision, while you are firm in your decision." See Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 10, p. 87. 380. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 506 and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 10. p. 88. 381
Lane, Lexicon, pt. 2, p. 800. 382. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 506; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 198; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 10, p. 88; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 91; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 284; idem, Qurrah, p. 107; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 163. 383. Al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 19. p. 60, and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, pp. 125-126. See also al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1004. 384. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 281; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 355. 385. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 506; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 119; alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 262; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 91; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 284; idem, Qurrah, p. 108; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 163. 386. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 507; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 10, p. 85. Ibn al-Jawzī uses the term al-ījād (making, bringing into being) here, see Nuzhah, p. 284; and Qurrah, p. 107. Quoting Q. 32:4 and 23:12, al-Dāmaghānī and Tiflīsī give the example in the Qur’ān in which al-khalq means al-khalq fī ’l-dunyā (creation in the world); see Qāmūs, p. 164; and Wujūh, p. 90. 387. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 507; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1094; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 10, p. 85; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 90; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 285; and idem, Qurrah, p. 108. 388. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, p. 31; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 303; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 2, p. 801. 389. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 14, p. 31. There are two h.adīths in which the Prophet prohibited castrating domestic animals: one on the authority of Ibn ‘Abbās, and the other, on the authority of Ibn ‘Umar. For further details, see
406 ibid., vol. 5, pp. 390-1. 390. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, p. 227. 391. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 111; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 318; idem, Qurrah, p. 127; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 197. 392. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1508; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 1048. 393. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 111; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 318; idem, Qurrah, p. 127; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 196. 394 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508. 395. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 419; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 575. 396. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 111; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 318; idem, Qurrah, p. 128; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 197; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 190; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, p. 227; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 1047. Both interpretations are also mentioned by Ibn Fāris, see Maqāyīs, vol. 2, p. 494. 397. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 517; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 169; and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 130. 398. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 508; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 796; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, p. 227; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 112; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 319; idem, Qurrah, p. 128; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 197; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 190; al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 134 and vol. 13, p. 563; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 1048. According to Ibn ‘Abbās the term meaning
is the language of Hudhayl, see Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 54.
399. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 460; and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 398. 400 Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 54. 401. Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 111; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 318; idem, Qurrah, p. 128; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 197; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 190; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 3, p. 1049.
407 402. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 509; idem, Tafsīr, p. 330; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 246; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 349; idem, Qurrah, p. 143; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 130; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 238; and al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 228. 403. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 509; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 309; Tiflīsī, Wujūh. p. 130; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 237; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1366. 404. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 452; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, pp. 16-17; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 171; and Ibn Qutaybah, Tafsīr, p. 373 405. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 510; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 310; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 553; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 501; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 350; idem, Qurrah, p. 143; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 130; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 237. 406. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 510, and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 4, p. 1366. Tiflīsī and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī use the word jahd (exertion, effort) instead of jidd for the meaning of sa‘y in the above verse, whereas al-T.abarsī uses both words; see Wujūh, p. 130, al-Mufradāt, p. 233; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 377. Yah.yá ibn Sallām and al-Dāmaghānī keep the meaning ‘amal for the term sa‘y in the above verse, while Abū ‘Ubaydah mentions "disbelieving", see alTas.ārīf, p. 310; Qāmūs, p. 237; and Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 142. 407. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 510; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 349; and idem, Qurrah, p. 143. 408. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 511; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 282; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 553-554; idem, Qurrah, p. 218; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 266. For al-Dāmaghānī, the meaning of the term in the above verse is al-h.arā’ir (free women), see Qāmūs, p. 135. 409. See Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 260; and Jāmi‘, vol. 5, pp. 2-7. 410. See Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 2, p. 69. 411. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 511; idem, Mukhtalif al-H.adīth, p. 193; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 1, p. 486; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 34; Ibn al-
408 Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 553; idem, Qurrah, p. 218; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 266; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 134-135. 412. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 511; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 126; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 553; idem, Qurrah, p. 217; and al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 288. Instead of Q. 24:4 above, al-Dāmaghānī and Tiflīsī cite the verse (chaste not debauched) in Q. 4:25, see Qāmūs, p. 135; and Wujūh, p. 266. 413. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512. Al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī give al-balāgh (reaching the end) as the meaning of matā‘ in this verse, although Ibn al-Jawzī also mentions Ibn Qutaybah's interpretation; see Qāmūs, p. 427, and Nuzhah, pp. 558-559. 414. See Tafsīr Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 46. This is also the meaning given by al-Qurt.ubī, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 321. 415. See al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 70; Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 87; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 263. 416. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, 553; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 461; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 287. Al-Dāmaghānī and Tiflīsī specify the "useful substances", namely, minerals, such as gold, iron, and brass as the meaning of matā‘ in the above verse, see Qāmūs, p. 428 and Wujūh, p. 264. 417. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 249; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 947; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 427; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 263; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 8, p. 332; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 293, and Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 559. Al-T.abarsī's inter-pretation of matā‘ here is istimtā‘ (enjoyment), see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 136. 418. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 345. 419. See al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 428; al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, alMufradāt, p. 461; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 263; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 559; and alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, pp. 163-164. 420. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 72; and al-
409 Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 128. Ibn Kathīr, Al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī and Ibn al-Jawzī interpret al-kāfī (sufficient) for the meaning of h.isāb in the above verse, see Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 496; al-Mufradāt, pp. 116-117; Nuzhah, p. 251; and Qurrah, p. 95. Ibn Manz.ūr interprets the meaning of as "an abundant and sufficient gift"; the expression Hudhayl tribe the expression
means "something sufficient"; in the language of the means "a large group (
) of
people came to me". See Lisān, vol. 1, p. 313, s.v. . Besides "sufficient" Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-Zamakhsharī mention another meaning of h.isāb in the above verse, namely, "recompense" and "based on the reckoning of their deeds" ( ) respectively; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 283; and al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1572. Qatādah's interpretation of h.isāb here is "abundant", whereas that of Mujāhid is "recompense", see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 30, p. 14. 421. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 512; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 72; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 128; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 251; and Qurrah, p. 94. 422. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 513; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 251; and idem, Qurrah, p. 94. Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī give different meanings of h.isāban in the above verse, namely, ا (easy number) and (easy presentation) respectively, see Wujūh, p. 72; and Qāmūs, p. 129. 423. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 514; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 233; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 31; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40. Al-Zamakhsharī and al-T.abarsī also give the similar meaning; see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 450; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 428. 424. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 514; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 231; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 926; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 109; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 30-31; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 173; idem, Qurrah, p. 62; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 38-39. 425. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 514; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 231; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 33; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 173; idem, Qurrah, p. 62; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 39. They disputed among themselves concerning the
410 resurrection, whether it will be the soul only or body and soul; another interpretation is that they disputed among themselves concerning the length of time the people of the cave had spent in their cave and what to do with them. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 794, and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 490. 426. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 514; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 232; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 31; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 173; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 39. According to Ibn ‘Abbās and al-H.asan qud.iya ’l-amr means "the matter has been decided and the companions of Heaven and Hell enter their respective place". See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 311. 427. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 514; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 233; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 31; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40; and al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, al-Mufradāt, p. 25. 428. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 348 and Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 581. 429. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 514-515; Ibn Kathīr, Tiflīsī and Ibn alJawzī give exclusively “death” for the meaning of amr in the above verse, see Tafsīr, vol. 4, p. 331; Wujūh, p. 31; Qurrah, p. 64; and Nuzhah, p. 174. Other interpretations of amr Allāh in this verse are: "the punishment of disbelievers in Hell", and "Allah's assisting His religion and Prophet" and "conquering the disbelievers"; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 237. 430. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 515; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 233; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 31; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 64; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40. 431. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 515; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 234; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 31-32; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 175; idem, Qurrah, p. 64; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40. Al-T.abarsī mentions kufr as the meaning of amr in this verse, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 309. 432. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 515; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 31. Ibn al-Jawzī and al-Dāmaghānī mention the meaning of amr as sha’n (affair, case), see Qurrah, p. 64, and Qāmūs, p. 41, whereas in Nuzhah Ibn al-Jawzī mentions (affair
411 and condition), see Nuzhah, p. 175. 433. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 232; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 39; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 32. It is said that the term amr in verse 42 indicates the victory of Muslims in the battle of Badr, whereas in verse 44 it indicates the continuation of victory; however, it is also said that the repetition of amr is for emphasis; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 2, p. 547. 434. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 232; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 32. 435. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 534, and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 16. 436. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, pp. 2322-2323; al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 1, p. 97; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 174; idem, Qurrah, p. 63; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 39; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 32. This interpretation is that of Ibn ‘Abbās; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 185. 437. Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 242; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 1, p. 523; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 175; idem, Qurrah, p. 64; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 41; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 32. 438. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 175; and idem, Qurrah, p. 65. The expression could be expressed by the nobles among themselves, by them to the Pharaoh, or by him to them; see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 461. 439. Al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 546; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 3, p. 37; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 175, and idem, Qurrah, p. 65. 440. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 175; idem, Qurrah, p. 65; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 41. Al-T.abarsī does not interpret amr here as "drowning" but as "punishment"; see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 164. 441. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 176; idem, Qurrah, p. 65; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 40. 442. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 176; idem, Qurrah, p. 65; and alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 41.
412 443. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 405; and al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 10, pp. 232-233. 444. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 519; idem, Tafsīr, p. 471; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 117; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 309; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 161; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 223-224; and al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 243. 445. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 519. Al-Qurt.ubī mentions four variant readings of ka’ayyin based on dialects: (1) is originally ٍ
which is the reading of Ibn Kathīr; it
with the transformation of letter yā’ into alif; (2)
the drop of the alif in
which is the reading of Ibn Muh.ays.in; (3)
which is which is
also the reading of Ibn Muh.ays.in; (4) which is the original reading. Apart from these four variant readings, al-Qurt.ubī also mentions another but unidentified reading, namely,
. See al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, pp. 228-229.
446. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 520. This is also the view of al-Zarkashī, see al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 331-332. 447. See al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 65; and Ma‘ānī al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 23. According to al-Suyūt.ī, quoting al-Rāghib al-As.bahānī, the particle kayfa in the above verse means tawbīkh (reproach), see al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 224-225; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 2, p. 196. Al-T.abarsī mentions both tawbikh and ta‘ajjub with his explanation, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 70. 448. Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 159-160. 449. See al-Zarkashi, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 331. 450. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 521. C. Macartney (ed.), Dīwān, p. 248. Ibn Qutaybah does not give an example from the Qur’ān, because, as stated by alSuyūt.ī, there is no sawā’ in the Qur’ān meaning "except", see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 199. 451. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 521; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 20; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 857; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 14. This is one of the four interpretations of makānan suwan given by A.Y. Ali. The other three are: (1) "a place equaly convenient to both
413 sides"; (2) "an open level plain, where the people can collect with ease"; and (3) "a place where both sides shall have even chances", namely, "a fair place" as Palmer translates it. Although he states that all these four interpretatiosns are possible meanings, he adopts the last which he considers more comprehensive and includes the others. See A.Y. Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 801, n. 2582. According to Ibn Fāris makānan suwan means "a place where people know how to reach it and get out of it "; see Maqāyīs, vol. 3, p. 112. Makānan suwan is the reading of Ibn ‘Āmir, ‘Āsim and H.amzah, whereas Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū ‘Amr and al-Kisā’ī read it as makānan siwan; see Ibn Mujāhid, al-Sab‘ah, p. 418. 452. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 522; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, pp. 98-99; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 732; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 3, p. 355. See also al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 242; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 135. 453. Al-Suyūt.ī, al -tqān, vol. 2, p. 182. 454. Ibid, pp. 181-182 and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 619. 455. Al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 468; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 523-524. Here Ibn Qutaybah is quoting al-Farrā’ extensively. 456. Al-Suyūt.ī also says that there is a discrepancy on the function of the definite article al in the term al-ān; some say that it is to indicate the present, others say it is only additional. See al-Itqān vol. 2, p. 161. It is noteworthy that alān was originally a noun, according to the grammarians of Bas.rah, whereas according to those of Kūfah, it was originally a verb. See Muh.ammad al-T.antawī, Nash’at al-Nah.w, p. 163. 457. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 525; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 142; alTha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 242; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 249; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 54; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 175; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 611. Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 198. Instead of "how", Ibn alJawzī suggests matá ("when") as the meaning of anná in the above verse, see Qurrah, p. 38. 458. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 525; and al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 429. As examples, Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-Suyūt.ī use the verse Q. 3:37, while al-
414 Dāmaghānī uses Q. 5:75; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 91; al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 175; and Qāmūs, p. 54. According to Ibn Fāris and al-T.abarsī, besides "wherefrom" and "whence", "how" is also the meaning of anná in the above verse, see al-S.āh.ibī, p. 142; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 343. 459. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 321; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 144; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 525; Ibn al-Jawzī, Qurrah, p. 39; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 175. 460. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 321; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 175; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 120. 461. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 526, and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 112. An unidentified shaykh from Bas.rah said to al-Farrā’ that he had heard a woman asking her husband the following question: ("Where is your son, woe unto you?"), and her husband answered:
meaning
("Don't you see him behind the house?"), see al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’lQur’ān, vol. 2, p. 312. 462. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 526. According to Qatādah, reported by alT.abarī, there are two meanings of wayka’anna, namely, and , as mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah above, see al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 20, p. 77. 463. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 527. 464. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 258; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 449. For further details on the term wayka’anna see al-Farrā, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, pp. 312-313; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, pp. 1067-8; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 268; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, pp. 318-319; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, pp. 418-419. 465. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 528, and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 13, p. 33 (s.v. )انن. Ibn Qutaybah does not mention examples from the Qur’ān which are Q. 27:42 and 10:12. For further details, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 217-218; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 161-162. 466. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 529; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2,
415 p. 397. According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning agrees with that in the Coptic language, see Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 63, or Nabatean language, see Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 240 and n. 3. 467. Ibid., p. 530. 468. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 531. The purpose of this additional tā’ is to balance the meter of the poem. 469. Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 176; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 468, s.v. الت. For further details, see al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1223; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 230-231. 470. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 532. 471. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 532; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 250. The term mah is an expression indicating reproach and prevention from talking or acting on the part of the listener; see Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 174. For more details on mahmā see al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, 470; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 467. 472. Similarly, mā means man in Q. 91:5 and 6; see Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, pp. 30-31; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 533; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 567; idem, Qurrah, p. 221; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 171. 473. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 533; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 261. Instead of Q. 92:3 above, Ibn al-Jawzī mentions Q. 2:159 as an example; see Nuzhah, p. 567; and Qurrah, p. 221. 474. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 5-11. Moreover, the reading of Ibn Mas‘ūd says al-ladhī instead of mā, see al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1612. 475. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 533; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 567; and alQurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 30, p. 140. Al-Tha‘ālibī mentions a variant expression of the people of Makkah when they heard the thunder, namely, Subh.āna mā sabbah.at lahu ’l-ra‘d ("Glory to Whom the thunder has glorified"). Instead of al-ladhī, he interprets man as the meaning of mā in the above expression; see Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 244. On hearing the thunder the Prophet used to say Subh.āna man yusabbih.u alra‘du bih.amdih ("Glory to Whom the thunder is glorifying with its praising"),
416 whereas ‘Alī and Ibn ‘Abbās said respectively Subh.āna man sabbah.ta lahu and Subh.āna ’l-ladhī sabbah.ta lahu which have the same meaning; see alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 686; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 283. 476. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 533; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 270. Al-T.abarī mentions the two meanings of mā in the above verse, namely, man and mā mas.darīyah, see Jāmi‘, vol. 30, p. 140. Pickthall follows the first, while A.Y. Ali follows the second in their respective translations. Asad follows the second, but says in the footnote that literally it means the first. 477. Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 195-197. However, according to alZamakhsharī, the function of ma in the above verse is for emphasis, as it means h.aqqan ("truly") and al-bāttah ("definitely"), see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 61. 478. For further details, see Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 195-197; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 260-262; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 565-567; idem, Qurrah, pp. 220221; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 171-2; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 242-244. 479. Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 261. 480. A.Y. Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 1688. 481. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1579; al-Zarkashī, alBurhān, vol. 4, p. 404; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 243. 482. M.M. Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, p. 686. 483. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 237; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 438. 484. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 566; and idem, Qurrah, p. 221. 485. See H. Moch. Anwar, Tarjamah Matan Alfiyah [Ibn Mālik] (N.p.: Pt. Alma‘arif, 1981), p. 94. 486. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 534; and al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 2, p. 11. Lane translates in the above verse as "and they were not near to doing (it)"; see Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2636. 487. According to al-Qurt.ubī, kāda can be followed by an in Arabic language except in the Qur’ān, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 222.
417 488. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 534; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 446; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 2, p. 2636; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 342. According to alQurt.ubī, kāda without an in the above poem would be better, because an indicates the future, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 1, p. 222. Ibn Mālik asserts that kāda should not be followed by an, although it does occur rarely, see Anwar, Matan Alfiyyah, pp. 9495. 489. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 534-535. See also Macartney, ed., Shi‘r Dhī ’l-Rummah, p. 392. 490. See al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 2, p. 11. 491. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 215; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 382, s.v. 492. See Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 145. 493. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 779 and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 431. Al-Suyūt.ī quotes the view of Ibn ‘Abbās who says that every kāda, akādu, or yakādu in the Qur’ān means the action does not take place. See al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 215-216. 494. I am choosing Rodwell's translation of the verse in question, as it agrees with al-Suyūt.ī's interpretation; see J.M. Rodwell, The Koran (London: J.M. Dent & Son Ltd, 1976), p. 447. Asad and ‘Ali translate it as "he can hardly see it", whereas Dawood and Pickthall translate it as "he can scarcely see it" and "he scarce can see it" respectively. 495. This is also the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-Zamakhsharī; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 67, and al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 955. Al-Farrā’ and alT.abarsī mention two views: the first is similar to that of Abū ‘Ubaydah and alZamakhsharī above; the second is that the verse in question means "he sees it tardily" according to al-Farrā’, and "with difficulty" according to al-T.abarsī; see al-Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 255, and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 146. It is like the expression “he hardly (scarcely, or tardily) rose" when one has risen after difficulty; see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2636. 496. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 215.
418 497. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 216; al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 2, p. 12; and Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 97. See also Lane, Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2636. 498. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 216. For further details on kāda, see al-Murtad.á, al-Amālī, vol. 2, pp. 11-14; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 7, p. 2636; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, pp. 382-385 (s.v. and ). 499. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 536. See also al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 185-186. 500. Al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 242. See also Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 145-146; and al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 637-638. For further details on bal see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, pp. 242-244. 501. It is, as stated by Ibn al-Anbārī, a question of what is unknown to the questioner in order to know and remove doubt, for example, ("Did ‘Abd Allah stand up?" See al-Ad.dād, p. 191. 502. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 538; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 302; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 623; idem, Qurrah, p. 239; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 477. 503. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 538; idem, Tafsīr, p. 502; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 279; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, pp. 118119; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 213; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 4, p. 1558; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 406; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 433; Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 191-192; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 301-302; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 624; idem, Qurrah, p. 239; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 476; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 253. 504. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 538-539; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 387; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 433; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 301; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, 624; idem, Qurrah, p. 240; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 476; alSuyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 254; and Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 193. 505. This is one of the meanings of alā. Its other meanings are: (1) interjection to emphasise the statement, such as "behold", "verily", as in “Behold, they are indeed the foolish..." (Q. 2:13); (2) interjection
419 indicating alertness, such as "oh", as in
"( أOh, you who are waking up,
stand up!"); and (3) interjection indicating strong demand, as in "Hey, will you repent and stop doing transgression?", see al-Munjid, p. 15 (s.v. )اال. 506. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah. p. 625; idem, Qurrah. p. 240; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 476; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 302. 507. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 625; and idem, Qurrah, p. 241. Al-T.abarsī mentions three interpretations of the above verse, as follows: (1) It indicates the vastness of Hell, that if it were asked whether it is already full, if it could talk, it would answer that it is not yet full and is still vast enough for more people to enter; (2) Allah creates a means with which Hell will answer when it is asked by Allah; and (3) The question is addressed to the keepers of Hell; they answer that it is already full, to indicate Allah's promise to fill it. See Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, pp. 147-148. 508. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 540; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 301; al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 243; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 163; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 141; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 532; and idem, Qurrah, p. 209. According to Ibn ‘Abbās, the word meaning is the language of the Quraysh, as in Q. 24:13, see Ibn ‘Abbās, Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 58, and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qabā’il, p. 206. 509. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 541; idem, Tafsīr, p. 235; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 346; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 716; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 163. According to al-Tha‘ālibī, mā in law mā is either additional or s.ilah, see Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 243. 510. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 541; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 533; idem, Qurrah, p. 209; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 239-240. Ibn Fāris mentions two meanings of law lā in the above verse, hallā and lam, see al-S.āh.ibī, p. 164. 511. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 541; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 533; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 164. The jumhūr of the commentators, however, do not agree with this interpretation. They say that law lā in the above verse indicates reproach for disbelieving before the coming of punishment. This is supported by Ubayy's
420 variant reading fahallā instead of falaw lā in the above verse; see al-S.uyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 2, p. 240. Al-Zamakhsharī mentions hallā as the interpretation of law lā, whereas al-T.abarsī mentions both lam and hallā; see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 598; and Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 134. 512. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 542; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1226; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 234. Instead of the above verse, Yah.yá ibn Sallām, Tiflīsī and al-Dāmaghānī give other examples, among which is Q. 62:3. Al-Tha‘ālibī and Ibn Fāris assert that lammā means lam only if it indicates the future, as in the above example; see Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 243; and al-S.āh.ibī, p. 164. 513. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 542; al-Qayrawānī, I‘rāb al-Qur’ān, pt. 2, p. 756; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 143; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 422; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 235. Ibn Qutaybah mentions a variant reading of lammā, which is lamā. The word lamā is the combination of la (which acts as emphasis) and mā which is s.ilah that can be dropped. The above verse, then, based on this reading means "Verily, all of them are a provision of the life of the world." We notice here that in is light inna (meaning "verily"). See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 542; see also Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 46; and alZamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1326. 514. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 542; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 143; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 422; and Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 257. Al-Tha‘ālibī and Ibn Fāris assert that lammā can mean h.īna only if it indicates the past, see Fiqh alLughah, p. 243 and al-S.āh.ibī, p. 165. Al-Suyūt.ī states that apart from the occurrence in the past, there should also be two clauses, the validity of one depends on the other, as in "... but when He brought you safe to land, ye turned away, ..." (Q. 17:67), see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 234. 515. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 543. Ibn Qutaybah does not mention any example from the Qur’ān, such as "They will answer: ‘We have spent there a day, or part of a day;..’" (Q. 23:113, Asad). See alSuyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 612. Ibn Fāris explains the distinction between the
421 expression ("Is Zayd with you or Bakr?"), and “Is Zayd with you or [rather] ‘Amr?". In the first expression the questioner is in doubt whether one of the two persons is with us; the answer will be yes or no. In the second expression the questioner knows that one of the two persons is with us, but he wonders whether it is Zayd or ‘Amr; the answer will be one of the two, Zayd or ‘Amr. See al-S.āh.ibī, p. 127. 516. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 543; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 127; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 259; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 1209; idem, Qurrah, p. 41; alDāmaghānī cites Q. 5:89 as an example, see Qāmūs, p. 56. 517. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 543; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 222; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 415; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 38-39; alDāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 56; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 109-10; idem, Qurrah, p. 42; Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 258; and al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 241, citing Q. 76:24 as an example. 518. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 362. 519. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 543-544; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz alQur’ān, vol. 2, p. 175; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 239;Yah.yá ibn Sallām, al-Tas.ārīf, p. 258; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 14, p. 54; al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 241; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, vol. 2, p. 241; and al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 56; Ibn al-Jawzī cites the view of Abū Zakariyyā who says that the function of aw in this verse is to indicate obscurity ( ), see Nuzhah, p. 110. It means that the exact number is known by Allah, but He made it secret when He added aw yazīdūn (or more), see Qurrah, p. 42. Ibn Fāris mentions three interpretations of aw in the above verse: wa, bal, and ibāh.ah (permission), namely, if someone says that the number is one hundred thousand, he is right, and if the other says even more than that, he is also right, see al-S.āh.ibī, p. 127. Al-T.abarsī mentions four meanings, namely, al-ibhām, al-takhyīr, wa, and bal. For further details, see Majma‘ alBayān, vol. 4, p. 459. According to Ibn ‘Abbās the meaning of aw in the above verses is bal in the language of Kindah tribe, see Gharīb al-Qur’ān, p. 62 and Abū ‘Ubayd ibn Sallām, Lughāt al-Qaba’il, p. 238. 520. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 543-544 and idem, Tafsīr, p. 375. It is also
422 the view of Abū ‘Ubaydah, that the particle aw in this poem means wa, see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 148. 521. See Muh.ammad al-T.ant.āwī, Nash’at al-Nah.w, p. 163. 522. See Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 128. 523. See ibid., pp. 128-129. For more details, see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 209-214. 524. See ibid., pp. 127-128. 525. According to Ibn Fāris, aw in this poem means illā an, so that it means "unless we die", instead of "till we die". See ibid., p. 128. 526. See Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 241. For more details on aw, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 175-178; idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 612-614; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 54-55; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, pp. 122-123. 527. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 546; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 105; and idem, Qurrah, p. 37. Al-Dāmaghānī cites this verse saying that am in this verse means istifhām (question), see Qāmūs, p. 37. 528. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 546; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 130; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 105-106; and idem, Qurrah, p. 38. This is the view of Sībawayh, according to al-Tha‘ālibī, citing Q. 2:108 as an example, see Fiqh al-Lughah, p.241. Al-T.abarsī inteprets am in this verse as bal, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 2, p. 61. 529. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 546-547. According to Abū ‘Ubaydah, however, am in this verse is synonymous with the conjunctions wa and bal; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 130. 530. Al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, pp. 240-241; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 233; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 167. Ibn Fāris refers to the view of al-Farrā’ who says that the Arabs put bal in the sense of am and vice versa if the sentence starts with a question, see Fiqh al-Lughah, pp. 125-126; al-Dāmaghānī and Ibn al-Jawzī cites Q. 13:33 as an example, see Qāmūs, p. 37; Nuzhah, p. 106; and Qurrah, p. 38. 531. This is the view of Abū ‘Ubydah, see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 278.
423 532. This is the view of Abū Zayd, see Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 126, whereas according to Abū ‘Ubaydah, it means bal, see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 204. For further details on the particle am, see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 180-186; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 163-165; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 598-603. 533. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 548; al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 243; and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 165. 534. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 631-632; and idem, Qurrah, p. 245 535. See al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 374; and al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 439. 536. See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 211; Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, p. 211; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 2, p. 211; and al-Qayrawānī, I‘rāb alQur’ān, pt. 1, p. 132; see also al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 229; and al-Qurt.ubī, alJāmi‘, vol. 7, p. 170. 537. Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 166. 538. Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 215-216; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 166; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 277; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 207; and al-Qayrawānī, I‘rāb al-Qur’ān., pt. 1, p. 133. As a unit, the Qur’ān mentions the allegation of the infidels in one sūrah, and rejects the allegation in the other. For example, "And yet, they [who deny the truth] say: 'O thou unto whom this reminder has [allegedly] been bestowed from on high: verily, thou art mad!'" (Q. 15:6, Asad), is rejected with “Thou art not, by thy Sustainer's grace, a madman!" (Q. 68:2, Asad). See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 229. However, al-Farrā’ states that it is also correct to read
, see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 207. In this
case, la is what is called by Ibn Jinnī
(lām used for starting a sentence),
see al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 394. For more details on َ , see alZarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 351-361. 539. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 549; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 179; and
424 idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 616. Abū ‘Ubaydah says that the meaning of awlā is (threat), see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 278. 540. For further details, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 179; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 616-617. 541. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 550; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 2, p. 412. Instead of an yaghd.abū it is also written an taghd.abā, see idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 63. However, both are translated as al-ghad.ab, since it is the object (maf‘ūl) of the verb jaramat. According to Sībawayh, Khalīl, Abū ‘Ubaydah and Ibn Fāris in his work al-S.āh.ibī, the term jaramat means ah.aqqat, so that the verse means "... it was right that the Fazārah tribe would be angry ...", while according to al-Farrā‘, Ibn Qutaybah and Ibn Fāris in his other work, Mayāqīs, it means kasabat, namely, the killing caused the Fazārah tribe to be angry ( ). See Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 358; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 150; idem, Maqāyīs, vol. 1, p. 446; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 9; and Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 550. However, both meanings are correct, according to Ibn al-Sayyid, although he leans to al-Farrā’s view, when he gives the meaning of the second part of the poem as , as translated above. Instead of .ta‘antu it should be read t.a‘anta (you have stabbed), as the poet in the preceding line addressed the assassin, yā Karzu ("O Kurz"). For further details, see Ibn al-Sayyid, al-Iqt.idāb (Beirut: N.p., 1901), p. 313, quoted in Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 550-551, nn. 3 and 4. 542. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 551. Al-Farrā’ said that he heard the Arabs saying meaning “a provider for his family", and meaning “he went out to provide for them". See Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 299. The word commonly used for "crime" is jarīmah. 543. See al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 362-363, and al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 231. 544. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 552; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 217; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 53; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 36; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 129130; and idem, Qurrah, p. 52. Yah.yá ibn Sallām cites also many other examples, such as Q. 67: 9 and 20, see al-Tas.ārīf, pp. 195-196. See also al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 603-604 with different examples.
425 545. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 552; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 220; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 53; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 36; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 130; and idem, Qurrah, p. 52. This is the view of Qut.rub, according to al-Suyūt.ī, citing Q. 87:9 as an example; see Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 605-606. According to al-Farrā’, in can mean qad if it is accompanied with the particle la or alā, as in the above example, and in the expressions such as and meaning , see Ibn al-Anbārī, al-Ad.dād, pp. 189-190. Al-T.abarsī's interpretation of in in the verse in question is innahu, see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 446. 546. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 552; idem, Garīb al-H.adīth, vol. 1, pp. 211212; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 2, p. 219; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 52; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 35-36; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 130-131; and idem, Qurrah, p. 53. See also al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 605 with the example from Q. 3:139 and 48:27. 547. See Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 332-333. 548. See Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 36; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 129; idem, Qurrah, p. 52; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 167-168. 549. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 169; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 605. The particle mā in this verse means "not". According to Ibn al-Anbārī it is not correct to interpret as in which mā means alladhī (which), and in means qad in the above verse, but rather as and in which mā means al-ladhī, and in means mā (not). For further details, see al-Ad.dād, pp. 189-190, and al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 215-222. This is also the view of al-Farrā’, see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 56. 550. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 169; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 604. For further details on in, see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, pp. 106-108. 551. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 554. 552. See Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 475. 553. See al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 306; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 18, p. 269. 554. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 554.
426 555. Al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 18, p. 269. According to Ibn Manz.ūr, Ibn al-Sikkīt's view is hā’iyā and hā’unna instead of respectively hā’uma and hā’umna for the feminine dual and plural; see Lisān, vol. 15, p. 482. It is said that hā’um indicates activity and pleasure. When a Bedouin called the Prophet loudly, he answered with a long hā’um; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 18, p. 269. For further details on ha see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 253 and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 482, s.v. . Ibn Fāris's dealing with hā is similar to that of Ibn Qutaybah, almost verbatim, see, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 175. 556. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 555; however, according to Ibn Manz.ūr, it is also said hātiyā for the dual masculine as well as feminine of the term hāt, see Lisān, vol. 2, p. 107. Ibn Fāris's reliance on Ibn Qutaybah's Ta’wīl is also apparent in dealing with the term hāt, see al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 175-176. 557. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 556; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, pp. 147-148; alQurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, p. 130; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, pp. 2143-2144 558. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 557; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 208; al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, p. 129 and vol. 14, p. 151; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, p. 617; al-T.abarī, Jāmi‘, vol. 8, p. 59; and al-Zamakhsharī, alKashshāf, vol. 1, p. 432 and vol. 2, p. 1124. 559. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 557; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 254; Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 12, pp. 617-618; and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 7, p. 129. According to al-Suyūt.ī, the well-known origin of allāhumma is yā Allāhu in which yā is dropped and replaced with mma (stressed mim) after Allāh, see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 163. 560. See Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 6, p. 60. 561. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 558. This is the view of Sībawayh and others, such as al-Akhfash and al-Zajjāj, see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 231 (s.v.. ). According to them there is no other meaning of kallā in the Qur’ān, so that a group of them say that whenever kallā is mentioned in a sūrah in the Qur’ān, it indicates that it belongs to the Meccan sūrahs. This is because it signifies warning and threat, most of which were revealed in Mecca (Makkah) since
427 wickedness mostly occurred in that city. Sībawayh and the majority of the philologists also believe that kallā is a simple word, whereas according to Tha‘lab, it consists of ka (meaning "like") and lā (meaning "not"); the lā is doubled with tashdīd to emphasise the new meaning and to repel the assumption that the basic meanings of the two words still remain. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 221. 562. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 558; and Al-Zamakhsharī, Al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1556. 563. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah pp. 511-513. Among those who interpreted kallā as synonymous to h.aqqan was al-Kisā’ī, whereas according to Abū H.ātim the term means alā ("know!"); see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 221-222; and alQurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 11, pp. 147-148. Al-Kisā’ī makes a distinction between lā and kallā, as follows: Lā indicates a simple negation, whereas kallā indicates negating something, but at the same time affirms something else. For example, somebody said to you, "You have eaten something," and you said, "Lā" (similar to the Indonesian "tidak"), it means you denied the occurrence of the action of eating anything. But if another person said to you, "You have eaten a date," and you said, "Kallā" (similar to the Indonesian "bukan"), because you denied eating a date, but affirmed eating something else, such as honey; see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 231, (s.v.
).
564. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 559; al-Zamkahsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1596; and al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 472. This is the interpretation of ruwaydan in this verse according to Qatādah, whereas according to Ibn ‘Abbās it means qarīban (shortly); see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 20, p. 12. 565. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 559. Ibn Qutaybah as well as Ibn Fāris misquoted the poem when they mentioned which is incorrect; see ibid. and Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 153 and Maqāyīs, vol. 2, p. 458. The correct word is as quoted by Ibn Manz.ūr as well as al-Qurt.ubī, and as translated above. For further details on ruwaydan, see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 189 (s.v. Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 20, p. 12.
); see also al-
566. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 560; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 76.
428 567. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 159; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 75. 568. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 561; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 258-259; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 449. Al-T.abarsī interprets al-wayl in both verses as "disaster"; see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, pp. 41 and 42. 569. For further details, see Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 11, pp. 737-740 (s.v. ); and al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 2, p. 8. 570. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 5621; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 4, pp. 601-602 (s.v. ). 571. See al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 3, p. 342. Al-Zamakhsharī cites two interpretations: the first is as mentioned above, and the second is that the expression la‘amruk in the above verse was said by the angels to Prophet Lot; see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, pp. 723-724. The angels' expression was most probably a du‘ā’, meaning "may Allah prolong your life span", since it is inconceivable that they would swear other than by Allah. Asad, using the second interpretation given by al-Zamakhsharī, translates the verse in question as follows: "[But the angels spoke thus:] 'As thou livest, [O Prophet Lot, they will not listen to thee:] behold, in their delirium [of lust] they are but blindly stumbling to and fro!'"; see M. Asad, The Message, p. 390. 572. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 562. According to Ibn al-H.ājib, the term should also be preceded by a question, since iy means "yes"; see al-Suyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 2, p. 180; see also idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 3, p. 449. 573. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 562. Instead of balá, as asserted by Ibn Qutaybah, according to Ibn Fāris, al-Qurt.ubī, and al-Suyūt.ī, the meaning of iy is na‘am (yes). See al-S.āh.ibī, p. 129; al-Jāmi‘, vol. 8, p. 351; and al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 180. Although both mean "yes", they are used differently. Balá is used in two places: (a) to reject a negative statement, as in “They who are bent on denying the truth claim that they will never be raised from the dead! Say: 'Yea, by my Sustainer! Most surely will you be raised from the dead, ...'" (Q. 64:7, Asad); (b) to invalidate the negation in the interrogative sentence; the question is either real (h.aqīqī), reproach (tawbīkh), or
429 establishment (taqrīr). It is like doch in German and si in French. Their respective examples are as follows: "Is not Zayd standing? Yes, he is"; "Does man think that We cannot [resurrect him and] bring his bones together again? Yea, indeed, ..." (Q. 75:3-4, Asad); and ".... 'Am I not your Sustainer?' - to which they answer: 'Yea, indeed, ...'" (Q. 7:172, Asad). Should they say na‘am instead of balá in the last example, they would have become disbelievers, because na‘am in this case would mean "Yes, You are not our Sustainer." This is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās and others. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 186-187. Since Q. 10:53 quoted above is the only verse in which iy is used, and since this verse does not belong to any of the above categories, the word iy in the above verse, in its strict sense, in my view, should mean na‘am instead of balá. Why, then, did not Ibn Qutaybah mention na‘am as the only meaning of iy instead of balá, or at least, include it? Probably because, as we have seen, na‘am is also used to confirm a negative statement so that it means "no", whereas balá always means "yes", whether in confirming an affirmative statement or in negating a negative statement. Moreover, iy meaning balá is mentioned before an oath only as a s.ilah of it to emphasise the truth of the statement, in this case, that Allah would punish the idolaters in the Hereafter for their wrong-doings as mentioned in the previous verse (Q. 10:52). This may indicate Ibn Qutaybah's deep understanding of the subject, and this is one of his contributions in the Qur’ānic exegesis. 574. See al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 588. 575. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 563; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 169; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 13, p. 383. According to al-Zamakhsharī, ladunnī can also be read ladunī and ladnī, see al-Kashshāf, vol. 1, p. 810. 576. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 563. For further details on ladun, ladā and ‘inda, see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 206-207. 577. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 571; see also al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 233. Instead of , Ibn Qutaybah in his Adab al-Kātib uses , see Adab al-Kātib, p. 544. Apparently, there is no difference between the two expressions, although the latter is used by later writers. However, out of fifteen
430 cases in his Ta’wīl, Ibn Qutaybah only once used , whereas in his Adab alKātib he used both fifteen times. 578. Asad and Pickthall translate respectively as "in God's cause" and "in the cause of Allah"; see Asad, The Message, p. 75 and Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, p. 55. These translations are probably based on the interpretation of alH.asan al-Bas.rrī who says that means ; see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 4, p. 97. Ibn Qutaybah's interpretation is based on what he thinks is Abū ‘Ubaydah's interpretation; see Adab al-Kātib, p. 544. But Abū ‘Ubaydah states that means , so that, instead of ma‘a, the term ilá here means fī; see Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 94. It is possible that Ibn Qutaybah means al-Farrā’ rather than Abū ‘Ubaydah, as al-Farrā’ accepts the interpretation of ilá as ma‘a in the above verse as a good one ( ); see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 218. Moreover, this is also the interpretation of the grammarians of Kūfah to which al-Farrā’ is said to belong or to lean; see al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 162. In addition, this interpretation has been adopted by al-Tha‘ālibī, al-Qayrawānī, alDāmaghānī, Tiflīsī, Ibn al-Jawzī and Ibn Fāris; see Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 241; I‘rāb al-Qur’ān, pt. 1, p. 806; Qāmūs, pp. 36-37; Wujūh, pp. 26-27; Nuzhah, p. 103; Qurrah, p. 40; and al-S.āh.ibī, p. 132. 579. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 571; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 544; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 218; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 3, p. 169 (s.v. ). 580. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 536-537. 581. Al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 162. According to Tiflīsī, alDāmaghānī, and Ibn al-Jawzī, the particle ilá here means li (for); see Wujūh, p. 27; Qāmūs, p. 37; Nuzhah, p. 103; and Qurrah, p. 40. 582. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 540. 583. Idem, Ta’wīl, p. 568; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 538; al-Qayrawānī, I‘rāb al-Qur’ān, pt. 2, p. 142; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 210; idem, Qurrah, p. 176; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 183. According to al-Qurt.ubī, this is the view of al-Zajjāj and an unidentified group of grammarians. See al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, p. 63. 584. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 568; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 538; Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 3, p. 407; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 208-209; and [al-Mufad.d.al al-
431 D.abbī], al-Mufd.d.alīyāt, p. 392. Instead of bas.īr in the poem, al-Qurt.ubī uses khabīr (an expert), see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, p. 63. 585. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 578; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 42; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 209-210; and idem, Qurrah, p. 82. This is the interpretation of al-Kalbī and al-H.asan adopted by Ibn Qutaybah. Another interpretation, however, is that of Muqātil, who says that means . See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 16, p. 147. 586. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 575; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 543; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 1, p. 143; here al-Qurt.ubī is quoting Ibn Qutaybah with the expression qālahu ’l-Qutabī, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 126; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 209; idem, Qurrah, p. 82; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 184. Besides Ibn Qutaybah's interpretation, al-Qurt.ubī and al-T.abarsī also mention the view of al-Farrā’ who says that the expression yashrabu bihā and yashrabuhā have the same meaning; it is like the expression ("Verily he speaks with a good speech") and ("he speaks a good speech"). It is said that bi in this verse is additional; see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 126; Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 407; and alFarrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 215. This view is also mentioned by Ibn Qutaybah, see Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 2, pp. 105-106. See also Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, p. 487. In rejecting the above views Ibn Taymiyyah contends that if bi is additional in this verse, the verse would mean that the drinker may drink the drink without quenching his thirst. On the other hand, if it is said that bi is in the sense of min, there would not be any indication that the drinker is quenching his thirst. Therefore, according to Ibn Taymiyyah, it is said that the bi in yashrabu bihā indicates that the quenching of the drinker's thirst occurs with this special drink. See Ibn Taymiyyah, Majmū‘ Fatāwā ibn Taymiyyah, ed. ‘Abd al-Rah.mān ibn Muh.ammad al-H.anbalī (Riyadh: N.p., 1382 A.H.), 1st ed., vol. 20, p. 474. This is also the view of the effective investigators (al-muh.aqqiqūn) according to alZarkashī. He states that the meaning of the preposition bi in the verse in question is to indicate inclusion (tad.mīn) of the meaning of yarwī (he quenches the thirst) in the verb yashrabu (he drinks). As the verb yashrabu is itself a transitive verb, it does not need the preposition bi except for a purpose. This purpose is to include
432 the quenching of the thirst in its meaning. Therefore, the verb yashrabu bi includes both literal and metaphorical meanings; see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 3, p. 338. Besides the above interpretations al-Qayrawānī also mentions another interpretation, namely, the preposition bi indicates the location of the fountain, and the term ‘aynan means mā’ ‘ayn (water of a fountain), so that the verse in question means "Water of a fountain where the servants of God shall drink"; see I‘rāb alQur’ān, pt. 2, p. 672. 587. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 575; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 543; and alT.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 5, p. 407; see also Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 1, p. 487. Ibn al-Sayyid says that there are two views concerning the meaning of the word matá in this poem, min (from) and wasat. (amidst), see al-Iqtid.āb. p. 447, quoted by A. S.aqr in Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 575, n. 3. Nūrah Shamlān, in her work on the life and poems of Abū Dhu’ayb, chooses the first view, whereas Ibn Fāris chooses the second; see Shamlān, Abū Dhu’ayb al-Hudhalī: H.ayātuh wa Shi‘ruh (Riyadh: ‘Imādah Shu’ūn al-Maktabāt, Riyadh University, 1400/1980), p. 104 and Ibn Fāris, Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 296. It is said, however, that matá in the language of the al-Hudhayl tribe means fī (in, at); see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 19, p. 126, n. 1; and al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 215, n. 3. 588. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 543. It is written ilá bima‘ná fī which is a misprint, and should be bi instead of ilá as has been corrected here. 589. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 210; idem, Qurrah, p. 82; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 183. 590. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 547. 591. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 210; idem, Qurrah, p. 83; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 183. 592. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 547. 593. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 211; idem, Qurrah, p. 83; and al-Suyūt.ī, alItqān, vol. 2, p. 183. For further details on bi and its meanings, see al-Suyūt.ī, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, pp. 634-637. 594. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 573; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 545; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2145; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 3, p. 246; al-Zarkashī, alBurhān, vol. 4, p. 283; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 442; and idem, Qurrah, p. 178.
433 According to Ibn Manz.ūr the particle ‘alá in the above verse means min as well as ‘an; see Lisān, vol. 15, p. 89. Al-Dāmaghānī gives Q. 16:9 as an example: it reads “It is from Allah the direction of the right path."; see Qāmūs, p. 332. 595. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, pp. 573 and 380, and idem, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 545-546. Al-Qurt.ubī also cites this poem, but he says that means , rather than
, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, p. 359.
596. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 578, and Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 83. The criminal charge meant in this verse is the accidental killing of an Egyptian by Prophet Moses. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, p. 92. 597. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 542; idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 3, pp. 703-704 (with an example from poetry); al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 187; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 442-443; and idem, Qurrah, p. 178. Al-Suyūtī goes further and says that the interpretation ("in the kingdom of Solomon") means , namely, "in the time of his reign" as translated by Asad above; see al-Itqān, vol. 2, pp. 201-202. This meaning agrees with that given by al-Zajjāj who says that means ("at the time of Solomon's reign"); see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 2, p. 42. Al-T.abarsī mentions two interpretations: "against the kingdom of Solomon" as translated by Pickthall, and "in the time of Solomon's reign" mentioned above; see Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 1, p. 174. 598. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 544; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2145. 599. See al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 333. Al-Suyūt.ī cites a different example, namely,
"Hence, place thy trust in the
Living One who dies not,..." (Q. 25:58, Asad), and calls the substituted particle (the particle bi used for seeking help); see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 202. 600. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 545. 601. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 201; see also al-Zarkashī, al-
434 Burhān, vol. 4, p. 285. 602. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 2, p. 242. 603. Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, p. 27; and Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 69 604. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 537; and Ibn Manz.ūr, Lisān, vol. 15, p. 88. Lane translates the expression bow") rather than
as
("I shot with the
("from the bow"); see Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2145.
605. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 540. For further details on ‘alá see Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, pp. 2144-2145. 606. However, according to Ibn Manz.ūr, it is correctt to say , but not
; see Lisān, vol. 15, p. 88.
607. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 577; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 287; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 439; idem, Qurrah, p. 176; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 183; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2164. 608. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 541; C.J. Lyall, ed., The Mufad.d.aliyyāt, p. 160; and Ibn Fāris, Mayāqīs, vol. 2, p. 179. According to Ibn Fāris, the word lāh is the name of Allah; with the addition of the definite article al, it makes the word Allāh; see Maqāyīs, vol. 5, p. 227. Lane translated lāh as lillāhi darru, as translated above; see Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2164. 609. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 439; idem, Qurrah, p. 176; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 287; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 203; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 5, p. 2164. 610. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 542. 611. See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 287; and al-Suyūt.ī al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 203. 612. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 6, pp. 181-182. 613. See Asad, The Message, pp. 144 and 151; Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, pp. 103 and 107; and Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, pp. 245 and 254. 614. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 542-543. 615. Idem, Gharīb al-H.adīth, vol. 1, p. 358; and Lane Lexicon, pt 4, p.475
435 (s.v.
).
616. Idem, Ta’wīl, p. 567; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 536; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 1, p. 14 and vol. 2, p. 23; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 303; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 21; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 476; idem, Qurrah, pp. 190-191; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 367; al-Tha‘ālibī, Fiqh alLughah, p. 244; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 211; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 230; and Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2467. Ibn Fāris mentions the reason for the use of fī in the above verse. He says it is because the trunks for the crucified persons are like graves for the buried ones; see al-S.āh.ibī, p. 158. According to al-Farrā’ means that the crucifixion is done by putting the persons to be crucified on lengthwise on the tree trunks, whereas means that they are lifted and put on the trunks; see Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 186. Another view is that of al-Mubarrad and al-Qayrawānī that the particle fī is used to indicate that the trunks surrounded (contained) him; see al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, vol. 2, p. 823; and I‘rāb al-Qur’ān, pt. 3, p. 806. 617. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 539; Lane, Lexicon, pt. 6, p. 2467; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 303; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 476; idem, Qurrah, p. 191; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 212. Al-Dāmaghānī and Tiflīsī cite Q. 4:97 as an example, see Qāmūs, p. 367; and Wujūh, p. 230. This idiomatic phrase, according to Asad, indicates "one's inability to refute a reasonable proposition by cogent, logical counter arguments". For further details, see Asad, The Message, p. 372, n. 10. 618. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 539-540 in which tunūshida is written is probably nūshida as cited above. See also al-A‘shá, Dīwān al-A‘shá, p. 55 in which yunāshadu is written rather than tunūshida or nūshida. 619. Al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 368; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 477; and idem, Qurrah, pp. 191-192. 620. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 3, pp. 25-26; Asad, The Message, p. 45; Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, p. 31; and Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 82. 621. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 546. Translation rendered by Tengku Jusoh, Tengku Ghani. A Critical Examination of five Poems by Imru alQays (Kuala Lumpur: Penerbitan Pustaka Antara, 1990), pp. 15 and 62. This is
436 also the view of al-As.ma‘ī according to al-Qurt.ubī, see al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, pp. 162163. However, according to Muh.ammad Abū al-Fad.l Ibrāhīm, fī is in the sense of ma‘a in this poem, so that the verse means "thirty months apart from three years"; see M.A. Ibrāhīm, ed., Dīwān Umru’ al-Qays, 2nd ed. (Cairo: Dār al-Ma‘ārif, 1384/1964), p. 27. 622. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 476; idem, Qurrah, p. 191; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 367; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, pp. 230-231; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 3093, and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 212. 623. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 546. 624. Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 476; idem, Qurrah, p. 190; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, pp. 366-367; al-T.abarsī, Majma‘ al-Bayān, vol. 4, p. 213; al-Zarkashī, alBurhān, vol. 4, p. 302, and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 211. Tiflīsī does not quote this verse, but quotes many others, see Wujūh, p. 230. 625. For further details, see Asad, The Message, p. 434, n. 119. 626. See al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 13, pp. 162-3; Ibn Kathīr, Tafsīr, vol. 3, p. 370; Pickthall, The Glorious Qur’ān, p. 393; and Ali, The Holy Qur’ān, p. 980. With regard to those nine signs or miracles, they are, according to Ibn ‘Abbās in one of his interpretations and Mujāhid, as follows: the rod (Q. 7:107), the radiant hand (Q. 7:108), the years of drought or shortage of water (Q. 7:130), shortage of crops (Q. 7:130), epidemics among men and beasts, locusts, lice, frogs, and the water turning to blood (Q. 7:133). Another interpretation attributed to Ibn ‘Abbās, is that he includes the split of the sea as substitute for shortage of crops which is probably included by him in the category of drought and shortage of water, as done by al-H.asan al-Bas.rī; see al-S.ābūnī, Mukhtas.ar, vol. 2, p. 403. The first interpretation was adopted by Ali, see The Holy Qur’ān, p. 378, n. 1091. 627 For further details, see al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, pp. 302-304. 628 See Ali, The Holy Qur’an, p. 715; and Asad, The Message, p. 430 629. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 569; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 540; Ibn alJawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 537-8; and idem, Qurrah, p. 211. Al-Suyūt.ī cites Q. 13:25 as an example from the Qur’ān, see al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 225. 630. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 544; here it is written
437 which is misprinted, and should be is written
. Cf. idem, Ta’wīl, p. 522 in which it
.
631. Idem, Ta’wīl, p. 572; idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 540; al-Zamakhsharī, al-Kashshāf, vol. 2, p. 1616; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 538; idem, Qurrah, p. 212; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 341; al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 225; and idem, Mu‘tarak, vol. 1, p. 552. Another example cited by Ibn Qutaybah is Q. 7:43 in which means ; see Adab al-Kātib, p. 544. 632. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, p. 547. 633. See Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 539; and idem, Qurrah, pp. 212-213. 634. See al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 225; and al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 341. 635. Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-Kātib, pp. 546-547. 636. See al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 342. In fact, there are many other meanings of li mentioned by al-Zarkashī. For further details, see ibid., pp. 339-350. 637. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 577; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, p. 577; idem, Qurrah, p. 224; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 443; al-Tha‘ālībī, Fiqh al-Lughah, p. 244; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 276; Ibn Fāris, al-S.āh.ibī, p. 172; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 248. 638. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 578 and idem, Adab al-Kātib, p. 538. 639. Al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 420; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 248. Ibn al-Jawzī cites Q. 12:87 and 50:19; see Nuzhah, p. 577; and Qurrah, p. 225. 640. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 574; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 60; Abū ‘Ubaydah, Majāz al-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p. 324; al-Zarkashī, al-Burhān, vol. 4, p. 420; Ibn al-Jawzī, Nuzhah, pp. 576-577; idem, Qurrah, p. 224; al-Dāmaghānī, Qāmūs, p. 442; Tiflīsī, Wujūh, p. 275; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 248, citing Q. 42:45 as an example. 641. For further details on this verse, see al-Qurt.ubī, al-Jāmi‘, vol. 9, pp. 291-293. See also Asad, The Message, p. 60, n. 25. 642. Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wīl, p. 577; al-Farrā’, Ma‘ānī ’l-Qur’ān, vol. 2, p.
438 370; Ibn al-Jawzī, Qurrah, p. 224; and al-Suyūt.ī, al-Itqān, vol. 2, p. 248, citing Q. 62:9 as an example. For more details on the meanings of min, see al-Zarkashī, alBurhān, vol. 4, pp. 415-426.
439 CONCLUSION The Sunnī scholar Ibn Qutaybah received his knowledge of various Islamic sciences from scholars known for their attachment to the Sunnah. He learned Sunnī theology from Ish.āq ibn Rāhawayh, Sunnī tradition from Abū H.ātim al-Sijistānī and philology from al-‘Abbās ibn al-Faraj al-Riyāshī who had transmitted the works of Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-As.ma‘ī who were teachers of Ibn Qutaybah of the second degree in philology. When al-Mutawakkil was appointed as a caliph in 232/846 and changed the ideology of the state from that of the Mu‘tazilah to the Sunnī orthodoxy, Ibn Qutaybah found himself favoured by the new government. He was made qād.ī of Dīnawar by the newly appointed vizier ‘Abd Allāh ibn Yah.yá ibn Khāqān in 236/851. Ibn Qutaybah was undisputedly the greatest man of letters in the Arabic language chronologically after al-Jāh.iz., and his contribution in the field of Qur’ānic exegesis cannot be underestimated. In the introduction of his work Ta’wīl he stated that the book was a collection of interpretations of difficult passages of the Qur’ān with explanations based on Arabic expression. Yet this statement does not necessarily imply that he merely acted a transmitter of the sciences of the Qur’ān from the previous generation to his generation without giving his own interpretation. Some interpretations were taken from scholars whom he mentioned by name; others were adopted by him without attributing any source. Yet, we can trace these interpretations back to some of his teachers, such Abū ‘Ubaydah and al-Farrā’. However, there were many other philological interpretations which seemed to be purely his own, and were cited by many authors of later generations, such as Ibn al-Jawzī, alQurt.ubī and others. One of the interpretations attributed to Ibn Qutaybah alone was his view on the seven ah.ruf. According to Ibn Qutaybah, these seven letters were seven aspects of variant readings, as follows: (1) The variant
440 i‘rāb of a word or the vowelisation of its letters without changing its s.ūrah, such as the variant reading yujāzā and al-kafūru for respectively nujāzī and al-kafūra in the verse wa hal nujāzī illā ’l-kafūra (Q. 34:17); the first reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘ Abū ‘Amr and Ibn ‘Āmir, whereas the second belonged to H.amzah, al-Kisā’ī and H.afs.; (2) The variant i‘rāb of a word and the vowelisation of its letters which changed its meaning only and not its s.ūrah, such as rabbunā bā‘ada for rabbanā bā‘id (Q. 34: 19); the latter was the reading of Nāfi‘, ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī; (3) The variant letters of a word which does not change its i‘rāb, but changes its meaning without changing its rasm, such as nunshiruhā for nunshizuhā (Q. 2:259); the former reading belonged to Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘ and Abū ‘Amr, whereas the latter belonged to ‘Ās.im, Ibn ‘Āmir, H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī; (4) the variant words which change the s.ūrah but not the meaning, such as Ibn Mas‘ūd’s reading zuqyah for s.ayh.ah (Q. 36:29); (5) the variant words which change the s.ūrah and meaning, such as ‘Alī’s reading wa t.al‘in for wa t.alh.in (Q. 56:29); (6) The variant reading by means of inversion, such as Abū Bakr’s reading wa jā’at sakrat al-h.aqq bi-al-mawt for wa jā’at sakrat al-mawt bi-alh.aqq; and finally, (7) The variant reading based on addition and omission, such as the reading of H.amzah and al-Kisā’ī ‘amilat for ‘amilathu which was the reading of Ibn Kathīr, Nāfi‘, Abū Bakr, ‘Umar, Ibn ‘Āmir and H.afs.. This view of Ibn Qutaybah on the seven ah.ruf was quoted by many authors, among them al-Zarqānī in his work Manāhil al‘Irfān. Al-Zarqānī also quoted the statement of Ibn H.ajar that the view of al-Rāzī on the seven ah.ruf was adopted from that of Ibn Qutaybah after revising it. Ibn Qutaybah believes that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān. He contends that difficult expressions which cannot be easily understood similar to the mutashābihāt in the Qur’ān are also found in the H.adīth, the saying of s.ah.ābah, poetry as well as Arabic expression. He cites an example from the Prophet’s statement concerning women “who dress and at the same time are naked”, meaning that they wear thin or skimpy clothing which
441 reveal the outlines of their bodies. Ibn Qutaybah contends further that Allah would not mention something in the Qur’ān except for the benefit of mankind, and that Allah would let them know what He meant by it. The argument for and against those who hold views similar or different from that of Ibn Qutaybah brought a third and a conciliatory view: some mutashābihāt are known by al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm, others by Allah alone, such as the beast which will appears as one of the signs of Doomsday (Q. 27:82). The term majāz as the opposite of h.aqīqah was unknown in the first/seventh and the second/eight century. It appeared in the third/ninth century or probably at the end of the second/eight century. The term majāz in Abū ‘Ubaydah’s work Majāz al-Qur’ān was still used in its basic meaning: “the way of expression.” The term majāz as opposite of h.aqīqah appeared in al-Jāh.iz.’s statements in his work al-Bayān wa ’lTabyīn, and later was used more obviously in Ibn Qutaybah’s work Ta’wīl. Ibn Qutaybah stated that the use of majāz was common, not only in the Qur’ān, but also in poetry and common expression. As an example, he cited the word “mother.” The Qur’ānic verse fa’ummuhu hāwiyah (“his mother will be an abyss”) (Q. 10:19) means that the unbeliever will be sent to Hell like a baby to his mother. Similarly, the Prophet’s wives, described as “mothers of the believers” (Q. 33:6), means that they are like their mothers in the reverence accorded them. In poetry Ibn Qutaybah cited the following poem of Umayyah ibn Abī al-S.alt: “And the land is our refuge and was our mother. In it our grave will be, and in it we shall be buried.” Ibn Qutaybah was extremely cautious with the use of majāz. When he warned people against excessive use of it in the Qur’ān which might lead to misinterpreting its verses he might have had the Mu‘tazilīs in mind. He also might have been influenced by his teacher of the second degree, Ah.mad ibn H.anbal, who refused to interpret many Qur’ānic verses dealing with Allah as majāz, such as His throne (‘Arsh) which was interpreted by the Mu‘tazilīs as a metaphor for “His sovereignty.” Ibn Qutaybah made a distinction between “saying” and “speaking” and said
442 that the former could be majāz but not the latter, unless there was a strong indication of being majāz, such as an animate being giving advice or moral lessons. He gave two conditions for a word to become majāz: it shall not be accompanied with its mas.dar, and it shall not be emphasized with takrār (repetition). For example, we can say “the wall will fall down,” but we do not say “the wall will fall down with strong willingness,” because it is majāz. The verse wa kallama Allāhu Mūsá taklīman (Q. 4:164) and innamā qawlunā li-shay‘in idhā aradnāhu an naqūla lahu kun fayakūn (Q. 16:40) are not majāz, but h.aqīqah, as the term kallama is accompanied with its mas.dar, namely, taklīman in the former verse, and the term qawl is emphasized with the repetition of it with the word naqūlu in the latter. Ibn Qutaybah’s treatment of isti‘ārah was rudimentary. He included not only metaphor, but also majāz mursal, wujūh (homonyms) and hyperbole ( ) in the category of isti‘ārah. In the verse wa af’idatuhum hawā’ “and their hearts (as) air” (Q. 14:43), the word hawā’ (air) is a metaphor for emptiness of their hearts. In the verse: “But as for those with faces shining, they shall be within God’s grace, therein to abide” (Q. 3:107, Asad), Allah’s grace which is a h.āl (a condition) is a majāz mursal for a place, Paradise. As Ibn Qutaybah also mentioned other meanings of rah.mah in the Qur’ān, such as rain in Q. 7:57 and sustenance in Q. 35:2, this term was later dealt with as having many wujūh by later writers, such as al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī and [al-]Tiflīsī in their respective works Qāmūs, Nuzhah and Wujūh. These works dealt with al-wujūh wa ’l-naz.ā’ir (homonyms and synonyms) in the Qur’ān. The verse yakādu layuzliqūnaka bi’abs.ārihim (Q. 68:51) meaning “they would all but kill thee” (Asad), “would fain disconcert thee” (Ali), or “would almost trip thee up” (Pickthall) indicates hyperbole, that the disbelievers looked at the Prophet with such hostility and sternness that they almost made him slip and fall down. It is commonly known that the Arabic language is called the language of opposite meanings (lughat al-ad.dād). For this, Ibn Qutaybah includes a special chapter in his Ta’wīl entitled al-Maqlūb (lit., “the
443 inverted one”), translated in this study as “inversion”. Inversion occurs by ascribing something with its opposite quality, such as calling a foolish person a bright one with an intention either to encourage him or to insult him. Ibn Qutaybah also examines in this chapter thirteen words which have contradictory meanings, one of which is usually more prevalent than the other, although they are derived from one basic meaning. The word warā’ for example, its basic meaning is “something absent from our sight”, whether before or behind us, but the more prevalent meaning is “behind”; however, it can also mean “before”, such as in the verse: “… because [I know that] behind them was a king who is wont to seize every boat by brute force” (Q. 18:79); the term warā’ here, according to Ibn Qutaybah, means amām (before). The later author Ibn al-Anbārī included all these terms except ya’isa in his work Kitāb al-Ad.dād. Other authors, such as al-Dāmaghānī, Ibn al-Jawzī, Tiflīsī, and Ibn Fāris, included some of these terms in their works. Some Qur’ānic verses seem to be unclear because of the ellipsis (h.adhf) of some words and the brevity (ikhtis.ār) of the Qur’ānic verses. Ibn Qutaybah deals with ellipsis and brevity of expression systematically in his Ta’wīl to clarify the meanings of these verses. Some verses utilize the ellipsis of one or two words, a noun, a verb, a preposition, the particle lā (no, not), the main clause of an oath, of a conditional or incomplete sentence. They are examined with examples from the Qur’ān and some lines of poetry are included as shawāhid to support his view. Takrār (repetition) and ziyādah (pleonasm) are also among the characteristics of the Arabic language dealt with by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl. They are used to emphasize something. Takrār can be in meaning, either (a) by mentioning its synonyms, such as “Or do they, perchance, think that We do not hear their hidden thoughts (sirr) and their secret confabulations (najwāhum),” (Q. 43:80) (b) by mentioning its kind, such as “In both of them will be [all kinds of] fruit, and date palms and pomegranates.” (Q. 55:68, Asad), or (c) by negating its opposite, such as the expression “I order you to fulfill your promise and I forbid you from betraying it.”
444 Ibn Qutaybah divides ziyādah into two types: (a) general pleonasm, namely the addition of unspecified words, such as the expression “with their mouths” I the verse “uttering with their mouths something which is not in their hearts” (Q. 3:167, Asad), and (b) specific pleonasm, namely the addition of specified words, such as nouns, particles and prepositions. They are fifteen in number. Not knowing them could make it difficult for us to understand the meanings of the verses of the Qur’ān, such as the verse: “Everything is bound to perish save His [eternal] Self” (Q. 28:88, Asad), in which the term wajh (face, countenance) in wajhahu (lit., His Countenance”) is additional according to Mujāhid, Abū ‘Ubaydah dan al-Farrā’, and translated as “Self” and “Essence” by Asad as cited above and al-Zamakhsharī respectively. In the field of ta‘rīd. Ibn Qutaybah mainly deals with the euphemistic and circumspective expressions in the Qur’ān. For example, “…and behold, either we [who believe in Him] or you [who deny His Oneness] are one the right path, or have clearly gone astray!” (Q. 34:24, Asad). This is a euphemistic and polite way of saying “we are on the right path, and you have clearly gone astray”. For the circumspective statement Ibn Qutaybah gives the following example: “He [Abraham] answered: ‘Nay, it was this one, the biggest of them, that did it: but ask them [yourselves] – provided they can speak.’” (Q. 21:63, Asad). Here Prophet Abraham confessed to destroying the idols through insinuation. Apart from majāz and mutashābihāt Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl also deals with various types of idiomatic expressions entitlted Mukhālafat z.āhir al-lafz. Ma‘nāh (lit., “the disagree-ment of the literal meaning of the word with its [intended] meaning”). It includes, to mention a few, (a) the imperative mood intended to threaten (tah.dīd), such as: “Do what you will…” (Q. 41:40, Asad) and exemption (ibāh.ah), such as: “And when the prayer is ended, then disperse freely on earth…” (Q. 62:10), Asad; (b) specification in which a general statement is intended to be particular in time and person, such as: “…and I am the first of those who surrender to Him” (Q. 6:163, Pickthall), meaning the Prophet in his time; (c) number, such as a noun put in a singular number
445 but is meant to be in the plural, as in the verse: “…and then We bring you forth as infants” (Q. 22:5, Asad), in which the word t.iflan (lit., an infant) is meant to be at.fālan (infants); (d) what is called by later philologists iltifāt (sudden transition), such as Allah addressing the Prophet with “and if they do not respond to your call”, suddenly the address is shifted to unbelievers, with “then know that [this Qur’ān] has been bestowed from on high out of God’s wisdom alone, …Will you, then surrender yourselves unto Him?” (Q. 11:14, Asad); (e) juncture, namely, the joining of two different statements of two different persons (or groups of persons), such as the verse: “They will say: ‘Oh, woe unto us! Who has roused us from our sleep [of death]?’” which was the statement of righteous Muslims when they were resurrected. This statement was joined with that of the angels, “[Whereupon they will be told:] ‘This is what the Most Gracious has promised! And His message bearers spoke the truth!’” (Q. 36:52, Asad). This is the view of Ibn ‘Abbās and al-Farrā’ adopted by Ibn Qutaybah; and (f) tempora, such as the use of a verb in the past tense when they are meant for the present or the future, for example, “God’s judgment is [bound to] come…” (Q. 16:1, Asad), in which the verb atá (lit., “it came”) is meant to be “it will come.” As we know Ibn Qutaybah believes that the al-rāsikhūn fī ’l-‘ilm know the ta’wīl of the mutashābihāt. Therefore, he does not belong to those who believe that the al-ah.ruf al-muqat.t.a‘ah (the disconnected letters) at the beginning of twenty-nine sūrahs in the Qur’ān to be mysterious and inexplicable. He mentions four interpretations of them: They are: (a) the names of the sūrahs to which they belong; (b) Allah’s oaths; (c) letters taken from Allah’s attributes; and (d) letters taken from the attributes of the Qur’ān. One of the important branches of the sciences of exegesis dealt by Ibn Qutaybah is the homonyms and synonyms in the Qur’ān (al-wujūh wa ’l-naz.ā’ir fī ’l-Qur’ān) which he calls “words which agree in wording but differ in meaning” ( ). For example, the term fitnah which basically means “a test,” means shirk (polytheism, idolatry) in the verse: )١١١ : ( “…for polytheism is worse than
446 slaughter.” (Q. 2:191), whereas it means ithm (sin) in the following verse: )٤١ : ( “…Surely, it is into sin that they (thus) have fallen….” (Q. 9:49). With this branch of science many Qur’ānic verses become clear, as the textual meaning is given rather than the literal meaning. This branch of science is so important that al-Zarkashī put it in number four of the forty-seven branches of the Qur’ānic science in his work al-Burhān, whereas al-Suyūt.ī put it number thirty–nine of the eighty branches in his book al-Itqān. It was in this branch of science that Ibn al-Jawzī in his work Nuzhah quoted Ibn Qutaybah by name about fifty times, mainly from his Ta’wīl in which he dealt with forty-four words and their meanings. As a philologist Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl also deals with thirtythree particles with their various meanings with examples from the Qur’ān and occasionally from poetry as shawāhid. For example, the particle anná has two meanings: (a) kayfa (how), as in )٢٩١ : ( “He said: How could Allah brings this [township] back to life after its death?” (Q. 2:259); (b) min ayna (wherefrom), as in )١١١ : ( “…where can He have a child from…” (Q. 6:101). One of the problems in understanding a language is the use of prepositions. Different prepositions make different meanings, such as the word “look” added with prepositions and it becomes “look for,” “look at,” and “look on.” The substitution of these prepositions would change its meaning and could confuse people. Such substitution was dealt with by Ibn Qutaybah in his Ta’wīl as well as his Adab al-Kātib. He mentions seven particles substituted with other particles without any change of meaning with examples from the Qur’ān. They are: ilá (to; toward; up to; as far as; till, until), bi (in, at, on; with; through, by means of), ‘alá (on, upon, at, by, in; to, toward, for), ‘an (off, away, from; out of, about; for), fī. (in; at; on; near; by; within; during), li (for), and min (from). One example cited by Ibn Qutaybah is the verse )٨٧ : ( “He will surely gather you all together on the Day of Resurrection” (Q. 4:87) in which the prepositions ilá substitutes the preposition fī.
447 Therefore, the expression ilá yawm al-qiyāmah in the above verse means “on the Day of Resurrection” rather than “till the Day of Resurrection.” We have seen that Ibn Qutaybah in his works in general and his work Ta’wīl Mushkil al-Qur’ān in particular has rendered an enormous contribution to Qur’ānic exegesis. This contribution was either by transmitting the knowledge of his teachers in this field of study or by his being an a‘jamī (non-Arab), he has proved in effect his profound knowledge of Arabic philology which is of inestimable value in the study of Qur’ānic exegesis.
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463 APPENDIX 1 AUTHORITIES AND TRANSMITTERS OF THE QUR’AN Place Authority Transmitters ------------------------------------------------------------------------Madīnah
Nāfi‘ (d. 169/785-786)
Warsh (d. 197/813) Qālūn (d. 220/835)
Makkah (Mecca)
Ibn Kathīr (d. 120/738)
al-Bazzī(d. 50/864) Qunbul (d.291/904)
Damascus
Ibn ‘Āmir (d. 118/736)
Hishām (d. 42/856-7) Ibn Dakhwān (d. 245/859)
Bas.rah
Abū‘Amr (d. 154/771)
al-D.ūrī (246/860) al-Sūsī (d. 261/875)
Kūfah
‘Ās.im (d. 128/746)
H.afs. (d. 190/806) Ibn‘Ayyāsh(d. 194/810)
Kūfah
H.amzah (d. 158/775)
Khalaf (d. 229/844) Khallād (d. 220/835)
Kūfah
al-Kisā’ī [d. ca. 189/805]
alD.ūrī (d. 240/854-5)Abu’l-Harith (d. 46/860)
Adopted from: A. Jones, "The Qur’an - II," Arabic Literature to the End of the Umayyad Period, eds. A.F.L. Beeston, T.M. Johnstone et al. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 244.
464 APPENDIX 2 GLOSSARY āhād, a h.adīth reported by one chain of transmitters alif al-istifhām, alif as an interrogative particle. alif al-was.l, (lit., alif of connection), the letter alif which can be omitted, either in pronunciation, spelling, or both, such as ūlī ’l-amr read ulil amr, in modern terminology it is called hamzat alwas.l, conjuctive hamzah. amr, command, commanding, imperative amthāl (sing. mathal), parables ‘arūd., prosody asbāb al-nuzūl, the reasons for revelation; the occasions and circumstances which led to the revelation of the verses of the Qur’ān as.h.āb al-kalām, the adherents of scholastic theology as.h.āb al-ra’y, the adherents of personal opinion as.l, basic meaning, the primary signification ‘at.f, conjunction bāt.in, inward meaning bayān, explanation dalālah, an indicant, a hint, sense, meaning d.amīr, pronoun d.amīr al-sha’n, a pronoun indicating circumstances, e.g., “It is late” dīwān, collection of poetical work, collection of poetry by a single author or from a single tribe. fad.ā’il, particular virtue, "excellences" farā’id. (sing., farīd.ah), religious obligations fas.āh.ah,. eloquence
465 fatwá (pl. fatawá). legal opinion fiqh, Islamic jurisprudence fuqahā’ (sing., faqīh), Muslim jurists gharīb, rare, uncommon word or expression h.adhf, ellipsis h.adīth, news, a story, and finally a technical term for the tradition of what the Prophet said, did or approved h.alāl, lawful, permissible h.arām, unlawful, prohibited h.udūd (sing., h.add), penal law al-h.urūf al-muqat.t.a‘ah, ambiguous letters found in the opening of some sūrahs of the Qur’ān ibāh.ah, examption ‘ibrah (pl., ‘ibar), deterrent example ibtidā’ (of) inception, e.g., lām al-ibtidā’ (letter l of inception) ‘iddah, the legally prescribed period of waiting during which a woman may not remarry after being divorced or widowed idghām, contraction, such as contracting letter n with letter m in min ba‘d and read mim ba‘d id.mār, making implicit ih.tijāj, protest ijtihād, independent judgment, especially in a legal question based upon the interpretation of the Qur’ān and the Sunnah ijtihād bi ’l-ra’y, speculative thinking ikhtis.ār, brevity ‘ilm al-tas.rīf, etymology
466 iltifāt, apostrophe, shifting from one object or pronoun to another, turning the address from one person or group of people to another imālah, inclining closed vowels to open, such as pronouncing hāk as hék imām, leader, particularly at prayers. inshā’, composition ‘iqāb, punishment i‘rāb, adding vowels, the inflectional terminations of nouns and verbs; desinential (grammatical) inflection ishmām, ‘giving the flavour’ of one sound to another such as the pronunciation of the vowel u with a trace of i and vice versa, similar to the German ü; e.g., reading rudda as rüdda and h.imār as h.ümār; in the Australian accent "a nice day" is pronounced almost like "a noise die". isnād, chains of authorities on which a h.adīth (a tradition or a historical writing) is based; chains of transmitters through whom a h.adīth has been handed down isrā’iliyyāt legends from Jewish people; Jewish traditions used to amplify Qur’ānic allusions isti‘ārah, metaphor istifhām, asking a question istifhām inkārī, a negative question istifhām taqrīrī, an affirmative question is t.ilāh., conventional term, technical term (terminology) istit.rād, digression i‘tirād., parenthesis ‘ilm al-‘arūd., Arabic prosody ‘ilm al-tas.rīf,- etymology
467 ‘iz.ah, sermon, advice iz.hār, pronouncing clearly jadal, dialectic jawāb al-shart., a clause answering to an if-clause in syntax jazm, apocopating kāfir, unbeliever kalām, theology, especially the scholastic one khabar, predicate; news of the past khalaf, successors; (esp. Muslim scholars of) later generations (approx. after the third/ninth century) khālafa lafz.uhā rasmahā, irregular orthography kināyah, metonymy kunyah, "allusive" name consisting of Abū ("father of") or Umm ("mother of") followed either by a name or describing some prominent characteristic of its bearer kuttāb, Qur’ānic school lah.n, solecism, ungrammatical expression laqab, (earlier) name alluding to a personal characteristic; (later) honorific title lughat al-‘Arab, the Arabs’ way of expression mabnī, indeclinable madhhab (pl., madhāhib), a school of law among Sunnī Muslims mād.ī, preterite maghāzī, military expedition, accounts of early battles of Islam, early Muslim expeditions in which the Prophet took part majāz a way, road, or path; figurative (literary) expression
468 majāz mursal, a loose trope (e.g,. "hand" used as meaning "a benefit" or "a favour"). malāh.im, apocalyptic h.adīths; tales of eschatological nature related by storytellers mansūkh, abrogated marfū‘, in the nominative case mas.dar, verbal noun ma‘s.ūm, immune from error, infallible mawā‘iz. (sing., maw‘iz.ah), exhortations, advice mathal (pl. amthāl), parable mawlá (pl., mawālī),- protector; client, freed slave; non-Arab Muslim maws.ūl, relative pronoun mubtada’, inchoative, subject mud.āf, annexed mud.āf ilayh, what is annexed to, complements of a prefixed noun mud.āri‘, imperfect verb mufassir, commentator, interpreter, Qur’ānic exegete muh.aqqiq, an effective investigator (researcher) muh.kam, parts of the Qur’ān which had a clear meaning mujtahid, a legist who exercises ijtihād mulh.idīn, (sing. mulh.id) heretics, unbelievers mus.h.af, Qur’ānic codex Mus.h.af al-Imām: the Master Copy, the standard copy of the Qur’ān, namely, the copy of ‘Uthmān mut.ābaqah, antithesis mutakallim, scholastic theologian
469 mutashābih (pl., mutashābihāt), ambiguous obscure; ambiguous verse in the Qur’ān mutawātir, a tradition narrated by many reliable authorities that the possibilities of its being fabricated by collusion is out of question. This is the reliable tradition among Muslims. Mu‘tazilah, theological school which created the speculative dogmatics of Islam nah.w, grammar, syntax nafy, negation nāsikh, abrogating nas.rāniyyāt, legends from Christians naz.ar, insight, reason nisbah, derivative form (ending in -i) of a name or other noun Qadarīs, a group of teachers of the ‘Abbāsī period who championed free will against the theory of predestination; they later merged with the Mu‘tazilīs qād.ī, a judge, a judge of a court qād.ī ’l-qud.āt, (lit., judge of judges), chief judge qāri’ (pl., qurrā’), reader, reciter of the Qur’ān qas.as., narrative, tale, story qas.s.ās., storytellers, relaters of qis.as. qirā’ah, recitation of the Qur’ān; variant reading of the Qur’ān qirā’ah munkarah, a rejected reading, a reading which was temporarily permitted in the early period of Islam only to people who were not able to memorize or articulate the Qur’ān properly qis.s.ah (pl., qis.as.) story, narrative tale, in particular; in plural, the narrative of the Qur’ān qurrā’ (sing., qāri’), readers, reciters of the Qur’ān
470 rāsikh (pl., rasikhūn) fī ’l-‘ilm, a person who is conversant with knowledge, firmly grounded in knowledge (A.Y. Ali), deeply rooted in knowledge (M. Asad) or of sound instruction (M. Pickthall) ra’y, personal opinion rithā’, lamentation, elegiac poetry s.ah.ābah (sing., s.ah.ābī), companions of the Prophet saj‘, rhymed prose salaf,
(lit. predecessors), the first three generations of the s.ah.abah, tābi‘īn, and tābi‘ī ’l-tābi‘īn s.alāh., prayer sanad, (see isnād) shakl, consonantal outline, consonantal skeleton, such as for (bashar), (nasr) and (yusr). sharī‘ah, Islamic law shawāhid (sing., shāhid), quotations serving as textual evidence shifā’, healing s.ilah, a syndetic relative clause; the connection of a verb with the object complement, whether immediate or by means of a preposition; the complement of a maws.ūl (conjunct) s.uh.uf (sing., s.ah.īfah), leaves; pages; sheets, scrolls, particularly those of the Qur’ān sunnah, way, path; customary practice, particularly that of the Prophet; usage sanctioned by tradition; the sayings and doings of the Prophet which have been established as legally binding Sunnī, Muslim who believes that the sunnah cannot be over-ridden by any human authority sūrah, chapter of the Qur’ān
471 s.ūrah, form, representation, picture tābi‘īn (sing., tābi‘ī), people succeeding the generation of the s.ah.ābah tābi‘ī ’l-tābi‘īn, (lit., "followers of the followers"), the generation after that of the tābi‘īn tadabbur, reflection tad.mīn, insertion tafkhīm, emphatic pronunciation of a consonant, such as the English pronunciation of c, p and t in "capital", "people" and "time" (rather than in "logic", "open" and "meter". tafsīr, commentary, interpretation; Qur’ānic exegesis takhfīf, the easing in reading by dropping a vowel, such as reading bushran for bushuran; in English it is like pronouncing "transptation" for "transportation". takrār, repetition tamthīl, analogy, comparison, likening tanwīn, nunation, making clear the an, in or un ending of a word, e.g., rajul with tanwīn becomes rajulan, rajulin, and rajulun taqrīr, affirmation targhīb, encouragement of good tarhīb, discouragement of evil ta‘rīd., allusion tarqīq, softening the pronunciation of a word (opposite of tafkhīm), e.g., letter t in "better" tashbīh, simile; the error of asserting that Allah resembles created things in any way, anthropomorphism tas.rīf, the conjugation of a verb tawātur, (see mutāwatir) tawbīkh, reproach, reprimand, rebuke
472 tawqīf, the subject of divine revelation thawāb, reward tubba‘ (pl., tabābi‘ah), the title of the pre-Islamic Himyarite kings of the Yemen ‘ulamā’ (sing., ‘ālim), scholars, men of learning, savants, the theologians and teachers of Islam wa‘d, promise wa‘īd, threat wāw al-qasam, adjurative particle wud.ū’, ablution wujūh al-qirā’ah, variant readings; variae lectiones zabāniyah, infernal attendants of Hell zajr, prohibition z.ālim, transgressor zawj, a pair or one of a pair zindīq, a heretic, a dualist, particularly a Manichee.
