FROM TRIBAL TO A COMMON ALBANIAN IDENTITY By Kristo Frasheri There were two principal components of the nationality for writers and chancellors of the early Middle Ages: the political and the religious community. The linguistic, ethnographic, historical and anthropological distinctions of different populations living in the same political and religious community carried no weight for them. All those subject to the Byzantine Empire which ruled by means of its state power and the authority of ecumenical church of Constantinople were neither Hellenes, nor Illyrians nor Thracians but only Romans (Romanaioi) for the Byzantines, and Greeks (Graeci) for the Latins. Likewise, the Slavs and non-Slavs subjects of the Bulgarian Empire and, as Christians under the Patriarchy of Oher were considered Bulgarians (Bulgari) by the Easterners and Westerners alike. alike. This means in fact that behind the names ³Romans´ and ³Bulgarians´ which are mentioned in historical sources of the early Middle Ages as participants in the political and military events in the territory of Albanian in the VIII-XI, in addition the Medieval Hellenes and Bulgarians, are also included Illyrians or Medieval Albanians (not mentioned by their ethnic name since they had no independent i ndependent community community of their own, either political or religious)« The Albanians are mentioned for the first time by their ethnic name of Albanoi and Arbanitai in the work of the Byzantine historian of the XIth century, M. Attaleiates (mhb-as of the present, what is possibly the earliest written reference to the Albanians is to be found in an old Bulgarian text compiled around the beginning of the eleventh century*), as participants in the uprising of Georgios Maniakes, which broke out 1 1043 and spread partially to the territory of Albania. The reason why the Albanians are mentioned for the first time in 1043 and not earlier must be sought mainly on the practice by the Byzantine writers and chancellors of identifying people on the bases of their church the affiliation. M. Attaleiates indirectly indicates this when, describing uprising of 1043, he says that the Albanians and the Latins had been equal 2 subjects of the Empire and had the same religion as the Byzantines but then had become fierce enemies . This would mean that in 1043 the Albanians, the inhabitants of the region of Albanon, Arbanon, were neither subjects of Byzantine nor Orthodox Christians« According to information provided by A. Attaleiates, in 1043 the Albanians had a leader who emerged from among their ranks and military units separate from those of Byzantines. This is not accidental. 3 In 1078 we find again Albanian military units . In 1078 we find again Albanian military units, as we find them 4 in 1081. According to Anna Comnena, in 1081 the leader of the Albanians held the title of ³comeskortes´ and it appears that he wielded political power independent from Constantinople since the Byzantine emperor Comnenus entered an agreement with him in the same way he did with the autonomous princes of Duklja 5 and Dalamtia to fight jointly as allies against the Norman armies. If we take into consideration, the fact that during these decades the Byzantine Empire was undergoing a deep political crisis and that the religious dioceses of the northwestern Albania were one after another lining up with the Catholic Rome, then the information provided by M. Attaleiates brings us to a new conclusion, namely, that feudal lords of Arbanon had become independent from the Byzantine rule and the Eastern Church prior to 1043 and set up like the neighboring feudal lords of Duklja an independent entity« This reality gave rise to a particular ethnic identification. This is how the appellation Albanoi with a historical background«and appellation arbanitai with an ethnographic character derived from the name of the region they lived in emerged in the historical sources. This appellation was attributed only to the members of the political and religious community in the region of Arbanon, while the other inhabitants of the Albanian speaking territories continued to be called according to the political-religious community of which they were a part« Arbanon was initially the name of a very narrow region ±the territory around Kruja, which up to recent times preserved the historical name of Arbeni. This territory was one of the Albanian regions«and was also a religious diocese under the name bishopric of Kruja, set-up, according to tradition, at the turn of 6 the VII century . It bordered on the bishopric of Lissus which extended to Mat and Mirdita, and on the 7 bishopric of Stefaniaka which included the regions of Tamadhea and Benda. When these regions passed over to the jurisdiction of Rome the three bishoprics merged into a single Catholic diocese ubder the name 8 of Arbanon, diocesis arbanensis. In 1166 Arbanon had a prior (Andreas prior Arbanensis and a bishop 9 (Lazarus episcopus Arbanensis) . The title ³prior´ of the governor would correspond to an autonomous region, and the title of the head of the diocese assumes defined borders. Together they show that the extension of the name Arbanon for the territory and the name Arbanites for the people originated from the consolidated political and religious community of Arbanon that took shape during the preceding century. This is apparent especially during the existence of the Principality of Arbenia as reflected in historical sources at the end of the XII Century. During the rule of Archon Progon the name of Arbanon 10 extended to the northern region of Pulti. Likewise during the rule of the t he Great Archon Demetrius it extended 11 to Kanavia and Cernik in the south down to the Shkumbin Valley. The extension of the name beyond the historical borders of Arbanon most likely was due to inclusion of these regions in the state of the Arbanites.
The phenomenon continues to be noted also during t he second half of the XIII Century when Charles I Anjou set up a unified political entity with all the conquered lands in Albania ±the Kingdom of Albania, Albania , (Regnum Albaniae) on territory that extended beyond the Great Archon Demitrius¶ Principality of Arbanon. The Anjou King forced the religious dioceses of the conqured territories to accept the supremacy of the Catholic Church« In conformity with Medeival practices, the Catholic inhabitants of this political community were considered members of the Arbanite Albanite people. As a result, the name of Albanum Albania extended from the Mat River in the north to Kanina in the south, and from the Adriatic shore in the west to Black Drin River in the east. The non-catholic inhabitants of the kingdom were not included under this designation«due to a centuries old practice of being identified as Romaios by the Byzantines and Craecus 12 bt the Anjous. When Charles I Anjou wrote our ³Greek enemies´ he meant the Byzantines. But when in1274 13 he wrote that Durres had been besieged by the ³Albanians and the Greeks´ (albanenses et greci) by these appellations he meant the Catholic and Orthodox Albanians since there is no historic proof of the existence of a Greek speaking community in the Durres region. In the beginning of the XIV century appellation 14 Arbanite, Albanite referred only to the catholic Albanians. By the XIII, learned circles of began to focus also on language as a criteria to identify peoples, and 15 as a result, the Hellenes Hellenes,, the Greek-speaking Byzantine Orthodox element began to be identified separately from Romaio. This concept allowed to destinguish the Orthodox Albanians as belonging to a different language speaking community. But he still, being that they were by religiously Orthodox, they were still not lumped under the same identity as the Catholic Albanians. But the distinction began to disintegrate. For example, when the Byzantine writer of the XIV century, G. Pachymeres uses in on occasion the name 16 17 Albanite an on another Illyrian was used to describe the inhabitants of New Epirus. Later on, the name Epiriotes came to be used for the Albanians. On occasion, instead of the name Epiriotes«the name Macedonian was used to identify the Albanians, and with this, Macedonia became the second name for 18 Albania (Macedoniam sive Albaniam)« During XIV century, the tendency to identify the Albanians with the same name was not universal. N. 19 Gregoross referred to them as Illyrians. However, his contemporary, J. Kantakuenos called them Albanites 20 because, according to him, the Tribals (Serbs) were the descendents of the Illyrians. In XV century they 21 22 23 were called Albanites by Chalcocondylas , Dukas and Strantzes , while Christoboulos called them 24 Illyrians. But for the Albanians, these denominations had the same meaning. They called themselves both Arbanites and Epiriotes. Skanderbeg provides the first testimony to this. In his correspondence with the 25 foreign chancelleries he signed as: ³Lord of Arbenia´ Dominus Albaniae ; he calls his compatriots ³arber´ 26 albanenses, albanesi, while in a letter on 31 December 1460 to the Prince of Taranto, J.A. de Orsino, he writes, ³If our chronicles do not lie, we call ourselves Epiriotes´ (se le nostre croniche non mention, noy in 27 chiamamo Epirioti). Marin Barleti provides the second testimony. The humanist from Shkodra mentions the two ethnic denominations and makes no distinction between them. He calls Arber (albanenses) Albanians 28 both inhabitants of Arberia and Epirus, and also those situated in Peloponnesus. He includes under the 29 name of Epiriots the people of Kruja and Diber but also feudal lords of northern highlands like Leka 30 31 32 Dushmani and Pjeter Spani. He calls Skanderbeg Epiriotes, but on some other occasions Albanian, but more often refers to him as the Prince of the Epiriotes (Epirotarum Princeps). Sometime M. Barleti speaks of 33 Albanians and Epiriotes as two different ethnic groups, but this must be considered to be traces of the old concepts that lingered on. The third testimony is provided by Gjon Muzaka Muzaka who also refers to the Albanians 34 35 undiscriminantly as Albanesi and their language as lingua Albanese, while never mentioning the name Epiriotes. The use of a single name for the entire Albanian speaking population called for a unified geographic denomination. The process of realizing a unified name had to cope with four existing geographic denominations, two of which, Illyria and Macedonia, trace of archaic tendency, were eventually abandoned, while the other two, Arberia (Albanum, Albania) and Epir (Epirus, Epiro) vied for a long time with each other as two theoretically sanctioned geographic denominations: one through the existence of Albanian political formations, the other through its incessant use for nearly t wo millennia. What did these two geographic denominations represent in the XV century from the point of view of their nature and territorial extension? In, the XV century the denomination Arbenia (Albanum, Albania) had existed on a larger geographic area than at the time of the ³Kingdom of Albania´ formed by the Anjous. In 36 1429 Podgorica (town in Montenegro)«was considered a town of Arbenia, de Albania. In the south, Vlora 37 was considered a town in Arbenia. In northeast, Has was regarded as a province in Epirus, Provincia Az in 38 Epiro, while according to a Ragusine act of 1390, Kosturi in the south in the south east was part of Albenia, 39 Castoria de partibus Albaniae. This information would describe Albania as laying within quadrangle Tivar40 Prizren-Oher-Vlora, as L. Thalloszy, Thalloszy, K. Jirecek and M. Shufflay indicated. In light of this quadrangle, a question arises regarding the problem of the Albanian territories during the XV century: whether the habitat of the Albanians extended beyond the quadrangle. The answer would require a discussion as to why the denomination Albanum, Albania was limited to the quadrant, and what other regions had were ethnically Albanian in t he XV century.
The same factors that determined the Albanian extension from the narrow area during the mid XI century explain the borders reflected by the above quadrant in XIV century. The latter border directly related to the state of the Balshas which came into existence during the second half of the XIV century. At first Balsha¶s state included Slav as well as Albanian territories, with Albanian population providing the main political support. With their affiliation with the Western Church in 1369, links with the Orthodox Slavs were further weakened, while their political and religious orientation with Catholic Albanians Albanians strengthened. As a result of these links in the 70¶s the Balshas began to extend their state to the South,«reaching the line Vlora41 Berat-Kostur while retreating within Tivar-Podgorica-Prizren line . In this manner his state assumed gradually the character of a Catholic Albanian community. Consequently the title of the Balsha rulers changed from Lord of Zeta, Dei Gratia dominus Zetae, to rulers of Albenia-Gjergj II Balsha ³Lord of Albania´ 42 Arbanskim Gospodinum ³Prince of Arbenia´ Princeps Albaniea. Thus, the name Albanum, Albania applied only to the Albanian and Catholic regions, and not to the territories inahabited by Albanians and Orthodox Serbs included in their state. All this would indicate that beginning with XI century, the name Albania, Albanum gained in territory, pushing the name Epir, and Romania further to the south and the names Dioklea and Sklavonia further to the north, determined by the political factor, and not expansion of Albanians, as many historians, among whom 43 J.G. Hahn and G, Stadtmuller St adtmuller wrongly assume. As concerns the Albanians outside the quadrant, an important aspect to this theme would be to clarify the ethnic character of the Ancient Epirus. It is not necessary to repeat that in XV the name Epiriots referred at times to Albanians regardless of their religion, at times only to the Orthodox Albanians, and in all cases to the Albanians who lived in Epirus. To clarify the ethnicity of inhabitants of Ancient Epirus, we will refer directly to the Greek-Byzantine writers and chroniclers, who inci dentally never used the name Epiriotes. While describing the events happening in the territory of Epirus in the first half of the XIV century, J. 44 Kantakuzenos, calls the inhabitants of the regions of Berat, Kanina, Kolonja, Pogoni, and Libisda Albanites . From the Chronicle of Ioannina we learn that the Mazaraki were the inhabitants of the territory of Permet, the Zenevisi the inhabitants of Dropull and Delvina, the Malakasi the inhabitants of Malakia, in the vicinity of 45 Ioannina , and according to the general opinion of the historians they were all Albanians. That the coastal 46 regions of the Ionian Sea were inhabited by Albanians is made clear by Christoboulos and is implied by 47 Chalcocondylas. The presence of Albanians in the eastern regions of Ancient Epirus is proved by the fact that in 1330 they defeated a detachment of Catalans who had passed the Pindus mountains and plundered 48 49 50 Epirus in Kardhiq of Ioannina. From information provided by J. Kantakuzenos and Chronicle of Ioannina it could be concluded that the inhabitants of Ancient Epirus were Albanian in a overwhelming majority, as G. 51 Hahn was right to notice. Additional support for this is provided by the fact that the Albanian state formations which were set up in the territory of Epirus during the second half of the XIV century and especially, the existence for a long time of Albanian Despotate of Gjin Bua Shpata which was dismantled only by the Ottoman invaders. This proves, in one hand, that the Albanians, who were the ethnic representatives of the state formations in the struggle against the Greek and Serb invaders, constituted the bulk of the population of Ancient Epirus; and on the other hand, the political-linguistic community formed by these state formations explains why the Albanians of Epirus come out under their ethnic name in historic sources of this period and not previously. This ethnic composition explains why the geographic name Epirus was to have an ethnic Albanian connotation for most writers and chancellors. As was indicated, two ethnic-geographical denominations were being used for the Albanian inhabited areas: Arbenia and Epirus« the phenomenon was reflected in four tendencies. The first was the tendency to generalize the name Epirus for the entire Albanian inhabited areas, as indicated by Barleti¶s 52 works . The second tendency was to use Arbenia for the northern section and Epirus for the southern part 53 with Shkumbini River as separating line, as is seen in Gjon Muzaka . The third tendency was to identify Arberia with Epirus in order to give the two names the same geographic extension, presenting thus, the 54 Albenian territories with a double name: Arbenia or Epirus, Albania sive Epiro in Theodor Spandugino . The latter tendency was an attempt at extending the name of Arbenia beyond its historical (not ethnic) borders by gradually eliminating the name Epirus. This tendency is discernable as early as XV among the Ottoman Turks who included the territories from Cameria to the Mat River in the ³Arbanite Sandjak´, Sancak I Arvanid 55 or Sancaki Arvanud, which they formed in 1431 , and later more clearly in an anonymous description of the XVI century which says that ³the country which is called Arbenia today and which was called Macedonia and Epirus in former times extends from the Kotor Straits to the south´. This tendency basically took hold with the foreigners, while Albanians themselves took on another name, Shqiptar, and their territories they called Shqiperi. During the course of the Middle Ages, Albanian settlements existed also outside the borders of areas referred as Arbenia and Epirus. The territories of Kosova, the Dukagjin Plateau (Metohia) and Western Macedonia, the former habitat of Dardanians, Paeons and Illyrian Lynkests, come to mind. The fact that the Albanians are not mentioned, or are only occasionally mentioned, in Medieval sources earlier than the XIV century can be explained on the basis of the same objective factors as for other parts of Albania, not that they did not inhabit these regions, but the religious based Medieval thinking did not see people on the bases
of ethnicity, but on the affiliation with the dominating religion« So it is not accidental that for the first time in the Medieval sources of the XIV century we find the Arbanas precisely in those zones (the district of Prizren and Shkup) where Catholicism is known to have spread on a limited scale ±as customers of the market of 56 57 Saint George¶s Monastery in the vicinity of Shkup, as peasants and soldiers in the regions of Tetova, as 58 peasants in the lands of the Archangels¶ Monastery of Prizren, or as farmers in the annals of the great 59 monastery of Decan. The view expressed by L. Thalloczy, K. Jiricek and M. Shufflay that the Slavs of 60 Dalmatia and Montenegro referred only to Catholic Albanians as ³Arbanas´ would indicate that the Orthodox Albanians within the borders of the Serb or Bulgarian states were considered simply Serbs or Bulgarian« ---
*A legend from time of Tsar Samuel relating to the origin of peoples and languages classifies Albanian under the language of half-believers, a grouping which most likely refers to peoples oriented towards The Roman Church. (Radoslav Grujic: Legenda iz vremena Cara Samuila o poreklu naroda. in: Glasnik skopskog naucnog drustva, Skopje, 13 (1934), p. 198 200. Translated from the Old Church Slavonic by Robert Elsie. First published in R. Elsie: Early Albania, a Reader of Historical Texts, 11th ± 17th Centuries, Wiesbaden 2003, p. 3.)
1 M. Attaleiates (ed Bonn 1853, p. 9.9; 18, 17; 297, 21. 2 M. Attaleiates, p. 9.9. 3 M. Attaleiates, p. 297, 21, J. Skylitzes (in G. Kedrenos, es. Bonn 1839), II, p. 739.9. 4 Anna Comnena (ed. Leipzig 1884 IV, p.8; VI, p. 7. 5 Anna Comnena, IV, p. 8; VI, p. 7. 6 AAIB, I, p. 48. 7H. Gelzer, Ungedruckte und wenig bekannte Bistumer der Orientalische Kirche, in Byzantinische Zeitschrift, Erster Bandf, II Heit, Leipzig 1892. 7 AAlb, I, p. 116. 8 AAlb, I, p. 93. 9 S. Novakovic, Zakonski Spomenici, Beograd, 1912, p. 384. 10 G. Akropolites (ed. Leipzig 1903), XIV, p. 28. 11 AAlb, I, p. 349. 12 AAlb, I, p. 330, 332, 334. 13 Ch. Kohler, Recueil des historiens des Croiades, Paris 1906, vol. II, p. 487. 14 V. Tapkova-Zaimova, L¶idee byzantine de l¶unite du monde et l¶Etat Bulgare, in ³Resumes des Communications Ier CongresInt. Et. Du S.E. Europeen´, Sofia 1966, p. 228. 15 G. Pachymeres (ed. Bonn), vol. 7. 16 G. Pachymeres VI, p. 32. 17 J. Radonic, Gjuragj Kastrioti-Skanderbeg, Beograd 1942, p. 129. 18 M. Shufflay, Die Kirchenzustande im vorturkischen Albanien, in ³Illyr. ± Alb. Forschunen´, p. 190. 19 N. Gregoras (ed. Bonn) V, 6; XI, 6. 20 J. Kantakuzenos (ed. Bonn) IV, 43. 21 L. Chalcocondylas (in K. Bozhori, The Albanian-Turkish War in the XV Century ± Byzantine sources, Tirane 1967, I, pp. 23, 24, 196-198, II, pp. 16, 123, 277, 278. 22 Dukas (in K. Bozhori) XV, 2, XXIII, 8, XLV, 2. 23 G. Sfrantzes (in K. Bozhori) I, 27, 31, IV, 14, 22. 24 Christoboulos of Imbros (in K. Bozhori), I, 14, 74, III, 1, 16. 25 J. Radonic, p. 122. 26 Ibidem, p. 121. 27 Ibidem, p. 121. 28 M. Barleti, History of the Life and Deeds of Skanderbeg, Tirana 19, 1964, p. 92. 29 M. Barleti, p. 65, 73. 30 Ibidem, p. 142, 153. 31 Ibidem, p. 55, 56, 60, 75, 77, etc. 32 Ibidem, p. 100, 105 33 M. Barleti, p. 468. 34 G. Musachio (in Ch. Hopf, Chroniques greco-romaines, Berlin, 1873), pp. 273-274, 280. 35 G. Musachio, p. 278, 279. 36 L. Thalloczy ± K. Jirecek, Zwei Urkunden, 129; M. Shufflay, Serbs, 40. 37 J. Radovic, p. 227. 38 F. Fermendin (in F. Noli, George Castriot Scanderbeg, New York 1947), p. 153. 39 B. Krekic, Dubrovnik (Raguse) et le Levant au Moyen Age, Paris 1961, p. 229. Gjon Muzaka provides us with almost the same information according to which the mountains of perister in the vicinity of Kostur formed the
frontier between Arberia and Bulgaria: un loco nomine la montagna de peristeri«la se devide l¶Albania della Bulgaria (G. Musachio; p. 281). 40 L. Thaloczy ± K. Jirecek, Zwei Urkunden aus Nordalbanien; M. Shufflay, Die Grenzen Albaniens im Mittelalter. 41 G. Gelcich, La Zedda e la dinastia dei Balsidi, Spalato 1899, pp. 81-84, 108-135. 42 Jugoslovenska Enciklopedia vol. 1, p. 154. 43 J. G. Hahn, p. 212, 311; Stadmuller, pp. 29-30, 173. 44 J. Kantakuzenos, I, 55; II, 20, 32, III, 1, 12. 45 Chronicle of Ioannina (in K. Bozhori) p. 23, 25. 46 Chrisobulls of Imbros III, 16, 1. 47 L. Chalcocondylas, II, 95. 48 J. Ph. Fallmerayer, Das Albanesische Element in Griechenland, I, Munchen 1860, p. 254. 49 J. Kantakuzenos, IV, 43. 50 Chronicle of Ioannina, p. 4, 23, 25, 35, 38. 51 J. G. Hahn: Albanesche Studien, p. 318. 52 M. Barleti, History: Danja and Zhabja in Epirus (p. 91), Kruja ± the heart of Albania (p. 96), Kruja in Epirus (p. 475), while Berat only in Epirus (p. 302). 53 G. Musacchio, p. 278. According to him, Epirus in Albanian was ³Pylloria´, Epiro che in lingua Albanese se dice Pylloria (p. 278). 54 C. N. Sathas, Documents inedits relatives a l¶histoire de la Grece au Moyen Age, vol. IX (Paris 1890), p. 363. 55 H. Inalcik, Hicri 835 Tarihli Suret-I Defteri-I Sancak-I Arvanid, Ankara 1954. 56 S. Novakovic, p. 620. 57 Ibidem, p. 660. 58 M. Shufflay, Die Kirchenzustande, p. 233; S. Novakovic; pp. 682-701. 59 AAlb. I, p. 746, 798. 60 L. Thalloczy, K. Jirecek, Zwei Urkunden, p. 126; M. Shufflay, Serbs, p. 35, Biologie, p. 3.
