Tradition

Social Dimension of Chhaupadi System A Study from Achham District, Far West Nepal

By Bimala Amgain Project Owner MMRA, 2011

To Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF) SNV Nepal 2012-08-08

Acknowledgements

This learning would not have been possible if I would not get the Matthias Moyersoen Research Apprentices (MMRAs) award 2011, from Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF) on behalf of SNV. I sincerely thank from the bottom of my heart to its lead advisor Dr Manju Thapa Tuladhar, Program Officer Sita Rana Magar and the whole family members of the Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF). This report would not come into this shape if my research mentor would not contribute, so I would like to express my deep gratitude to my mentor Mr Madhusudhan Subedi, the Lecturer of Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology Anthropology Tribhuvan University Kirtipur. His meticulous correction and inspiration helped helped me a lot to bring my research in this stage. I equally express my gratitude to all the professors, lecturers lecturers involved in the course of various research trainings trainings that I have received. I would also like to thank all the research organizations and administrative administrative staffs involved in the research trainings I participated. My research report is an outcome of all these efforts. I sincerely thank to Dilli Subedi who helped me in computer skills essential to write this report. I sincerely thank to all the people from my field area who have shared their pain and sorrow with me during my field work. Among them I would like to thank Mrs Laxmi Bayek, Gauri Budha, and Chhatra Bayek who assisted me during the field work period. Last but not the least, I express my deep gratitude to my husband Prem Bahadur Chalaune who inspired me to work in this topic and helped to bring this research in to this shape. Similarly, I express to my father Yeb Nath Amgain and mother Indra Kumari Amgain. Without their sacrifice, hardships, hardships, rearing and caring I would not be in this stage. Thus, all these above mentioned people are strength of my report. Errors and mistakes are all mine. Bimala Amgain

MMRAs 2011

Acknowledgements

This learning would not have been possible if I would not get the Matthias Moyersoen Research Apprentices (MMRAs) award 2011, from Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF) on behalf of SNV. I sincerely thank from the bottom of my heart to its lead advisor Dr Manju Thapa Tuladhar, Program Officer Sita Rana Magar and the whole family members of the Social Inclusion Research Fund (SIRF). This report would not come into this shape if my research mentor would not contribute, so I would like to express my deep gratitude to my mentor Mr Madhusudhan Subedi, the Lecturer of Central Department of Sociology and Anthropology Anthropology Tribhuvan University Kirtipur. His meticulous correction and inspiration helped helped me a lot to bring my research in this stage. I equally express my gratitude to all the professors, lecturers lecturers involved in the course of various research trainings trainings that I have received. I would also like to thank all the research organizations and administrative administrative staffs involved in the research trainings I participated. My research report is an outcome of all these efforts. I sincerely thank to Dilli Subedi who helped me in computer skills essential to write this report. I sincerely thank to all the people from my field area who have shared their pain and sorrow with me during my field work. Among them I would like to thank Mrs Laxmi Bayek, Gauri Budha, and Chhatra Bayek who assisted me during the field work period. Last but not the least, I express my deep gratitude to my husband Prem Bahadur Chalaune who inspired me to work in this topic and helped to bring this research in to this shape. Similarly, I express to my father Yeb Nath Amgain and mother Indra Kumari Amgain. Without their sacrifice, hardships, hardships, rearing and caring I would not be in this stage. Thus, all these above mentioned people are strength of my report. Errors and mistakes are all mine. Bimala Amgain

MMRAs 2011

Executive Summary

This report explores the interrelationship interrelationship among institutions such as Shamanism (Dhami/Deota Pratha), Jaisi system (a kind of traditional healing system), local

belief system, caste system, regional social system, family elders, power structure, and economic deprivation and Chhaupadi system. The report seeks the link between how Chhaupadi system is produced and how it is sustained by various local agencies and structure. Chhaupadi system, a traditional practice prevalent in far west and some parts of mid west region in Nepal, in which women and girls are considered as impure and polluted during their period of menstruation and forbidden to live inside the home and kept out of touch and face various social restrictions. As like lower caste Dalits who are treated as Untouchable (nachhunemanchey), women are treated in similar way in each period of their menstruation and delivery. The only difference is that Dalits are treated as nachhunemanchey permanently and women temporarily. The same principle of pollution and purity that divides the caste divides the gender. Women have to face impurity avoidance avoidance during their period of menstruation and delivery as Dalit face mainly in public places like temple, water source, food, and social intercourse. Their contact with perceived pure things is considered as impure and disastrous. The stereotype is that if they touch the pure things and the persons who are following ascetic ascetic life such as Dhami/Phulpate, Jaisi, and other community leaders, then it brings some disaster in the community. Society does not treat menstruation as natural phenomena. Local agencies and sociopolitical system manipulate manipulate and defend the existing Chhau system through the means of various myth and superstition. Local agencies such as family seniors, Dhami/Deveta, Jasis, priests, and community leaders pass the mythical stories of snake bite, disease, and premature death, cattle harm associating with the menstruation and delivery period. Women are considered as polluted during the period of menstruation and delivery and face various restrictions. One the one hand Chhaupadi system is associated with various local agencies, on the other it is also connected with inadequate human development and economic deprivation in the region. In terms of capability to be educated, well nourished, healthy and longer life, access to health facilities, and capability to be free the region lies in the bottom rank in comparison with eastern and western part of Nepal. So, the

superstitious practice Chhaupadi is also connected with abovementioned dark situation. It is also associated with economic deprivation and overall power structure. The food denial during their menstrual cycle is a part of the overall food deficiency situation in the region. Chhaupadi is also linked with power structure as well. Previous politicians were the strong followers of Chhau as of other traditions, as a result Chhaupadi system continued since generation to generation.

TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background 1.2. Statement of the Problem 1.3. Researcher's Quests and Objectives 1.3.1. Researcher's Quests 1.3.4. Research Objectives 1.4. THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK 1.4.1. Institutional Theories and Socialization 1.4.2. Liberal Feminism 1.4.3. Radical Feminism 1.4.4. Socialistic Feminism CHAPTER TWO LITERATURE REVIEW CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1. Research Design 3.2. Study Area 3.3. Nature and Sources of Data 3.4. Data Collection Techniques 3.4.1. Informal Interview 3.4.2. Semi Structured Interview 3.4.3. Life History/ Case Study 3.4.4. Chhau Location Assessment 3.4.5. Limitations of the Study CHAPTER FOUR PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL SETTING 4.1. The Place and the People 4.2. Field Entry/ Rapport Building 4.3 Social Cultural Layout 4.4. Chhau Scenario CHAPTER FIVE IDEOLOGY, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION

5.1. The Ideology of Pollution and Purity 5.2. Dharma and Paap 6.3. Social-Political History and Local Institutions 5.3.1. Shamanism (Dhami/Deota and Fulpate) 5.3.2. Traditional Healer (Jaisi) practice

5.3.3. Regional Social System 5.3.4. Poverty and Incapability 5.3.5. Village Politicians and the State 5.3.6. Local Belief System 5.3.6.1. Deep Seated Beliefs into Practice: 5.3.7. The Agencies of Socialization 5.3.8. Embedded Myths 5.3.9. SOME CASE STUDIES FINDINGS 5.3.9.1. The Cost of Crossing the Boundary 5.3.9.2. The Plight of Anti-Chhau Activists CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 6.1. Summary 6.2. Conclusion References Appendix One Check List Appendix Two Chhau Location Assesment

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1. Background

Chhaupadi system is traditional practice in which during menstruation women and girls are forbidden to touch anything and have to li ve in cowshed. It is a widespread practice  prevalent in far west and some parts of mid west region of Nepal. In far west it is prevalent mainly in Achham, Bajura, Bajang, Doti, Baitadi, Dadheldhura, Darchula, Kanchanpur, and Kailali and in mid west it is prevalent in Kalikot, Jumla, Humla, Mugu, Dailekh Jajarkot, and Surkhet Districts. In these areas, family and society do not treat menstruation as natural  phenomena. In Chhaupadi system girls and women are isolated from family and home during several days in their menstrual cycle. Menstrual women are not allowed to touch men, children, cattle, living plants, and fruit bearing trees. If they touch all aforesaid things it is believed that the things become polluted and it made god angry (Bennet1983). Cowshed or buffalo shed which are located under the upstairs of home are the living habitat of chhaupadi women. In addition to it separate structures of hut (chhaupadi shed) are also made 20 -25 meter far from residual home. Such separate chhaupadi sheds lack doors, and are narrow, tight and very congested (Kafle 2011). When they need social support, nutritious food, and warm home especially during the period of delivery, after child birth, menstruation, women of far western have to live in either cowshed or  buffalo shed or in Chhaupadi shed and eat less dietary food. At a period of transition, pain they have to follow varieties of restrictions. They are denied to eat ghee, milk, curd, etc and are forbidden to touch public tap, temple, home, and food either(Upreti 2010). They are treated as untouchable during 5-7 days. Many die during child birth and even during menstruation due to cold, hot, rain, and unsafe delivery in cowsheds. One study reveals t hat fifty out of two hundred cases suffer by pro-lapse ( Aang khasne) in far western while hardly one case found in Mustang (Upreti 2011). Nutrition, care in pregnancy and delivery play vital role behind it. The women of far western feel easy to go in cowshed rather than in Health post, because the situation is that there neither doctor nor medicine (Upreti 2010). Even if in doctor’s rare presence they are not treated in good way. If cholera or diarrhoea spread out, if snake bite then menstruated women have high chance of death because social taboo hinder their fast treatment keeping out them from touch. Family members delay them in hospital. Some women have to go i n cowshed and follow Chhau restrictions (menstrual taboos) for dozen times for a single son because sons are idealized and daughters are devalued. During menstruation and child birth women of Achham are treated non- humanly. Many things have been changed after ten years Maoist movement and popular movement 062/63 BS, state transformed into democratic republic, the constitution of 2047 BS and 2063 BS ensured the equal rights for all citizens, but a large seize of population is still in this condition. In the name of women, 197 nearly 33% female reached in biggest constituent assembly, but none of the women are nominated as a member from Achham, Bajang, Bajura, and Kanchanpur(four districts). In my field area Achham, none of the women has been elected as a village chairman never ever. Despite being equal citizens and having equal rights they do not have right to property. Maternal and child mortality is high and education enrolment is low. The meaningless, powerless, and voiceless condition of the women of Achham is reflected in chhaupadi system (Menstrual taboos). Therefore the issue of chhaupadi is needed to study to look the situation of women from the vantage point of Chhaupadi. Thus the whole social, economic, and political dimension of chhaupadi system are relevant to study. This study will be helpful to formulate policy to transform the condition of sidelined women of far west Nepal. 1.2. Statement of the Problem Within Chhaupadi system(called as Chhau pratha in far west), women and girls are kept in cowshed or Chhaupadished (Chhuikatero), which is a little bit far from residual home. Isolated Chhaupadisheds, cowsheds where women are resided during their menstruation are open and door less. Women and girls have to stay in such huts and cowsheds five to seven days in each

month amidst their menstruation. Sometime within these cowshed and Chhaupadished women and girls have to be the victim of snake bite, some poisonous insects and even by tiger as well (Upreti 2010). Yearly more than dozen women and girls reached i nto the mouth of death by such incidents but are rarely exposed in public. It is reported that open and door less hut and cowshed are becoming the easy sphere for rape and sexual abuse. Such door less cowshed and hut are safe  place for raper and sexual abuser. Most of the rape cases do not revealed in front of village fearing for the future of unmarried girls. Most of the rape cases are kept hidden. For overall women, chhau bring different kinds of miseries. They are kept untouched from food, water, cattle, men, temple, etc. Deep seated patriarchal Hindu values perceive menstruated women as impure or polluted (Bennet 1983). At a time when they need some nutritious food they are denied to eat milk, curd, ghee etc. The menstruated women and girl should not touch food, water, cattle , home, and temple either. Within deeply entrenched patriarchal tradition women are treated as  polluted for aforementioned things while for rape and sexual abuse they are not considered as  polluted, or profane. Chhaupadi women are prohibited to touch public tap and spring. They have to take bath and wash clothes from separate tap which are generally located in the downside of  public taps. Above mentioned taboos and restrictions are also implied in the case of pregnant women at their natal period. In local dialect, the women who are pregnant are called as Goatha  jane which literally give sense being prepared to go for cowshed. During natal period (child birth) and after the birth of the child they have to live in such cowshed 10-12 days and have to follow same restrictions what menstruated women follow. They are denied to eat milk product and kept untouched. If they touch water, home, temple, spring it is believed that it made god angry brings some disaster (Upreti 2011). It is believed t hat it brings cholera, Diarrhoea, heavy rain, sand stones, hurricanes, landslide and drought. Restrictions, and untouchability imposed for women are justified in this way by orthodox Patriline Hindu values. In violation of above prohibitions it is believed that local deity (such as Dhami jhakri) become angry and bring natural and social disaster. Local deity (Dhami) does not walk the way through which menstruated women has walked. In the case of school going girl Chhau pratha led them dropout from school (Koirala, Bajracharya, and Khadka, 2010). Due to lack of sanitary pad for chhau girl, absence of safety toilets for change during Chhau, harassment of classmates on Chhau issue, irregularity of the girl children in school because of Chhau, difficulty in coping the class work and assignments, teacher’s verbal and corporal punishment led their eventual dropout from the school. 1.3. The Researcher's Quests and Objectives 1.3.1. Researcher's Quests The larger set of problem can be pin down as follows: Despite so many changes in culture, politics, gender, level of awareness, education how and why Chhau practice remained as it is except very nominal changes? How Chhau system is transmitted from one generation to another? How new generation become socialized within chhau? How Chhau practice is defended  by different social actors such as by religious leaders, and family seniors? What kinds of myth, stories, produce the common sense of Chhau? How Chhau commonsense are constructed and reinforced across time and history. Why and how Chhau restrictions are connected with economic condition and political power? 1.3.2. Objectives The overall objective of the research was to explore social, economic, and political dimensions of Chhaupadi women. Underlying on general specific objective of the research were as follows 1) To assess the institutions that produces and sustains the commonsense of chhau, 2) To describe the process through which Chhau system is justified and defended,

1.4. THEORITICAL FRAMEWORK 1.4.1. Institutional Theories and Socialization Contemporary feminist theorists seek gender difference, inequality, oppression, suppression of women through the landscape of institutions and socialization (Ritzer 2000). For them gender division of labour, the doctrine of private public sphere in which women are restricted to work as a house worker, mother, care giver result the women’s less privileged  position, subordination, and domination. The division of labour that confine women in private world (within the chores of household) and men i n public world creates the different situation for them. Institutional theories believe on the fact that institutions produce different social space, and experience for men and women. In addition to it, in the case of chhaupadi system I will seek the role of other micro and macro institutions. Among micro I will seek how t he chhaupadi system is enacted and reinforced by family, local Dhami, priest, community, and school. Among macro I will seek the role of state how it is keeping its mom silent on this non human practice still existing in 21st century. I will seek how Chhaupadi (women’s untouchability) is passing or transmit from one generation to another generation in process of socialization. On the role of socialization I will see how the cultural typifications of Chhaupadi are enacted and reinforced through storytelling, myth, superstitions and penetrate and cemented into the minds of youngsters. 1.4.2. Liberal Feminism Through the lens of liberal feminism gender inequality, oppression, and suppression as a by product of the interplay of four factors i.e. patriarchal and sexist patterning of di vision of labour, social construction of gender, doctrine of private and public sphere and patriarchal ideology. According to liberal feminist gender equality can be achieved only after transforming division of labour and re-patterning key institutions such as family, law, work, education, and mass media. For them existing institutions and division of labour restrict the women’s freedom. Male biased institutions and their assigned roles create hurdles for women to be independent. For instance marriage gives more freedom to male while hinders women’s freedom. It reduce tension, insomnia, and heart disease for men while increase these t hings for women after marriage. Because it makes women dependent and compliant to the men and confine them wit hin the house hold periphery. So for liberal feminists transforming division of labour and re-patterning key institutions is prerequisite for the emancipation of women. I will seek chhaupadi system of Achham in association with deep seated patriarchal ideology, division of labor, the doctrine of  private public sphere and social construction of gender. I will seek how chhaupdi system is a part of a patriarchal domination. 1.4.3. Radical Feminism Patriarchy creates guilt, oppression, sadism, masochism and manipulation. Sadist culture is a by-product of patriarchy. The main m otto behind oppression, sadism, masochism and manipulation is to control the women body. Overt and covert violence are also rooted on  patriarchy. Overt violence refers to direct physical cruelty and covert refer to indirect hurt. Covert violence occur through the complex practices of exploitation of women such as through fashion and beauty tyrannical ideal of motherhood, myth of chastity, unpaid household drudgery and under paid work, etc while overt violence occur through direct practice of witch burning, rape, sexual abuse, etc. so for a radical feminist women are oppressed everywhere through overt and covert violence. The main purpose behind the practice of overt and covert violence is to serve the men’s interest, to make women as a compliant tool, dominant’s instrument, second class citizen, etc. Ultimately, it is to control the women body. In this way through the oppression, sadism, masochism and manipulation it makes women subservient to the men, it subordinate to women. Chhau system of far western in which women and girls are treated as non human seems like a  part of sadism and masochism. In sadist culture one party (individual or collectivity) take

 pleasure looking other party’s (individual or collectivity) miseries, hurt, etc. Chhau a part of sadist culture is practiced to keep women always in weak and compliant position and men in dominant and powerful position to continue patriarchy. Ultimately it is t o control women body, to subordinate them, to make them always powerless through which male could be placed always in superior and powerful position. Chhau system is practiced to compliant women to t he men, to fulfil the interest of men. In far western Nepal chhau system is practiced to prepare women to work like a bullock within household work. It is to prepare women for unpaid household drudgery, for male needed reproduction etc. 1.4.4. Socialistic Feminism Socialistic feminism talks about patriarchy but capitalistic patriarchy. Capitalist  patriarchy caused Gender oppression. The use, abuse, subjugation, and subordination of women is cultivated and promoted ultimately by capitalistic structural arrangements. To fulfill the interest of profit, capital accumulation for some groups, multifaceted inequalities and domination are  promoted structurally. So, capitalistic social arrangements promote domination and subordination through the institution of patriarchy. It is done to exploit surplus value from labor. Intertwining relationship between capitalism and patriarchy led gender oppression in which some group of  people own the resources and many become deprived from it in larger context while in family male own the property and female become deprived from it. Patriarchy was emerged later after the origin of private property. For Marx and Engels it was the private property that led the world historic defeat of women. After the shift of hunting, gathering into herding and farming the concept of private property came into existence. In process of change society from hunting, gathering to herding and farming it cut down the independent economic base of women as gatherers, crafters, storers, and distributors of essential materials. Then the institution of family  becomes emerged to preserve that property. The first family was originated from master and his slave servants, wife servants, and children servants. Before that kin based society was in pract ice in which particular individual could not control the women’s sexuality. After t he invention of family, women body started to be controlled. After its invention, private property gone under the ownership of men then men became master and women became slave. Since then patriarchy and the family are becoming the complex institutions for women’s exploitation and subordination. Capitalism is extracting resources and human labor through family and patriarchy. It has instutionalized multifaceted form of inequality within the sphere of family and community. These institutions are becoming the practice ground of exploitation and oppression for t he interests of capital accumulation, surplus value for some groups of people. Each family produce male for a factory owner in a free and subsidized rate. Women turned into the child producing machine and house worker. They manage house hold and produce child for the benefit of factory. They are compensated from nowhere for this task. Instead to compensate them, capitalists exploited the surplus value from their supposed bread winner i.e. from mal es.

CHAPTER TWO LITERATUR REVIEW In the case of India women are considered as men’s property. Women don’t have right to their own body. Their body is not seems autonomous or independent (Mathur 2008). They don’t have right to express sexual desire, have no mobility right as per their own will, and have no decisive rights with related to their body. They are not free from fear. Women are subjected to physical and emotional violence within house hold by their partners and outside of it  by state alliance. They are spatially immobile, and have no decision right with regards to when to marry, with whom to marry, and when to get child. In terms of spatial mobility they don’t have right to decide where to go, who they go with, when to go at day or night etc. They are not independent since birth to death. At child they are subjected to their father, at youth to husband, and after the death of their husband they are subjected to their sons. Hundreds of evidences show the low status of women. May you be the mother of hundred sons is the common blessing of Hindu wedding. Sons are idealized and daughters are devalued. The a uthor had analyzed various cases of discrimination and violence faced by women at work and home only because of being women. Mathur have analyzed the cases of rape, dowry burning, sati, and other forms of violence from the vantage point of patriarchy. The rape of a minor tribal girl in Mathura was occurred by the so called protector of law and order. The police were involved on that rape case. The suicide of Sangeeta Sharma an advocate of Andhra Pradesh High Court was also the result of the sexual harassment of her fellow and senior judges at high court. Her suicide notes revealed such facts later. The burning of women in Hyderbaad in the case of inadequate dowry and the forced situation of young widow in Rajasthan who immolate her i n her husband’s funeral pyre shows the common plight of women in India (Mathur 2008). The discrimination towards women starts since before birth to till death. Women are expected to eat last leaving best food for men and neglect illness for the sake of home and family. The food distribution within home led malnutrition and ill health of women. Ill health transmitted from inadequately nourished mother to the child. Inadequately nourished mother are likely to produce underweight babies in comparison with adequately nourished mothers. Underweight babies have high chance of death and slow growth. They have less capacity to fight with disease and death in comparison with the child of adequately nourished mother. So the illness and poverty transmitted one generation to another by lower status of women at home. Food and household resources are distributed according to gender hierarchy and patriarchal values. The unequal labor sharing during pregnancy and after child birth, rearing, and caring of children overburden women. They can’t decide how to dress, what to wear, how to sit, how to speak in front of men. They have to be obedient, sacrificial, and disciplined. Without prior permission they can’t go outside the home. Women are expected to negate their self. They are subservient to t heir male counterparts. Food distribution with in home is the result of female biased gender hierarchy, property inheritance system. In addition that occurs within household resource constraints. In this way Indian women are denied not only by society but by themselves. Mathur seek the status, discrimination, and violence faced by Indian women from the standpoint of patriarchy. She found all these things as an outcome of female biased gender norms, household hierarchy, and resource constraints. But what inadequate in her study is that how resource constraints, household gender hierarchy is produced and reproduced by larger structure. How margin and center (female and male) is an outcome of history of peripheralization which  produces uneven industrialization and locate the centre of production in far distant areas where it concentrate the production activities and creates jobs. On the contrary it dislocates the productive activities and makes people jobless and option less. So, Mathur did not seek the connections  between resource constraints and uneven Industrialization which is ultimately created by world capitalism, the relationship between metropolis satellites. Like entire world, in India women body is as a contested Terrain where power is played out. Women do not have intrinsic right over own

 body. They do not have control and autonomy upon own body. Women are considered as men’s  property. They do not have right to be free from fear. They are not free from subjected to physical and emotional violence. Lynn Bennett (Bennett 1983) had conducted anthropological study on the status of High caste Brahimin-Chhetri women in a village named as Narikot which is proximate to Kathmandu. Using field work method such as life history, participant observation, and genealogical analysis, Bennet has tried to explore status of high caste women in different social setting such as in husband and their natal homes connecting it with Hindu Patrilineal ideology. For Bennet, position between men and women cannot be understood in isolation from Hindu cult ure. Her study shows that women have different social status in affinal and consanguinal relationship. Due to patrilineal Hindu values, high caste Brahamin-Chhetri women have low social status, they are underneath of their husband, and treated as impure or polluted in their husband’s home while in their natal home they are treated as pure or sacred or the mythic form of Goddess. In their affinal relationship women have to be obedient, and dutiful to their in laws and family elders. They are bounded by so many responsibilities and observance of practices. They have to be observance of strict fast of Tij, menstrual taboos, and strict kitchen purity. Different behaviours and practices in different homes have root on the myth that celibacy as pure and procreation as impure. In addition to i t they do have concern to control women’s sexuality. For Bennet, observance of strict ritual  practices such as Tij fast and menstrual taboos as substitute of control and oppression. For Bennett, behind the low status of women, it has root on patriline Hindu culture. The swoshani varta katha, other traditional Hindu texts, and deep seated patriline Hindu values result hierarchy, status, and power differentials of women. Bennet has looked status of women from the stand  point of patriline Hindu ideology. She has followed the line of Domount. She has not connected the lower status of women with economy and power. She did not analyze the issue associating it with property inheritance system. Women do not have right to property even up to now. And they do not have access to power. These may be the other causes that led that lower status of women. So Bennet has very less concerns with the dynamics of economy and political power (Bennett 1983). Sama Cakewa, (Davis 2005) a twelve days long festival, celebrated among Maithil Bramin women in Janakpur, is as a practice of hierarchical brother- sister relationship in which brother are worshiped and prayed for the security of women in their conjugal homes. The brother’s dominant position manifested in different forms of story-tell ing and way of celebration in whole festive occasion. In whole ritual occasion sister sing the songs; take part on storytelling, and figurine play to prey for the longevity of brother. Married women also come to their natal homes to celebrate it. The main purpose of Sama Cakewa is to ensure Brother’s longevity. Another mythical purpose related with Sama Cakewa is to control the women’s sexuality in which Krishna punished her own daughter Sama in charge of free roaming in jungle. Sama and Her husband Cakewa became the bird as a result of krishna’s punishment and later hardly came in the form of human after 12 years of Samba(the brother of Sama)’s sacrifice and meditation. This study also thinks Hindu religion and myth as responsible factor behind i nequality, and less  privileged position of women. It cut and hides the less privileged position of women from the fact that they have no right to own parental property. It de emphasis on the fact that first, women excluded from parental property, and then from other things. Fertility, Birth, (Ginsburg and Rapp 1991) childcare activities are only for the sake of constitution of labor. Biological processes are always mediated by social, economic, political context and cultural understandings. For Ginsburg and Rayana Rapp reproduction is a source of subordination. Poor fertile women are recruited as surrogate mothers and ova sellers to international reproductive brothels. In many parts of the world women are held responsible for infertility and bad outcomes of pregnancy. The author has analyzed many cases of different parts of the world. In the case of menstruation, In Ivory Coast, among the Oglala Sioux menstruated women are perceived as creative spirituality. By contrast, in r ural Turkey Muslim tradition dictates the subordination of menstruated women.

 Nepalese women are subordinated because they do not have right to property. Cultural, religious orthodoxy, juridical ideological make up of Nepalese society is masculine which block women from property (Luitel 2001). Other forms of miseries start first from depriving resources Men are recognized as a procreator and protector of female and femininity and female as Satisfiers of male in terms of food, pleasure, and sex. Myth such as men have to produce and women have to cook hinders them to be the owner of property and to command over it. Despite guarantee of equal rights to property ensured by 1990s constitution, none of the women have got right to property in  Nepal. They are still guiding by the norms of conservative civil code, called the Muluki Ain 2020 (1963AD) which does not allow a daughter to have a full property inheritance rights. A married woman is not recognized as independent citizen but as a co-partner to her husband, she therefore cannot claim a share over the property in his lifetime. Denial of property rights, entitlements lead other so many forms of exclusion.

CHAPTER THREE METHODOLOGY 3.1. Research Design I have followed the making research sociological (Mishra 2009) in which Prof. Mishra suggests to seek individual problems, hopes, and fears linking with history and social structure. History and biography, self and world are intricately connected and shape to each other. Each institution, custom, tradition, is the construction of h istory and social structure. For Prof. Mishra, History, and structure shape to individual and individual shape to structure. Following the footsteps of Mishra, I have associated how institutions and social structure create and sustain Chhau system and how it is changing across time and history. I have seen here how history and social structure is shaping Chhau pratha and anti Chhau campaigners and how anti Chhau campaigners are again reshaping history and social structure. I have observed how Chhau  predicament and change undergoing in this mal practice is a construction of institutions, and historical whole. The descriptive and narrative design has chosen to dig out the connections  between orthodox patriline Hindu values and Chhau culture (Bennet 1983), property rights, and  powerlessness and chhau restrictions (Luitel 2001). 3.2. Study Area and Rationale for Selection Turmakhand VDC is situated 20 kilometer far from Jumla highway and nearby with Bhairabsthan VDC from wher e one Dalit women had died in cowshed last year. I had selected co-researcher from this VDC. The other adjoining VDCs nearby with Turmakhand are  Narayanpur(Nada), Dhungachalna, and Toshi. 3.3. Nature and Sources of Data Both primary and secondary data has been employed for this research work. However, the study is almost based on the primary data. The primary data has been collected from field visit. Major sources of primary data were the people from Turmakhand VDC, where as the secondary data and information has been obtained from various sources such as such as  published Books, journals, previous study reports, and daily newspapers etc. The data were qualitative in nature. 3.4. Data Collection Technique The following techniques have been used in data collection. Primary Data Collection 3.4.1. Informal interview In earlier days of my field visit I used this technique. The main purpose of this interview was to build rapport and to find out the issues of unstructured inter views. I had conducted 10 unstructured interviews. I conducted informal interview without any structure and control. I went through pleasing chitchat and ended accordingly. All interviews were recorded and transcribed later. 3.4.2. Semi-Structured Interview: Semi structured interview (Bernard 1995) have been conducted with key informants through the means of open ended questions. I conducted 20 unstructured interviews from various agencies such as from Dhamis, Fulpates, Jaisis, motherinlaws, politicians, educated girls and women, educated men, members of women's group, health workers, and the anti Chhau campaigners. I adopted general guideline, check list and noted the Probe and silent probe thoroughly during interactions to read the non verbal expression and to check the validity and accuracy.

3.4.3. Life History/Case Studies Life history (Bernard 1998) has been conducted with Dhamis, Jaisis, elderly women, and anti chhau activists. I have conducted also life histories with abovementioned categories. To know the Chhau supported myth, stories, and incidents elderly people have been consulted and to know the ill consequences of chhau anti chhau activists have been asked. 3.4.4. Chhau Location Assessment I have cited Chhau location as living place of Chhaupadi women and girl. The main  purpose of Chhau location assessment was to find out the overall scenario of Chhau particularly about where most of the women and girls live during their menstrual period. Whether they live at home, or Cow and Buffalo Shed or separate Chhuikatero. A survey has been conducted at the end of the field work from six different wards of the village to know where women live during menstrual cycle. I did not try to gather the information about landholding size, income and expenditure. The simple set of questionnaire is used at t he end of the field work to know where most of the women live either in cowsheds or in separate Chhuikatero or at home. I found only six families living at home from whole VDC while rest of the families are living either in separate Chhuikateros or in cow and buffalo sheds except Bazar area. Among them the more than two third portions are living in separate Chhuikateros. Separate Chhuikateors make women more out of contract from home rather than the cowsheds and buffalo sheds. So I had designed the question format only targeting this information. My assistants did not go house to house to gather the information about where they live. They obtained the data of living status from six wards using the simple survey format going in one or two cluster of each ward. In the case of rest of the three wards, I did not use the survey form knowing the fact that all living in separate Chhukateros. The families from ward number 7, 8, 9 of Juya and Jaisur almost live in separate Chhuikateros except two families living at home not abiding by the tradition. I obtained this information during informal interview so, I did not feel to use survey format. So in this case, I had obtained data of living status of whole VDC thus i did not used any sampling procedure. I got the information of whole VDC, thus did not follow any sampling procedure gathering data of whole population. 4.4.5. Limitations the Study This study is about a village and people living in eastern part of Achham District. The rigidity of Chhau practice might be more and l ess even in other villages in the district according to the level of education, provision of health facilities, the practice of shamanism, level of poverty, caste rigidity. Many of the social factors and conditions influence the practice one among which is the practice of Shamanism. The people from the family of shamans follow the Chhau restrictions up to seven days while some people from other families follow the practice up to five to six days within the village of my field area. This varies from village to village and district to district in far west region. So the complexities and the perpetuation of Chhau is not the same even all parts of far west region. So the findings only apply only eastern part of Achham. There are many cases of resistance which hold vary significant to document and I could not concentrate on it because my primary focus was on how and what perpetuates the Chhaupadi system. The Chhau reality, food taboo and other restrictions might be entirely different beyond the far west region.

CHAPTER FOUR  PHYSICAL AND SOCIAL SETTING 4.1. The Place and People It takes seven to eight hours walk to reach at Turmakhand VDC from Tunibagar, the nearby market which is located in the corridor of Jumla highway and connect Dailekh and Achham Districts. Turmakhand VDC is situated in between the other neighbouring VDCs such as  Narayanpur(Nada), Dhungachalna, Bhairabsthan, and Toshi. From district headquarter, it takes one and half days walk to reach at the field village. Turmakhand is Village where most of the government offices are established targeting to provide service its neighbouring six VDCs. So it consist government offices like forest, agricultural, veterinary, health post, police post, and cooperatives including small Bazar. One higher secondary school is located in Turmakhand Bazar. Geographically it is diverse, and scattered. Somewhere it takes nearly one days walk to reach from one ward to another. Some wards and clusters are very near too. Especially Juya and Jaisur which consists ward no 7, 8, and 9 are far from rest of the wards and clusters. Rest of the six Ward are resided in Chisi, Godhe, and Turmakhand Bazar and among which Chisi and Bazar are not much scattered. During my field stay I observed these two parts separately focusing on Juya and Jaisur and the rest of the cluster and wards. 4.2. Field Entry/Rapport Building: As I reached at Turmakhand Bazar, I met with my research assistant and searched the house for my field stay. I made a plan to stay some days at Bazaar to build the rapport with entire VDC, because it was the meeting point of all the villagers. I stayed there for three days to meet various kinds of respondents that were needed to me and made a research plan for the villages. So I stayed at Turmakhand Bazaar to break the ice and build the rapport with entire village. Although I was very familiar for most of the villagers, but at that time I was there for different  purpose which i had to tell them. As i told them that I was there to talk and take interview with  people about Chhaupadi system, some of my friends started to tell that I don't have need to go to the village for that purpose because they can tell what I need. They told that why i need to bother to go with the villagers and what they will tell, they know nothing. One of my friends suggested  better to listen him rather than to bear a nuisance to go with the villagers, But I had to go to the villages to interact with the family elders, the mother in laws, the shamans(Dhamis), Fulpates(the worshipers Dhami), traditional healers(jaisis), village politicians, and anti Chhau campaigners etc. To know the myth, stories that justify the practice, i had to go with different actors like Dhami, Jaisi, family elders, and community leaders in the villages. 4.3. Social Cultural Layout There are the mixed settlements in which Khsas Chhetris such as Bayek, Budha, and Saud and Dalits live in the village. Thakuri families who were the local rajas despite being very  population have ruled over many VDCs in eastern Achham due to their connection with the king and Rana rulers during Rana and Panchayat regime have now been migrated. They were the rulers in many VDCs in this region. They used to claim them as the successors of princely local king. Though the ordinary Khas Chhetris such as Bayek and Budhas were great in numbers,they were considered as the subjects of one or two Thakuri family in this village. The scenario was not unlike in the case of other villages. Though majority population was of Chhetris and Brahamans, they used to be governed by one or two Thakuris or Shah Families. Shahas or Thakuris were the  bearers of most of the tradition that was created considering their economic and political interests.  Now Shah ruling families have not been in the village but some of the Thakuris or Shahis have  been living at Bazar area of Turmakhand from neighbouring VDC. But Thakuris or shahis have some large populations in other surrounding VDCs. In terms of caste they rank the top level in local hierarchy. They have been and still being treated as r ajas. They don't marry with ordinary Khas Chhetris and Brahamans. Brahamans are considered as priest of Thakuris and ordinary

Chhetris. There is a different kind of hierarchy between various castes and Dalit lies in the bottom of that echelon. In far west region there is also hierarchy between Chhetris and between Dalits. So the far west region is a segregated type of society and the Turmakhand is also not different from that. The village follows the Hindu tradition and worship so many god and goddesses in local level. In each VDC they have their own deities which are also named as shamans (Dhami/Deota in local vernacular). In addition to believe on local deity or s hamans (Dhami), the village also believe on traditional healers (Jaisis). Local deity and traditi onal healer system is deeply entrenched in the village. Many superstitions, myth are associated with this local deity or faith healers and traditional healing system which are linked also with the Chhaupadi system. So the local social cultural system is constructed with these multiple i nstitutions, actors and agencies such as caste system, local myth, superstition, values-norms, local deity, and traditional healing system. In house hold level family hold and bear this system and tradition. The village social and cultural system constructed by multiple institutions does not treat Chhaupadi as natural phenomenon. It associates some unlucky happenings with the violations of Chhau rules during the period of menstruation. 4.4. Chhau Scenario During interaction I came to know that Turmakhand VDC was one of the Chhaupadi free Villages along with other19 VDCs of Achham where the Women Developmnt Office (WDO) and Save the Children have been working in collaboration to eliminate the practice. Both the WDO and Save the Children had declared this VDC as the Chhaupadi free VDC in their document, but in practice the reality was different. Alt hough at Bazaar side, there is growing number of women and girls who have been started to live at home leaving the Chhaupadi sheds and are not much abided by Chhauapdi restrictions. In the case of Turmakhand Bazaar the followers and non-followers of Chhau system is fifty-fifty during my field work period. But in the case of villages, if anyone goes ten minute far from Bazaar towards the village, then the  practice is prevalent in each village, and settlement. On entire nine wards except small Bazaar, I found only six houses that were not abiding by the norms of Chhau system. In terms of caste, the  practice is more rigid among lower caste Dalits, and upper caste Thakuris. Though, Thakuris who were very few numbers and currently have migrated at Terai were the strict followers of the tradition. Thakuris were the rulers, who used to claim themselves as local king, live in other many neighbouring VDCs strongly follow fdthe tradition. Thakuris live in large numbers in its neighbouring villages such as in Narayanpur and many other VDCs. It is r eported that the Thakuris from Narayanpur as of other VDCs are more rigid in bearing old customs and tradition. Most of the women from Thakuris families go home only after seven days menstrual cycle. This also applies in the case of local deity or shaman, traditional healers ( Jaisi), and Brahmins, and the worshipers of local deity from other various castes. The living status of Chhaupadi women is more worsening and quite complex among Dalit community. However relatively educated and well off families from abovementioned castes are resisting the practice. They treat Chhaupadi system as the tradition of shame which is lowering their status. So at first during my initial field work days with whom I encountered, they became very fearful assuming me as a reporter. They annoyed for the coverage of Chhaupadi news in national news paper and radio. They thought that they might be insulted by the news coverage of Chhaupadi system. On my initial encounter, and even entire field work period, they thought me as an opponent of Chhauapdi system. Very few local activists became happy perceiving me as the opponent of tradition, while at the same time strict followers of the tradition became unhappy perceiving me as the eliminator of the tradition. The proponents of the system were being fearful for the suspicion of news coverage in national and international media about the system. They do not want to be coverage and matter of discussion due to this odd practice. They perceived me as reporter from any established national media. They took Chhaupadi as prestige issue, and at my first i nformal conversation, they seemed very reluctant to share the fact that they are abiding by the practice. I tried to make clear to many

of them before informal and unstructured interview, telling that, neither have I belonged with any  NGO/INGO nor with other change activists, nor with the agencies who want status-quo of the system, I have come here only to know the tradition from the perspective of different actors. I clarified my side to all the pros and cons agencies of Chhaupadi system before to conduct interview. I had to tell that neither I am a reporter, nor a staff of any NGO, neither I am here to change the practice, nor to keep the practice as it is, I am here to know what different people say about the practice. After three days ice break, and rapport I made a plan to go to the village to observe the practice and to interact with the people. I applied informal interview, and unstructured interview, except life histories and case studies. So basically I used qualitative techniques to generate the data. At the end of the field I used a Chhau Location Assessment format to know the exact figure living in cowsheds, or buffalo sheds or in separate small Chhaupadi sheds or at home. The main motto behind this Chhau Location Assessment is to know the living status of women during menstruation period. I have taken the interviews with the members of women’s group, the old mother in laws, daughter in laws, Dhamis(considered as local deity), Fulpate(the worshipers of Dhamis), Jaisis, Brahamans, local health workers, educated girls and anti Chhau campaigners.

CHAPTER FIVE IDEOLOGY, INSTITUTIONS, AND PROCESS OF SOCIALIZATION 5.1. The ideology of pollution and purity The ideas of pollution, purity, auspiciousness and inauspiciousness are central concerns of caste and gender. The concepts of Purity (suddha, Chokho), and impurity (asuddha,  Jutho) are found in Hindu culture. The ideology of purity-pollution is related with states of  peoples, objects, and actions. Caste and gender interactions in far west region are governed by the concepts of pollution and purity (Cameron 1998). The prevalent ideology of purity and pollution treat certain states of people, objects, and act ions as impure and particular things as pure. Particular events such as birth, death, and miscarriage are treated as impure and contacts between  people during these periods are prohibited from impure to pure. Bodily substances such as saliva,  phlegm, seamen, and blood are considered as impure. Women are treated as bodily polluted during the period of menstruation. Lower caste people are also considered as bodily impure and which is directly associated with their occupational impurity. They are treated as impure because they handle the leather work, eat beef, and remove the dead animals. So the bodily impurity of lower caste Dalits is coterminous with occupational impurity. Most of the social transactions  between people in everyday practice in the region are dictated by this ideology of purity and  pollution. Agricultural work such as digging, ploughing, and fertilizer bringing and the household work such as washing, cleaning, and child caring activities are considered as impure. In most cases, women are involved in household, child caring, and agricultural related impure work. Most of the daily interactions and behaviors are directed by the rules of impurity avoidance. The supposed pure such as shaman (Dhami), the regular worshiper (Pujari, and Fulpate), the pr iest (Brahaman), and Jaisi have to be strictly abided by the norms of impurity avoidance. The persons who have ascetic life have to follow the rules of impurity avoidance. Guiding and governing by the ideology of purity-impurity and auspicious-inauspicious in everyday life society discourage contact with bodily impure people permanently to Dalits and temporally to women during their  period of menstruation. Considering as polluted women tend to be secluded or excluded from normal life from five to seven days during menstruation period and ten to twelve days during child birth. Menstruation is considered as absolutely impure while child birth as both impure and  pure. During child birth women have to cook and have to handle the things themselves during 1012 days. Before ten years most of the births had been taken place in cowsheds, buffalo sheds, or in Chhuikateros, but nowadays these have been started to take place at home. Caste and gender interactions go unique ways in far west region. The ideology of purity-pollution that divides the caste divides the gender. Dalits are called as lower caste ( Tallo jat), and Thakuri, Brahaman, and Chhetris as upper caste(Mathilo jat). Upper castes are considered as pure and lower caste as impure. There is also hierarchy among Thakuri, Brahamn, Chhetri, and Dalit. Initially Chhetris and Brahaman used to lie in t he same categories of Khas, but later periods Brahamans stopped to call them as khas. Thakuris call them as Thakuri, and Bahun to Brahaman, and Khasiya to Chhetris. Brahamans themselves call them as Bahun rather than Khas. Thakuris and Brahamans both call Chhetris as khasyia and Dalits as Dom. SChhetris call Brahaman as Bahun, Thakuris as Thakuris, and themselves as Chhetris. They also call Dalits as Dom. In thi s caste hierarchy Brahamans and Thakuris are considered as more pure and Dalits as impure and this bodily purity-impurity pass from one generation to another ( Cameron 1998). In terms of gender men are called as logne ko jat and women are called as aimai ko jat. Men are considered as more pure and women are considered as impure because they handles the task such as agricultural work particularly fertilizer bringing, digging, planting, household cleaning, giving  birth to the child, involve on child caring, and menstruation in which blood comes from their  bodies. As lower caste people are considered as bodily impure as a result the work they tend to handle, women are also considered as bodily impure. So, in the case of far west region caste and

gender have intertwining relationship. Caste and gender are erected and practiced in the same  principle of pollution and purity. 5.2. Dh arma and Paap

I once asked with a senior member of a Chhetri family, what would happen if menstrual women entered into their home. They told that it is sinful (paap lagchha), cows and buffalo will get sick (Gai, Bhaisi birami parchha), and shaman started to shaking (Dhami Chaldachha). So, impurity avoidance during menstruation and childbirth is also associated with the concept of Dharma and sin. Most of the girls and women bear the Chhaupadi tradition in the name of Dharma. If they do not abided by the existing Chhaupadi rules, then it is considered as sinful act (paap). It is believed that, violation of Chhaupadi laws might harm to their bodies, families, and the community as a whole. If any girl or women entered into a temple of local deity, then it is  believed that personally she might lose her eye, or go mad or may die and in community level it might brings sandstones, and cholera in the region. Something that is abiding with the Chhaupadi norms is considered as Dharma and not following the t radition as sinful act (paap). If milk, curd, and ghee are given to a girl and women in the menstruation period, if t hey come in contact with home, fruit bearing trees, then it is considered as sin (paap). Violating the Chhaupadi rules most of the women and girls do not want to be sinful and other family members do not want to take the risk. The concept of Dharma and Paap embedded in local social structure also is a driving force to operate the Chhaupadi practice in the region. 5.3. Social-Political History and Local Institutions It is reported that Khas people who includes Chhetris and Brahamans had entered into the region from western and southern Himalayan frontier in ninth century. There was a strong Khas kingdom ruling from the head quarter of J umla. The Rajput clan from Chituarigadh Rajasthan came into the region in twelfth century together with their artisan labourers to be safe from the attack of Muslims. Artisan labourers were the lower caste Dalits who were the service  providers for Rajput Thakuri clan and called at that time as Dom. The Rajput Thakuri families displaced the Khas kingdom in fourteenth century and became the ruler in the region (Cameron 1998). They started to rule over far west region from the head quarter of Jumala. Rajput Thakuri families had borrowed the hierarchical caste system and jajamani system from India. Initially the  patron-client relationship(jajamani system) which institutionalized as the riti-bhagya system in the context of far west region was limited up to Rajput Thakuri families, l ater as agriculture  production and the rice plantation had been intensified, it expanded up to Chhetris and Brahamans as a consequence of increasing demand of labourers from the artisan families. Since the Thakuri principalities to the unification of shah king, and later Shah, Rana, and Panchayat regimes, many institutions have been formed and evolved including caste hierarchy, riti-bhagya system, chieftain system, local shamanism(Dhami/Deota system), Fulpate(the worshiper of  Dhami/Deota), traditional healers(Jaisis), the regional social system, local socio-political system and state, and local belief system. Within all aforesaid ideology, institutions, and process of socialization Chhaupadi practice endorsed, reinforced, and continued over a long period. 5.3.1. Shamanism (Dh ami/D eota and Ful pate) Once i asked with younger girls, and other senior members of families what would happen if they do not follow the tradition, then they told that god will be angry, Buffalo will not give the milk, and other unlucky things might happen at their home. They follow the tradition  because of the fear of local deity (Dhami/Deota). Many lives are depending up on the power of local deity if cholera and other social and natural disaster broke out in the reg ion. Most of the  people believe that they will be saved from many unlucky happenings because of the power of their local deity. The practice is that if anybody becomes ill, if any unlucky things happen in some body's family then they go with Dhami/Deota. I f cow or buffalo did not give the milk, if somebody died suddenly in any family, if somebody's health is not good and frequently fall sick,

then they go first with their Dhami to ask what happened to them and for the treatment. In Achham and in far west there are many forms of local God and Goddesses. Dhamis are the form of their God. They are known as Masto and Bandali in the Turmakhand region. The people in the region overly believe on Masto and Bandali deity. Masto and Bandali is the hope of the hopeless and power of the powerless. The person whom some supernatural power made shacking becomes the Dhami through the means of some public function and gatherings. The person, who exercise the power of deity and shack if some unlucky things happen are called as Dhami, the bearer of Masto and Bandali. There are many myths about the unbelievable power and Charisma of Masto and Bandali. The person who prepare Hukka, and who prepare the things needed to Dhami at temple, and who take part in worshiping together with Dhami is considerd as Fulpate in local dialect. The Fulpate and Dhami have to live ascetic life and have to follow strict discipline. They are considered as pure people and have to remain far from the contact of bodily impure people such as Dalits and women. The supposed pure people Dhamis and Phulpates are not allowed to eat the meal made by others. They cannot go to India for a job. They are not allowed to plough, fertilizer bringing. They are not allowed to eat food made from Buckwheat and soybeans. They have to be abided by many rules. In the case of Chhau and delivery, they even do not walk the way from where the women during the period of menstruation and delivery have walked. I once asked with a Dhami of Masto, what would happen if any girl or woman touch him during the period of menstruation, he told that the god become angry (Deota risauchha), Dhami might fall sick, and Dhami's neck bent in the opposite side and sometimes he might be faint. It promotes the belief that menstrual women should not come in contact with the supposed holy things once set by in processes of evolution of different socio-political system. If somebody is suffering by any illness, if somebody's buffalo did not give the milk and then he or she go with Dhami to ask that what happened to them, then Dhami shack and associate it with the transmission of Chhaupadi and delivery women. In other cases some time Dhami suggest that it is because of witchcraft. So Dhamis, the symbol of local deity who exercises the power of deity, associate some miss-happening with the not abiding with Chhaupadi norms, and the cause of witchcraft. So many people in the village have believed with local deity, which also work as a centre of myth and superstition. So, the Chhaupadi system is  being continued along with this Dhami/Deota system. 5.3.2. Traditional Healer (Jaisi) Practice Another component of local socio-political system is Jaisi. The people who are one step down from Brahamin families are categorized as Jaisis. It happens when a Brahamin did next marry and he marries out of his supposed pure Brahamin caste. So Jaisis are one step bottom rank than Brahamin caste. But in the case of Traditional healer (Jasi), all the Jasiss do not possess the quality to be so. One should know some magic and mantra to be a Jasi which is perceived as traditional healer. People go with Jaisis in the same bad happenings as they go with Dhamis. As ill people asked with the Jaisi, he also associate that illness with not following impurity avoidance  by women in the period of menstruation, delivery and some time he associate that illness with the witchcraft. To not to be ill, to be saved from premature death, and other misfortune jaisi suggest to be far from Chhaupadi women. Jasis and Dhamis hold the tradition very strongly. In their home women cannot live even in the cow and buffalo shed. They have to live either in Chhuikatero which is far from home or the buffalo shed of next to others home. 5.3.3. Regional social system from mid west to far west Nepal particularly in Jajarkot, Dailekh, Kalikot to Achham, Bazura, Bajang, Doti, where Chhau practice is widespread are the region where feudalism was very strong during Shah, Rana, and Panchayat period. The caste based hierarchy and untoucability was and is in extreme form. Hunger, poverty, illiteracy, and disease are high in this region in comparison with eastern and central region. Caste based inequalities and superstitious beliefs are wide spread in this region. Dalits seems in the bottom rank of the

hierarchy and are far behind than other castes in terms of life expectancy, education, and health condition. It is the region where extreme form of untouchability is practiced in public sphere. In this region Dalits are not allowed to enter into the home of upper caste. At tea shop they were forbidden to drink milk tea and had to wash own glass some years before. Now t here are many changes in this practice. Till now somewhere Dalits have t o wash own tea glass and have to turn the glass just opposite to make it dry through which it could be made touchable for upper caste  people. Other forms of caste based inequalities also prevail in this region. The continued rule of Thakuri raja since 14 the century and their continued access with the political power during Shah, Rana, and Panchayat regime and the practice of chieftain system (Jimmawal, Mukhiya) indicates that there was the strong presence of feudalism. After movement for the restoration of democracy, people’s war, and popular movement of 062-63 it is displaced by formal political institutions. Disparity between caste, class, and gender is high in this region. In terms of gender relations women are considered as men’s property. Sons are idealized and daughters are devalued. In terms of class rich and relatively well off families have high dignity that poor do not have. Poor, powerless, and voiceless have to face humiliation in this region. There is wider inequality between district headquarters, towns and villages. More importantly Chhau practice has the root on caste system, relationship between Dalits and non Dalits. It seems that i t is the manifestation of caste based inequality, differentiation, chieftain system, Dhami, and the priest. Far west is ahead in high mortality, birth rate, illiteracy, poverty, hunger, food deficiency, and caste based inequalities etc but is far behind in access to education, medical facilities, income, employment etc. In terms of life expectancy, livelihood, income, access to education it is far  behind than eastern, western, and central development region of Nepal. 5.3.4. Poverty and Incapability The denial of nutritious food during Chhau is also a product of resource constraints,  production system. The scarcity, poverty, food deficit is faced by the members of most of all the families and communities in the region, but women have to suffer most among them. Most of the families have no more choice and options. They do not have access with bundle of commodities and bundle of capabilities. So, the people living in this area have no more choice. Most of the male members have to go to India to meet their twelve months food need, and clothes. As Amartya Sen, suggest to measure the development through the lens of his capability approach, which includes capability to be well nourished, to be survive, to be educated, to live healthy and longer life, to have access with health facilities, and to be free from social servitude and political oppression. In terms of all these measuring rods the far west region lies far behind than eastern, western, and central development regions. Illiteracy, disease, and poverty are blocking the  progress of overall men and women and the food restrictions and superstitions associated with Chhaupadi systems are part of that overall deprivation and incapability. Inability to provide clean and separate room within house for menstrual women is very much associated with household structure and poverty. It is because of poverty that families live at upstairs and cattle are kept in downstairs. Because of having no home with good rooms, they cannot provide separate room to women during menstrual period which is linked with poverty. Within house hold economy men are the masters and women are the slaves. Men own the resources that women do not have ownership to the resources. Men are the organizers, and distributers of household resources. Men inherit the parental property and women do not have the property rights till now which is reflected in the Chhaupadi practice. 5.3.5. Village Politicians and the State Previous politicians who ruled very long period of time in the region, particularly since 14th century onwards, Shah, Rana, and Panchayat period were the strict abiders of caste system and Chhaupadi system. They were more guided by religious dogmas and traditions set by their  predecessors. The whole region remained very isolated from the central government and became deprived from hospitals and schools during Shah, Rana, and Panchayat regime. The local and

state politicians used to work within the rules of hierarchically framed caste system. Caste mobility at that time used to go sometime towards downward level, in a particular love relationship between upper caste Thakuri, Brahaman, and Chhetris, and lower caste Dalits. If one from the upper caste has love affairs with the lower caste, Dalit then he or she also used to be regarded also as untouchable. He has to pay heavy fine (Panipatti) to local Thakuris rulers, and they used to pay that fine to Ranas to Dailekh. So, at previous time local as well as state level's  politicians were the strong bearer existing caste and gender hierarchy. Even up to nowadays senior members of communities and families are guided by same old set of rules despite living in the cross road of change. But in the case of now day's politicians, they are not in favour of old forms of caste and gender hierarchy and the tradition, though they have not given it up completely. They want to break the tradition but due to the fear of local deity they are not being able to break the practice. Very few have star ted to break the practice keeping women at home during menstrual cycle. But the superstition, taboo is still deeply embedded in the mind of most of the politicians. Though the Supreme Court (SC) stated Chhaupadi as malpractice, discriminatory towards women and the violation of women's rights only in 2004, it has not come into practice yet in local level. 5.3.6. Local Belief System If women touch forbidden things during their menstruation period t hen it is believed that it  brings disaster. It brings cholera, diarrhoea, sandstones, landslides, heavy rain etc. Not abiding with Chhaupadi norms some time it is believed that it cause premature death and sudden accident. Local belief system associates health, illness, and death wi th the abiding and not abiding the Chhaupadi tradition. There are many stories of snake bite, death of buffalos, premature death of girls and other harm due to the cause of not abiding Chhaupadi rules. 5.3.6.1. Deep Seated Beliefs into Practice In Dhaku, one of the neighboring villages, the higher secondary school Jalpadevi is located nearby the temple of local deity named as Bamnithan. Before ten years, none of the girls used to come at school during the period of menstruation because of this Bamnithan. Dalit also never go nearby this temple. The area is strictly prohibited for lower caste Dalits and women. If they go nearby area or entered into the temple, it is believed that then they can be mad, and even can be reached into the mouth of death. Some time they can be faint if they go there. But nowadays, even during the period of their menstruation, girls go school. They do not stop their school  because of their menstrual cycle. The belief system is changing since the period of 10 years. Despite that some girls still drop their school during the period of menstruation. The principal of Jalpa Devi Higher secondary school found two or three girls of class 10 dropping out the school during their period of menstruation. He found all such girls from Dalit community. As he found such cases, he went their home to persuade them to come at school. He told them that they can come at school without going nearby the Bamnithan. He told them that Come and don’t go towards the Bamnithan, if you do so then nothing will happen. Persuading in this way he made Dalit girls to come at school, who were being absent during the period of their menstruation. Still there are some girls in many villages in the far west region who are dropping their school during the period of menstruation. If they go there, it is believed that, they can be faint on the spot, their eyes can be broken, they can go mad; and even they can be reached into the mouth of death. In Jalpadevi higher secondary school often in the summer season sometimes girls become faint during praying national anthem and many people associate it with the violation of Chhau restrictions. But nowadays during such incidents, the principal treat to such girls in his own way. He brought such fainted girls at his office and gives them glucose water as much as he can offer them. Then slowly girls become normal and take part on their classes. Though the highly educated principal do not associate faint with the violation of Chhau laws, but he also believe on the power of Bamnithan(a temple of a local goddesses). The taboo is more followed by Dalit families. Dalits are also barred from the temple (Bamnithan) except menstruated girls and

women. Principal also believe on the power of Bamnithan as he reported one incident happened in his life. Once he was charging his cell phone last year at the interval time of school. The boys were playing cricket. His double Sims mobile suddenly become disappeared. He called to students and requested them to give only the Sims excluding his mobile set. He told them that he would never mind if they return his two Sims at the cost of keeping mobile set with them. But no one became ready to do that. One of his students' Dambar Bista, suggested him to sacrifice the goat for that, because no one became ready to return his mobile. Principal asked with Dambar where he can get the goat for the sacrifice. Dambar told his auntie has that goat. It should be noted that people in the Turmakhand and surrounding region believe on local deity and to reveal the truth in the public they offer goat for the deity. If somebody offer or sacrifice the goat for any stealing of his or her property or injustice he or she faced, it is believed that the deity decides on that act, creating har ms to the alleged persons. Principal went with Dambar’s auntie for the goat. As he prepared for sacrifice for his stolen mobile at that very day the student who had taken that, knew the information and secretly kept his mobile phone in his office room where he had kept for charging at the day when he had lost that. The thief returned his mobile fearing from the power of Bamni Devi, as principal was preparing for the sacrifice of goat as a tactic to find his stolen mobile. This shows that the power and myth associated with Bamni is still very strong in the Dhaku and surrounding villages. As I asked with principal who was that person, he told that luckily or unluckily he was a student from Dalit community. Many girls had been fainted during the rife period of conflict between then government and Maoist when rebellion started to make  bunker in most of the temple of local deities. In the neighboring village of Dhaku where the temple of one of the local deity was located, the Maoist rebellion started to make the bunker there. They mobilized local people to construct that bunker. The Maoist rebellion also mobilized the menstrual girls for the work. But most of the local girls became faint and brought at home some in trolleys and some carrying in shoulder and backsid e. Some Dalits who broke the temple of local deity during conflict as Maoist cadres, either reached into the mouth of death or some lost their eyes. One cadre Khintu kami lost his eyes from Muli and one another took suicide i n Bayala VDC. The local people interpret in this way the incidents of destruction of temple and violation of Chhaupadi laws, restrictions, and myths. 5.3.7. The Agencies of Socialization The senior family members, Mother in Laws, Dhamis, Fulpates, Jaisis, previous  politicians, and local belief system are the key agencies that pass the Chhaupadi tradition from one generation to another. Mother pass Chhau pratha to their daughters and daughter in law and daughter pass that to her daughter through the means of various myths, superstitious stories that  justify and defend the Chhaupadi system. My following case studies exemplify how the  proponents of Chhau defend and manipulate the tradition. 5.3.8. Embedded Myths In addition to caste hierarchy, beliefs, regional social system, old village and state level's  politicians, remoteness and isolation of the region, and poverty and deprivation, and the structures of the houses, the myth, superstition work to operate and continue the Chhaupadi system. 5.3.9. Some Case Studies Findings Following case studies show the fact about that what happens if ones cross the boundary line and set of rules that that are assigned by society. Also the case studies show the complexities of the practice citing the example of anti Chhau campaigners. 5.3.9.1. The Cost of Crossing the Boundary Rana Bayak, whom I had met during my initial field work period, was the representative of the defenders of the Chhaupadi system. Knowing this background, I had asked him to talk on the matter. I went Jaisur and Juya, the different wards and the settlement located wit hin

Turmakhand. It takes two hours to reach in Jaisur and the Pallo Ban is one hour further distant from Jaisur. As per the schedule, I went Pallo Ban to talk with Rana Bayak. Rana Bayak, three class, literate, the father of two sons and four daughters is a worshiper of Kalsaini and Bandali deity. He had four brothers, and he was the eldest one among them. His two brothers had died, one from, HIV and AIDS and another committing the suicide. He and his younger brother have  been alive yet. One of his eldest daughters, who had joined in the Maoist group during war  period, now is mentally ill, and she is now the opponent of local deity. His all kids are not upper than four class, except one son studying plus two at Turmakhand. In spite of all these plight and circumstances, Rana Bayak believes on old tradition, caste system, untouchability, and superstition very much. His mind is framed in certain, myth, superstition, and deep seated conviction that advocate, educate, and defend t he existing system once constructed by society. He takes part in such roles that maintain and reproduce the legacy of Chhauapdi system, hierarchical caste system and the superstition. His advocacy helps to form the new individuals and defends the system. During interaction he told that, each of us should be abided by caste system, we should recognize the legacy of the king, we should worship to our deity and shamans, and we should honour the legacy of Jaisi and Brahamans. He argues Chaupadi system is li ke that one should be abided by certain rules that are set and prescribed by society. In defence of that he cited many examples happened during Maoist movement. Citing the emergency he told that they brought the milk in Maoist canteen for large numbers of cadres during emergency. But what happened to them was that three buffalos and one cow become died after soon they brought milk for the Maoist cadres. In Maoist canteen the girls wh o were in their menstrual cycle, drink milk and rice  pudding. As a result their buffalos and cow become died soon after they brought the milk for the Maoist cadres. He traces another incident that one of the Maoist cadre from lower caste, named  Namsara Biswokarma from his village, went into the temple of Kashiraj to check the power of deity in the village. As she went there to tease deity and test its power during her menstrual cycle, she confronted with the Kashiraj deity with having white dress, and dreadlock hair. She fainted on the spot and later become died due to that act. One another incident he told that, there was another Maoist cadre from lower caste named Tule Kami, who went in the temple of local goddesses that is forbidden for lower caste Dalits and menstrual women, Titauda Tripurasundari one of the famous temple of east Achham. He violated the existing rules going into the famous temple, Titauda Tripurasundari, which was strictly prohibited for the Dalits. After being back the next year his wife gave birth to a son. He started to tell that I got two sons, after going Titauda, nothing happened to me. He had two wives. But two years later, what happened to him was that, his one the wife eloped with another man, and he became died soon after the nex t year. He cited the happenings in Badi Malika, the temple of very famous goddesses for entire far west region. Once, Rana Bayek had gone in Badi Malika in the last year. He saw three Matas (the incarnation of Goddessess), weeping and bathing in to the fre ezing river. According to Rana Bayak, Matas were weeping because there was something wrong. The four menstruated girls were there t o visit the temple. In addition to it, one Dalit was doing hotel business nearby the compound of the temple and another Dalit who was in the police force, present there to visit the temple. Four menstrual girls and two Dalits who were disallowed to the temple become died at the spot due to Matas's harm because they entered in to forbidden place. Their presence at Malika is considered as impure. He told many stories of committing suicide, being mentally disorder, and loosening the eyes and other bodily organs as a result of crossing the traditional boundary. All his stories were defending the myth of Chhaupadi system, the caste system and reproducing the myth and superstition. Rana Bayak is merely a representative bearer of such myth, superstition, consciousness, and the mindset. There are many Rana Bayak in the villages who inherits such mindsets and defend and educate community and individuals through their incessant education day and night. During their informal conversation, at public places, at feast and festivals and other social gatherings they defends and continues the existing system arguing in the manner of abovementioned way. Rana Bayak and like minded people are the outcome of certain socialeconomic surroundings, who got this kinds of mentality and behaviour through their father and

mother, and they want to pass same mindset, and behaviour to their sons and daughters through which Chhaupadi system is going to be continued since generation to generation. 5.3.9.2. The Plight of Anti-Chhau Activists I interacted with a Samundra, a local woman, who is working as maternity and child care worker in the village health post. Knowing her as the change activist, who was also involved in the anti Chhau campaign, I had chosen her as my respondent to know the scenario of change and the struggle of change activists. Mrs Samundra is working in the local health post since 15 years. First being grown up in Dailekh and Surkhet Mrs Samundra had gone Achham after her marriage. She was the opponent of Chhau since very beginning. Being a health wor kers she know the natural causes of Chhau (menstruation). As I asked the scenario of Chhau at the village how many people are abiding by Chhau norms and what about the educated girls and women? My concern was to know the fact that whether or not educated girls and women follow Chhaupadi system? She told what to say and how to say, there are so many complexities. She told one example. Once she asked one of the Bachlor’s degree holders high school teacher girls Mrs Janavi, where you live Janavi, you are the e ducated girl, now you are on the verge of studying Master’s degree. Whether you live in Chhaupadished, or inside the home during your menstrual cycle, she asked with Janavi. Mrs Janavi says what to do, and how to do? She ignored her three menstrual periods and lived inside the home after she returned village from Surkhet after finishing her Bachelor’s degree. But in each cycle her own and one of her elder mother gathered at corridor in her home and started to say, what happened to this Janavi. Is she going to be ill? She is going to be ill. Please bring her to the Nepalganj for the treatment, the nearby hospital from Achham district. In each her menstrual period as her mother and her elder mother started say like this; she obliged to return back in the buffalo shed to follow the chhaupadi norms. The most of the educated girls and the women have the same situation like that of the Janavi. During Maoist movement and emergency Maoist launched the campaign to stop the ill practice. Maoist cadres destroyed the Chhaupadisheds, and gave the speech that not to follow the t radition. They said people from Europe and America who do not follow the Chhaupadi restrictions reached the top of the moon and other planet. We the followers of Chhaupadi system have not food to eat , no clothes to wear, no medicine to be cure while we become ill. Even we don’t have the sandal to wear on our foot. We are reaching nowhere following the tradition. So the tradition should be  break. They have threatened that those who do not live inside the home, leaving cowsheds and  buffalo sheds will face the punishment. During their campaign many people say yeas, but did not follow except very few cases. But as peace process began in 2006, the tradition and the practice shift in the same state as it was in the previous period. The tradition and the practice become restored after the beginning of the peace process. In the case of Smundra, she was not following the practice since 13 years. As her neighbour sister knew that she is not holding the Chhau tradition, they asked with her, is she not abiding by the system. She lied in front of them, telling first that she is using a tablet. She bought that tablet from Rupaidiha, India which cost 10000Rs. She used that tablet which caused stop her me nstrual cycle. Later as they doubt her that she is lying, again she started to tell that she has thrown out her womb, as a result her menstrual cycle have been stopped. But her neighbourhood did not stop to tell her that if she is not holding the system, then local deity might harm her, and something wrong doings might happen to her life. I asked weren’t you be afraid after listening this? During this question Samundra revealed another side of her story. She said she also become terrified, as an unlucky thing happened to her life. The mother of already four daughters Samundra, was 10 months pregnant at that time when incident occurred in her life. It was the baby boy that was growing in her womb, which they have already known checking it in Luckhnow hospital, India. She was in near of her delivery date. In the meantime she met an accident in which she fell down from the upstairs of health post to the downstairs. She and her baby got badly hurt. Her baby got died after some minutes on the way to her home. At night she was brought to Nepalgunj carrying on bamboo basket up to Tunibagar and then after reserving a jeep. After reaching Nepalganj hospital she were taken in to surgery ward,

she gone in operation, her dead baby been removed, and finally she had been saved. During that incident she became terrified whether it happened because she violated the Chhau rules or something like that. Her neighbourhood associated that incident with the phenomenon of not abiding with the Chhaupadi system, though, Samundra associate with it or not. Samundra shared her experience how deep seated Chhaupadi stereotypes affect the behaviours of many women. Even up to some four or five years ago, the menstrual women did not come inside t he compound of health post, even if they were being ill. Ill women, in their menstrual cycle, used to ask for the medicine, very far from the compound of the health post. They used to say that they cannot come in the inside of the health post compound because; it is nearby with the temple of local deity. But Mrs. Samundra used to deny giving them the medicine until and unless they come to the hospital. After many persuasions, and counselling, women started to come at t he inside of the compound of the health post during their menstruation period. So the sudden accidents are associated with the local deity and with the following and not following the Chhaupadi tradition. Social surrounding and the laymen interpreted the any miss-happenings and the unlucky things with the abiding and not abiding of the existing Chhaupadi tradition and myth.

CHAPTER SIX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 6.1. Summary The key defenders of Chhaupadi system are the Local Dhamis, Fulpates, Jaisis, and family elders, mother in laws, old politicians, caste system, regional social system and local belief systems. During field work and interaction i found most of the Dhamis, Fulpates, Jaisis, and family seniors are illiterate. It is very hard to found Dhamis, and Fulpates as literate. Most of them have not seen even the door of the school. It is reported that Chhaupadi system emerged along with the emergence of local Dhami/Deota system since the centuries. The key defenders of Chhau system educate most of the illiterate masses in each and every formal and informal gathering. The defenders protect Chhaupadi system through the myth, old stories, and superstitious belief that prevent new generation to Challenge the Chhau rules. Such kinds of storytelling continued days and night in their formal and informal public gatherings. Such an advocacy and storytelling transmit the Chhau commonsense from one generation to another and set the Chhau typifications into the minds of youngsters. Upbringing in such stories and Chhau socialization most of the illiterate men and women cannot get rid of from the captivity of Chhaupadi system. Even in the case of educated women and men, most of them cannot threat the Chhau rules fearing from the local God and Goddesses. A high school teacher cannot break the tradition, and in some high schools which are near by the temple of local God and Goddesses, most of the female students do not go to the school during the period of their menstruation. In such case School is also working as institutions that reproduce the Chhaupadi system. Local Chhau defenders have many stories of snake bite, premature death, the cholera spread out, and other disaster caused by not abiding with the Chhaupadi system. Beyond local defenders Chhauapdi system has connection with segregated caste system and regional system. Chhaupadi system is also associated with local belief system. Beyond that it is linked with poverty and incapability. Most of the people in the region live in the same house where cattle are kept. Cattle kept in downstairs and people live in upstairs. So, most of the people do not have good houses and separate rooms to keep the girls and and women separately during the period of their menstruation, which is a matter of poverty. In addition to it, Chhaupadi system is linked with illiteracy, ill health, and the isolation and remoteness of the region from the central government since the erection of Thakuri princely king and rule of l ocal Thakuri rajas during Shah, Rana, and Panchayat period. Though Turmakhand VDC is Chhaupadi free village in the paper of save the children and women development committee, I found only six cases living inside the home giving up the Chhaupadisheds. But those who gave up the tradition they are facing different struggle in their communities. 6.2. Conclusion Chhaupadi system limits women's capability to live a safe, healthy, and educated life forbidding women from anything to touch during their menstruation period. Women are considered as impure during the period of menstruation. It i s a violation of women's human rights. It restricts women's human development such as capabilities to be survived, to be well nourished, capability to be safe, educated capabilities to get health facilities, and longer life, capability to be free from social servitude and superstitions. In the name of tradition, the practice is being continued since generation to generation. Local agencies such as local Devi -Deveta system, Jaisi system, family elders, local socio -political system, regional social system, caste system, poverty and the overall situation of human development in the region transmit the tradition from one generation to another.

References

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Appendix 1. Checklist for unstructured interviews: 1. Where do women and girls live during menstruation?

2. How many days do they live in cowshed or Chhaupadi shed? 3. Why they have to live in cowshed or separate Chhaupadi Shed (Chhuikatero)? 4. What obligations they have to follow during menstruation? What they can eat and what kinds of work they can do? 5. What are other restrictions assigned to t hem by family and society? 6. What happen if they have not followed t he assigned restrictions? 7. If they have touched disallowed things by mistake t hen what they do? 8. If women touched disallowed things intentionally then what happen to them? 9. If they have touched men, children, living plant, fruit bearing trees, cattle, home, spring, and temple etc then what haaappen to them? 10. If they touched religious leaders such as Dhami, and Jaisi by intentionally then what happen to them and to the whole community? 11. Why milk products are prohibited for women and up to how many days of menstrual cycle they cannot eat? 12. If local religious leaders (such as Dhamis, Jaisis, Phulpates) walk nearby menstruated women then what happen? 13. What are the bad happening in the families due to Chhaupadi negligence? 14. What kinds of housing pattern do they have? Either cattle are kept in same home or in separate place? 15. What opinion do religious leaders have with r egards Chhaupadi practice? 16. How they spent nights in cowshed during winter, summer, and monsoon? What they face in winter, summer, and monsoon? 17. What local politicians, teachers, and NGO activists say about Chhau system? Guideline for Life History: I have conduct life histories starting from questions like where did you born. When did you born? How many brothers and sisters do you have? Did they go school or not? What they are doing now? When did you get marry? How many children do you have? What are you doing now?