Falsehoods of Siva myths in Hinduism: older pagan cults live by falsifying Siva’s image By Dr.P.R.Palodhi
A probe into Śiva‟s truth demands identifying the accrued falsehoods in myths, mysticism and philosophies that have been hammered into gullible Hindu minds ages after age through a range of books, ministrations, lore, legends, taboos and weird un-religious practices. Since the founts of existing religions are both „revealed‟ scriptures and „non-revealed ‟ literatures, religious searches demand attention to the contrasting foundations of Prophetic and Pagan religions. Prophetic religions emanate from the „Word of God‟ – Here God Himself discloses Truth to His chosen Prophets – hence there are consistent and universal religious principles independent of human volition (i.e. likes and dislikes). In our present world, the Self-Revelations from God in Qur‟an, Bible and Zoroastrian-Gatha stand in sharp contrast to invented god-myths of human fancies. In Pagan religions , Creator God is never found to address human Prophets; instead different sages and gurus choose their local divinities and make god-hoods at will; different masters speak different stories of god without any criteria or universal standard for religious guidance. And based upon their fancied theism, multifarious heterodoxies grow fat via manifold myths, mysticism and philosophical abstractions. Hinduism follows this latter one by rejecting what God has revealed to the Prophets like Noah, Abraham, Zoroaster, Jesus and Muhammad. Hence we come across relentless formulations of Hindu „god -hoods‟ changing from Vedic to Puranic age and then other versions in neo-Hinduism. More a Hindu genius invents newer godmyths – more luminous celebrity he becomes in Hinduism. This foundation of Hinduism had been laid by the Brahminical Vedic heritage that eventually succumbed to old world paganism and then emerged into history by despising their once Supreme god „Asura‟ (√Asu - giver of life) and relying upon the realm of devatas (gods and goddesses). Professor Mills [1] noticed that Asura „Asura‟ ( Ahura „Ahura‟ in Avesta) - once Supreme God (Rig Veda, I.35:7; III. 29:14; V. 41:3; X.10:2; X. 67:2 etc) of both Rig Veda and Avesta, turned into demon in later Vedic writings when Vedic heritage chose to worship devas like Varuna and Indra etc. And very notably, Śiva was on Asura‟s side d uring early religious conflict with the deva worshippers (mentioned in Tamil texts e.g. Vedapuristhalapurana and Kancippuranam). Early Vedic people had different apprehension for Śiva – mostly god of anger, death and destruction, and they feared him most – this has been attested by the Vedic accounts (e.g. Satarudriya invocation in Yajur Veda). Pre-Vedic Saivites neither worshipped the Vedic devas ; nor were they accepted cordially by the settling Vedic Aryans (see Rig Veda, VII. 21- 5). One of the chief followers of Śiva, Nandisvara expressed: „let the enemies of Hara (Siva), whose minds are disturbed by the strong spirituous odour and the excitement of flowery words of the Vedas, become deluded ‟ (Bhagabat Purana. iv.2.21ff). Ancient India‟s combating non-Vedic heritages are mentioned in Mahâbhârata (7.12.43-44), Markandeya (58.30-32), Vishnu-Dharmottara (1.9.6), Garuda (1.15. 13) etc Puranas. Eminent scholar of Hinduism [2] informed that: Vedic people abhorred Śaivites by ridiculing them as worshippers worshippers of sisna (penis), which is a purposive word bereft of any spiritualism. Vedic priest debarred Śiva from rituals of yajna (sacrifices). Religious conflicts between Śaivic school and Vedic school continued in later ages, when sage Vasistha was a symbolic leader who struggled to save Śaivism that was being drifted towards Vedism through backdoors of laymen and women; but finally he had to pull out due to insistence from women as sages. And thereafter -worships. Śiva was transformed into Śaivism began to spread in the mode of Brahminical deva -worships. deva (god) for the first time in Taittir ī yaya- Saṁhitā [3]. Thus when Vedic gods like Varuna, Indra, and Agni etc failed to match religious vitality of Śiva, Brahminical authors banked upon Siva – but only to invent religiose falsehoods rather than bringing up the truths of either his identity or
his religion. At a comparatively comparatively early date (especially during Brahmanas) Brahmanas) all religious imports were brought under Brahminical Vedism which increasingly began to adopt pagan astrology of Indus culture. Thereafter we find that Hindu „god-hoods‟ are being garbled via syncretism with „stars and planets‟ . Following development of classical Sanskrit, newer versions of Itihasas, epics, Purans, Upahishads etc (and even the Tamil accounts of Śiva) were written by jettisoning the truths of pre- Vedic Śaivites and Zoroastrians – whose social and religious cultures were identical [4] and different from that the Brahminical tradition. From two successive paramount explorers of Vedic literatures, we hear that: these Brahminical accounts departed from the original Vedic theology (Max Muller, 1859, pp. 432, 434) [5], and embraced Harappan planetary worships (Asko Parpola, 1994, pp.201-203) [6] . As a result, result, Hinduism has turned out out to be an epitome of modern paganism via confusion than clarity, contradiction than conformity, anachronism than chronology, syncretism than sagacity; and thereby drifting successive generations of Hindus towards profane than the „sacred‟ of religion, in other words, engaging with the false-gods by severing the cord that enjoins human with the Creator God.
Max Muller (1859) says: “ There is throughout the Brahmanas such a complete misunderstanding of the original intention of Vedic hymns, that we can hardly understand how such an estrangement could have taken place unless there had been at some time or other a
sudden and violent break in the chain of tradition‟. And again he writes: „Every page of the
Brahmanas contains the clearest proof that the spirit of the ancient Vedic poetry, and purport of the original Vedic sacrifices were both beyond the comprehension of the authors of Brahmanas …. We thus perceive the wide chasm between the period and that period by which it is preceded. ” Asko Parpola (1994) says: “The popularity of planetary worship from late Vedic times onwards is in strong contrast with the almost complete absence of the planets in Veda. ” “Convincing references to these marking stars ( nak ṣatra ) are found in the tenth book of the Rig Veda, which was in existence by about 1000 BC.” “That the naksatra calendar was adopted by the Rigvedic Aryans from the earlier inhabitants of northwest India is suggested by the absence of any clear
reference to it in the oldest Iranian documents.”
Present Hinduism remains willfully blind about the historical antecedents and various sectarian authors continue to hoodwink us from Śiva‟s truth by aggravating the vagaries of god-myths and even by accommodating the outmoded Vedic gods as Śiva‟s forms . Primarily Śiva has been falsified by turning into „deva ‟ and then „his religion‟ has been obfuscated by piling up the heaps of Rabelaisian myths in epics and Puranas. Truth seekers have noticed that: „the word „ devata ‟ is a most fruitful source of all errors („ Vedavani ‟ pp.12-13) [7]. Śiva was neither deva (i.e. Vedic god) nor even Vedic follower. The seer of Śaiva Siddhanta says: “The Lord, Śiva unknown to devas all and to the three and thirty three” [ 8]. It is common pagan practice to survive by transferring god-hood via syncretism with altered plot structures, contradictory characterizations and proliferation of alternative meanings etc. Here we shall focus upon varying modes of Śivamyths and try to explore the cross roads joining the scenes of magic rites superstitions and mythological falsehoods that c onnect Śiva and his family with: various astral worships, bull- horned / animal headed images of god and tiger / lion riding mother goddess, fertility cult with phallus / yoni worships etc. Instead of gyrating with thesis, antithesis and synthesis we shall try to gravitate towards truth by taking account of both Prophetic and Pagan traditions, as well as the findings of scientific linguistics and archaeological investigations. But first of all we must try to know how anti-Vedic Śiva could become a leading name of the late Vedic accounts of Brahminical Hinduism?
A. HOW ŚIVA‟S NAME BECOMES A MAIN PIVOT OF BRAHMINICAL HINDUISM To understand the mode of Śiva‟s introduction in Brahminical Hinduism we have to go back to the beginning of history of linguistics when Pāṇini's grammar marks the end of the period of Vedic Sanskrit by introducing the classical Sanskrit. Śiva hails from pre -Vedic India when alphabetic writing has not yet been matured; alphabetic writing with poetical metres (e.g. Tristubh-Jagati etc) is the later development in linguistic. Scientific linguistics dated Rig Vedic language 1200-1000 BC. Then came the age of classical Sanskrit following Pānini‟s grammar (around 500 BC); and very intriguingly, Hinduism continued to believes that the 14 Siva-sutras Siva-sutras the building blocks of abbreviations in Panini' s grammar - were revealed to him by Lord Śiva, hence the name. Nothing certain is known about Pāṇini's persona l life. Mainstream scholars believe that he lived around 600 to 500 BC corresponding to Pushkalavati, Gandhara. Pāṇini was killed by a lion according to t he recensions of Pañcatantra (as II.33). It is only after development of classical Sanskrit, multitudes of Śiva myths (along with Brahma and Vishnu) began to overwhelm Hinduism especially in epics (500-400 BC) and Puranas (100 – 700 AD) etc.
Mahesvara Sutras (14): Sutras (14): aiuN | RRiLLik | eo~N | aiauch |hayavaraT | laN | ~nama~NaNanam | jabha~n |ghaDhadhaSh | jabagaDadash jabagaDadash | khaphaChaTh khaphaChaThathachaT athachaTatav atav |kapay |kapay | shaShasar shaShasar | hal || Thus, Pānini received at least the first fourteen sutras , which are traditionally called Sivasutrani or Mahesvarasutrani . But Pānini 's grammar itself gives no indication of any particular religious belief attached to this grammar. It is very clear from 14 Sivasutras (phonemic notational system) that there is no trace of the mythology of Pāṇini having received his grammar or the Śivasutras by the grace of Śiva or any other divinity . Thus legends that Pānini received Śivasutras from Śiva – is rather a belief without valid foundation; the history of such hearsay demands scrutiny by the modern scholarship. In this context a very significant article has come from Madhav Deshpande [9]. This article brings out material that allows us to envisage the vicissitudes of the belief, which are almost entirely unknown to the Paninian tradition itself . Let us take a note of some relevant mentions from his article: The grammar as it is incorporated in the Pāṇini's Astadhyayi Astadhyayi is integrally connected to the lists of sounds as formulated formulated in the so-called Sivasutras . This relationship is so strong that George Cardona (1969: 3), a renowned scholar of this subject, has even "omitted any discussion connected with the question of the authorship of the Sivasutras ," ," and makes it clear that "the Sivasutras and the corpus of rules in which they are used definitely were composed in one school." While arguing for a distinctive character for the Sivasutras , Kiparsky (1991: 256) concedes: "By this I do not mean that Pānini in fact started from scratch in constructing the Sivasutras . On the contrary, it is virtually certain that he was acquainted with one or more phonetically ordered listings of sounds such as those found in the pratisakhyas , and it is even quite possible that there were previous sivasutra -style -style arrangements that he knew. It is also quite possible that Pānini started with one of those earlier arrangements and reordered it." Pāṇini has referred to previous texts like the Unadisutra , Dhatupatha , and Ganapatha [10] and his immediate predecessors are Nirukta , Nighantu and Pratishakyas . The modern scholarship, for its own reasons, basically sets aside the story of Pānini having received either the whole grammar or the Sivasutras from Śiva as nothing more than a traditional belief. When we look at Katyayana's Varttikas on the Sivasutras , we get no hint that he knew any mythology connecting these sutras with Śiva or with any other divinity. In fact, Katyayana questions the order of sounds listed in the Sivasutras . If Katyayana had any feeling that the so-called Sivasutras were a revealed list, rather than an authored list, such questioning of the structure of these sutras would not arise. Patañjali's Mahabhasya (MB) seems to stand at a borderline. On the one hand, it goes along with Katyayana's discussion of
the practical purposes of the lists contained in the Sivasutras . On the other hand, at the end of the second ahnika of his Mahabhasya, Patañjali (around 140 BC) suddenly seems to hint at a revelation-like character of these lists. Patanjali, in fact, says that Pānini 's rules are like Vedic statements {cf. chandovat sutrani bhavanti (MB, I: 37)}, and this analogy is used to account for certain linguistic irregularities. irregularities. Now as we turn to (MB, I: 36): „varnajnanam vagvisayo yatra ca brahma vartate tadartham istabuddhyartham laghvartham copadisyate’ – this has been translated by K. V. Abhyankar and J. M. Shukla (1969: 125-26): "The science of the knowledge of words forms a subject-matter of language in which abides permanently the Eternal WordEnergy. The traditional enumeration of words is made by Mahesvara for understanding the science of words, for distinguishing the correct words from the incorrect ones, as also for brevity." Note here, besides the fact that here we have a listing of sounds, rather than of words, the translators have added "is made by Mahesvara." There is no support for this in the text of the verse, and neither Patañjali, nor even Bhartrhari, makes any reference to Mahesvara as the source of this listing. K. V. Abhyankar and J. M. Shukla (1969: p. 47) clarify: "Some grammarians believe that the alphabet of the 14 Sutras was given by Pānini himself and the statement upadista maya varnah (in the MB on the introductory varttika 15) refers to him. On the next varttika {16, anubandhakaranarthas ca (MB, I: 13)}, Patañjali's text reads: anubandhan asahksyami ("I will attach the marker sounds"). As represented by Patañjali, it would then seem that the author of the listing and the author who wants to attach the marker sounds is the same author, i.e., Pānini. However, Patañjali also seems to raise this listing to the status of holy Scripture: so 'yam aksarasamamnayo vaksamamnayah puspitah phalitas candratarakavat pratimandito veditavyo brah-marasih / sarvavedapunyaphalavaptis casya jnane bha-vati / matapitarau casya svarge loke mahiyete (MB, I: 36). This then is the listing of sounds, a listing of speech, bearing flowers and fruit, shining like the moon and the stars, should be known as the collection of Brahman. The knowledge of this (listing) leads to the attainment of the merit identical with that of the merit from all the Vedas. And his parents attain greatness in the heavenly world. Thus, without fully detaching this listing from the authorship of Pānini, Patañjali has raised its status to that of a Vedic revelation. Katyayana and Patañjali consider Pānini to be a respected teacher ( acarya ), ), but not a seer ( rsi ) (Deshpande 1993:112-13). But Bhartrhari has raised all the three ancient grammarians, i.e., Pānini , Katyayana, and Patañjali, to the status of rsi (Deshpande 1993). As rsis , their status has indeed been raised beyond that of the mere teachers or acaryas . As rsis , these authorities indeed have some higher insight, and yet, in general terms, Bhartrhari claims that even the knowledge of the great rsis does not exceed the unbroken tradition of the Agama {cf. rsinam api yaj jnanam tad apy agamaparvakam (Vakyapadiya [VP], 1.31cd)}. Again, in general terms, Bhartrhari views the ultimate principle of language as being identical with Brahman, and in that respect it is without beginning and end {cf. anadinidhanam brahma sabdatattvam yad aksaram (VP, 1.1)}. Commenting on Patañjali's characterization (MB, I: 36) of the listing in the Sivasutras as a collection of Brahman (brahmarasi ), ), Bhartrhari (in Mahabhasya-Dipika (MD), 92) says: "This Aksarasamamnaya (alphabet) (is) the entire linguistic usage?" - "Blossomed and fruitful." - "Adorned like the moon and the stars." - "The piled-up Brahman." This is what is said about alphabet: just as the moon and the stars etc., is uninterrupted, similarly there is no creator of this linguistic usage; this has been simply so, being remembered, (and) remembered. Like the piled-up Brahman which resides in every man, so also is this alphabet. Like the spiritual Brahman (this also) is filled with the Brahman (translated by G. B. Palsule.1988: 94-95). This passage leaves us with an uncertain feeling as to the question of authorship of the Sivasutras as conceived by Patañjali and Bhartrhari. It is not clear whether the high claims are made on behalf of the sounds themselves, or the specific listing as structured in the Sivasutras is also meant. Specifically important is Bhartrhari's phrase: evam evedam paramparyena smaryarnanam , lit., "Thus indeed is this remembered through the lineages." The passage remains ambiguous because the referent of idam is not immediately obvious from the context. If it refers, by any chance, to the
Sivasutras , then one would have here a claim for their eternality and unbroken continuity (avyucchinna ). ). Deshpande posits that Bhartrhari's originally ambiguous wording has been altered in the course of its transmission, and the altered reading indeed goes in the direction of the latter-day belief in the Veda-like status of the Sivasutras . In any case, there is no notion, in the original wording of Bhartrhari, of these Sivasutras coming from Śiva to Pānini (also see Bhimsen Shastri. 1984: 18). The major grammarians who come after Bhartrhari are Vamana and Jayaditya etc who do not offer any indication that they knew the story of Pānini receiving his grammar or the so-called Sivasutras from Śiva. Except Haradatta, according to him Pānini , Katyayana, and Patañjali were maharsis and were capable of viewing the entire eternal language. He then refers to the story of Pānini receiving his grammar - or rather the initial fourteen sutras - from Mahesvara. Deshpande suggests: at this juncture, we need to review also the historical status of an important text, the Paniniyasiksa . It has come down to us in two major forms, one versified and the other in prose. The traditional Paniniyas usually refer to the versified form by this name, while the prose form was brought to light by Swami Dayananda. Cardona (1976: 179ff.) has discussed in detail these two versions, their dates, authorship, and the different claims regarding them. Cardona (p. 182) concludes: " In sum, I think the evidence available precludes one's considering with confidence, that Panini composed either of the siksa texts siksa texts which have been attributed to him."
Pāṇini 's grammar itself gives us no indication of any particular religious belief, except that the grammar was situated firmly within the Vedic culture. While Pāṇini's work is purely grammatical and lexicographic, cultural and geographical inferences can be drawn from the vocabulary he uses in examples which show he was a northwestern person. New deities referred to in his work include Vasudeva (4.3.98). The concept of dharma is attested in his example sentence (IV.4.41) dharmam carati "he observes the law" (cf. Taittir ī ya ya Upanishad 1.11). Pānini sutra (V, 2.76) informed that Śiva was a popular deity outside the Ved ic religion. Patañjali ‟s commentary on the Panini Sutra (V, 2.76) has the first mention of Śaiva sect known as Śiva -Bhagavatas which in later ages divides into two sects i.e. Śaivism and Vaişņavism . In this context one must be aware that the origins of Saivism and Vaisnavism lay outside the systems of Vedic religion where devotional Tamil poems (of Alvars and Nayanmars) remained an authority equivalent to what Vedas were to Brahmins. This indicates that from northern Indus, Saivism makes it route to Tamil Nadu of south India. Before advent of Vedic Aryan language, Dravidian language family formed the majority of the greater Indus valley population (Asko Parpola, pp. 160-168). From among antique Dravidian language family an early record in Old Tamil is short inscriptions from around the 2nd century BC in caves and on pottery – these are written in a variant of the Brāhmī script called Tamil Brāhmī (Mahadevan, pp. 90-95) [11]. Before introduction of Vedic Sanskrit, Brahmi or Kharosthi, ultimately based on Semitic alphabet (Asko Parpola, p.38), was the language of sacred texts. But Pāṇini's Ashtadhyayi Ashtadhyayi has three associated texts of which the Dhatupatha , a lexicon of Sanskrit verbal roots organized by the ten present classes of Sanskrit; most of these classes are directly inherited from Proto-Indo-European (see Wikipedia). It is not certain whether Pānini used the originals from ancient source for the composition of his work, though it is generally agreed that he knew of a form of writing, based on his references to words Ashtadhyayi. These must have referred to Aramaic or early such as „ script‟ and „scribe‟ in Ashtadhyayi. Kharosthi writing. Wikipedia informs that: Pāṇini's comprehensive and scientific theory of grammar marks the entry of the non-sacred into Indian thought; and according to Renou and Filliozat, it then defines the linguistic expression of that thought [12]. After Pāṇini, the Mahābhāṣya (great commentary) of Patañjali on the Ashtadhyayi is one of the three most famous works when Indian linguistic science reached its definite form. Pāṇini had been the object of intense study for the ten centuries prior to the composition of the Bhaṭṭikāvya . The
intention of this author was to teach through juicy flesh in poem – a relatively easy and pleasant medium. It was plainly Bhaṭṭi‟s purpose to provide a study aid to Pāṇini‟s text by using the examples already provided in the existing grammatical commentaries in the context of the
gripping and morally improving story of the Rāmāyaṇa.
B. HOAX OF TRADITIONAL BELIEFS ABOUT “HARAPPAN PROTO -SIVA”
The idea of Śiva had been associated with the Harappan culture; and significantly the name of the place was also after another name of him, i.e. „ Hara ‟ (Śiva) and „appa ‟ (papa or father) and jointly Harappa Harappa (Father Śiva). It‟s a matter of interest that even afterwards the flourishing culture too has been named “Harappan culture” by the historians trying to write its history based upon Harappan Proto- Śiva. Origin of this belief remained arcane, but later Śiva‟s cult proceeds in Hinduism rather with wild fantasies than any worthy fact. Hence, before subscribing the claims of Harappan proto- Śiva, one must be aware of the deceptive modes of mythological legends to which most of the historians continue to bank upon. A famous relic among findings of Indus excavations excavations is buffalo-horned buffalo-horned Indus Yogi and there are many alike nude figurines. The equation of „buffalo -horned deity‟ with „Proto -Siva‟ has been drawn based upon connotation and denotation of Puranic myths about Śiva which are mere fabrications of the later age Brahminical genius. Many scholars noted that there seems to be a historical connection between pagan gods/goddesses of the ancient world and later invented god-hoods by the Brahminical genius. This is especially evident in the case of Harappan proto- Śiva‟. In seals, „Proto-Siva ‟ has been viewed by three faced, seated in yogic posture, and a pair of horns meet at the bottom of his tall head-dress; and there is a water buffalo, a tiger, an elephant and a rhinoceros. Above the deity, inscription has a „fish‟ sign, also found in relics of the Near East.
Harappan „Proto- Siva‟ Such „buffalo-horned deity ‟ with animal manifestation is one of the common features all over the ancient pagan world (see pictures below) since remote antiquity than Siva‟s period which again
Ancient Egyptian Egyptian goddess But (in Narmer Palette)
Celtic Horned god Cernunnos
Horned god of Gundestrup Cauldron
continued in the later ages. The Indus civilization presided over by Śiva depicts NeolithicChalcholithic character which has evolved much later than Cretan, Egypt and Mesopotamian civilizations (Dr. Biswal, 1988, p. 27). Harappan pots „depicting the head of water buffalo‟ from Sind, Indus Valley and Kasmir make it evident that „buffalo -horned deity‟ has long local pre history upon which Śiva myths could be superimposed. After extensive extensive research on archaeological archaeological findings world over, Asko Parpola (p. 213) has notified: „discoveries show that Harappan traditions, apparently with all their associated symbolism, were taken over by the Bronze Age culture of Bactria and brought back to the Indus Valley around the 1900 BC.‟ The Egyptian god Ammon-Ra was depicted with ram horns. Bat was a cow goddess in Egyptian mythology depicted as a human face with cow ears and horns, worship of which dates back to Late Paleolithic cattle herding. Odinani, the traditional folk religion of the Igbo people of south-eastern Nigeria, worship the Ikenga, a horned god. Such Lord of Beasts, „Horned gods‟ like Cernunnos (see above picture) found in many traditions of modern paganism and Wicca. He is an archetype found predominantly in Celtic regions, and symbolizes fertility and masculine energy. Classical historian Georg Luck theorized that the origins of the Witch-cult may have appeared in late antiquity as a faith primarily designed to worship the „Horned g od‟, stemming from the merging of Cernunnos, a horned god of the Celts, with the Greco-Roman Pan/Faunus, a combination of gods which he posits created a new deity, around which the remaining pagans, those refusing to convert to Christianity, rallied and that this deity provided the prototype for later Christian conceptions of the Devil, and his worshippers were cast by the Church as witches [13]. There are more evidences which show how the older pagan cults go in the name of Śiva. In the famous „Proto-Śiva‟ seal, the god wears the horn of a water buffalo. In Harappa the water buffalo has substituted the bull or bison of Elam is obviously conditioned by the local fauna. In this context Asko Parpola (p.188) writes: „In the early Indian pantheon, t he animal manifestations of the Harappan „Proto-Śiva‟ as revealed by seals and amulets resemble most of all those associated with the Vedic god Varuna . In Brāhamana texts of Veda, Varuna is only god who received buffaloes in sacrifice (Maitr āyani Saṁhitā (MS) 3, 14, 10; Vajasaneyi Samhita 24, 28). In later Hinduism (as well as Lamaist Buddhism), buffalo is best known as the vehicle of Yama, the god of death, a partial doublet of Varuna, who in one of his aspects is the god of water.‟ Starting with Rig Veda, Varuna is the lord of waters ( ap ām pati ḥ) and he is identified with ocean water (MS 4,7, 8; Katha Sa ṁhitā 13,2) and in Mah ābhārata, Varuna is „lord of the aquatic āṁ pati ). ). creatures‟ (y ādasa ṁ pati or ambhas āṁ
In a Terracotta amulet (Md 013): from Mohenjo-daro, Mohenjo-daro, the deity deity is flanked on either side by a fish, an alligator, and a snake.
In one Indus-type cylinder seal from from the Near East, this buffalo-horned deity is surrounded by a pair of buffaloes, a pair of snakes, and a pair of fish
In another terracotta amulet (Md 013) from Mohenjo- Daro, the same deity in „yogic position‟ as „Proto-Śiva‟ is flanked on either side by a fish, an alligator and a snake. Thus according to Vā jasaneyi sa sa ṁhitā (VSM) 24,21, and MS 3,14,2 – crocodiles (n ākra ) were sacrificed to Varuna. Likewise cunning Sumerian god Enki was also the „god of aps û‟ (deep water) and a big „fish‟
found as his footstool. In Harappan Prot- Siva‟ seal - „fish‟ is there in inscription, not in the iconography. Thus ambivalent nature of Vedic god Varuna is quite apparent from all such instances. It is no wonder that Harappan Lord of Beasts ( Pirassvita ) that we consider as ProtoSiva from Brahminical version – is a likely manipulation in order to reanimate the older cult of Vedic god Varuna. In early Vedic time, Varuna has been the most important Vedic god, and then we find Indra superseding him. Thus Puranic Śiva‟s rise to major position in the pantheon was facilitated by
his identification with a host of Vedic deities, including Agni, Indra, Prajāpati, Vāyu, and others [14]. There are scholars who consider the famil iar views about „Proto -Siva‟ as speculative.
According to Gavin Flood, "Shiva is a god of ambiguity and paradox," whose attributes include opposing themes.[15] By equ ating „buffalo -horned god‟ with Śiva via connotations and denotations of purposive Puranis accounts, Hinduism may have derived pleasures of pagan rasa - but the truth of Śiva could be just opposite of the notions developed from Harappan Proto-Śiva‟ where artifacts like lingams and the „Pashupati seal‟ have been the subject of much study. In early religious conflicts of India, Śiva‟s stand for the asura-priest Sukra and against deva-priest Brihaspati, and thereafter monotheistic trend of early Śiva-Bhagabatas as against polytheism - relate Śiva rather with Prophetic than a pagan tradition. But proficiency of pagan geniuses could burry truth by piling up incredible heaps of pseudo-religious syncretism.
B. ŚIVA – WHEN VIEWED FROM COMPARATIVE STAND POINTS OF PROPHETIC & PAGAN RELIGIONS Since Indus language remained undeciphered, any enquiry about Śiva‟s connection with Prophetic tradition demands answer: is there any traceable sign of Prophetic customs during Śiva‟s period in Neolithic -Chalcholithic culture of pre-Vedic Indus? Let us again turn to archaeological findings.
(I) Prayer posture: The „yogic posture ‟ of Harapp an deity is a common practice in deva -centric -centric Brahminical Hinduism, Buddhism and Jainism that deny the „Prophetic tradition of God ‟. Such arrogant posture of self-enlightenment never complies with the religion of „submission to (buffalo-horned) head dress of Harappan Proto-Siva Almighty God‟. Also we find that the tall (buffalo-horned) afterwards being depicted as Puranic Śiva‟s matted lock (Dr. Biswal, p. 29) . But besides such „yogic position‟ and „head dress‟ , the excavations unveiled another picture as well – the „priest
king‟ of Harappa which reveals quite opposite (see picture)!
„Priest king‟ of Harappa
Within among assorted relics of Harappa, there are few statuettes having the features similar to Prophetic tradition has been shown in Kenoyer‟s book ( „Ancient Cities of the Indus valley Civilization ‟, ‟, p. 215) [16], viz. „kneeling prayer position ‟ with left arm rests on top of lowered left knee, and right hand rests on upraised right leg (Cat. no 117. DK(i) 419, Mohenjo-Daro Museum, MM 432) and „ priest king‟s „head ribbon‟ (see picture) encircling the head and falls down the back of the neck. Simila r „kneeling prayer position‟ and head dress of „p riest king of Mohenjo- Daro‟ are common to the Prophetic traditions of Arabs and Jews – but not familiar with the Brahminical Hinduism that used to go with a tail at the back of head.
(II) Priest-king‟s clock: Another notable aspect is the Indus „ priest-king‟s clock‟ , which is found to be decorated all over with designs of trefoil (3 leaflets, or 3 lobed) in relief. The priest- king‟s garment has intrigued the scholars around world because the same trefoil inlays (see Asko Parpola, p. 213, op. cit) are also frequently found in bull statuettes (se picture below) from Uruk
Bull statue with trefoil inlays, Uruk (W.16017), c. 3000 B.C.
Tre-foil inlay decorated base (for linga icon?)
(3500-3200 BC) to Jemdet Nasr period (3100-2900 BC) and Third Dynasty of Ur (2100-2000 BC). Some scholars had reason to posit that the Sumerian bulls with trefoils represe nt the „Bull of Heaven‟ (Gadd ,1932) [17] and the trefoils dep ict the „stars‟. The „star‟ (and also the„fish‟) sign in cuneiform denotes divinity. Let us try to reflect upon the possible significance of such priestly garment firstly from Prophetic stand point, and then from its pagan denominations. Interestingly, Hinduism has mention in Katha Sa ṁhitā (12, 3) about the „tārpya garment ‟ (decorated with dhiṣniyus meaning „star‟ in Vasistha Sa ṁhitā 37, 27) which originally belongs to Asuras, the arch rival of Vedic gods (see Asko Parpola, pp. 215-216). 215-216). In Avesta of Prophet Zoroaster‟s tradition, the „stars‟ are explicitly
mentioned as ornaments of Ahura Mazda‟s sky garment: „ The sky …which the Wise One is wearing as His garment, is decorated with stars made of heavenly substance ‟ (Yast, 13, 3). And in Qur‟an we hear: „ O children of Adam! Wear your beautiful apparel at every time and place of prayer ‟ (Q, 7: 31). From Prophetic tradition we come to know that God revealed aphorisms of „sacred heavenly garment‟ an d commanded followers to wear „beautiful garments‟ at the places of worship. Now the „priest king‟s garment with trefoils‟ indicate that it was beautified with
designs of sacred stars of heaven. When such sacred garment we find in Prophetic tradition it means obedient servant of God in a place of prayer. But pagan traditions frequently become parasitic upon the themes of the Prophetic religion – and then meaning changes. For example, after borrowing temple culture from Prophetic tradition they began to worship local divinities at will by turning the temples into house of false gods/goddesses, which is strictly forbidden in the God‟s Revelation . Hence similar garment could also be used by the pagan worshippers. Let us find how such dress has been used in pagan traditions? Oppenheim [18] analyzed monumental evidence relating to „the golden garments‟ of the gods and divine kings from the cuneiform texts. In pagan Babylonian tradition, we find an astrologer quoting some ritual text as follows: „ the 16th and 17th day a bull shall be slaughtered before Nabu, the 18th day he (god) shall be clad in AN.MA.‟ The logograms AN.MA (as well as their Akkadian gloss nalbaš šamê) literally denote
„garment of the sky‟. Asko Parpola (1997, p. 214) writes in detail about this „garment‟ which has striking parallel in „cloths of ghee‟ in Rig Veda‟s Varuna, who appeared by claiming himself as chief Asura (RV, IV.42; V.63,3). Again i n RV (7. 64, 1) „clothes of ghee‟ are attributed to Varuna and Mitra. In Mahâbhârata (2, 9, 6), Varuna „wears celestial jewellery and attire, adorned wi th celestial ornaments‟. In later developments of Vedic religion we find that, above „tārpya garment‟ , the „fireplace‟ and the „ Apabharani star‟ – all go to symbolize womb or female organ; and Harappan religion also shares this womb symbolism with trefoil motif . Apparently Apparently an odd odd introduction of yoni or womb idea in trefoil‟s astral symbolism served a purpose of uprising Vedic paganism that revitalized the older Mother goddess cult of Harappa with their innovations.
C. HOW PAGAN FALSEHOODS IMPOSED UPON ŚIVA & HIS FALIMILY (I) Harappan Trefoil motifs turn into Yoni symbol to uphold Śiva‟s Phallic cult: There is direct archaeological evidence for „Sexual Cult ‟ in Indus religion; trefoil is also found on a moulded „phallus‟ made of paste. About ten trefoil pattern stands are found in MohenjoDaro, which have been compared to round stand representing yoni (the valva or womb of the goddess) of later Hindu Śiva -lingas. Based upon idea of Harappan trefoil pattern, the profane features have been impressed widely under mystic veils. Parpola (p. 220) writes: „In classical Hinduism the linga and yoni symbolize male and female genital organs united in sexual intercourse. They are cult objects and an integral part of their worship consists of throwing leaves of bilva or wood-apple ( Aegle marmelos ) tree upon them… The leaves of bilva are trifoliate, so the trefoils depicted on one of the Harappan linga stands may represent bilva leaves actually thrown on such an object is a cult .‟ Tradition continues in Hinduism, bilva leaves used in Śiva worship have to be a stalk with three leaves (just like trefoil), which is kept on top of the Śiva -linga. Parpola then goes to inform that the Sanskrit name of the tree, bilva , is closely homophonous with Proto-Dravidian root veḷ , to become bright or white, and its derivative veḷḷ i i, „star, Venus‟ and also „semen‟.
[Each silver foil piece takes the form of three leaves, and each leaf is embossed with the Panchakshara (“ॐ ” or “Aum Namah Shivaya ”)] ”)]
Thus the ancient history of „ritual sex‟, the power of the feminine associated with fertili ty can be traced back to the tribes of the Indus Valley (4000 - 2000 BC). Their deity was the goddess, idolized in the form of the yoni (vulva). In this context „ritual sex‟ of Tantrism is also notable, which can be traced in many parts of the world including the Native American tribe of Cherokee, as well as in Polynesia, and elsewhere. This ancient pagan culture of Indus was eventually altered by the war-like nomadic Aryans who replaced the existing female deities with their male gods - often represented by the phallic lingam symbol (penis). Female deities were then relegated more to being consorts to the male gods. Such paganism finally culminated in phallicism of Śiva -linga when Brahminical genius became par asitic on Śiva‟s image. Now t he Śakta tardition venerates the feminine. This is in contrast to the Lingayatis who primarily worship male deities. Remotely ancient pagan Trantrism continues in India as sectarian religion,
where Śambara is terrifying erotic manifestation of Śiva as buffalo; in Śakta tradition, Śambara has a counterpart in Mahisha Asura, the buffalo demon who is the antagonist / lover-husband of goddess Durga (Parpola, p. 189). There are similarities between Tantric practice of Saivism and magical practices & shamanism of Mexican American, Inuit and Australian Aborigins. Thus Hinduism remained heedless to God; and continued the uninterrupted flow of pagan Fertility symbols which already existed in ancient civilizations like Indus, Sumeria, Egypt and Babylon. Obscuring truths of pre-Vedic Śiva, later Hinduism invented various mythifications of Śiva‟s father god image in phallic ( linga ) cult alongside his consort Durga‟s mother goddess image in yoni cult. Here usurpation of pagan falsehood gets exposed when Patanjali, in his linga was not an object of adoration commentary on Pānini sutra (IV, 3. 98 -99), informs that linga was in Śiva‟s image; it was unknown even in the time of Śiva devotee Wema Kadphises – whose coins were conspicuous by the total absence of phallus [19]. But thereafter we find that Baudhayana Shrauta-Sutra prescribing the installation of a bull-shaped image on altar [20]; and there is ample evidence that altar construction was a source of some of the features in their version of Saivism. Now as we turn to Mahâbhârata (VII. 203.133), Śiva is called Sthanu because linga is always standing, it is the linga raised up which the rishis, gods, gandharvas and apsaras worship; both Brahma and Vishnu worship the phallus of Śiva (Mbh. XIV. 30 -36). Śvetāśvatara Upanishad (VI: 9) used the word „ linga ‟ in the sense of mark or index. From these allusions again it appears that predecessors of these authors were familiar to „cosmic pillar‟ or symbolic stone (in Ka‟Ba) , because such knowledge came to India via east bound descendants of Prophet Abraham. But this served the purpose of reviving the ancient Phallicism when later pagan heritage invented the gimmicks of Siva-linga myths by concocting ideas from both pagan phallic cult of Indus and symbolic stone of the Prophetic tradition. All such pagan innovations in Hinduism are unsacred and corruptions of religious truth; consequences of which await only a dire hereafter - according to the Revelation of God (Qur‟an 92:13) .
(II) Astral god-hoods ascribed to Śiva and his family:
A clear explanation explanation for „astral god -hood‟ in Brahminical Hinduism comes as follows in https://sites.google.co https://sites.google.com/site/indus m/site/induscivilization civilizationsite/7-indus-sea site/7-indus-seal-related-issu l-related-issues/indus-scrip es/indus-scriprsrsdeciphered: “
The god shown in the seal is “Proto -Shiva”. He wears the buffalo horns as his head gear, which is the
characteristic emblem of Yama. He is also known as Mrigashira (Pasupathi) (Orion) and the lunar constellation is named after him. If you take a close look of that constellation in the sky map, the position of the tiger is tallying exactly the way it is represented in the seal. Other animals depicted in the seal had to be visualized with little bit difficulty, but all the animals are surrounding him, as depicted in the seal.
Even minute points of the constellations are also depicted naturally in the seal. For example, there is a sign of man standing near the back of tiger, in fact there is a small constellation called puppies (modern name) (i.e. Little dog) only portion of which comes near to the back of the tiger is to be taken. It gives an appearance of little man standing over the back of the tiger as depicted in the seal. This little man symbol
brings to my mind the idea of “Lord Ayyappan”. Note that the Yogi sitting position of “proto Shiva” is
similar to the sitting posture of Ayyappan. Then refer to the childhood story of Ayyappan that he was sent into the forest by the step mother and came out of the forest riding a tiger. This story exactly tallies with the scene depicted in the seal. This story is evidence to the re-emergence theory of Indus ideas. It is a fantastic achievement that the constellations are so beautifully depicted, it cannot be done by ordinary minds. Definitely, it is the work of intelligent people. Proto-Shiva had been depicted with four faces, because he could see everything going on this world because of his top most position in the sky. He was god of moral value and punisher of immoral people, because he could watch all actions of people day and night on earth because of his position in high observation point in heaven and all seeing four/three heads. He can be identified with later day Shamash (Sumeria) and Brahma (of India). However Brahma is not popular in present day India, because he is really old time god and has been replaced by many other new upcoming gods. It is one important phenomenon to be remembered that in Hindu mythology one god is replaced by another god (because of conquest by new invader or ruler) and the new god is given all attributes of the old god, whom he replaced, these attributes are in addition to his already existing power attributes. Because of this replacement phenomenon Kalan and Brahma had been relegated to the back stage and Yama has taken over those powers, which he lost to Shiva in the subsequent period. Shiva reigns supreme as on today. The final conclusion about this god depicted in this seal is that actually he may not be proto Shiva , but definitely he is having all the characteristic of Lord Mrighshira (Lord of Animals) as given in Jyotisha Vedanga.”
According to God‟s Revelation in Qur‟an, the pre -human Jinn race by virtue of their fire-based origin were capable of celestial movements. Stealing information from celestial orbits and Zodiacal signs was habit of the Jinns – by which they could develop charms of astrology, psychic magic etc and subdue mankind. But their pilfered knowledge was only partial, because, in such celestial ventures mostly they had been destroyed by the flaming fires (i.e. comets) of Divinely protected heaven (Q, 15; 16-18; 21: 98; 34: 41; 67:5). The worship of planets was absent in early Rig Veda, but afterwards became prominent in religious life of India. Practically in every Śiva temple of South India there is a shrine to planetary gods. According to Vaikh ānasa-Grhyasutra (4,13), written in Sanskrit under Tamil influence, „propitiation of the nine planet‟ should precede all religious rites. Gavin Flood writes, the Śvetāśvatara Upanishad (400 - 200 BC) text proposes: „... a theology which elevates Rudra to the status of „supreme being‟, the Lord (Sanskrit: Īśa) who is transcendent yet also has cosmological functions, as does Śiva in later traditions (Flood. 1996, p. 153). Asko Parpola‟s microscopic probe into Hindu scriptures unraveled many Śiva‟s equations with planets as early as oldest Brahman literature (dated 800 BC) like Aitareya Br āhmana (3,33); here we find that the creator god Praj āpati felt love towards his own daughters, the sky some says, and others say Uṣas. Having become a stag he approached her in the form of a red she-antelope ( rohit )… )… which is Rohini “the red star”. In order to punish Prajā pati for incest, the gods created killer, Rudra ( Śiva) out of their most dread forms. Rudra who shot Prajāpati, is in a parallel version represented as the son of Prajāpati. As regard birth of Skanda (Karttikeya), a fuller epic version goes as: Agni (or Śiva) seduced the Pleiades in absence of their husbands, the seven Sages. Only Arundhati, the faithful wife of sage Vasistha, could not be seduced, as was allowed to remain as star Alcor along with her husband in the asterism of the Great Bear; the other wives were divorced. In some variants, the six Pleiades were bathing in Ganges river (heavenly river of ecliptic), where fiery seed of Agni or Śiva fell down. They became pregnant by the seed, or nursed the child instantly born of the seed. In order to suck all his nurses simultaneously,
Skanda developed six faces. Skanda evidently symbolizes the new year with six seasons i.e. the reborn sun. Since remote antiquity, different pagan traditions are found to associate the planet Venus with womanhood and with love and this notion continued till today by considering planet Venus as the feminine planet in our solar system (such notion of femininity does not comply with the tradition of God). The ancient Mesopotamians associated Venus with Inanna (Ishtar). Elamite goddess Narunde (at Susa dated 2220 BC), with two lions and a star was associated with the planet Venus. And likewise Old Iranian and Vedic goddess of victory Anahita was also denoted by the planet Venus. Hinduism updated ancient pagan legacy by transferring goddess-hood to Siva‟s consort Durga alias Kali, again they connected her with Venus; for example until 1835, a young boy was sacrificed to the goddess in the main Kali temple of Calcutta every Friday, a day of the planet Venus, and the same practice is reported in Kali shrine of the Bṛhadīsvara te mple at Thanjavus.
(III) Remotely ancient pagan cults live by being parasitic upon Śiva‟s house: ), the second being Parvati, According to Puranas, Śiva‟s first consort is Sati (also Dākshāyani ), the reincarnation of Sati herself. Śiva is also the father of the deities Ganesha, Murugan (Kartikeya), and Ayyappan (Dharma Sastha). P rof. Weber suggests that like Ś iva is combination of various Vedic gods Rudra and Agni, the Puranic Parvati is a combination of Uma, Haimavati, Ambika and earlier Parvati, Parvati, identified as wives of Rudra; of of others like Kali, who could be a wife of Agni and of Gauri and others inspired by Nirriti [ 21]. Tate suggests Parvati Parvati is a mixture of the Vedic goddess Aditi and Nirriti,and being a mountain goddess herself, was associated with other mountain goddesses like Durga and Kali in later traditions (Tate, p.176) [22]. The ancient mother goddess cult of Harappa was continuing in India under different images (Amma, Chandi, Adya Shakti and Matangi, Matangi, etc) some of which were before the time of Indus Śiva. This cult was eventually eventually transferred to Śiva‟s consort Durga. Later Brahminical geniuses invented a Durga‟s „buffalo killing myth‟ by defaming the name of Asura; thereby they could totally divert Hindus from the very „name‟ that was revealed by God especially in the context of Avestan and Vedic peoples religious blunder i.e. deva worships. The mythopoeia of Mahisasura-mardini began from early Kusana times; the most important account of full myth is that of the Devi-Mahatma , forming chapters 79-80 of the Markandeya Purana. None of the textual versions is older than the 500 AD (Asko Parpola, pp. 254-272). This myth again banked upon an ancient cult of tiger/lion riding war-goddess by changing plot structure under different images. A goddess of war riding a tiger is found in ancient Indian cylinder seal of Kalibangan. Very ancient Mesopotamian goddess of war Ishter is associated with lion holding her tripartite sceptre (like Durga‟s trident), and a fish is very often placed closed to her (like fish f ish -eyed goddess Mināksī of bīja) formulae of Durga connected with South India) which constitute so called „eye seed‟ ( netra- bīja her three eyes; she is said to have emerged from these seeds to kill the Buffalo demon (Kālikā-Purana 61, 2-11). As we turn to Śiva‟s son Ganesha , again there is connection to ancient pagan cult. T he „Cynocephalus, a dog -headed god from upper Egypt, an emblem of secret wisdom continued in India as well (e.g. Hanuman cult) and eventually this cult was passed on to Siva‟s son Ganesha by concocting a nother myth of elephant-headed god. The mission of the cynocephalus was to show the way for the dead to the seat of judgment and Osiris, whereas the ape- gods were all phallic” (Theosophical Glossary, by H. P. Blavatsky, 92). Śiva‟s another son is worshipped as war god in Southern India by various names, Subrahmanya, Subrahmanyan, Shanmughan, Swaminathan and Murugan, and in Northern India by the names Skanda, Kumara, or Karttikeya etc. Archaeologist Archaeologist Raman writes: „It is also likely that certain gods of ancient Megalithic cultures later absorbed into the Hindu pantheon, such as Aiyanar (or Sastha), Murugan (the later Kartik), Korravai (Durga), Naga deities, etc,
23]. All these show show how ancient ancient paganism paganism continues in were originally tribal gods of that period‟ [ 23]. All India by being parasitic upon Śiva‟s house .
D. PAGAN VAGARIES OF ŚIVA-MYTHS GREW BY LEAPS & BOUND FOLLOWING THE ARYAN- MANIFESTATIONS OF NON-ARYAN ŚIVA
Indus Śiva‟s brief period is sandwiched between vastnesses of two pagan worlds: (I) the older gods of Indus, and (II) later devas of Vedism, Jainism and Buddhism. Śiva belongs to the pre Aryan period of ancient India, hence non-Aryan by origin. Pānini sutra (V, 2.76) informed that Śiva was a popular deity outside the Vedic religion. Śiva has a family background obscured in pre-Vedic past but still there are living claims of his ancestry; even today some ancient tribes like Chenchus and Malavans in South India consider him as an ancestor of their tribes. There are yet living traces from Alvar Tamils like Nath-muni (Saivite), his successor Ramanuja, and his follower Venkatanatha (b.1268) - who informed us Sanatan Dharmic ‘Prapatti’ (surrender to the will of God). [This Nath-muni must not be equated with heterodox Nath tradition of siddhas and their sub-sects founded by Matsyendranath, whose primary aim is to achieve liberation ( jivan-mukti jivan-mukti ) in current lifespan and avoid reincarnation]. The first mention of Śaiva sects known as Śiva -Bhagavatas has come in Patanjali‟s commentary on the Panini Sutra (V, 2.76); he describes a devotee of Śiva as clad in animal skins and carrying an iron lance as the symbol of his god, perhaps a precursor of Śiva 's trident. [Again, these early Śaivites must not confused with Samanic tradition of Jainism, founded by naked ascetic ( Digambar monks) Rikhab]. There are references to early Śi va ascetics in the Mahâbhârata as well; only in later ages two different sects, Śaivism and Vaişņavism have emerged. The origins of Ś aivism and Vaişņavism lay outside the systems of Vedic religion; here devotional Tamil poems of Alvars and Nayanmars, and Thevaram hymns (perhaps composed in by Sambandar, Appar, and Sundarar) etc are regarded by Tamils as authority equivalent to what Vedas are to Brahmins. The early Tamil
saints‟ compositions were devotional and not philosophical abstractions (e.g. ancient Tamil
Sitthar padalgal ), ), who were non-Brahmins, used ordinary Tamil words without technical meaning, but Sanskrit ideas eventually crept in because Tamil received double dose of Sanskrit words from north and south. Now as we reflect to the names Vişņu and Śiva, they give rise to a collection of theistic trends and sects. Śaivism like Vaişņavism, the term also implies a unity which cannot be clearly found either in religious practice or in philosophical and esoteric doctrine. Furthermore, practice and doctrine must be kept separate (Michaels. p, 215) [24]. From northern Indus, Śaivism makes it route to Tamil Nadu of south India at some earlier time. In early Vedic writing we could find only dim outlines of Śiva; but after a millennium Śiva becomes brightest headline in Brahminical Hinduism. Pāṇini's grammar marks the end of the period of Vedic Sanskrit and defines the linguistic expression of later thought. As Brāhmī changed into the Devanāgarī group of Indic languages - the Brahminical proficiency in Sanskrit could dictate the terms of Hinduism by writing everything according to their own fancies. At a comparatively early date pre and post Vedic religious imports were brought under Vedic fold through a process of cultural syncretism. Virtually Aryan manifestations of Śiva begin to appear by the Brahminical proficiency of classical Sanskrit – even by rewriting the older Tamil accounts in Brahminical terms. As we look into non- Aryan Śiva‟s Aryan manifestations, manifestations, it
proceed from a subordinate deity in the Vedic Age when both Vishnu and Śiva (as identified
with Rudra) played relatively minor roles. By the time of the Brahmanas (800-500 BC), both were gaining ascendance (Zimmer, 1946) [25]. The Śvetāśvatara Upanishad (400 - 200 BC) is the earliest textual exposition of a sys tematic philosophy of Śaivism ( Chakravarti. 1994) [26]. As explained by Gavin Flood ( op.cit ), ), the text proposes: „... a theology which elevates Rudra to the status of „supreme being ‟, the Lord (Sanskrit: Īśa) who is transcendent yet also has
cosmological functions, as does Śiva in later traditions . Eventually Saivism turned into a panHindu tradition, practiced widely across all of India, Sri Lanka and Nepal.
The formation of Śaiva traditions as we understand them begins to occur during t he period from 200 BC to 100 AD (Flood, 2003) [27]. It is with the Puranas that Ś aivism spread rapidly, eventually throughout the subcontinent, through the singers and composers of the Puranic narratives (Flood,1996, p.154). During Puranic period, both Śiva and Vişņu had major sects that competed with one another for devotees (Flood.1996, pp.110-111). The two great epics of India, the Mahâbhârata and the Rāmāyaṇa, deal extensively with stories of both Śiva and Vişņu. Many stories developed showing different types of relationships between these two important
deities. The Vishnu Purana (400 AD) shows Vishnu awakening and becoming both Brahmā to create the world and Śiva to destroy it (Flood, 1996, p. 111). Śiva also is viewed as a manifestation of Vishnu in the Bhagavata Purana (4.30.23, 5.17.22- 23, 10.14.19). In Śaivite myths, on the other hand, Śiva comes to the fore and acts independently and alon e to create, preserve, destroy, hide, and to bless his five works (Zimmer, p. 128). In one Śaivite myth of the origin of the lingam, both Vişņu and Brahmā are explained as emanations from Śiva's manifestation as a towering pillar of flame (Zimmer, p. 128). The bulk of the material contained in the Puranas was established during the reign of the Guptas (dated 300-500 AD) - with incremental additions taking place to the texts up to later medieval times (Flood. 1996, p. 110) stretching to 8th to 11th centuries AD. They must not be seen as random collections of old tales, but as highly selective and crafted expositions and presentations of worldviews and soteriologies, compiled by particular groups of Brahmins to propagate a particular vision, whether it be focused on Vişņu, Śiva, or Devī, or, indeed, any number of deities (Flood. 1996, p.111). Thus history of Śaivism reveals an episode that Śiva‟s concept has continued to metamorphose from Vedic Rudra (the power of destruction) to different promiscuous lore and
legends in the epics and Puranas; he also became part of the Puranic „trinity‟ along with Brahma/Vishnu; and then Śiva eventually superseded most of the god -hoods. Brahminical genius formulated Śiva‟s god -hood as Mahādeva ("Great god"; mahā = Great + deva = Vedic god), Maheśhvara ("Great Lord"; mahā = Great + īśhvara = Lord), and Parameśhvara ("Supreme Lord"). There are at least eight different versions of the Śiva Sahasranama , listing thousands of Śiva‟s names [ 28]. In th e Smarta tradition, Śiva is regarded as one of the five primary forms of God. And Śākta tradition focuses on his female counterpart - as goddess Śakti. In present Śaiva tradition, Śiva‟ comprises both creation and destruction within him and is the reason for the existence of everything. Integration of heterodoxies between Śaivism, Vaişņavism , Śakti cults with Brahminical Hinduism was culminated during Gupta period and gave rise to neo-Hinduism or Puranic Hinduism. But paganization of Śiva‟s concept originated from Tamil Nadu itself – and it became rampant especially after Sanskritization of the early Tamil accounts. The theological interpretation of Svayam Bhagavān („The Lord‟ or Lord Himself) began to differ with each rival sect solicitous of own ascendancy. The fusion of different pagan concepts grew by leaps and bounds in classical Sangam poetry since 100 AD. An era of confusion started following the arrival of Adi Sankara in 8th centuries AD. Falsehoods of Śiva-myths finally culminated in abstract paganism that began to rise from monistic philosophy preached by Śaṅkarācārya. It all started from the question: what is the actual meaning of Advaitam ? What is “One without second ” (Ekam Evadvaitham ) in Chandhogiya Upanishad? When a group of saints and scholars from south of India decided to answer this question, four different religious faiths ( samayam ) were founded. Eventually Smartism of philosopher Adi Sankara begins to dominate; Smartism is a denomination of Hinduism that places emphasis on a group of five deities rather than just a single deity (Flood. 1996, p. 17). Thereby it teaches invoking the five deities Śiva, Ganesha, Vişņu, Devī, and Sūrya (Flood. 1996, p. 113); Sankara made it possible to choose one of these as a preferred principal
deity and at the same time worship the other four deities as different forms of the same allpervading Brahman. After that came Saiva Siddhanta of Rishi Tirumular, like his satguru , Maharishi Nandinatha, propounded a monistic theism in which Śiva is both material and efficient cause, immanent and transcendent. Śiva creates souls and world through emanation from Himself, ultimately reabsorbing them in His oceanic Being, as water flows into water, fire into fire, and ether into ether. Wikipedia („History of Shaivism‟) informs: The Saiva Siddhanta tradition ‘
may have originated in Kashmir where it developed a sophisticated theology propagated by theologians Sadyojoti, Bhatta Nārāyanakantha and his son Bhatta Rāmakantha (c. 950– 1000). Considered normative tantric Saivism, Shaiva Siddhanta provides the normative rites, cosmology and theological categories of tantric Saivism. Being a dualistic philosophy, the goal of Shaiva Siddhanta is to become an ontologically distinct Shiva (through Shiva's grace). This tradition was once practiced all over India. However the Muslim subjugation of north India restricted Shaiva Siddhanta to the south, where it merged with the Tamil Saiva cult expressed in the bhakti poetry of the Nayanars. It is in this historical context that Shaiva
Siddhanta is commonly considered a "southern" tradition, one that is still very much alive.‟ ali ve.‟
Between the texts from the Brāhmanas relative to Rudra, the earliest descriptions of the same deity in the epics and Puranas , and then what we find in abstract Śaivism after Sankara -- there are growing incompatibilities and inconsistencies by widening the chasm. This indicates that all traces of Śiva‟s identity i n ancient materials has been made removed from seekers‟ access – because, it would arrest the freedom of myth-making gimmicks and formulations of pagan godhood with untruths and innuendoes. To defend ever changing myths of pagan god-hoods, champions of Hinduism often come forward with a forlorn logic that their gods and goddesses should not be taken as literally because these are abstract astrological phenomena. Planets and stars are heavenly realities; any abstraction or gimmick of astral god-hoods neither can equate their divinities and the Creator God, nor could hide their intentions of „God denial‟ from the overwhelming pagan activities evident on this earth. According to God‟s Revelation, everything in heaven and earth, i.e. constellations, pagan gods/goddesses (pre-human Jinn race) and humans etc are merely His creations and not the manifestations of God (see Q ur‟an, 7:54; 10:66; 21:33; 15:27; 39:62); and amongst God‟s Creation only Jinns and humans are undergoing a Trial in this earth for their choices of conduct (Q ur‟an, 67:2; 91: 7-10) i.e. obedience to God‟s revealed Path (Qur‟an, 51:56) or its denial by inventing pagan falsehoods (Qur‟an, 30:10 , 16). [Also submitted to Articlesbase.com]
References: 1. Mills, Lawrence (1913) . „Our own religion in Ancient Persia ‟, ‟, (Open court Publishing Co. UK) 2. Bhattacharya, B. 1993. „ Saivism and the phallic world ‟, ‟, vol. 2, p.297, (Munsiram Monoharlal Pub. India) 3. Dr. Banshidhar Biswal, (1988). Cult of Śiva , p. 5, Punthi Pustak, Calcutta 4. See: Paraskara Gryya-sutram Verse 2.1.2; Commentary: Pt Harihar. [The social and religious customs of the Kambojas (Zoroastrians) and Vasishthas (Saivites) are stated to be identical]. 5. Max. Muller (1859, reprinted 1890). A History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature , London 6. Asko Parpola. (1994, reprinted 1997). Deciphering the Indus Script , (Cambridge University Press). ISBN 0 521 43079 8 7. Gupta. S. K. „ Vedavani ‟ (Hindi), (Bharati Mandira Anusandhan Shala, Rajastan) 8. Saiva Siddhanta , Annamali University, 1958, p. 26
9. Deshpande Madhav M. “ Who Inspired Panini? Reconstructing the Hindu and Buddhist Counter-Claims ” (July-September 1997. The Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 117, No. 3). 10. Sanskrit Literature The Imperial Gazetteer of India, v. 2, p. 263. 11. Mahadevan, Iravatham (2003). Early Tamil Epigraphy from the Earliest Times to the Sixth Century A.D., Cambridge, Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01227-5 12. Louis Renou & Jean Filliozat (1953, reprinted 2000). L'Inde Classique, manuel des etudes indiennes , vol.II pp.86-90, Ecole francaise d'Extreme Orient. ISBN 2-85539-903-3. 13. Luck, Georg (1985). Arcana Mundi: Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds: A Collection of Ancient Texts . Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. 6 –7. 14. Zimmer, Heinrich (1946). Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization , p.125, note 2. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.ISBN 0-691-01778-6. First PrincetonBollingen printing, 1972. 15. Flood, Gavin (1996). An Introduction to Hinduism . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-43878-0. 16. Kenoyer, M.J, Ancient Cities of the Indus valley Civilization , p. 215 17. Gadd, C.J (1932). Seals of ancient Indian style found at Ur . Proceedings of the British Academy 18: 191-210. 191-210. 18. Oppenheim, A. Leo, (1949). The golden garments of gods . JNES 8: 172- 93. 19. Bhanderkar, R.G. (1928), Vaisnavism, Shaivism and Minor Religious Systems , p.115. Poona 20. Baudhayana Shrauta Sutra , ed. by Caland, Bibliotheca Indica, 1907(Dharmakosa Upanisatkanda, Int., pp. 20-21) 21. [Weber in Hindu Mythology, Vedic and Purbnic By William J. Wilkins p.239]; Hindu Mythology, Vedic and Puranic By William J. Wilkins; Published (2001) (first published 1882); Adamant Media Corporation; Corporation; 463 463 pages; pages; ISBN 1-4021-9308 1-4021-9308-4 -4 22. Sacred Places of Goddess: 108 Destinations By Karen Tate 23. Raman, K. V. (2000). Sakti Cult in Tamil Nadu - a Historical Perspective Perspective (paper presented at a seminar on Sakti Cult, 9th session of the Indian Art History Congress at Hyderabad] 24. Michaels, Axel (2004). Hinduism: Past and Present. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. ISBN 0-691-08953-1 25. Zimmer, Heinrich (1946). Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and Civilization. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.ISBN 0-691-01778-6. First Princeton-Bollingen printing, 1972. Śiva Through The Ages , p.70, 26. Chakravarti, Mahadev (1994). The Concept of Rudra- Śiva (Second Revised ed). Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. ISBN 81-208-0053-2 27. Flood, Gavin (Editor) (2003). The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism . Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.. ISBN 1-4051-3251-5. 28. Sharma, Ram Karan (1996). Śivasahasranāmāṣṭakam: Eight Collections of Hymns and and Eight Names of Śiva . Delhi: Nag Publishers. ISBN 81-7081Containing One Thous and 350-6
