Englis and Poland

World Englishes, Vol. 33, No. 2, pp. 242–262, 2014.

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English in contemporary Poland ALEKSANDRA KASZTALSKA KASZTALSKA∗

West, English became a symbol of modernization and and ABSTRACT: Because of its association with the West, freedom during Poland’s Poland’s communist chapter. Since 1989, English has achieved an even higher status, as the language language of internation international al business, business, research, research, and media. media. Today oday, Polish Polish advertisem advertisements ents are filled with English English loan words, English-language movies reign in theaters, and most young people study English in school. As relatively relatively little research has examined the impact of English on contemporary Poland, Poland, this paper is an effort to begin filling this gap. I start by offering a concise history of Poland and Polish, as well as a history of English in Poland. I then provide examples of changes in Polish that are likely motivated by Poles’ use of Englis English. h. In the follo followin wing g sectio sections, ns, I outlin outlinee the rise rise to fame fame of Englis English h in Polis Polish h classr classroom ooms, s, adverti advertisem sement ents, s, and media. From this review emerges a somewhat incongruous image of English, as both an economic asset and a corrupting agent on the Polish language and culture. To illustrate these dichotomous attitudes, the subsequent section reports on the findings of my preliminary, Internet-based study of contemporary Polish discourses about English. I end the paper by identifying some unanswered questions and suggesting directions for further research.

INTRODUCTION

With an estimated 11 million speakers of English as a second or additional language (Eurobarometer 2006), Poland has become a major English language hub in Europe. After centuries of partitions, invasions, and political oppressions, in 1990 Poland’s Poland’s doors opened to the world and to the English language in particular. Due to its association with the West, in the mid to late 20th century, English became a symbol of resistance against the Soviet administration and of ‘educational achievement and employability’ (Strefa Dobrej Pracy, as cited in Sliwa 2010: 695). Rather than lose its momentum, Polish fascination with the English language and with cultures of English-speaking countries grew stronger after the fall of communism and as a result of the influx of English-language music, movies, and new media. Poles’ desire to speak English has created a new need for English teachers, teaching programs, private tutors, and immersion camps. Today, 89 per cent of the total student population in Poland is learning English in school, with English fast becoming the most widely spoken foreign language in the country (Reichelt 2005; Gł owny o´ wny Urz ˛ Urzad ˛ Statystyczny 2012). The increasing influence of English is visible in many domains of public and private life in contemporary Poland, from education to business discourse. However, surprisingly few researchers to date have examined the role of English in contemporary Polish society, with the notable exception of scholars like Chłopicki (2005) and Reichelt (2005). Reichelt’s report offers an insightful socio-historical overview of the status and functions of English in Poland throughout the 20h century. Her article also briefly outlines English teaching ∗

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practices and attitudes toward toward English in the early 2000s. Nonetheless, despite these efforts, a detailed portrait of Poland’s current sociolinguistic landscape—not to mention, an empirical study of Polish discourses surrounding English—has been lacking. This paper constitutes an effort to generate a more comprehensive and more up-todate sociolinguistic survey of English in Poland. A key argument underlying the present analysis, and the focus of the first two sections, is that Poland’s history of partitions and military occupations has significantly shaped contemporary Poles’ attitudes toward their own language(s) and toward other languages. Moreover, these attitudes may help explain the changes that Polish is undergoing as a result of Poles’ contact with English. I also review previous research on the use and functions of English in the Polish educational system, in advertisements, and in business as well as media discourses. A thorough examination of Polish discourses, I argue, reveals a kind of cognitive dissonance among many Poles: Although English is almost unanimously regarded as an economic asset, it is also blamed for (negatively) changing Polish linguistic and social norms. To further examine these attitudes, I analyze a limited sample of Internet discourses about English, focusing on user comments accompanying a set of online news articles. Having summarized my findings, I discuss a few unresolved issues that are beyond the scope of this paper but need to be addressed by scholars, and I offer some directions for further research. THE HISTORY OF POLAND AND THE POLISH LANGUAGE

The Republic of Poland is a Baltic state that shares its western border with Germany, southern border with the Czech Republic and Slovakia, and to the east is bordered by Ukra Ukrain ine, e, Bela Belarus rus,, Lith Lithua uani nia, a, and and Kali Kalini ningr ngrad ad Obla Oblast st,, a Russ Russia ian n excl exclaave. ve. With ith a tota totall area area of almost almost 120 120,00 ,000 0 square square miles, miles, Polan Poland d is home home to 38.5 38.5 millio million n people people.. The country country’’s history history is long long and and turb turbul ulen ent: t: In 96 966, 6, King King Mies Mieszk zko o I con converte verted d to Chri Christ stia iani nity ty,, and and this this date date—k —kno nown wn as the Baptism of Poland—is generally regarded as the conception of a unified Poland. For many centuries, Poland wielded significant influence over its neighbors, especially during during the Polis Polish-L h-Lith ithuan uanian ian Common Commonwe wealt alth, h, beginn beginning ing in 156 1569. 9. Betw Between 177 1772 2 and 179 1792, 2, however, the country underwent a series of partitions. With the lands divided between Pruss Prussia ia,, Russ Russia ia,, and and Aust Austri ria, a, Polan oland d disa disapp ppear eared ed from from the the map map of Eu Euro rope pe for for over ver a cent century ury.. It was not until the end of the First World War, that Poland regained its independence, only to be invaded by Nazi Germany in 1939. After the Second World War, Poland remained under Russian influence, becoming a de facto satellite state of the Soviet Union, under the name of the People’s People’s Republic of Poland. In 1989, the independent trade union Solidarno Solidar no s´ sć´ triumphed during the first free elections, and a year later the union candidate, Lech Wałesa, ˛ won the Presidential seat. In the 1990s, the Third Polish Republic underwent a series of drastic economic and civil reforms, joining the NATO in 1999, and in 2004 becoming a member of the newly expanded European Union (Central Intelligence Agency 2012). Throughout its history, Polish borders were frequently redrawn, with much of Poland’s eastern territories lost to the Soviet Union after the Second World War. At the same time, Poland gained some German territories to the west. These territorial shifts led to many forced migrations and contributed to the current ethnic make-up of the border regions. In the 2011 census, over 96 per cent of the population claimed to be of Polish nationality, with fewer than 2 per cent of respondents declaring another ancestry, such as Silesian or  C


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Kashubian.1 and fewer than 1 per cent declaring non-Polish citizenship (Gł o´ wny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2012). In terms of religion, Polish society is predominantly Roman Catholic— over 88 per cent of the population identified as such in 2007—and the largest religious minorities constitute the Eastern Orthodox and several Protestant denominations (Gł o´ wny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2009; Central Intelligence Agency 2012). Poland is home to some 38 million ‘native speakers’ of Polish, the official language of the land. Of the remaining 7 million ‘native’ Polish speakers worldwide, many reside in Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine, as well as Germany, France, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Canada (certyfikatpolski n.d.). Polish is a West Slavic language descended from Proto-Slavic. With Poland’s Baptism in 966, Old Polish ( jezyk ˛ staropolski) began undergoing changes as a result of its increasing contact with Latin, the language of the Roman Catholic Church and Europe’s lingua franca (Pogonowski n.d.). In addition to borrowing words from Latin, in the 12th century Polish adopted the Latin alphabet, though with time a series of diacritics was added to represent a wider range of sounds, including ´ ł ) the ogonek (‘little tail,’ e.g. e˛), the kropka (‘dot,’ e.g. ˙ z ), and the kreska (‘stroke,’ e.g. c, (Pimsleur n.d.). Besides Latin, Czech and German also contributed to the Polish lexicon (cf. the Czech-originating brama ‘gate’). The establishment of constitutional monarchy between 1370–1493 saw efforts to standardize Polish, with Jakub Parkoszowic of the Krak o´ w Academy composing the first study of the Polish orthography around 1440 (Pimsleur n.d.). The Renaissance also saw the flourishing of Polish literature and the printing of dictionaries as well as grammar books written in and about Polish. The ongoing standardization encouraged the use of Polish in contexts that were once the sole domain of Latin, including religion (the Holy Cross Sermons, or ´ etokrzyskie, being the oldest existing prose text written in Polish) and law Kazania Swi˛ (with the first Digest of Polish Law printed in 1488). As Pogonowski (n.d.) further claims, during this time Polish became the language of diplomacy and ‘a language of elegance and civility in east central Europe.’ With Poland’s transformation into a constitutional monarchy and with the establishment of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Polish continued to undergo standardization, all the while borrowing words from other languages, like pomidor ‘tomato’ from Italian (thanks to King Sigismund’s Italian wife) and dywan ‘carpet’ from Turkish (due to the Polish-Ottoman War and Polish-Turkish trade) (Pimsleur n.d.). The partitions at the end of the 18th century also affected the Polish language, though German had a much greater influence on the language spoken in the western parts of the country than Russian had in the east (Pimsleur n.d.). Moreover, the growing power yielded by Napoleon during the Enlightenment led to a number of French borrowings into Polish, such as meble ‘furniture’ and walizka ‘suitcase.’ This increasingly diverse Polish lexicon was described by Samuel Bogumił Linde, who between 1807 and 1814 published a six-volume Dictionary of the Polish Language ( Słownik j˛ezyka polskiego) (Pogonowski n.d.). The partitions and the subsequent Nazi and Soviet regimes have likely contributed to the current dialectal landscape of Poland, ‘with Silesian spoken in the formerly Austrian southwest, Greater Polish in the west (formerly Prussian), Mazovian in central and eastern Poland (annexed by Russia) and Lesser Polish in the Austrian and Russian-annexed south and southwest’ (Pimsleur n.d.). Today, the Polish variety regarded as the standard reflects features of the Mazovian dialect and of dialects used in Greater and Lesser Poland (certyfikatpolski n.d.). Moreover, the 2005 Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and  C



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on Regional Language recognized the Kashubian language, spoken in the northwest, as Poland’s only regional language (US English Foundation Research n.d.). Major immigrant languages include Czech, Eastern Yiddish, Greek, Lithuanian, Russian, and Slovak (Lewis 2009). As a result of numerous invasions that continuously threatened the survival of Polish identity and culture, the Polish language has become ‘synonymous with nationality,’ and ‘loyalty to the language’ is often considered a ‘patriotic duty’ (Chłopicki 2005: 108; see also Sliwa 2010). Despite—or because of—the suppression of Polish during occupations, the 1800s and the 1900s saw the emergence of some of Poland’s most prominent artists, poets, and scientists, many of whom lived in exile to escape political repercussions from local governments. Thus, a 2005 public opinion poll found that about 35 per cent of Poles regarded Polish as a national treasure that unites them and that must be protected and respected, while almost a fifth of the respondents associated speaking ‘correct’ Polish with being ‘cultured.’ Respondents also identified the use of vulgarisms as the worst trend in contemporary Polish, with foreign loans taking second place, followed by linguistic ‘sloppiness,’ poor vocabulary, and the overuse of ‘smart’ or ‘intellectual’ words 2 (Rada Jezyka ˛ Polskiego n.d). In order to protect the Polish language from these and other ‘corruptions,’ the Polish Parliament introduced the Polish Language Act on October 7, 1999. Put into effect in 2000, the Act recognizes the Polish language as ‘a fundamental element of national identity’ and of ‘national culture’ (Ustawa o jezyku polskim 1999). The Act’s provisions apply to the use ˛ of Polish in public domains of life, dictating that the Polish language must be used in all administrative and legal proceedings within the country’s borders, and that international transactions are to be accompanied by Polish translations. The Act also identifies Polish as the language of education and examinations in public and non-public schools, exempting universities, bilingual schools, and the foreign-language press; science, art, and business discourses are similarly excluded. Additionally, the Act establishes the Polish Language Council (Rada Jezyka Polskiego), whose 36 members are tasked with promoting the ˛ knowledge of standardized Polish and of regional dialects, evaluating language use in society, making decisions regarding orthographic conventions, and publishing regular reports on the state of Polish. The Council also presides over the publication of the Dictionary of proper Polish (Słownik poprawnej polszczyzny) and constitutes the main advisory body on the use of Polish in business, media, technology, and even in naming children. THE HISTORY OF ENGLISH IN POLAND

Because of the relatively low prestige of Polish in the world, knowledge of foreign languages has long been associated with high socioeconomic status and educational achievement in Poland. For centuries, Latin and French dominated foreign language teaching, with English entering the scene after the 1706 signing of a trade treaty between Poland and England (Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2002). Nonetheless, the first English language handbook was not published until the late 18th century (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002; Reichelt 2005). After the partitions, many Poles left the occupied territories, and as early as the 1830s the United States enticed large numbers of Polish expatriates with the promise of freedom, opportunity, and employment. Eventually, English replaced French as the main foreign language of Polish aristocracy, and the first English language and literature program was  C


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established in 1908 in Krak ów (Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2002). As Polish-US relations grew between the two World Wars, English continued to be studied by growing numbers of Poles. The teaching of English and of most other languages came to a halt in Polish schools in 1948, when Russian became the ‘only foreign language in primary schools and the only required foreign language in secondary schools’ (Reichelt 2005: 217). The sanctions against English weakened in 1956, although Russian remained the only compulsory foreign language until the 1960s, when secondary and higher-level schools added a compulsory Western language to the curriculum (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002; Reichelt 2005). English was initially popular among ‘good families’ and for a while was studied for ‘snobbish rather than practical’ reasons (Ehrenhalt, as cited in Reichelt 2005: 219). Even though access to ‘native speakers’ and authentic teaching materials was limited under the communist regime, interest in English grew in the latter decades of the 20th century, especially among the younger generation. Growing numbers of Polish students were now taking up English in schools, while English language professionals benefited from the newly established English for Specific Purposes courses. English terms were also being popularized in the discourses of young Poles. According to the British Council (1986), English was the most important Western language in Poland in the late 1980s (Reichelt 2005: 221), with British English generally serving as the target variety (Muchisky 1985). Finally, after 1989, Russian was abolished as a required foreign language, and the English teaching industry experienced an unprecedented boom: English was introduced in primary schools and taught at newly-established private institutions as well as teacher training colleges (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002). Despite continuing teacher shortages and often ‘adversarial relationships’ (Muchisky 1985: 10) between students and teachers of English during the Soviet era, English managed to become the most studied foreign language in Poland. The language derived its social prestige from the association that many Poles made between English and the West. As noted by Muchisky (1985) and Reichelt (2005), English was studied for reasons that were both instrumental and integrative. On the one hand, the knowledge of English allowed Poles to seek prestigious (if low-paying) jobs at English language departments in Poland, publish in foreign journals, and collaborate with professionals from abroad. Moreover, a Western language like English, adds Krajewska (1995: 48), fit the needs of young Poles, who ‘began to attach greater importance to material values, which could be better satisfied by going to the West.’ As this (idealized) English-speaking West became virtually synonymous with modernization and innovation, it has come to be regarded as the reference point and a source of social, economic, and linguistic standards, which non-Western countries are expected to follow (Krzy˙zanowski & Wodak 2009). English has also been regarded as the vehicle of Western popular culture and—as opposed to Russian, closely associated with the hated communist administration—it has allowed Poles to show their solidarity with the modern and free world. A 2006 publication of the Eurobarometer, ‘Europeans and Their Languages,’ further attests to the increasing prestige of English in Poland. When asked: ‘Which two languages, apart from your mother tongue, do you think are the most useful to know for your personal development and career?’ the vast majority of Polish respondents (72%) chose English. The second most popular language, German, trailed behind at 46 per cent, with Russian taking a distant third spot at 9 per cent. French, Spanish, and Italian were each identified  C



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as most useful by 5 per cent or fewer Poles. Moreover, 90 per cent of respondents chose English as the foreign language that their children should learn, with German selected by 69 per cent of respondents. It is worth noting, however, that compared with other Europeans, Poles seem to attach less importance to foreign languages: 79 per cent of Poles consider knowing other languages as useful to them on a personal level, which places Poland at twenty-third place and far behind countries like Sweden (99%) or Cyprus (98%) (Eurobarometer 2006). The 2006 report also found that 29 per cent of Poles believed they spoke English ‘well enough to be able to have a conversation’; similar proficiency in Russian was declared by 26 per cent of respondents and in German by 19 per cent. Although English is not a compulsory subject in schools, the number of English speakers in Poland doubled between 1997 and 2006, suggesting that interest in the language is far from waning (Sliwa 2010). Most likely, positive attitudes toward English speakers are further reinforcing attitudes toward the language. Furthermore, according to a public opinion survey, 76 per cent of Polish respondents expressed eagerness to visit Great Britain (Kadłuczka 2011). THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON POLISH

According to Mańczak-Wohlfeld (2002) and Zabawa (2008), English has left the greatest imprint on Polish in the area of vocabulary and has mainly influenced standardized Polish. The earliest English lexical borrowings into Polish (e.g. cutter , yacht , rum ) can be traced back to the 1700s (Chłopicki 2005). In fact, Linde’s Dictionary of the Polish Language contained ‘fourteen clearly English loans,’ such as flanela ‘flannel,’ galon ‘gallon,’ and pancz ‘punch’ (Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2002). The borrowing of English lexis persisted during subsequent centuries and intensified with the strengthening of relations between Poland and English-speaking countries, especially Great Britain and the United States. Although the use of English-origin words in Polish was rare in the early 1900s, Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld’s 1985 dictionary listed some 1,600 borrowings. As of 2002, 2,000 of loans in Polish were of English origin, but only about 400 of them were used regularly by Poles (Chłopicki 2005). In fact, Serejska Olszer argued in 2001 that the total number of common English borrowings remains relatively low and that ‘the impression created of their importance is due to their frequency of use [italics added], especially in the media’ (as cited in Chłopicki 2005: 110). Moreover, Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld (2002: 215) claims that the frequency of (all) foreign loans in Polish varies by text type: while borrowings may consist as much as 50 per cent of lexical items in journalism, in other contexts there are ‘three Polish lexical items for each loanword.’ As Mańczak-Wohlfeld (2002) further explains, English loans may be used and perceived differently, depending on when they entered the Polish language. Older loans have adapted to the Polish spelling and pronunciation and are indistinguishable from native Polish words, while recent loans have a more varied pronunciation and spelling. For example, the author lists four possible spellings of ‘business woman’: businesswoman, business woman, busineswoman, and bizneswoman. Mańczak-Wohlfeld (2002) also delineates the specific phonological changes that occur when words are borrowed from English into Polish, concluding that English vowel phonemes tend to be simplified (e.g. /ej/ > /ε /) and consonant phonemes are made more complex (e.g. / ŋ/ > /ŋk/) by Polish speakers. In terms of spelling, of the 1,700 Anglicisms examined by Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld (2002), 550 preserved the English spelling and the spelling of the rest either varied or reflected  C


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some common changes, such as the replacement of ch with cz (e.g. czartyzm) and the reduction of double consonants (with ‘offside’ becoming ofsajd and ‘bootlegger’ spelled as butleger ). At the same time that English words are undergoing changes to conform to the Polish spelling rules, some Polish words are also spelled to resemble English (often through homophony), as when qmpel replaces kumpel (‘buddy’) in Internet blogs (Zabawa 2008). To adapt to the Polish morphological system, nouns borrowed from English are assigned gender and number (though some are treated as uncountable) and most of them decline, which according to Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld (2002: 223) ‘shows that English borrowings are relatively easily integrated into Polish grammar.’ Similarly, most verbs are inflected when they enter Polish. Adjectival loans seem to be inflected much less frequently, while adverbs and interjections tend to be unassimilated in all but pronunciation. Derivationally, Ma n´ czakWohlfeld (2002) found that the vast majority of English loans in her data sample are treated as morphemically simple, though they can take on common Polish affixes, for example the diminutive –ik in koksik (originally from ‘coke’), or the perfective wy- on wytrenowa´ c ‘to train.’ English-originating compounds and calques are infrequent, with some of the most common calques including pranie m´ ozgu ‘brain washing’ and drapacz chmur ‘skyscraper.’ Finally, in terms of meaning, Mań czak-Wohlfeld (2002) cites her own 1992 study, in which more than half of loans retained their original meaning (e.g. d zinsy ‘jeans’), 15 per cent changed their meaning in some way, 13 per cent changed their meaning completely (e.g. the English term ‘dress’ becoming dres ‘ tracksuit’), 9 per cent transferred some of the original English senses but not others, and the rest of loans underwent other semantic shifts. In her examination of prior research on this topic, Sztencel (2009) gives more examples of semantic changes that English loans undergo when introduced into Polish—such as the semantic narrowing of drink to denote an alcoholic beverage—and of changes that English has on already-existing Polish lexemes. Thus, under the presumed influence of English, the adjective wyrafinowany ‘sophisticated,’ which once denoted artistic taste, has undergone semantic extension and can now refer to good quality and complexity. Another case of semantic extension is found in the noun przyjaciel ‘friend,’ which seems to have developed a more neutral meaning, in addition to denoting a very close friend. Citing Otwinowska-Kasztelanic, Sztencel (2009) also discusses the influence of English on expressions of Polish approval and agreement, including absolutnie, which once used to mean ‘completely’ but now also functions as an exclamation of approval (cf. ‘absolutely!’), and dokładnie, which used to mean ‘carefully’ but can now stand for ‘exactly.’ As Chłopicki (2005) adds, dokładnie has practically replaced its predecessor wła´ sciwie. Finally, Zabawa (2008) provides some examples of semantic restriction or narrowing that are likely the result of English influence, like the verb molestowa´ c: The word’s original meaning of ‘nagging someone’ seems to have been restricted to sexual contexts (cf. the English verb ‘to molest’). In addition to the abovementioned changes, the English language has also influenced Polish syntax. Sztencel (2009) again provides a detailed overview of previous literature on the topic, identifying three types of grammatical influence. The first is the increasing tendency for adjectives to pre-modify, rather than post-modify nouns, even though in certain constructions the adjective has typically followed the noun. This results in phrases like wirtualna rzeczywisto´ s´ c, which reflects the word order of the English term ‘virtual reality’; similarly, Zabawa (2008) gives the example of komediowy serial ..

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‘comedy series,’ instead of serial komediowy. Another example of English grammatical influence is the attributive placement of nouns, which used to be restricted to poetry (Otwinocka-Kasztelanic, as cited in Sztencel 2009) and which can now be found in other contexts, as illustrated by biznesplan ‘business plan’ replacing plan biznesowy. Furthermore, Sztencel (2009) describes the novel use of the adverb generalnie ‘generally’ as a discourse marker. The author points out that this particular use of generalnie may be an innovation in the sense that typically the ‘sentence adverbial function is represented in Polish by phrases’ (Sztencel 2009: 8), such as og olnie ´ rzecz biorac ˛ ‘generally speaking.’ Among other syntactic changes that Polish seems to have undergone or to be undergoing as a result of its contact with English are prepositional calques, as in the construction jeste´ smy zainteresowani w czym´ s (‘we are interested in something’), which in standardized Polish would be rendered without the preposition w (‘in’) (Markowski n.d.). Another change can be found in the use of possessive pronouns. As Sztencel (2009) explains, Polish contains two pronouns that can be translated into English as ‘your’: tw´ oj and sw´ oj , both of which have gender, number, and case variants. The latter is typically used when ‘the subject of the sentence refers to the owner of the ob ject being possessed (even if the subject is elliptical) as in (You) do your homework!’ ´ is being replaced by tw´ (Sztencel 2009: 9). However, in some advertising slogans swoj oj — most likely as a result of the more ubiquitous English ‘you’—and has resulted in sentences like Kup tw´ oj bank or ‘Buy your bank’ (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld, as cited in Sztencel 2009). Moreover, some new Polish collocations seem to have been coined in a way that reflects the constituents’ placement in English, for example, piel˛egnacja samochodu ‘car maintenance’ (lit. ‘car nursing’) (Chłopicki 2005: 115). Chłopicki (2005: 113) asserts that under the influence of English Poles can not only express new concepts but also ‘expand their expressive vocabulary’, as illustrated by the borrowing of English emotive words (e.g. wow, hi, sorry) and even the use of more formal phrases in informal discourses, as when the informal phone conversation opener m owi ´ ‘speaking’ is replaced with z tej strony ‘at this end.’ Pragmatically, English also appears to have increased the frequency of thanking as a response to a compliment and to have contributed to the replacement of the formal pronouns Pan, Pani, etc. with the informal pronoun ty (Zabawa 2008; also cf. the subsection English in Business Discourse). Zabawa (2008) further notes changes in standardized Polish punctuation, for example when the Polish quotation marks ,, ”are replaced with the Englishderived “ ”or when the comma traditionally used in decimal fractions is changed to a period. Wieluniecka (2010: 271) explains that ‘Anglicisms help describe the new, fast-changing reality, the new phenomena, products, and technologies, but at the same time these loans can become purely persuasive and can be used to fashion the world constructed in advertisements.’ Chłopicki (2005) extends the domain of English influence to the discourse of electronics, cosmetics, economy, trade, and tourism. In addition to these technical domains, Anglicisms have entered colloquial Polish registers (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002), and the relative status of a loan can vary across registers and contexts. As notes Dr. Andrzej Markowski, the word cool —popular among Polish teenagers—may be frowned upon when used among a more educated crowd (as cited in Staszewski 2007). The data discussed in this section therefore suggest that English has a significant impact on many domains and features of the Polish language.  C


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DOMAINS OF ENGLISH USE

English in the classroom

After Poland opened politically, economically, and culturally to the West, the Russian language—once a compulsory subject in schools—became virtually obsolete. As a result of this change, many of the 18,000 Russian teachers in Poland faced unemployment: By the 2002–2003 academic year, their numbers fell below 7,000. In contrast, the number of English teachers during the same period rose from 1,200 to over 36,000 (Council of Europe, Language Policy Division & Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). Faced with the changing educational climate, large numbers of Russian teachers re-trained to teach English (or German). Many were trained in the communicative approach, which was used at the newly-created teacher training colleges. However, not even these emerging professionals could satisfy the appetite for foreign languages in Poland. In response to the growing demand for foreign language instructors, teachers began offering private courses, and the 1990s and 2000s saw the creation of new bilingual and exchange programs (Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2002; Reichelt 2005). In the second decade of the twenty-first century, English continues to be the most widely studied foreign language at all educational levels in Poland. As reported by Poland’s Central Statistical Office in 2012, 89 per cent of the total student population is now learning English (Główny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2012). Moreover, according to the same report, the number of students learning English is steadily growing, as evinced by the 42 per cent increase between the 1999–2000 and the 2010–2011 academic years. The second most popular language is German (studied by about 36% of students), followed by Russian, French, Spanish, Latin, and Italian (with classes in each of these languages taken by fewer than 5% of all students). In 2011, the Central Statistical Office also found that of the 807,477 Polish university students learning at least one foreign language in 2010, a whopping 657,600 were enrolled in English-language courses (Gł o´ wny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2011). Due to its geographic proximity, Britain has long served as the main source of English teaching materials (e.g. textbooks) in Poland, though the target variety to be used in the classroom is not officially prescribed, and today Polish students are exposed to both American and British English. As of the 2009–2010 academic year, all Polish children and adolescents are required to take at least one foreign language class starting in the first grade of elementary school, and at least two foreign languages must be studied in the gimnazjum (lower secondary school, comprising of grades seven through nine) and until the student completes his or her secondary education (Gł o´ wny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2012). Although English is not a compulsory subject, it is a de-facto frontrunner in the classroom. For example, of the six languages that Polish students could pick on the Matura (an oral and written national exam taken at the completion of high school), English was chosen by 80 per cent of test takers in 2008 (Pezda 2008, as cited in Sliwa 2010). Outside of school, English is also commonly studied at private language institutes, with the help of private tutors, and at summer language camps ( The Warsaw Voice 2010). Despite this emphasis on foreign language teaching, the Council of Europe’s Language Policy Division and Poland’s Ministry of National Education (n.d.) identify a ‘lack of teacher quality’ as a major challenge. One factor likely contributing to the poor quality of English instruction in Poland is the meager pay that language teachers usually receive. In effect, English instructors often have to take up secondary jobs at private language schools,  C



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thus devoting less time and effort to their regular teaching posts (Johnston 1997; Reichelt 2005). Moreover, Reichelt (2005: 224) argues that the low status of teachers leads many Polish graduates holding English language degrees to ‘look to careers outside of teaching, such as business or tourism.’ Resulting from this ‘lack of long-term commitment’ is an absence of a ‘shared discourse of profession’ (Johnston 1997: 703) among English teachers in Poland. English in advertising and media discourse

The first English borrowings to appear in Polish newspaper advertisements in the 1920s and 1930s were terms and compounds like shampoo and vanishing cream (Chłopicki 2005). A particularly insightful study of English borrowings in contemporary Polish advertisements was offered in Wieluniecka (2010). The author examined the use of English loans in ads that appeared in 2009 in three Polish print magazines, each catering to a different demographic: a general-knowledge publication ( Wprost ), a magazine focused on information technology ( PC World ), and a monthly for teenage girls ( Dziewczyna). The study revealed that lexical loans in Wprost were used predominantly when the (often, technical) term did not have a direct Polish equivalent, e.g. leasing . Many borrowings were either accompanied by explicit Polish translations or the text contained contextual clues about the meaning of the foreign term. In contrast, PC World used English terms strategically, as specialized short-cuts that readers were expected to be familiar with. Anglicisms thus fulfilled a highly informative function and were not accompanied by Polish translations, with longer utterances in English serving mostly persuasive functions. Finally, Dziewczyna contained the smallest number of English borrowings, and even these played a rather decorative role, creating an aura of laid-backness associated with English. Wieluniecka’s (2010) study demonstrates the growing significance of English in Poland. Although close to a third of Poles claim to be conversationally proficient in English, fluent English speakers remain a minority and they are predominantly ‘young Poles learning English intensively’ at school or with tutors (Chłopicki 2005: 110). As such, they are more likely to be educated and knowledgeable about computers and other English-dominated domains, which were the focus of PC World . Wieluniecka’s findings thus reflect the trends found by Anisimowicz (as cited in Wieluniecka 2010), who noted a similar tendency to use longer, stand-alone English phrases in Polish newspapers. Further examples of the presence of English in Polish advertisements can be easily found on virtually any major Polish online news portal or news daily, like gazeta.pl. Thus, during a visit to Gazeta Wyborcza’s website on April 22, 2012, I was able to identify several English loans and semantic shifts in ads that littered the main page alone. These included generic terms like laptop, piksele ‘pixels,’ sexy, as well as brand names such as Amber Gold, OLT Express, and Finroyal. The news discourse is clearly permeated with English borrowings. As notes Dr. Andrzej Markowski, English expressions are commonly disseminated by journalists, though imported English-language TV shows and movies too contribute to this process (as cited in Staszewski 2007). A telling example of the television’s role in the spread of English in Poland is the short-lived Polish digital channel, TVN Lingua, which aired between 2006 and 2009 (Wirtualnemedia 2009) and was ‘dedicated to helping viewers learn foreign languages’ (Davies 2008) through predominantly English-language programming. Furthermore, the names of many Polish TV stations contain English loans, for example,  C


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Polsat Sport Extra, TV Biznes, Top Shop, not to mention the UK-based Cartoon Network (Wikipedia n.d.). Finally, the Internet and social media have played a key role in the spread of English in the discourses of young Poles. These speakers commonly use terms like fejsbuk ‘Facebook’ and wyguglowa´ c ‘to Google,’ but also longer morpho-syntactic hybrids, such as rzuci´ c posta na fejsa ‘to add a post on Facebook’ (Borger 2011). Another note-worthy domain that is heavily influenced by English are swear words, though Borger (2011) claims that cursing in English is ‘widely seen as pretentious,’ especially when the user has never lived in an English-speaking country (Borger 2011). ENGLISH IN BUSINESS DISCOURSE

The spread of English in Poland during the 1990s can be partially attributed to the arrival of Western companies and US businesses in Warsaw (Connolly 2000). These high-status newcomers and other foreigners featured on TV and in movies contributed to the emergence of Polish Yuppies, who desired the American lifestyle and who expressed their Western identification by using ‘Americanisms’ (Chłopicki 2005). Today, English reigns in the business and management jargon, despite attempts to curb this ‘invasion’ (Borger 2011), such as the 1999 Polish Language Act. Although the Act does not explicitly prohibit the use of English in public discourse, it does impose certain restrictions on loans and may especially affect Poles who use registers with the most English borrowings—like the technical register (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002)—and who work in fields that are most infused with English, such as business. In fact, in its 2008–2009 report the Polish Language Council singled out business discourse as a site of some of the most troubling linguistic trends, including borrowings, in contemporary Polish (Markowski n.d.). Soon after the introduction of the 1999 Act, Connolly (2000) asserted that the new law ‘has worried some business people,’ who regarded English loans as more accurate than their Polish equivalents. Thus, a Polish accountant interviewed by Connolly (2000) explained that a borrowing like venture capital or private equity ‘cannot be translated into Polish because it’s a very descriptive language and we would just get bogged down.’ Another interviewee argued that ‘it’s natural for young Poles to use English words, particularly when they’re more effective than the Polish equivalent.’ Despite the aforementioned benefits of using English loans, the Act was favored by 83 per cent of Poles, and some supporters of the Law ‘seriously suggested that Johnnie Walker whisky should be renamed for the Polish market “Jasio Wedrowniczek” (or Wandering Johnnie)’ (Connolly 2000). In its report (Markowski n.d.), the Polish Language Council expressed concern over the pervasive tendency to refer to professions in Polish business discourse via English terms, for example, junior account executive or field test engineer. According to the Council, this pseudo-Polish is incomprehensible or even offensive to many readers, and the insistence on using loans may lead to awkward or incorrect lexical choices, as when the English term dywizja (from ‘division’) is used instead of the preferred wydział or dział . Among other issues discussed by the Council is the use of long and difficult foreign words, the prevalence of orthographic errors, and a shift in linguistic etiquette. Specifically, standardized Polish distinguishes between the informal second-person pronoun ty that requires a second person singular inflection on the verb and the respectful third-person pronoun Pan/Pani (cf. ‘Mr.’/’Mrs.’), which requires that the verb be inflected for third person singular. The latter form is generally used in official or formal situations, including business transactions. However, as notes the Council, it is now becoming acceptable to  C



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address another individual in a business setting with singular or plural second-person verb forms. Similarly, first names, which are traditionally reserved for relatives, friends, and closer acquaintances, are also used more frequently in business discourses. Chłopicki (2005: 18) draws a direct causational link between the expansion of the ‘ ty convention’ and the universal ‘you’ in English, especially in regard to the discourse of Polish advertising and electronic media. As the researcher explains, ‘under American influence, radio presenters use very colloquial language and address their audiences informally’ (Chłopicki 2005: 118). Chłopicki also cites data from Anisimowicz, who examines English loans in Polish newspaper articles and who identifies patterns of usage that closely resemble those outlined in Wieluniecka (2010). Taken together, the aforementioned findings provide evidence for a general trend wherein English lexis, syntax, and even conversational rituals are shaping the language of many Poles.

ATTITUDES TOWARDS ENGLISH

English as an asset

Poland’s turbulent history has no doubt contributed to the country’s current fixation on English (Sliwa 2010). Because English was never imposed on Poles—unlike Russian or German—the language ‘does not have the negative historical and political associations for Poles’ (Reichelt 2005: 222) that the other two languages have. Thus, English easily won over Poles who despised the Soviet regime and who, by taking English classes and listening to English-language music, could express their allegiance with the West. Furthermore, knowledge of English could give individuals access to the wider international community; as a result, the language has been regarded as an indispensable economic advantage and as ‘a symbol of educational achievement and employability’ (Strefa Dobrej Pracy, as cited in Sliwa 2010: 695), if not an ‘economic imperative’ ( The Warsaw Voice 2010). The reasons for studying English are both integrative and instrumental. Beyond high school, many universities in Poland require that the applicant provide evidence of foreign language proficiency, such as scores on the foreign language section of the Matura exam or, more specifically, a copy of the applicant’s TOEFL score (Study in Poland n.d.). English is a common choice when applying to higher-education institutions: 50 per cent of recent applicants to the prestigious University of Warsaw, for example, submitted proof of proficiency in English (Council of Europe, Language Policy Division & Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). At the same university, English Philology was the fifth most sought-after department for the 2011–2012 academic year, with almost sixteen candidates competing for each available spot in the program (Uniwersytet Warszawski n.d.). Today, many younger and older Poles alike try to supplement their compulsory education by enrolling in private language courses, finding private tutors, and participating in exchange programs or summer language camps ( The Warsaw Voice 2010; The Kosciuszko Foundation n.d.). Poles also fulfill their integrative needs by listening to English-language music, watching US movies, using English-dominant social media, and traveling to English-speaking countries (Reichelt 2005). Nonetheless, these personal efforts are frequently regarded as insufficient, and some Poles argue that English should be a required subject in school. This so-called ‘battle for English’ (Sliwa 2010: 693) became a vocal public campaign in 2008, in response to a newly drafted reform by the Polish Ministry of Education. A major tenet of the reform was that all Polish children would  C


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begin learning a foreign language in the first grade and that they would study at least two foreign languages upon entering the gimnazjum (Gł o´ wny Urz ˛ ad Statystyczny 2012). From the outset, it was understood that most students would choose English, but a number of Polish journalists and prominent public figures—all widely supported by the public— argued that English should be officially designated as one of the compulsory foreign languages. The social campaign culminated in an open letter to the Polish Prime Minister, signed by ‘59 outstanding figures from public life’ (Czubkowska, as cited in Sliwa 2010: 690). In the end, not even the highly-publicized letter could change the Ministry’s decision. As of the writing of this paper, Polish students can choose any of the (acceptable) foreign languages to fulfill their school requirement. In justifying its decision, the Ministry of Education emphasized the role of the Polish government as a promoter of multilingualism, which constitutes one of the key principles and objectives of the European Union. According to the Council of Europe’s Language Policy Division and Poland’s Ministry of National Education (n.d.), English language prof iciency is indeed important, but it is only secondary to the ability to speak multiple languages. Moreover, both agencies point out that the increasing insistence on English leads to the ‘neglect of other languages’ (Council of Europe’s Language Policy Division and Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). It is therefore the belief of both the European Union and the Polish Ministry of Education that ‘not narrowing the scope to English only will provide a broader language competence base on which to develop a multilingual society’ (Council of Europe, Language Policy Division & Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). English as a threat

The Polish Ministry of Education is not alone in expressing concern over the spread of English. Although over 90 per cent of Poles surveyed in 2008 supported a hypothetical English language requirement in schools (Sliwa 2010), the growing influence of English in many public and private domains of life tends to be regarded as troublesome. The anti-English sentiment is expressed by a number of Polish linguists and language experts, among them Dr. Andrzej Markowski, who cautions against linguistic changes in Polish caused by ‘foreign languages and a lack of reflection’ (Staszewski 2007). According to Mańczak-Wohlfeld (2002), the war on foreign borrowings escalated after Poland regained independence in 1918, though the early language purists were mainly preoccupied with ridding Polish of Russianisms and Germanisms. With time, these linguistic reminders of Poland’s violent past came to be regarded as relatively harmless, compared with the ‘supposed overuse of Anglicisms’ (Ma n´ czak-Wohlfeld 2002: 216). The fear over the future of Polish was summed up in the 1996 proclamation of one Polish journalist: ‘Our language is dying’ (as cited in Chłopicki 2005: 121). While the Polish Language Council does not necessarily share the journalist’s fatalism, it too considers English as a destructive force creating chaos in the discourse and etiquette of business. In fact, it seems that one of the primary tasks of the Council itself is to fight English ‘corruptions,’ as the Council’s provision to regulate the use of loan words is, in practice, a provision to regulate Englishisms. Thus, commenting on the 1999 Language Act, Polish politician Wanda Samborska defended the legislation as an attempt to empower nonEnglish speakers who were disadvantaged by the prevalence of English (Connolly 2000). Another linguistic phenomenon often cited as evidence for the decline of the Polish  C



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language is the Polish-English hybrid used predominantly by Polish emigrants to the European Union and to the United States, referred to as Poglish, Poglisz, Ponglish, or Polglish 3 (Bralczyk 2007; Muskała 2011). The distrust of linguistic foreignness is likely amplified by the fact that ‘Poland sees itself as an essentially monolingual society in which having a first language other than Polish still tends to be stigmatised or at least treated as a curiosity’ (Council of Europe, Language Policy Division & Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). Poles’ attitudes toward foreigners are quite varied and not always consistent with their attitudes toward languages, as reveals a 2010 public opinion poll reported in W adołowska ˛ (2010). The poll found that the five nationalities most liked by Poles were, in descending order: Spaniards, Czechs, Italians, the French, and Slovaks. The most liked English speakers, at ninth place, were the residents of the UK, followed by the Irish at eleventh and Americans at seventeenth place. Among the least liked or disliked groups were the Roma (Gypsies), Arabs, Romanians, Turks, and Chechens, as well as Central and Southeast Asians, in addition to many Eastern and South Europeans. These attitudes seem to correspond to the persistent stereotype of ‘the rich, civilized “West” and the poor, intellectually backward “East”’ (W ˛ adołowska 2010: 8; also see reports cited in Łotocki 2009). In addition, while Poles were generally becoming more tolerant of others, they were still distrustful of certain nationalities, including Americans. Nonetheless, Westerners in Poland tend to be treated with respect, which cannot be said of individuals who are of African or Asian descent and who encounter relatively more discrimination (Łotocki 2009). Despite the low rates of hate crimes and violence against foreigners, a large number of incidents are never reported to the authorities, and research suggests that people perceived as non-Western tend to be victims of verbal abuse and physical assaults (Mikulska 2010). On the other hand, citizens of English-speaking countries, even if distrusted or not well liked by Poles, rarely encounter outright prejudice or violence. Due to the high prestige of English in the Polish educational system and in the workforce, (White) ‘native speakers’ of English are generally held in high regard. The social status of British and American English ‘native speakers’—who often work as language teachers in Poland—has likely contributed to the special privileges granted these individuals before and right after the fall of communism. However, the situation may have changed when Poland joined the European Union and as Polish teachers become more qualified. Today, Poles can more freely compete with American, British, and other ‘native speakers’ of English, who are no longer considered a novelty (Teaching English in Poland n.d.). The changing approach to English teaching greatly benefits Poles (and perhaps other ‘non-native’ users of English), though some foreigners see it as troubling. The disillusionment which these teachers express toward contemporary Poland is best illustrated by the following excerpt, taken from an entry posted on an online message board, Dave’s ESL Cafe (2009): I first taught in Poland in 96. Back then and until the late 90s, you could have a comfortable life, you had rock star status (almost) and the place was well [ . . . ] er [ . . . ]Polish. Nowadays, foreigners are ten a penny, EFL ‘teachers’/backpackers are everywhere and the place is bloody expensive. Not only that [ . . . ] but there are a lot of excellent Polish teachers about competing with you and willing to work for less [ . . . ] Polish women have cottoned on the Jonnie Foreigner, EFL teachers seem rightly ridiculed and are paid accordingly and the booze is jolly expensive if you go off the beer. Eating out is just farcical [ . . . ] shite food, big tab!! [ . . . ] Where’s the ‘new Poland’?  C


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ENGLISH IN INTERNET DISCOURSE

As outlined in the previous sections, there exist several dominant discourses of English in contemporary Poland, which are primarily disseminated by politicians, government officials, academics, and other powerful groups. In the midst of this cacophony stands the ordinary Pole. Because most Poles are now Internet users (Milkowski 2011), they are increasingly exposed to English and to these discourses about English. Moreover, Poles are increasingly vocal about what the English language means to them personally. This section summarizes the findings of my preliminary study of Polish discourses on the Internet, which was conducted with the goal of identifying some of the trends and themes in a limited online context. Because of the narrow scope of this research, the f indings yielded herein may not be generalizable to a larger population, but they may nonetheless provide certain insights about Poles’ attitudes towards English and toward users of English. These initial observations could therefore lead to more systematic analyses of Polish discourses about English in the future. In conducting my preliminary study, I was primarily interested in collecting the opinions expressed by readers of gazeta.pl, the online extension of Gazeta Wyborcza —one of Poland’s leading dailies. Moreover, I was specifically interested in learning about these readers’ opinions on English, English users, and English language teaching as well as learning, especially in the Polish linguistic and cultural context. To this end, I first searched the website’s archives to identify a set of articles that were published online and that discussed the English language in one way or another. In generating possible articles, I searched the online archives with the keyword angielski ‘English’ and I further limited the results to articles that were posted during the last four years and articles with at least ten reader comments. The 15 articles yielded by this process were published online between September of 2008 and July of 2012. They included text as well as video elements, and each article contained as few as 12 and as many as 168 reader comments at the time of my search. I also selected articles from three thematic domains: education, news, and gossip. The topics covered in these articles ranged from the recent Matura exams, to the cost of learning foreign languages, to the Euro 2012 soccer championships, and included reports on ordinary as well as famous Poles’ English language abilities. I carefully examined all reader comments that accompanied the articles, and it is these comments that comprise the primary data discussed in this section (the comments were written almost entirely in Polish and are reported herein in my own English translation). In analyzing the data, I aimed to identify recurring thematic trends in the commenters’ discourses and to note specific statements through which I could gain insight into Poles’ relationship with English. The prevailing sentiments expressed in the data were quite pessimistic, with Poland portrayed as lagging behind other industrialized nations and Poles described as incapable of ‘catching up with the West.’ According to the commenters, the majority of Poles could not construct the most basic phrases in English, which was regarded as a great failure of the Polish educational system and of individual Poles. For example, a press video exposing then-President Kaczyn´ ski’s lack of English skills spawned numerous comments that expressed the users’ disbelief, anger, and shame from their association with the President. One vociferous commenter exclaimed: ‘Every man, ESPECIALLY HOLDING AN IMPORTANT PUBLIC OFFICE, should know at least one language – English.’ Another user saw the President’s shortcoming as a personal choice, arguing that Kaczy n´ ski surely had the financial resources to take English language classes and that he simply did  C



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not ‘CARE HOW HE MAY BE SEEN IN THE WORLD.’ English was also described by one commenter as ‘one of the easiest languages’—a view likely held by younger Poles, many of whom are today exposed to English via popular music, movies, and at school. Shame was a frequently articulated emotion in the collected data. The commenters were primarily ashamed of their nation’s questionable command over English and seemed very preoccupied with the international community’s opinion of Poland and of Poles. To draw attention to Poland’s marred global image, some users chose negatively-charged or colloquial terms in describing the state of English education in Poland. Among such terms were ‘nightmare,’ ‘ massacre,’ and ciemnogr ´ od , with the last one coined by Stanisław Potocki—Polish diplomat, orator, and writer. Ciemnogr ´ od is structurally a compound that in Potocki’s novel denoted a dark, backward place and symbolized a deeply traditionalistic, anti-progressive mindset. The pejorative term has since come to refer to the typically (if not exclusively) Polish flaws of character and detestable predilections. As evinced by the commenters’ discourses, low proficiency in English may now constitute one of these national flaws, as it effectively pushes Poland far behind Western Europe, where even ‘kids are fluent in English.’ Poles’ preoccupation with their nation’s command of English could be described as verging on obsession, especially in the months leading up to Euro 2012, which was regarded as a test of sorts: a test of Poles’ tolerance (because Polish soccer hooligans are infamous for their racist slurs) and a test of Poles’ English skills. Thus, a video posted on gazeta.pl featured a Polish reporter who on the first day of the Euro games walked the streets of Warsaw speaking only English. The goal of his short excursion was to determine whether Varsovians were ready for the influx of foreigners that would soon flood the capital. As it turned out, most of the civil servants, coffee shop staff, and even cab drivers were able to hold a basic conversation in English, demonstrating a level of proficiency that exceeded the commenters’ pessimistic expectations. A particularly heated debate seemed to surround the slogan featured in a governmentsponsored advertisement, which (in English) encouraged foreign visitors to the soccer games to ‘feel like at home.’ The slogan was widely ridiculed as grammatically incorrect, with Polish and British linguists, as well as commenters declaring the phrase a direct translation of the corresponding Polish expression czu´ c si˛e jak w domu. Responding to this criticism, the Polish government assured viewers and readers that English language experts had been consulted in preparing the slogan. Nonetheless, the online commenters overwhelmingly considered the Euro slogan as further proof of Poles’ laughable English language skills; one user, for example, rejected the government’s justification, arguing that ‘an error is an error.’ Similar statements implied that linguistic innovations of ‘nonnative speakers’ were inevitably doomed to be classified as an error, as summed up by the following comment: ‘Everyone who is learning languages knows that idioms can’t be changed and that every modification results from ignorance.’ The above claim revealed a persistent belief that the English language was the sole property of ‘native speakers’—and, above all, those from Great Britain or the United States. A Pole, even a high-ranking government official, was therefore not in the position to argue against grammar textbooks, for any attempt to justify divergent usage was automatically regarded as ‘an example of Poles’ arrogance (who know English better than “native speakers”) and stupidity.’ Consequently, imitating the accent and mannerisms of ‘native speakers’ was highly praised, although a few users rebelled against such uncritical nativespeakerism, with one commenter arguing that the Euro slogan was fine because ‘we wanted  C


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to say something different’ than what would have been expressed by the English idiom. A few others wished Poles would cease trying to accommodate and flatter foreigners. Instead, they claimed, foreign visitors to Poland should learn Polish. Why, they asked, was an Englishman or an American who could utter at most a couple of utterances of Polish regarded with such awe? This double-standard was again draped in rhetoric that drew on Poland’s literary tradition, with one commenter quoting the beloved 16th century Polish poet, Mikołaj Rej: Polacy nie g˛esi (which is part of a longer, well-known aphorism that translates to: ‘Poles are not geese, for they have a language of their own’). The alleged hegemony of the English language was seen as a threat by commenters who considered English intrusions into Polish as challenging the primacy of Polish. For example, one user observed that the Milka chocolate bars sold in Poland were labeled in English, even though in Germany and in Spain the labels were rendered in the respective country’s official or dominant language. Another ‘ridiculous’ social trend was the increasing use of English terms and expressions in Polish advertisements. A number of commenters thus rejected the widespread acceptance and glorification of English in Poland and abroad. They also applauded Poles who had moved to England and who would intentionally speak grammatically ‘correct’ English with a heavy Polish accent so as to emphasize their Polish roots. Finally, a commenter denounced as pathetic and unwarranted Poles’ obsession with their nation’s English skills (or lack thereof) and their constant fear of being ridiculed by other, more powerful nations: Our distress over how all our guests will be making fun of us, how backwards, shameful, worse, uglier, dirtier we are, and how our roads have more holes only demonstrates our insecurities. Seriously, people from this socially, morally, educationally, culturally, hygienically, and technologically advanced West come to Poland and somehow they don’t laugh at us with every move they make.

DISCUSSION

The English language has played an important role in the identity-construction of Poles, especially during the Soviet period (Krajewska 1995; Sliwa 2010). As a result of its growing prestige, English is now the most widely studied foreign language inside and outside of the classroom. The presence of English is also increasingly salient in everyday discourses of Poles. Polish advertisements, magazines, music, slang, and even business transactions are saturated with English borrowings, and reveal changing conversational rituals (Chłopicki 2005; Wieluniecka 2010). English competence is no longer just an asset, but rather, an ‘economic imperative’ (The Warsaw Voice 2010) and a means to advance one’s career. At the same time, English-inspired linguistic innovations are frequently dismissed as corruptions that threaten the survival of the Polish language and culture (Cuprych 2010). This somewhat incongruous view of English is paralleled by Poles’ attitudes towards Inner Circle English speakers, who, despite being held in high regard, tend to be disliked and distrusted (Łotocki 2009). In addition to instrumental motives for learning English, my analysis of Polish Internet discourses suggests that speaking English may be regarded as a sign of an individual’s ambition and progressive or Westward thinking. However, the image being painted in the print and online press is a pessimistic one: vast numbers of Poles, it is argued, are functionally illiterate in English. Online commenters similarly express concern over their nation’s intellectual and economic development and over Poland’s image in the West.  C



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Alongside this cultural and linguistic insecurity, however, there are also signs of an active resistance against the perceived dominance of English in Poland, with some commenters encouraging Poles to take pride in their linguistic and cultural identity, and to preserve their Polish roots even when using English. These largely opposing attitudes toward English are perhaps a byproduct of the transformations that the Polish society has undergone since the fall of communism. Poland’s joining of the European Union has created new challenges for the Polish government, and new opportunities and dilemmas for ordinary Poles. For instance, EU’s policy of plurilingualism is still a relatively unknown concept in Poland, as Poles tend to see their society as culturally and linguistically unified, unaware that many of the country’s residents are bilingual or bidialectal in regional and minority languages (Council of Europe, Language Policy Division & Poland’s Ministry of National Education n.d.). The long history of im posed languages, which has elevated the Polish language to a symbol of national identity and unity (Rada J ezyka Polskiego n.d.; Sliwa 2010), has thus indirectly shaped contempo˛ rary Poles’ attitudes toward foreign languages, including English. According to Filipowicz (2004: 175), the American Dream—or rather, myth—may have had ‘a therapeutic function’ on this post-communist country, which has been plagued by economic woes and political discord. More research is needed to understand Poles’ emergent identities as English users, as Europeans, and as global citizens. Some scholars (e.g. Zaborowska et al. 2004; Galasiński 2009) have pointed out that the stigma of communism in Eastern and Central Europe may not be easily lifted. Because post-communist identification lacks its own distinct label, many Poles appear to be stuck between the traditional notions of East and West, and they have ‘a need for anchorage, for pinning down’ (Galasiński 2009: 216). This sense of uncertainty likely influences Poles’ perceptions of and interactions with speakers of other languages. Consequently, Poles’ attitudes toward ‘native speakers’ of English, in and outside of the classroom, warrant an analysis of its own. Recent data, for example, suggest that a significant number of English-speaking individuals who come to Poland are citizens of what Kachru (1985) calls Outer (and possibly Expanding) Circle countries, such as India and Nigeria (UDSC n.d.). A question that arises is whether this influx of speakers who have been traditionally regarded as ‘non-native’ English speakers may be in some way changing Poles’ attitudes toward English language teaching and toward the English language itself. Furthermore, while Reichelt (2005) classifies Poland as an Outer Circle country, Berns’ (1995) objections to the clear-cut distinctions between the Outer and the Expanding Circle cannot be ignored. According to Berns (1995), countries like Germany (and likely Poland) are perhaps more appropriately labeled as Outer/Expanding Circle or as dual circle countries, due to the multiplying functions of English in these settings. In many ways, Poland in the second millennium resembles Berns’ (1995) Germany, suggesting a more general pattern of Englishization across Europe. A comparative study of several European states, especially those located in Central and Eastern Europe, may therefore reveal larger underlying sociolinguistic trends. Then again, even such taken-forgranted labels as ‘Eastern’ and ‘Central’ Europe may need to be re-examined (Pollack 2012). For example, Sliwa (2010) argues that Poland and its neighbor states are suffering from a kind of an inferiority complex as a result of their Eastern or post-communist identification.  C


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Finally, in terms of its linguistic features and pragmatic functions, Polish English has been largely neglected by world Englishes scholars. Although English-influenced Polish has garnered a certain degree of academic attention (e.g. Chłopicki 2005; Wieluniecka 2010), the English variety used by Poles living in Poland and abroad is still a ‘lesser known’ variety (Reichelt 2005: 217). Despite the increasing contact between English and Polish, the English spoken in Poland today has not yet been exhaustively studied. On the other hand, the public and scholarly interest in Poglish has mostly led to prescriptive, rather than descriptive, analyses. It is my hope that future research on both Polish English and English Polish will produce more detailed and less biased investigations of these still-emerging and developing varieties.

NOTES 1. Poland recognizes nine national minorities (Belarusians, Czechs, Lithuanians, Germans, Armenians, Russians, Slovaks, Ukrainians and Jews) and four ethnic minorities (Karaites or Karaim, Lemkos or Lemkowie, Roma, Turks) (US English Foundation Research n.d.). 2. The Polish data collected in this study are reported directly in English, as translated by this author. 3. According to Dr. Jan Mokrzycki, Vice President of the Federation of Poles in Great Britain, Poglish corrupts both Polish and English, and results from laziness (Cuprych 2010). Even Szymon Pi a˛ tek, founder of the online PolishPonglish dictionary ponglish.org, believes that such linguistic mixing reveals the speaker’s lack of education and his or her desire to show off.

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