PSYCHOLOGY OF EM OTI ONS, M OTI VATI ONS AND ACTI ONS SERI ES
PSYCHOLOGY OF HAPPINESS No part of this digital document may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means. The publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this digital document, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained herein. This digital document is sold with the clear understanding that the publisher is not engaged in rendering legal, medical or any other professional services.
PSYCHOLOGY OF EM OTI ONS, M OTI VATI ONS AND ACTI ONS SERI ES Psychology of Aggression James P. Morgan (Editor) 2004. ISBN 1-59454-136-1 (Flexback) New Research on the Psychology of Fear Paul L. Gower (Editor) 2005. ISBN: 1-59454-334-8 I mpulsivity: Causes, Control and Disorders George H. Lassiter (Editor) 2009. ISBN: 978-60741-951-8 Handbook of Stress: Causes, Effects and Control Pascal Heidenreich and Isidor Prüter (Editors) 2009. ISBN: 978-1-60741-858-0 Handbook of Aggressive Behavior Research Caitriona Quin and Scott Tawse (Editors) 2009. ISBN: 978-1-60741-583-1 Psychology of Happiness Anna Mäkinen and Paul Hájek (Editors) 2010. ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3
PSYCHOLOGY OF EM OTI ONS, M OTI VATI ONS AND ACTI ONS SERI ES
PSYCHOLOGY OF HAPPINESS
ANNA MÄKINEN AND PAUL HÁJEK EDI TORS
Nova Science Publishers, I nc. New York
Copyright © 2010 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means: electronic, electrostatic, magnetic, tape, mechanical photocopying, recording or otherwise without the written permission of the Publisher. For permission to use material from this book please contact us: Telephone 631-231-7269; Fax 631-231-8175 Web Site: http://www.novapublishers.com NOTI CE TO THE READER The Publisher has taken reasonable care in the preparation of this book, but makes no expressed or implied warranty of any kind and assumes no responsibility for any errors or omissions. No liability is assumed for incidental or consequential damages in connection with or arising out of information contained in this book. The Publisher shall not be liable for any special, FRQVHTXHQWLDO RU H[HPSODU\GDPDJHV UHVXOWLQJ LQZKROHRU LQSDUW IURP WKH UHDGHUV¶ XVH RIRU reliance upon, this material. Independent verification should be sought for any data, advice or recommendations contained in this book. In addition, no responsibility is assumed by the publisher for any injury and/or damage to persons or property arising from any methods, products, instructions, ideas or otherwise contained in this publication. This publication is designed to provide accurate and authoritative information with regard to the subject matter covered herein. It is sold with the clear understanding that the Publisher is not engaged in rendering legal or any other professional services. If legal or any other expert assistance is required, the services of a competent person should be sought. FROM A DECLARATION OF PARTICIPANTS JOINTLY ADOPTED BY A COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION AND A COMMITTEE OF PUBLISHERS. L I BRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGI NG-I N-PUBLI CATI ON DATA Psychology of happiness / editors, Anna Mäkinen and Paul Hájek. p. cm. ISBN 978-1-61122-331-6 (Ebook)
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CONTENTS Preface
vii
Chapter 1
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration? Alistair Miller
Chapter 2
The Meaning of a Meaningful Life Jessica Morgan
25
Chapter 3
Happiness in Children: A Review of the Scientific Literature Mark D. Holder and Robert J. Callaway
51
Chapter 4
Relationship between Cognitive Functioning and Quality of Life in HIV Infection Yogita Rai and Tanusree Dutta
1
71
Chapter 5
Happiness and Psychological Well Being in Children Anna Thierbach, Misho Hristov and Xenia Anastassiou-Hadjicharalambous
Chapter 6
Religion and Happiness among Slovak University Students Christopher Alan Lewis, Lucia Adamovová and Sharon Mary Cruise
109
Chapter 7
Life Satisfaction of University-Educated Young Adults Liisa Martikainen
127
Chapter 8
Asperger Syndrome, Humor, and Social Well-Being Ka-Wai Leung
143
Chapter 9
Happiness as an Outcome of Childbirth: The Perspective of Traditional Japanese Midwives and Their Patients Yana Gepshtein
Chapter 10
Happiness and Hope: Future Affective and Cognitive Correlates of Present Happiness Sara Staats, Heidi Wallace and Tara Anderson
95
157
169
Contents
vi Chapter 11
Breathing and Emotion Ikuo Homma and Lena Akai
179
Chapter 12
Psychology of Happiness and Tourism Aswin Sangpikul
189
Index
197
PREFACE Recent research attests to the importance of three distinct orientations to happiness pleasure, engagement, and meaning - which together integrate hedonic and eudaimonic approaches to the good life. This book considers the concept of meaning in life, a crucial variable for physical health and psychological adjustment in a variety of contexts. This book also reviews the current state of literature on childhood happiness, including definitional issues applying to the term happiness, neurological correlates of happiness and a discussion of the consequences of disrupted homes on childhood happiness and a discussion of potentially undesirable cognitive consequences of a happy state. The authors also review and discuss studies on humor and discuss its role in the social functioning of people with Asperger Syndrome (AS). The argument is presented that happiness is also related to one's hope for the future, presenting evidence that positive affect or happiness is related to hope as assessed by several different measures. In addition, a term called "emotional breathing" is introduced. Physiological and psychological perspectives on the concept of coexistence of breathing and emotion is offered. The connection between the psychology of happiness and tourism is examined as well. Chapter 1 - Positive psychology claims to provide definitive answers to age-old questions concerning the purpose of life and the nature of the good life througK µDVFLHQWLILFVWXG\RI optimal human IXQFWLRQLQJ¶,WDUJXHVWKDWWRDFKLHYHKDSSLQHVV people need to pursue goals that reflect their inner needs and strengths, and that these goals can be achieved if attitudes are sufficiently positive and optimistic. However these assertions rest on a series of fallacious assumptions)LUVWE\GHILQLQJDQGPHDVXULQJKDSSLQHVV RUµVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶ LQWHUPV of pleasant feelings and satisfaction, positive psychology simply defines a certain personality type ± the extravert ± as happy and endowed with mental-health 6HFRQG D SHUVRQ¶V LQQHU needs and motives FDQQRW EH LGHQWLILHG LQ DGYDQFH RI D SHUVRQ¶V DFWLRQV WKH VHOI LV QRW realised but formed and shaped by the particular circumstances ± personal, social, cultural and historical ± RIDSHUVRQ¶VOLIH7KLUGSRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VDWWHPSWWRFDVW DSHUVRQ¶VDWWLWXGHV as variables standing in causal relation to behaviour simply produces a mass of empirical evidence that has no validity. 3RVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VFUXGHDVVRFLDWLRQRIKDSSLQHVV and mental health with extraversion has the effect of eliminating from the picture PDQ¶V UDWLRQDO QDWXUH DQG WKH FXOWXUDO inheritance through which this nature is expressed. Instead of a quest for the truth, a quest for the wisdom, learning, experience and self-knowledge that might enable a person to understand the human condition, positive psychology offers a substitute recipe that aims to
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Anna Mäkinen and Paul Hájek
PDNH D SHUVRQ µIHHO JRRG¶ 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V FRQFHSWLRQ of human nature is therefore deeply impoverished. There is evidence that people who suffer chronic anxiety disorders that prevent them from leading normal social lives can benefit from cognitive behaviour therapy. But only a small proportion of people fall into this category. For the vast majority of people, the only way their lives can be changed for the better is through political measures to improve social and working conditions, and through education. Positive psychology RUµWKHQHZVFLHQFHRI KDSSLQHVV¶LVDWEHVWDGLVWUDFWLRQ from the reality RISHRSOH¶s lives, at worst pseudo-science. Chapter 2 - Recent research attests to the importance of three distinct orientations to happiness-pleasure, engagement, and meaning - which together integrate hedonic and eudaimonic approaches to the good life (Peterson et al. 2005; Ryan & Deci, 2001; Seligman 2002). This chapter considers the concept of meaning in life, a crucial variable for physical health and psychological adjustment in a variety of contexts. The growing focus on positive psychology in recent years has signified a renewed interest in the health benefits of personal meaning, or purpose in life, yet fundamental questions about these concepts remain. Whilst clinical, existential, and humanistic perspectives on the absence or acquisition of meaning in life have all helped lay foundations for attempts at a formal definition, they often disagree over potential criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life construct. Different philosophical and psychological traditions have variously equated meaning in life with certain positive affects, purpose in life, success, personal growth, self-actualisation and a sense of coherence. Furthermore, theories of positive psychological health, motivation, lifespan development, and maturity have all come to incorporate an understanding of meaning in life, resulting in a vast array of conceptualised and operationalised terms. This chapter therefore addresses the need to delineate the phenomenology, antecedents, and consequences of meaning in life from multiple converging and diverging perspectives. It evaluates possible criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life concept, in terms of their philosophical underpinnings and psychological research applications. I examine the extent that these multiple perspectives converge by considering popular psychometric measures of existential meaning and highlighting various measurement issues in the field of meaning research. I then describe the development of the Meaningful Life Measure (Morgan & Farsides, 2009), with its five components of personal meaning - valued life, principled life, purposeful life, accomplished life and exciting life - and discuss its practical and theoretical implications for future research. Chapter 3 - The study of positive subjective well-being has received far less attention than the study of negative dispositions (e.g., depression and anxiety). Though the past decade has witnessed an increased research focus on well-being, including happiness, this increase has been largely based on studies of adults, and to a lesser extent, adolescents and the elderly. Until recently, happiness in children was largely ignored by researchers. However, high levels of happiness in children are strongly desired by adults across many cultures. The limited research on happiness in children is reviewed here. This research suggests that questionnaires (e.g., the Subjective Happiness Scale) and methods (e.g., self-report and other-report) used to assess happiness in adults can be used effectively, with little modification, to assess children. Additionally, many of the correlates of adult happiness (e.g., personality and social relations) DUH VLPLODUO\ DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV )XUWKHUPRUH GHPRJUDSKLF YDULDEOHV that account for little of the variance in adultV¶KDSSLQHVVOLNHZLVHDFFRXQWIRUOLWWOHRIWKHYDULDQFH LQ FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV +RZHYHU WKHUH PD\ DOVR EH VRPH GLIIHUHQFHV LQ WKH SUHGLFWRUV of DGXOWV¶ YHUVXV FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV )RU H[DPSOH LQFUHDVHG UHOLJLRXV SUDFWLFH SUHGLFWV
Preface
ix
increased happiness for adults, but does not predict increased happiness in children. Furthermore, differences between adults and children have been found in the strength of the relations between happiness and its predictors. For example, spirituality may be a stronger SUHGLFWRURIFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVWKDQDGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV%HFDXVHVWXGLHVKDYHRQO\UHFHQWO\ LGHQWLILHGVHYHUDORIWKHIDFWRUVDVVRFLDWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVIXWXUHUHVHDUFKWRDVVHVV the efficacy of strategies designed to enhance happiness in children is discussed. Chapter 4 - HIV/AIDS is one of the life threatening chronic disease. Neurocognitive impairment is a relative common manifestation of HIV infection and it adversely affects quality of life. This article reviewed how HIV infection influences cognitive functioning, which are the major areas of cognition influenced by HIV infection and in which stage do these cognitive impairments occur. It also explored which domain of quality of life is influenced by HIV infection. In this review, the interrelationship between quality of life and cognitive impairment in HIV infection was also reviewed. This review also discussed the significant gaps in the research. Relevant articles were identified and reviewed which related to cognitive functioning and quality of life from 1986 to 2008. There is a lack of consensus among researches with respect to the decline of cognitive functioning among different HIV infected group. Occurrence of cognitive impairment in later stage of infection is well documented but controversy also exists with respect to cognitive impairment in asymptomatic stage of infection. It was found that cognitive functions that are affected in HIV patient include impairment in concentration, memory, thinking, speech, emotional expression, social behavior, the ability to focus on specific stimuli, coordination and information processing. Determining the quality of life of HIV/AIDS patient is important for estimating the burden of the disease. Various studies suggest that cognitive functioning and quality of life are related. 7KH LPSRUWDQFH RI WKH VWXG\ OLHV EDVLFDOO\ LQ LW¶V DELOLW\ WR LGHQWLI\ WKH DUHDV RI FRJQLWLYH impairment so that appropriate clinical interventions at the right time can be implemented thereby improving the quality of life, and moreover quality of life assessments are important for developing appropriate services and policies. Chapter 5 - Over 150 years ago Longman and colleagues (1851) acknowledged the paramount importance of a happy childhood ''Happy childhood introduces and perpetuates domestic happiness in maturer years. It opens the way for friendship between parent and child when the days of inequality and independence shall have pasVHGDZD\´ S «DIHZ wild flowers from the hedge row, or a bundle of chips from the carpenter's shops, suffice to give hours of pleasure to a young child S ´7KHSXUSRVHRIWKLVFKDSWHULVWRUHYLHZWKH current state of literature on childhood happiness. The chapter begins with an overview of the definitional issues applying on the term happiness followed by measurement issues. The next session covers neurological correlates of happiness. Parenting-related practices and LPSOLFDWLRQV RQ FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV DUH FRYHUHG QH[W 7KH FKDSWHU FRQFOXGHV ZLWK D discussion of the consequences of disrupted homes on childhood happiness and a discussion of potentially undesirable cognitive consequences of a happy state. Chapter 6 - The relationship between religion and happiness has been the focus of much research. One systematic line of research has employed the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity alongside the Depression-Happiness Scale and the Oxford Happiness Inventory. The aim of the present study was to further extend this research by examining the relationship between Slovak translations of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, and measures of frequency of church attendance, personal prayer, and Bible reading among a
x
Anna Mäkinen and Paul Hájek
sample of 151 Slovak undergraduate university students. Each of the translated measures was found to perform satisfactorily in the present sample. Zero-order correlations for the male and female samples indicated that there were no significant associations between scores on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, or the measure of religious practice, and either the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form or the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform scores. However, when sex was partialled out, the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity was significantly positively associated with the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. These results provide confirmation of the complex nature of the relationship between religion and happiness, and the importance of the measures employed. Chapter 7 - An academic degree has been seen as a guarantee of a better and more satisfied life among the members of many societies. To investigate this, the aim of this study was to clarify the relationship between young adults¶HGXFDWLRQDOOHYHODQGOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ in order to measure the levels of general life satisfaction among Finnish young adults with an academic degree, and to clarify the way in which life satisfaction is constructed. This study also investigates whether the level and construction of life satisfaction is different between university-educated male and female participants. The data were gathered from a sample of a Finnish age cohort (born in 1968) in 2001 (N=192) via a questionnaire. The participants of this study consist of two subgroups included in the sample (i.e., men (N=18) and women (N=25) with academic degree). The results showed the level of life satisfaction among highly-educated Finnish young adults to be higher than that of young adults in general. In addition, when investigating the relationship between the level of education and the level of life satisfaction within the whole group of young adults (N=192), it was found that the educational level was related to life satisfaction of men but not of women. Two main factors underlying highly-HGXFDWHG\RXQJDGXOWV¶OLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQZHUHIRXQGWREHPDULWDOVWDWXV and VDWLVIDFWLRQZLWKRQH¶VZRUNLQJFRQGLWLRQV. In addition, the groups of men and women varied in the importance of life satisfaction that they attached to intimate partnerships, friends and material factors. For female participants, factors such as marital satisfaction and experiences of violence in intimate relationships underpinned their life satisfaction. For men, the most important factor underpinning theLU OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZDV VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V VRFLDO relationships. In addition, the female participants had more difficulties in reconciliation of their working responsibilities, household duties and free time activities than male participants. 7KLVLPEDODQFHEHWZHHQWKHVHIDFWRUVLQWXUQGLPLQLVKHGWKHOHYHORIIHPDOHSDUWLFLSDQW¶VOLIH satisfaction. The results highlight the importance of a gender-sensitive and subgroup-specific perspective in life satisfaction research. Chapter 8 - Asperger Syndrome (AS) is marked by severe social impairments. Despite a rising prevalence of AS (Edmonds & Beardon, 2008), there are few studies of these individuals, especially those concerning their social well-being. This paper reviews studies on humor and discusses its role in the social functioning of people with AS. Although studies are few, research generally suggests that individuals with AS are somewhat impaired in their ability to process humorous materials due to fragmented cognitive processes. Because humor plays an essential role in social interactions in everyday life, these findings suggest that the lack of ability to appreciate humor may be partly responsible for the social deficits in people with AS. There is a need for more research into the social competence of individuals with AS, especially in relation to the use of humor in regulating social behaviors. Chapter 9 - Pregnancy and childbirth can be happy and fulfilling for women and their families. Yet pregnancy and childbirth are often associated with fear and anxiety. Care during
Preface
xi
pregnancy can reinforce fears or it can support happiness. In a study of independent Japanese midwives, we found that their care supported and reinforced happiness, and created an atmosphere of excitement about healthy childbirth (Gepshtein et al., 2007). Both midwives and expecting mothers viewed "happiness" as an important aspect of midwifery care and a desirable outcome of childbirth. Expecting mothers explained that they chose traditional midwifery care over conventional medical care because they thought the former was based on "happiness" and the latter was based on "fear." This chapter addresses two questions: (1) how Japanese midwives and women under their care described "happiness," and (2) what specific features of prenatal care help achieve and support "happiness." Expectant mothers described the state of happiness as feeling safe, trusting their bodies, bonding with the newborn, feeling of achievement, feeling connected to their families, and having the sense of comfort and pleasure. Midwives believed that happiness develops through healthy pregnancy and childbirth, and that it is supported by close communication between the pregnant woman and her caregiver, education about normal pregnancy and childbirth, and a therapeutic environment of care. Interestingly, when asked to describe the "therapeutic environment of care," women participants and midwives unanimously listed food as a crucially important aspect of such environment. In Japanese birth centers, food is carefully selected and prepared by midwives. We summarized the central role of food in positive therapeutic environments using the concept of "food as care" (Gepshtein et al., 2007). Chapter 10 - Happiness is generally construed as positive affect experienced in the present moment while hope is thought of as a future referenced set of beliefs, affects and cognitions (Snyder and Lopez, 2007; Staats, 1989). Happiness is generally believed to be GHWHUPLQHGLQSDUWE\RQH¶VXQLTXHSHUVRQDOLW\, set point, general situation and is especially influenced by frequent, small positive events (Argyle, 2001; Diener & Emmons, 1984; Veenhoven, 1994). Hope is here defined as a set of positive expectations and wishes about WKHIXWXUHWKDWPD\FRQGLWLRQDSHUVRQV¶SUHVHQWDIIHFWLYHVWDWHVXFKDVKDSSLQHVV. Our hopes are for the future, but that activity takes place in the present. The expectation of a better tomorrow may share some of the variance in self-reported present happiness. Here the argument LVSUHVHQWHGWKDWKDSSLQHVVLVDOVR UHODWHGWR RQH¶VKRSHIRUWKHIXWXUHSUHVHQWLQJ evidence that positive affect or happiness is related to hope as it is assess by several different measures. Chapter 12 - Previous research shows tKDWSHRSOH¶VKDSSLQHVV and emotion are associated with leisure and tourism activities. However, little effort has attempted to discuss and reveal this relationship. The discussion of psychology of happiness in this chapter, in relation to WRXULVP FRQWH[W PDLQO\ LQYROYHV ZLWK ZKDW ZH FDOO WKH µSV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO EHLQJ¶ Psychological well-being has been frequently referred to the feeling of happiness or life satisfaction subjectively experienced by individuals. It is generally argued to be related to travel and leisure activities. In tourism literature, there are several studies examining the UHODWLRQVKLSEHWZHHQSHRSOH¶VKDSSLQHVVRUOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQDQGWUDYHOUHODWHGDFWLYLWLHV7KH results of these studies provide a better insight to the understanding of complex issues regarding human related-behavior (i.e. tourist behavior) in several aspects. This chapter discusses the psychology of happiness (psychological well being) in relation to tourism literature by reviewing previous studies on this subject, and then discusses its implications and recommendations that may be applicable/useful to the tourism industry. The recommendations are expected to assist industry practitioners to develop appropriate
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Anna Mäkinen and Paul Hájek
marketing programs and products for the travel markets. The chapter is divided into three sections. Section one generally describes the content of psychology of happiness, and section two reviews previous studies on the psychology of happiness and tourism. Section three proposes the recommendations that may be useful to the development of tourism products and marketing strategies.
In: Psychology of Happiness Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 1-24
ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 1
T HE PSYCHOLOGY OF H APPI NESS: SCI ENCE OR ABERRATI ON?1 Alistair Miller The Institute of Education, University of London, London, UK.
ABSTRACT Positive psychology claims to provide definitive answers to age-old questions concerning the purpose of life and the nature of the good life throuJKµDVFLHQWLILFVWXG\ of optimal human IXQFWLRQLQJ¶,WDUJXHVWKDWWRDFKLHYHKDSSLQHVV people need to pursue goals that reflect their inner needs and strengths, and that these goals can be achieved if attitudes are sufficiently positive and optimistic. However these assertions rest on a series of fallacious assumptions )LUVW E\ GHILQLQJ DQG PHDVXULQJ KDSSLQHVV RU µVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶ LQ WHUPV RI SOHDVDQW IHHOLQJV and satisfaction, positive psychology simply defines a certain personality type ± the extravert ± as happy and endowed with mentalhealth6HFRQGDSHUVRQ¶VLQQHUQHHGVDQGPRWLYHV cannot be identified in advance of a SHUVRQ¶V DFWLRQV WKH VHOI LV QRW UHDOLVHG EXW IRUPHG DQG VKDSHG E\ WKH SDUWLFXODU circumstances ± personal, social, cultural and historical ± RI D SHUVRQ¶V OLIH 7KLUG SRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VDWWHPSWWRFDVW DSHUVRQ¶VDWWLWXGHVDVYDULDEOHV standing in causal relation to behaviour simply produces a mass of empirical evidence that has no validity. 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V FUXGH DVVRFLDWLRQ RI KDSSLQHVV and mental health with extraversion has the effect of eliminating from the picture PDQ¶VUDWLRQDOQDWXUHDQGWKH cultural inheritance through which this nature is expressed. Instead of a quest for the truth, a quest for the wisdom, learning, experience and self-knowledge that might enable a person to understand the human condition, positive psychology offers a substitute UHFLSH WKDW DLPV WR PDNH D SHUVRQ µIHHO JRRG¶ 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V FRQFHSWLRQ of human nature is therefore deeply impoverished. There is evidence that people who suffer chronic anxiety disorders that prevent them from leading normal social lives can benefit from cognitive behaviour therapy. But only a small proportion of people fall into this category. For the vast majority of people, the only way their lives can be changed for the better is through political measures to improve social and working conditions, and through education. Positive psychology or 1
6RPHRIWKHDUJXPHQWVLQWKLVFKDSWHUSDUWLFXODUO\WKHVHFWLRQµ3RVLWLYHDWWLWXGHV versus SHUVRQDOLW\¶ZHUHILUVW GHYHORSHGLQP\SDSHUµ$&ULWLTXHRI3RVLWLYH3V\FKRORJ\± RUµ7KH1HZ6FLHQFH RI+DSSLQHVV¶¶ 0LOOHU
2
Alistair Miller µWKHQHZVFLHQFHRIKDSSLQHVV¶LVDWEHVWDGLVWUDFWLRQ from the reality of people¶VOLYHVDW worst pseudo-science.
I NTRODUCTI ON Positive psychology RU µWKH QHZ VFLHQFH RI KDSSLQHVV¶ KDV WDNHQ WKH ZRUOG E\ VWRUP over the past ten years. The attractions of a discipline that promises a scientific analysis of how people attain fulfilment and happiness LQ WKHLU OLYHV µWKH JRRG OLIH¶ DQG WKHUHE\ promises to reveal how we can all attain this elusive goal are obvious. In a modern secular world, it is no longer to religion or philosophy WKDWZHORRNIRUDQVZHUVWRWKHTXHVWLRQµZKDW LVWKHSXUSRVHRIOLIH¶EXWWRVFLHQFHJURXQGHGLQHYROXWLRQDU\ELRORJ\+HQFHLWLVQRVXUSULVH that positive psychology is now the most popular course at Harvard and that hundreds of other such courses are being taught in colleges across America.2 The case for positive psychology seems all the more compelling in that its assertions are founded on a mass of empirical evidence. Its critics generally point to the difficulties inherent in defining happiness to begin with (for example that different people have different conceptions of it), but positive psychology gets round this by having people report for WKHPVHOYHV ZKHWKHU RU QRW WKH\ DUH KDSS\ LH LW VLPSO\ HTXDWHV KDSSLQHVV ZLWK µVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶3RVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\GRHVQRWDUJXH for the selfish, hedonistic pursuit of pleasure, as some critics have implied, but on the contrary proposes that absorbing activities and selfless pursuits (including altruistic ones) are central to the good life and to happiness in its fullest sense. It even argues for the cultivation RI WKH YLUWXHV LQ WKH IRUP RI µVLJQDWXUH VWUHQJWKV¶$QGILQDOO\LWFDQMXVWLI\LWVDVVHUWLRQWKDWSHRSOHFDQOHDUQWREHPRUHRSWLPLVWLF more positive (and hence happier and more successful) by citing the established techniques of cognitive behaviour therapy. In this chapter, I examine critically what I take to be the twin central assumptions of positive psychology: first that people can lead optimal lives if only they pursue goals that reflect their innermost needs, their authentic selves; and second that these goals can be achieved if only people have sufficiently positive attitudes. I question the whole notion that WKH JRRG OLIH FDQ EH FRQFHLYHG DV D SURFHVV RI UHDOLVLQJ RQH¶V LQQHU SRWHQWLDO D QRWLRQ WKDW depends on a person being able to identify their inner needs and aptitudes in advance of and apart from the expression of these inner needs and aptitudes in the course of everyday life. I TXHVWLRQWKHQRWLRQWKDWSHRSOH¶VDWWLWXGHV can be characterised as straightforwardly positive or negative, optimistic or pessimistic - as opposed to, say, extravert or introvert; in other words, I suggest that people have personalities. And finally I question whether people are solely motivated by biological instinct and appetiteVXJJHVWLQJUDWKHUWKDWPDQ¶V PRUDO DQG rational nature can only find expression within the frame of a cultural inheritance; in other ZRUGVWRµIHHOJRRG¶LVQRWHQRXJK However having argued what psychology cannot do, I go on to explore the legitimate role of psychiatry and psychotherapy (in particular of cognitive behaviour therapy) in improving a small minority RISHRSOH¶VOLYHV DQG,LGHQWLI\WKHZD\LQZKLFKWKHYDVWPDMRULW\RISHRSOH¶V
2
The Harvard course is taught by Tal Ben-Shahar. I make frequent reference to Ben-6KDKDU¶V Happier in this chapter.
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
3
lives can be changed for the better ± namely through the social and educational measures that can only be effected in a political and moral community. But first, I would like to explore the origins of positive psychology in the humanistic psychology of the 1960s, because it is from humanistic psychology that it has inherited arguably its central weakness.
FROM H UM ANI STI C PSYCHOLOGY TO POSI TI VE PSYCHOLOGY For oveU WZR WKRXVDQG \HDUV WKH TXHVWLRQ µZKDW LV WKH JRRG OLIH¶ KDV RFFXSLHG philosophers and humanists - indeed anybody who has found the need to reflect on the purpose of life. In this respect, the humanistic psychology of the 1960s, in which positive psychology has its roots, stands in a long tradition. However whereas the good life has traditionally been conceived in terms of working toward some shared cultural-socialreligious-philosophical ideal of what it is to be human, attainable by the cultivation of certain virtues and transcending immediate animal instincts and desires, humanistic psychology conceives the good life as involving the fullest expression or actualisation of some authentic, inner self. To fully realise your inner potential and to satisfy your inner needs requires not the striving after some external ideal, or a process of social and cultural conditioning, but for a person to allow themselves to be guided by their inner unique voice. Abraham Maslow, who with Carl Rogers stands as the founder of humanistic psychology, expresses this as foOORZV µWKHIDUJRDO«LVWRDLG the person to grow to fullest humanness, to the greatest fulfilment and actualisation of his highest potentials, to his greatest possible stature. In a word, it should help him to become the best he is capable of becoming, to EHFRPH DFWXDOO\ ZKDW KH GHHSO\ LV SRWHQWLDOO\¶ 0DVORZ S 3KLORVRSKHUV theologians and humanists of old would find little here to disagree with, though of course everything hinges on ZKDWZHWDNHµrealise our potential¶WRPHDQ6RIRU0DVORZµ7KHUHLVD VHOIDQGZKDW,KDYHVRPHWLPHVUHIHUUHGWRDV³OLVWHQLQJ WRWKHLPSXOVHYRLFHV´PHDQVOHWWLQJ WKHVHOIHPHUJH0RVWRIXVPRVWRIWKHWLPH«OLVWHQQRWWRRXUVHOYHVEXWWR«WKHYRLFH of the Establishment, of the Elders, of authority, or of tradition¶ 0DVORZ S Of course listening to the voices of authority and tradition is precisely what is required in the traditional scheme of things. But despite his anti-authoritarian streak ± he is very much of his time in this regard - Maslow is careful not to advocate some vague mysticism, hedonism or alternative life-style. Rather the single thing that most characterises a self-actualising person is their absorption in a task, vocation or calling that lies µRXWVLGH RI WKHPVHOYHV¶ (p. 42); and it is through this that they experience themselves most fXOO\ 7KH\ µWDNH UHVSRQVLELOLW\ WKH\DUHKRQHVW DQGWKH\ZRUNKDUG¶ S :K\LVLWWKHQWKDWPRVWRIXVIDLO (and perhaps fear) to realise our potential, fall short of what we could have been, even should have been LIZHKDGµJURZQDQGGHYHORSHGLQDQXQLPSHGHGZD\¶" S %HFDXVHDUJXHV Maslow, we are blocked by psychopathologies, inhibitions and repressions, by defences against our own self-knowledge; and it is the job of the psychotherapist to break these down (p. 50). For Maslow then, psychology should not merely diagnose and treat psychological illness or mental ill-health on the medical model; it should positively enable people to attain their fullest potential and realise themselves: DQGVRZHKDYHµSRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶
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Alistair Miller
Positive psychology ZDV µRIILFLDOO\ ODXQFKHG DV D ILHOG RI VWXG\¶ E\ 0DUWLQ 6HOLJPDQ president of the American Psychological Association and acknowledged founder of the disciplineLQ DQGLWGHILQHVLWVHOIDVµWKHVFLHQWLILFVWXG\RIRSWLPDOKXPDQ IXQFWLRQLQJ¶ (Ben-Shahar, 2008, p. xiv). In other words, it is the scientific study of how people attain that age-old elixir, the good life. But though the positive psychology movement has its origins in the humanistic psychology of Maslow and Rogers, it differs in some important respects. Perhaps the most striking difference is the central role accorded in positive psychology to µKDSSLQHVV¶ZKLFKLVKDUGO\PHQWLRQHGDWDOOE\0DVORZDQG5RJHUV2IFRXUVHLQRQHVHQVH SRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJLVWVVLPSO\UHJDUGµKDSSLQHVV¶DVDSUR[\ for fulfilment, for self-realisation and the attainment of a good life; indeed Martin Seligman, the acknowledged founder of the VXEMHFWHPSKDWLFDOO\GLVWLQJXLVKHVµDXWKHQWLFKDSSLQHVV¶IURPPHUHSOHDVXUH in the hedonistic sense (see, for example, Seligman, 2007, p. 8). But by making a happy life rather than a good life the explicit goal, and then defining happiness RSHUDWLRQDOO\DVµVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶ ± i.e. people who report that they generally experience pleasant feelings and are satisfied with their lives are counted as happy (Ed Diener, Positive Psychology, 2009) - happiness becomes a variable that can be measured. The characteristics or constituent features of the good life (i.e. the common features of lives led by people who have been identified as happy) can then be identified along with the characteristic attitudes of people who attain it. And hence the attainment of the good life becomes not a question for philosophers but an empirical study for psychological science. Positive psychology thereby aims to bring a scientific rigour to the study of the good life that its predecessor lacked ± and hence its definition DVµWKHVFLHQWLILF VWXG\RIRSWLPDOKXPDQIXQFWLRQLQJ¶ µ2SWLPDOKXPDQ IXQFWLRQLQJ¶LVKRZHYHUDSKUDVHWKDW5RJHUVFHUWDLQO\ZRXOGQHYHUKDYH FRXQWHQDQFHG)RU5RJHUV%)6NLQQHU¶VFRQWUROOHGXWRSia of Walden Two, in which people are conditioned to be happy and productive not just in their behaviour but in their motives and desires, is a nightmare. The process of human self-actualising, though therapy may assist it, must always be inner-directed, its goals internally chosen (see Rogers, 1967, chapter 21). Though positive psychology also involves the identification by the subject of their deepest wants and desires (the pursuit RIµVHOI-FRQFRUGDQWJRDOV¶ %HQ-Shahar, p. 72)), the means of enabling people to achieve them are seen less in terms of individualised psychotherapy and much more in terms of the cultivation of straightforward positive attitudes. 7KHXQIRUWXQDWHUHVXOWRISRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VDVVRFLDWLRQRIKDSSLQHVV with subjective well-being (defined in terms of pleasant feelings and lack of anxiety DQGKHQFHZLWKµSRVLWLYH attitudes¶ ZH VKDOO VHH ODWHU ZKHQ ZH FRPH WR FRQVLGHU WKH SV\FKRORJ\ of personality. First KRZHYHU,ZRXOGOLNHWRH[SORUHDUJXDEO\SRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VFHQWUDODVVXPSWLRQWKHRQH it has inherited from its humanistic predecessor, and one that I shall argue is fallacious.
T HE I LLUSI ON OF AN AUTHENTI C I NNER SELF A central assumption of positive psychology - perhaps the pivotal one - is that it is possible for a person to lead an optimal life ± a life in which their inner potential is realised to the fullest degree and their deepest wants and desires are satisfied (Ben-Shahar, pp. 76-8). The result is fulfilment and happiness. The corollary of this is that there are many people (not just those suffering noticeably from psychiatric disorders preventing them from leading
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µQRUPDO¶OLYHV) whose potential remains unrealised and who are therefore leading sub-optimal lives. It is these people ± in other words most of us - who positive psychology can help to develop the positive attitudes necessary to realise their potential to its fullest. But this all GHSHQGV RQ RXU EHLQJ DEOH WR LGHQWLI\ D SHUVRQ¶V GHHSHVW LQQHU QHHGV KLV DSWLWXGHV RU KLV potential in the first place. Now there are many circumstances in which it is perfectly legitimate to talk of a person having potential. We might for example say that they have the potential to be a concert pianist on account of the exceptional promise or aptitude they show at an early age; and if they then go on to have a career as a concert pianist, we might say that they realised their early potential. On the other hand, if circumstances beyond their control ± illness, accident, political circumstances or other commitments ± prevented them from embarking on a concert career, we might say that they failed to realise their potential. But it is quite a different matter to assert, as positive psychology GRHVWKDWDSHUVRQ¶VSRWential (assuming it can be identified in advance) constitutes a sort of driving force or inner voice that can guide a person through life toward some optimal destination. We might feel justified in saying, for example, that a person who seemed to be on the brink of a brilliant career as a concert pianist, but suddenly threw it all in to devote herself to a life of hedonism, had failed to realise her potential, had wasted her life. But would we say the same if she had given up her career to live in a religious community, or to raise a family, or to launch a political campaign, or to care for a sick relative? She certainly did not fulfil her potential as a pianist, meaning simply that she did not become a pianist, but surely she did fulfil her potential in another way. Who is to judge ZKLFK OLIH SDWK LV WKH µRSWLPDO¶ RU WKH µDXWKHQWLF¶ RQH" ,W ZRXOG EH DEVXUG WR VXJJHVW WKDW WKHUH ZDV VRPH SHUVRQDO IDLOXUH on her part, a failure to realise her authentic inner self or deepest inner need. There are countless OLYHV D SHUVRQ µFRXOG KDYH OHG¶ LQILQLWH possibilities. But there is only one life a person actually does lead: the life he or she is compelled to lead in the circumstances. It might of course have been a great mistake for our potential pianist to give up the opportunity of a concert career. She might in time have overcome the performance nerves that had dogged her, gained great public acclaim and even met the love of her life. How do we ever know how things might have turned out, what we might have achieved, what fate had in store for us if we and (just as importantly) if others had chosen or acted differently? On the other hand we might well talk of a person failing to realise their potential as a personal failure if we judged that it was weakness of will, lack of self-discipline or some other perceived deficiency in character or personality that was responsible. But even then, it would be meaningless to accuse the person concerned of leading a life that was inauthentic or sub-optimal. Things could always have been different, but in reality there is only one path that events follow, one past and one future; and we call that path history. And so it is only after the event that we can pass moral judgement; and our judgement can only be in relation WR VRFLHW\¶V H[SHFWDWLRQV DQG QRUPV - LH GRHV D SHUVRQ¶V EHKDYLRXU FRPH XS WR VRFLHW\¶V expectations of how a person ought to behave or not? 2QH RI WKH PRVW FRPPRQ ZD\V RI GHVFULELQJ D SHUVRQ¶V SRWHQWLDO LV LQ WHUPV RI WKHLU talents or aptitudes (general intelligence is another possibility but this is currently out of IDVKLRQ %XW DJDLQ LW LV UHDOO\ RQO\ SRVVLEOH WR LGHQWLI\ D SHUVRQ¶V DSWLWXGH for a particular task, activity or vocation if they engage in that task, activity or vocation. And though some broad aptitudes become apparent very early on as a child engages in a variety of tasks at school (for example mathematical or artistic ability), perhaps even some very specific
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Alistair Miller
aptitudes if a child is gifted, a more detailed picture will only emerge later on as the pupil studies new subjects, undergoes new experiences, develops new interests and generally matures. Even after formal education has been completed, it is quite possible that a person will have to undergo an apprenticeship, the lengthy process of initiation necessary to master a craft or discipline, beIRUHWKHLUµSRWHQWLDO¶FDQEHUHDOLVHGDQGKHQFHUHFRJQLVHG(YHQWKHQ the course an aptitude will take, the particular way in which it will find expression ± for example whether musical gifts will find expression in composing, in playing this instrument or that, in classical RUURFNRUQRWDWDOOLQDSHUVRQ¶VYRFDWLRQ± cannot be predicted. It is in fact a general failing of any utilitarian scheme seeking to maximise happiness by allowing people to express their preferences (and hence satisfy their inner needs), that these preferences are assumed to be given. As Bernard Williams argues, no account is taken of what people might want if they were better informed or educated or had developed µFRPPLWPHQWV¶ Poral, social or political) that transcended immediate instincts and desires: µ0DQ\DSRWHQWLDOGHVLUHIDLOVWREHFRPHDQH[SUHVVSUHIHUHQFH because the thought is absent WKDWLWZLOOHYHUEHSRVVLEOHWRDFKLHYHLW¶ :LOOLDPV S7). But what then is left of the authentic, inner self whose fullest expression is supposed to guarantee us happiness and fulfilment? The answer, it would seem, is the latent, incipient aptitudes and traits of personality we are endowed with at birth. These certainly determine the person we grow into in part, they are factors in our personal development, but unless one of these aptitudes or traits is outstandingly marked (and even then, circumstances must be favourable ± no use having the genetic configuration of Mozart and being born a serf in medieval Russia), they tell us nothing at all about our destiny. They therefore could not possibly constitute an authentic inner self, an inner voice to guide us through life. The person you are is inevitably determined by a combination of genes, upbringing, education, environment and circumstances - and by your own rational choices within this matrix. The problem then with the notion of an authentic inner self is that we cannot identify it apart from life. We cannot know our potential, what we are capable of achieving and what we are capable of making of ourselves until we embark on a particular course of action, a particular career or vocation; which in turn means that what we are capable of achieving is simply what we do achieve. But then the notion of an authentic inner self that guides us, an inner potential whose fullest realisation constitutes an optimal life, is therefore redundant. There is no self to realise; rather it is in life, in action, in work and in relation to others that our self is formed; and it is only then that we can recognise ourselves for who we really are.
M OTI VES AND GOALS The impossibility of living an optimal life by consciously choosing to express some inner authentic self (as if there were the option of leading an inauthentic life) is also apparent if we consider the nature of the motives and goals that are conceived in psychology as determining our actions, our behaviour as intentional, purposeful beings. In order to explain human behaviour, psychology conceives life instrumentally as comprising a series of goals or ends that a person is in the process of trying to achieve, ends that in sociobiology and evolutionary psychology have their basis and origin in natural selection3HRSOH¶VDFWLRQVDUHGHWHUPLQHG
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by the goals they are motivated to achieve (or simply by their motives) together with the particular attitudes, traits, values and beliefs that go to make up their individual personalities. Positive psychology naturally places great emphasis on the setting of goals µH[SOLFLW objectives that are challenging and specific ± with clear timeline and performance critHULD¶ (Ben-6KDKDU S 7KHVH µVHOI-FRQFRUGDQW JRDOV¶ VKRXOG PRUHRYHU UHIOHFW RXU µGHHSHVW QHHGVDQGGHVLUHV¶ S DQGWKHLUSXUVXLWLVWKHSUDFWLFDOPHDQVE\ZKLFKZHFDQUHDOLVHµRXU UHDODXWKHQWLFVHOI¶ S We have already explored the problems that arise when we try to identify the goals that matter most to us ± our innermost needs ± and that might guide us in our lives; in fact the same problems apply to the identification of any goals in advance of our embarking on a particular course of action i.e. apart from life itself. But this is really indicative of a fundamental problem with the very notion of goals, namely that goals and motives cannot exist apart from attitudes, and attitudes cannot exist apart from behaviour. We are really describing the same thing but in different terms. Let us suppose first that to have a goal, in the sense of a motivating spring to action, is to be motivated to achieve something. Well if one is motivated to achieve something, then one must necessarily be prepared to take the practical steps needed to bring it ± or at least try to bring it ± about. To have a goal but not be motivated to achieve it and therefore not be prepared to do anything about it, is really not to have a goal at all; one has rather a fantasy, a dream, or perhaps a mental condition that inhibits ones from normal social interaction. But ± to carry the logic of the argument one step further - to be motivated to achieve something is also surely, necessarily, to be possessed of certain attitudes, traits, values and beliefs. The two cannot be separated. The whole foundation of positive psychology ± that a person can achieve their goals if only their attitudes are sufficiently positive (and furthermore that these positive attitudes can be learned) ± is thereby demolished. First there are no goals to be identified in advance of and apart from actions; second, attitudes cannot be identified apart from goals. There is no question that some people are more ambitious than others. They seem know what they want to do with their lives from the very beginning (i.e. their goals come readyformed); and if they have the necessary aptitude, and if circumstances and fate are favourable, they may achieve their goal. But to be ambitious, or driven, or even obsessed is to have a particular set of attitudes and motives, to have a very particular personality. For those of us who are normally ambitious or motivated ± which is most of us - our interests, passions, hopes and dreams, our motives and our goals emerge out of life as events unfold, as possibilities and opportunities arise. For most of us, goals are no more than practical means of organising and planning our lives, of setting priorities so that we can get things done with reasonable efficiency. They arise naturally out of our work and, in the longer term, out of our careers. So Ben-Shahar is probably quite correct to claim that successful people set goals. Inevitably a person engaged in a satisfying career or highly motivated to embark on a particular career will need to organise their diary, plan ahead and consider how their career might develop. But it does not follow at all thDWLWLVWKHLUµJRDO-setting¶WKDWKDVFDXVHGWKHLU VXFFHVV HYHQOHVVWKDWLWZDVWKHGHOLEHUDWHVHWWLQJRIJRDOVUHIOHFWLQJWKHLUµGHHSHVWZDQWVDQG GHVLUHV¶WKDWLQLWLDWHGWKHZKROHSURFHVV(LWKHURXUJRDOVFRPHUHDG\-formed (the ambitious person) or they emerge in the course of life (the normal person); but we do not consciously
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Alistair Miller
choose them, and neither do we choose our attitudes. It is out of life that goals together with their accompanying attitudes naturally emerge and evolve. But if our behaviour is ultimately all determined, where does this leave the freedom of choice (or free will) that defines our very nature as morally responsible human beings? Does the determinism I have argued not condemn us to being mindless cogs in a mechanistic world?
FREE W I LL AND DETERM I NI SM To assert that we do not consciously decide or choose our goals, that our goals and attitudes emerge out of life, and that our goals and attitudes at any moment are necessarily determined - by some combination of genetic inheritance, upbringing, education, experience and circumstances ± is in fact simply to recognise an age-old problem of philosophy: the classical paradox of free will and determinism. Though viewed ex ante, we are free to choose the lives we lead ± free because we are conscious of ourselves as rational beings able to deliberate on our actions instead of being ruled by animal instinct ± the situation is very different viewed ex post. Viewed after the event, our behaviour is inevitably fully determined by some combination of instinct, rational motive, compulsion, past experience and current circumstances. Indeed if there were not some overriding impulse to act, we would not act. Whatever turns out to be (or have been ZLWK KLQGVLJKW WKH RYHUULGLQJ LPSXOVH PXVW QHFHVVDULO\ KDYH µGHWHUPLQHG¶ RXU DFWLRQV because if our actions are not determined, then they must by definition be undetermined ± i.e. arbitrary, random and inexplicable; and neither instinctive impulses nor rationally deliberated and therefore freely chosen acts can be described in these terms. Put simply, there is only one past and one future, one history ± that is, when viewed ex post. But where does this leave our freedom ± our freedom of choice or free will?3 The very notion of a moment or act of choice is a paradoxical one. We might suppose that to freely choose something is to consciously will it. But what if having decided on a course of action, if having made a choice, a person ± at the very last moment, quite unexpectedly and unaccountably ± changes their mind, and does something different? The change of mind might even be quite unconscious, the impulse one had resisted and thought RQH ZRXOG FRQWLQXH WR UHVLVW WKDW RQH KDG GHOLEHUDWHG ZDV LUUDWLRQDO DQG DJDLQVW RQH¶V EHVW interests, suddenly taking hold of one. This is the well-known situation of akrasia RUµZeakness RIZLOO¶ DQGLWH[HPSOLILHV,EHOLHYHDFUXFLDOSKLORVRSKLFDO point, namely that it is logically impossible to separate the act of choice (or act of will or intention) from the action itself4. It is only with the action that the choice is made. It is only with the action itself that we can recognise the impulse, desire, need or motive - rational or non-rational - that in 3
In philosophyWKHSUREOHPLVXVXDOO\VWDWHGLQWHUPVRIDFKRLFHEHWZHHQWKHµFRPSDWLELOLVW¶DQGµLQFRPSDWLELOLVW¶ positions, neither of which is really satisfactory. In the former, the affirmation of determinism rules out freedom in its deep sense; and in the latter, the denial RIGHWHUPLQLVP DWOHDVWLQWKHµOLEHUWDULDQ¶YHUVLRQ OHDYHVIUHHDFWV undetermined by past events (for a statement of the basic positions, see Kane, 2005, chapters 1 to 4). 4 Gilbert Ryle argues that it is nonsense to suggest that volitions, acts of will or acts of mind can be conceived as causing actions or events, because an infinite UHJUHVVRISULRUµPHQWDODFWV¶ZRXOGEHHQWDLOHG- i.e. the volitions themselves stand in need of causal explanation (Ryle, 1990, chapter 3). Wittgenstein, I believe, is thinking along
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fact prevailed; and this in turn is to recognise that the action (along with accompanying impulses, desires, needs and motives), and hence the choice, was determined by some combination of genetic inheritance, past experience and current circumstances ± at least viewed from the ex post perspective. In other words our goals, motives, attitudes, and behaviour are inseparable. But though we cannot choose ± choose in the sense of exerting conscious control or will over ± our attitudes, motives and goals, we still have freedom of choice (or free will) by virtue of our nature as rational beings. In other words, people are free when their actions are viewed ex ante because they are conscious of themselves as rational beings able to control their instinctive appetites and desires in the name of rationally conceived goals; but viewed ex post, their behaviour (along with their goals, motives, attitudes and aptitudes) is necessarily GHWHUPLQHGDVLVWKHLUFDSDFLW\WRDFWUDWLRQDOO\ LHWKHLUµVWUHQJWK RIZLOO¶ E\DFRPELQDWLRQ of genetic inheritance, upbringing and circumstances ± personal, social, cultural and historical. Otherwise their behaviour is, by definition, inexplicable. And it is precisely because we are rational beings conscious of our nature as rational beings, that our actions (and hence the future) cannot be predicted; and that human behaviour, though necessarily determined when viewed ex post, is not determined in a causal, mechanistic, predictive sense. Another way of putting this is that we can always give an intelligible account or explanation RIDSHUVRQ¶VEHKDYLRXULQWHUPVRItheir motives, values (or lack of them), aptitudes, strength (or weakness) of will, reasons, thoughts and instincts, and the attitudes and traits that comprise their personality; we can describe their behaviour psychologically and morally, make sense of it and judge it, but our explanation is not causal ± at least not in the predictive, ex ante, mechanical sense. The problem with positive psychology is that by detaching goals, motives, actions and attitudes from each other and putting them under our conscious control ± i.e. by making attitudes instrumental to the achievement of goals, motives instrumental to the setting of goals, and attitudes, motives and goals all instrumental to action - it makes them indeterminate. There is nothing to determine our actions either one way or the other. A SHUVRQ¶VJRDOVPRWLYHVDWWLWXGHVDQG behaviour can certainly change over time; upbringing, education, life experience and circumstances will all play a part in shaping and reshaping them. A person unsatisfied with their life and sufficiently motivated to change it might even choose to undergo therapy in order to change their attitudes and behaviour, particularly if there is some psychological inhibition or mental disorder preventing them from behaving as they otherwise would (as we shall see later). But for most people most of the time, goals, motives, attitudes and behaviour are inseparable. It is only when they find concrete expression in the course of life that we can recognise them.
T HE SOCI AL SELF FORM ED I N ACTI ON One of the most dramatic depictions of the need for a person to realise themselves WKURXJK DFWLRQ LV .LHUNHJDDUG¶V LQ Either/Or. Kierkegaard contrasts the self-obsessed WKHVDPHOLQHVZKHQKHFRQVLGHUVWKHQRWLRQRIµZLOOLQJ¶:LOOLQJLVQRWDQ action and so cannot stand in causal relation to actions; though for Wittgenstein, it is behaviour, thought and reality that are inseparable ± impossible to conceive apart - from the meaning conferred by linguistic practice (Wittgenstein, 1958, paras 611-613). R.G. Collingwood draws attention to the analogous situation of causation in the natural world: cause and effect must be coincident in both space and time, because otherwise there remains an interval or gap to be bridged (Collingwood, 1940, pp. 314-5).
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µDHVWKHWH¶ WKH SHUVRQ who dabbles in life because he does not wish to narrow down the infinite possibilities it offers, and the ethicist who commits himself to a vocation or a profession and accepts the duties and responsibilities it entails. Unlike the ethicist, the aesthete, precisely because he is consciously searching for some sort of optimal life in which all his talents find fruition and all his desires are satisfied, remains on the outside of things, XQDEOHWRILQGDQ\GHHSHUPHDQLQJRUVLJQLILFDQFHLQOLIH+HUHPDLQVIRUHYHUµWKHDFFLGHQWDO PDQ¶ .LHUNHJDDUG S :KDWPDNHV.LHUNHJDDUG¶VDFFRXQWRISDUWLFXODULQWHUHVWLQWKHFRQWH[WRIWKLVFKDSWHULV this: the importDQW WKLQJ LV QRW WKDW D SHUVRQ PDNHV µWKH ULJKW FKRLFH¶ EXW WKDW KH makes a choice and commits himself to it with passion and energy QRW WKDW KH µVXFFHHGV¶ RU µDFFRPSOLVKHV¶DQ\WKLQJDFFRUGLQJWRVRPHH[WHUQDOFULWHULD± something in any case that only fate can decide (p. 568-9) - but that he fulfils his duties and responsibilities to the best of his ability. And this seems to follow from the paradoxical nature of choice itself, something Kierkegaard LV SODLQO\ DZDUH RI ZKHQ KH UHIHUV WR µWKH 3ODWRQLF LQVWDQW¶ WKH LQVWDQW RI deliberation, the boundary between past and future, that really has no existence at all (pp. 482- 7KHUHLVQRVXFKWKLQJDVµFKRRVLQJFRUUHFWO\¶ S FKRRVLQJex ante; all one can do is to make the best choice one can in the circumstances, the choice that one is naturally given or determined to make after due deliberation, and then immerse oneself in what is chosen (p. 482). According to Kierkegaard, it is only after he has made a choice and committed himself to D YRFDWLRQ WKDW D SHUVRQ LV IUHH EHFDXVH LW LV WKHQ WKDW KH KDV WUDQVFHQGHG KLPVHOI µLW LV SUHFLVHO\WKURXJKZRUNWKDWPDQPDNHVKLPVHOIIUHH¶ S ,t is through the tasks, duties and responsibilities that work affords him in relation to others that a person is able to find himself, not through seeing possibilities everywhere in the future (p. 543) or attempting to VDWLVI\HYHU\FRQFHLYDEOHGHVLUH S $V.LHUNHJDDUGUHPDUNVµWKHVHOIZKLFKLVWKHDLP LVQRWMXVWDSHUVRQDOVHOIEXWDVRFLDODFLYLFVHOI¶ S 7KHUHLVDVWULNLQJSDUDOOHOKHUH with Kant. For both men, freedom and self-realisation involve the transcendence of immediate instincts and desires. Except that whereas for Kant man is only free when he recognises his true nature as a rational being and submits himself to the rule of reason in the IRUPRIµWKHPRUDOODZ¶IRU.LHUNHJDDUGPDQLVRQO\IUHHZKHQKHUHFRJQLVHVKLVWUXHQDWXUH as a social being. We shall see later that both dimensions of human nature, the rational and the social-cultural DUHHVVHQWLDOEXWWKHLPPHGLDWHFRQVHTXHQFHRI.LHUNHJDDUG¶VSRVLWLRQLV that even the most ordinary person leading the most ordinary life and accomplishing the most ordinary things can yet lead a life that is significant and meaningful (p. 566-7). Kierkegaard VXPV XS WKH VLWXDWLRQ DV IROORZV µWKH HWKLFDO « GHSULYHV KLP RI WKH YDLQ MR\ RI EHLQJ XQFRPPRQLQRUGHUWRJLYHKLPWKHWUXHMR\RIEHLQJRUGLQDU\¶ S The idea that a person can realise himself in ordinary life through his social responsibilities and civic duties is one that was further developed by F.H. Bradley in his essay µ0\ 6WDWLRQ DQG LWV 'XWLHV¶ %UDGOH\ %UDGOH\ZRQGHUV LQ ZKDW VHQVH FDQEH VDLG WR exist the inner nature, the essence, the individuality or the latent aptitudes of a child at birth. Surely, he argues, it is the indelible stamp on the child of his country, his community and his family ± WKHµVRFLDORUJDQLVP¶ - that determines his whole being, his whole purpose in life. Bradley, writing in 1876, takes no account of modern genetics, but the central thrust of his argument is still compelling, namely that a person exists only as a social being and can realise KLPVHOIRQO\LQVRFLHW\ µZHKDYHIRXQGVHOI-realization, duty and happiness in one ± yes, we
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have found ourselves, when we have found our station and its duties, our function as an organ LQWKHVRFLDORUJDQLVP¶ S However the possibility that all can lead significant and meaningful lives whatever their VWDWLRQLQVRFLHW\ZKDWHYHUWKHLUµDFKLHYHPHQWV¶SURYLGHGRQO\WKDWWKH\FRPPLWWKHPVHOYHV to their work and their family, and recognise their duties and obligations in society, stands in marked contrast to the view that a life is only optimal if latent potentialities are realised, goals achieved, achievements recognised and so on. It is a particularly unattractive, even pernicious feature of positive psychology that it categorises people as successes and failures on the basis of their achievements and successes, as those superior people who live life to the full and those ordinary people who do not. The goals that people are supposed to set themselves and pursue with positive attitudes DUHPHDQWWREHUHDOLVWLFDQGDFKLHYDEOHEXWWKHFRQFHSWVµUHDOLVWLF¶DQGµDFKLHYDEOH¶DUHDV we shall see, hopelessly indeterminate; and in any case, as Kierkegaard notes, what we achieve is not always in our power to decide ± there are other people and there are circumstances to take account of. All we can do is our best and that may not involve the relentless achievement of goals. Despite its claims to the contrary, positive psychology effectively condemns people to a perpetual rat race LQZKLFKµVXFFHVV¶DQGµDFKLHYHPHQW¶DUH measured largely by social status (and by social norms of what constitutes a desirable or fashionable lifestyle) and in which most are inevitably condemned to failure. 7KHIXWLOLW\RISRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VUHFLSHIRUIXOILOPHQW± be more positive and you will be more successful ± becomes plain when we consider society as a whole rather than merely the individual. Suppose that everyone were magically transformed into an optimistic goalachiever. What would be achieved? The problem is immediately apparent. There are only so many top jobs, responsible positions and fascinating, creative, rewarding vocations to go URXQG +RZHYHU SRVLWLYH SHRSOH¶V DWWLWXGHV are, the structure of the economy and the distribution of occupations and wealth will remain essentially the same. If everyone works harder and produces more, there will certainly be more to share round, but this is really beside the point. ,W PLJKW EH FRXQWHUHG WKDW SHRSOH¶V JRDOV must be realistic and attainable. But how are people to know whether or not their dreams and desires ± to be promoted at work, to have WKHLUµSODFHLQWKHVXQ¶WREHDPLOOLRQDLUHWRZULWHDQRYHO± are realisable in advance of the DWWHPSWWRUHDOLVHWKHP",ISHRSOH¶VJRDOVDUHDPELWLRXVHFRQRPLFUHDOLW\ dictates that many will fail to achieve their goals because they are in effect involved in a race that only few can ZLQ DQG LISHRSOH¶V JRDOV DUH QRW DPELWLRXV DQGOLIH WUDQVIRUPLQJ ZKDW GLVWLQJXLVKHV WKHP from the goals they would have pursued anyway? By contrast there is no limit to what a person can achieve outside the monetary economy or public DUHQD 7KHUH LV WKH ZRUOG RI µOHLVXUH¶ RI SULYDWH SXUVXLWV SDVVLRQV LQWHUHVWV DQG hobbies. Though public or professional recognition (and hence social status) may not result, there is the fellowship of like-minded people who share a passion, as well as the sense of achievement that comes from mastering a skill ± for example from playing a musical instrument, riding a horse or running a vintage car. And there is the world of family and friends. In other words, there is ordinary life. Unfortunately, it is from precisely this ordinary life that positive psychology seeks to rescue us as it transforms our attitudes for the better. Can positive psychology nevertheless still find application in the private world of SHRSOH¶V OHLVXUH DFWLYLWLHV LQ SHRSOH¶V RUGLQDU\ OLYHV? Possibly, but the whole point of ordinary interests and pursuits is that they are easily accessible and attainable. They do not
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require people to be highly motivated, positive, optimistic goal-setters always seeking to surpass themselves; rather they allow people to find relaxation, an escape from the world of goals and targets. Michel Lacroix notes the tendency of those who advocate self-realisation to disdain ordinary life in favour of some fantasy super-life, whereas if only they knew it, ordinary life is full of riches; a person can just as well find fulfilment in accomplishing the simple, everyday tasks of life (Lacroix, 2009, p. 83). To be fair, positive psychology recognises that people cannot always change their jobs; and that in any case fulfilment does not necessarily flow from material rewards or social status,WLVWKHUHIRUHZKDWSHRSOHµFKRRVHWRSHUFHLYH¶DERXWWheir jobs, whether or not they FKRRVHµWRIRFXVRQWKRVHDVSHFWVWKDWDUHSHUVRQDOO\PHDQLQJIXODQGSOHDVXUDEOH¶WKDWLVDV important as the job itself (Ben-Shahar, p. 107). So for example a hospital cleaner can still find happiness and satisfaction in relationships with others and in the knowledge that an essential job has been well done. There is surely a lot of truth in this; we make of our job what we will. On the other hand, admits Ben-6KDKDULWPD\EHWKDWµUHJDUGOHVVRIRXUIRFXV¶ we cannot derive meaning and pleasure from our work - LQIDFWµZHFDQXVXDOO\GREHWWHU¶ and in this case we do need to find alternative work, work that we can experience as a YRFDWLRQRUFDOOLQJZRUNWKDWµFRUUHVSRQGVWRERWKRXUSDVVLRQVDQGRXUVWUHQJWKV¶ S -RQDWKDQ +DLGW PDNHV WKH VDPH SRLQW µPRVW SHRSOH FDQ JHW PRUH VDWLVIDFWLRQ IURP WKHLU ZRUN¶DQGWKHZD\WKH\FDQGRVRLVWRHQJDJHWKHLUVtrengths, whether by changing their job or by recasting and reframing their existing job (Haidt, 2006, p. 222). And how do we identify RXULQQHUSDVVLRQVDQGVWUHQJWKV":HQHHGWRKHHGµWKHFDOORIRXULQQHUYRLFH¶WKHYRLFH that µJXLGHVXVWRRXUYRFDWLRQ¶ %HQ-Shahar, p. 108). But how does a person - let us say a normal person not noticeably displaying the symptoms of neurotic anxiety or mental illness - who is dissatisfied with their occupation know whether the problem lies with their occupation or with their attitude to it? Presumably WKHGLIIHUHQFHLVWKDWWKHSHUVRQZKRLVGLVVDWLVILHGEHFDXVHµWKH\FDQGREHWWHU¶(i.e. who has both the aptitude and the motivation to do better) will in the natural course of things do something about it; whereas the person who is dissatisfied because they have unrealistic aspirations (i.e. who has neither the aptitude nor the motivation to do better) will not be able to do anything about it and will continue to feel ever more dissatisfied. Now it may well be that in the latter case, some counselling or therapeutic intervention (which may simply be the wise counsel of a trusted friend) is needed to restore the attitudes and behavioural patterns necessary for normal life and mental health; and likewise for the person who knows they can do better but is blocked by some neurotic inhibition. It may be that positive psychology has insights that are very useful in this regard and that these can aid the therapeutic process. But in the case of the normal person getting on with his life and finding his station in society, what is there for positive psychology to do? /LNHSRWHQWLDOIXOILOPHQWKDVQRVHQVHRUPHDQLQJDSDUWIURPDSHUVRQ¶VFLUFXPVWDQFHV the family and community of which he is part and the wider social-cultural-historical context. By the same token, there is no right job or vocation waiting out there, only the job or vocation that emerges and evolves for a person in the course of their normal, everyday life. There are of course lots of ways in which the ordinary lives of people can be improved, particularly for those who suffer social deprivation, extreme poverty or malnutrition all around the world. However it is not through positive psychology but through political action that such improvements can be effected.
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POSI TI VE ATTI TUDES VERSUS PERSONALI TY It is a central tenet of positive psychology that people who have positive attitudes are happier and more successful; and a mountain of research evidence is cited in support of this assertion. However the further argument, drawn by implication, that success is caused by positive attitudes ± in particular by optimism (the belief that things will turn out well and that you can succeed) and perseverance ± is quite unwarranted. For a person to achieve anything, to complete any task, they must by definition have had the requisite aptitude together with the requisite attitude. If they had not persevered, they would not have succeeded in the first place; and if they had not been sufficiently motivated (which includes having a minimal amount of belief in their capacity to do the job), they would not have persevered. It therefore comes as no surprise that success is associated with positive attitudes. We have little more than the tautologous assertion that people achieve what they are motivated to achieve. The related proposition that people who have positive attitudes are better equipped to realise their goals, satisfy their innermost needs and hence lead optimal lives, is also, as we have seen, highly questionable. Neither our goals nor our attitudes can be identified apart from our actions, from our behavioural patterns; and neither our goals nor our attitudes can therefore be consciously controlled or directed. What remains then is the straightforward proposition that people who have positive attitudes, in particular an optimistic attitude, are happier, and that these attitudes can be learned. Let us look at this more closely. ,Q 0DUWLQ 6HOLJPDQ¶V Learned Optimism WKH SLYRWDO FRQFHSW LV µH[SODQDWRU\ VW\OH¶ According to Seligman, people are generally optimists or pessimists and which you are GHSHQGV RQ \RXU µH[SODQDWRU\ VW\OH¶ D KDELWXDO ZD\ RI H[SODLQLQJ HYHQWV WKDW LV OHDUQHG LQ childhood. For children of parents who are critical rather than unconditionally accepting, a pessimistic rather than an optimistic explanatory style (i.e. a habitual way of explaining events to oneself that is defeatist, self-blaming DQGSURGXFHVµOHDUQHGKHOSOHVVQHVV¶) is more likely to develop together with low self-esteem (Seligman, 2006). However it is possible to learn WREHPRUHRSWLPLVWLFWRFKDQJHRQH¶VH[SODQDWRU\VW\OH ZHVKDOOVHHE\ZKDWPHWKRGV later) and so be happier and more successful ± KHQFHµOHDUQHGRSWLPLVP¶ Now it is perfectly plausible to argue that there are people who suffer from chronic selfdoubt and anxiety, that their condition may have its origins in childhood experience, and that behavioural therapy can help break the vicious circle of negativity that prevents normal social life. It is well established in social psychology WKDWDSHUVRQ¶VµVHOI-efficacy¶DQGµDWWDFKPHQW VW\OH¶ DV DQ DGXOW are significantly influenced by childhood experience (see Matthews et al, 2003, chapter 9); and David Ausubel argued back in the 1960s that a failure to develop the intrinsic self-esteem that flows from unconditional parental acceptance produces a person more likely to exhibit neurotic anxiety when faced with novel situations or challenges (Ausubel, 1968, pp. 401-7). However the problems begin when Seligman equates the chronic and debilitating condition of learned helplessness with pessimism LQ JHQHUDO (YHQ µWHQGHQFLHV WRZDUG SHVVLPLVP¶ PHUH µWUDFHV RI SHVVLPLVP¶ DUH MXGJHG GHELOLWDWLQJ 6HOLJPDQ S (YHQ WKH SHUVRQ ZKR LV µPHUHO\ SUXGHQW DQG PHDVXUHG¶ FDQ EHQHILW IURP DQ LQIXVLRQ RI OHDUQHG optimism (p. 112). But in The Positive Power of Negative Thinking, Julie Norem argues that many people who are notably successful and KDSS\ IDOO LQWR WKH FDWHJRU\ RI µGHIHQVLYH
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Alistair Miller
SHVVLPLVWV¶ 1RUHP 7KRXJK RIWHQ DQ[LRXV DERXW IXWXUH HYHQWV WKHLU SHUIRUPDQFH LV unaffected. Moreover there are many people who are neither pessimists nor optimists; indeed DSHUVRQPLJKWHYHQDWWLPHVEHµERWKVWURQJO\RSWLPLVWLFand VWURQJO\SHVVLPLVWLF¶GHSHQGLQJ on the circumstances (p.25). And this illustrates a more general point. Both optimism and pessimism can be counted part of a mature, healthy outlook; and whether they are judged positive or negative, appropriate or inappropriate depends not only on the context or situation but the other traits WKDW JR WR PDNH XS D SHUVRQ¶V SHUVRQDOLW\. As Peter Goldie points out, personality traits cohere as part of a complex whole and a trait that is positive for one person can be negative for another (Goldie, 2002, pp. 157-160). Moreover it is only in the context of WKHRYHUDOOQDUUDWLYHRIDSHUVRQ¶VOLIHWKDWDSHUVRQ¶VEHKDYLRXUFDQEHSURSHUO\XQGHUVWRRG and interpreted (pp. 44- 7RFKDUDFWHULVHDSHUVRQ¶VSHUVRQDOLW\DVRSWLPLVWLFRUSHVVLPLVWLF his attitudes as positive or negative, is a ludicrous simplification that takes no account of a SHUVRQ¶V EURDGHU SHUVRQDOLW\ QR DFFRXQW RI KLV OLIH KLVWRU\ DQG QR DFFRXQW RI WKH circumstances in which the attitude is exhibited. It is the mental health and integrity of personality of the person as a whole in the context of his life that matters. 3RVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VFUXGHµSRVLWLYH-QHJDWLYH¶ODEHOOLQJRISHRSOH¶VDWWLWXGHV appears the more curious in that there are long-established approaches to describing and categorising the EURDG GLPHQVLRQV RI SHRSOH¶V SHUVRQDOLWLHV LQGHHG D ZKROH EUDQFK RI SV\FKRORJ\ - the psychology of personality and personality traits - is devoted to it. What is more, there is a mass of evidence to support the validity RIWKHGRPLQDQWµ)LYH)DFWRU0RGHO¶ WKDWWKHUHDUH five broad dimensions of personality ± neuroticism, extraversion, openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness); and both biometric and modern genetic research suggest that there is a strong hereditary influence at work (see Matthews et al., chapter 6), which seems to confirm the original assumption of trait psychologists that traits causally influence behaviour (p. 6). 5HIHUHQFHV WR SHRSOH¶V µSHUVRQDOLWLHV¶ DUH KRZHYHr conspicuous by their absence in the literature of positive psychology. It is as if in the world of positive psychology, people do not have personalities; they are simply optimistic and positive, or pessimistic and negative. The deficiencies of positive pV\FKRORJ\¶V FUXGH SRVLWLYH-negative categorisation of SHRSOH¶V DWWLWXGHV and dispositions are perhaps most apparent if we consider the classic personality types in psychology µH[WUDYHUW¶ DQG µLQWURYHUW¶ :KHWKHU ZH SHUFHLYH WKH behaviour of the natural extravert, for example, as positive or negative depends entirely on the circumstances he finds himself in. If the qualities the situation requires are sociability, initiative, enthusiasm, emotional resilience and adaptability, then the extravert will be in his element; if however what is required is the ability to attend to detail, to be reflective, to patiently and painstakingly go about a task, and perhaps to show genuine empathy, then the extravert may well be out of his element. It is not that one is happier or more positive than the other, simply that the two types have different dispositions, inclinations and interests. For Anthony Storr, the difference is between extraverts, divergers and dramatists on the one hand and introverts, convergers and patterners on the other (Storr, 1989, chapter 7). Whereas the former find meaning in their interactions and relationships with other people, the latter find meaning inside them selves as they seek to impose order on their experiences. Storr emphasises the connection between creativity and solitude, which is of course the natural element of the introvert µ7KH FUHDWLYH SHUVRQ LV FRQVWDQWO\ VHHNLQJ WR GLVFRYHU KLPVHOI WR remodel his own identity, and to find meaning in the universe through what he creates. He finds this a valuable integrating process which, like meditation or prayer, has little to do with other people, but which has LWVRZQVHSDUDWHYDOLGLW\¶ S[LY
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
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Unfortunately positive psychology defines happiness RUµVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶ WREHJLQ with in terms that would suit the extravert rather the introvert, so to be happy is to experience pleasant feelings DQG EH VDWLVILHG ZLWK RQH¶V OLIH DQG LW WKHUHIRUH IDOOV LQWR WKH WUDS RI associating mental health with the extravert. David Ausubel and Floyd Robinson note the tendency (prevalent in both education and psychiatry) to regard people who are warm, outgoing, amiable and extraverted as having a well-balanced and healthy personality, whereas people who happen to be reserved, contemplative and unconcerned about the opinions of others are viewed as potentially maladjusted, even though there is no evidence that mental KHDOWK LV DIIHFWHG 7KH\ GHVFULEH WKLV SKHQRPHQRQ DV µWKH FXOW RI H[WUDYHUVLRQ¶ $XVXEHO Robinson, 1969, pp. 410-12). -RQDWKDQ +DLGW H[HPSOLILHV WKH SUREOHP ZKHQ KH FODLPV WKDW µH[WUDYHUWV DUH QDWXUDOO\ KDSSLHU DQG KHDOWKLHU¶ DQG µZKHQ LQWURYHUWV DUH IRUFHG WR EH PRUH RXWJRLQJ WKH\ XVXDOO\ HQMR\ LW¶ +DLGW S - the implication being that we just have to turn introverts into extraverts to make the world a happier place. Of course what he says is probably true, but surely he misses the point, which is that though introverts can enjoy the company of others as much as extraverts ± enjoy in the sense of being amused and cheered up, they have less intrinsic need for it. Haidt characterises happy people as being genetically (or behaviourally) configured to experience positive emotions DV KDYLQJ DQ µDSSURDFK-RULHQWHG¶ UDWKHU WKDQ D µZLWKGUDZDO-RULHQWHG¶VW\OHDQGDVEHLQJOHVVDQ[LRXVDERXWQRYHOVLWXDWLRQV SS-4). But is WREHKDSS\WRKDYHDµVXQQ\SHUVRQDOLW\¶RUµDKDELWRIEUHDNLQJLQWRODXJKWHU mid-VHQWHQFH¶" Have people with such a personality UHDOO\µZRQWKHFRUWLFDOORWWHU\¶ S " Positive psychology simply asserts that only one personality type can achieve happiness: the cheerful, optimistic, outgoing extravert. But as we shall see later, this is to beg the TXHVWLRQV WKDW DUH PRVW LPSRUWDQW RI DOO µKRZ GR ZH DWWDLQ IXOILOPHQW¶ DQG µZKDW LV WKH SXUSRVHRIOLIH¶"$QGLWLVE\FRncerning ourselves with these questions that we shall arrive at a quite different conception of what it is to be happy.5
M ENTAL H EALTH : POSI TI VE PSYCHOLOGY OR PSYCHOTHERAPY ? Where does this leave us? If it makes no sense to speak of a SHUVRQ µUHDOLVLQJ KLV SRWHQWLDO¶DQGWKHUHE\OHDGLQJDQµRSWLPDO¶OLIHDUHZHVWXFNZLWKRXUOLYHVKRZHYHUXQKDSS\ or despairing they are? Is there no such thing as mental illness, depression or neurotic anxiety? On the contrary, it makes perfect sense to speak of a person being sufficiently well adjusted to lead a normal life; and by leading a normal life to lead a satisfying life. Conversely it is when a person is prevented from leading a normal life by some mental disorder ± for example chronic anxiety leading to depression, obsessive-compulsive disorder or a phobia - that a person is likely to feel dissatisfied, unhappy or unfulfilled. But how then 5
The best-known attempt to give the extravert-introvert personality dichotomy a physiological EDVLVLV(\VHQFN¶V µRSWLPDODURXVDO¶WKHRU\DFFRUGLQJWRZKLFKH[WUDYHUWVKDYHPRUHQHHGWREHDURXVHGE\H[WHUQDOVHQVRU\VWLPXOL than introverts. This would explain for example why extraverts tend to do better at the beginning and end of tasks, losing interest and concentration in the middle, while introverts are able to work steadily throughout; and whereas extraverts tend to seek out novel experiences and challenges, introverts prefer to avoid these (Gross, 1992, pp. 890-2). 7KHUHLVLQVXIILFLHQWHPSLULFDOHYLGHQFHWRVXSSRUW(\VHQFN¶VWKHRU\DVLWVWDQGVWKHSUREOHP lying LQSDUWWKDWWKHUHLVQRVWUDLJKWIRUZDUGQHXURORJLFDOFRUUHODWHRIWKHFRQVWUXFWµDURXVDO¶ VHH0DWWKHZHWDO pp. 184- %XW(\VHQFN¶VWKHory does at least demonstrate that there is no need to crudely characterise extraverts as positive (and happy) and introverts as negative (and unhappy) on grounds of physiology or biology.
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do we define mental health and normality? The dividing line between normality and abnormality, mental health and mental illness is notoriously difficult to draw. The tendency of gifted and highly creative people to depression is well-known, as is the capacity of people with autistic spectrum disorders IRUH[DPSOH$VSHUJHU¶V SHRSOHZKRKDYHJUHDWGLIILFXOW\ socialising, to display exceptional talents in particular fields. Indeed is there such a thing as a normal person devoid altogether of neurotic, phobic or obsessive tendencies? We might even suspect that to be in perfect mental health, to be perfectly balanced and normal is to be somewhat lacking in interest, personality, imagination or creativity. The obvious way to resolve the problem is surely to regard mental health something on the model of physical health. A mental or psychiatric disorder exists when the patient is caused distress (or those around the patient are caused distress) that can be cured by appropriate therapy or medication. Relieved of his crippling, debilitating condition, the patient is freed to participate fully in social life and form the relationships, personal and work, that are essential for mental health ± IRU QRUPDOLW\ ,I RQ WKH RWKHU KDQG WKH µSDWLHQW¶ LV perfectly satisfied with his life and with his personality, and does not complain of suffering inhibitions, phobias, obsessions or chronic anxiety, then he enjoys mental health by definition. ,Q IDFW D SHUVRQ¶V PHQWDO KHDOWK LV LQ ODUJH SDUW FRnstituted by their capacity to lead a satisfying social life. Moreover it is only the person himself (provided he is conscious of his condition) who can decide whether or not he is in need of a cure, whether or not he needs KHOS7RZDQWWRFKDQJHRQH¶VOLIHLVWRQHHGWRFKDQJHRQH¶VOLIHDQGWRVHWDERXWHIIHFWLQJWKH change. To be ill is WR GHVLUH WREHFXUHGDQG UHOLHYHGRIRQH¶VFRQGLWLRQ FRQYHUVHO\WREH VDWLVILHGZLWKRQH¶VFRQGLWLRQDQGRQH¶VOLIHLVWRHQMR\PHQWDOKHDOWK Cognitive behaviour therapy LVRIWHQFLWHGLQVXSSRUWRISRVLWLYHSV\FKRORJ\¶VFRQWHQWLRQ that people can learn to be more optimistic and positive in their attitudes (see for example Seligman, 2006, p. 75 and Haidt pp. 37-30); and there is certainly evidence that the techniques of cognitive therapy can help break the vicious cycle of negative, self-defeating thoughts and emotions that a person who suffers chronic, neurotic anxiety can fall into. But is there any connection with positive psychology? Cognitive therapy draws a clear distinction between the neurotic anxiety that has little or no basis in reality, and normal fears and anxieties; and it is designed to address the former, not the latter (Burns, 1999, p.212). Its aim is not to transform the person or personality but to remove the psychological blocks and neuroses that actively prevent him from leading a normal life - WRPDNHKLPµDOLWWOHPRUHFDOPFRQILGHQWDXGDFLRXVDQGLQGLIIHUHQWWRWKHORRNV DQGMXGJHPHQWVRIRWKHUV¶DQGWRHQDEOHKLPWRDFWE\Uemoving the fear of failure, the fear of not being good enough, the fear of humiliation (André, 2006, p. 75); because it is through action, through work, through social interaction that a person develops self-esteem, a sense of purpose and happiness S 7KH DLP LV GHILQLWHO\ QRW WR FXOWLYDWH µRSWLPLVWLF LOOXVLRQV DERXWUHDOLW\¶DV6HOLJPDQVXJJHVWV 6HOLJPDQS EXWµto help clients realistically evaluate their thoughts, not to show that they are always wrong or that things are always SRVLWLYH¶ :HVWEURRNHWDOS 0RUHRYHUWKHUHLVQRUHIHUHQFHDWDOOLQWKHOLWHUDWXUH of cognitive therapy to a person having to identify their deepest inner needs or goals. The aim is simply to enable people to get on with their ordinary social lives. The aims and the assumptions of cognitive therapy are therefore significantly different to those of positive psychology. The tendency in positive psychology to generalise from extreme cases, in which cognitive behaviour therapy might be appropriate, to the general population, where attitudes
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
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and lives are merely deemed sub-optimal, is also apparent in the research evidence that is cited. For example, in his introduction to the second edition of Learned Optimism, Seligman cites some new research that demonstrates the effectiveness of therapeutic intervention (Seligman, 2006, viii). Members of the experimental group who underwent therapy in the form of behavioural skills workshops were found to be significantly less likely to subsequently suffer moderate to deep episodes of depression and anxiety disorder than members of the control group (22 per cent as against 32 per cent). But because both groups were selected from the top quartile RI\RXQJSHRSOHFRQVLGHUHGPRVWµDWULVN IRUGHSUHVVLRQ¶ in the first place, the number of people who can be judged as having responded to the therapy can only be counted some 2 to 3 per cent of the general population. So though there is evidence to suggest that cognitive behaviour therapy might be effective in treating people with chronic anxiety disorders, there is no evidence to suggest that the wider population would benefit. The evidence cited by Seligman provides no justification at all for positive psychology. So psychology does have a legitimate place in the quest for happiness and the pursuit of the good life, not in the guise of positive psychology, but in its traditional forms of psychotherapy and psychiatry - in other words, in the diagnosis and treatment of mental illness. The aim of these is not however to produce a new person (except perhaps in extreme cases of psychosis and personality disorders) or to enable a person to lead an optimal life, but rather simply to enable the existing person to lead a normal social life.
CULTURE, V I RTUE AND REASON - T HE M I SSI NG I NGREDI ENTS :H KDYH VHHQ WKDW SHRSOH¶V DWWLWXGHV, motives, goals and actions cannot be separated; rather they evolve together in the normal FRXUVHRISHRSOH¶VOLYHV+RZHYHUWKRXJKLWPDNHV no sense to talk of re-FUDIWLQJDSHUVRQ¶VDWWLWXGHVWREHPRUHSRVLWLYH VRWKDWJRDOVFDQEetter be achieved), at least no sense for a normal person, it is possible to conceive of a utopian VRFLHW\ LQ ZKLFK SHRSOH¶V DWWLWXGHV DUH JHQHWLFDOO\ FRQGLWLRQHG IURP WKH EHJLQQLQJ WR EH SRVLWLYH LH LQ WKH VHQVH WKDW DQ H[WUDYHUW¶V DWWLWXGHV FDQ EH GHIined as positive). These attitudes would need to be reinforced by education and upbringing, and circumstances would also need to be conducive, but all this would perhaps follow as a matter of course if everyone were positive to begin with. People would all be extraverts in search of challenges and novel experiences, optimists ZLWK µVXQQ\ GLVSRVLWLRQV¶ OLWWOH JLYHQ WR UHIOHFWLRQ except on how to achieve their goals. Would people be happier? Yes ± in the sense that extraverts are naturally more cheerful and outgoing, and socially at ease. But something would be missing. The part of a person that is introverted is the very part that in reflecting on life asks the questions that have concerned us in this chapter - µZKDW LV WKH SXUSRVH RI OLIH¶ µZKDW LV WKH JRRG OLIH¶ µKRZ RXJKW , WR EHKDYH¶DQGµZKRDP,¶ DQGWKDWLQVHHNLQJWRPDNHVHQVHRIOLIHDQGRIKLPVHOIRUKHUVHOI engages in a quest for the truth ± intellectual, moral and aesthetic. This quest, which may or may not be consciously conceived as such, can take many forms. These may include the quest for knowledge within a subject discipline or to produce a work of art; but equally could take the form of the desire to engage in some private pursuit or passion, in which there is an intellectual or aesthetic or moral dimension. But whatever form it takes, there must be some
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awareness of oneself as a rational being whose life is in need of some intelligent purpose or interest. %\ FRQWUDVW SRVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V UHFLSH IRU KDSSLQHVV is akin to a drug, a sedative or DQRG\QH ,W PLJKW LQGXFH D VWDWH RI µIHHOLQJ JRRG¶ EXW LW LV DOVR LV D UHFLSH IRU SHUSHWXDO oblivion.6 In fact, it is precisely because man is by nature endowed with reason, because he is conscious of himself as a rational being not driven merely by animal appetites and biological instinct, that he cannot be conceived simply as an extravert. To be rational is to be conscious RIWKHTXHVWLRQVµZKDWRXJKW,WRGR"¶ DQGKHQFHRIDPRUDOOLIH DQGµZKDWLVWKHSXUSRVHRI OLIH¶ DQGKHQFHRItruth and values). Of course people naturally differ in the degree to which they are disposed to consider these questions, and therefore in the degree to which they are governed by rational goals as opposed to non-rational appetites, instincts and impulses; but to be unaware of the social need to control RU UHVWUDLQ RQH¶V LPSXOVHV WR EH unable to control RQH¶VLPSXOVHVDSSHWLWHVDQGGHVLUHVWREHtotally XQLQKLELWHGLQRQH¶VEHKDYLRXU- is to be so abnormal as to be psychotic. And we have surely arrived here at the heart of the matter. Positive psychology¶VXWRSLD is unrealisable because it ignores that people are rational beings and therefore not motivated solely by biological instinct. Positive psychology inherits from evolutionary psychology and sociobiology the notion that the pleasant emotions people feel, their feelings of well being, have evolved to prompt the behaviour that most enhances their chances of survival (or more precisely their genes¶ FKDQFes of being reproduced); and that reason and rationality are not ends in themselves but simply evolved means to the achievement of ends that remain biologically determined7. But as we have seen, to be a rational being is necessarily to be conscious of oneself as a rational being ± a being able to control instinctive appetites and instincts in the name of goals and ends that are rationally conceived; and these ends cannot by their very nature be conceived as biologically determined in the same sense as our appetites and basic instincts. In short, we have free will. However, if man cannot be conceived purely as an extravert, neither can he be conceived purely as an introvert ± as detached from society and relations with his fellows. To begin with, rational ends can only be pursued within the frame of a cultural inheritance, in the context of the practices, customs and traditions that would give these ends form and substance. The most fundamental part of this inheritance is language itself, and language can only be acquired through initiation into a culture. But there are also certain basic biological needs to be satisfied, not only for food, shelter and reproductive success but affection, friendship, respect and recognition (whether through work or family) ± the things that confer self-esteem on a person.8 6
7
8
5LFKDUG6PLWKQRWHVWKDWµWKHOLPLWDWLRQV RIDFLYLOL]DWLRQGHGLFDWHGWRKDSSLQHVV¶KDYHEHHQWKRURXJKO\H[SORUHG LQWKHG\VWRSLDQQRYHOVRIWKHWZHQWLHWKFHQWXU\RIZKLFK$OGRXV+X[OH\¶VBrave New World is probably the most famous (Smith, 2008, p. 571-2). One might add that it was George Orwell who in 1984 explored the totalitarian implications of the very same civilizations ± the consequences for those who refused to be treated. As the evolutionary psychologist Steven Pinker observes, intelligence is a means to the attainment of our goals, and it is our emotions ± ZKLFK ZHUH µGHVLJQHG WR SURSDJDWH FRSLHV RI WKH JHQHV WKDW EXLOW WKHP¶ - that determine our highest level goals (Pinker, 1999, p. 370). In Beyond Evolution $QWKRQ\ 2¶+HDU H[SORUHV WKH FRPSOH[ ZD\V LQ ZKLFK RXU VHOI-consciousness, our consciousness of ourselves as rational beings transforms the eYROXWLRQDU\'DUZLQLDQYLHZRIPDQ¶VQDWXUHEXW necessarily within a social-cultural frame. Out of this arises a continual tension (perhaps even a tragic tension) between universal reason and limiting tradition, between our rational and our instinctive animal natures (see 2¶+HDU FKDSWHU
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
19
Probably the best-NQRZQDQGPRVWLQIOXHQWLDOZD\RIFRQFHLYLQJDSHUVRQ¶VUDWLRQDOLW\ is in terms of the virtues ± the attitudes and dispositions that society most values and which FRPSULVH VRFLHW\¶V LGHDO RI ZKDW LW LV WR EH KXPDQ ,Q $ULVWRWOH¶V RULJLQDO IRUPXODWLRQ WKH YLUWXHV ZHUH GLYLGHG LQWR WKH PRUDO DQG WKH LQWHOOHFWXDO EXW WKRXJK µZH DUH FRQVWLWXWHG E\ nature tRUHFHLYHWKHP¶ $ULVWRWOH, 1976, p.91), training and instruction are needed to inculcate them, to habituate them so that they become second nature. Once again, a person is formed within a culture. However, the acquisition of the virtues is not a matter of mindless conditioning: to be virtuous is not merely to do the right thing but to know that one is doing the right thing (p. 97). There is both a moral and an intellectual dimension to the exercise of the virtues. In RWKHUZRUGVWKRXJKPDQ¶VUDWLRQDOQDWXUH H[SUHVVHGLQWKHH[HUFLVHRIWKHYLUWXHV FDQRQO\ be conceived in the frame of a cultural inheritance (which in a sense conditions it), the practices and traditions that constitute this inheritance are themselves evolving as those who contribute to them engage in their quest for the truth. Michael Oakeshott expresses this idea when he speaks of learning as a µVHOI-FRQVFLRXV HQJDJHPHQW¶ 2DNHVKRWW S D process that as it advances takes on more and more the nature of a self-imposed task. Of all the virtues, the most important are the ones that enable a person to master their appetites, instincts and passions in the name of higher ideals ± temperance, self-control, selfdiscipline DQG µVWUHQJWK RI ZLOO¶ EHFDXVH ZLWKRXW WKHVH D SHUVRQ UHPDLQV D VODYH WR their passions. Whatever their good intentions, these will come to nothing at all without temperance and self-control; and this is recognised by positive psychology just as it was by Aristotle. But how does a person develop these attributes, or attitudes or virtues? You can no more decide (or choose) to be self-disciplined and strong-willed than you can decide to behave rationally, morally or intelligently, or summon up thoughts, attitudes or emotions at will. As we saw earlier, the problem is exemplified by the akratic, the person who having decided to do something ± and being certain right up to the last second that he will do something ± does not do it, or does the opposite of what he intended. It is only with the action that the choice is made and with the action that the determining motives, impulses, reasons or causes can be identified. To be strong-willed, to be able to master your appetites, to be temperate therefore requires education and training ± just as any other virtue; a person must be habituated. Genetic inheritance no doubt plays a part ± some people are naturally more impulsive and less inhibited than others ± but upbringing and education are of vital importance. The virtues do make an appearance in positive psychology LQ WKH JXLVH RI 6HOLJPDQ¶V µVLJQDWXUH VWUHQJWKV¶ 6HOLJPDQ FKDSWHUV Haidt, pp. 167-9), but like the inner needs and desires that are supposed to find expression in our goals, they are conceived as belonging to the authentic inner self of a person and are therefore totally detached from the social-cultural-historical frame. We are supposed to take account of them as we identify our goals but are they any more identifiable ex ante than our inner deepest needs and desires? Like our aptitudes, personality traits, values and beliefs, they can only find form and VLJQLILFDQFHLQWKHRYHUDOOFRQWH[WRIDSHUVRQ¶VOLIH Positive psychology, then, LV RQO\ DEOH µWR SURSHUO\ PDS WKH GRPDLQ RI KXPDQ optimal functiRQLQJ¶ *DEOH DQG +DLGW S E\ FRQFHLYLQJ SHRSOH DV PHFKDQLFDO WR\V divorced from society, culture, history and from each other. You wind them up, program them with the necessary instructions or attitudes, and point them in the right direction; but in what direction? There is no recognition whatever in positive psychology that people exist only by
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Alistair Miller
virtue of being born into a society, a culture, and by being initiated into its norms, practices and traditions; and there is no recognition and that within this frame they can pursue rational as well as non-rational or instinctive ends. Perhaps the reason that a hedonistic life devoted solely to the gratification of our sensual appetites and desires is, ultimately, unfulfilling, is precisely that our rational nature (and the goals that arise out of it) is unsatisfied, unrealised. As Kant noted, though there is pleasure to be derived from the gratification of our sensual appetites and desire, the pleasure is transitory; there is an inner void that cannot be filled. The hedonist is forever denied the sense of inner worth and contentment that can only arise from the mastery RIRQH¶VDSSHWLWHVDQGSDVVLRQVLQ WKHQDPHRIDKLJKHULGHDODQLGHDO WKH0RUDO/DZLQ.DQW¶VFDVH WKDWH[LVWVE\YLUWXHRI PDQ¶VUDWLRQDOLW\ (Kant, 1996, p. 143; 2005, p. 137). Can the sense of inner worth, purpose and fulfilment that comes from being engaged in the pursuit of some higher ideal not also be described in terms of pleasure DQGµZHOOEHLQJ¶",W all depends on how we choose to apply these terms. There is however clearly a conceptual distinction to be drawn between the pleasant feelings that derive from the satisfaction of our animal appetites and basic instincts, and the sense of inner contentment and fulfilment that arises from the restraint of these same appetites and instincts in the name of rationally conceived goals i.e. from the transcendence of our animal nature. To be fair, positive psychology recognises the distinction. For example Ben-Shahar distinguishes between happiness as pleasure and happiness as meaning (Ben-Shahar, p. 34) DQG LW LV LPSOLFLW LQ 6HOLJPDQ¶V QRWLRQ RI µDXWKHQWLF KDSSLQHVV¶ ZKLFK DULVHV IURP µWKH exercise RI VWUHQJWKV DQG YLUWXHV¶ 6HOLJPDQ S 7KH WHUP µIORZ¶ DV GLVWLQFW IURP pleasure) is also widely used in positive psychology to describe the positive feelings, the µHQMR\HG DEVRUSWLRQ¶ ZH H[SHULHQFH ZKHQ HQJDJHG LQ WKH SXUVuit of higher goals (Haidt, p. 224). But there is a total failure WR DFNQRZOHGJH WKDW µIORZ¶ RU PHDQLQJ RU DXWKHQWLF KDSSLQHVV DULVHVIURPPDQ¶VUDWLRQDOQDWXUHIURPWKHSDUWRIKLPWKDWFDQRQO\EHGHYHORSHG by initiation into a social and cultural inheritance. Like their forerunners in humanistic psychology, proponents of positive psychology often remark on the failure of philosophers and humanists to come up with any clear agreed answers to questions concerning the purpose of life, the nature of the good life and happiness (see, for example, Haidt, p. 215). Maslow set the tone for this in Religions, Values and Peak Experiences when he argued vehemently that neither organised religion nor modern humanism have given us guidance on our values or on how we can satisfy our deepest spiritual needs. What is needed according to Maslow is a new science, a new naturalistic knowledge of human nature ± HVSHFLDOO\PDQ¶VKLJKHUQDWXUH ± to guide us (Maslow, 1994, pp. 8-10). And it is in a sense out of this disillusionment that the program of positive psychology has arisen. But to argue that the purpose of life is to maximise some definition of happiness, and that we can therefore set about achieving this goal instrumentally, is really to EHJWKHPRVWIXQGDPHQWDOTXHVWLRQRIDOO µZKDWLVWKHSXUSRVHRIOLIH"¶,QVWHDGRIH[SORULQJ the question, positive psychology simply designates a certain personality type ± the extravert as optimal. &OHDUO\KRZHYHUWKHTXHVWLRQµZKDWLVWKHSXUSRVHRIOLIH"¶FDQRQO\EHH[SORUHGWKURXJK life itself. In After Virtue$ODVGDLU0DF,QW\UHDUJXHVWKDWIRUDSHUVRQ¶VOLIHWRKDYHPHDQLQJ DQG µPRUDO XQLW\¶ LW PXVW EH FRQFeived as an individual quest for the good, but with the nature of the good only becoming apparent in the course of the quest (MacIntyre, 1985, p. 219). This quest must therefore also involve coming to know oneself as a citizen with
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
21
duties and responsibilities, a rational being formed socially, culturally and historically; though RQH¶VXQLTXHJHQHWLFPDNH-up and personal circumstances will of course also shape this quest, DORQJ ZLWK RQH¶V EDVLF SK\VLFDO-biological needs. Happiness, fulfilment and self-knowledge turn out to be inseparable. Even if one agrees with Maslow that the humanities have lost their way and descended LQWRµDFKDRV RIUHODWLYLVP¶ 0DVORZS WKe correct response is surely to play RQH¶VSDUWLQ recovering older traditions, to participate in the conversation, to find new responses to the modern age QRWWRWXUQRQH¶VEDFN on our cultural inheritance and attempt to replace it with a scientific solution. Indeed if life is a quest, there are no straightforward answers, no scientific or final solutions. It is therefore not a failing on the part philosophy that many of its insights take the form of questions and paradoxes; not a failing of artists and humanists that they often depict life as mysterious, ironic and tragic. Both offer profound insights into the human condition, but generally not in the form of simple rules or recipes, or positive-negative dichotomies. Michel Lacroix expresses this very well. When philosophers explore the purpose of life, WKHLUVLVµWKHYRLFH of uncertainty, doubt and worry: in spite of that (and perhaps because of WKDW LWLVDYRLFHWKDWKHOSVXVWROLYH¶ /DFURL[S (YHQLIZLVGRP and learning bring us a measure of pain or discomfort, it is a pain that we would not wish to be without. As Richard 6PLWK FRQFOXGHV LQ KLV SDSHU µ7KH /RQJ 6OLGH WR +DSSLQHVV¶ LW LV LQ RXU QDWXUH DV KXPDQ beings to seek wisdom and knowledge, not to seek escape. Smith points to Ray %UDGEXU\¶V Fahrenheit 451 in which the books and the poems ± OLNH0DWWKHZ$UQROG¶VOn Dover Beach - most likely to upset people, to make them unhappy, are burned; and yet these are the ones, precisely because they do illuminate the human condition, that we most need and most value (Smith, 2008, pp. 571-2).
CONCLUSI ON 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V TXHVW WR SURYLGH GHILQLWLYH DQVZHUV WR DJH-old questions FRQFHUQLQJ WKH SXUSRVH RI OLIH WKURXJK µD VFLHQWLILF VWXG\ RI RSWLPDO KXPDQ IXQFWLRQLQJ¶ depends on its making certain key assumptions. First that happiness, which is assumed to be WKHSXUSRVHRIOLIHFDQEHGHILQHGDVµVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶DQGKHQFHPHDVXUHG VHFRQGWKDW DSHUVRQ¶VDWWLWXGHV can be identified independently of their actions and hence conceived as H[SODLQLQJWKHPLQDFDXVDOVHQVH DQGWKLUGWKDWDSHUVRQ¶VLQQHUQHHGVDQGVWUengths (their µDXWKHQWLF VHOI¶ FDQ EH LGHQWLILHG DQG H[SUHVVHG LQ WKH IRUP RI JRDOV achievable with the requisite positive attitudes. So positive psychology identifies the people that are happiest and then proceeds to identify the characteristics of their lives; and it turns out that to achieve happiness, a person must pursue the goals that satisfy their innermost needs and enable them to express their inner strengths, and that to achieve these goals their attitudes need to be sufficiently positive. And since it is the positive attitudes of the extravert that enable him to achieve his goals, satisfy his innermost needs and hence achieve fulfilment and happiness, it is possible to re-craft HYHU\RQH¶s attitudes to be more positive so that they can achieve their goals, lead optimal lives and achieve happiness. We have a scientific formula for a new society.
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Alistair Miller
However there is something suspiciously circular about this whole thesis. To begin with, positiYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V GHILQLWLRQ of happiness DV µVXEMHFWLYH well-being¶ DQG KHQFH LWV measurement in terms of level of satisfaction and pleasant feelings) merely has the effect of equating mental health with the person most likely to experience these feelings: the cheerful, sociable, optimistic extravert. The person naturally endowed with this personality is simply GHVLJQDWHGµKDSS\¶%XWSHUKDSVPRVWLPSRUWDQWO\DSHUVRQ¶VLQQHUQHHGVJRDOV, attitudes and actions cannot be detached from each other; they can only be identified as they are expressed ± in action. We cannot choose ± choose in the sense of exert conscious control or will over our attitudes or motives or goals, as the situation of akrasia exemplifies: the act of choice or will, the intention, cannot be separated from the act itself. Our attitudes, motives and goals FDQ RQO\ HPHUJH LQ WKH FRXUVH RI OLIH 7R GHVFULEH D SHUVRQ¶V JRDOV PRWLYHV DWWLWXGHV DQG aptitudes is not to causally explain their behaviour, but simply to describe it in terms that make it intelligible. The attempt to detach attitudes from behaviour and operationalize them as variables that stand in causal relation to each other therefore merely produces conclusions grounded in empirical data that have no validity. Positive psychology explains nothing at all. The most that can be said for positive psychology is that, deprived of the illusion of an authentic inner self whose expression constitutes an optimal life, its argument that the right attitudes bring happiness reduces to old-fashioned virtue training ± except that the socialcultural-historical frame necessary to develop the virtues has been removed. In fact the good life and its attendant virtues can only make sense as ideals of a moral and political community situated socially, culturally and historically; just as the search for truth (aesthetic, moral and intellectual) and self-knowledge that man engages in by virtue of his rational nature must be situated in continually evolving practices, customs and traditions. Inherited traits, inclinations, dispositions and aptitudes determine in part what we become, but they only have significance in conjunction with the values and attitudes learned in our upbringing, the social and historical circumstances of our lives, and the civilization we are formed in. It is because positive psychology conceives people as completely detached from the social-cultural frame in which their rationality can find expression that it has nothing to tell us at all about the nature of human fulfilment or happiness in its fullest sense. 3HRSOH¶VOLYHVcan be changed for the better through improvements in living and working conditions, and perhaps above all through education; but it is only within the frame of a political community that such changes can be agreed and effected. Cognitive therapy also has a role in helping enable the small proportion of people suffering from debilitating psychiatric conditions and mental disorders to lead relatively normal social lives and hence find purpose and fulfilment. The aim however is not to produce optimistic, goal-setting extraverts leading optimal lives, but simply normal people leading normal lives. As for the vast majority who do not suffer chronic anxiety disorder or other such conditions, positive psychology has nothing to offer. 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V YLVLRQ of utopia could conceivably be realised by conditioning people (through education, through intensive therapy and ultimately through genetic engineering) to be cheerful, sociable and outgoing; to be optimists and extraverts little given to reflection, doubt or anxiety. Though it makes no sense to talk of people leading optimal lives, and this holds regardless of their personalities, the world would probably be a happier place - that is if we define happiness in terms of the feelings of people who are naturally sociable, outgoing and optimistic. But this utopian vision would only have been achieved by WKH HOLPLQDWLRQ IURP SHRSOH¶V OLYHV RI WKH YHU\ TXHVWLRQ WKDW KDV PRWLYDWHG RXU ZKROH
The Psychology of Happiness: Science or Aberration?
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discussion: what is the purpose of life? Our interest in this question arises from our very nature as rational beinJVDQGRXWRIRXUUDWLRQDOTXHVWIRUµWKHWUXWK¶RXUZKROHFLYLOL]DWLRQLWV culture and its art, arises. By conditioning our attitudes, positive psychology eliminates both our quest to answer this question and our very nature as rational beings formed in a civilization. All that is left is the human animal motivated by the need to satisfy instinctive appetites and desires, a conception of human nature that is deeply impoverished. ,W LV DQ DEHUUDWLRQ WR LPDJLQH WKDW SHRSOH¶V QRUPDO, everyday lives can be improved or that personal happiness and fulfilment can be achieved, by the adoption of positive SV\FKRORJ\¶V UHFLSH IRU SHUVRQDO LPSURYHPHQW GLYRUFHG IURP VRFLDO DQG SROLWLFDO UHDOLWLHV The substitute recipe of positive psychology RU µWKH QHZ VFLHQFH RI KDSSLQHVV¶ LV DW EHVW D distraction from the reality RISHRSOH¶VOLYHVDWZRUVWDSVHXGR-science. Any person could be the greatest artist, or scientist, or world leader. But what could have been or might be if only things were different ± attitudes, aptitudes, personality or circumstances ± belongs necessarily to the realm of dreams and fantasy. What is belongs to history and reality; and that is where we live our lives.
REFERENCES André, C. (2006). Imparfaits, libres et heureux. Paris: Odile Jacob. Aristotle, (1976). The Nicomachean Ethics. (Harmondsworth, Penguin Books). Ausubel, D. P. (1968). Educational Psychology: A Cognitive View. (New York, Holt, Rinehart & Winston). Ausubel, D. P. & Robinson, F. G. (1969). School Learning: An Introduction to Educational Psychology. (New York, Holt, Rinehart & Winston). Ben-Shahar, T. (2008). Happier: Can you learn to be happy? Maidenhead: McGraw-Hill. Bradley, F. H. (1962). Ethical Studies. Oxford: OUP. Burns, D. D. (1999). The Feeling Good Handbook. New York: Plume. Collingwood, (1940). An Essay on Metaphysics. Oxford: OUP. Ed Diener, Positive Psychology (2009). Research Information.
(Accessed 08.06.2009). Gable, S. L. & Haidt, J. (2005). What (and Why) Is Positive Psychology? Review of General Psychology, 9. 2, 103-110. Goldie, P. (2002). The Emotions: A Philosophical Exploration. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Gross, R. D. (1992). Psychology: The Science of Mind and Behaviour. London: Hodder & Stoughton. Haidt, J. (2006). The Happiness Hypothesis. (London, Arrow Books). Kane, R. (2005). A Contemporary Introduction to Free Will. New York: OUP. Kant, I. (1996). Critique of Practical Reason. New York: Prometheus Books. Kant, I. (2005). The Moral Law. Abingdon: Routledge. Kierkegaard, S. (1992). Either/Or. London: Penguin. Lacroix, M. (2009). 6H UpDOLVHU 3HWLWH SKLORVRSKLH GH O¶ pSDQRXLVVHPHQW SHUVRQQHO. Paris: Robert Laffont. MacIntyre, A. (1985). After Virtue. (London, Duckworth). Maslow, A. H. (1994). Religions, Values, and Peak-Experiences. London: Penguin Compass.
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Maslow, A. H. (1976). The Farther Reaches of Human Nature. London: Penguin. Matthews, G., Deary, I. J. & Whiteman, M. C. (2003). Personality Traits. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Miller, A. (2008). A Critique of Positive Psychology ± RUµ7KH1HZ6FLHQFH RI+DSSLQHVV¶ ,Q &LJPDQ 5 'DYLV $ µ1HZ 3KLORVRSKLHV RI /HDUQLQJ¶ Journal of Philosophy of Education, (42) 3-4, 591-608. Norem, J. K. (2001). The Positive Power of Negative Thinking. Cambridge MA: Basic Books. 2¶+HDU Beyond Evolution: Human Nature and the Limits of Evolutionary Explantion. Oxford: OUP. Oakeshott, M. (1989). The Voice of Liberal Learning. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund. Pinker, S. (1999). How The Mind Works. London: Penguin Books. Rogers, C. R. (1967). 2Q%HFRPLQJD3HUVRQ $7KHUDSLVW¶V9LHZRI3V\FKRWKHUDS\. London: Constable. Ryle, G. (1990). The Concept of Mind. London: Penguin Books. Seligman, M. E. P. (2006). Learned Optimism. New York: Vintage Books. Seligman, M. E. P. (2007). Authentic Happiness. New York: Free Press. Smith, R. (2008). The Long Slide to Happiness. In Cigman, R., & 'DYLV $ µ1HZ 3KLORVRSKLHVRI/HDUQLQJ¶Journal of Philosophy of Education, (42), 3-4, 559-573. Storr, A. S. (1989). Solitude. London: Flamingo. Westbrook, D., Kennerley, H. & Kirk, J. (2007). An Introduction to Cognitive Behaviour Therapy. London: Sage. Williams, B. (1973). A Critique of Utilitarianism. In Smart, J. J. C. & Williams, B. Utilitarianism For and Against. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wittgenstein, (1958). Philosophical Investigations. Oxford: Blackwell.
In: Psychology of Happiness Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 25-49
ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 2
T HE M EANI NG OF A M EANI NGFUL L I FE Jessica Morgan University of Greenwich, London UK
ABSTRACT Recent research attests to the importance of three distinct orientations to happinesspleasure, engagement, and meaning - which together integrate hedonic and eudaimonic approaches to the good life (Peterson et al. 2005; Ryan & Deci, 2001; Seligman 2002). This chapter considers the concept of meaning in life, a crucial variable for physical health and psychological adjustment in a variety of contexts. The growing focus on positive psychology in recent years has signified a renewed interest in the health benefits of personal meaning, or purpose in life, yet fundamental questions about these concepts remain. Whilst clinical, existential, and humanistic perspectives on the absence or acquisition of meaning in life have all helped lay foundations for attempts at a formal definition, they often disagree over potential criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life construct. Different philosophical and psychological traditions have variously equated meaning in life with certain positive affects, purpose in life, success, personal growth, self-actualisation and a sense of coherence. Furthermore, theories of positive psychological health, motivation, lifespan development, and maturity have all come to incorporate an understanding of meaning in life, resulting in a vast array of conceptualised and operationalised terms. This chapter therefore addresses the need to delineate the phenomenology, antecedents, and consequences of meaning in life from multiple converging and diverging perspectives. It evaluates possible criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life concept, in terms of their philosophical underpinnings and psychological research applications. I examine the extent that these multiple perspectives converge by considering popular psychometric measures of existential meaning and highlighting various measurement issues in the field of meaning research. I then describe the development of the Meaningful Life Measure (Morgan & Farsides, 2009), with its five components of personal meaning - valued life, principled life, purposeful life, accomplished life and exciting life - and discuss its practical and theoretical implications for future research.
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Jessica Morgan
I NTRODUCTI ON Why Study M eaning in Life? The landmark issue of American Psychologist (2000) entirely devoted to positive aspects of psychology signified a renewed interest, originating from the human potential movement RI WKH ¶V LQ DFWLYHO\ SURPRWLQJ SV\Fhological strengths rather than simply curing pathology. Today, the role of desirable phenomena such as valued subjective experiences, positive individual traits, and psychological strengths are increasingly studied in the context of healthy adjustment (Linley & Joseph, 2004; Snyder & Lopez, 2005). Within this framework, an important role of the social and behavioural sciences is to improve quality of life across the board, by investigating what makes life worth living. 3RVLWLYH SV\FKRORJ\¶V empirical investigation of the good life aims to prevent the alienation, apathy, and despair that characterise an empty life, whilst encouraging individual striving and improvement (Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Part of this paradigm-shift has involved an increasing interest in the impact of personal meaning and purpose in life on mental and physical health. Empirical research has established that a sense of personal meaning is positively related both to physical health outcomes (Bower, Kemeny, Taylor, & Fahey, 1998) and to measures of healthy psychological functioning such as self-esteem, happiness and life satisfaction (Battista & Almond, 1973; Debats, van der Lubbe & Wezeman, 1993; Chamberlain & Zika, 1988). A lack of meaning in life is associated with measures of psychological distress such as depression and anxiety, suicide ideation and loneliness (Ellison & Paloutzian, 1982; Harlow, Newcomb, & Bentler, 1986; Zika & Chamberlain, 1992). Other research has shown that personal meaning influences the coping process throughout the life-span, by buffering the deleterious effects of uncontrollable life events (Ganellen & Blaney, 1984; Harlow et al 1986; Lazarus & DeLongis, 1983; Newcomb & Harlow, 1986). In contexts as diverse as job satisfaction, cancer, HIV, bereavement, drug abuse, gerontology, love-styles, psychotherapy and career counselling, meaning in life is widely regarded as essential for psychological adjustment (Bonebright, Clay, & Ankenmann, 2000; Breitbart, 2004; Debats, 1996; . Nicholson, Higgins, Turner, James, Stickle, and Pruitt, 1994; Prasinos & Tittler, 1984; Reker, Peacock, & Wong, 1987; Savickas, 2003; Schwartzberg, 1993; Wheeler, 2001). Therefore, advancing theory, research, and applications of meaning in life has clear practical human benefit. Despite being a crucial and universal indicator of well-being, existential meaning has a relatively short history of psychological enquiry (Reker & Chamberlain, 2000), and better understanding and assessment of the personal meaning construct is clearly needed (Lent, 2004). Therapeutic practices and theories of optimal human functioning have much to gain from an increased understanding of how personal meaning is fostered and maintained. Continued inquiry into the conditions under which a sense of meaning develops promises to improve the quality of human life in a variety of domains.
The Meaning of a Meaningful Life
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W HAT I S M EANI NG I N L I FE? As with many concepts in the existentialist/humanist tradition, mainstream psychology has historically considered meaning in life too vague and boundless a concept for the purposes of theoretical and empirical study (Debats, 1998). This is partly because such a concept relates to some of the fundamental uncertainties of existence that have plagued philosophers, theologians, and individual conscience for centuries. However, whilst questions FRQFHUQLQJOLIH¶VXOWLPDWHPHDQLQJDSSHDUXQDSSURDFKDEOHE\VFLHQWLILFPHWKRGRORJ\%DWLVWD and Almond (1973) point out that social scientists can empirically investigate the nature of an LQGLYLGXDO¶VH[SHULHQFHRIPHDQLQJ and the conditions under which a sense of meaning can occur. This illustrates a clearer starting point for researchers interested in meaning in life. The concept of meaning refers simply to making connections and finding themes in unrelated or changing phenomena, in order to make sense of them (Baumeister & Vohs, 2002). At this abstract level, we can begin to understand that the human phenomenon of experiencing meaning in life involves an evaluation of importance or significance, as a result of a framework RI VHPDQWLF FRQQHFWLRQV EHWZHHQ YDULRXV HOHPHQWV RI OLYLQJ EH WKH\ RQH¶V goals, values, desires, emotions, behaviour, etc. Clinical, existential, and humanistic perspectives on the absence or acquisition of meaning in life have all helped lay foundations for attempts at a formal definition. Existential perspectives viewed the search for meaning as D UHVSRQVH WR WKH IXQGDPHQWDO SUREOHP RI WKH KXPDQ FRQGLWLRQ WKH ZRUOG¶V DEVROXWH meaninglessness. Accordingly, meaning in life was seen as a subjective phenomenon that was created rather than discovered (Sartre, 1948). Early clinical perspectives described the pathological condition of meaninglessness, characterised by a sense of apathy, boredom, and alienation from self and society (Frankl, 1967; Maddi, 1967). Jung (1933) believed that meaning was also important to the non-pathological psyche, proposing that psychologists can only understand life-meaning in the context of normal psychic processes involving spontaneous movement towards goals in the future. Humanistic perspectives further articulated the meaning in life concept, equating it with the fulfilment of specific needs, goals, and values (e.g. Rogers, 1964; Maslow, 1970). Theories of positive psychological health, motivation, lifespan development, and maturity have all come to incorporate an understanding of the meaning in life concept, resulting in a array of conceptualised and operationalised terms, without it being clear how related or distinct each is from the others. These perspectives variously suggest paths to achieving meaning in life, consequences of meaning in life, or criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life concept itself.
M eaning as Happiness The idea that happiness has an important role to play in the living of a meaningful life has a long history, dating back to classical Hellenic philosophy. However, whilst early and contemporary philosophers have consistently argued for happiness as the ultimate goal of human life, there is disagreement in the philosophical literature over how this notion of happiness should be understood (Blackburn, 2001). The hedonic perspective, originally advanced by Aristippus in the third century BC, equates happiness with hedonic pleasure.
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This view regards pleasure as intrinsically good, regardless of its source, and has been UHSHDWHGLQPDQ\IRUPVVXFKDV+REEHV¶DUJXPHQWWKDWKDSSLQHVVLVWKHVXFFHVVIXOSXUVXLWRI our human appetites, and the utilitarian view that the good society is built through individuals maximising pleasure and self-interest (Ryan & Deci, 2001). This can be contrasted with the eudaimonic perspective, most notably advanced by Aristotle, equating happiness with the expression of virtue. Aristotle made the distinction between what he called a life of pleasure, whereby we are slaves to the wrong desires, and the good life of true happiness, whereby we fulfil the right desires. Eudaimonic happiness therefore refers to the worthwhile life, and UHVXOWVIURPOLYLQJLQDFFRUGDQFHWRRQH¶VWUXHVHOIRUdaimonE\H[SUHVVLQJRQH¶VPRUDODQG intellectual virtues (Aristotle, 1985). These two distinct philosophical conceptualisations of happiness have given rise to different paradigms for empirical enquiry into psychological well-being, which are in some areas divergent and in others complimentary (Ryan & Deci, 2001). The field of hedonic psychology has focused on what makes experiences and life pleasant or unpleasant (Kahneman, Diener, & Schwartz, 1999). Subjective well-being (SWB) is the most commonly used hedonic measure of happiness, which assesses positive and negative affect and life satisfaction. Hedonic psychologists are thus interested in pleasures of the mind as well as the body, particularly in cognitive judgements of life satisfaction that concern an overall evaluation of the positive and negDWLYH HOHPHQWV RI RQH¶V OLIH Within this paradigm, the pursuit of happiness beyond the realm of physical hedonism is explored through studying the attainment of goals or valued outcomes in a variety of realms. By allowing people to tell researchers what makes life good, this approach also allows for an idiosyncratic and culturally specific investigation of the good life (Diener, Sapyta, & Suh, 1998). Alternatively, the field of eudaimonic psychology has focused on personal excellence; the realisation of onH¶VWUXHSRWHQWLDORUKLJKHVWFDSDELOLWLHV Measures of positive affect are also utilised within this paradigm, but they are qualitatively different from affective components of SWB. Vitality, the feeling of having available energy, is a eudaimonic measure of positive mood-states such as active, energetic, and lively (Nix, Ryan, Manly, & Deci, 1999). Selfactualising emotions such as joy, excitement, and inspiration are also utilised to measure peak experiences; defining moments of ecstasy or rapture, often of a transcendent or mystical nature, whereby positive feelings are accompanied by a change in perception of self, others, or the world (Mathes, Zevon, Roter, & Joerger, 1982). Other measures used to assess eudaimonia include Personal Expressiveness (Waterman, 1993), and Psychological Wellbeing (PWB; Ryff, 1989), which taps six distinct aspects of human actualisation. Within this paradigm, the phenomenology, antecedents, and consequences of meaning in life are often explicitly explored. However, there is some conceptual confusion across different research foci over whether eudaimonic measures constitute correlates or components of meaningful well-being. For example, Ryff (1989) uses her PWB scales of autonomy, personal growth, self-acceptance, life purpose, environmental mastery, and positive relationships to define eudaimonia, whereas others (Ryan & Deci, 2001) use them to define antecedents to eudaimonia. Meaning in life researchers are therefore faced with the task of identifying the phenomenology, antecedents, consequences, and correlates of meaning in life from multiple converging and diverging perspectives.
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M eaning as Purpose Existentialist philosopher Soren Kierkegaard believed that because the present moment always eludes us, a life lived solely in the present is unsatisfactory. Instead, life should be lived forwards, in a present that constantly transforms the future into the past (Kierkegaard, 1988). This suggests the importance of future goals and plans, which provide life with purpose and direction. %\ WHPSRUDOO\ LQWHJUDWLQJ OLIH¶V SDVW DQG IXWXUH JRDOVWRHQKDQFHWKH present, purpose in life can provide human life with an enduring sense of continuity. The emergence of meaning in life as a psychological concept began with psychiatrist Victor FraQNO¶V ZULWLQJV DERXW KLV LQFDUFHUDWLRQ LQ D 1D]L FRQFHQWUDWLRQ FDPS He GHVFULEHGWKHSV\FKRORJLFDOGDPDJHWKDWUHVXOWHGDVSHRSOH¶VVHDUFKIRUPHDQLQJZDVEORFNHG by extreme suffering, but also observed their potential to find meaning even under such conditions. These insights inspired him and others to develop a theoretical foundation for meaning in life and to consider the clinical implications that arise from a loss of meaning (Frankl, 1967; Maddi, 1967). Frankl (1963) stressed the importance of purpose in life, which enables us to fulfil the demands that life places on us and to understand the meaning of each moment. He believed that meaning of the moment, which refers to lower level goal directedness or purposefulness, facilitates the search for ultimate meaning by integrating our daily experiences. Batista & Almond (1973) attempted to integrate broad perspectives on meaning in their phenomenological analysis of meaningful life and related terms. They concluded that a meaningful life implies living according to a framework of goals through which life can be understood, and results in feelings of integration and significance. Therefore, a life of meaning entails a commitment to global, long-term, and framework-providing goals and values. This was later re-emphasised by Yalom (1980), who proposed that commitment, to whatever purpose, should be the focal point of a definition of meaning. Various psychological theories have incorporated a conceptual understanding of purpose in life. Definitions of mental health and maturity refer to direction, purpose, and intentionality; life-VSDQ GHYHORSPHQWDO WKHRULHV UHIHU WR OLIH¶V FKDQJLQJ SXUSRVHV RU JRDOV These different perspectives variously propose that goals, intentions, and a sense of direction contribute to the feeling that life is meaningful (Ryff, 1989). However, goals are simply defined as internal representations of desired future states (Austin & Vancover, 1996), and clear distinctions can be made between simply having goals for the future, striving to accomplish these goals, and making satisfactory progress towards achieving them. Therefore, purposeful goals are arguably necessary but insufficient criteria for a sense of meaning in life. In other words, whilst tangible goals and future plans contributH WR OLIH¶V PHDQLQJ WKH progression towards and attainment of these goals may be equally important.
M eaning as Success Social cognitive theory proposes that the capacity for intentional and purposive human action is rooted in cognitive activity (Bandura & Cervone, 1983). People regulate their own behaviour not only by setting new personal goals, but also by evaluating their progression towards these goals in a dynamic interplay of cognitions, affects, and environment (Bandura, 1977a). Whilst the setting of explicit and challenging goals can enhance performance
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motivation, simply setting these goals without knowing how one is doing has little effect on performance (Bandura & Cervone, 1983; Locke, Shaw, Saari, & Latham, 1981). 3HRSOH¶V actual and perceived levels of skill and competence help them to decide which goals to set, how much effort to expend, and how long to persevere. Perceived self-efficacy can determine whether goal failure is motivating or discouraging: those with low self-efficacy may be more easily discouraged by failure, whereas those who believe in their ability may intensify their efforts in the face of adversity (Bandura, 1977b). Competence and self-efficacy are therefore both important for positive adjustment and psychological well-being (Bandura, 1977a; 1977b; Scheier & Carver, 1985; Seligman, 1991). As illustrated by research into personal projects, personal strivings, life tasks, current concerns, and possible selves, individuals who expect positive future outcomes in centrally valued life domains should experience greater well-being and less anxiety than those who do not foresee success (Cantor, Norem, Langston, Zirkel, Fleeson, & Cook-Flanagan, 1991; Emmons, 1991; Klinger, 1977; Markus & Ruvolo, 1989; Ruehlman & Wolchik, 1988). There is also evidence that subjective perceptions of ability can directly influence actual performance (Cervone & Peake, 1986). 7KH LPSRUWDQFH RI VXEMHFWLYH DWWLWXGHV WR RQH¶V experience of the world was first emphasised by the Greek Stoic philosophers, who argued WKDWLWLVQRWHYHQWVWKHPVHOYHVEXWUDWKHUSHRSOH¶VMXGJHPHQWVDERXWWKHVHHYHQWVWKDWHIIHFW their lives. Judgements of personal ability or success contribute to a sense of control over RQH¶V OLIH DQG WKLV FDQ IDFLOLWDWH WKH VHDUFK IRU PHDQLQJ LQ life (Frankl, 1963). Various psychological perspectives have linked perceived efficacy to the successful pursuit of meaning in life. Antonovsky (1987) developed a measure of dispositional coping to assess a sense of coherence, whereby people perceive life as comprehensible, manageable, and meaningful. Other self-efficacy related variables have been associated with meaning in life, such as internal locus of control, optimism, self-esteem, competence and environmental mastery (Baumeister, 1992; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964; Kobasa, 1979; Reker et al, 1987; Ryan & Deci, 2000; Ryff, 1989; Seligman, 1991). Whilst self-efficacy beliefs appear to facilitate the pursuit of purpose in life, personal achievements per se are arguably necessary but insufficient criteria for a sense of meaning. 7KLVLVEHFDXVHLIOLIH¶VPHDQLQJZHUHWLHGWRREWDLQLQJPRPHQWDU\WDQJLEOHRXWFRPHVWKHQ their eventual achievement would deprive life of future meaning. In their review of theoretical perspectives on the phenomenology of meaning in life, Battista & Almond (1973) concluded that when a person states that their life is meaningful, they imply not only that they have a framework of goals, beliefs, or values, but that that they are successfully achieving or fulfilling this chosen framework. In this context, people judge the ultimate success of their lives less by their momentary achievements, and more by their ongoing success at being or trying to become a certain type of person. 7KLV RQJRLQJ VHQVH RI DFKLHYLQJ RQH¶V FKRVHQ purpose implies a continual and reflexive process of goal striving, goal development, and personal improvement.
M eaning as I mprovement 7KHQRWLRQRIJURZWK DQGLPSURYHPHQW LVFHQWUDO WR$ULVWRWOH¶VFRQFHSWRIHXGDLPRQLD which describes the process of striving towarGV SHUIHFWLRQ LQ RUGHU WR UHDOLVH RQH¶V WUXH potential. Jung (1933) coined the term individuation to describe this process of being all that
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one can be. Phenomenological psychologists similarly emphasised the importance of personal growth through the fulfLOPHQW RI RQH¶V LQKHUHQW SRWHQWLDOV 0DVORZ 5RJHUV Rogers viewed people as forward moving, with a basic tendency towards striving to maintain and enhance their experiences. Maslow called this tendency the self actualisation motive, the fulfilment of which he viewed as the means to express and achieve personal meaning. The concept of personal growth has provided psychologists with a theoretical framework with which to understand the nature of human development and improvement. Life-span developmental theories have focused on the benefits of continued growth, openness to experience, and the confrontation of new challenges (Ryff, 1989). The organismic valuing theory of growth through adversity has integrated positive and negative implications of the growth tendency in the context of adjustment to trauma (Joseph & Linley, 2005). The humanistic notion of growth implies personal striving towards specific goals that fulfil fundamental psychological needs. Ryff (1989) conceptualised personal growth as a feeling of continued development, flexibility, and improvement in ways that reflect more selfknowledge and effectiveness. The advancement and striving towards badly chosen life goals that do not address inherent needs does not fit with this notion of growth. By clarifying the nature and direction of purposeful strivings, the concept of personal growth is thus applied to some life choices and not others. For example, whilst Mahatma Gandhi and Adolf Hitler both led lives of significant purposeful striving, the concept of meaningful growth cannot be applied to both men. Rather than seeking to introduce morality into the meaning in life concept, this perspective advances a view of human nature in which positive social behaviour and meaning in life are inevitably intertwined. Accordingly, humanistic psychology argues that certain goals, such as increased independence, self-HVWHHPDFFHSWDQFHRIRQH¶VHPRWLRQDO life, and trust in interpersonal relationships, are more meaningful than others.
M eaning as Actualisation Humanistic psychology proposes that social interest is the primary motivating force for human beings, and therefore equates meaning in life with self-actualising behaviour that is expressive of our fundamentally social nature (Adler, 1964). Self-actualisation is an ongoing process through which people are increasingly obliged by their nature towards more prosocial, meaningful goals (Rogers, 1951, 1964; Maslow, 1962, 1970) Underlying this view is the assumption that to avoid illness and psychopathology, humans must fulfil certain fundamental needs. 0DVORZ¶V WKHRU\ RI QHHGV GLVWLQJXLVKHG EHWZHHQ ORZHU-order biological needs such as food, sex, and comfort, and higher-order psychological needs such as self-esteem, relationships, and belonging. Whilst lower-order needs are essential for survival, higher-order needs are also essential for complete psychological development. This theory arranges human wants, values, desires, goals, and actions into a hierarchy of importance or validity, according to the underlying needs that they address. At the top of the hierarchy is the need for self-actualisation (Malsow, 1962; 1970), whereby a person has all their lower needs satisfied, is free of illness, and is using their capacities to the fullest extent. People who experience self-actualisation may also experience a state of transcendence, whereby they actively help others to achieve actualisation (Maslow, 1971). The concept of self-actualisation elucidates the Aristotelian view of well-being as IXOILOOLQJ RQH¶s highest potential, by prescribing the nature of human virtue. Accordingly,
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certain goals are condemned as unhealthy, whilst others are celebrated as truly expressive of human nature. Whilst an element of moral evangelism was sometimes evident in the writings of Maslow and his contemporaries, the spirit of the human potential movement has had a great influence on contemporary psychology, inspiring research into the comparative effect of different types of goals on meaning and well-being. Findings suggest that the fulfilment of certain needs does lead to increased psychological well-being. People who pursue goals leading to a sense of competence, autonomy and relatedness have been consistently shown to experience increased happiness and personal meaning (Ryan & Deci 2000). Variations of the needs for autonomy and relatedness are also found at the apex of many need taxonomies (e.g. Brown, 1965; Carson, 1979; McAdams, 1988; Murray, 1938; Wicker, Lambert, Richardson, & Kahler, 1984; Wiggins, 1979) and the need for competence is apparent in socio-cognitive theories of motivation, which emphasise the importance of goal-efficacy (e.g. Bandura, 1977b). Self-determination theory (Ryan & Deci, 2000; 2001) argues that the pursuit of competence, autonomy, and relatedness is intrinsically rewarding, because these three needs are important and worthwhile outcomes in their own right that allow individuals to achieve their full potential as human beings. By contrast, extrinsically rewarding goals such as the pursuit of mateULDO ZHDOWK VWDWXV DQG RWKHU¶V DSSURYDO DUH EHOLHYHG WR SURPRWH IOHHWLQJ superficial satisfactions unrelated to inherent needs (Kasser & Ryan, 1993). Consistent with this assumption, extrinsically rewarding personal strivings and life tasks have been negatively associated with well-being (Cantor et al, 1991; Emmons, 1991). Other research suggests that extrinsic goals such as the accumulation of material wealth are detrimental to meaning in life when prioritised over more intrinsically rewarding pursuits such as developing close relationships and increasing self-esteem (Kasser & Ryan, 1993; 1996). The humanistic supposition that some goals are more meaningful than others has lead to operationalisations of meaning in life that measure the fulfilment of specific needs. Selfactualisation -RQHV DQG &UDQGDOO DVVHVVHV GLYHUVH FKDUDFWHULVWLFV RI 0DVORZ¶V VHOIactualising person, such as efficient perception of reality, problem centeredness, autonomy, sense of social interest, and engagement in deep relationships. This scale is sometimes used as an outcome measure of meaningful well-being (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996). 5\II¶V 3:% scales also resonate with elements of the self-actualisation concept. 5\II¶V VFDOHV DUH commonly used to measure eudaimonic well-being (Ryff, 1989) or its antecedents (Ryan & Deci, 2001). :KLOVW5\II¶V purpose in life scale does not specify goal content, her remaining scales measure the fulfilment of specific goals such as personal growth, autonomy, competence, self- acceptance, and relatedness. Notwithstanding the purpose in life scale, PWB and self-actualisation appear unsuitable outcome measures of existential meaning, because they do not distinguish between meaning and the sources from which it is derived. This becomes problematic for researchers who wish WRHPSLULFDOO\H[DPLQHKXPDQLVWLFSV\FKRORJ\¶Va priori assumptions about the true nature of the good life. The investigation of variables such as autonomy, competence, and relatedness as potential correlates, antecedents, and consequences of meaning in life is somewhat undermined when meaning scales are confounded with these constructs.
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M eaning as Coherence Battista & Almond (1973) argued that the empirical study of meaning in life requires a definition that is independent of any particular theory. After noting that many authors have talked about personal meaning as a feeling of integration or connectedness, they proposed a GHILQLWLRQ RI PHDQLQJ DV DQ LQGLYLGXDO¶V DELOLW\ WR YLHZ KLV OLIH ZLWKLQ DQ LQWHJUDWLYH framework, perspective, or context, without prescribing what this framework should be. McGregor & Little (1998) similarly argued that the primary theoretical criterion for meaning should be consistency among various elements of the self across time and context, and pointed to psychological theories of balance and dissonance which highlight the motivational importance of a sense of coherence. 7KLV UHVRQDWHV ZLWK %DXPHLVWHU DQG 9RKV¶V definition of meaning as finding connections and themes in unrelated or changing phenomena. $QWRQRYVN\ S[LLL FRQFHSWXDOLVHGDVHQVHRIFRKHUHQFHDV³DJOREDORULHQWDWLRQ that expresses the extent to which one has a pervasive, enduring though dynamic, feeling of FRQILGHQFHWKDW RQH¶VLQWHUQDO DQGH[WHUQDO HQYLURQPHQWVDUHSUHGLFWDEle, and that there is a KLJKSUREDELOLW\WKDWWKLQJVZLOOZRUNRXWDVFDQUHDVRQDEO\EHH[SHFWHG´ She argued that a sense of coherence comprises feelings of meaning in life, as well as feelings that life can be understood and managed. Research into life stories confirms the link between meaning in life and a sense of coherence, by demonstrating that people achieve a sense of unity, meaning, and purpose by linking past memories and future goals into a coherent personal narrative (McAdams, 1993; Singer & Salovey, 1993). McGregor & Little (1998) found that people whose personal projects were consistent with their sense of identity experienced more meaning in life, regardless of what these projects and identities were. A sense of coherence appears to be achievable in a number of different ways. Many potential antecedents to meaning in life such as actualising goals (Rogers, 1951), intrinsic motivation (Ryan & Deci, 2000), self-congruence (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999), and personal expressiveness (Waterman, 1993), may facilitate the search for meaning by providing a sense RIFRKHUHQFHEHWZHHQRQH¶VJRDOVYDOXHVGHVLUHVHPRWLRQVDQGEHKDYLRXU Whilst life can contain some meaning at the elemental level, individuals must take a holistic, top-down approach in order to integrate specific elements of living into a larger and higher purpose (Reker & Wong, 1988). Such a sense of coherence provides life with a unifying framework that offers individuals a highly valued understanding of their lives (Battista & Almond, 1973), and puts the problems of everyday living into perspective, allowing people to engage with DQGFRPPLWWROLIH¶VFKDOOHQJHV $QWRQRYVN\ Philosophical and psychological perspectives have variously argued that meaning in life is synonymous with a sense of happiness, goal striving, success, improvement, actualisation, and coherence. However, as discussed, many of these concepts can be differently interpreted across alternative theoretical paradigms. Reker (2000, p. 41) drew from multiple theoretical approaches in an attempt to integrate diverse criteria of meaning in life. He defined personal PHDQLQJDV³D PXOWLGLPHQVLRQDOFRQVWUXFW FRQVLVWLQJ RIWKHFRJQLVDQFHRIRUGHUFRKHUHQFH DQG SXUSRVH LQ RQH¶V H[LVWHQFH WKH SXUVXLW DQG DWWDLQPHQW RI ZRUWKZKLOH Joals, and the DFFRPSDQ\LQJ VHQVH RI IXOILOPHQW´ However, even this comprehensive definition leaves concepts such as worthwhile, fulfilment, and coherence open to interpretation and in need of further qualification. This necessitates the delineation of different components of personal
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meaning, as well as the differentiation of these components from theorised correlates of meaning in life.
PSYCHOM ETRI C M EASURES OF M EANI NG I N L I FE Various quantitative and qualitative instruments have been developed to measure meaning in life, which Reker (2000) groups into domain-specific measures, context-specific measures, and general measures. Domain-specific measures, which assess the sources from which an individual derives a sense of meaning, include the Meaning Essay Document (DeVogler & Ebersole, 1980), whereby participants are asked to write an illustrative essay about the strongest sources of meaning in their lives. Context-specific measures, which assess how meaning is constructed within the context of a specific experience, include the Constructed Meaning Scale (Fife, 1995), whereby participants complete a questionnaire about the impact of cancer on their sense of identity, interpersonal relationships, and hopes for the future. In order to quantify or measure meaning in general, broadly applicable instruments are QHHGHG WKDW DVVHVV SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ H[LVWHQWLDO EHOLHI V\VWHP WKDW LV KRZ JHQHUDOO\ PHDQLQJIXO they feel that their lives are. General measures therefore assess the existential meaning construct in a global way, measuring the extent that participants experience a sense of coherence or purpose in their lives. These measures are typically quantitative self-report questionnaires (Reker, 2000), and are used to investigate the correlates, antecedents and consequences of a sense of personal meaning. Most meaning research has used the Purpose in Life Test, the Life Regard Index, or the Sense of Coherence Scale; somewhat less often used are the Life Attitude Profile- Revised and the Purpose in Life subscale (Steger, Frazier, Oishi, & Kahler, 2006). These five general meaning measures are briefly described below.
Purpose in Life Test (PI L) The PIL (Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964) was developed to assess the cognitive, affective and behavioural symptoms of meaninglessness or noogenic neurosis (Frankl, 1967) in a clinical setting. ,WPHDVXUHV³the degree to which the subject experiences a sense of meaning DQG SXUSRVH LQ OLIH´ &UXPEDXJK S It is comprised of 20 items with 7-point bipolar response scales, e.g. I have discovered...no purpose or mission in life (1)...clear cut goals and a satisfying life purpose (7); Life to me seems...completely routine (1), ...always exciting (7)
Life Regard I ndex (LRI ) The LRI was developed to assess positive life regard, that is, ³DQLQGLYLGXDO¶VEHOLHIWKDW he is fulfilling a life-framework or life-goal that provides him with a highly valued XQGHUVWDQGLQJ RI KLV OLIH´ %DWWLVWD $OPRQG S This conceptualisation of personal meaning was derived through a phenomenological analysis of meaning in life and related terms, and was intended to be independent of any particular theory. The LRI is
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comprised of 28 items with five-point likert response scales. Fourteen items assess framework, that is, the degree that an individual has a life-view, a set of life-goals, or a purpose in life (e.g. I have a system or framework that allows me to truly understand my being alive). Fourteen items assess fulfilment, that is, the degree that life-goals are being fulfilled and the positive affective consequences of this fulfilment (e.g. I get so excited by ZKDW,¶PGRLQJWKDW,JHWQHZVWRUHVRIHQHUJ\,GLGQ¶WNQRZ,KDG).
Sense of Coherence Scale (SOC) Antonovsky (1987) developed the SOC in an attempt to conceptualise aspects of stressresistance and coping that were predicted correlates of health and well-being. It comprises three subscales: comprehensibility, manageability, and meaning. The meaning subscale (SOC-0 DVVHVVHV ³WKH H[WHQW WR ZKLFK RQH IHHOV WKDW OLIH PDNHV VHQVH HPRWLRQally, that at least some of the problems and demands posed by living are worth investing energy in, are ZRUWK\ RI FRPPLWPHQW DQG HQJDJHPHQW DUH FKDOOHQJHV WKDW DUH µZHOFRPH¶ UDWKHU WKDQ EXUGHQV WKDW RQH ZRXOG PXFK UDWKHU GR ZLWKRXW´ $QWRQRYVN\ S 18). This subscale has eight items with seven-point bipolar response scales (E.g. /LIHLV«FRPSOHWHO\URXWLQH ...full of interest (7); 8QWLOQRZ\RXUOLIHKDVKDG«QRFOHDUJRDOVRUSXUSRVHDWDOO ...very clear goals and purpose (7).
Life Attitude Profile-Revised (LAP-R) Reker (1992) developed the LAP-R in order to operationalise logotherapeutic constructs IURP)UDQNO¶V WKHRU\RIwill to meaning: purpose; coherence, choice/responsibleness; death acceptance; existential vacuum; and goal seeking. For Frankl, the human will to meaning is an inherent motivational tendency to search for meaning and purpose in life. The Personal Meaning Index (PMI) is derived by summing the purpose and coherence GLPHQVLRQV DQG PHDVXUHV D ³VHQVH RI KDYLQJ DFKLHYHd life goals, having a mission in life, having a sense of direction, having a sense of order and reason for existence, and having a logically integrated and consistent understanding of self, others, and life in general (Reker, 2004, p.73). It has 16 items with seven-point likert reponse scales (e.g. I have a mission in life that gives me a sense of direction; My personal existence is orderly and coherent).
Psychological Well-Being: Purpose in Life (PWB-P) 5\II¶V 3:% VFDOHV PHDVXUH DVSHFWV RI HXGDLPRQLF well-being conceptualised in theories of positive psychological functioning: self-acceptance; positive relations with others; autonomy; environmental mastery; personal growth; and purpose in life. The Purpose in Life subscale refers to having goals, intentions, and a clear sense of life-direction, in order to assess ³WKH IHHOLQJ WKHUH LV SXUSRVH LQ DQG PHDQLQJ WR OLIH´ 5\II S . It is comprised of 20 items with six-point likert response scales (E.g. Some people wander aimlessly through life, but I am not one of them; My daily activities often seem trivial and unimportant to me).
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EVALUATI ON OF POPULAR M EASURES Validity Satisfactory internal consistency and temporal stability coefficients are consistently reported for the above scales (e.g. Antonovsky, 1993; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1969; Debats, 1990; Reker, 2004; Ryff, 1989). They generally demonstrate good convergent validity (e.g. Steger et al, 2006), and are substantially correlated with related measures of affect, life satisfaction, and psychological well-being (e.g. Reker, 2004; Ryff, 1989; Zika & Chamberlain, 1992). However, the strength of correlation between popular meaning scales and related measures has called their discriminant validity into question, and led some researchers to speculate whether these meaning scales are confounded with well-being constructs such as mood, depression, and life-satisfaction (Dufton & Perlman, 1986; Steger et al, 2006; Yalom, 1980; Zika & Chamberlain, 1992). Zika & Chamberlain reported that the PIL, LRI, and SOC were generally very strongly associated with a variety of well-being variables; they found correlations ranging from -.36 (between LRI-frame and psychological distress) to .79 (between PIL and life satisfaction). However, a strong association between meaning in life and related measures of life satisfaction, psychological well-being and distress, and positive and negative affect is supported theoretically (Klinger, 1977), and may result because both meaning in life and well-being involve affective experience (Zika & Chamberlain, 1992). Some researchers have removed the affective components from their operationalisations of meaning in life (McGregor & Little, 1998; Steger et al, 2006; Wong, 1998). Such an approach addresses an important methodological issue: if meaning scales are confounded on an item level with variables they correlate with in their research applications, then the accurate interpretation of results is seriously undermined (Steger et al, 2006). Affect-free meaning scales allow for the testing of specific hypotheses concerning affective mediators, moderators, and correlates of meaning in life. However, by neglecting meaningful affective experience they constitute a less comprehensive assessment of the meaning in life construct. Affective experience comprises most operational definitions of meaning in life (Antonovsky, 1987; Battista & Almond, 1973; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964, Reker, 2000) not least because emotional states indicate an appraisal or valuation of life events in relation to the self (Rogers, 1964). Research suggests that certain types of affective experience are particularly relevant to the meaning in life concept. Self-actualising emotions such as joyful, excited, and inspired, have been associated with peak experiences and a change in perception of self, others, and the world (Mathes et al, 1982). Vitality emotions such as energetic, lively, and invigorated have been empirically distinguished from happiness emotions, and whilst the latter were associated with both intrinsically and extrinsically motivated goal achievement, vitality was only associated with intrinsically motivated successes (Nix et al, 1999). Therefore, there is arguably a place for affective measures of meaning in life in certain research contexts.
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Factor Structure Research has generally attested to the multi-dimensionality of the most popular meaning scales. Factor structures of the PIL, LRI, and SOC-M differ from those theorised due to the lack of common factor analytic methods in scale construction (Harris & Standard, 2001; Steger, 2006). Various factor structures have been reported for the PIL: Dufton and Perlman (1986) extracted two factors interpreted as satisfaction and purpose; Chamberlain and Zika (1988) extracted four factors interpreted as commitment and goal achievement, contentedness, control, and excitement and enthusiasm; McGregor and Little (1998) extracted two factors interpreted as happiness and meaning; and Steger (2006) extracted a single factor which appeared to capture the central meaning in life variance. Exploratory factor analysis (EFA) of the SOC as a whole suggested that the SOC-M is multi-dimensional; its items loaded on two factors reflecting enthusiasm for living and purpose in life (Chamberlain & Zika, 1988). Whilst different confirmatory factor analyses (CFAs) of the LRI have both verified and contradicted its a priori two factor solution (Debats et al, 1993; Harris & Standard, 2001; Van Ranst & Marcoen, 1997), EFA previously yielded six factors relating to goal achievement, aimlessness, resignation, broader lack of direction, limitations to goal achievement, and life philosophy or framework (Chamberlain & Zika, 1988). These differences in reported factor structures reflect a lack of consistent methodology across studies. Substantial variations in EFA results have been produced by different study designs, sample sizes, and item contexts; and by the choices researchers made in selecting methods of factor extraction and identifying the number of factors to retain (Costello & Osborne, 2005; Steger, 2006). Failure to replicate the factor structure of these measures may also indicate problems with the scales, such as poor item discrimination, variations in item interpretation across samples, or multiple item content areas (Steger, 2006). Several PIL and LRI items appear to have multiple content domains, or to contain potentially confounding sub-FODXVHV HJ³,I,FRXOGFKRRVH,ZRXOGOLNHQLQHPRUHOLYHVOLNHWKLVRQH´ ³,I,VKRXOG die today, I would feel that life has been very worthwhLOH´ ³,KDYHDSKLORVRSK\RIOLIHWKDW UHDOO\JLYHVP\OLYLQJVLJQLILFDQFH´ ³,KDYHVRPHDLPVDQGJRDOVWKDWZRXOGSHUVRQDOO\JLYH PHDJUHDWGHDORIVDWLVIDFWLRQLI,FRXOGDFFRPSOLVKWKHP´ The multi-dimensionality of popular meaning scales suggests that there is a large number of latent constructs underlying meaning measures as a whole. However, no single scale successfully taps all of these constructs, raising concerns about the theoretical scope of any one measure. Whilst CFA has suggested that popular meaning scales converge to form a single second-order construct (Reker & Fry, 2003), the length of these scales makes their combined use impractical. A related concern is that some meaning scales may include constructs that are peripheral to the meaning in life construct. The PIL has been criticised for measuring variables such as locus of control and responsibility, which are arguably better conceived as antecedents to rather than component parts of meaning in life (Debats, 1996). Whilst the LRI was deYHORSHGLQUHVSRQVHWRWKH3,/¶VDSSDUHQWIDLOXUHWRGLVWLQJXLVKEHWZHHQ meaning and the potential sources from which it is derived (Battista & Almond, 1973), its multi-dimensionality at the second-order level implies that it may also tap extraneous content (Chamberlain & Zika, 1988). Therefore, there is a need to establish both the comprehensiveness of popular meaning measures, and the direct relevance of their underlying dimensions to the meaning in life construct.
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Description versus Prescription When evaluating criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life concept, researchers have variously taken a descriptive or prescriptive approach. For example, Frankl (1963) believed that meaning is discovered through the values of creativity, positive human experiences, and stoic attitudes; Maslow (1970) believed that meaning emerges from within the individual, through the fulfilment of prescribed intrinsic values; and Yalom (1980) believed that meaning is created by the individual through commitment to any set of values. The pervading disagreement over how meaning in life is achieved led Battista & Almond (1973) to take a relativistic approach to integrating various theoretical perspectives. They concluded that when individuals state that life is meaningful: a) they are positively committed to some concept of the meaning of life; b) they have some framework or set of goals from which to view life; c) they see themselves as in the process of fulfilling this life-framework or set of life goals; and d) this fulfilment is experienced as positive feelings of significance. By focusing on LQGLYLGXDOV¶ SURFHVVHV RI EHOLHYLQJ UDWKHU WKDQ RQ WKH FRQWHQW RI WKHLU EHOLHIV %DWWLVWD DQG Almond (1973) maintain that this approach is more conductive to the scientific study of meaning, because it acknowledges divergent belief and value-systems. %DWWLVWD DQG $OPRQG¶V UHODWLYLVWLF RSHUDWLRQDOLVDWLRQ RI PHDQLQJ LQ OLIH ZDV D UHVSRQVHWRFRQFHUQVWKDWWKH3,/¶VLQKHUHQWYDOXHVDQGDVVXPSWLRQVFRXOGOHDGWRGLYHUJHQW item responses across different social, religious, or cultural groups. For example, when Garfield (1973) interviewed several American sub-cultures about their interpretation of PIL items, he concluded that the test was based on values inherent to the Protestant work ethic, such as productivity, activity, and stimulation. %DWWLVWDDQG$OPRQG¶V/5,LVOHVVYDOXH-laden to the extent that it does not prescribe the nature and content of goal-directed behaviour. However, since the meaningfulness of purposeful, future-orientated behaviour is in itself a value-outlook, the LRI, like all meaning scales, can never be completely value-neutral. Nevertheless, the more relativistic meaning measurement is, the more it becomes possible to test the rational credentials of a priori assumptions about the good life. By excluding variables such as personal growth, self-actualisation, spirituality, altruism, and materialism from the meaning in life concept, it becomes possible to scientifically investigate their role as potential antecedents, consequences, or correlates of personal meaning. Positive psychology may eventually take the role of prescribing as well as describing the paths out of meaninglessness and depression (Seligman & Csikzentmihalyi, 2000) but such a role can only result from empirical investigation using rigorous scientific methodology.
T HE CASE FOR A COM PREHENSI VE, ECONOM I CAL AND PRACTI CAL M EASURE Clinical, existential, and humanistic perspectives on personal meaning are at times divergent and at others complementary. In evaluating various criteria for inclusion in the meaning in life concept, there appears to be a confusing array of possibilities, and it is difficult to see how these elements hang together as a unified whole. Furthermore, concepts such as worthwhile goals and fulfilment DUHGLIIHUHQWO\LQWHUSUHWHGDFFRUGLQJWRDUHVHDUFKHU¶V theoretical orientation. Some operationalisations of meaning in life, such as self-actualisation
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(Jones & Crandall, 1986), seek to prescribe what is inherently worthwhile and fulfilling, whilst others, such as the LRI (Battista & Almond, 1973), attempt a more relativistic approach. However, concerns have been raised over the psychometric adequacy and theoretical resonance of all the most popular meaning scales. The field of meaning research needs a comprehensive yet parsimonious meaning measure that is able to scientifically test a priori assumptions about the nature of the good life. Better understanding and assessment of personal meaning is necessary in order to answer fundamental questions about its causes and outcomes. The challenge for meaning in life researchers is to delineate the phenomenology, antecedents, consequences, and correlates of meaning in life from these multiple converging and diverging perspectives.
T HE M EANI NGFUL L I FE M EASURE The development of the Meaningful Life Measure (Morgan & Farsides, 2009) was intended to clarify conceptual and methodological confusion surrounding meaning in life research. It aimed to establish a comprehensive, economic, and psychometrically adequate meaning measure with which to scientifically investigate personal meaning. Constructs underlying popular meaning scales were identified using EFA, and accordingly, peripheral or tangential constructs were separated from central components of meaning in life (Morgan & Farsides, 2009). Extracted factors were used as a foundation developing the MLM, a selfreport questionnaire of distinct yet correlated components of personal meaning. Its five dimensions, as described below, resonate across multiple theoretical perspectives on the good life.
Valued Life MLM-valued life measures a sense that life is inherently valuable or worthwhile. An HYDOXDWLRQ RI OLIH¶V LQWULQVLF VLJQLILFDQFH ZRUWK LPSRUWDQFH RU YDOXH LV FHQWUDO WR WKH meaning in life concept (e.g. Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964; Frankl 1963, 1967; Reker, 2000). Battista & Almond (1973) integrated multiple perspectives on the phenomenology of personal meaning, concluding that meaning is typically experienced as a highly valued understanding of onH¶V OLIH $ULVWRWOH¶V QRWLRQ RI HXGDLPRQLD UHIHUUHG WR WKH worthwhile or valuable life, which he maintained was only achievable through the expression RIRQH¶VPRUDORULQWHOOHFWXDOYLUWXHV Humanist perspectives have similarly theorised that the woUWKZKLOH OLIH LV DFKLHYHG WKURXJK WKH H[SUHVVLRQ RI RQH¶V IXQGDPHQWDO KXPDQ QDWXUH (Adler, 1964; Maslow, 1970). Accordingly, psychologists have sought to prescribe what is inherently worthwhile, equating a valuable life with the fulfilment of specific psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2000; 2001). Whilst MLM-YDOXHG OLIH DVVHVVHV EHOLHIV DERXW OLIH¶V inherent worth, it does not prescribe what makes life worthwhile or valuable, thus facilitating an unbiased investigation of idiosyncratic personal meaning.
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Principled Life MLM-principled life measures a sense of having a personal philosophy; a framework of principles or beliefs through which to understand life. This idea shares some conceptual similarity with what Frankl (1963) termed ultimate meaning, referLQJ WR OLIH¶V IXQGDPHQWDO truths or higher purpose (e.g. God or Nature) that provide life with a unifying framework or sense of coherence. A principled life also resonates with the german philosophical concept of weltanshcauung, which refers to the cultural world-view held by certain groups or individuals. An important concept within the field of existential psychology, weltanshcauung is theorised to provide a consistent sense of existence, and has been correlated with a sense of meaning and purpose in life (Sharpe & Viney, 1973). Terror Management Theory (Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986) argues that people seek validation of their cultural worldview in order to increase their self-esteem, and thereby diminish the existential anguish caused by their conciousness of death. Experimental research using different manipulations of mortality salience and measuring different aspects of cultural worldviews has consistently shown that mortality salience leads to worldview defense (e.g. Florian & Mikulincer, 1997). &RPPLWPHQWWRDQGFRPSOLDQFHZLWKFXOWXUDOYDOXHVHQKDQFHVRQH¶VVHOIHVWHHP E\ SURYLGLQJ RUJDQLVDWLRQ DQG FRQWLQXLW\ WR SHRSOH¶V OLYHV WKHUHE\ FUHDWLQJ WKH conviction necessary to live a reasonable and meaningful life (Solomon, Greenberg, & Pyszczynski, 2004). The framework of principles through which an individual interprets the world and interacts in it (e.g. science, religion, humanism, etc.) integrates specific elements of living into a coherent whole. Some researchers (Battista & Almond, 1973; Yalom, 1980) have maintained that commitment to any type of principles, be they creative, hedonistic, altruistic, or otherwise, should be the focus of a definition of meaning in life. Others (e.g. Maslow, 1970) have equated meaning with commitment to specific principles that address underlying psychological needs. Whilst MLM-principled life assesses a sense of coherence derived through a personal philosophy, it does not prescribe which principles, values, or beliefs comprLVHDQLQGLYLGXDO¶VZRUOGYLHZ
Purposeful Life MLM-purposeful life measures a sense of having clear goals, aims and intentions. Longterm goals can integrate past, present, and future experience into a coherent and meaningful narrative (Battista & Almond, 1973; Kierkegaard, 1988), whereas lower-level goals can HQDEOHLQGLYLGXDOVWRFRQIURQWOLIH¶VFKDOOHQJHVDQGDSSUHFLDWHWKHPHDQLQJRIHDFKPRPHQW (Frankl, 1963). Psychological theories of mental health and lifespan development share the notion that having goals, intentions, and a sense of direction all contribute to the feeling that life is meaningful (Ryff, 1989; Ryff & Keyes, 1995). Humanistic perspectives have argued that goals and intentions contribute to a sense of meaning only when they address important psychological needs (Maslow, 1970). Whilst MLM-purposeful life assesses a sense of PRWLYDWLRQDQGGLUHFWLRQLWGRHVQRWSUHVFULEHWKHFRQWHQWRIDQLQGLYLGXDO¶VSHUVRQDOJRDOV
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Principled Life Meaningful personal philosophy
Exciting Life Personally satisfying experience of life
Valued Life Satisfactory appraisal of life
Purposeful Life Personally meaningful life goals
Accomplished Life Satisfactory progress towards meaningful life goals
Accomplished Life MLM-accomplished life measures a sense that personal goals are being achieved or fulfilled. Goal achievement provides essential performance feedback that enables selfregulation of purposive behaviour. Accordingly, people progress towards, achieve, and reformulate their personal goals in a dynamic interplay of cognitions, affects, and environment (Bandura, 1977b). Battista and Almond (1973) maintained that a sense of meaning in life implies both that an individual has a life-framework, and that they are successfully living according to this chosen framework. In this context, achievement can be understood not only in terms of transient successes, but also in terms of continual progression towards long-term goals. Whilst a similar notion of personal development, improvement, and growth is central to humanistic theories of meaning in life (e.g. Malsow, 1970; Rogers, 1951), these theories have clearly prescribed the desired direction of such growth. MLM accomplished life assesses ongoing personal accomplishments without prescribing the nature RUGLUHFWLRQRIDQLQGLYLGXDO¶VVWULYLQJV
Exciting Life MLM-exciting life measures an enthusiastic orientation that views life as interesting, engaging, and exciting. $IIHFWLYH DSSUDLVDOV RI RQH¶V OLIH DUH FHQWUDO WR PDQ\ conceptualisations of personal meaning (Antonovsky, 1987; Battista & Almond, 1973; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964; Reker, 2000; Rogers, 1964). Certain types of affective experience, such as vitality and self-actualising emotions, appear particularly relevant to the
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meaning in life concept. Feelings of joy, excitement, inspiration, energy, and invigoration have all been associated with meaningful goal achievement (Maslow, 1970; Mathes et al, 1982; Nix et al, 1999). MLM-exciting life shares a degree of conceptual similarity to certain vitality and self-actualising emotions, by assessing the H[WHQW WKDW DQ LQGLYLGXDO¶V OLIH IHHOV exciting and interesting. The radial diagram below summarises the components of personal meaning measured by the MLM, and proposes how these elements might fit together. A sense of principles, purpose, excitement, and accomplishment are all hypothesised to contribute to satisfactory DSSUDLVDOVRIRQH¶VOLIH LH0/0-valued life). Valued life is proposed to come about from having any of these other types meaning, rather than being the average of them. Further research is hoped to validate these proposed schematic relationships. It would also prove interesting to compare these relationships between populations that might derive meaning from diverse sources. In contexts where typical sources of meaning are undermined (e.g. terminal illness, old age, post-traumatic stress), certain MLM subscales may share a relatively strong association with a valued life at the expense of others.
Components of Personal M eaning M easured by the M LM Four of the MLM subscales closely correspond to the four needs for meaning identified by Baumeister and Vohs (2002): the need for moral values, the need for efficacy, the need for self-esteem, and the need for purpose. They suggested that these needs facilitate meaning by making sense of peoplH¶V OLYHV DQG WKDW SHRSOH ZLOO H[SHULHQFH PRUH PHDQLQJ LI PRUH RI these needs are fulfilled. These four needs appear to share a degree of conceptual overlap with a principled, accomplished, valued, and purposeful life respectively The MLM more comprehensively articulates the phenomenology of personal meaning than previous scales, and resonates with multiple theoretical perspectives. However, whilst different theories have variously prescribed the nature and content of meaningful experience, the MLM allows individuals to decide which beliefs, values, goals, and achievements make their lives meaningful. This relativist approach to meaning measurement offers conceptual clarity by distinguishing between components of personal meaning and potential sources from which it is derived.
CONCLUSI ON Theories of positive psychological health, motivation, lifespan development and maturity have all come to incorporate an understanding of meaning in life, resulting in a vast array of conceptualised and operationalised terms. This chapter has attempted to bring conceptual and methodological clarity to the field of meaning research by delineating the phenomenology, antecedents, and consequences of personal meaning as understood by multiple converging and diverging perspectives. Meaning in life has been equated with certain positive affects, purpose in life, success, personal growth, self-actualisation, and a sense of coherence by different philosophical and psychological traditions. However, some of these proposed synonyms for meaning arguably better reflect possible antecedents, consequences, or
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correlates of meaning rather than its component parts. Consistent with the confusing array of criteria for potential inclusion within the meaning construct, popular meaning measures assess a number of latent constructs. These underlying dimensions differ across individual measures (e.g. Chamberlain & Zika, 1988), seem variously central or peripheral to the meaning in life construct (e.g. Dufton & Perlman, 1986; Garfield, 1973), and typically fail to converge at the second-order factor level (Chamberlain & Zika, 1988). The MLM (Morgan & Farsides, 2009) was developed in response to the apparent lack of a coherent measure that comprehensively assesses central components of the meaning in life construct. Its five dimensions, as outlined in this chapter, measure distinct yet correlated components of personal meaning that resonate across multiple theoretical perspectives on the good life.
I mplications for Theory and Practice The MLM offers the field of meaning research a much needed measurement tool that is comprehensive, economical (Morgan & Farsides, 2009) and psychometrically adequate (Morgan & Farsides, 2009; in press). MLM subscales tap a broad range of meaning-relevant content, and constitute a theoretically unbiased approach to defining personal meaning. In addition to providing a comprehensive composite measure, the MLM also presents the possibility of measuring MLM subscales separately in the future. The strength of association between meaning in life and previously established meaning correlates varies across MLM subscales (Morgan & Farsides, in press), attesting to the practical utility of their separate measurement. For example, spirituality correlates relatively strongly with a principled life, and materialism (Richins and Dawson, 1992) correlates relatively strongly with an exciting life. Therefore, the MLM may prove a useful research tool for investigating the antecedents and consequences of specific aspects of personal meaning. Since the MLM contains no reference to pro-social aspirations, orientation, or behaviour, it also provides an opportunity to further explore KXPDQLVWLF SV\FKRORJ\¶V WKHRULVHG association between meaning in life and altruistic, caring, or philanthropic actions. Whilst theory and research suggests an association between meaning in life and pro-social behaviour (Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996; Maslow, 1970; Magen & Aharoni, 1991), the use of humanistic meaning-indicators comprising a pro-social element raises problems with the interpretation of empirical findings. Humanistic psychological theory equates meaning in life with selfactualising behaviour that is expressive of our fundamentally pro-social nature (Adler, 1964). Self-actualisation is described as a continual process of personal striving, through which people are increasingly motivated by pro-social, meaningful goals (Maslow, 1970; Rogers, 1951). The self-actualising person uses their capacities to the full, and is characterised by an increasing sense of creativity, problem-centeredness, autonomy, closeness to others, morality, and tolerance (Maslow, 1962, 1970). People who experience actualisation may also experience a state of transcendence, whereby they help others to self-actualise (Maslow, 1971). Whilst correlational research supports a link between meaning in life and humanistic concepts such as personal growth, autonomy, competence, relatedness, and altruism (e.g. Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996; Ryan & Deci, 2000, 2001; Ryff, 1989), some of these findings are undermined by the prevailing problems with popular meaning measures described in this chapter. Previous studies that have correlated operationalisations of selfactualisation with personal growth variables are similarly difficult to interpret, since the self-
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actualisation construct is variously confounded with the fulfilment of diverse psychological needs. Therefore, by avoiding a tautological definition of meaning in life and pro-social behaviour, the MLM will allow further empirical investigation into humanistic conceptualisations of personal meaning. By offering comprehensive measurement of idiosyncratic personal meaning, it is hoped that the MLM can contribute to the advancement of meaning research by empirically testing a wide range of hypotheses about the nature of the good life.
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In: Psychology of Happiness Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 51-70
ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 3
H APPI NESS I N CHI LDREN: A REVI EW OF THE SCI ENTI FI C L I TERATURE Mark D. Holder* and Robert J. Callaway University of British Columbia, Okanagan 3333 University Way, Kelowna B.C., Canada V1V 1V7.
ABSTRACT The study of positive subjective well-being has received far less attention than the study of negative dispositions (e.g., depression and anxiety). Though the past decade has witnessed an increased research focus on well-being, including happiness, this increase has been largely based on studies of adults, and to a lesser extent, adolescents and the elderly. Until recently, happiness in children was largely ignored by researchers. However, high levels of happiness in children are strongly desired by adults across many cultures. The limited research on happiness in children is reviewed here. This research suggests that questionnaires (e.g., the Subjective Happiness Scale) and methods (e.g., self-report and other-report) used to assess happiness in adults can be used effectively, with little modification, to assess children. Additionally, many of the correlates of adult happiness (e.g., personality and social relations DUHVLPLODUO\DVVRFLDWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶V happiness. Furthermore, demographic variables that account for little of the variance in DGXOWV¶ KDSSLQHVV OLNHZLVH DFFRXQW IRU OLWWOH RI WKH YDULDQFH LQ FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV However, there may also be some differences in the predictors RI DGXOWV¶ versus FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV )RU H[DPSOH LQFUHDVHG UHOLJLRXV SUDFWLFH SUHGLFWV LQFUHDVHG happiness for adults, but does not predict increased happiness in children. Furthermore, differences between adults and children have been found in the strength of the relations between happiness and its predictors. For example, spirituality may be a stronger SUHGLFWRU RI FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV WKDQ DGXOWV¶ KDSSLQHVV Because studies have only recently LGHQWLILHG VHYHUDO RI WKH IDFWRUV DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV future research to assess the efficacy of strategies designed to enhance happiness in children is discussed.
*
Corresponding author: Email:
[email protected], Phone: 250 807-8728
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Mark D. Holder and Robert J. Callaway
Keywords: happiness; well-being; personality; spirituality; leisure; popularity; life satisfaction; attractiveness; religiousness
Why Study CKLOGUHQ¶VHappiness? A study of adults in 48 countries from 6 continents reported that adults consistently desire high levels of happiness for children (Diener & Lucas, 2004). However, despite that people YDOXH KDSSLQHVV LQ FKLOGUHQ WKH VWXG\ RI FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV KDV UHFHLYHG RQO\ OLPLWHG attention, as most of the research on happiness has focused on adults, and to a lesser extent on adolescents and the elderly (Mahon & Yarcheski, 2002). Moreover, studies of well-being that do include children are often not primarily fRFXVHG RQWKHFKLOGUHQ¶VZHOO-being; they often VWXG\ZKHWKHUSDUHQWV¶KDSSLQHVVDQGVDWLVIDFWLRQ are affected by having children, or whether DGXOWV¶ ZHOO-being is impacted by childhood experiences (e.g., Amato, 1994). However, recent studies show an increased focus on identifying IDFWRUV WKDW FRQWULEXWH WR FKLOGUHQ¶V happiness, as well as on efforts to promote FKLOGUHQ¶VZHOO-being (Ben-Arieh, 2006; Dwivedi & Harper, 2004; Holder & Coleman, 2008). In addition, evidence from a comprehensive meta-analysis of correlational, longitudinal, and experimental research shows that happy adults have numerous advantages in many life-domains, including health, productivity, and social relationships, over their less happy counterparts (see Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005). It follows that happy children may also have distinct advantages over their less happy peersDQGWKXVFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVZDUUDQWV further investigation. 7KRXJKUHODWLYHO\IHZVWXGLHVKDYHLQYHVWLJDWHGFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV, children aged 5-12 years are well-suited to research on emotions in general and happiness in particular. During this period, important objectives of emotional development include considering multiple sources of information when explaining emotions, as well as understanding a wide range of emotions (see Berk, 1994, for a review). For example, children can identify emotions in complex social environments (Schultz, Izard, & Bear, 2004). Additionally, like adults, children are able to understand that in one setting many different emotions can be experienced, and children can attribute causal relations to these emotions (Denham, 1998; Whitesell & Harper, 1989). Thus, children have the capacities that allow for the study of their emotions and their emotional well-being.
Why M ight Happiness in Children and Adults Differ? The numerous factors known to correlate with and predict happiness in adults may not mirror the factors related to happiness in children. For example, marriage (Efkildes, Kalaitzidou, & Chankin, 2003), satisfaction ZLWKRQH¶VMRE $UJ\OH, 2001), spousal happiness (Stull, 1998), and having children (Efkildes et al., 2003) have all been identified as related to DGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV+RZHYHUWKHVHIDFWRUVFDQQRWH[SODLQLQGLYLGXDOGLIIHUHQFHV LQFKLOGUHQ¶V happiness. Therefore, the remaining factors (e.g., personality) must explain a greater SURSRUWLRQRIFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVDQGRUDGGLWLRQDOIDFWRUVIDFWRUVRWKHUWKDQWKRVHLGHQWLILHG for adults, must also play a role in childreQ¶VKDSSLQHVV Indeed, research has shown that the factors that predict life-satisfaction (an important component of well-being related to happiness) do change as we age. For example, grades
Happiness in Children: Review
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achieved in school predict life-satisfaction for children in Grade 2, but do not predict lifesatisfaction for children/adolescents in Grade 8 (Chang, McBride, Stewart, & Au, 2003). Additionally, adult men define happiness in terms of their family-life when they have schoolaged children, but look outside of the family for happiness before and after this phase of the family life-cycle (Harry, 1976). Furthermore, the direction of some of the relations between IDFWRUV DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK DGXOWV¶ KDSSLQHVV LV GLIIHUHQW WKDQ WKH GLUHFWLRQ RI WKRVH UHODWLRQV DVVRFLDWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV)RUH[DPSOHDWWHQGLng church is associated with greater happiness in adults (see Francis, Brown, Lester, & Philipchalk, 1998), but is linked to a decrease in well-being for adolescents (Kelley & Miller, 2007) as well as lower levels of happiness for children (Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, in press). Thus, in general, we cannot simply assume that in the study of happiness, research findings from adults will all apply similarly to children.
How is Happiness in Children M easured? As is the case with adults and adolescentsFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV is assessed with a variety of techniques due to the lack of agreement amongst researchers concerning the definition of happiness, as well as the absence of an ideal measure (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999). The majority of research on happiness employs self-reports (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999), but studies may also include estimates from knowledgeable others (e.g., spouses, parents, and friends) (Pavot & Diener, 1993) or from personal interviews by trained clinicians (Diener, 1994). The use of self-reports has been justified by noting that happiness is chiefly an individual and subjective phenomenon, and therefore, self-reports are appropriate and valid because each person is the critical judge of his or her own happiness (Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005; Myers & Diener, 1995). Self-report measures of happiness include single-item questionnaires that have been shown to be reliable and valid (Abdel-Khalek, 2006; Harry, 1976; Stull, 1988; Swinyard, Kau, & Phua, 2001). Single-item measures are most frequently used to estimate overall enduring happiness (see for example Andrews & Withey, 1976; Cantril, 1965), but may be used to estimate current momentary happiness as well (e.g., Fordyce, 1988). The Faces Scale is a single-item measure based on an adaptation RI $QGUHZV DQG :LWKH\¶V questionnaire DQG LW KDV EHHQ XVHG UHFHQWO\ WR DVVHVV FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV HJ +ROGHU Coleman, 2008). The Faces Scale includes seven simple drawings of faces, organized in a horizontal line. The faces are arranged in order and vary from a face with a very downturned mouth anchored with the words very unhappy to one with a very upturned mouth anchored with the words very happy. Participants select a face that best represents their answer to a question about their feelings HJ³2YHUDOOKRZGR\RXXVXDOO\IHHO"´ 7KH)DFHV6FDOHLV particularly suitable for assessing children because children perform best when recognizing and labeling emotions represented as schematic drawings, as opposed to photographs, and in terms of emotions, they are best at labeling happiness, followed by sadness (MacDonald & Kirkpatrick, 1996). Furthermore, the Faces Scale utilizes a Likert-type scale which has advantages for children; children comprehend Likert-type scales better than visual analogue scales even when given explicit instructions related to the use of visual analogue scales (Shields, Cohen, Harbeck-Weber, Powers, & Smith, 2003). Additionally, children prefer filling in circles and having more, as opposed to fewer, response options (Rebok et al., 2001).
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Mark D. Holder and Robert J. Callaway
The Faces Scale includes filling in circles and seven response options, and therefore, is wellVXLWHGWRDVVHVVLQJFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV In addition to single-item self-report measures of happiness, there are many multiple-item measures (e.g., Hills & Argyle, 1998, 2002; Kozma & Stones, 1980; Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999). In fact, multi-item measures represent the most common assessment tool for assessing happiness (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999). Fortunately, multi-item measures that have been used to assess happiness in adults have been successfully adapted for use with children. For example, the Subjective Happiness Scale, developed by Lyubomirsky and Lepper (1999), was successfully modified for use with students in Grade 4 (Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, in press). The Subjective Happiness Scale assesses enduring or overall subjective happiness. TKLVVFDOHLQFOXGHVIRXULWHPV HJ³&RPSDUHGWRPRVWRIP\SHHUV,FRQVLGHUP\VHOI´ DQG uses a 7-point Likert-type scale. To adapt the language of the Subjective Happiness Scale to a Grade 4 reading level to ensure that children could understand the scale and happiness in children could be measured, two questions were modified (Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, in SUHVV )RUWKHVHWZRTXHVWLRQVWKDWRULJLQDOO\UHDG³7RZKDWH[WHQWGRHVWKLVFKDUDFWHUL]DWLRQ desFULEH\RX"´WKHZRUGLQJZDVVLPSOLILHGWR³+RZPXFKGRHVWKLVVHQWHQFHGHVFULEH\RX"´ Children were able to understand and use this scale appropriately. For instance, reliability ratings of the modified Subjective Happiness Scale were acceptable with children aged 9 to 12 years (Holder & Klassen, in press). In addition to the Subjective Happiness Scale, the Piers-+DUULV &KLOGUHQ¶V 6HOI-Concept Scale (Piers & Herzberg, 20 KDV VXFFHVVIXOO\ EHHQ XVHG WR DVVHVV FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV. This scale is a standardized self-report questionnaire designed to assess self-concept in children and adolescents aged 7-18, and it includes a happiness and satisfaction subscale. This VFDOHFRQWDLQVPDQ\LWHPV WKHVKRUWIRUPKDVLWHPV ZLWKD³\HV´RU³QR´UHVSRQVHIRUPDW and provides a multidimensional measure of self-concept which is reliable and valid (Marsh & Holmes, 1990; Piers & Herzberg, 2002) and easily administered to groups (Piers & Herzberg, 2002). The happiness and satisfaction subscale has been used to estimate wellbeing in children (e.g., Holder & Coleman, 2008; Wood et al., 1996; Young & Bradley, 1998). However, not all multi-item self-report measures of happiness have been used with complete success with children. For example, Holder and Klassen (in press) found that although children had no difficulties comprehending the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire, Short Form, developed by Hills and Arygle (2002), the reliability ratings for the items on this questionnaire were only modest, and lower than those for alternative measures of happiness included in the study. However, the validity of the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire, which uses 29 items instead of the 8 in the short form, has been contested by Kashdan (2004) who claims that the development of this questionnaire was not based on theory and definition, and that it assesses several factors related to well-being in addition to happiness. Therefore, though this questionnaire may have a role in well-being research with children, researchers who want to assess only happiness may prefer to select an alternative. Other methods successfully, but less commonly, used to assess happiness include experiential sampling research (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003; Schimmack, 2003) and the Day Reconstruction Method (Khaneman, Krueger, Schkade, Schwarz, & Stone, 2004). In the Experience Sampling Method, participants, including children, are unpredictably paged several times daily, typically over the course of one week, to obtain samples of current moods and activities (Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003). In the Day
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Reconstruction Method (Khaneman et al., 2004), respondents, typically adults, mentally review their previous day and try to recall their activities and feelings hour by hour. Both of these techniques are valid and reliable measures of momentary fluctuations in happiness. As previously noted, research on happiness has not relied exclusively on self-report measures. For instance, the use of reports by knowledgeable others (e.g., parents rating their children) is also a reliable and valid means of assessing personality (Funder, 1991), as well as happiness and well-being (Lepper, 1998). For example, Holder and Coleman (2008) found acceptable DJUHHPHQWEHWZHHQFKLOGUHQ¶VVHOI-reports DQGSDUHQWDOUHSRUWVRIWKHLUFKLOGUHQ¶V happiness using the Faces Scale. Thus, other-reports of well-being show convergent validity with self-reports (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999; Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, et al., 2005; Myers & Diener, 1995; Sandvik, Diener, & Seidlitz, 1993), as do peer and spouse reports of smiling behaviour (e.g., Harker & Keltner, 2001) and physiological responses (e.g., Lerner, Taylor, Gonzalez, & Stayn as cited in Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, et al., 2005). Therefore, self-reports are consistent with ratings by knowledgeable others, supporting the contention that self-reports are reliable and valid. A relatively new technique to assess happiness involves biological assays to corroborate self- and other-reports. Although there is an extensive and productive literature on the physiological correlates of stress and depression, there is relatively little literature on the physiological correlates of subjective well-being, including happiness. In fact, research identifying the biological markers for subjective well-being is in its infancy and results are not clear (see for example Anderson & Tomenson, 1994; Flory, Manuck, Matthews, & Muldoon, 2004; Zald & Depue, 2001). Furthermore, this approach has not been extensively applied to children and there is no clearly identified biological marker for happiness. Overall, researchers have not reached a consensus on a single best measure of happiness. Therefore, investigators of well-being, including happiness, have proposed that using several measures is likely the best method to accurately assess the multidimensional components of both constructs (e.g., Diener, Sandvik, Pavot, & Gallagher, 1991; Diener & Seligman, 2004). Thus, if happiness is comprised of multiple facets, as is almost certainly the case, several measures may be necessary to obtain a complete perspective. A meta-analysis shows that this approach is common. DeNeve and Cooper (1998) reported that 91% of investigations of subjective well-being utilized multiple measures. Research with children has generally followed this approach and has used several measures of happiness, including self- and otherreports (e.g., Holder & Coleman, 2008; Holder & Klassen, in press).
Are Children Happy? Encouragingly, studies of happiness consistently report high levels of happiness for adults. For example, Myers (2000) stated that in the United States 90% of people selfreportHG WKDW WKH\ ZHUH ³SUHWW\ KDSS\´ RU ³YHU\ KDSS\´ 6WXGLHV ZLWK FKLOGUHQ, aged 8-12 years, show similar results. For example, in a recent study in Canada, using the Faces Scale to assess happiness, Holder and Coleman (2008) found that approximately 90% of children rated themselves in the three highest categories of happiness. Furthermore, using the same scale, about 90% of parents and teachers also rated the same children in the top three happiest categories (Holder & Coleman, 2008).
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These results are somewhat surprising as almost 10% of people in the United Sates will experience depression in any given year (National Institute of Mental Health, 2006). Additionally, though the majority of married people report that they are very happily married (Myers, 1992), divorce rates are 50% in the United States (Myers, 1992) and approaching 40% in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2005). Therefore, the finding that the majority of married people consistently report that they are very happily married is somewhat surprising. Perhaps people over-report their happiness given that many societies, including North American society, reinforce and emphasize behaving in an agreeable and pleasant manner, regardless of DSHUVRQ¶VFXUUHQWPRRG or circumstances (Eysenck, 1990). Eysenck argued that this fosters a strong cultural expectation that unhappiness is not acceptable and should be concealed, and in order to gain social acceptance, unhappy people may learn to imitate the behaviours of genuinely happy people. Given that research has shown people over-report positive socially desirable behaviours and attitudes, such as ethical behaviour at work (Randall & Fernandes, 1991), church attendance (Presser & Stinson, 1998), and the rejection of patriarchal beliefs (Burris & Jackson, 1999), it is conceivable that people may also over-report their levels of happiness by responding to measures of happiness in a similar socially desirable manner. Researchers have noted a long-term concern regarding the role of social desirability bias in assessing happiness. However, they have generally concluded that the effect of socially desirable responding is either not sufficient to compromise the assessment of happiness in adults or that social desirability is in fact a desirable character trait that contributes to positive well-being (Diener et al., 1991; Kozma & Stones, 1980). Unfortunately, most researchers assume that both the construct of social desirability and the tools commonly used to assess socially desirable responding are well-established and valid. Research, however, has not supported this assumption. Several researchers report that the construct of social desirability, and the two most commonly used measures of socially desirable responding, require further validation. For example, Barger (2002), Callaway (2009), and Leite and Beretvas (2005), have all found that the data do not fit the models proposed by Crowne and Marlowe (1960) and Paulhus (1984) for the two most commonly used measures of socially desirable responding. Instead, the data strongly suggest that the construct of social desirability is multidimensional, and not uni- or two-dimensional, as proposed. However, corroborative evidence also strongly suggests that socially desirable responding is a real phenomenon and threatens self-report validity. For instance, Darke (1998) found that intravenous drug users tended to slightly over-report drug use and crime, as corroborated by urine tests and criminal records. In addition, using surreptitious evidence of student cheating, Ong and Weiss (2002) found that 74% of the students who cheated admitted to cheating when in an anonymous condition, but only 25% of the students who cheated admitted to cheating when in a confidential condition. However, on the whole, it appears that happiness researchers can be moderately confident that socially desirable responding does not significantly contaminate measures of happiness and well-being (Callaway, 2009; Tan & Grace, 2008). Unfortunately, though similar concerns and conclusions might be warranted for the assessment of happiness in childrenWKHLPSDFWRIVRFLDOGHVLUDELOLW\RQWKHDVVHVVPHQWRIFKLOGUHQ¶s happiness has not been directly determined.
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The Correlates and Predictors of Happiness; Similarities between Adults and Children Demographics: Studies have examined many possible correlates of happiness. In general, demographic variables (e.g., age, gender, education, employment, and income) tend to show only weak correlations ZLWKDGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV, and thus, do not account for large proportions of the variance in happiness measures (Amato, 1994; Cheng & Furnham, 2003; Ellison, 1991; Lu & Lin, 1998; Pinquart & Sorensen, 2001). Research with children reveals similar results. For example, family demographic variables such as the number of siblings, age of parents, and family income are QRWVWURQJO\FRUUHODWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV +ROGHU &ROHPDQ 2008). In the casHRIIDPLO\LQFRPHIRUH[DPSOHFKLOGUHQ¶VHVWLPDWHVRIWKHLUIDPLO\¶VZHDOWK DJUHHG ZLWK WKHLU SDUHQWV¶ HVWLPDWHV EXW IDPLO\ LQFRPH ZDV QRW DQ LPSRUWDQW SUHGLFWRU RI FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV ,Q RWKHU ZRUGV FKLOGUHQ ZHUH DZDUH RI WKH HFRQRPLc status of their family, but this status was not an important factor in their happiness. However, in at least one other study, high social class was associated with lower levels of happiness in children (Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003). Similarly, research has shown that life-satisfaction in children is not correlated with demographic variables such as age and gender, or the marital or occupational status of their parents (Huebner, 1991). 7KXVLWVHHPVWKDWQHLWKHUDGXOWV¶QRU FKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVDUHVLJQLILFDQWO\LPSDFWHGE\VHYHUDOGHPRJUDSKLFYDULDEOHVFRPPRQO\ thought to contribute to well-being and happiness. Leisure Activities: Leisure activities are thought to promote overall well-being (see Caldwell, 2005). In fact, the relation between well-being and leisure may be of greater magnitude than the relation between physical health and leisure (Sacker & Cable, 2006). The relation between leisure and well-being has been found for a variety of populations engaged in a variety of activities. For example, British adults who took holidays experienced a modest increase in happiness (Gilbert & Abdullah, 2004) while Chinese university students who engaged in leisure activities (Lu & Hu, 2005) and elderly Japanese living in rural areas who adopted hobbies were happier than those who did not (Onishi et al., 2006). In addition, research indicates that the link between leisure and happiness may be causal and enduring. For example, in one study the psychological well-being of adults was predicted by their leisure pursuits when they were adolescents 15 years earlier (Sacker & Cable, 2006). However, the positive relation between well-being and leisure has not always been observed. For example, some outdoor and indoor activities, such as walking (Lu & Hu, 2005) and reading for pleasure (Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003), have not been associated with increased happiness. There are several ways in which engaging in leisure activities may contribute to wellbeing. For instance, leisure activities may cushion the effects of negative experiences (Tedeschi & Calhoun, 1995; 2004; Tedeschi, Park, & Calhoun, 1998). Similarly, Caldwell (2005) suggested that participating in leisure activities may safeguard one against the impact of negative events by providing relaxation, distraction, social support, and feelings of competency and meaning. However, these perspectives of the relation between leisure and well-being were developed largely from research that used adolescents and adults. Nonetheless, these perspectives may also apply to children. For example, engaging in leisure DFWLYLWLHV FDQ LQFUHDVH FKLOGUHQ¶V VRFLDO UHODWLRQVhips (see Caldwell, 2005), and these relationsKLSVDUHUHODWHGWRFKLOGUHQ¶VKappiness (e.g., Holder & Coleman, 2008).
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Often, people have a variety of leisure activities to choose from, and the choice of activity is voluntary (Lu & Hu, 2005) and determined by individual interests and goals, such as relaxation and excitement (Hills & Argyle, 1998). When the choice of leisure activity is voluntary and based on individual interests, research suggests that leisure is associated with increased happiness, autonomy, and self-confidence (e.g., Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003; Frederick-Recascino & Schuster-Smith, 2003). The voluntary nature of the choice of leisure activity is deemed central to the contribution of leisure to well-being according to the SelfDetermination Theory (Deci & Ryan, 1985; Ryan & Deci, 2000). By contrast, when the choice is not self-determined, but rather the choice is made by others, participating in leisure activities is related to decreased levels of self-esteem and increased levels of anxiety (Eccles, Barber, Stone & Hunt, 2003; Frederick-Recascino & Schuster-Smith, 2003; Vandell et al., 2005). The issue of self- versus other-determination, in the relation between leisure and wellbeing, may be pivotal for children)UHTXHQWO\FKLOGUHQ¶VOHLVXUHDFWLYLWLHVDUHFKRVHQE\WKH FKLOGUHQ¶V SDUHQWV, guardians, or teachers $V D UHVXOW FKLOGUHQ¶V ZHOO-being may not be associated with their leisure activities in the same manner as DGXOWV¶ZHOO-being is associated with their leisure activities. An additional factor that may be important in the relation between well-being and leisure is whether the activity is active or passive. For adults, though engaging in active leisure, including leisure related to sports, is associated with increased well-being (Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003; Hills & Argyle, 1998), engaging in passive leisure, such as reading alone, watching television, and using a computer, is related to decreased well-being (Argyle, 2001; Csikszentmihalyi & Hunter, 2003; Shaw & Gant, 2002). A recent study of happiness in children corroborated these results. Holder, Coleman, and Sehn (2009) found that active leisure activities were positively correlated with happiness, but that passive leisure activities were weakly negatively correlated with happiness. In a similar vein, one study concluded that physical activity, closely linked with active leisure pursuits, is positively correlated with psychological well-being in children (Parfitt & Eston, 2005) while another study found that sedentary behavior is negatively correlated with well-being in adolescents (Ussher et al., 2007). However, these studies did not assess important dimensions of positive well-being, such as happiness, and instead primarily focused on negative well-being. For example, Parfitt and Eston (2005) assessed anxiety and depression, and even their measure of self-worth/esteem included items that tapped into negative self-esteem. Similarly, Ussher et al. (2007) assessed well-being with the Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire, which includes dimensions such as conduct problems and peer relationship problems. Thus, although it seems reasonable that physical activity is related to positive psychological well-being and that sedentary activity is related to negative psychological well-being in children, we must be cautious with these conclusions until the evidence is stronger. Personality and Temperament: Research concerning well-being has repeatedly demonstrated a strong association between DGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV and their personality traits. In a recent meta-analysis, Steel, Schmidt, and Schultz (2008) found that 39% to 63% of the variance in subjective well-being can be explained by personality. Specifically, the personality traits of extraversion and neuroticism are strongly linked to happiness. For example, when the relations between well-being and the Big Five personality factors and demographic variables were examined, extraversion and neuroticism were two of the
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strongest correlates of well-being (Gutriérrez, Jiménez, Hernández & Puente, 2005). Finally, in a causal model of the relation between personality and subjective well-being, it was proposed that personality, particularly extraversion and neuroticism, is more strongly associated with the affective component of well-being (e.g., happiness) than the cognitive (e.g., life-satisfaction) component (Schimmack, Diener, & Oishi, 2002). During infancy and childhood the components of personality are referred to as temperament because personality is thought to be still developing. In fact, stability in personality is not reached until early (Costa & McCrae, 1994) or even mid adulthood (Shiner & Caspi, 2003). Thus, childhood temperament is considered the attentional, activational, and affective core of personality. Estimates of temperament usually rely on quantifying observable emotion, but the emphasis is primarily on appraising negative emotions (Belsky, Hsieh, & Crnic, 1996). This emphasis can be attributed to at least three factors: 1) negative emotions are related to later problematic behavior, 2) negative emotions tend to be highly visible and gauged with less difficulty, and 3) parents are more responsive to negative emotions (Belsky, Fish, & Isabella, 1991). Despite the emphasis on negative emotions, Huebner and his colleagues have completed important work showing that components of temperament make an important contribution to positive aspects of well-being. For instance, they found that life-satisfaction and temperament are correlated in children aged 10 to 13 years of age (see Huebner, 1991). In particular, extraversion has a clear positive association and extraversion has a negative association with life-satisfaction in older children and adolescents (McKnight, Huebner, & Suldo, 2002). The Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability theory (EAS-theory) of temperament (Buss & Plomin, 1984) SURSRVHVWKDWDFKLOG¶VWHPSHUDPHQWLVFRPSULVHGRIWKUHHWUDLWV: Emotionality, Activity, and Sociability. Emotionality (chiefly negative) includes the inclination toward distress and being readily and intensely upset. Sociability includes a greater preference for being with others than being alone. Activity includes a higher frequency, duration, and intensity of activities, and choosing high-energy activities over low-energy activities. Although it is not considered a trait, a fourth component of temperament recognized by the EAS-theory is Shyness, which includes avoiding and escaping social situations and feelings of tension and distress. Given that high levels of Sociability and low levels of Shyness parallel the adult trait of extraversion (Buss & Plomin, 1984), it is not surprising that this combination is positively correlated with several measures RIFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV (Holder & Klassen, in press). Likewise, it is not surprising that high levels of Emotionality, the temperament trait which parallels the adult personality trait of neuroticism (Buss & Plomin, 1984), are negatively coUUHODWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV +ROGHU .ODVVHQLQSUHVV 7KXV WDNHQ WRJHWKHU WKH HYLGHQFH VWURQJO\ VXJJHVWV WKDW FKLOGUHQ¶V WHPSHUDPHQW, like adult personality, is a strong predictor of well-being and happiness, and that the individual temperament traits DUHUHODWHGWRFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVLQWKHVDPHGLUHFWLRQDVWKHSHUVRQDOLW\ traits of extraversion and neuroticism DUHUHODWHGWRDGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV Popularity: The research on the link between happiness and popularity in adults and children has yielded mixed results. On the one hand, Ostberg (2003) found increased levels of well-being in children as the children¶VVWDWXVcompared to their peers¶ increased. On the other hand, Kasser and Ahuvia (2002) found that university students who placed a high value on popularity and personal image were less well-off in terms of the level and frequency of their happiness. However, it must be noted that highly valuing popularity is different than actually
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being popular, and therefore, the latter relation does not discount the possibility that actual popularity contributes positively to well-being in adults. Furthermore, popularity and happiness correlate with similar variables. For example, both happiness and popularity are negatively correlated with thoughts of suicide in adolescents (Field, Diego, & Sanders, 2001) and acts of bullying in children (Slee, 1993). Finally, popularity estimated with the Piers Harris Self Concept Scale, second edition, is only weakly positively associated with multiple measures of happiness for children (Holder & Coleman, 2008). On the whole, the data suggest that popularity contributes only modestly to FKLOGUHQ¶V happiness. Physical Appearance: Research has investigated the relation between appearance and happiness because physical appearance is associated with many benefits that may enhance well-being, including happiness. Research has found a modest positive association between attractiveness and well-being. For example, happiness is higher in young adults who judge themselves as more attractive (Neto, 2001). Similarly, happiness levels tend to increase in adult women as their self-ratings of sexual attractiveness increase (Stokes & FrederickRecascino, 2003). Though one study reported that happiness and well-being, assessed with multiple measures, are higher in people judged as more attractive (Umberson & Hughes, 1987), subsequent research challenged these findings by claiming that attractiveness was not adequately assessed (Diener, Wolsic, & Fujita, 1995). Using an improved research methodology, Diener et al. (1995) reported that subjective well-being was only weakly correlated with attractiveness. A recent study with children yielded similar results. When the Piers Harris Self Concept Scale, second edition, was used to assess physical appearance, multiple measures of happiness were positively, but only weakly, DVVRFLDWHGZLWKFKLOGUHQ¶V self-ratings of appearance (Holder &, Coleman, 2008). Despite the conclusion that attractiveness may be only weakly linked to well-being, attractiveness may contribute to happiness indirectly. Based on a meta-analysis, Feingold (1992) summarized that physically attractive people are perceived E\ RWKHUV DV ³PRUH sociable, sexually warm, mentally healthy, intelligent, and socially skilled than unattractive SHRSOH´ S 304). Thus, there are very likely more opportunities for attractive people to engage in behaviours known to contribute to happiness, such as fostering strong social networks, than for their less attractive peers. These opportunities may translate into real advantages, and this favoritism in judging people who are more attractive may apply to children as well. For example, Clifford and Walster (1973) found that teachers judged children as more popular and intelligent if the children were attractive, even when the WHDFKHUV¶NQRZOHGJHRIWKHFKLOGUHQ¶VSHUIRUPDQFHZDV controlled. Thus, to date, it appears that physical appearance is positively correlated with happiness in children, but this association is weak. Social Relationships: Social relationships LQFOXGLQJ WKH TXDOLW\ RI RQH¶V UHODWLRQVKLSV with family members DQG IULHQGV DUH VRPH RI WKH PRVW FULWLFDO FRQWULEXWRUV WR DGXOWV¶ happiness (e.g., Demir & Weitekamp, 2006; see Lyubomirsky, King, & Diener, 2005). Furthermore, many activities that promote happiness involve social components. For example, pursuing active leisure including participation in sports teams (Hills & Argyle, 1998), affiliating with like-minded others and receiving social support while being involved in religious or volunteer activities, (Arygle, 2001, Cohen, 2002; Francis et al., 1998), and
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engaging in acts of kindness toward others (Otake et al., 2006) all involve substantial social interactions and foster stronger social relationships. Perhaps the increase in happiness that accompanies these activities is attributable to the social component of these activities. Not surprisingly, the positive association between happiness and social relationships has been reported for children as well (Holder & Coleman, 2008). For instance, children aged 9 to 12 years who visited frequently with friends were happier than their peers who did not visit frequently with friends. 7KHUHIRUHVLPLODUO\WRWKHLUUROHLQDGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVV, social relations are likely a critical FRPSRQHQWRIFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV
The Correlates and Predictors of Happiness; Dissimilarities between Adults and Children In general, the factors that correlate and predict happiness in adults are similarly related to happiness in children. Likewise, the factors that weakly, or fail to, correlate and predict happiness in adults (e.g., demographics) do not predict happiness in children. However, there are some noteworthy exceptions. One exception involves the relation between personality and happiness. As previously discussed, in general, the personality traits found in adults have their early core counterparts in the temperament traits found in children. For example, Shiner (1998) reported that the Big Five personality dimensions widely accepted and studied in adults had their counterparts in measures RI FKLOGUHQ¶V WHPSHUDPHQW. ShinHU DOVR QRWHG WKDW FKLOGUHQ¶V WHPSHUDPHQW LV comprised of two additional factors including one marked by high activity. Holder and Klassen (in press) reported that the temperament trait of activity was a significant positive predictor of happiness in children. However, the childhood trait of activity has no direct counterpart in adult personality. Nonetheless, activity is also related to extraversion (DeNeve & Cooper, 1998), and as we have dHVFULEHG H[WUDYHUVLRQ LV D VWURQJ SUHGLFWRU RI DGXOWV¶ happiness. Children with high levels of the temperament trait of activity show increased frequency of engaging in, preference for, and duration spent in high-energy activities (Buss & Plomin, 1984). Thus, perhaps the high positive correlation between happiness and the trait of activity observed in children is related to the increase in vigorous physical activity. Results from a longitudinal study of adolescents are consistent with this understanding in that positive affect was higher during participation in physical activities compared to simply resting (Weinstein & Mermelstein, 2007). Thus, the evidence shows that engaging in physical activity is positively correlated with happiness in children, adolescents, and adults. In addition, the traits of activity and extraversion are positively correlated with both engaging in physical activity and with each other. Therefore, although there is a difference between adults and children in predictors of happiness related to personality/temperament traits, it may be a function of the constructs, as they are currently understood. Second, in addition to differences in the relation between FKLOGUHQ¶V temperament and their happiness and aGXOWV¶ SHUVRQDOLW\ and their happiness, there are differences between children and adults in relation to the contributions of religiousness and spirituality to wellbeing. In general, adults who engage in more religious activity are slightly happier than those who participate in less (Arygle, 2001). This positive correlation was supported by a literature review which concluded that the dimensions of spirituality and religiousness, including
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church attendance, were positively associated with happiness for adults (Francis et al., 2003). However, not all research has shown a positive relation between happiness and spirituality and religiousness (Francis, Ziebertz, & Lewis, 2003; Lewis, 2002; Lewis, Lanigan, Joseph, & de Fockert, 1997; Lewis, Maltby, & Burkinshaw, 2000). For instance, based on a review of the literature, Lewis (2002) concluded that whether or not a study identifies an association between well-being and religiousness may be attributable to which measures of well-being the study employs. However, a recent VWXG\RIWKHUHODWLRQEHWZHHQFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVV and their spirituality and religious practices reported results that differed from those typically found with adults in two ways (Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, in press). First, the strength of the relation between happiness and spirituality in children was stronger than that typically reported in adults. For example, up to 26% of the variance LQ FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV ZDV H[SODLQHG E\ WKHLU spirituality, while in adults spirituality typically accounts for 4-5% of the variance in happiness. This apparent difference may be misleading because some studies conducted with adults have methodological limitations that were not present in the study with children. For example, the range of individuals in /HZLVHWDO¶V VDPSOH was severely restricted and therefore not representative of the wider community; only Anglican priests and members of the Anglican Church participated in their studies. Two additional factors may be further complicating the matter (Francis et al., 2003; Lewis, 2002; Lewis et al., 2000). First there is no consensus amongst researchers as to the best measures of spirituality and religiousness. Second, many of the measures that are employed do not assess the constructs of spirituality and religiousness comprehensively; instead they assess the constructs from a more narrow Christian-only perspective. A second difference between predictors of happiness in adults and children involves religious practice. For adults, positive correlations are found between weekly participation in public religious activity and well-being (Maselko & Kubzansky, 2006), religious practice and happiness (Francis et al, 2003), and church attendance and overall life-satisfaction (Ellison, Boardman, Williams, & Jackson, 2001). However, for children, happiness and religious practice are negatively, though weakly, correlated (Holder, Coleman, & Wallace, in press). Perhaps this difference is attributable to the degree of choice involved in participating in religious practices because, similar to the issues of choice of leisure activity, parents may largely determine the place, frequency, and duration RI FKLOGUHQ¶V UHOigious practices. However, church attendance is also a poor predictor of happiness in groups believed or known to have more control over their personal religious practices. For instance, in one study church attendance did not predict DGROHVFHQWV¶life-satisfaction, whether or not they identified with a religious denomination (Kelley & Miller, 2007), and in another, it was not positively related to the well-being of graduate students (Ciarrocchi & Deneke, 2005). Although one might argue that many adolescents PXVWVWLOODELGHE\PDQ\RIWKHLUSDUHQWV¶GHFLVLRQV, and thus, many adolescents lack voluntary choice when it comes to attending a place of worship, graduate students, who are adults, likely make that choice voluntarily. Thus, whether children experience a decrease in happiness because they lack the ability to choose for themselves which religious services to attend, as well as how frequently and for how long, or because of the religious services themselves, is unknown.
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Future Research Through research, effective measures RI FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV have been developed. Using these measures, studies have identified many of the correlates and predictors of FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV 5esearchers can now use these findings to help formulate future research questions and guide their development of research designs. For example, given that temperament is clearly linked to happiness, we have previously suggested that future studies FRXOGLQFRUSRUDWHPHDVXUHVRIWHPSHUDPHQWVLPLODUWRKRZVWXGLHVRIDGXOWV¶KDSSLQHVVRIWHQ incorporate measures of personality to determine how much a variable of interest contributes to happiness over and above the contribution of personality (Holder & Coleman, 2008; Holder & Klassen, in press). For example, Ciarrocchi, Dy-Liacco, and Deneke (2005) used this approach to find that aspects of religiousness and spirituality were significant predictors of hope and optimism over and above the variance accounted for by the five-factor model of personality. Similarly, Lu and Hu (2005) conducted a study of Chinese university students and found that satisfaction with leisure experiences was a significant predictor of happiness even after extraversion and neuroticism were accounted for. Using a parallel approach, VWXGLHVRIFKLOGUHQ¶VKDSSLQHVVFRXOGDVVHVVWHPSHUDPHQWWRGHWHUPLQHZKHWKHUWKHYDULDbles of interest contribute to happiness beyond the contribution of temperament traits. However, studying the relation between adult personality and subjective well-being at the trait level may be limited. Steel et al. (2008) emphasize that the trait level may be too broad because the individual facets that comprise each trait may not all equally contribute to well-being and may not all correlate in the same direction with well-being. Furthermore, some facets of a trait may not be related to well-being at all. Steel et al. (2008) suggest that the study of the relation between personality and well-being may be more informative if personality was studied at the facet level. Similarly, studies of the relation between well-being and temperament in children may benefit from a more detailed perspective by considering the components of each temperament trait rather than the aggregated measure at the trait level. Future research with children should also evaluate the efficacy of procedures thought to SURPRWH FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV. Research with adults has determined that some strategies effectively and enduringly increase happiness (Seligman, Steen, & Park, 2005). For example, FRXQWLQJ EOHVVLQJV LQ RQH¶VOLIHFDQHQKDQFHZHOO-being in adults (Emmons & McCullough, 2003) and young adolescents (Froh, Sefick, & Emmons, 2008). Moreover, in one of the most rigorous investigations to date of multiple strategies designed to enduringly increase happiness, Seligman et al. (2005) showed that three of five tested interventions increased SDUWLFLSDQWV¶KDSSLQHVVDQGGHFUHDVHGGHSUHVVLRQ up to 6 months postintervention, compared to a placebo-controlled group. Few studies have tested strategies designed to enhance well-being in children, even though most adults strongly desire children to be happy. Thus, an important next step in the study of happiness in children should include identifying programs that allow children, parents, and educators to promote happiness in children. However, we should be cautious in adopting a ³one size fits all´ model of promoting children's happiness. Individual adults pursue different strategies, based in part on their personalities, in an attempt to promote their happiness (Tkach & Lyubomirsky, 2006). Thus, it is also likely that the efficacies of SURJUDPV GHVLJQHG WR HQKDQFH FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV will GLIIHU DV D IXQFWLRQ RI FKLOGUHQ¶V temperament. Therefore, those seeking to promote happiness in children should also consider how individual differences in children may influence the effectiveness of strategies.
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ACKNOWLEDGM ENT We would like to thank the following students whose research contributed to the GHYHORSPHQWRIWKLVFKDSWHU 7DEDWKD)UHLPXWK$QGUHD.ODVVHQ=Rɺ6HKQDQG-XGL:DOODFH Andrea and Judi also read an early draft of this chapter. Additionally, Robyn McAdam and Andy Busch contributed to literature reviews of spirituality and temperament respectively. We extend a special thanks to Ben Coleman who has worked with our research team for the past five years and contributed to much of our research program.
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Chang, L., McBride-Chang, C., Stewart, S. M. & Au, E. (2003). Life satisfaction, self concept, and family relations in Chinese adolescents and children. International Journal of Behavioural Development, 27, 182-189. Cheng, H. & Furnham, A. (2003). Personality, self-esteem, and demographic predictions of happiness and depression. Personality & Individual Differences, 34, 921-942. Ciarrocchi, J. W. & Deneke, E. (2005). Happiness and the varieties of religious experience: Religious support, practices, and spirituality as predictors of well-being. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 15, 209-233. Ciarrocchi, J. W., Dy-Liacco, G. S. & Deneke, E. (2008). Gods or rituals? Relational faith, spiritual discontent, and religious practices as predictors of hope and optimism. The Journal of Positive Psychology, 3, 120-136. Clifford, M. M. & Walster, E. (1973). Research note: The effects of physical attractiveness on teacher expectations. Sociology of Education, 46, 248-258. Cohen, A. B. (2002). The importance of spirituality in well-being for Jews and Christians. Journal of Happiness Studies, 3, 287-310. Costa, P. T. & McCrae, R. R. (1994). Stability and change in personality from adolescence through adulthood. In C. F. Halverson Jr., G. A. Kohnstamm, & R. P. Martin, (Eds.) The developing structure of temperament and personality from infancy to adulthood, (139150). Hillsdale, NJ, England: Lawrence Erlbaum Assoc Inc. Crowne, D. P. & Marlowe, D. (1964). The approval motive. New York: Wiley. Csikszentmihalyi, M. & Hunter, J. (2003). Happiness in everyday life: The uses of experience sampling. Journal of Happiness Studies, 4, 185-199. Darke, S. (1998). Self-report among injecting drug users: A review. Drug and Alcohol Dependence, 51, 253-263. Deci, E. L. & Ryan, R. M. (1985). Intrinsic motivation and self-determination in human behavior. New York: Plenum. Demir, M. & Weitekamp, L. A. (2006). I am so happy cause today I found my friend: Friendship and personality and predictors of happiness. Journal of Happiness Studies, 8, 181-211. DeNeve, K. M. & Cooper, H. (1998). The happy personality: A meta-analysis of 137 personality traits and subjective well-being. Psychological Bulletin, 124, 197-229. Denham, S. A. (1998). Emotional development in young children. New York: The Guilford Press. Diener, E. (1994). Assessing subjective well-being: Progress and opportunities. Social Indicators Research, 31, 103-157. Diener, M. L. & Lucas, R. E. (2004). $GXOWV¶ GHVLUHV IRU FKLOGUHQ¶V HPRWLRQV across 48 countries: Association with individual and national characteristics. Journal of CrossCultural Psychology, 35, 525-547. Diener, E., Sandvik, E., Pavot, W. & Gallagher, D. (1991). Response artefacts in the measurement of subjective well-being. Social Indicators Research, 24, 35-56. Diener, E. & Seligman, M. E. P. (2004). Beyond money: Toward an economy of well-being. Psychological Science in the Public Interest, 5(1), 1-31. Diener, E., Wolsic, B. & Fujita, F. (1995). Physical attractiveness and subjective well-being. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 7-32.
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Piers, E. V. & Herzberg, D. S. (2002). Manual for the Piers-Harris &KLOGUHQ¶V6HOI-Concept Scale, 2nd Edition. Los Angeles: Western Psychological Services. Pinquart, M. & Sorensen, S. (2001). Gender differences in self-concept and psychological well-being in old age: A meta-analysis. Journal of Gerontology, 56B, 195-213. Presser, S. & Stinson, L. (1998). Data collection mode and social desirability bias in selfreported religious attendance. American Sociological Review, 6(3), 137-145. Randall, D. & Fernandes, M. E. (1991). The social desirability response bias in ethics research. Journal of Business Ethics, 10, 805-817. Rebok, G., Riley, A., Forrest, C., Starfield, B., Green, B. & Robertson, J., et al. (2001). Elementary school-DJHGFKLOGUHQ¶VUHSRUWVRIWKHLUKHDOWK: A cognitive interviewing style. Quality of Life Research, 10, 59-70. Ryan, R. M. & Deci, E. L. (2000). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55, 68-78. Sacker, A. & Cable, N. (2006). Do adolescent leisure-time physical activities foster health and well-being in adulthood? Evidence from two British birth cohorts. European Journal of Public Health, 16, 331-335. Sandvik, E., Diener, E. A. & Seidlitz, L. (1993). Subjective well-being: The convergence and stability of self-report and non-self-report measures. Journal of Personality, 61, 317-342. Schimmack, U. (2003). Affect measurement in Experience Sampling research. Journal of Happiness Studies, 4, 79-106. Schultz, D., Izard, C. E. & Bear, G. G. (2004). Emotionality, emotion information processing, and aggression. Development and Psychopathology, 16, 371-387. Seligman, M. E. P., Steen, T. A. & Park, N. (2005). Positive psychology progress: Empirical validation of interventions. American Psychologist, 60, 410-421. Shaw, L. H. & Gant, L. M. (2002). Users divided? Exploring the gender gap in internet use. Cyber Psychology & Behavior, 5, 517-527. Shields, B. J., Cohen, D. M., Harbeck-Weber, C., Powers, J. D. & Smith, G. A. (2003). Pediatric pain measurement using a visual analogue scale: A comparison of two teaching methods. Clinical Pediatrics, 42, 227-234. 6KLQHU5/ +RZVKDOOZHVSHDNRIFKLOGUHQ¶VSHUVRQDOLWLHVLQPLGGOHFKLOGKRRG? A preliminary taxonomy. Psychological Bulletin, 124, 308-332. Shiner, R. & Caspi, A. (2003). Personality differences in childhood and adolescence: Measurement, development and consequences. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 44, 2-32. Slee, P. T. (1993). Australian school FKLOGUHQ¶ VHOI DSSUDLVDO RI LQWHUSHUVRQDO Uelations. The bullying experience. Child Psychiatry and Human Development, 23, 273-282. Statistics Canada. (2005). The daily: Divorces. Retrieved December 20, 2006, from http://www.statcan.ca/Daily/English/050309/d050309b.htm Steel, P., Schmidt, J. & Shultz, J. (2008). Refining the relationship between personality and subjective well-being. Psychological Bulletin, 134, 138-161. Stokes, R. & Frederick-5HFDVFLQR & :RPHQ¶V SHUFHLYHG ERG\ LPDJH: Relations with personal happiness. Journal of Women & Aging, 15, 17-29. Stull, D. E. (1988). A dyadic approach to predicting well-being later in life. Research of Aging, 10, 81-101. Swinyard, W. R., Kau, A. & Phua, H. (2001). Happiness, materialism, and religious experience in the US and Singapore. Journal of Happiness Studies, 2, 13-32.
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In: Psychology of Happiness Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 71-93
ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 4
RELATI ONSHI P BETWEEN COGNI TI VE FUNCTI ONI NG AND QUALI TY OF L I FE I N HI V I NFECTI ON Yogita Rai1 and Tanusree Dutta2 1
2
Department of Psychology, Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi. Department of Psychology, M.M.V., Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
ABSTRACT HIV/AIDS is one of the life threatening chronic disease. Neurocognitive impairment is a relative common manifestation of HIV infection and it adversely affects quality of life. This article reviewed how HIV infection influences cognitive functioning, which are the major areas of cognition influenced by HIV infection and in which stage do these cognitive impairments occur. It also explored which domain of quality of life is influenced by HIV infection. In this review, the interrelationship between quality of life and cognitive impairment in HIV infection was also reviewed. This review also discussed the significant gaps in the research. Relevant articles were identified and reviewed which related to cognitive functioning and quality of life from 1986 to 2008. There is a lack of consensus among researches with respect to the decline of cognitive functioning among different HIV infected group. Occurrence of cognitive impairment in later stage of infection is well documented but controversy also exists with respect to cognitive impairment in asymptomatic stage of infection. It was found that cognitive functions that are affected in HIV patient include impairment in concentration, memory, thinking, speech, emotional expression, social behavior, the ability to focus on specific stimuli, coordination and information processing. Determining the quality of life of HIV/AIDS patient is important for estimating the burden of the disease. Various studies suggest that cognitive functioning and quality of life are related. The importance of the study lies EDVLFDOO\ LQ LW¶V DELOLW\ WR LGHQWLI\ WKH DUHDV RI FRJQLWLYH LPSDLUPHQW VRWKDWDSSURSULDWH clinical interventions at the right time can be implemented thereby improving the quality of life, and moreover quality of life assessments are important for developing appropriate services and policies.
Keywords: Cognitive functioning, quality of life, HIV.
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Yogita Rai and Tanusree Dutta
I NTRODUCTI ON An estimated 38.6 million people were living with Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) at the end of 2005, the vast majority of whom were unaware that they were infected (UNAIDS, 2006). HIV attacks the immune system that primarily defends the body against diseases. The most severe manifestation of the infection with HIV is Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome (AIDS). AIDS breaks down WKH ERG\¶V LPPXQH V\VWHP DQG PDNHV LW VXVFHSWLEOH WR µRSSRUWXQLVWLF LQIHFWLRQ¶LH DQ LQDELOLW\ WR ILJKW LQIHFWLRQ7KH +,9 enters into the body of the infected person and multiplies primarily in the white blood cells. The hallmark of HIV infection is the progressive loss of a specific type of immune cells called T helper or CD4 cells. HIV infected individuals are typically classified into three distinct groups. The Center for Disease and Control (1993) has categorized HIV infection into three stages namely asymptomatic, symptomatic and AIDS related conditions. The asymptomatic stage includes HIV patients with CD4 count of above 200 cell per cubic milliliter of blood, without any clinical symptom of the disease. They comprise of category A. The symptomatic category includes patients having a CD4 count between 200-500 cells per cubic milliliter of blood, along with the clinical symptoms of the disease. They comprise of category B. AIDS related conditions however include all HIV infected person who report a CD4 count bellow 200 cell per cubic milliliter of blood with the presence of one or more AIDS related illness. They belong to category C. For 25 years, researchers have attempted to document the extent and progression of cognitive deficits in individuals infected with HIV. Research in the area of HIV infection have sought to identify cognitive impairment especially later stage of infection. Cognitive functioning in earlier stage of infection is identified an interesting area of research. QOL is an important area of research especially people suffering from chronic illnesses such as HIV infection. Information about QOL has a prime use in monitoring the impact of the disease and its progression. The ultimate goal of modern health care for patients with chronic disease is not only to delay death but also to promote health and quality of life. Its clinical utility lies in identifying which dimensions of QOL are most affected by the disease. One resource describes quality of life as being limited to that which is directly affected by health status of population LQYHVWLJDWHG 42/ ³H[WHQGV EH\RQG FRQYHQWLRQDO assessment of health and is PDQ\WLPHVKHDOWKUHODWHGTXDOLW\RIOLIH´ )UDQFKL :HQ]HO 7KHYDVWOLWHUDWXUHODFNV clarity, consistency, and consensus in the definition and measurement of quality of life (Gill & Feinstein, 1994; Holzemer, & Wilson, 1995; Wu, Hays, Kelly, Malitz, & Bozzette, 1997). However the World Health Organization has defined Quality of life as DQµ,QGLYLGXDOV¶ perception of their positions in life in the context of the culture and value system in which they live and in relation to their goals, standards, expectations and concerns. This chapter presents a literature review of the topics relevant to present investigation. It took into studies related to HIV infection and cognitive functioning, QOL and relationship between neuropsychological functioning and QOL in HIV infection have been included in this chapter.
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COGNI TI VE FUNCTI ONI NG I N HI V I NFECTI ON Although it is well established that that HIV related cognitive deficits generally occurs in advanced stage of infection and in the condition of severe immunosupression, other factors that might be lead cognitive abnormality remain controversial. In individuals with HIV-1, the assessment of cognitive function is crucial for classification of AIDS dementia complex (ADC) and also for recognising, treating and monitoring other more subtle manifestations of HIV-related central nervous system (CNS) disease. In patients infected with HIV, about 30±50% develop cognitive or neurobehavioral problems (Marcotte, Grant, Atkinson, & Heaton, 2001). Villa, et al. (1996) repoted that there is subtle but significant cognitive abnormality among asymptomatic HIV infected people. The primary symptom is forgetfulness, which is associated with slowed mental and motor abilities. Loss of balance and leg weakness is early motor signs. Wilkie, et al., (2003) have separately proved the early appearance of cognitive deficits in asymptomatic cases of HIV. Different criteria for old and young age groups are mandated by studies showing different levels of (i) motor- cognitive impairment, and (ii) RTs (reaction times). Pajeau and Roman, (1992) reported that cognitive complications occur in at least sixty percent of the HIV infected patients. Stern, Silva, Chaisson, and Evans, (1996) have reported that early cognitive impairments in HIV-1 infection are most evident in individuals with lower cognitive reserve. Cognitive deficits in HIV infected people have even been predictive of future work disability (Albert, et al.,1995), disease progression (Silva, Stern & Chaisson, 1995) and mortaility (Mayeux, Stern, Tang, Todak, Marder, Sano, Richards, Stein, Ehrhardt & Gorman, 1993). Neuropsychological complications in approximately 30% of asymptomatic individuals and up to 50% of individuals with advanced HIV infection (Heaton, et al., 1995 &White, Heaton, & Monsch, 1995). Reger, Welsh, Razani, Martin, and Boone, (2002) conducted a meta-analysis on 41 studies relating to neuropsychological functioning in HIV-1 infection with respect to disease progression from asymptomatic to symptomatic to AIDS. Findings suggested a progressive decline in cognitive functioning, motor functioning, executive functioning, and information processing speed with respect to disease progression. Various studies have reported subtle cognitive impairment through out the spectrum of HIV infection (Chandra et al., 2005). HIV-1 crosses the blood brain barrier early in the course of infection and can be found in cerebrospinal fluid in almost half of infected individuals before the development of illness that define the Acquired Immunodeficiency Syndrome or other medical symptoms. Neurocognitive impairment is a relative common manifestation of HIV infection (Bornstein, Nasrallah, Para, Whitacre, Rosenberger, & Fass, 1992; Chandra, Desai & Ranjan, 2005; Dore, Correll,, Liy, Kaldor, Cooper & Brew, 1999; Dunbar & Brew, 1996; McArthur,1987; Heaton, et al. 1995; Stern, Perkins & Evans,1988; Thomas & Varas, 1998), this one of the reason why many neyropsychological studies have examined cognitive functioning only. Becker, Lopez, Dew and Aizenstein (2004) using the found that, at baseline, a random sample of HIV positive patients were three times more likely to show cognitive impairment than HIV negative controls on measures of neuropsychological functioning. The most frequent neuropsychiatric complication of the HIV-1 infection is cognitive impairment, which may range in severity from mild cognitive disorder to severe dementing illness (Grant & Martine, 1995; Navia, et al.1986) Presently much is known about the clinical significance of
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moderate to severe cognitive dysfunction that occurs most frequently during the late stages of HIV-1 infection than about the minor impairment that occur in some individuals during the asymptomatic and early symptomatic stages of the disease. AIDS dementia complex is common in the advanced stage of AIDS, which is characterized by abnormalities in cognitive, behavioral and motor functions (Grant, et al., 1987; Navia, Jordan, Prince, 1986; Tross, et al., 1988). Despite the fact that there is early exposure of the nervous system to the HIV infection, relatively little is known about the occurrence or nature of cognitive changes that may occur during early stage of infection. Therefore there has been considerable interest in determining the incidence of cognitive impairment at different stages (Grant, Atkinson, & Hesselink, et al., 1987; McArthur, Cohen, Farzedegan, et al., 1988; Tross, , et. al., 1988). During the last two decades studies have concentrated mainly on the cognitive dysfunction of HIV infected persons (Bornstein, Nasarallah, Para, Whitacre, Rosenberger & Fass, 1993; Lunn, et al. 1992; Wilkins, et al., 1990). These studies indicate that cognitive impairment in HIV infected people are caused by a direct infection in the brain. Bornstein et al., (1993) in one of their study using the neuropsychological test battery have concluded that there is a twofold increase in the cognitive impairment of aymptomatic patients and a fourfold increase in symptomatic patients. By using the Neuropsychological test battery on 55 homosexual men of which 15 with AIDS, 16 with AIDS related complex, 13HIV seropositive and 11 HIV seronegative, Grant, et al. (1987) report that cognitive impairment in symptomatic HIV seropositive patients and cognitive deficit in asymptomatic HIV patients are likely to have important functional consequences. For a patient infected with HIV who is otherwise asymptomatic, these deficits may result in significant morbidity, deficit in memory, attention, retrieval of information, planning which are likely to interfere with performance of daily tasks. Since medical care and drug therapies have allowed patient with HIV to live longer, HIV has become less an acute disease than a chronic one in which morbidity of this sort must be addressed for the important goal of disability limitation. White et al. (1995) qualitatively reviewed and summarized positive and negative findings of 57 studies assessing cognitive impairments in individuals at various stages of HIV disease. They reported that 32% of studies found significant NP differences between the HIV positive (HIV+) subjects and controls, whereas 21% had inconclusive results and 47% found no significant group differences. Nevertheless, in the 30 of these studies that reported prevalence of NP abnormalities within their subject groups, there was almost a threefold increase in the rate of NP impairment among asymptomatic HIV+ groups versus HIV- controls. They also evaluated the relationship between various methodological features and study outcome. By far the most important determinant of study outcome was the length and comprehensiveness of the NP test battery. Albert, et al. (1995) in their study reported that cumulative incidence of work disability in seronegative group was 16%, it was 40% in asymptomatic and 48% in moderately symptomatic group. They found that the asymptomatic group was nearly three times more likely to experience work disability than was the seronegative reference group. This increased the risk is largely the result of a much higher risk among a subset of asymptomatic HIV+ subjects who go on to develop severe neuropsychologic symptoms in the course of infection and these subjects also increase the risk of mortality. Studies refuting the above finding suggest that cognitive impairment does not occur until patients develop AIDS related complex (ARC) (Franzblau, Letz, Hershman, Mason,Wallace & Beksi, 1991; Janssen, et al. 1989; McArthur, et al. 1989). Some studies have reported neurocognitive changes during the asymtomatic stage of infection (Bornstein, et al., 1993; Grant, et al., 1999; Lunn
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et al., 1991; Stern, et al., 1991; Stern, et al., 1992; Villa, et al., 1993; Wilkie, Eisdorfer, Morgan, Loewenstein & Szapoeznik, 1990). Other have found that there are no significant difference between asymptomatic HIV infected subjects and HIV negative controls (Miller, Satz, & Visscher, 1991; Miller, et al., 1990; Tross, et al., 1988; McArthur, et al., 1989; Salnes, Miller, & Mc Arthur, 1990). Cognitive impairment during symptomatic stages of HIV -1 infection are now well documented in different risk group but occurrence of cognitive impairment in clinically asymptomatic HIV seropositive persons is however controversial (Grant et al., 1999; Singh, Sharma, Chakraborty & Sattar, 2001). In an early study conducted by Grant, et al. (1987) reported that high rate of cognitive impairment, but more recent report based on larger cohort of HIV-1 infected homosexual and bisexual men have not been able to replicate the earlier findings (Goethe, et al., 1989; Miller, et al., 1990). Longitudinal follow up of several cohorts is in progress and to date; none has found evidence of progressive cognitive decline during the asymptomatic stages (Salnes, Miller, & Mc Arthur, 1990; 6D\NLQ-DQVVHQ6SUHKQ.DSODQ6SLUD 2¶&RQQRU Salawu, Bwala, Wakil, Bani, Bukbuk, & Kida, (2008) have conducted an study on asymptomatic HIV infected Nigerian people to measure the cognitive functioning and result suggested that HIV positives differed from individually matched control subjects in certain measures of language expression, registration, attention and calculation, orientation to time, motor response and total CSI-D scores. The CD4 cell count of the HIV-seropositive subjects had no significant correlation with the cognitive test scores. Law, et al. (1994) were reported that the HIV positive subjects had significantly longer response latencies on reaction time measures relative to the HIV negative control group. They further reported that slowed processing in early stage HIV-infected individuals is not associated with a working memory. Jacobsen, Gyldensted, Bruhn, Bruhn, Helweg-Larsen and Arlien-Soborg, (1989) were found that there was close relation between a measure of reaction time and ventricular size in unselected AIDS patients. There was no such agreement with regard to asymptomatic seropositive individual. Whereas some studies have shown that otherwise healthy HIV positive subjects are slower on tests of reaction speed and perform less well on motor functioning when compared with non-infected individuals (Dunlop, Bjorklund, Abdelnoor, & Myrvang, 1992; Karlsen, Reinvang, & Froland, 1992; Martin, Sorensen, Edelstein, & Robertson, 1992; Wilkie, et al., 1990). Grassi, et al. (1999) in one of their study have not found any spatial working memory impairment during the asymptomatic phase of HIV infection. They further suggest that although structural and functional frontosubcortical abnormality may be found in HIV infection, they do not imply neuropsychological deficits relative to working memory during the early, asymptomatic stage of the illness. Wilkie, et al. (1990) were examine the cognitive functioning in early HIV infection using cognitive battery measured language, memory, visuospatial information processing speed, reasoning, attention and psychomotor processes. Result suggested that HIV positive group was significantly slower in processing information and performed significantly less on certain verbal memory measures. They further reported that the HIV positive group performed less well than HIV negative group on test designed to measured different aspects of short term and long term verbal memory processes as well as on certain tasks measuring speed of processing both semantic and visual information. Singh, Sharma, Chakraborty & Sattar (2001) evaluated cognitive dysfunction in clinically asymptomatic HIV Seropositive individuals using Luria Nebraska Neuropsychological Battery. They have reported that subtle cognitive deficits are present in asymptomatic seropositive subjects. The overall result indicated that the HIV
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positive group performed less well than the HIV negative group on test designed to measure fine motor speed as well as tests measuring speed of information processing. They further point out that there were no significant difference in performance of the Seropositive and seronegative group on any clinical scales. Edwin et al. (1999) reported that significant differences are present in the cognitive functioning of asymptomatic, symptomatic and uninfected control group. Some neuropsychological studies have evaluated working memory in HIV infected individuals, and all of them have found working memory impairment only in symptomatic subjects (Bartok, Martin, Pitrak, 1997; Law, Martin, Mapou, Roller, Salazar, Temoshock, & Rundell, 1994; Stout, Salmmon, Butters, et. al.,1995). These findings are in agreement with overall neuropsychological data relative to HIV infection, which indicate significant proportions of symptomatic subjects are compromised in their cognitive functioning. Pereda, et al. (2000) made an attempt to analyze the factors associated with neuropsychological performance in HIV ± seropositive subjects without AIDS. Results suggested that cognitive impairment is not characteristic of early HIV infection. This difference remained significant even when scores where adjusted for age, educational level and depression. Many studies have found evidence of slow processing in asymptomatic seropositive individuals, which has been collaborated by psychological status (Ollo, Johnson, & Grafman, 1991). Selnes, et al. (1992) conducted a longitudinal study on asymptomatic HIV-1 infected and intravenous drug users. 160 participants were recruited for more detailed neurologic and neuropsychological follow-up. Results of the study indicate no significant difference in the cognitive performance of HIV infected subjects and sociodemographically appropriate controls during the presymptomatic stage of infection. Although both the HIV infected intravenous drug users and seropositive controls performed significantly below published norm at baseline, both groups showed significant learning effects on semiannual follow-up testing. One study conducted by Robertson, et al. (2007) revealed that Uganda patients with HIV demonstrated relative deficits on measures of verbal learning and memory, speed of processing, attention, and executive functioning compared to HIV negative controls. They further reported that no significant difference in fine and gross motor tests between the HIV positive and HIV negative in this setting. Bornstein, Nasrallah, Para, Fass, Whitacre, and Rice (1991) examined the rate of CD4 decline and neuropsychological performance in HIV infection. Results suggested that the rate of CD4 lymphocyte decline may be a factor that predicts subtle cognitive abnormalities in patients with HIV infection. One approach has been to examine the relationship between neuropsychological performance and various immunologic indicators of disease such as CD4 lymphocyte numbers. Several researches have been evident that there are various factors associated with cognitive deficits in HIV infection. Many studies have examined patients across the spectrum of HIV related diseases and found some relationship between CD4 cell count and neuropsychological measures. For example Mitchell, Marshal, Goethe, Leger and Boswell, (1989) have found that patients with CD4 levels less than 200 had low scores on measures of motor speed, verbal memory acquisition, visual motor speed and mental tracking in comparison to patients with CD4 counts above 200. Osowiecki, et al. (2000) have reported a significant association of CD4 count with neurocognitive deficits. Perry, Belsky- Barr, Barr, and Jacobsberg (1989) found that among HIV positive patients, those scoring in the impaired
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range on neuropsychological measures had lower CD4 counts and lower CD4 /CD8 rations that patients scoring in normal range. It is also possible that rate of CD4 cell loss may be related to the rate of cognitive decline in HIV infected patients. A study conducted by Bornstein et al. (1991)have found that the rate of percent CD4 lymphocyte decline may be a factor that predicts subtle neuropsychological abnormalities in patients with HIV infection. Wig, Ashdhir, Jena, Pal, Vajpayee, Kumar, Kapoor, Khakha, Seth and Pande, (2004) report that HIV infection is associated with high prevalence of neurocognitive dysfunction and there is no significant association between cognitive functions and age, sex, duration of disease, haemoglobin level. Only CD4 level was found to correlated significantly with cognitive functioning. Therefore on reviewing the available literature we find firstly that there is a lack of consensus among researches with respect to cognitive functioning and disease progression among HIV patients. Secondly most of the neuropsychological studies have assessed only cognitive functioning, other domains of neuropsychological functioning in patients have largely been neglected. However there is a wide variability among these studies regarding the percentage of patients who actually exhibits cognitive dysfunction and the specific cognitive domain affected. In the literature, it is clear that there is need to better understanding these discrepant finding.
QOL I N HI V I NFECTI ON Quality of life (QOL) of HIV patients over the period of time has emerged as an important issue as infected individuals are now living longer due to the development of highly active anti-retroviral therapy (HAART). Keeping this in view several studies have been conducted over the period of time to identify the domains which are affected most in patients with HIV. A brief review of the available literature is as follows: This paper reviews existing QOL literature reported in the HIV/AIDS since 1990. There is lack of consensus among investigators regarding standard instrument of measurement. However, there are at least two key areas of agreement among investigators. First, measurement of HRQOL must account for its multidimensionality and second, HRQOL is GHILQHG LQ WHUPV RI DQ LQGLYLGXDO¶V VXEMHFWLYH experiences, so that it is not necessarily observable. There are two distinct type of measures of QOL are identified in available literature that is generic versus HIV specific instruments. A search of the literature identified seven measures specifically developed to measure HRQOL in individuals living with HIV disease. These are including World Health Organization Quality of Life- HIV instrument (WHOQOL-HIV/AIDS), Medical Outcomes Study²HIV Health Survey (MOS-HIV), HIV/AIDS²Targeted Quality of Life (HAT-QoL) Instrument, Functional Assessment of HIV Infection (FAHI) QOL Instrument, AIDS Health Assessment Questionnaire (AIDSHAQ), HIV Overview of Problems Evaluation System (HOPES), Multidimensional Quality of Life Questionnaire for HIV/AIDS (MQoL-HIV). Studies shows that different variables play an important role in determining QOL of people infected with HIV (See figure-1). Sousa, Holzmer, Henry, and Slaughter (1999) conducted a study and results suggested that functional status, personal characteristics such as, age and sex are important variables determining overall HRQOL. The variables identified in their studies include social support, coping style, hopelessness, and recent hospitalization
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and symptoms. QOL is also impaired in patients who are sick and are burdened with physical symptoms of the disease (Bastardo, Kimberlin, 2000; Wachtel, Piette, Mor, Stein, Fleishman, & Crapenter, 1992; Wu, et al., 1991). Kovacevic, Vurusic, Duvancic, and Macek, (2006) measured quality of life of HIV-infected persons in Croatia and reported that a variety of QOL domains suffer in individuals with HIV, but consequences within the social domain dominates, suggesting the severest impact of HIV extends across social aspect of QOL. Secondly younger persons report more positive feeling, better cognitive functioning, higher self-esteem, more satisfaction within the psychological domain of QOL than older persons. And thirdly subjects with higher education report better QOL in the independence and environment domain. In yet another study conducted on 81 HIV-positive adults Eller (2001) found that work status, depression and fatigue predict fifty eight percent of the variance in QOL in persons infected with HIV/AIDS. Swindells, Mohr, Justice, Berman, Squier, Wagener and Singh, (1999) and Friedland, Renwick and McColl, (1996) report that employment, high income, satisfaction with social support, and problem focused coping are associated with significantly better QOL, whereas emotion-focused coping, avoidant coping and hopelessness are predictors of poor quality of life. In many studies presence of symptoms is the strongest indicator of poor quality of life (Revicki, Wu, & Murray, 1995; Rosenfeld, Breitbart, McDonald, Passik, Thaler, & Portenoy, 1996; Vogl, et al., 1999; Wachtel, et al., 1992). The direct and indirect consequences of symptoms can exacerbate physical, psychological, spiritual and financial burdens produced by the disease itself. Pain, for example, can restrict physical functioning or worsen depression and anxiety and interfere with patients ability to interact socially. Age has been associated with quality of life. Worse quality of life in the area of physical and social functioning has been attributed to older age among people living with HIV/AIDS (Piette, Wachtel, More & Mayer, 1995). In a large prospecteve cross-sectional survey done by Vogl, et al., (1999) explored the impact of symptoms on quality of life. In this survey, symptoms were assess and characterized using a validated symptom scale and it was demonstrate d in this population that the number of symptoms and the symptoms distress were highly associated with psychological distress and poorer quality of life. They further reported that older age, female sex, nonwhite race, poor social support, and the presence of intravenous drug use, each have been associated greater distress and poor quality of life. There were significant age differences in quality of life. Participants aged 30 years or younger reported better quality of life than participants aged 31 and older. Literature has shown that the association between age and quality of life has mixed findings. Some previous studies found a limited number of significant differences in age group with quality of life among HIV/AID persons (Smith, Feldman, Kelly, DeHoovitz, Chirgwin & Minkoff, 1996; Wanchetel, Piette, Mor, Stein, Fleishman & Carpenter, 1992). There are also studies that have not found any association between age and quality of life in HIV/AIDS persons (Bourgoyne et al., 2001; Ganz, Coscarelli, Kahn, & Peterson, 1993; Murri, et al., 2003, Swidells, et al, 1999). Another important variable affecting the QOL of HIV/AIDS patient identified by researchers is CD4 count. Wu, et al., (1991), Ware, et al., (1998); Badia, Podzamczer, Garcia, Lopez-Lavid, Consiglio, and the Spanish MQOL-HIV Validation Group (1999) Gill, Grffith, and Jacobson, (2002), Campsmith, Nakashima and Davidson, (2003), reported that patients with higher CD4 counts had better QOL scores, particularly in the domains related to the physical health..
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Study conducted by Vosvick, Koopman, Gore-Felton, Thoresen, Krumboltz and Spiegel, (2003). They examined 142 men and women living with HIV/AIDS using Medical Outcome Study Health Survey and concluded that there is no significant relationship between age and physical or social functioning. They further state that for physical functioning dimension, pain may play an important role in impending quality of life in people living with HIV/AIDS. Pain that is severe enough to interfere with daily living tasks is also associated with lower level of functional quality of life, namely- physical functioning, energy functioning, social IXQFWLRQLQJ DQG UROH IXQFWLRQLQJ 7KH\ IRXQG WKDW SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ &' FHOO counts were also significantly related to social and role functioning and greater use of self-distraction, behavioral disengagement and substance use coping strategies was associated with less energy and poorer social functioning. In the analysis of the WHOQOL-HIV field test instrument, which was given to 1,334 PLWHA from seven culturally diverse centers (Australia, Brazil, Italy, Thailand, Ukraine and two centres in India: Bangalore and New Delhi). The instrument demonstrates good psychometric properties (a value for domains between 0.70 and 0.90) and good discriminant validity, with poorest QoL found for those who reported that they were least well. Men reported poorer physical well-being and level of independence, while women reported poorer environment, social support and spirituality. Older people (above 34 years) demonstrated poorer QoL on physical and levels of independence , while younger people showed poorer environmental and spiritual domains of well-being. The instrument provides a promising (WHOQOL-HIV Group, 2004). The stage of the disease was also associated with quality of life; those in early stages of the disease had better quality of life. Although the clinical characteristics are part of the WHOQOL-HIV instrument, the preliminary study done by the WHOQOL-HIV group does not give details of the influence of these factors on quality of life. Differences were only reported in HIV serostatus. The patients that reported being currently ill, unwell or in later stages of HIV infection had poorer quality of life. No differences were reported in the other clinical characteristics (WHOQOL-HIV Group, 2003a). Yaman, Karan, Karan, Erten and Aksoy (2003) used WHOQOL-100 (World Health Organization quality of life ± 100) and found that women have a lower level of quality of life in all domains and facets compared to men. Mental Health (Depression, Anxiety etc.) CD4 count
Age + +
Viral load
-‐ Gender
-‐ Quality of Life of HIV infected individual
-‐ HIV stages (Asymptomatic/ Symptomatic/ AIDS)
-‐
+
Marital Status Unmarried/ Married/ Widower
Ethnicity
Other OIs ? Social support
Figure 1. schematic representation of factors that may influence quality of life of HIV infected people
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However there exists a lack of consensus among researchers exploring the difference in QOL of males and females infected with the disease. A significant number of studies Law, et al. (1994); suggested that gender as socio-demographic factor might influence quality of life of HIV infected people. Some researches McDonnell, et al. (2004) have documented low scores for women in some aspect of quality of life namely psychiatric morbidity, physical functioning, simple everyday activities such as bathing and dressing, poor role performance, social functioning and mental health domains instead of on all dimensions. Holzemer, et al., (1998) in one his study came to the conclusion that HIV infected women in fact have an increased positive HRQOL than HIV positive males. In recent years a study conducted by Starace, et al., (2002) on 151 HIV-positive persons using the WHOQOL-HIV. The Italian version concluded that there is no significant difference between the two genders with respect to QOL. Researchers have identified another important variable affecting QOL of HIV patients and that is social stigma. Grant and De Cock (2001) reported that physical illness has an adverse effect on the well-being of the person living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), in addition, HIV related stigmatization constitutes an epidemic in itself ± an epidemic of fear, prejudice and discrimination. AIDS stigmatization is fueled by misinformation about risk of HIV transmission by prejudicial attitudes against HIV infected group, most affected by the epidemic People who experience repeated acts of discrimination become bitter, hostile, suspicious and alienated. HIV associated stigma also contribute to anxiety, depression and interpersonal distrust. These kind of social stigmas always influence quality of life negatively. Zimpel and Fleck, (2007) examined the quality of life of 308 HIV infected men and women using WHOQOL-HIV on HIV positive Brazilians using the WHOQOL questionnaire. In all domains, significant differences appeared between symptomatic, asymptomatic and AIDS patients. Study conducted by Wig, Lekshmi, Pal, Ahuja, Mittal and Agarwal, (2006) on 68 HIV infected people using WHOQOL-bref whose findings suggest that there are specific domains namely social and environmental domain of quality of life where no significant difference has been found between three clinical stages of HIV. But in the physical and psychological domain of quality of life the clinical categories of HIV patients differ significantly. However, some investigators have reported absence of a clear association between scores on psychological domains and stages of HIV infection (Smith, et al., 1997., Starace, et al., (2002). Murri, et al. (2003) in one of their study on 809 HIV infected patients using MOSHIV Health Survey examined the determinants of health-related quality of life in HIVinfected patients and found that stages of HIV disease, symptoms, previous hospitalization and satisfaction with information are the most important determinants of physical and mental health. On reviewing the available literature we find that there are a number of studies relating to QOL of HIV/AIDS patient. These studies have enumerated the various factors affecting QOL but there have also been studies refuting the same.
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COGNI TI VE FUNCTI ONI NG AND QOL I N HI V I NFECTI ON (SEE FI GURE 2) Various studies suggest that cognitive functioning and quality of life are related (Martin, Cano, Perez, Augayo, Coesta, Rodriguez, Pujol & Llave, 2002; Pandya, Krentz, Gill & Power, 2005; Tozzi, et al., 2003). Women with HIV have more neurocognitive impairment and emotional distress and report poor quality of life (Mast, Kigoz, Wabwire, & Black, 2004; Osowiecki et al., 2000; Sowell, Seals, Moneyham & Demi, 1997; Tostes, et al., 2004). Moreover individual infected with HIV infection have been found to be associated with increase depression and anxiety and poor quality of life (Bing, et al., 2000). Hays, et al., (2000); Lorenz, Sharpio, Asch, S. Bozzett, & Hays, (2001); Nieuwkerk, Gisolf, Colebunders, Wu, Danner, and Sprangers, (2000) reported that lower quality of life scores have been found to be associated with a diagnosis of HIV and with disease-related symptoms. Neurocognitive and affective symptoms appear to be directly related, as patients exhibiting deficits on neuropsychological testing also report increased levels of depression and/or anxiety on selfreport measures. This relationship is likely explicated by the fact that cognitively impaired patients are less likely to employ effective strategies to manage stressors and in turn to alleviate symptoms of depression and anxiety (Tozzi, et al., 2003). Tozzi, et al. (2003) have found that quality of life in HIV infection has been shown to be directly associated with disease stage, disease symptoms, and cognitive function. Specifically, impairment in cognitive abilities including fine motor functions, memory, mental flexibility, concentration, speed of mental processing, visuospatial abilities, and constructional abilities correlate with reduced quality of life. They further reported that this finding reinforces the fact that patient's perceptions of their quality of life is related to their ability to function in society and their ability to succeed in activities of daily living. Parsons, Braaten, Hall and Robertson (2006) investigated the relationship between HIV-associated neurocognitive impairment and quality of life and found Significant correlations were found between quality of life and processing speed, as well as flexibility. Osowiecki, et al., (2000) reported that significant correlations between total quality of life and processing speed, as well as flexibility.
HIV Infection
-‐
Quality of Life
-‐
+
Cognitive Functioning
Figure 2. Schematic representation of relationship between cognitive functioning and quality of life in HIV infection
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CONCLUSI ON Although the relations among cognitive functioning and quality of life remain unclear and the emergence of cognitive deficits during HIV infection or AIDS can have serious effects if they are not identified promptly. Whether these complications are due to the direct or indirect effects of HIV on the brain or to the effects of stress and depression, careful diagnosis and treatment are necessary. Continued investigations are urgently needed to identifying factors associated with cognitive functioning and quality of life of HIV infected people. Early identification of cognitive impairment can result the appropriate intervention to improve the quality of life HIV infected people.
Table 1. Studies Relating to the Cognitive Functioning in HIV Infected Individual Authors (year) Grant et al., (1987) Jacobsen et al., (1989) Wilkie et al., (1990) Bornstein et al., (1991) Selnes et al., (1992) Bornstein et al., (1993a) Bornstein et al., (1993b) Bornstein et al., (1992) Law et al., (1994)
Albert et al., (1995) Hall et al., (1995)
M ajor Findings Cognitive impairment in symptomatic HIV seropositive patients and cognitive deficit in asymptomatic HIV patients are likely to have important functional consequences. There is a close relation between reaction time measure and ventricular size in AIDS patients HIV positive group was significantly slower in processing information and performed significantly poor on certain verbal memory measures. Result suggested that the rate of percent CD4 lymphocyte decline may be a factor that predicts subtle neuropsychological abnormalities in patients with HIV infection. No significant difference in the cognitive performance of HIV infected subjects and socio-demographically appropriate controls during the presymptomatic stage of infection. There exists a twofold increase in the cognitive impairment in asymptomatic patients and a fourfold increase in symptomatic patients. Cognitive function may de cline in some patients who continue to be in the asymptomatic stage of infection Approximately 10 to 20% of HIV- positive asymptomatic men suffer mild neuropsychological impairment that influence their daily life HIV positive subjects had significantly delayed response latencies on reaction time measures relative to the HIV negative control group. They further report that slow processing in early stages of HIV-infection is not associated with working memory Asymptomatic group was nearly three times more likely to experience work disability than seronegative reference group Neuroanatomic changes, as measured by quantitative and qualitative MRI assessments, were significantly related to the changes in certain functional neurological domain as measured by neuropsychological assessment
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Authors (year) Heaton et al., (1995) White et al., (1995). Stern et al., (1996). Damos et al., (1997) Grassi et al., (1999) Edwin, et al., (1999)
Pereda et al., (2000)
Osowiecki et al., (2000). York et al., (2001).
Singh et al., (2001)
Reger et al., (2002)
Baldewicz et al., (2004) Becker et al., (2004)
Wig et al., (2004) Odiase et al., (2006)
Table 1. (Continued) M ajor Findings Found an increased rate of cognitive impairment with each successive stage of HIV infection Studies that used large batteries are more likely to find impairment in the HIV asymptomatic individuals Early neuropsychological impairments in HIV-1 infection are most evident in individuals with low cognitive reserve There are no significant differences between the cognition of uninfected and clinically asymptomatic subjects. There is no spatial working memory impairment during the asymptomatic phase of HIV infection Significant differences were present in the cognitive functioning of asymptomatic, symptomatic and uninfected control group. However, a significant difference among control and asymptomatic subjects showed an early decompensation in the course of the illness A low reserve capacity, old age and not being on zidovudine treatment are factors that lower the threshold for neuropsychological abnormalities in cases of early HIV infection. However, seropositive subjects scored low on two tasks of reaction time test, compared with seronegative controls and found evidence of neuropsychological impairment in HIV positive patients, even during the early stage of infection Reported a significant association of CD4 count with neurocognitive deficits. The HIV-1 symptomatic individuals, but not the HIV-1 asymptomatic subjects, demonstrated impaired short-term storage of verbal material in the phonological store. Deficits in simultaneous short-term storage and processing occur during both early and later stages of HIV-1 infection. Subtle cognitive deficits were present in asymptomatic seropositive subjects. Their was an impairment in he performance of the HIV positive group on tests designed to measure fine motor speed and speed of information processing. Small effect in asymptomatic participants, small to moderate effects in the symptomatic participants, and moderate to large effects in cognitive decline in participants with AIDS. The domains of functioning in which the greatest effects were noted were motor functioning, executive functioning, and information processing speed. Asymptomatic HIV infected people performed more poorly than the HIV-1íJURXSRQVSHHG of information processing. HIV positive patients are three times more likely to show cognitive impairment than HIV negative control on neuropsychological functioning. 42% of subjects had HIV associated mild neurocognitive disorder. Cognitive abilities of HIV/AIDS patients decline as the disease progresses. The lower CD4 count, the worse the cognitive deficits. There was no significant difference in the performance of asymptomatic HIV positive and healthy control group.
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Authors (year) Robertson et al., (2007) Salawu et al., (2008)
Vance et al., (2008)
Table 1. (Continued) M ajor Findings In Uganda patients with HIV demonstrated relative deficits on measures of verbal learning and memory, speed of processing, attention, and executive functioning compared to HIV negative controls. Result suggested that HIV positive subjects differed from individually matched control subjects in certain measures of language expression, registration, attention and calculation, orientation to time, motor response and total CSI-D scores. The CD4 cell count of the HIV-seropositive subjects had no significant correlation with the cognitive test scores. Adults with HIV who report having poor cognitive ability may be experiencing depression, but they may also be experiencing decline in cognitive performance
Table 2. Studies Relating to the QOL in HIV Infected Individual Authors (year) Lubeck et al., (1992) Cunningham et al., (1995). Piette et al., (1995) Wilson et al., (1995) Lubeck et al., (1997) Holzemer et al., (1998) Copfer et al., (1996) 2¶.HHIHHWDO (1996) Friedland et al., (1996)
Smith et al., (1996) Swindells et al., (1999) Vogl et al., (1999)
M ajor findings Decline in health status and psychosocial status were found over the year for all. Individuals with symptomatic disease or AIDS had significant decline in all the aspects of role functioning. Nonclinical, low-income, ethnically diverse men with HIV demonstrated decreased HRQOL. Age has been associated with QOL. Worse QOL in the area of physical and social functioning has been attributed to aged people infected with HIV/AIDS. HIV/AIDS symptoms are important intermediate variables between biologic, physiologic variables and physical functional status. HIV infection has a significant impact on many domains of HRQOL HIV infected women had an increased positive HRQOL than HIV positive males Significant difference in physical functioning, mental health and body pain. Black females possessed the lowest scores on all scales except physical functioning. Employment, high income, satisfaction with social support, and problem focused coping are associated with significantly better QOL, whereas emotion-focused coping, avoidant coping and hopelessness are predictors of poor QOL. Women reported poor health related QOL on all the domains in comparison to men, even when the presence of symptoms was controlled. Health related QOL in HIV infected persons is determined by satisfaction with social support, degree of hopelessness and coping style. Number of symptoms and symptom distress were highly associated with psychological distress and poor QOL. Old age, female, nonwhite race, poor social support, and the presence of intravenous drug use, each have been associated with distress and poor QOL.
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Authors (year) Hays et al., (2000)
McDonnell et al., (2000) Burgoyne et al., (2001) Eller (2001) Chandra et al., (2002) Hirabayashi et al., (2002) Starace et al., (2002) 2¶&RQQHOO et al., (2003) Campsmith et al., (2003) Vosvick et al., (2003)
Tostes et al., (2004)
Kohli et al., (2005)
Kovacevic et al., (2006)
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Table 2. (Continued) M ajor findings Strong association between physical functioning and emotional well-being among patients with symptomatic HIV disease, and also a strong association between HIV-related symptoms and impairment in functioning and well-being. Majority of the women had limited physical functioning, 19% of women were able to perform little in simple everyday activities such as bathing and dressing. Asymptomatic stage of HIV infection reported better QOL than symptomatic /AIDS patients on few QOL dimensions. Work status, depression and fatigue predict fifty eight percent of the variance in QOL in persons infected with HIV/AIDS. The extent to which a subject felt the need to disclose was significantly associated with higher scores on the total QOL measure and with social and environmental domains of QOL. Emotional control, including lack of fighting spirit against disease, helpless and hopelessness, and anxious preoccupation, are extremely important elements with regard to QOL There is no significant difference in the psychological domain across the stages Found large difference for the environment domain by educational level and subjects who reported currently ill also reported poorer QOL Old age, women, injection drug use, lower education and income and low CD4 count are factors associated with poor HRQOL For physical functioning dimension, pain may play an important role in impending QOL in people living with HIV/AIDS. Pain that is severe enough to interfere with daily living tasks are also associated with a lower level of functional QOL, namely- physical functioning, energy functioning, social functioning and role functioning. Quality of life of HIV- infected women is associated with psychiatric morbidity and the presence of psychiatric morbidity is significantly associated with the variation in the QOL. They further report that there are no significant differences between either the three clinical stages or CD4 levels. Women reported poor QOL on many domains. Physical activities, daily activities, social activities in men were influenced by CD4 count, clinical and marital status with CD4 counts as the main predictor, while work and earnings depended on clinical status. Emotional health and sexual activities were determined mainly by marital status whereas appetite was influenced by CD4 counts. Subjects who perceived themselves as not ill and their health status as reported better QOL for all QOL domains. A variety of QOL domains suffer in individuals with HIV, but consequences within the social domain dominate suggesting that the severest impact of HIV extends across social aspects of QOL and also influences other important domains of QOL. Younger persons report more positive feeling, better cognitive functioning, higher self-esteem, more satisfaction within the psychological domain of QOL than older persons
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Authors (year) Wig et al., (2006)
Zimpel et al., (2007).
Table 2. (Continued) M ajor findings Physical and psychological domain of QOL differs significantly with respect to different clinical categories of HIV patients. However no significant difference was found between three clinical categories of HIV patients with respect to social and environmental domain of QOL. Domain scores of the WHOQOL-HIV worsen as the disease progresses. In all domains, significant differences appeared between the AIDS group, asymptomatic and symptomatic; the last two showing a similar scoring profile
Table 3. Studies Showing Association of Cognitive Functioning and QOL in HIV Infected Individuals Authors (year) Osowiecki et al., (2000) Tozzi et al., (2003) Pandya, et al., (2005) Parsons et al., (2006)
M ajor findings QOL among women who are infected with HIV is strongly influenced by both neurocognitive and emotional status, as women with the greatest neurocognitive impairment and emotional distress reported the poorest QOL. People with more severe cognitive impairment have the highest probability of having a poor QOL. HIV infected patients with neurological disease exhibit significantly lower HRQOL scores compared to matched controls, which was most evident among HIV/AIDS patients with cognitive impairment Significant correlation between QOL, processing speed and flexibility
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In: Psychology of Happiness Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 95-107
ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 5
H APPI NESS AND PSYCHOLOGI CAL W ELL BEI NG I N CHI LDREN Anna Thierbach, Misho Hristov and Xenia Anastassiou-Hadjicharalambous Department of Psychology, University of Nicosia, 1700 Nicosia, Cyprus.
Over 150 years ago Longman and colleagues (1851) acknowledged the paramount importance of a happy childhood ''Happy childhood introduces and perpetuates domestic happiness in maturer years. It opens the way for friendship between parent and child when the days of inequality and independence VKDOO KDYH SDVVHG DZD\´ (p. 42)«D IHZ ZLOG flowers from the hedge row, or a bundle of chips from the carpenter's shops, suffice to give hours of pleasure to a young child S ´ 7KH SXUSRVH RI WKLV FKDSWHU LV WR UHYLHZ WKH current state of literature on childhood happiness. The chapter begins with an overview of the definitional issues applying on the term happiness followed by measurement issues. The next session covers neurological correlates of happiness. Parenting-related practices and LPSOLFDWLRQV RQ FKLOGUHQ¶V KDSSLQHVV DUH FRYHUHG QH[W 7KH FKDSWHU FRQFOXGHV ZLWK D discussion of the consequences of disrupted homes on childhood happiness and a discussion of potentially undesirable cognitive consequences of a happy state.
DEFI NI TI ONAL I SSUES The concept of happiness has long been a subject of philosophical speculation and problems of definition abound. In the World Database of Happiness, happiness is defined as ³the degree to which an individual judges the overall quality of his life-as-a-whole positively´ (Veenhoven, 1984). Martin (2005) defines happiness as a mental state composed of three distinct elements: the presence of pleasant positive moods or emotions, the absence of unpleasant negative moods or emotions, the satisfaction, on reflection with life in general or at least some specific aspects of life.
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A further definition was suggested by Hallowell (2002). He proposed five childhood roots of adult happiness. These include connection, play, handling an issue well, achieving mastery and lastly gaining recognition from others. He also stated that if parents were to promote optimism, extroversion, a feeling of control over ones life (or mastery) and selfesteem, they ingeniously would promote happiness and psychological well-being of their developing children. He pointed out that mastery is the key to self-esteem. Instead of practicing praise or giving compliments, parents should make sure their child feels mastery in many different ways. This would lead to self-esteem, confidence, leadership skills and initiative which all sum-up to eventually give internal happiness as well as a basis to deal effectively with unpleasant times. Hallowell also claimed that connection or emotional security is a vital factor in happiness. Providing the feeling to a child that they are part of something larger than themselves greatly increases the chances that children will grow up to be happy. A connection to family provides a certain type of social support that one cannot get from other people. We can generally depend on our families in times of crisis for emotional support. They bring us happiness by supporting us in times of need and because of the connections we share with them in terms of our memories together (Scott, 2007).
Positive Thoughts and Emotions: Learning to be Happy Only about half of children's overall level of happiness is determined by their genetic make up (Seligman, 2002). Importantly, research shows that while some people seem to be more intrinsically happy all the time, others can learn optimism. Parents can teach their child to be optimistic by helping the child create positive thoughts and emotions. They can help their children recognize and then overcome negative or pessimistic thoughts. Pessimists see the negative life events as permanent and pervasive, while optimists see negative events as transient, specific to that one situation, and not personal (Seligman, 1995). By helping children process inevitable negative life events optimistically allows for more space for them to have positive thoughts and emotions about the future (Carter, 2005). The wish of the parents to grow up children who will be happy adults is clear. What's often not clear, however, is how to offer children the gift of lasting happiness. To raise a child who knows how to sustain joy throughout life is a demanding but yet achievable task, one that depends on the development of certain inner qualities, including optimism, trust, respect, joy, self-esteem, and a sense of playful enthusiasm. In short, happiness relies on self-sufficiency and self-love (Hallowell, 2006). All children begin life with a tremendous potential to be happy throughout their lives. Even kids with a genetic predisposition toward traits like anxiety or depression have the ability to lead very happy lives, though it may take more effort for them to reach their full potential of happiness (Hallowell, 2006). The primary components of a happy life are deeply intertwined. Positive emotions can contribute to the growth of new skills and competencies whereas negative emotions tend to undermine that growth (Carter, 2005). Crary (2003) explains that the role of the parent in their child's happiness is very important but it is not the parents who can ultimately make the child happy. They rather need to help the child chose happiness by teaching them skills needed and allowing the child to take responsibility for their own feelings. This means that children also play a substantial role in their own happiness. They need to manage their feelings and the situations they face. Parents need to help children deal with disappointment.
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Many parents try to provide their children with emotionally smooth lives but this does not help the children as they will never learn to handle situations that are not pleasant. Research has shown that the early environment which facilitates competence and a sense of personal efficacy fosters children who flourish (Carter, 2005). Parents need to be consistent, dependable and sensitive to children's intentions and needs (Belsky, 1999). Another task for parents is to act as 'emotion coaches' for their children by offering them empathy and helping them cope with negative emotions. Emotional coaching helps build and maintain secure attachments and develop loyalty and affection between parents and children. Effective emotion coaching parents are more than just aware of their children's emotions. They see emotional expressions in their children as opportunities to connect with and teach their children. They are empathetic listeners and help their children explore and validate their feelings (Gottman, 2002). Most people want their children to be happy above all else. How can we help children have more positive thoughts and emotions? Seligman (2002) postulates that positive thoughts and emotions can be broken down into those about the past, such as gratitude and forgiveness. 7KRVHDERXWWKHSUHVHQWVXFKDVWKHHQMR\PHQWRIOLIH¶VSOHDVXUHV DQGWKRVHDERXWWKHIXWXUH such as excitement, faith, trust, optimism, and hope. Parents can increase the positive thoughts and emotions children feel about the past by making positive reflection habitual. Rituals that encourage children to express gratitude and thankfulness will do just this. Equally important is teaching children to forgive, which ultimately turns anger and other negative feelings about the past into neutral or even somewhat positive memories. In this quick moving world a lot of people never take a moment to reflect on what is happening around them and others may be too busy to sit and think about their emotions for a bit and winddown. Parents can teach children to occasionally take a few moments and slow down and enjoy life which would make the child happier and form habits for a happier adulthood (Carter, 2005). Carter (2005) also wrote in her article that happiness comes to different people in different ways. Individual definitions of happiness and its determinats are unique to each individual. Also, for most people happiness is an abundance of positive thoughts and emotions. Gratitude and love contribute to happiness, as do pleasurable experiences. Fulfilling activities can lead to achieving a state of 'flow', such as when one exercises his/her talents and feels fulfilled. Children learn to achieve flow when they are encouraged to participate in the kinds of activities likely to produce it. These activities should be challenging and provide clear goals and immediate feedback. By encouraging children to spend more time engaging their strengths in gratifying activities, parents help them steer towards a meaningful and joyful life. Flow can also be accomplished by focusing on a child's reading accomplishments or sharing stories that help children appreciate their own talents. Other situations such as literature sharing sessions and the interactions that occur during them may also act as a protective environment where children can express their feelings, share hopes and fears and safely experiment with new ideas with adults whom they trust (Zeece, 2006). Happy people tend to have meaningful relationships with others and the strong social skills and high emotional intelligence needed to form them. Crary (2003) also suggests several strategies or techniques in helping children deal with disappointment. In her opinion, teaching children to cope is one of the most effective strategy in helping children acknowledging their feelings which ultimately helps them get over bad times and learn to be happy. These strategies include providing children with enough
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information about feelings, various tools to remain calm as well as support. The techniques to calm oneself should not be calming in the sense that they attempt to stop the emotion one is feeling but rather learn to deal with it to achieve the best outcome. Support involves remaining calm from the parents perspective and modeling appropriate ways for their child to deal with their own feelings. (YHU\RQH KDV KHDUG RI WKH IDPRXV TXRWHV ZKLFK VWDWH WKDW ³PRQH\ does not make you KDSS\´ RU ³PRQH\ FDQQRW EX\ \RX KDSSLQHVV´ 0XFK UHVHDUFK KDV EHHQ H[DPining this everlasting debate of whether those who have more money are in fact happier than those who do not. A longitudinal study conducted by North, Holahan, Moos and Cronkite (2008) examined the role of both income and social support within the family setting and happiness. They followed 274 married adults across a 10-year period. Their findings showed that income has a small positive effect on happiness which diminished though as income increased. Furthermore, family social support was more strongly associated with happiness when family income was low than when family income was high. Also, a change in family support was positively related to change in happiness. A change in family income on the other hand, was not related to change in happiness. Fowler and Christakis (2008) took a look at an interesting phenomenon regarding happiness. They explored the possible key stimulus to human happiness. They attempted to find out whether happiness can spread from person to person. Their findings showed that indeed, happiness seems to be contagious. Taking this into account, it may seem plausible that happy parents will have happy children since there will be a form of joy-spreading. In contrast, based on the idea of happiness being contagious, children with unhappy parents will have a harder time being happy themselves. As aforementioned, the definition of happiness is different for everybody. Therefore, if ones own definition of happiness includes having money to be happy, then not having it will result in unhappiness for that person. On the other hand, for someone who sets other priorities such as spending time with family as a factor for happiness, they may be living in the poorest conditions but happy nevertheless if their family is by their side. Individuals may have a different definition of happiness for themselves and they compare this to what is happening in their life right now. The more the current situation varies from their definition or feeling the more likely they are to feel unhappy. Experiencing positive emotions is the corner stone to be feeling happy. But how do we distinguish between the different types of happiness? Are there different levels of happiness DQGFDQZHUHDOO\EHFHUWDLQWKDWZKDWZHH[SHULHQFHLVWUXO\DµKDSS\¶IHHOLQJ":HZLOOWU\WR answer these questions in the following section, starting with the issue of measuring happiness. We will take a look at the different ways in which researchers utilized in their attempt to assess happiness in a population.
M easuring Happiness To understand and achieve happiness and subjective well-being is the innermost objective of positive psychology (Seligman, 2002). Measure the quantity and quality of happiness is a difficult but yet challenging task. Researchers have brought into the spotlight of psychological assessment a variety of measurement tools, trying to establish reliable and valid measurement instruments. Studies on happiness have shown a variety of techniques to
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assess the construct. In many of the major US national surveys, single questions were used to PHDVXUH KDSSLQHVV 7KHVH TXHVWLRQV KDYH GLIIHUHQW IRUPXODWLRQ VXFK DV µ+RZ VDWLVILHG DUH \RX ZLWK \RXU OLIH"¶ µ+RZ KDSS\ DUH \RX QRZ"¶ µ+RZ GR \RX IHHO DERXW \RXU OLIH DV D ZKROH"¶8VXDOO\UHVSRQGHQWVDUHJLYHQa number of possible answers to choose from on 5 to 10-point scales. Fordyce (1988) developed a two-items happiness measure. The first being: µ,QJHQHUDOKRZKDSS\RUXQKDSS\GR\RXIHHO"¶ ZKHUHWKHUHVSRQVHIRUPDW used was on 10point scale, from 10 = feeling ecstatic/fantastic to 0=utterly depressed DQGWKHVHFRQG µ2Q DYHUDJHZKDWSHUFHQWDJHRIWKHWLPHGR\RXIHHOKDSS\ RUXQKDSS\RUQHXWUDO "¶ In recent research there have been more complicated multi-items scales with relatively good reliability and validity. These include the 29-item Revised Oxford Happiness Scale (Argyle, 2001) and the Satisfaction with Life Scale (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985; Pavot & Diener, 1993), the Depression-Happiness Scale (Lewis, McCollam, & Joseph, 2001; McGreal & Joseph, 1993), and the Memorial University of Newfoundland Scale of Happiness (Kozma & Stones, 1980). A study carried out by Abdel-Khalek (2004) on the Kuwaiti population examined the accuracy of measuring happiness by a single-item, answered on an 11-point scale (0-10). Its temporal stability was 0.86. He correlated the single-item scale to both the Oxford Happiness Inventory (OHI; Argyle, Martin, & Lu, 1995; Hills & Argyle, 1998) and the Satisfaction with Life Scale (Diener, Emmons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985; Pavot & Diener, 1993). It was concluded that measuring happiness by a single item is reliable, valid, and practical in community surveys as well as in cross-cultural comparisons. Cummins and Gullone (2000) went further and examined excessively the psychometric properties - of the 5-point Likert scales for measuring subjective quality of life. They criticized the Likert format mainly because it is not sufficiently sensitive, and naming its categories detracts from the interval nature of the derived data. They argued that multipleitem scales often involve recording qualities which are different from happiness in the sense RIWKHRYHUDOOHQMR\PHQWRIRQH¶VOLIHDVDZKROH,QPXOWLSOH-item scales, face validity testing is unlikely (Veenhoven, 2002). Cummins (1995) argued that if researchers are interested only in an overall life satisfaction, there seems little benefit from asking respondents multiple questions, but rather a single question can yield reliable and valid data. However, as the field developed more and more multi-item scales appeared, with relatively higher reliability and validity than the single-item ones. Lucas, Diher and Suh (1996) demonstrated that multi-item life satisfaction, unpleasant and pleasant affect scales formed factors that were separable from each other, as well as from other constructs such as self-esteem. The validity of self-report instruments has not been unquestioned. But nonetheless there has been studies that supported that self-reports demonstrate adequate validity and reliability. The self-report measures has been found to converge with other types of assessment, including expert ratings based on interviews with respondents, experience sampling measures in which feelings are reported at random PRPHQWVLQHYHU\GD\OLIHSDUWLFLSDQWV¶PHPRU\ for positive versus negative events in their lives and the reports of family and friends(Sandrick, Diener & Seidlitz, 1993). It has been widely recommended that a multi-method battery should be utilized to assess subjective well-being ZKHQ LW¶V SRVVLEOH 7KH ZRUN RI 7KRPDV DQG 'LHQHU IRXQG D somewhat modest match between pHRSOH¶V UHSRUWV RI EULHI PRRGV DQG WKHLU UHFDOO of those
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moods. Following from this, the estimates of happiness and reports of affect over time are apt WREHLQIOXHQFHGE\DSHUVRQ¶VFXUUHQWPRRG, his or her beliefs about happiness, and the ease of recovering positive and negative information.
Neurological Correlates The discipline referred to as 'affective neuroscience' focuses on knowledge regarding neurological correlates of emotions, including those that affect happiness (Panksepp, 1998). Within this approach, all mammals are considered to have brains capable of experiencing pleasure and therefore when we encounter situations which will activate the relevant brain circuits, we take the opportunity to indulge in these stimuli (Panksepp, 1998). What makes humans unique is the fact that we understand and can therefore manipulate situations to produce large quantities of naturally occurring rewarding stimuli (Barak, 2006). Watanuki and Kim (2005) studied various physiological responses of the central nervous system, autonomic nervous system, immune system and endocrine system when pleasant stimuli were presented to participants. Their results showed that EEG activities of the left frontal cortex were enhanced by a pleasant odor and an increase in secretory immunoglobulin-A. A decrease in salivary cortisol was induced by linguistic pleasant emotion in the form of typical Japanese comical story-telling. The two different systems involved in the induction of pleasant emotions are evoked by central nervous system selfstimulation and particularly the reward system. The medial forebrain bundle is anatomically closely related to the reward system (Barak, 2006). The amygdala seems to be the center for integrating pleasant emotions because it displays fiber networks which are intricately connected and link with the reward system and are in charge of the input and output of this system (Barak, 2006). The occurrence of pleasure is coded by neural activity in many brain sites, including the prefrontal cortex, amygdala, thalamus, nucleus caudatus, nucleus accumbens and the ventral pallidum. The brain regions involved differ partly between the sexes, and sex hormones are involved in this process (Swaab, 2008). The prefrontal cortex has been seen as the tip of pleasure representation and from the coding of the reward in this brain area it can be used to influence following decisions and behaviors. But the prefrontal cortex is not a pleasure generating center. Lobectomy patients can still feel pleasure of food, sex and other rewards. Neurotransmitters of different chemical nature are involved in pleasure and reward as has been reported by Swaab (2008) The role of the cerebellum in motor coordination is widely accepted (Bastian, Mugnaini, & Thach, 1999). An increasing number of empirical studies have recognized its involvement in cognitive and emotional functions as well (Andreasen et al., 1999a; Andreasen et al., 1999b; Schmahmann, 2004; Wiser et al., 1998). The anatomical connections of the cerebellum with regions involved in emotion regulation and in perception of socially salient emotional material are revealing. The cerebellum is bi-directionally linked with regions sub serving perception of socially salient material, including the posterior parietal cortex and prefrontal regions (Dum & Strick, 2003; Kelly & Strick, 2003; Middleton & Strick, 2001; Rolls, 2004; Schmahmann, 1991). The cerebellum is particularly well-suited to regulate emotion, as connections with limbic regions, including the amygdala, the hippocampus, and the septal nuclei have been posited (Anand, Malhotra, Singh, & Dua, 1959; Annoni, Ptak, Caldara-
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Schnetzer, Khateb, & Pollermann, 2003; Harper & Heath, 1973; Schmahmann, 2004; Snider & Maiti, 1976). In addition, shared connections link the cerebellum with brainstem areas containing neurotransmitters involved in mood regulation, including serotonin, norepinepherine, and dopamine (Dempesy et al., 1983; Marcinkiewicz, Morcos, & Chretien, 1989). Moreover, research carried out by Beth et al. (2007) examined six participants with cerebellar stroke and nine age and education matched healthy volunteers. This study uncovered an interesting phenomenon: lesions of the cerebellum do not appear to affect the normal ability to experience unpleasant emotions, but are associated with a reduced ability to experience pleasant ones.
Family Disruptions When adults who experienced family disruptions during childhood look back, they are less likely to recall their childhood as happy compared to those whose family was intact (Williams, 2001). Changes in parental structure during childhood may also influence whether or not we remember being emotionally close to our parents when we were children. Family disruptions can range from parent's death or divorce, remarriage of a parent, living with other relatives, living in a foster home or somewhere else, economic issues to abuse. Williams (2001) examined the effects of family disruptions on childhood happiness based on data from the 1995 General Social Survey on the family in Canada. Many of the consequences of these events might be considered markers of emotional upset that could influence a child's long-term life prospects. The perception of childhood happiness is affected by numerous additional parameters in addition to structural changes. For example, children of divorced parent may also be living in low income, or a new neighborhood without their old friends or other close family members. The data from the survey indicated that the more children experience change in parental structure, the less likely they were to reflect upon their childhood as happy. Of those who experienced one change, 76% remembered their childhood as happy. With two events this percentage dropped to 70% and those who experience three or more but reported having had a happy childhood were 50%. The findings that those whose parents were divorced or a parent had died felt they had a very happy childhood was 71% and 87% respectively may suggest that the effects of divorce on childhood happiness are more decremental relative to the effects of death. Ambert (2005) reported that children of divorce were more likely to live in low income and have emotional, behavioral, social and academic problems. This may be a reason as to why the reported happiness was lower for children of divorce compared to those who had lost a parent. Also, children may be more likely to view a divorce as a failure and perhaps even blame themselves for it, whereas the death of a parent is an uncontrollable event for which the child cannot be responsible. Therefore, it may be the guilt the child of divorced parents feels which leads them to feel as adults, that their childhood was not happy, or it was less happy than those who had lost a parent. Roseman and Rodgers (2004) examined the impact of adversity on happiness in the wider population. They found that the majority of their participants saw their childhood as happy or normal despite adversity. Happiness was mostly influenced by domestic warmth, harmony, parental affection or conflict. Perceived normality in childhood was determined by abuse or neglect. It was reported that it is the perceived childhood happiness and normality that mediate the impact and effect of diversities.
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Happiness is not a trait that is guaranteed to last. What happens during childhood impacts long-term happiness, but that doesn't mean one has no chance of becoming a happy person if his/her childhood was miserable. There are many happy adults whose younger years were less than ideal. But as a parent, it means that one can and should play a role in helping his/her child create the habits that lead to joyful living.
Happiness and Attachment Regulating and expressing ones emotions are highly important skills needed for a happy life. Research has shown that children who can regulate their emotions are better at calming themselves when they are upset meaning that they experience negative emotions for a smaller period of time than those who don't have the abilities to sooth themselves (Gottman, 1997). These children also form stronger friendships because they can understand and relate to people better. This is important because research has shown that relationships are among the most significant influences on health, growth and psychological well being for children (Schonkoff & Phillips, 2000). Due to the importance of relationships, the ability to make and keep them is vital. At the heart of secure attachment relationships between parents and young children is emotional intelligence and social competence. These are rooted in the parent-child bond. Children learn to regulate their emotions better when parents and caregivers pay close attention and respond to the emotional cues expressed by their children (Carter, 2005). A study conducted by Cook-Fong (2000) aimed to look at the well-being of adults who were in foster care placements during childhood. She found that those who had been placed in foster care reported significantly poorer functioning. They showed higher depression scores, lower scores on marital happiness, less intimate parental relationships and higher incidence of social isolation. The main issue seems to be the lack of attachment, which is vital for happiness for children reared in foster homes. Cook-Fong (2000) suggested that Child Welfare workers should be aware of the attachment relationships and prepare themselves to assess the attachment issues as well as to equip them to intervene with appropriate methods. For example, it is unwise to move children in foster care around from one home to the next. It is more preferable for them to remain in one setting because they do form attachments and if they were moved then they would lose those established bonds.
Undesirable Consequences of Happiness Schnall, Jaswell and Rowe (2008) took a different approach to the effects of happiness. Although it is often associated with many positive effects there are some negative ones also. They reported that happiness may have unintended and possibly undesirable cognitive consequences in childhood. In their series of experimental inductions, 10 to 11 year old children who were inducted to a happy mood state were slower to identify a simple shape hidden in a complex figure than those induced to a sad state. This indicates taht happiness is more of a top-down processing style, impairing performance when detail is required. Sadness can be seen as a sign that something is not going right and it therefore triggers detailorientated, analytic processing. Gasper and Clore (2002) also suggested that happiness
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motivated a top-down style of information processing, and sadness a bottom-up style. This may be a reason why people are more creative and flexible when they feel happy. Rose, Futterweit and Jankowsk (1999) found that young children below the age of nine months who displayed positive emotion were slower to distinguish a familiar face from novel ones than infants who displayed neutral effect. Bloom and Capatides (1987) found a correlation between positive emotions and first word aquisition. Their findings suggest that children who displayed more spontaneous positive emotion during play sessions aquired their first word later compared to those who displayed negative or neutral moods. These studies suggest circumstances under which happiness may deteriorate cognitive processing.
Character Strengths Research in positive psychology carried out on character strengths shows that the strengths are related to our happiness (Park & Peterson, 2006). There are certain strengths, such as hope, gratitude and loveRUUHIHUUHGWRDVµKHDUW VWUHQJWKV¶ZKLFKKDYHVKRZQWROHDG to long term life satisfaction. Since most of the research in the area has been concentrated on adults and adolescents, there is in not enough data about young childrens' happiness. Nevertheless, research that is available is insightful and demonstrates that certain strengths can show up early in childhood (Park & Peterson, 2006). Park and Peterson (2006), investigated childrens' character strengths and their happiness EDVHG RQ WKH SDUHQW¶V GHVFULSWLRQV RI WKH FKLOGUHQ. It was concluded that 24 strengths identified in positive psychology were found in the descriptions of children. Love, curiosity, creativity, humor, and kindness were the strengths that stood out the most. Overall, these FKLOGUHQZHUHGHVFULEHGWRKDYHWKHµKHDUW VWUHQJWKV¶ORYH, zest, and hope. A remarkable point is that gratitude was only shown to be connected to happiness for children seven years and up. The explanation is that gratitude required a level of cognitive maturity that younger children have not yet acquired (Park & Peterson, 2006). It is assumed that the love that a child displays is a result of the secure attachment she or he has with his or her caretaker (Park & Peterson, 2006). So this could mean that it does take more than just having love for your child to form a healthy attachment. Another strength that may be related to attachment as well is hope. Hope is described as a result of feeling safe, and it is formed early in life (Park & Peterson, 2006). Park and Peterson in 2006 found also that there was a higher level of happiness in the only child of the family or the youngest child rather in the middle. Summing up from the research carried out by Park and Peterson (2006), we can notice that the most important application is that we can help foster the character strengths of children early since these strengths have been shown to be expressed in children at a very early age.
CONCLUSI ON In conclusion while each individual is born ith his/her unique genetic predispositions that can make it more or less possible to leave a happy life parents can still help their children develop skills that will enhance their potentials to leave an overall happy life. Research has
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provided evidence that parents can indeed buffer the effects of negative life events on their child's happiness by helping their child create habits that lead to joyful living. Attachment is a strong factor in one¶s happiness. It is important for parents to provide an environment for their children in which they feel comfortable and know they have someone to talk to at moments of need. Overall, happiness is unique to each individual. Each individual decides for his/her-self what s/he base his/her happiness on, whether it is that s/he wants a lot of money, a large family or merely a simple life, the list is endless. A parent's main role in their children's life would be to teach them to cherish positive moments and overcome unpleasant ones, to help them walk towards their own unique route to it.
REFERENCES Abdel-Khalek, A. M. (2004). Happiness among Kuwaiti college students. Journal of Happiness Studies, 5, 93-97. Ambert, A. M. (2005). Divorce: Facts, causes and consequences. Retrieved from the web May 18, 2009 from Vanier Institute of the Family Web site: http://www.vifamily.ca/library/cft/divorce_05.html Anand, B. K., Malhotra, C. L., Singh, B. & Dua, S. (1959). Cerebellar projections to limbic system. Journal of Neurophysiology, 22, 451-457. Andreasen, N. C., Nopoulos, 3 2¶/HDU\, D. S., Miller, D. D., Wassink, T. & Flaum, M. (1999a). Defining the phenotype of schizophrenia: cognitive dysmetria and its neural mechanisms. Biological Psychiatry, 46, 908-920. Andreasen, N. &2¶/HDU\, D. S., Paradiso, S., Cizadlo, T., Arndt, S. & Watkins, G. L., et al. (1999b). The cerebellum plays arole in conscious episodic memory retrieval. Human Brain Mapping, 8, 226-234. Annoni, J. M., Ptak, R., Caldara-Schnetzer, A. S., Khateb, A. & Pollermann, B. Z. (2003). Decoupling of autonomic and cognitive emotional reactions after cerebellar stroke. Annals of Neurology, 53, 654-658. Argyle, M. (2001). The psychology of happiness. London: Routledge. Argyle, M., Martin, M. & Lu, L. (1995). Testing for stress and happiness: The role of social and cognitive factors. In C. D., Spielberger, & I. G., Sarason, (Eds.), Stress and emotion (Vol. 15, 173-187). Washington, DC: Taylor & Francis. Barak, Y. (2006). The Immune System and Happiness. Autoimmunity Reviews, 5, 523-527. Bastian, A. J., Mugnaini, E. & Thach, W. T. (1999). Cerebellum. In: Zigmond, M. J., Bloom, F. E., Landis, S. C., Roberts, J. L., Squire, L. R., editors. Fundamental Neuroscience. San Diego, CA: Academic Press, 973-992. Belsky, J. (1999). Interactional and Contextual Determinants of Attachment Security. Handbook of Attachment: Theory, Research, and Clinical Applications. J. Cassidy and P. R. Shaver. New York, Guilford Press: 249-264. Beth, M. T., Sergio, P., Cherie, L. M., Pierson, R., Boles, L. L., Hichwa, R. D. & Robinson, R. (2007). The cerebellum and emotional experience. Neuropsychologia, 45, 1331-1341. Bloom, L. & Capatides, J. (1987). Expression of affect and the emergence of language. Child Development, 58, 1513-1522.
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Carter, C. (2005). Within families: The childhood roots of adult happiness. University of California Berkeley/Institute of Human Development. Retrieved May, 19, 2009 from Center for the Development of Peace and Well-Being Web site: http://peacecenter.berkeley.edu/research_families_carter.html. Casas, F., Coenders, G., Cummins, R. A., Gonzalez, M., Figuer, C. & Malo, S. (2008). Does subjective well-being show a relationship between parents and their children? Journal of Happiness Studies, 9(2), 197-205. Cook-Fong, S. K. (2000). The Adult Well-Being of Individuals Reared in Family Foster Care Placements. Child and Youth Care Forum, 29, 7-25. Crary, E. (2003). Dealing with Disappointment. Seattle: Parenting Press. Cummins, R. A. (1995). On the trail of the gold standard for subjective well-being. Social Indicators Research, 35, 179-200. Cummins, R. A. & Gullone, E. (2000). Why we should not use 5-point Likert scales: The case for subjective quality of life measurements. Proceedings, second International Conference on Quality of Life in Cities, (74-93) - Singapore: National University of Singapore. Dempesy, C. W., Tootle, D. M., Fontana, C. J., Fitzjarrell, A. T., Garey, R. E. & Heath, R.G. (1983). Stimulation of the paleocerebellar cortex of the cat: increased rate of synthesis and release of catecholamines at limbic sites. Biological Psychiatry, 18, 127-132. Diener, E., Emmons, R. A., Larsen, R. J. & Griffin, S. (1985). The Satisfaction with Life Scale. Journal of Personality Assessment, 49, 71-75. Dum, R. P. & Strick, P. L. (2003). An unfolded map of the cerebellar dentate nucleus and its projections to the cerebral cortex. Journal of Neurophysiology, 89, 634-639. )RUG\FH 0 : µ$ UHYLHZ RI UHVHDUFK RQ WKH KDSSLQHVV measures: A sixty second index of happiness and mental health¶Social Indicators Research, 20, 355-381. Fowler, J. H. & Christakis, N. A. (2008). The Dynamic Spread of Happiness in a Large Social Network. BMJ, 337, a2338. Gasper, K. & Clore, G. L. (2002). Attending to the big picture: mood and global vs. local processing of visual information. Psychological Science, 13, 34-40. Gottman, J. (1997). Marital and parent-child relationship and child and adult health: A theory and some preliminary data. Paper presented at the Third Annual Wisonsin Symposium on Emotion, University of Wisconsin, Madison. Gottman, J. (2002). Raising an emotionally intelligent child. Simon & Schuster, New York. Hallowell, E. M. (2002). Childhood Roots of Adult Happiness: Five Steps to Help Kids Create and Sustain Lifelong Joy. Ballatine Books: New York. Hallowell, E. M. (2006). Raising Happy Kids: The potential for lifelong joy is inside every child. Here's how to bring it out. Retrieved from the web May, 16, 2009 from Scholastic Web site: http://www2.scholastic.com/browse/article.jsp?id=8058. Harper, J. W. & Heath, R. G. (1973). Anatomic connections of the fastigial nucleus to the rostral forebrain in the cat. Experimental Neurology, 39, 285-292. Hills, P. & Argyle, M. (1998). Positive moods derived from leisure and their relation to happiness and personality. Personality and Individual Differences, 25, 523-535. Kelly, R. M. & Strick, P. L. (2003). Cerebellar loops with motor cortex and prefrontal cortex of a nonhuman primate. Journal of Neuroscience, 23(23), 8432-8444.
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Development, National Research Council and Institute of Medicine. Washington DC: National Academy Press. Scott, E. (2007). Family Connection and Happiness: Forstering a Closer Relationship With Your Family. Retrieved from the web May, 16, 2009 from About, Stress Management Web site: http://stress.about.com/od/familystress/qt/family.htm Seligman, M. (1995). The optimistic child. New York: Free Press. Seligman, M. (2002). Authentic happiness. New York: Free Press. Snider, R. S. & Maiti, A. (1976). Cerebellar contributions to the Papez circuit. Journal of Neuroscience Research, 2, 133-146. Swaab D. (2008). Happiness and the brain. Symposium Oegsgeest, Nehterlands. Haring Institute of Happiness. Thomas, D. & Diener, E. (1990). Memory accuracy in the recall of emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, (59), 291-297. Veenhoven, R. (1984). Databook of Happiness. Dordrecht: Reidel. Veenhoven, R. (2002). World Database of Happiness, Correlational Findings, Erasmus University Rotterdam, Faculty of Social Sciences, Netherlands. Watanuki, S. & Kim, Y. K. (2005). Physiological responses induced by pleasant stimuli. Journal of Physiol Anthropol Appl Human Sci., 24, 135-138. Williams, C. (2001). Family disruption and childhood happiness. Canadian Social Trends, 62, 2-4. Wiser, A. K., Andreasen, N. &2¶/HDU\, D. S., Watkins, G. L., Boles Ponto, L. L. & Hichwa R. D. (1998). Dysfunctional cortico-cerebellaU FLUFXLWV FDXVH µFRJQLWLYH G\VPHWULD¶ LQ schizophrenia. Neuroreport, 9, 1895-1899. Zeece, P. D. (2006). Happy Me a Story. Early Childhood Education Journal, 33, 347-355.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 109-126 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 6
RELI GI ON AND H APPI NESS AM ONG SLOVAK UNI VERSI TY STUDENTS Christopher Alan Lewis1* , Lucia Adamovová2 and Sharon Mary Cruise3 1
2
Division of PsycholoJ\*O\QGǒU8QLYHUVLW\:UH[KDPWales, UK Institute of Experimental Psychology, Slovak Academy of Sciences, Bratislava, Slovakia 3 6FKRRORI1XUVLQJDQG0LGZLIHU\4XHHQ¶V8QLYHUVLW\%HOIDVW Belfast, Northern Ireland, UK
ABSTRACT The relationship between religion and happiness has been the focus of much research. One systematic line of research has employed the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity alongside the Depression-Happiness Scale and the Oxford Happiness Inventory. The aim of the present study was to further extend this research by examining the relationship between Slovak translations of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the DepressionHappiness Scale short-form, and measures of frequency of church attendance, personal prayer, and Bible reading among a sample of 151 Slovak undergraduate university students. Each of the translated measures was found to perform satisfactorily in the present sample. Zero-order correlations for the male and female samples indicated that there were no significant associations between scores on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, or the measure of religious practice, and either the DepressionHappiness Scale short-form or the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form scores. However, when sex was partialled out, the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity was significantly positively associated with the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. These results provide confirmation of the complex nature of the relationship between religion and happiness, and the importance of the measures employed.
*
Corresponding author:
110
Christopher Alan Lewis, Lucia Adamovová and Sharon Mary Cruise
I NTRODUCTI ON Over the last ten years, the scientific study of human strengths and virtues has blossomed under the auspices of the positive psychology movement (see Aspinwall & Staudinger, 2003; Linley & Joseph, 2004; Peterson & Seligman, 2004; Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). This has coincided with the reemergence of interest in the scientific study of religion and spirituality (see Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003; Fontana, 2003; Hood, Hill, & Williamson, 2005; Kirkpatrick, 2005; Paloutzian & Park, 2005; Spilka, Hood, Hunsberger, & Gorsuch, 2003). It is therefore not surprising that there has been renewed interest in examining the relationship between measures of particular human strengths and virtues with indices of religiosity (Aspinwall & Staudinger, 2003; Joseph, Linley, & Maltby, 2006; Peterson & Seligman, 2004). At the forefront of such work has been the empirical work that has examined the relationship between measures of religion and happiness. Such area of enquiry can trace its roots back to the writing of William James (1902), who believed in the central role of religion within experiences of happiness: ³,QDOOFRXQWULHVDQGLQDOODJHVVRPHIRUPRISK\VLFDOHQODUJHPHQW²singing, dancing, drinking, sexual excitement²has been intimately associated with worship. Even the momentary expression of the soul in laughter is, to however slight an extent, a religious exercise´ (James, 1902, p. 49).
Results from empirical studies that have examined the relationship between religion and happiness have been equivocal, with some studies providing consistent support for a positive association (e.g., Abdel-Khalek, 2006; Balswick & Balkwell, 1979; Cutler, 1976; Ellison, 1991; Frankel & Hewitt, 1994; Graney, 1975; Inglehart, 1990; Moberg & Taves, 1965; 0RRNHUMHH %HURQ 0\HUV 2¶5HLOO\ 5HHG 9HHQKRYHQ Wilson, 1965; Witter, Stock, Okun, & Haring, 1985; Zuckerman, Kasl, & Ostfeld, 1984), while others have not (e.g., Abdel-Khalek & Naceur, 2007; Blazer & Palmore, 1970; Brinkerhoff & Mackie, 1993; Heisel & Faulkner, 1982; Janssen, Bänziger, Dezutter, & Hutsebaut, 2006; McNamara & St George, 1978; Poloma & Pendleton, 1989, 1990, 1991; Shaver, Lenauer, & Sadd, 1980; Tellis-Nayak, 1982; Yates, Chalmer, St James, Follansbee, & McKegney, 1981). Unfortunately, such findings are difficult to integrate, as previous research has employed a variety of different measures of both religiosity including measures of religious attitude, religious experience, religious conversion, and religious behaviour, and happiness including both single-item and multi-item scales, among a variety of different samples. However, in a recent review, Lewis and Cruise (2006) described a series of studies that have sought to try and overcome such methodological concerns by adopting a systematic approach to the examination of religion and happiness. At the centre of this work is the consistent use of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity (Francis & Stubbs, 1987) alongside the Oxford Happiness Inventory (Argyle, Martin, & Crossland, 1989) in one set of studies, and the Depression-Happiness Scale (Joseph & Lewis, 1998) in the other set of studies.
Table 1: Religion and happiness: Research using the Oxford Happiness Inventory Authors
Sample
Religiosity measure Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Happiness measure
Relationship reported
Robbins & Francis (1996)
360 undergraduate students in Wales
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .26, p < .001. Multiple regression controlling for sex and personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .40, p < .001).
Francis & Lester (1997)
212 undergraduates in the USA
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .28, p < .001. Multiple regression controlling for sex and personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .49, p < .001).
French & Joseph (1999)
101 undergraduates in the UK
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .24, p < .05. Partial correlation controlling for sex and age confirmed significant association (r = .24, p < .05).
Francis, Jones, & Wilcox (2000) Study 1
994 15-16 year-olds in the UK
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .08, p < .01. Partial correlation controlling for sex confirmed significant association (r = .10, p < .01). Multiple regression controlling for personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .27, p < .01).
112
Table 1. (Continued) Religiosity Happiness measure measure Francis Scale of Oxford Happiness Attitude toward Inventory Christianity
Authors
Sample
Francis, Jones, & Wilcox (2000) Study 2
456 first-year undergraduate students attending one institution in Wales
Francis, Jones, & Wilcox (2000) Study 3
496 members of a branch of the University of the Third Age in the south of England
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .15, p < .01. Partial correlation controlling for sex confirmed significant association (r = .16, p < .001). Multiple regression controlling for personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .23, p < .001).
Francis & Robbins (2000)
295 UK individuals, ranging in age from late teens to late seventies
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .30, p < .001. Multiple regression controlling for sex and personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .34, p < .001).
Francis, Robbins, & White (2003)
89 undergraduate students in Wales
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .38, p < .001. Partial correlation controlling for sex and age confirmed significant association, (r = .38, p < .001).
Francis, Ziebertz, & Lewis (2003)
331 undergraduate students in Germany.
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .13, p < .025. Multiple regression controlling for sex and personality (EPNL) failed to confirm association.
Relationship reported Total r = .20, p < .001. Partial correlation controlling for sex confirmed significant association (r = .20, p < .001). Multiple regression controlling for personality (EPNL) confirmed significant association (R2 = .35, p < .001).
113
Table 1. (Continued) Religiosity Happiness measure measure Katz-Francis Oxford Happiness Scale of Attitude Inventory toward Judaism
Authors
Sample
Francis & Katz (2002)
298 Hebrewspeaking female undergraduate students in Israel
Francis, Katz, Yablon, & Robbins (2004)
203 Hebrewspeaking male undergraduates in Israel 231 UK individuals
Katz-Francis Scale of Attitude toward Judaism
Oxford Happiness Inventory
Total r = .23, p < .001. Multiple regression controlling for personality (ENPL) confirmed significant association.
µ5HOLJLRXVDIIHFW¶ composite measure
Oxford Happiness Inventory
No significant relation between happiness and overall religious affect. Modest significant association between happiness and the Immanent Factor 1 of religious affect (r (82) = .25, p < .05). Partial correlation controlling for effects of church membership did not significantly effect association between happiness and Immanent factor.
138 adults from the north of England
µ$JH-UQLYHUVDO¶,E Scale Brief RCOPE
Oxford Happiness Questionnaire Short-Form
Partial correlations controlling for sex and age: Happiness & intrinsic r = .22, p < .01; Happiness & extrinsic-personal r = .03 (NS); Happiness & extrinsic-social r = .01 (NS); Happiness & positive religious coping r = .32, p < .001; Happiness & negative religious coping r = -.08 (NS). Multiple regression indicated that positive religious coping accounted for unique variance while intrinsic orientation did not.
Argyle & Hills (2000)
Lewis, Maltby, & Day (2005)
Relationship reported No correlational results reported. Multiple regression controlling for personality confirmed that religion was a significant predictor of happiness (R2 = .34, p < .05).
Table 2. Religion and happiness: Research using the Depression-Happiness Scale Authors
Sample
Religiosity measure
Happiness measure
Relationship reported
Lewis, Lanigan, Joseph, & de Fockert (1997) (Study 1)
154 Northern Irish undergraduate students
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = -.02, NS. Males r = .00, NS. Females r = .02, NS.
Lewis, Lanigan, Joseph, & de Fockert (1997) (Study 2)
67 English undergraduate students
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = -.09, NS. Males r = -.03, NS. Females r = -.08, NS.
French & Joseph (1999)
101 undergraduates in the UK
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = .22, p < .05. Partial correlation controlling for sex and age, confirmed significant association (r = .27, p < .01).
Lewis, Maltby, & Burkinshaw (2000) (Study 1)
64 English Anglican priests
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = .14, p > .05 (NS) .
Lewis, Maltby, & Burkinshaw (2000) (Study 2)
70 English congregational members of the Anglican Church
Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = -.08, p > .05 (NS) .
Lewis (2002)
154 Northern Irish undergraduate students
Frequency of church attendance.
Depression-Happiness Scale
Total r = .03, p > .05 (NS) . Partial correlation controlling for sex confirmed no association (r = .04, p > .05 [NS]).
Lewis, Maltby, & Day (2005)
138 adults from the north of England
µ$JH-8QLYHUVDO¶,-E Scale, Brief RCOPE
Depression-Happiness Scale
No significant associations between religion and happiness: Happiness & intrinsic r = -.02 (NS); Happiness & extrinsic-personal r = -.10 (NS); Happiness & extrinsic-social r = -.07 (NS); Happiness & positive religious coping r = .09 (NS); Happiness & negative religious coping r = -.07 (NS).
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Of the nine studies that have been conducted using the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Oxford Happiness Inventory (see Table 1), eight have reported significant positive associations between these measures (Francis, Jones, & Wilcox, 2000: Study one, Study two, Study three; Francis & Lester, 1997; Francis & Robbins, 2000; Francis, Robbins, & White, 2003; French & Joseph, 1999; Robbins & Francis, 1996), while one study has reported no significant association (Francis, Ziebertz, & Lewis, 2003). This general finding of significant positive associations is further supported by studies that have employed the Hebrew versions of the Katz-Francis Scale of Attitude toward Judaism (Francis & Katz, 2002; Francis, Katz, Yablon, & Robbins, 2004). In contrast, Argyle and Hills (2000), using a composite measure of religious affect, did not find a significant relationship between the Oxford Happiness Inventory and overall religious affect, though they did find a modest significant association between happiness and the Immanent Factor One of religious affect. Thus, research employing the Oxford Happiness Inventory has consistently found that religiosity is associated with happiness. Of the five studies that have been conducted using the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Depression-Happiness Scale (see Table 2), four have reported no significant associations between these measures (Lewis, Lanigan, Joseph, & de Fockert, 1997: Study one, Study two; Lewis, Maltby, & Burkinshaw, 2000: Study one, Study two), while one study has reported a significant positive association (French & Joseph, 1999). This general finding of no significant association is further supported by related work that has employed alternate operationalisations of religiosity to that of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, namely that of frequency of church attendance (Lewis, 2002), and both religious orientation and religious coping (Lewis, Maltby, & Day, 2005). Thus, research employing the Depression-Happiness Scale has consistently found that religiosity is not associated with happiness. Such incongruent findings clearly suggest that the two measures of happiness, the Oxford Happiness Inventory and the Depression-Happiness Scale, appear to be measuring different aspects of happiness, and these components are differentially associated with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity. However, interestingly, these two measures of happiness are highly correlated (r = .59, Joseph & Lewis, 1998; r = .58, French & Joseph, 1999; r = .79, Hills & Argyle, 2002). Lewis et al. (2005) have speculated that the theoretical and empirical distinction between subjective well-being and psychological well-being (see Keyes, Shmotkin, & Ryff, 2002) may underlie such differential findings. Although both measures are based on self-reports over the last seven days, the two measures may differentiate in the way that they measure happiness, with the Oxford Happiness Inventory tapping a more global aspect of happiness that involves contemplation over a longer time SHULRG HJ³,DPFRPSOHWHO\VDWLVILHGDERXWHYHU\WKLQJLQP\OLIH´>,WHP@DQG³$OOSDVW HYHQWVVHHPH[WUHPHO\KDSS\´>,WHP@ ZKLFKUHIOHFWVSV\FKRORJLFDOZHOO-being, whilst the Depression-Happiness Scale is much more restricted in terms of time-VFDOH HJ ³, IHOW FKHHUIXO´>,WHP@³,IHOWKDSS\´>,WHP@ WKXVUHIOHFWLQJVXEMHFWLYHZHOO-being. Hills and Argyle (2002) have recently developed a psychometrically improved version of the Oxford Happiness Inventory, entitled the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire (29 items), and a short-form (8 items) version. The Oxford Happiness Questionnaire contains no time reference, and includes items that may measure global aspects of happiness concerning UHIOHFWLRQVRYHUDORQJHUSHULRGRIWLPH HJ³,IHHOWKDWOLIHLVYHU\UHZDUGLQJ´>,WHP@DQG ³,DPZHOOVDWLVILHGDERXWHYHU\WKLQJLQP\OLIH´>,WHP@ ,QLWLDOZRUNE\+LOOVDQG$UJ\OH
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Christopher Alan Lewis, Lucia Adamovová and Sharon Mary Cruise
(2002) demonstrated that the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire was very strongly correlated with the Oxford Happiness Inventory (r = .80), and the Depression-Happiness Scale (r = .90). Interestingly, Lewis et al. (2005) employed the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form alongside a measure of religious orientation, the µ$JH-8QLYHUVDO¶ ,-E Scale (Gorsuch & Venable, 1983), and a measure of religious coping, the Brief RCOPE A (Pargament, Smith, Koenig, & Perez, 1998). Significant associations were found between happiness and intrinsic orientation, and positive religious coping. In tandem to the work of Hills and Argyle (2002) in developing the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, Joseph, Linley, Harwood, Lewis, and McCollam (2004) developed the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, designed for use when time or space was limited, or when the 25-item Depression-Happiness Scale could not be used. The findings across the two series of studies with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, one set using the Oxford Happiness Inventory and the other using the Depression-Happiness Scale, illustrates that the relationship between religiosity and happiness varies according to the precise measure of happiness used (Robbins & Francis, 1996), when the measures of religiosity (i.e., the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity) remains constant. The general aim of the present study was to further build on previous research examining the association between religion and happiness in three important ways. First, although the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire is conceptually derived from the Oxford Happiness Inventory, Hills and Argyle (2002) provide evidence that the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire is empirically associated more closely with the DepressionHappiness Scale (i.e., the measure of happiness not found to be associated with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity), than it is to the Oxford Happiness Inventory (i.e., the measure of happiness that is found to be associated with the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity). In light of this, the first aim of the present study was to examine the association between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form. It was proposed that there would be no association between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form. Second, previous research has employed the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity alongside two alternate measures of happiness, the Oxford Happiness Inventory and the Depression-Happiness Scale. However, most of this research has been conducted with independent samples (cf. French & Joseph, 1999). As such, it is presently unclear if the differences in the two sets of studies emanate from the different measures of happiness employed, or the differences in the samples employed between the two sets of studies. The second aim of the present study was therefore to examine the association between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and both the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form within one sample. Third, within the psychology of religion there is growing interest in examining the generalisability of previous findings in other cultural samples. The Slovak Republic provides an interesting context in which to examine the relationship between religion and happiness. )ROORZLQJ WKH IDOORI WKH %HUOLQ ZDOO DQG WKH µ9HOYHW5HYROXWLRQ¶LQ which led to the end of the rule of the Communist Party of Czechslovakia and the formation of a new, nonCommunist government, Slovakia returned to being a sovereign state in 1993. With the return of democracy in 1989 came the freedom to once again practice religion. However, in contrast
Religion and Happiness among Slovak University Students
117
to the Czech Republic, Slovakia is not secularised, in spite of 50 years of atheist communistic rule propaganda. In the 2001 census, 84.1% of Slovaks profess to be Christians and 75% of them are Roman Catholics 7tåLN Therefore, the third aim of the present study was to examine the association between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form among a sample of university students from a culture which is not very secularised, and where it can be assumed that the same mental health correlates of attitude toward Christianity apply as has been shown to be the case in western cultures.
M ETHOD Sample The study comprised 151 undergraduate psychology students in attendance at a university in Trnava, Slovakia. Overall, participants were aged between 18 and 26 years (mean age 20.77 years, SD = 1.45), of whom 48 (31.8%) were males aged between 18 and 26 years (mean age 21.40 years, SD = 1.38) and 103 (68.2%) were females aged between 18 and 24 years (mean age 20.48 years, SD = 1.39).
M easures All respondents provided their age and sex, and completed a questionnaire booklet containing the following Slovak translated measures:
(i) Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity (FSAC; Francis & Stubbs, 1987) The Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity is a 24-item self-report measure concerned with attitude towards the Bible, prayer, church, God, and Jesus, a sample item EHLQJ³,NQRZWKDW-HVXVKHOSVPH´ ,WHP ,WLVVFRUHGRQDILYH-point scale ranging from µDJUHHVWURQJO\¶ WKURXJKµXQFHUWDLQ¶ WRµGLVDJUHHVWURQJO\¶ (LJKWLWHPVDUHUHYHUVH scored. Scores range from 24 to 120, with higher scores on the scale indicating a more positive attitude toward Christianity. A satisfactory level of internal consistency has been reported (Francis & Stubbs, 1987). This measure of religiosity can be conceptualised as a measure of intrinsic religious orientation (see Joseph & Lewis, 1997). (ii) Depression-Happiness Scale short-form (Joseph, Linley, Harwood, Lewis, & McCollam, 2004) The Depression-Happiness Scale short-form is a six-item self-report measure concerned with happiness, sample LWHPVEHLQJ³,IHOWGLVVDWLVILHGZLWKP\OLIH´ ,WHP>UHYHUVHVFRUHG@ DQG³,IHOWKDSS\´ ,WHP ,WLVVFRUHGRQDIRXU-point scale ranging from µQHYHU¶ µUDUHO\¶ µVRPH-WLPHV¶ µRIWHQ¶ 7KUHHLWHPVDUHUHYHUVHVFRUHG6FRUHVUDQJHfrom 0 to 18, with higher scores on the scale indicating a greater level of happiness. A satisfactory level of internal consistency has been reported, as well as a strong positive association with the parent
118
Christopher Alan Lewis, Lucia Adamovová and Sharon Mary Cruise
form, the 25-item Depression-Happiness Scale (Joseph, Linley, Harwood, Lewis, & McCollam, 2004).
(iii) Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form (OHQ; Hills & Argyle, 2002) The Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form is a six-item self-report measure concerned with measuring personal happiness, sample TXHVWLRQVEHLQJ³,IHHOWKDWOLIHLVYHry UHZDUGLQJ´ ,WHP DQG ³, GR QRW KDYH SDUWLFXODUO\ KDSS\ PHPRULHV RI WKH SDVW´ ,WHP [reverse scored]). It is scored on a six-point Likert scale UDQJLQJIURPµstrongly disDJUHH¶(1) WR µVWURQJO\ DJUHH¶ (6). Twelve items are reverse scored. Scores range from 7 to 56, with higher scores on the scale indicating a greater level of happiness. A satisfactory level of internal consistency has been reported (Cruise, Mc Guckin, & Lewis, 2006; Hills & Argyle, 2002). (iv) Church attendance Frequency of church attendance was measured on a five-SRLQWVFDOHUDQJLQJIURPµQHYHU¶ µRQFHRUWZLFHD\HDU¶ µVRPHWLPHV¶ µDWOHDVWRQFHDPRQWK¶ DQGµZHHNO\¶ in response to WKH TXHVWLRQ ³+RZ RIWHQ GR \RX DWWHQG FKXUFK"´ +LJKHU VFRUHV on the item indicate a greater frequency of church attendance. (v) Personal prayer Frequency of personal prayer was measured on a five-point scale UDQJLQJ IURP µQHYHU¶ µRQFHRUWZLFHD\HDU¶ µVRPHWLPHV¶ µDWOHDVWRQFHDZHHN¶ DQGµGDLO\¶ LQ UHVSRQVH WR WKH TXHVWLRQ ³+RZ RIWHQ GR \RX SUD\ E\ \RXUVHOI"´ +LJKHU VFRUHV on the item indicate a greater frequency of personal prayer. (vi) Bible reading Frequency of Bible reading was measured on a five-SRLQWVFDOHUDQJLQJIURPµQHYHU¶ µRQFH RU WZLFH D \HDU¶ µVRPHWLPHV¶ µDW OHDVW RQFH D ZHHN¶ DQG µGDLO\¶ LQ UHVSRQVH WR WKH TXHVWLRQ ³+RZ RIWHQ GR \RX UHDG WKH %LEOH"´ +LJKHU VFRUHV on the item indicate a greater frequency of Bible reading.
Procedure The questionnaire booklet was completed during class time as part of a class practical. Participation was voluntary. None of the class declined to participate, and no credit was given for completing the booklet.
RESULTS Table 3 shows means, standard deviations, alpha coefficients, and t-test results for the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform, Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, and the behavioural measures of religious practice.
Table 3. Descriptive statistics for Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, and behavioural measures of religious practice for the total sample and for males and females
FSAC OHQSF D-HSSF Church attendance Personal prayer Bible reading
Total sample Mean SD 82.13 24.60 34.64 5.73 12.91 3.03 2.83 1.67 2.66 1.61 3.85 1.30
Į .98 .67 .77 -
Males Mean 73.40 35.00 13.65 2.69 2.71 1.73
SD 24.34 5.57 2.47 1.68 1.71 1.07
Į .98 .65 .60 -
Females Mean 86.20 34.48 12.56 3.39 3.64 2.35
SD 23.75 5.83 3.21 1.63 1.47 1.35
Į .98 .80 .71 -
t-value -3.062** .522 NS 2.270* -2.439* -3.252** -3.051**
* = p < .05; ** = p < .01 FSAC: Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity; OHQSF: Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form; D-HSSF: Depression-Happiness Scale short-form
Table 4. Zero order correlations between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short- form, Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, and behavioural measures of religious practice for the total sample and for males and females FSAC FSAC OHQSF D-HSSF Church attendance Personal prayer Bible reading
-----.087 .171 .846*** .891*** .709***
OHQSF
D-HSSF
Church attendance .244 .197 .750*** -----.515*** .009 .620*** -----.163 .004 .007 -----.039 .099 .802*** .009 .033 .661*** Females below diagonal
Personal prayer .774*** .161 .171 .760*** -----.675***
Bible reading .710*** .165 .213 .629*** .596*** ------
*** = p < .001 FSAC: Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity; OHQSF: Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form; D-HSSF: Depression Happiness Scale short-form
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Internal reliabilities (Cronbach, 1951) were found to be satisfactory for each of the translated measures, both for the overall sample, and for the male and female samples (see Table 3). Significant sex differences were observed for the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the behavioural measures of religious practice, with females scoring significantly higher than males, and for the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, with males scoring significantly higher than females (see Table 3). A series of zero order Pearson Product Moment correlations were computed between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform, the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, and the behavioural measures of religious practice (see Table 4). Significant associations were found between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and each of the three behavioural measures of religious practice. A significant correlation was also found between the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. No significant associations were found between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and either the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, or the behavioural measures of religious practice. Given the observed sex differences on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, a series of partial correlations controlling for sex were computed. Partial correlations controlling for sex showed that no significant associations were found between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form. However, there was a significant positive association between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. A significant positive association was found between the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. There were no significant associations between either of the two happiness measures (i.e., the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form) and the behavioural measures of religiosity (i.e., church attendance, personal prayer, Bible reading) (see Table 5). Table 5. Partial correlations (controlling for sex) between the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, Depression- Happiness Scale short-form, and behavioural measures of religious practice for the total sample and for males and females
FSAC OHQSF D-HSSF Church attendance Personal prayer Bible reading
FSAC
OHQSF
D-HSSF
-----.136 .177* .815*** .848*** .704***
-----.591*** .006 .080 .049
-----.048 .118 .073
Church attendance
Personal prayer
Bible reading
-----.786*** .648***
-----.642***
------
* = p < .05; *** = p < .001 FSAC: Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity; OHQSF: Oxford Happiness Questionnaire shortform; D-HSSF: Depression Happiness Scale short-form
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DI SCUSSI ON In order to extend the growing literature of empirical studies that have examined the relationship between various measures of both religiosity and happiness, the present study examined the relationship between religion, as conceptualised and operationalised in terms of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, and happiness, as conceptualised and operationalised in terms of the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form among a sample of Slovak undergraduate students. From the present data, six points are worthy of comment. First, no significant association was found between scores on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and scores on the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire. This result is consistent with the finding that although the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire is derived from the Oxford Happiness Inventory, Hills and Argyle (2002) demonstrated that the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire is more strongly associated with the Depression-Happiness Scale than with the Oxford Happiness Inventory. Second, a significant association was found between scores on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. This finding is not consistent with the majority of previous work that has employed these measures (see Lewis & Cruise, 2006 for review), but is consistent with the findings of French and Joseph (1999). Third, satisfactory psychometric properties were found for the Slovak translations of the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity, and the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form and the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form among a sample of Slovak undergraduate students. These findings are consistent with published data for each of the scales employing the original English language versions of the measures (Francis & Stubbs, 1987; Hills & Argyle, 2002; Joseph, Linley, Harwood, Lewis, & McCollam, 2004). Fourth, in line with Hills and Argyle (2002), support was found for the strong (r = .59) association between the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form and the DepressionHappiness Scale short-form. Such findings are in line with those reported on the association between the Oxford Happiness Inventory and the Depression-Happiness Scale (r = .59, Joseph & Lewis, 1998; r = .58, French & Joseph, 1999; r = .79, Hills & Argyle, 2002). However, what are of interest is not only the amount of common variance shared by these two measures of happiness (25%), but also the amount of non-shared unique variance highlighting the differences between the two measures. Factor analytic work based on data among a larger sample would help identify commonalities and differences between the measures and their respective items. Fifth, the sex differences found on the measures of religiosity, with females scoring higher than males on the Francis Scale of Attitude toward Christianity and the three behavioural measures, are consistent with previous findings with the scale (see Kay & Francis, 1996), and with behavioural measures of religiosity, and with the wider literature in the psychology of religion (Beit-Hallahmi & Argyle, 1997; Francis, 1997), including research in the Slovak Republic (e.g., 6WUtåHQHF ). Sixth, the finding of a significant sex difference on the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form, but not on the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, is inconsistent with previous studies (e.g., Argyle & Hills, 2000; Joseph, Linley, Harwood, Lewis, & McCollam,
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2004) which have consistently failed to demonstrate significant sex differences on either of these measures of happiness. Such equivocal findings are inconsistent with previous research with these measures, and with the wider literature in the psychology of happiness (Argyle, 1986). Finally, the present study is limited in terms of the generalisability due to the small sample size (N = 151) and homogeneous characteristics of the sample (i.e., Slovak undergraduate university students studying psychology and machine engineering (material technology)). Moreover, the cross-sectional design employed in the study is not able to establish causal relationships between the constructs of religiosity and happiness. However, notwithstanding such limitations, the present study adds to the existing literature on the relationship between religion and happiness by providing further evidence that the construct of attitude toward Christianity, as measured by the Francis Scale of Attitude towards Christianity, is not associated with happiness when measured by the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form, but is when measured by the Depression-Happiness Scale short-form. A clearer picture exists concerning the behavioural measures of religiosity, with no association found with either measure of happiness. Such findings, in comparison to those reported in Table 1, demonstrate the complex nature of the relationship between religion and happiness, and the importance of the measures employed. Further research is now required to help elucidate the differential association between the established measures of happiness in order to ascertain the various components that exist within the various measures of happiness. Such work should focus on understanding the interrelationship between the established measures of happiness. Once this has been achieved, it will become evident which aspects of happiness are related to which aspects of religiosity.
REFERENCES Abdel-Khalek, A. M. (2006). Happiness, health, and religiosity: Significant relations. Mental Health, Religion and Culture, 9, 85-97. Abdel-Khalek, A. M. & Naceur, F. (2007). Religiosity and its association with positive and negative emotions among college students from Algeria. Mental Health, Religion and Culture, 10, 159-170. Argyle, M. (1986). The psychology of happiness. London: Routledge. Argyle, M. & Hills, P. (2000). Religious experiences and their relations with happiness and personality. International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 10, 157-172. Argyle, M., Martin, M. & Crossland, J. (1989). Happiness as a function of personality and social encounters. In J. P. Forgas, & J. M. Innes, (Eds.), Recent advances in social psychology: An international perspective, (189-203). North-Holland: Elsevier. Aspinwall, L. G. & Staudinger, U. M. (2003). A psychology of human strengths: Fundamental questions and future directions for a positive psychology. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Balswick, J. O. & Balkwell, J. W. (1979). Religious orthodoxy and emotionality. Review of Religious Research, 19, 308-319. Beit-Hallahmi, B. & Argyle, M. (1997). The psychology of religious behaviour, belief and experience. London: Routledge.
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Blazer, D. & Palmore, E. (1970). Religion and aging in a longitudinal panel. The Gerontologist, 16, 82-85. Brinkerhoff, M. B. & Mackie, M. M. (1993). Casting off the bonds of organized religion: A religious careers approach to the study of apostasy. Review of Religious Research, 34, 235-257. Cronbach, L. J. (1951). Coefficient alpha and the internal structure of tests. Psychometrika, 16, 297-334. Cruise, S. M., Mc Guckin, C. & Lewis, C. A. (2006). Internal reliability and temporal stability of the Oxford Happiness Questionnaire short-form: Test-retest data over two weeks. Social Behavior and Personality, 34, 123-126. Cutler, S. J. (1976). Membership in different types of voluntary associations and psychological well-being. The Gerontologist, 16, 335-339. Ellison, C. G. (1991). Religious involvement and subjective well-being. Journal of Health and Social Behaviour, 32, 80-99. Emmons, R. A. & Paloutzian, R. F. (2003). The psychology of religion. Annual Review of Psychology, 54, 377-402. Fontana, D. (2003). Psychology, religion, and spirituality. Oxford, UK: BPS Blackwell. Francis, L. J. (1997). The psychology of gender differences in religion: A review of the empirical research. Religion, 27, 81-96. Francis, L. J., Jones, S. H. & Wilcox, C. (2000). Religiosity and happiness: During adolescence, young adulthood and later life. Journal of Psychology and Christianity, 19, 245-257. Francis, L. J. & Katz, Y. J. (2002). Religiosity and happiness: A study among Israeli female undergraduates. Research in the Social Scientific Study of Religion, 13, 75-86. Francis, L. J., Katz, Y. J., Yablon, Y. & Robbins, M. (2004). Religiosity, personality, and happiness: A study among Israeli male undergraduates. Journal of Happiness Studies, 5, 315-333. Francis, L. J. & Lester, D. (1997). Religion, personality and happiness. Journal of Contemporary Religion, 12, 81-86. Francis, L. J. & Robbins, M. (2000). Religion and happiness: A study in empirical theology. Transpersonal Psychology Review, 4, 17-22. Francis, L. J., Robbins, M. & White, A. (2003). Correlation between religion and happiness: A replication. Psychological Reports, 92, 51-52. Francis, L. J. & Stubbs, M. T. (1987). Measuring attitudes towards Christianity: From childhood into adulthood. Personality and Individual Differences, 8, 741-743. Francis, L. J., Ziebertz, H. G. & Lewis, C. A. (2003). The relationship between religion and happiness among German students. Pastoral Psychology, 51, 273-281. Frankel, B. G. & Hewitt, W. E. (1994). Religion and well-being among Canadian university students: The role of faith groups on campus. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 33, 62-73. French, S. & Joseph, S. (1999). Religiosity and its association with happiness, purpose in life, and self-actualisation. Mental Health, Religion and Culture, 2, 117-120. *RUVXFK 5 / 9HQDEOH * ' 'HYHORSPHQW RI DQ µ$JH-8QLYHUVDO¶ ,-E scale. Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion, 12, 181-197. Graney, M. J. (1975). Happiness and social participation in aging. Journal of Gerontology, 30, 701-706.
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Heisel, M. A. & Faulkner, A. O. (1982). Religiosity in an old black population. The Gerontologist, 22, 354-358. Hills, P. & Argyle, M. (2002). The Oxford Happiness Questionnaire: A compact scale for the measurement of psychological well-being. Personality and Individual Differences, 33, 1073-1082. Hood, R. W., Jr., Hill, P. C. & Williamson, P. W. (2005). The psychology of religious fundamentalism. New York: Guilford Press. Inglehart, R. (1990). Culture shift in advanced industrial society. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. James, W. (1902). The varieties of religious experience: A study in human nature (2nd ed.). New York: Longmans Green. Janssen, F., Bänziger, S., Dezutter, J., & Hutsebaut, D. (2006) Religion and mental health: Aspects of the relation between religious measures and positive and negative mental health. Archive for the Psychology of Religion, 27, 19-44. Joseph, S. & Lewis, C. A. (1997). The Francis Scale of Attitude Towards Christianity: Intrinsic or extrinsic religion? Psychological Reports, 80, 609-610. Joseph, S. & Lewis, C. A. (1998). The Depression-Happiness Scale: Reliability and validity of a bipolar self-report scale. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 54, 537-544. Joseph, S., Linley, A. P., Harwood, J., Lewis, C. A. & McCollam, P. (2004). Rapid assessment of well-being: The short Depression-Happiness Scale (SDHS). Psychology and Psychotherapy: Theory, Research and Practice, 77, 463-478. Joseph, S., Linley, A. P. & Maltby, J. (2006). Editorial: Positive psychology, religion, and spirituality. Mental Health, Religion and Culture, 9, 209-212. Kay, W. K. & Francis, L. J. (1996). Drift from the Churches: Attitudes towards Christianity during childhood and adolescence. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. Keyes, C. L. M., Shmotkin, D. & Ryff, C. D. (2002). Optimizing well-being: The empirical encounter of two traditions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 10071022. Kirkpatrick, L. A. (2005). Attachment, evolution, and the psychology of religion. New York: Guilford Press. Lewis, C. A. (2002). Church attendance and happiness among Northern Irish undergraduate students: No association. Pastoral Psychology, 50, 191-195. Lewis, C. A. & Cruise, S. M. (2006). Religion and happiness: Consensus, contradictions, comments and concerns. Mental Health, Religion and Culture, 9, 213-225. Lewis, C. A., Lanigan, C., Joseph, S. & de Fockert, J. (1997). Religiosity and happiness: No evidence for an association among undergraduates. Personality and Individual Differences, 22, 119-121. Lewis, C. A., Maltby, J. & Burkinshaw, S. (2000). Religion and happiness: Still no association. Journal of Beliefs and Values, 21, 233-236. Lewis, C. A., Maltby, J. & Day, L. (2005). Religious orientation, religious coping and happiness among UK adults. Personality and Individual Differences, 38, 1193-1202. Linley, P. A. & Joseph, S. (2004). Positive psychology in practice. New York: John Wiley & Sons Inc. McNamara, P. H. & St George, A. (1978). Blessed are the downtrodden? An empirical test. Sociological Analysis, 29, 303-320.
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Moberg, D. O. & Taves, M. J. (1965). Church participation and adjustment in old age. In A. M. Rose, & W. A. Peterson, (Eds.), Older people and their social world, (113-124). Philadelphia, PA: FA Davis. Mookerjee, R. & Beron, K. (2005). Gender, religion and happiness. Journal of SocioEconomics, 34, 674-685. Myers, D. G. (2002). The funds, friends, and faith of happy people. American Psychologist, 55, 56-67. 2¶5HLOO\&7 5HOLJLRXVSUDFWLFHDQGSHUVRQDODGMXVWPHQW of older people. Sociology and Social Research, 42, 119-121. Paloutzian, R. F. & Park, C. L. (Eds.). (2005). Handbook of the psychology of religion and spirituality. New York: Guilford Press. Pargament, K. I., Smith, B. W., Koenig, H. G. & Perez, L. (1998). Patterns of positive and negative religious coping with major life stressors. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 37, 710-724. Peterson, C. & Seligman, M. E. P. (2004). Character strengths and virtues: A handbook and classification. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association/New York: Oxford University Press. Poloma, M. M. & Pendleton, B. F. (1989). Exploring types of prayer and quality of life: A research note. Review of Religious Research, 31, 46-53. Poloma, M. M. & Pendleton, B. F. (1990). Religious domains and general well-being. Social Indicators Research, 22, 255-276. Poloma, M. M. & Pendleton, B. F. (1991). The effects of prayer and prayer experiences on general wellbeing. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 19, 71-83. Reed, K. (1991). Strength of religious affiliation and life satisfaction. Sociological Analysis, 52, 205-210. Robbins, M. & Francis, L. J. (1996). Are religious people happier? A study among undergraduates. In L. J. Francis, W. K. Kay, & W. S. Campbell (Eds.), Research in religious education, (207-217). Leominster: Gracewing. Seligman, M. E. P. & Csikszentmihalyi, M. (2000). Positive psychology: An introduction. American Psychologist, 55, 5-14. Shaver, Y. P., Lenauer, M. A. & Sadd, S. (1980). Religiousness, conversion and subjective well-being: The healthy-minded religion of modern American women. American Journal of Psychiatry, 137, 1563-1568. Spilka, B., Hood, R. W., Hunsberger, B. & Gorsuch, R. (2003). The psychology of religion: An empirical approach, (3rd ed.). New York: Guilford Press. 6WUtåHQHF0 3V\FKROyJLDQiERåHQVWYD 3V\FKRORJ\RI5HOLJLRQ Veda: Bratislava. 6WUtåHQHF 0 6~þDVQi SV\FKROyJLD QiERåHQVWYD Contemporary Psychology of Religion). Bratislava: IRIS. 6WUtåHQHF0 (YHQWKH,QVWLWXWHRI([SHULPHQWDl Psychology evolves psychology of religion. Studia Psychologica, 49, 177-190. Tellis-Nayak, V. (1982). The transcendent standard: The religious ethos of the rural elderly. The Gerontologist, 22, 359-363. 7tåLN 0 1RYi UHOLJLR]LWD Y SOXUDOL]RYDQHM VSRORþQRVWL (New religiosity in a SOXUDOLVHGVRFLHW\ ,Q 00RUDYþtNRYi (G Nová religiozita (New religiostiy) (3-44). %UDWLVODYD ÒVWDYSUHY]ĢDK\ãWiWXD cirkví. Veenhoven, R. (1994). Correlates of happiness. Rotterdam: RISBO.
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Wilson, W. R. (1965). Relation of sexual behaviors, values and conflicts to avowed happiness. Psychological Reports, 17, 371-378. Witter, R. A., Stock, W. A., Okun, M. A. & Haring, M. J. (1985). Religion and subjective well-being in adulthood: A quantitative synthesis. Review of Religious Research, 26, 332-342. Yates, J. W., Chalmer, B. J., St James, P., Follansbee, M. & McKegney, F. P. (1981). Religion in patients with advanced cancer. Medical and Paediatric Oncology, 9, 121-128. Zuckerman, D. M., Kasl, S. & Ostfeld, A. M. (1984). Psychosocial predictors of mortality among the elderly poor: The role of religion, well-being and social contacts. American Journal of Epidemiology, 119, 410-423.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 127-141 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 7
L I FE SATI SFACTI ON OF UNI VERSI TY-EDUCATED Y OUNG ADULTS Liisa Martikainen* HUMAK University of Applied Sciences, Helsinki, Finland
ABSTRACT An academic degree has been seen as a guarantee of a better and more satisfied life among the members of many societies. To investigate this, the aim of this study was to clarify the relationship between young adults¶ HGXFDWLRQDO OHvel and life satisfaction in order to measure the levels of general life satisfaction among Finnish young adults with an academic degree, and to clarify the way in which life satisfaction is constructed. This study also investigates whether the level and construction of life satisfaction is different between university-educated male and female participants. The data were gathered from a sample of a Finnish age cohort (born in 1968) in 2001 (N=192) via a questionnaire. The participants of this study consist of two subgroups included in the sample (i.e., men (N=18) and women (N=25) with academic degree). The results showed the level of life satisfaction among highly-educated Finnish young adults to be higher than that of young adults in general. In addition, when investigating the relationship between the level of education and the level of life satisfaction within the whole group of young adults (N=192), it was found that the educational level was related to life satisfaction of men but not of women. Two main factors underlying highly-HGXFDWHG \RXQJ DGXOWV¶ OLIH satisfaction were found to be marital status DQG VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V ZRUNLQJ conditions. In addition, the groups of men and women varied in the importance of life satisfaction that they attached to intimate partnerships, friends and material factors. For female participants, factors such as marital satisfaction and experiences of violence in intimate relationships underpinned their life satisfaction. For men, the most important factor underpinning their life satisfaction was VDWLVIDFWLRQZLWKRQH¶VVRFLDOUHODWLRQVhips. In addition, the female participants had more difficulties in reconciliation of their working responsibilities, household duties and free time activities than male participants. This imbalance between these factors, in turn, diminished the level of female
*
Corresponding author: [email protected]
128
Liisa Martikainen SDUWLFLSDQW¶V OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ 7KH UHVXOWVKLJKOLJht the importance of a gender-sensitive and subgroup-specific perspective in life satisfaction research.
Keywords: life satisfaction, gender, university education, work/life balance
I NTRODUCTI ON The relationship between educational level and life satisfaction has been widely studied (e.g., Helliwell 2001; Michalos 2008), but there is a very limited amount of research of the life satisfaction of adults with an academic degree. In most cases, university-educated adults have been studied as one of the subgroups among adults with different educational backgrounds (e.g., Johansson, Huang & Lindfors 2007). Nevertheless, it can be stated that a university-level education is a highly valuable goal in most societies, and it has also been seen as a gateway to a better and more satisfied life. To investigate this, the aims of this study are to clarify the relationship between young adults¶ HGXFDWLRQDO OHYHO DQG OLIH VDWLVIDFWLon, to measure the level of general life satisfaction within university-educated Finnish young adults, and to shed light on the way that their life satisfaction is constructed. One of the aims is also to clarify whether the level and construction of life satisfaction is different between university-educated male and female participants. General factors underlying life satisfaction. Within general studies investigating the factors most related to life satisfaction, it has been found that tKH OHYHO RI RQH¶V OLIH satisfaction is strongly dependent on factors such as economic well-being, social equality and political freedom LQ RQH¶V VRFLHWDO surroundings (Veenhoven 1996). Nevertheless, there can be differences in life satisfaction among people who are living in a similar environment (e.g., within the same country). The following factors have been put forward as related to varying levels of life satisfaction. People under 24 years and over 44 years of age have been reported as more satisfied with their lives than young adults (Helliwell 2001). Both comparable and actual levels of income are significant factors predicting the level of life satisfaction; so, too, is economic status (Blanchflower and Oswald 2004; Campbell et al. 1976; Delhey 2004; Stutzer 2003). Employed persons are more satisfied with their lives than unemployed persons (Campbell et al. 1976; Daly & Rose 2007; Helliwell 2001), but housewives, people working voluntarily and senior citizens are no less satisfied than people who work (Campbell et al. 1976). Marital status and good relationships ZLWKRQH¶VFKLOGUHQ²and social support in general²are related to life satisfaction (Argyle & Martin 1991; Daly & Rose 2007; Mowbray et al. 2005). Life VDWLVIDFWLRQ LV DOVR VWURQJO\ UHODWHG WR RQH¶V SHUVRQDOLW\ (Furham & Cheng 2004; King & Smith 2004; Lu & Hu 2005; Veenhoven 1996) and eVSHFLDOO\ WR RQH¶V VHQVH RI SHUsonal competence (Campbell et al. 1976). In addition, various kinds of life events are important in explaining differences in life-satisfaction levels (Diener et al. 2006; Veenhoven 1996). Life satisfaction of Finnish young adults. In a recent study (Martikainen, in press), it was IRXQG WKDW WKH PRVW VLJQLILFDQW IDFWRUV XQGHUSLQQLQJ )LQQLVK \RXQJ DGXOWV¶ OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ were related to family (such as marital status and marital satisfaction) and to working life VXFKDVVDWLVIDFWLRQZLWKRQH¶VZRUNLQJFRQGLWLRQV and occupational status). In addition, the
Life Satisfaction of University-Educated Young Adults
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study identified five distinct groups (three groups of women, two groups of men) that differed from each other both in their levels of life satisfaction and in the factors underlying life satisfaction (Martikainen, in press). The groups varied in the importance of life satisfaction that they attached to marital partnerships, friends, health and hobbies. The results of the Martikainen (in press) study indicated that the level of life satisfaction and the ways in which it is constructed vary markedly among individuals representing the same main culture but different kinds of values or having differences in their life situations (see also Diener et al. 2003; Markus et al. 2004; Oishi et al. 1999). The relationship between education and life satisfaction. The research results in general indicate that there is a controversial relationship between education and life satisfaction (e.g., Daukantaite & Zukauskiene 2006; Helliwell 2001; Melin et al. 2003; Veenhoven 1996). The results of the Swedish study (Johansson, Huang & Lindfors 2007) show that women with low education staying in relatively unskilled jobs were less satisfied with work and life in general than were women with higher education. In addition, the results of the Melin, Fugl-Meyer and Fugl-Meyer (2003) study show that the group of university-educated adults is not necessarily a privileged one in the context of life satisfaction. The subjects with university education were less satisfied with their social relationships than were those with lower levels of education. In contrast, the levels of satisfaction with health or material factors were significantly highest in the university-educated group (Melin et al. 2003). Additionally, the research results also show (Markus et al. 2004) that high school-educated adults do not necessarily differ from the college-educated adults in general assessments of well-being (i.e., ratings of general life satisfaction and satisfaction with work). In parallel to the Melin et al. (2003) study, college-educated respondents were more satisfied with their financial situations and those with a high school education reported higher levels of satisfaction with their marriage and close relationships (Markus et al. 2004). All in all, it has been shown that those who have stayed in full-time education until later age are not systematically more satisfied with their lives once account has been taken of higher incomes, wider participation and better health that might have been facilitated by their education (Helliwell 2001). Nevertheless, education seems to have some important indirect effects on well-being (Helliwell 2001; Ross & Willigen 1997). As mentioned above, there is a very limited amount of research conducted among the group of university-educated adults alone. Nevertheless, there are some research results about the life satisfaction or well-being of college or university students (e.g., Dorahy et al. 2000; Cha 2003; Chow 2005). For example, university students in the Chow (2005) study expressed that they were most satisfied with their social relationships and living environment. In addition, the respondents with higher socio-economic status achieved a higher grade point average and expressed a markedly higher level of satisfaction with life than the other groups of students (Chow 2005). Level of education in relation to other areas of life. In the context of university-educated adults, it should also be noted that high level of education is related to high career orientation HJ 3XONNLQHQ 2KUDQHQ 7ROYDQHQ ,Q DGGLWLRQ ZRPHQ¶V ZRUN RULHQWDWLRQ LQ adulthood is especially associated with family-related factors such as intertwining of family and career (Pulkkinen et al. 1999). This might be due to the fact that women still carry the main responsibility for childcare and work at home (e.g., Krantz, Berntsson & Lundberg
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Liisa Martikainen
2005). Practical family issues are also in many cases more valued by women than by men (Martikainen, in press). As a consequence reconciliation of work and family life has been found to be one of the most important factRUV XQGHUSLQQLQJ ZRPHQ¶V OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ (Martikainen, in press). As a consequence, it could be stated that any long-term impacts of work-family interface²including life satisfaction and well-being²should be examined taking into account several factors, including individual characteristics and environmental conditions (Grzywacs and Marks 2000). That means also a careful consideration of lifecourse changes in terms of temporal and emotional significance of roles (Johansson et al. 2007). The concept of life satisfaction. In this study, WKHWHUP³OLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ´LVFRQFHLYHGas the degree to which an individual judges the overall quality of his/her life as a whole favorably (Veenhoven 1991); the term is thus used synonymously with happiness (in line with Veenhoven 1991) and subjective well-being (Diener 1994). Life satisfaction can also be defined as the cognitive component of subjective well-being (Campbell, Converse & Rodgers 1976; Diener 1994). All in all, both the concept of life satisfaction and the research conducted on the factors underlying it include many complexities. For example, in research into the factors underlying life satisfaction both bottom-up and top-down influences should be taken into account, since both types of influence have been found to be significant predictors of life satisfaction (e.g., Diener et al. 2000; Schimmack 2007). It seems that global evaluations of life satisfaction may in many cases reflect dispositional tendencies such as individual norms, values and self-believes (giving a stronger top-down influence), whereas when asked to evaluate specific or more concrete domains, individuals are more constrained by how they feel and think about the actual domains (giving a stronger bottom-up influence). Thus, life satisfaction depends on how good the various objective life domains are perceived to be in a SHUVRQ¶VOLIHEXWLVDGGLWLRQDOO\LQIOXHQFHGE\IRUH[DPSOHWKHGHJUHHWRZKLFKWKHSHUVRQ judges global domains more positively than specific domains. (Diener et al. 2000) Even if a general positive disposition towards life can be interpreted as a cultural phenomenon (Diener et al. 2000), it could also be seen in some respects parallel to personal WUDLW FDOOHG ³RSWimism´ 2SWLPLVP IRU LWV SDUW KDV EHHQ IRXQG WR EH UHODWHG WR OLIH satisfaction, even though the direction of causality has not been determined (Diener & Lucas 1999). In any case, the present study did seek to investigate this kind of personal characteristics (as measured by the level of optimism or pessimism FRQFHUQLQJRQH¶VIXWXUH and its relationship with life satisfaction.
Research Questions In order to explore the level and construction of life satisfaction among universityeducated young adults, the following research questions were specified: (1) What is the relationship between young adults¶HGXFDWLRQDOOHYHODQGOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ in entire research group (N=192)? (2) What is the level of general life satisfaction among university-educated Finnish adults (N=43)?
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(3) Which factors involved in these university-educated young adults¶ VRFLDO surroundings and phase of life are related to their life satisfaction? (4) Are the factors influencing life satisfaction different between university-educated male and female pDUWLFLSDQWV",IVRZKDWNLQGVRIIDFWRUVDUHUHODWHGWRPDOHV¶DQG IHPDOHV¶OLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ"
M ETHODS Participants and data collection. The participants consisted of individuals born in 1968. The participants had previously been chosen for inclusion in research (conducted in 1984) concerning 15-16 years old adolescents life processes (e.g., Rauste von Wright 1989). In all 396 adolescents attending the ninth grade in the Finnish comprehensive school system had participated in the 1984 research. The sample at the time was representative of the age cohort in question (Rauste von Wright, Makkonen & Markkanen 1986). The research, which the present paper is mainly based on, was conducted in 2001. The 2001 data collection was carried out by the present author as part of a research project concerning the construction of life satisfaction among Finnish young adults (Martikainen, in press). Not all the previous participants could be traced: the addresses of 65 participants in the former study could not be found (including 30 participants whose social security numbers and addresses had been lost over the years). Thus, in all, 331 research questionnaires were sent by mail in 2001. The final sample consisted of 192 young adults (58 % of the possible participants; 111 females, 81 males). The main focus in the present study is on the two subgroups of young adults representing adults with university degree (N=43; 18 males, 25 females). When the research sample gathered in 2001 was compared in respect of educational level and place of residence to the entire age cohort born in 1968, it was found that the research subjects represented the age cohort relatively well (see Tables 1 and 2). The biggest difference between the educational level of the participants and the wider population can be found in respect of highly educated young adults. The research sample of this study is somewhat better educated than the population at large. Regarding the place of residence, the biggest difference between the research sample and the wider population can be seen in the greater proportion of participants living in relatively large cities. Table 1. Educational level of the research sample compared to the population as a whole Basic Education Basic level* Middle level** High level**
Population (%) 17 43 40
Research sample (%) 11 41 48
* 9 years of compulsory school plus (at most) vocational training for the unemployed **11±12 years of schooling including either vocational or senior secondary school *** 13±17 years of schooling including a qualification in higher vocational education, university degree or equivalent
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Liisa Martikainen
Table 2. Place of residence of the entire age cohort born in 1968 and the research sample Place of residence Helsinki conurbation Other large city (more than 80,000 inhabitants) Other urban area Provincal area
Population (%) 24 15
Research sample (%) 25 27
28 33
21 27
Table 3. Marital status of the adults with university degree (N=43) Marital status Married Cohabiting without marriage Single Divorced
Female (f) 17 14 1 3
Male (f) 12 4 2 ²
7DEOH2FFXSDWLRQDOVWDWXVRIRQH¶VRZQLQWKHJURXSRIDGXOWV with university degree (n=36) Occupational status Higher occupational status * Middle occupational status** Lower occupational status ***
f 32 3 1
% 89 8 3
*mostly white-collar professionals such as managers and physicians **mostly white-collar workers such as nurses and technicians ***mostly blue and pink-collar workers such as waiters and cleaners
Background information about the participants with university degree. Most of the university-educated adults were married or living in a similar kind of relationship (see Table ,Q DGGLWLRQ 1 RI IHPDOH SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ DQG 1 RI PDOH SDUWLFLSDQWV with university degree had children. As it can be seen in Table 4, almost all of the respondents with university degree were white-collar professionals. Measurements. In this study the level of life satisfaction was measured by the question: ³$UH\RXVDWLVILHGZLWKWKHTXDOLW\RI\RXUOLIHDWWKHSUHVHQWWLPH"´7KHUHVSRQVHFDWHJRULHV were (1) very satisfied, (2) fairly satisfied, (3) fairly unsatisfied, and (4) very unsatisfied. This kind of one-item scale for the measurement of life satisfaction is similar to method by Andrews and Whitey (1976) and Fordyce (1988) for measuring global well-being or happiness; it has been extensively used in large-scale surveys (Diener 1994). More broadly it has been found that satisfaction can best be assessed by means of mailed questionnaires, which contain items of some length and provide a 4 to 5 point response-scale (Veenhoven 1996). The following open-ended questions were presented to elicit reasons that could account IRUWKHUHVSRQGHQW¶VOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ or dissatisfaction ³,I\RXDUHWRVRPHGHJUHHVDWLVILHG
Life Satisfaction of University-Educated Young Adults
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witKWKHTXDOLW\RI\RXUOLIHDWSUHVHQWZKDWNLQGVRIWKLQJVDUHFDXVLQJWKDWVDWLVIDFWLRQ"´DQG ³,I\RXDUHWRVRPHGHJUHHGLVVDWLVILHGZLWKWKHTXDOLW\RI\RXUOLIHDWSUHVHQWZKDWNLQGV of things are causing that dissatisfaction? The categories arrived at were as follows: (1) work, (2), health, (3) family, (4) material factors, (5) hobbies, (6) friends, (7) personal FKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIRQH¶VRZQDQG ZRUNOLIHEDODQFH. The closed questions concerning specific life satisfaction domains such as marital VDWLVIDFWLRQ VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V ZRUNLQJ FRQGLWLRQV and VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V VRFLDO relationships were devised and coded congruently to the question concerning life satisfaction. These questions were also followed by the open-ended questions concerning the reasons behind these specific life satisfaction/dissatisfaction domains. However, as the results of these analyses were not included in the present article the additional categorisation and coding is not presented here. In addition to marital satisfaction, the study measured other variables related to intimate relationships QDPHO\ WKH VXEMHFW¶V marital status, experiences of violence in intimate relationships and existence of children. The first variable was measured and coded on the EDVLV RI WKH TXHVWLRQ ³:KDW LV \RXU FXUUHQW PDULWDO VWDWXV"´ 7KH UHVSRQVH FDWHJRULHV ZHUH (1) married, (2) cohabiting without marriage, (3) single, (4) divorced. Experiences of violence LQLQWLPDWHUHODWLRQVKLSVZDVPHDVXUHGDQGFRGHGRQWKHEDVLVRIWKHTXHVWLRQ³'R\RXKDYH H[SHULHQFHV RI SK\VLFDO RU SV\FKLF YLROHQFH LQ \RXU LQWLPDWH UHODWLRQVKLSV"´ 7KH UHVSRQVH categories were (1) never, (2) sometimes, primarily psychic, (3) sometimes, both psychic and physical, (4) often, primarily psychic, (4) often, both psychic and psychical. The existence of children was measured on the basis of the binary question of whether the respondent had any children (coded as 1= no; 2= yes). The occupational VWDWXV RI RQH¶V SDUHQWV was measured by two open ended questions DVNHGLQ 7KHTXHVWLRQVWRRNWKHIRUP³:KDWLVWKHRFFXSDWLRQDOVWDWXVRI\RXUIDWKHU"´ DQG³:KDWLVWKHRFFXSDWLRQDOVWDWXVRI\RXUPRWKHU"´)RUWKHSXUSRVHVRIWKHSUHVHQWVWXG\ the answers given to the former question were coded on a 3-point scale: 1= lower occupational status (including mostly blue and pink-collar workers such as waiters and cleaners), 2 = middle occupational status (including mostly white-collar workers such as nurses and technicians), and 3 = higher occupational status (including mostly white-collar professionals such as managers and physicians). The answers given to the latter question were coded on a 4-SRLQW VFDOH 7KH DGGLWLRQDO FDWHJRU\ ZDV WKDW RI ³KRXVHZLIH´ The VXEMHFWV¶ occupational status ZDV FRGHG RQ WKH EDVLV RI WKH TXHVWLRQ ³:KDW LV \RXU SUHVHQW RFFXSDWLRQDO VWDWXV"´ ZLWK WKH DQVZHUV EHLQJ FRGHG RQ D -point scale (1 = unemployed, 2= lower occupational status, 3 = middle occupational status and 4 = higher occupational status). The variable called future expectations was measured and coded by the closed question ³+RZGRHV\RXUIXWXUHORRNWR\RXDWWKLVPRPHQW"´7KHUHVSRQVHFDWHJRULHVZHUH YHU\ hopeful, (2) fairly hopeful, (3) somewhat threatening, 4) very threatening. The answers were coded with the corresponding numbers. The set of values of the participants was also under investigation. 7KH UHVSRQGHQWV¶ present values were measured on the basis of 15 questions asking about the importance of GRLQJZHOODWRQH¶VZRUN FORVHDnd safe relationships, (3) a long and happy life, (4) a
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Liisa Martikainen
high standard of living, (5) close family relationships, (6) health, (7) money/wealth, (8) sufficient possibility for making a living, (9) religious beliefs, (10) finding a resolution to environmental problems, (11) defending human rights, (12) finding a resolution to the problems threatening world peace, (13) the possibility of meeting interesting people, (14) the possibility to express oneself, (15) social approval. The residential area of the respondents was categorised on the basis of the open-ended TXHVWLRQFRQFHUQLQJWKHSDUWLFLSDQW¶VFXUUHQWKRPHPXQLFLSDOLW\7KHDQVZHUVZHUHFRGHGRQ a 4-point scale as follows: 1 = Helsinki conurbation, 2 = other city (more than 80,000 inhabitants), 3 = other urban area, 4 = provincial area. The statistical methods used in this study were cross-tabulation, chi-square test, effect VL]H &UDPHU¶Vij and correlation analysis 6SHDUPDQ¶VFRUUHODWLRQ . These methods were not used for the (qualitative) open-ended questions, which were analysed mainly through categorisation (described above).
RESULTS Relationship between educational level and life satisfaction and general level of life satisfaction among university-educated young adults. In investigation of the relationship EHWZHHQ\RXQJDGXOWV¶HGXFDWLRQDOOHYHODQGOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQLQentire research group (N=192) it was found that those two variables were related (r=.221, p<.002). In addition, when the groups of male and female participants were investigated separately, it was found that the educational level correlated with life satisfaction of men (r=.301, p<.006; N=81) but not women (r=.138, p<.149; ns.; N=111). Two groups of women with very different educational backgrounds (women with university degree and women with 9 years of compulsory school education) had the same level of life satisfaction (M[both groups]=3.40; SD[women with compulsory school education]=.54; SD[women with university degree]=.57). When the groups of women were compared, the lowest level of life satisfaction was found among the women with vocational or senior secondary school education (M=3.10; SD=.74). The lowest level of life satisfaction within the entire research group was found among the men with compulsory school education (M=2.90; SD=.70) and the highest level among the group of men with university degree (M=3.44; SD=.50). When the two groups of compulsory school educated adults were more closely investigated, it was found that all women (N=5) were married whereas 64% of men (N=11) were still single. In open ended question four of these women emphasized their family relationships as the most important factor underpinning their life satisfaction (80%; N=5), whereas many of these single men reported about having problems with their health and alcohol abuse (36%; N=11). Most of these compulsory school educated women were living in the countryside (80%) and they also felt that they had a good balance between their work as farmers and other areas in life. In this study, all together 54% of the university graduated research subjects reported being fairly satisfied and 44% very satisfied with their lives at the moment (altogether 98%; N=43). Only 2% of the university-educated respondents reported being fairly or very dissatisfied with their lives.
Life Satisfaction of University-Educated Young Adults
135
Variables underlying life satisfaction of Finnish university-educated adults. According to the chi-square test, the main variables underlying the life satisfaction of Finnish universityeducated young adults were variables related to intimate relationships and working life (see Table 5). In addition, the feelings that the research subjects had towards the future (pessimistic or optimistic view) were also strongly related to the general level of life satisfaction. 9DULDEOHV XQGHUO\LQJ PDOH DQG IHPDOH SDUWLFLSDQWV¶ OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ. In addition, when the groups of men and women were separately investigated, several differences were found in variables WKDWZHUHUHODWHGWRPDOHDQGIHPDOHSDUWLFLSDQWV¶OLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ VHH7DEOH 7KH groups of men and women varied in the significance for life satisfaction that was attached to marital partnerships and friends. The results also show that among women participants residential area and life satisfaction were correlated. Women living in a Helsinki conurbation and other big cities were less satisfied with their lives than university-educated women living in other urban or provincial area. One explanation for this phenomenon could be found from the fact that 63% of these women living in a Helsinki conurbation and other rather large cities had been moved from their home county, whereas 80% of women living in provincial area had stayed within their home county since childhood. Moving away from home county might in turn cause problems for example in child caring as the closest relatives are not available for help in everyday situations. In open ended questions both male and female participants emphasized the importance of family and work mostly positively underpinning their life satisfaction (see Tables 7 and 8). In addition, only female participants mentioned being in a constant rush caused by imbalance with their work and other areas in life. In addition, when these male and female participants were asked, whether they felt that they had enough spare time, there were a statistically significant difference between these two groups indicating that men with university degree had more time of their own than women with the same education level ( ²(2) = 6.22, p<.013). Both groups also mentioned social relationships, material factors, health and hobbies as important factors underlying their life satisfaction. Nevertheless, social and material factors were mentioned in a more positive way by men than by women. Female participants mentioned more often that their financial situation was in some ways problematic (e.g., they had problems with housing). They also felt that they did not have enough time for their friends. In addition, material factors were mentioned significantly more often by male than by female participants. Material factors (i.e., money/wealth) were also valued more highly by men than by women ( ²(2) = 6.77, p<.034). Table 5. Variables statistically related to general life satisfaction with university degree (chi-square analysis) Variable p effect size ² Marital status .463 ²(6) = 18.41 .005 1 Marital satisfaction .380 ²(2) = 5.64 .060 6DWLVIDFWLRQZLWKRQH¶VZRUNLQJFRQGLWLRQV .049 .364 ²(4) = 9.55 FeeliQJVWRZDUGVRQH¶VIXWXUH .497 ²(4) = 21.26 .000 1
approaching significance
136
Liisa Martikainen 7DEOH9DULDEOHVVWDWLVWLFDOO\FRUUHODWHGZLWKIHPDOHRUPDOHSDUWLFLSDQWV¶OLIH satisfaction 6SHDUPDQ¶VFRUUHODWLRQ) Variable
Female
Marital satisfaction Experiences of violence in intimate relationships 6DWLVIDFWLRQWRRQH¶VVRFLDOUHODWLRQships Residental area*
Male
r .500 .415
p .015 .039
r .160 .182
p .554 .485
.177 .402
.398 .047
.500 .229
.035 .360
*being coded as follows: 1=Helsinki conurbation, 2=other city (more than 80 000 inh.), 3=other urban area, 4=provincial area
Table 7. University-educated men (n= 16). Answers given to the open-ended question regarding the factors underlying their life satisfaction. (The plus sign (+) indicates positive comments and the minus sign (-) indicates negative comments given to this matter.) Variable
f
Work Family relations Material factors Social relationships Health Hobbies
+ + + + + + -
9 5 11 6 3 3 3 2 -
Total
%
14
88
11
69
9
56
3
19
3
19
2
13
CONCLUSI ON When regarding the research results concerning the level of life satisfaction among university-educated Finnish young adults, it can be concluded that the level of life satisfaction is markedly higher among the group of highly educated young adults than among Finnish young adults in general. )RU H[DPSOH LQ 7RUYL DQG .LOMXQHQ¶V VWXG\ RI DGXOWV aged 31±40 years reported being very fairly satisfied, and 16% reported being fairly or very unsatisfied with their lives. ,Q0DUWLNDLQHQ¶V LQSUHVV) study, 59% of the respondents reported being fairly satisfied and 30% very satisfied with their lives at the moment (altogether 89%). Only 11% of the respondents reported being fairly or very dissatisfied with their lives. In addition, it was found that the level of life satisfaction of male participants with university degree was a little bit higher than the level of female participants with the same educational degree.
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Table 8. University-educated women (n= 23). Answers given to the open-ended question regarding the factors underlying their life satisfaction. (The plus sign (+) indicates positive comments and the minus sign (-) indicates negative comments given to this matter.) Variable Family relations Work Work/life ±balance Social relationships Personal characteristics of RQH¶VRZQ Material factors Health Hobbies
f + + + + + -
19 2 14 4 7 4 3 4 -
+ + + -
2 2 3 2 -
total 21
% 91
18
78
7
30
7
30
4
17
4
17
3
13
2
9
The results of this study show that even if life satisfaction and educational level were related among the entire research group, things were not that simple when male and female participants were investigated separately. The level of life satisfaction was the same within two groups of female participants with very different kinds of educational backgrounds (i.e., women with compulsory school education only and women with a university degree). Members of both groups emphasized family relations as important factors underpinning their life satisfaction, but only the representatives of the group of university-educated women, who also were highly career oriented, felt that they had difficulties combining their working career and other areas of life (see Pulkkinen et al. 1999). The results of this study also suggest that specific life domains such as marital status, marital satisfaction, occupational VWDWXV VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V ZRUNLQJ FRQGLWLRQV and VDWLVIDFWLRQ ZLWK RQH¶V VRFLDO UHODWLRQVhips underlie the general life satisfaction of young adults (see Argyle & Martin 1991; Blanchflower & Oswald 2004). It also seems that personal traits such as optimism are related to general life satisfaction (e.g., Diener & Lucas 1999). Consequently, it should be noted that both top-down and bottom-up influences are important in understanding the relationship between certain life domains and life satisfaction (e.g., Schimmack 2007). Thus, we cannot conclude that life satisfaction is the sum of its parts. In some respects, it could be considered that, for example, the personal trait called ³RSWLPLVP´LQIOXHQFHVWKHZD\DQLQGLYLGXDOHVWLPDWHVKLVKHUOife in general; hence, the level of life satisfaction could be affected by his/her personal way of viewing life rather than only by the actual life situation (cf. Diener et al. 2000). Indeed, according to research, the relationship between life satisfaction and personal traits is far from straightforward. For example, it has been found that traits such as extraversion and optimism do not necessarily
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influence life satisfaction (directly), but that they are related to it²and to each other² because of the influence of satisfaction on other aspects of life (Diener & Lucas 1999). What ever the case may be, it has been argued that the importance of inborn traits depends to some extent on the types of questions being asked about subjective well-being or life satisfaction; for example, when one examines life satisfaction in individuals over time, one discovers that life events and life changes have important implications for well-being beyond the effects of personality (Diener et al. 2003). In addition to the aspects mentioned above, the results of this study seem to underline some of the other complexities in life satisfaction. The results indicate that the factors underlying life satisfaction do not have the same meaning for all individuals within the same broad context or age range, and that life satisfaction is related to specific life situations and values (see Markus et al. 2004; Martikainen, in press). For example, when we compare highly-educated young women to highly-educated men, we see that these groups differ markedly in the factors related to their life satisfaction, particularly in terms of the importance of material factors (more important for men with a university degree) and problems with reconciliation of work and other areas of life (more difficult for women with a university degree). The differences in factors related to life satisfaction are in line with the differences in values and life situations between the members of these groups. As it has been mentioned, women are in most cases more responsible for child/home caring issues (e.g., Krantz et al. 2005) and they also reported having less spare time than men, whereas material factors were valued more highly by men than by women. In conclusion, it can be stated that even if high educational level has its advantages (such as possibilities for higher income and better health; e.g., Helliwell 2001; Melin et al. 2003), which in turn has an impact on the level of an LQGLYLGXDO¶VOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ, it also has some disadvantages, as reported above. Considering the university-educated women and the complex situation in which they are living in (i.e., between their roles as home/child keepers and intensive workers), there is still a challenge that has not been completely solved. Even if Finland and the other Nordic countries are in many ways pioneers in respect to gender equality issues, that process is not totally completed regarding the definition of equality as an equal opportunity to choose and delegate roles and responsibilities in ordinary everyday situations. While it can be claimed that the present study offers some new insights into the building of life satisfaction among adults with a university degree, much remains to be discovered concerning the variations in personal- and societal-level factors that can affect the level and construction of life satisfaction. Moreover, there are a number of limitations in the present study that one would seek to correct in future research. For example, broader and more representative samples (of nations or geographical areas) would be beneficial, since the research sample is relatively small. Furthermore, at the time the data used here were collected, the demographic profile of the sample was close to that of the sample of Finnish young adults of the same age. This does not, however, guarantee generalizability over time, since the results may be at least partially culture-dependent and cohort specific.
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Grzywacs, J. & Marks, N. (2000). Reconceptualizing the work-family interface: An ecological perspective on the correlates of positive and negative spillover between work and family. Journal of Occupational Health Psychology, 5, 111-126. +HOOLZHOO - $XJXVW +RZ¶V OLIH" &RPELQLQJ LQGLYLGXDO DQG QDWLRQDO YDULDEOHV to explain subjective well-being. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting RI 4XHHQ¶V International Institute on Social Policy. Kingston, CA-ON. Johansson, G., Huang, Q. & Lindfors, P. (2007). A life-VSDQSHUVSHFWLYHRQZRPHQ¶VFDUHHUV health, and well-being. Social Science & Medicine, 65, 685-697. King, L. & Smith, N. (2004). Gay and straight possible selves: Goals, identity, subjective well-being and personality development. Journal of Personality, 72, 967-985. Krantz, G., Berntsson, L. & Lundberg, U. (2005). Total workload, work stress and perceived symptons in Swedish male and female white-collar employees. European Journal of Public Health, 15, 209-214. Lu, L. & Hu, C.H. (2005). Personality, leisure experiences and happiness. Journal of Happiness Studies, 6, 325-342. Lyness, K. & Judiesch, M. (2001). Are female managers quitters? The relationships of gender, promotions and family leaves of absence to voluntary turnover. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 1167-1178. Markus, H., Ryff, C., Curhan, K. & Palmersheim, K. (2004). In their own words: Well-being at midlife among high school-educated and college-educated adults. In O. Brim., C. Ryff & R. Kessler (Eds.). How healthy are we?: A national study of well-being at midlife (pp 273-319). New York: Cambridge University Press. Martikainen, L. (in press). The many faces of life satisfaction among Finnish young adults¶ Journal of Happiness Studies. Melin, R., Fugl-Meyer, K. & Fugl-Meyer, A. (2003). Life satisfaction in 18- to 64-year-old Swedes: In relation to education, employment situation, heath and physical activity. Journal of Rehabilitation Medicine, 35, 84-90. Michalos, A. (2008). Education, happiness and well-being. Social Indicators Research, 87, 347-366. Mowbray, C, Bybee, D., Hollingsworth, L., Goodkind, S. & Oyserman, D. (2005). Living arrangements and social support: Effects on the well-being of mothers with mental illness. Social Work Research, 29, 41-56. Oishi, S., Diener, E., Suh, E. & Lucas, R. (1999).Value as a moderator in subjective wellbeing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 157-184. Poole, M., Langan-Fox, J. & Omodei, M. (1990). Determining career orientations in women from different social-class backgrounds. Sex Roles, 25, 471-490. Pulkkinen, L., Ohranen, M. & Tolvanen, A. (1999). Personality antecedents of career orientation and stability among women compared to men. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, 54, 37-58. Rauste von Wright, M. (1989). Relations between coping strategies, metacognitive readiness, and self-image in adolescent. In M.A. Luszcz & T. Nettelbeck, (Eds.) Psychological Development: Perspectives Across the Life-Span, (pp. 311-318). Amsterdam: Elsevier Science Publishers. Rauste von Wright, M., Makkonen, T. & Markkanen, M. (1986). ³+HDOWK\´DQG³unhealWK\´ living habits among 15±16-year-old Finnish adolescents. Publications of the National Board of Health. Series Original Reports 2/1986. Helsinki.
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Ross, C. & van Willigen; M. (1997). Education and the subjective quality of life. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 38, 275-297. Ruderman, M. , Ohlott, P., Panzer, K., & King, S. (2002). Benefits of multiple roles for managerial women. Academy of Management Journal, 45, 369-386. Schimmack, U. (2007). The structure of subjective well-being. In M. Eid & R. J. Larsen, (Ed.) The Science of Subjective Well-Being, (pp. 97-123). New York: Guilford Press Stutzer, A. (2003). The role of income aspirations in individual happiness. Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization, 54, 89-109. Torvi, K., & Kiljunen, P. (2005). Onnellisuuden vaikea yhtalö. [The problematic equation of happiness]. Helsinki: Taloustieto Oy. Veenhoven, R. (1996). Developments in satisfaction-research. Social Indicators Research, 37, 1-46. Veenhoven, R. (1991). Questions on happiness: classical topics, modern answers, blind spots. In F. Strack, M. Argyle & N. Schwarz (Ed.) Subjective well-being. An interdisciplinary perspective (pp. 7-26). Oxford: Pergamon Press.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 143-155 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 8
ASPERGER SYNDROM E, H UM OR, AND SOCI AL W ELL -BEI NG Ka-Wai Leung Department of Applied Social Studies, City University of Hong Kong.
Sheung-Tak Cheng*
Siu-Siu Ng
Department of Psychological Studies, Hong Kong Institute of Education.
ABSTRACT Asperger Syndrome (AS) is marked by severe social impairments. Despite a rising prevalence of AS (Edmonds & Beardon, 2008), there are few studies of these individuals, especially those concerning their social well-being. This paper reviews studies on humor and discusses its role in the social functioning of people with AS. Although studies are few, research generally suggests that individuals with AS are somewhat impaired in their ability to process humorous materials due to fragmented cognitive processes. Because humor plays an essential role in social interactions in everyday life, these findings suggest that the lack of ability to appreciate humor may be partly responsible for the social deficits in people with AS. There is a need for more research into the social competence of individuals with AS, especially in relation to the use of humor in regulating social behaviors.
I NTRODUCTI ON The earliest understanding about Asperger syndrome (AS) could be traced back to Hans Asperger¶V work in 1944. He identified a group of children who exhibited social peculiarities and social isolation, nonetheless with average cognitive and language development. In later years, Wing (1981) brought the Asperger syndrome to the attention of clinical professionals when she published a paper in which she discussed the syndrome based on her work with *
Corresponding author: E-mail: [email protected]
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35 individuals aged 5 to 35. In 1994, the American Psychiatric Association added the syndrome to its list of pervasive developmental disorders identified in the Diagnostic-and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders-Fourth Edition (DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Between the years, researchers have gained more knowledge about the syndrome. The diagnostic criteria for AS are qualitative impairment in social interaction in terms of the use of non-verbal behavior, unable to maintain peer relationship appropriately, difficulty with social or emotional reciprocity, occupational impairment, and repetitive and stereotyped motor movements, among others. Throughout the years, researchers have put increasing effort on studying AS, and they continue to discover discrepancies between autism and AS. McLaughlin-Cheng (1998) performed a meta-analysis on the literature on autism and AS and concluded that, children and adolescents with AS perform better than those with autism on intelligence and cognitive measures as well as measures of adaptive behavior functioning. Their language comprehension is within normal limits, and their performance in comprehension tasks are stable but they often miss the hidden meaning in language (Green, 1990). Because people with autistic features suffer from a restricted range of expression and emotions, the experience of psychological well-being in this population has been a neglected topic in this literature. Nevertheless, contrary to popular belief, sadness and depression are commonly reported by individuals with autistic spectrum disorders, except in those who have severe language impairment (Ghaziuddini, 2005). It has been reported that about 30% of people with AS and aged 5-35 are diagnosable with major depression (Wing, 1981; Ghaziuddin, Weidmer-Mikhail, & Ghaziuddin, 1998). Other than sadness, these individuals are characterized by irritability, angry outbursts, anxiety, self-injurious behaviors, and sleep and appetite disturbance (Tse, Strulovitch, Tagalakis, Meng, & Fombonne, 2007). From these preliminary data, one can reasonably argue that the study of well-being is a neglected, yet relevant, topic for this population. This chapter focuses on the potential role of humor in the well-being of persons with AS. Humor is not only a contributor to personal well-being (Lefcourt, 2002), but also plays an important role in facilitating social interactions (Neziek & Derks, 2001). Because AS is typically associated with serious social skills deficits, individuals with AS often feel being isolated and edged out (Tse et al., 2007). Given the potential benefits of humor, a missing piece in the literature therefore concerns the potential contribution of humor to the personal well-being of individuals with AS, through the promotion of social competence. Before we discuss this important issue, let us first take a more in-depth look at the social deficits of persons with AS. Following this, we will review the literature on humor and social competence, and discuss further the application of this literature to persons with AS. Specifically, we will address the extent to which individuals with AS are able to appreciate and use humor, and discuss the need to consider humor training as a means to improve the social and personal well-being of such individuals.
ASPERGER SYNDROM E AND SOCI AL COM PETENCE Social competence refers to the skills and strategies that allow individuals to have meaningful friendships, engage in close and emotion-based relationships, maintain social well-being, involve others to form groups, teams, and work partners, manage public social settings, and participate in family functioning (Gutstein & Whitney, 2002). Denham et al.
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(2001) emphasized that social competence is a critical variable predicting success in life. Social competence is defined in terms of (a) secure attachment to other people, (b) instrumental social learning, and (c) experience-sharing relationships. Any significant deficits in any of these areas would result in eventual social failure (Bruner, 1983; Emde, 1989; Fogel, 1993; Gottman, 1984; Gutstein & Whitney, 2002). People with AS are clumsy as well as peculiar in their social interactions patterns. This syndrome has been described as the foremost social disorders by many researchers (Asperger, 1944; Frith, 1991; Green, 1990; Kerbeshian, Burd, & Fisher, 1990; McLaughlin-Cheng, 1998; Myles & Adreon, 2001; Myles & Simpson, 2001; Szatmari, 1991; Wing, 1981). Although they may be able to pick up some social skills over time, their social difficulties continue well into adulthood. A study conducted by the National Autistic Society of Great Britain (Bernard, Harvey, Potter, & Prior, 2001) on the adult outcomes of individuals with AS showed that they were far less socially active than typically developing individuals. Over onethird (37%) had no participation at all in social activities, while only 50% reported going out no more than once or twice a month. Their social impairment is even more severe than other children known to have major social problems, such as those with conduct disorders (Green, Gilchrist, Burton, & Cox, 2000). However, compared with people with autism, people with AS are different in terms of their desire for social interactions with others (Wing, 1981), though their relationships with peers arH RIWHQ DG KRF RU ³VKDOORZ´ &KXUFK HW DO VXJJHVWHG WKDW FKLOGUHQ with AS aged 8-12 have highly variable social skills. In their study, none of their participants, as reported by their parents, teachers, and health-care providers, had deep, reciprocal relationships with other children, but several had superficial relationships with other children. Most of them never asked to have a friend or asked to make telephone calls to other children. )ULHQGVKLS RIWHQ VWDUWV ZLWK WZR LQGLYLGXDOV H[SORULQJ HDFK RWKHU¶V WKRXJKWV IHHOLQJV, attitudes and behaviors. Hence self-disclosure as well as taking an interest in others are fundamental to relationship formation. However, Hobson (1993) noted that people with AS ³GRQRWIXOO\XQGHUVWDQGZKDWLWPHDQVIRUSHRSOHWRVKDUHDQGFRRUGLQDWHWKHLUH[SHULHQFHV´ (p.5). Mundy et al. (1993) commented that individuals with AS are in lack of the desires to share their interests and happiness with others. In fact, compared with typically developing ones, they have less interest in exploring their own self, let alone sharing their thoughts and feelings with others (Gutstein & Whitney, 2002). Frith, Happé and Siddons (1994) have asserted that the inability to interpret the mental states, whether those of others or their own, is the primary reason why individuals with AS remain impaired in their everyday social interactions. The inability to share experiences makes it difficult for people with AS to build reciprocal relationships with friends. Wimpory, Hobson, Williams and Nash (2000) reported significantly less emotional engagement and ability to express themselves in individuals with AS than in their typical peers. They take fewer social initiations. Even if they start the conversation with peers, it would be mostly about providing information to peers on topics in which they are deeply interested. Concerning gestures, they have limited eye gaze shifting, and do not point to or show objects to partners for the sake of sharing their feelings and experiences with them. Church, Alisanski and Amanullah (2000) identified two distinct patterns of interaction among children with AS: They are either quiet, unassuming, demanding less from peers, or they are active, energetic, violating social boundaries (adopting WKH ³LQ \RXU IDFH´ VW\OH RI LQWHUDFWLQJ 7KHVH DZNZDUG VRFLDO VW\OHV DUH EHOLHYHG WR PDNH
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typical peers uncomfortable, thus becoming obstacles for them to develop good peer relationships. Although these are promising research directions, given the nature of AS, the social difficulties experienced by these individuals are likely to be contributed by many factors. This paper considers one such factor in detail: humor.
H UM OR AND SOCI AL COM PETENCE One of the factors that may lead to problems in social functioning is the lack of humor. Humor is an element in social interaction, and applying it can facilitate the growth of interpersonal relationships. Humorous people are more confident in interacting with others (Nezlek & Derks, 2001). Sometimes being humorous brings joyfulness between friends. Paulos (1980) defined humor as ³a complex and human phenomenon, any understanding of it will necessarily enrich our understanding of thought in general´ S . Humor also plays a major role in human life and it facilitates our communication of feelings, line of thinking, and ideas (Brownell & Gardner, 1988). Nahemow (1986) considered humor to be a defining human attribute. In a diary study, college students with more efficacious use of humor reported more pleasurable interactions as well as spending more time in interactions on a daily basis (Nezlek & Derks, 2001). Humor is an under-studied element that may have farreaching implications for the social competence of AS individuals. If persons with AS have difficulty understanding humor, they may withdraw from interaction simply because they PLVLQWHUSUHWRWKHUSHRSOH¶VKXPRURXVPHVVDJHV as intending to tease or make fun of them. Cognitive theories are the main perspectives to explain humor appreciation. Cognitive approaches emphasize the structure of the humorous stimuli and the cognitive processes involved in humor appreciation. Researchers stressed the concept of solving incongruity as the key element throughout the cognitive processes of humor appreciation. Incongruity is defined as inconsistency between (at least) two potential meanings in a humor stimulus; one of them is normal and congruent to what the person perceives or expects, whereas the other is comparatively out of expectation. The person could only solve the incongruity by accepting the sudden perception RI WKH XQH[SHFWHG PHDQLQJ DQG UHDOL]H LW DV ³ILW´ IRU WKH VLWXDWLRQ (Dixon, 1980; Paulos, 1980). The incongruity resolution model (Suls, 1972) postulates a twostage process in humor appreciation. In the first stage, the person finds that his or her expectation about the text is inconsistent with the ending, and incongruity is encountered. In the second stage, because of incongruity, the person engages in a problem-solving process in order to solve the inconsistency and reconcile the incongruent part of the humor. Martin, Puhlik-Doris, Larsen, Gray and Weir (2003) developed the humor styles questionnaire, and conceptualized four dimensions of humor styles, what were believed to have different uses or functions in everyday life. Two of these dimensions are conducive to psychosocial well-being: self-enhancing and affiliative humor styles. In a similar vein, Klein and Kuiper (2 QRWHG WKDW WKHVH DUH ³SRVLWLYH´ KXPRU VW\OHV ZKLFK DUH FKDUDFWHUL]HG E\ self-enhancement and expressing the need for affiliation. Self-enhancing humor styles serve to buffer and protect the self, but not at the expense of others. Affiliative humor styles are intended to arouse amusement in the target and reduce tension or conflict in social situations.
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Applying these humor styles may help individuals cope with everyday difficulties, minimize negative emotions, and maintain harmony with others. On the contrary, self-defeating and aggressive humor styles are potentially damaging (Martin et al., 2003). People with self-defeating humor styles hide negative feelings and avoid contribution to problem-solving. Those with aggressive humor styles tease, ridicule, or make sarcastic remarks of others, resulting in negative social outcomes because they make others uncomfortable and are not perceived to be friendly. Humor can be positive or negative, depending on whether they are appropriately used to facilitate interaction. For example, the same humor used in an improper situation can cause much embarrassment and negative reactions from others. Hence the effective use of humor requires tact and accurate social perception which may be disadvantages for people with AS. Judging from this perspective, research which does not differentiate functional versus dysfunctional humor styles may be missing the target, because a person might be displaying a great sense of humor, but in a dysfunctional way. Whether persons with AS are in lack of certain humor styles, or whether they have no sense of humor at all, is an issue yet to be resolved. Nevertheless, it is generally believed that some degree of humor deficit is responsible for the social difficulties that these individuals experience on a day-to-day basis. In order to fully understand the role of humor in the social problems of AS individuals, research should assess both functional and dysfunctional humor tasks in the future.
ASPERGER SYNDROM E AND H UM OR $VSHUJHU DQG)ULWK S GHVFULEHGSHRSOHZLWK$6DV³UDUHO\UHOD[HGDQG FDUHIUHH´ DQG WKH\ ³QHYHU DFKLHYH WKDW SDUWLFXODU ZLVGRP and deep intuitive human understanding that XQGHUOLHJHQXLQHKXPRU´+RZHYHU/\RQVDQG)LW]JHUDOG DUJXHG that people with AS could understand and appreciate simple forms of humor (i.e., slapstick humor and simple jokes), both verbal and non-verbal, although they are not as competent as typically developing individuals. Some people with AS are gifted, and this might facilitate their sense of humor because of their outstanding ability in comprehension, especially in their areas of interest, such as scientific and mathematical humor. Moreover, their advanced and well-developed linguistic and computational abilities are advantages for grasping and appreciating humor in some ways. A very good example would be Patricia Highsmith, a wellknown American crime writer. Despite suffering from AS, she was gifted in writing ability. Using her black humor, Patricia received high achievement in the writing career. Yet, some of the readers did not appreciate her writing because it did not show a warm sense of humor. This kind of dark, cruel sense of humor where theory of mind was usually missing is a typical form of Asperger humor (Lyons & Fitzgerald, 2005). Some individuals with AS are able to master to some extent the cognitive processing of humor (i.e., incongruity and its resolution) and the switching of meanings in relatively complex humorous word games (Lyons & Fitzgerald, 2004). Individuals with AS, however, tend to comprehend humor from a more intellectual perspective, such as by logical inference using surface meanings, which are often motivated by their own obsessive interest areas. For instance, they understand humor simply by the surface meaning of the language rather than
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the hidden/implied meaning of the words. This is the reason why they often fail to understand humor as they are unable to realize the incongruity embedded in messages. Adams and Earles (2003) reported the inconsistent pattern in which children with AS respond to humor comic stories too. Referring to their study, participant 1 smiles to three comic episodes, participant 2 did not respond positively to any episodes, and participant 3 laughed at all five episodes. Werth et al. (2001), nevertheless, described a case study with a lady, Grace, with high-functioning autism, which may also be treated as AS. Grace had a great sense of humor, which was considered by the authors to be a kind of obsessive creativity. For instance, she loves to frequently invent humorously incongruous and often irrelevant word plays. She was positively reinforced by the reactions of her audiences who found her ³inventions´ funny. Grace also has a predominant form of humor, which was based on the acoustic properties of word plays. Her great sense of humor also enhances her ability to answer riddles, jokes, and in teasing and sneering. However Werth et al. (2001) perceived *UDFH¶s self-JHQHUDWHG³KXPRURXV pURGXFWV´WREHVWUXFWXUHGDQGQRQHWKHOHVVFOXPV\ZKLFK might have been largely self-stimulating. Although the above studies were based on case studies or small samples, there was some preliminary evidence that people with AS are humorous in some ways, rather than lacking humor totally. Thus it is important for research to specify the nature of humor deficits and how such deficits can be improved, thereby enhancing the well-being of individuals with AS. A problem in considering this literature is the variation across studies in terms of the methods or stimuli to test humor appreciation ability. Sometimes cartoons were used; at other times, it was simply joke tasks (in words). Different stimuli require different types of cognitive processing, which may in turn generate discrepant results because individuals with AS may have different abilities in comprehending both visual tasks (cartoons) and semantic tasks (jokes). A study by Emerich et al. (2003) was revealing. These authors adopted Garfield cartoons and jokes to examine the comprehension of humorous materials by adolescents with AS and those developing normally, aged 11-17. The two groups were matched on age and gender. Cartoon comics and jokes were given to participants, who were asked to pick the funniest endings. Participants with AS tended to choose straightforward endings as the funniest for cartoon comic tasks, though their number of errors were not significantly different from typically developing participants. For joke tasks, however, AS people performed significantly worse, making almost three times as many errors as typically developing children. On the whole, the literature suggests that persons with AS are more capable of processing humorous materials when the messages are more concrete and fall into their areas of interest, and when visual aids are available. However, the results appear to depend to a large extent on the methods and stimuli used. Further research may reveal in more specific terms the exact nature of the deficit in humor processing ability of AS individuals.
H UM OR AND SPECI FI C COGNI TI VE AND SOCI AL DEFI CI TS Tanguay, Robertson and Derrick (1998) factor analyzed the Autism Diagnostic Interview (Revised) items, and identified three factors, which were (i) affective reciprocity, (ii) joint attention, and (iii) theory of mind. These factors reflect the primary cognitive and social
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deficits in autistic-spectrum disorders that might have relevance for understanding the ability to comprehend and use humor by individuals with AS.
Affective Reciprocity Affective reciprocity is the quality by which DSHUVRQLVUHVSRQVLYHWRRWKHUV¶DIIHFWLRQV or emotions. This quality can usually be seen in infants before one year of age. It is the tendency to produce responses in order to get social interactions and social cues from others. Such deficits may be seen in AS individuals in terms of the lack of responsiveness WRRWKHUV¶ emotions such as distress (Bacon, Fein, Morris, Waterhouse, & Allen, 1998) and the absence of empathy (Travis & Sigman, 1998). This quality is different from joint attention and theory of mind (to be described below) which are related to the pragmatics for social communication through facial expressions, gestures, and identifying and taking considerations of other SHRSOH¶V YLHZ 7DQJXD\ 5REHUWVRQ 'HUULFN $6 LQGLYLGXDOV ZLWK GHILFLWV LQ DIIHFWLYH UHFLSURFLW\ PD\ QRW EH DEOH WR UHDOL]H RWKHUV¶ DIIHFWLRQV ZKHQ SHRSOe are using humor on them. For instance, a person is trying to make fun on them humorously, and people with AS may misunderstand the act as an attempt to tease them, and feel offended.
Joint Attention Joint Attention is the process of sharing RQH¶V H[SHULHQFH RI REVHUYDWLRQ E\ IROORZLQJ gaze or pointing gestures. This ability starts to appear within the first year of life. Tanguay et al. (1998) reported that, at two to four months of age, 30% of children are capable of following WKHLU PRWKHU¶V OLQH RI VLJKW RU WR follow a moving object automatically. By 14 months, most typically developing children can do so without prompting verbally or by gestures. Children with autism, however, do not seem to recognize the emotional and contextual meaning of facial expressions and gestures as well as the non-verbal expressions of emotion by others (Hobson, 1986). Reddy, Williams and Vaughan (2002) said they VRPHWLPHV DSSHDU WR EH ³GHDI´ LQ VRFLDO LQWHUDFWLRQV, in that they do not give appropriate UHVSRQVHVWRRWKHUSHRSOH¶VIDFLDOH[SUHVVLRQ HJJLYHODXJKWHU to a funny face, show anger when being teased). Mundy, Sigman and Kasari (1993) noted that, the infrequent initiations of joint attention by children with AS is also an indication of their inability to integrate their object world with their own social world. It can be expected that AS individuals who are not fluent, or even lacking, in joint attention ability are unable to appreciate humor because of WKHLU LQVHQVLWLYLW\ WRZDUGV RWKHUV¶ HPRWLRQV. This is a major obstacle in developing social relationships.
Theory of M ind 7KHRU\RIPLQGUHIHUVWRWKHDELOLW\WRWKLQNDERXWDQGDFWRQWKHLQIRUPDWLRQDERXWRQH¶V RZQ DQG RWKHUV¶ PHQWDO VWDWHs, that is, to take the perspective of others when it is different IURP RQH¶V RZQ /\RQV )LW]JHUDOG %HFDXVH KXPRU DSSUHFLDWLRQ UHTXLUHV RQH WR discern the intentions of the other party, a deficit in theory of mind can lead to profound
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impairments in understanding humorous materials. Children with AS are relatively competent in nonverbal concept formation tasks, perceptual organization and spatial visualization (Ehlers et al., 1997), but comparatively poorer in understanding social mores, social judgment, and interpreting interpersonal situations. Hence, in appreciating humor, they may be more capable of grasping meaning in comics (visual) than understanding humorous jokes or conversation, because the former is more concrete, requiring a lower level of cognitive processing, whereas the latter is more abstract and requires perspective taking. Individuals with AS also have difficulties in showing empathy and appreciating the feelings and thoughts of others (Barnhill, 2001; Baron-Cohen, Leslie, and Frith, 1985). Many researchers argued that the lack of theory of mind is the core deficit in autism (Baron-Cohen, 1988; Happé, 1993; Tager-Flusberg, 1993). Researchers gave children AS first-order and second-order tasks assessing theory of mind. The first-order tests assess the ability to recognize that people can have different thoughts even in the same situation. The secondorder tests examine the ability to interpret the mental states of others, such as making inferences RU SUHGLFWLRQV DERXW RWKHU SHRSOH¶V WKRXJKWV EHOLHIV, desires, emotions, and intentions (Papp, 2006). Research on theory of mind suggests that individuals with AS can perform first-order ToM tests, but not the second-order tests. In other words, they are able to understand that other people can have different thoughts from them, but less able in anticipating thoughts of others (Baron-Cohen, 1995). Thus, even if they are aware that other people have their own thoughts and feelings, they may not be able to tell what they are thinking in a particular situation. However, not all children are incapable of second-order theory-of-mind tasks. Williams (2004) presented findings from an interpretative phenomenological analysis of ten published autobiographical accounts written by individuals diagnosed with either high-functioning autism or Asperger syndrome. His analysis suggested that less than half of the subjects could finish second-order tests. However, even for this subgroup, which was seemingly without apparent deficits in theory of mind, there was still a deficit in mind-reading DELOLW\)RULQVWDQFHWKH\PD\QRWUHDOL]HLURQ\IURPDSHUVRQ¶VYRLFH but take instead the surface meaning of the message. Also, they may misinterpret a lie as a joke, or deception as sarcasm. According to Ozonoff, Rogers and Pennington (1991), although children and youth with AS may be able to complete theory-of-mind exercises, they encounter difficulties in applying those skills in real-life situations. In ordinary life circumstances, persons with AS are observed to display deficits across a range of tasks, including difficulties in inferring the intentions and perspectives of others, a lack of understanding of how their own behaviors affect others, and difficulties with turn-taking and other reciprocal skills. A total lack of theory of mind would result in a condition in which the person shuts down his or her perception towards the outside world, and show minimal or even no interaction with their surroundings at all (Happé, 2003).
DI SCUSSI ON AND CONCLUSI ON Humor, or the ability to appreciate humor is, to a certain extent, one of the key components in successful interpersonal relationships. Across cultures, sense of humor is one of the essential social skills. Positive humorous exchanges are vital and valuable, as it
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encourages playfulness (Bruner & Sherwood, 1976). Those with a positive sense of humor are much more able to form alliances with others (Gest, Graham-Bermann, & Hartup, 2001). Asperger syndrome is a heterogeneous disorder, and so it is no wonder that studies have shown substantial variations in the humor ability of individuals with AS. For obvious reasons, studies have relied on small samples, which increase the errors of estimation. Nevertheless, some preliminary conclusions from this literature were possible. First, the ability to process humor is not totally absent in people with AS. Because of their mastery of linguistic abilities, they appear to be able to appreciate humor by processing the surface meaning of sentences or jokes, although they tend to have difficulty in actually realizing the hidden meaning. As their abilities to interpret social surroundings are qualitatively different from those of typically developing people in terms of affective reciprocity, joint attention, and also theory of mind, they appear to have difficulty in achieving intuitive understanding of humor. Moreover as people with AS are fluent in topics in which they have deep interest, they are more capable of understanding humor if the materials match their interests or obsessions, and if the materials come in visual form. The above observations lead us to the question of whether individuals with AS should be given training on the use of humor in social interactions. Although controlled studies are lacking, preliminary research on social skills training has yielded inspiring results. A study by 7VHHWDO DWWKH0RQWUHDO&KLOGUHQ¶V+RVSLWDOVXJJHVWHGWKDWVRFLDOVNLOOVWUDLQLQJ was useful in improving the social competence and reducing the problematic behaviors of adolescents with AS and high-functioning autism. Social skills were taught over 12 weeks through role plays based on the psychoeducational and experiential methods. Parents of the participants responded to measures RI WKH DGROHVFHQWV¶ VRFLDO DGMXVWPHQW and problem behaviors. Though without a control group, the pre- and post-treatment ratings by the parents suggested improvement in social competence and reduction in problem behaviors. The parents also reported that the social skills learned in the group could be generalized to real life. Although this study did not include humor training, it conveyed an initial enthusiasm about the utility of social skills training. In view of the potential contributions of the use of humor to social well-being, the incorporation of humor training to such interventions should be considered in the future. Other than humor training, a number of issues need to be addressed in future research. First, research should assess humor in more comprehensive ways so that the relative strengths and weaknesses of AS individuals in response to different kinds of humor stimuli can be discerned. Second, research should distinguish between positive (functional) and negative (dysfunctional) humor, and examine if AS individuals are capable of using both kinds of strategy. Third, research should go beyond assessing humor in laboratories and actually examine the contribution of humor deficit to social difficulties in AS individuals. In this connection, the issues of generabilizability and ecological validity must be addressed. The issue of sample size aside, the humorous stimuli used in most studies may not have any bearing on the use of humor in social interactions in real life. For instance, the ability to pick a humorous ending for a cartoon may not mean better ability in using humor to develop and maintain relationships with peers. Finally, studies have focused on humor appreciation; empirical data on how humor is used by persons with AS, as compared with typically developing persons, in actual social situations, and the effect on social relationships, are lacking. These are all important issues that need to be addressed before we can draw definitive conclusions regarding the role of humor in the social difficulties of people with AS. In conclusion, research on humor with reference to AS is a new and promising direction for furthering our understanding of the social difficulties faced by these individuals.
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Inabilities to understand humor hinder them from social well-bring development. Humor provides a new perspective into why these individuals, despite relatively normal language development, are still incapable of forming social relationships. Such knowledge may eventually lead to the development of new intervention approaches for this population.
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Edmonds, G., & Beardon, L. (Eds.) (2008). Asperger syndrome and social relationships: Adults speak out about Asperger syndrome. London: Jessica Kingsley. Ehlers, S., Nyden, A., Gillberg, C., Sandberg, A. D., Dahlgren, S., Hjelmquist, E. & Oden, A. (1997). Asperger syndrome, autism and attention deficits disorders: A comparative study of cognitive profiles of 120 children. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry and Allied Disciplines, 38, 207-217. Emde, R. N. (1989). The infaQW¶V UHODWLRQVKLS experience: Developmental and affective patterns. In A. Sameroff & R. Emde (Eds.), Relationship Disturbances in early Childhood: A Developmental Approach (pp. 33-51). New York: Basic Books. Emerich, D. M., Creaghead, N. A., Brether, S. M., Murray, D. & Grasha, C. (2003). The comprehension of humorous materials by adolescents with high-functioning autism and $VSHUJHU¶VV\QGURPH. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 33(3), 253-257. Fogel, A. (1993). Developing through relationships. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Frith, U. (1991). Autism and Asperger syndrome. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Frith, U., Happé, F. & Siddons, F. (1994). Autism and theory of mind in everyday life. Social Development, 3, 108-124. Gest, S. D., Graham-Bermann, S. A. & Hartup, W. W. (2001). Peer experience: Common and unique features of number of friendships, social network centrality, and sociometric status. Social Development, 10(1), 23-40. Ghaziuddin, M. (2005). Mental health aspects of autism and Asperger syndrome. London: Jessica Kingsley. Ghaziuddin, M. Weidmer-Mikhail, E. & Ghaziuddin, N. (1998). Comorbidity of Asperger syndrome. A preliminary report. Journal of Intellectual Disability Research , 4, 279-83. Gottman, J. M. (1984). How children become friends. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 3, Number 201. *UHHQ- ,V$VSHUJHU¶VDV\QGURPH? Developmental Medicine and Child Neurology, 32, 743-747. Green, J., Gilchrist, A., Burton, D. & Cox, A. (2000). Social and psychiatric functioning in adolescents with Asperger syndrome compared with conduct disorder. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 30, 279-293. Gutstein, S. E., & Whitney, R. K. (2002). Relationship development intervention with young children: Social and emotional developmental activities for Asperger syndrome, autism, PDD and NLD. London: Jessica Kingsley. Happé, F. (1993). Communicative competence and theory of mind in autism: A test of relevance theory. Cognition, 48, 101-119. Happé, F. (2003). Theory of mind and the self. Annals of New York Academy of Sciences, 1001, 134-144. +REVRQ 5 3 7KH DXWLVWLF FKLOG¶V DSSUDLVDO RI H[SUHVVLRQV RI HPRWLRQ. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 27, 321-342. Hobson, R. P. (1993). Autism and the development of mind. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Kaplan, S. (1987). Aesthetics, affect, and cognition: Environmental preference from an evolutionary perspective. Environment and Behavior, 19, 3-32. Kaplan, S. & Kaplan, R. (1982). Cognition and environment: Functioning in an uncertain world. New York: Praeger.
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Kerbeshian, J., Burd, L. & Fisher, F. (1990). $VSHUJHU¶V V\QGURPH: To be or not to be? British Journal of Psychiatry, 156, 721-725. Klein, D. N. & Kuiper, N. A. (2006). Humor styles, peer relationships, and bullying in middle childhood. Humor, 19(4), 383-404. Lefcourt, H. M. (2002). Humor. In C. R. Syner & S. J. Lopez (Eds.), Handbook of positive psychology. (pp.619-631). New York: Oxford University Press. Lyons, V., & Fitzgerald, M. (2004). Humor in autism and Asperger syndrome. Journal of Autism and developmental Disorders, 34(3), 521-531. Lyons, V., & Fitzgerald, M. (2005). Asperger syndrome: A gift or a curse? New York: Nova Biomedical. Martin, R. A., Puhlik-Doris, P., Larsen, G., Gray, J. & Weir, K. (2003). Individual differences in uses of humor and their relation to psychological well-being: Development of the Humor Styles Questionnaire. Journal of Research in Personality, 37, 48-75. McLaughlin-Cheng, E. (1998). Asperger syndrome and autism: A literature review and metaanalysis. Focus on Autism and Other Development Disabilities, 13(4), 234-245. Mundy, P., Sigman, M. & Kasari, C. (1993). The theory of mind and joint-attention deficits in autism. In S. Cohen, H. Tager-Flusberg & D. Cohen (Eds.), Understanding other minds: Perspectives from autism (pp. 181-203). Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Myles, B. S. & Adreon, D. (2001). Asperger syndrome and adolescence: Practical solution for school success. Shawnee Mission, KS: Autism Asperger Publishing. Myles, B. S. & Simpson, R. L. (2001). Understanding the hidden curriculum: An essential social skill for children and youth with Asperger syndrome. Intervention in School and Clinic, 36, 279-286. Nahemow, L. (1986). Humor as a data base for the study of aging. In L. Nahemow, K. A. McCluskey-Fawcett & P. E. McGhee (Eds.). Humor and aging (pp.3-26). Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Nezlek. J. B., & Derks. P. (2001). Use of humor as a coping mechanism, psychological adjustment, and social interaction. Humor: International Journal of Humor Research, 14, 395-413. 2]RQRII 6 5RJHUV 6 3HQQLQJWRQ % $VSHUJHU¶V V\QGURPH: Evidence of an empirical distinction from high-functioning autism. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 32, 1107-1122. Papp, S. (2006). A relevance-theoretic account of the development and deficits of theory of mind in normally developing children and individuals with autism. Theory and Psychology, 16(2), 141-161. Paulos, J. A. (1980). Mathematics and humor. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Reddy, V., Williams, E. & Vaughan, A. (2002). Sharing humour and laughter in autism and 'RZQ¶VV\QGURPH. British Journal of Psychology, 93, 219-242. Suls, J. M. (1972). A two-stage model for the appreciation of jokes and cartoons: An information-processing analysis. In J. H. Goldstein & P. E. McGhee (Eds.) The psychology of humor: Theoretical perspectives and empirical issues (pp. 81-100). New York: Academic Press. 6]DWPDUL 3 $VSHUJHU¶V V\QGURPH: Diagnosis, treatment, and outcome. Pediatric Clinics of North America, 14(1), 81-92.
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Tager-Flusberg, H. (1993). What language reveals about the understanding of minds in children with autism. In S. Baron-Cohen, H., Tager-Flusberg & D. J. Cohen (Eds.), Understanding other minds: Perspectives from autism. Place?Oxford University Press. Tanguay, P., Robertson, J., & Derrick, A. (1998). A dimensional classification of autism spectrum disorder by social communication domains. Journal of American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry, 37, 271-277. Travis, L. L. & Sigman, M. (1998). Social deficits and interpersonal relationships in autism. Mental Retardation and Developmental Disabilities Research Review, 2, 65-72. Tse, J., Strulovitch, J., Tagalakis, V., Meng, L., & Fombonne, E. (2007) Social skills training for adolescents with Asperger syndrome and high-functioning autism. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 30, 1960-1968. :HUWK $ 3HUNLQV 0 %RXFKHU - ³+HUH¶V WKH ZHDYHU\ ORRPLQJ XS´ Autism: The International Journal of Research and Practice, 5(2), 111. :LOOLDPV ( :KR UHDOO\ QHHGV D µWKHRU\ RI PLQG¶" $Q LQWHUSUHWDWLYH phenomenological analysis of the autobiographical writings of ten high-functionong individuals with an Autism Spectrum Disorder. Theory & Psychology, 14, 704-724 Wimpory, D. C., Hobson, R. P., Williams, J. M. & Nash, S. (2000). Are infants with autism socially engaged? A study of recent retrospective parental reports. Journal of Autism and Developmental Disorders, 30, 525-536. Wing, L. (1981). Asperger syndrome: A clinical account. Psychological Medicine, 11, 115129.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 157-167 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 9
H APPI NESS AS AN OUTCOM E OF CHI LDBI RTH : T HE PERSPECTI VE OF T RADI TI ONAL JAPANESE M I DWI VES AND T HEI R PATI ENTS Yana Gepshtein Family Health Centers of San Diego, San Diego, CA, USA.
ABSTRACT Pregnancy and childbirth can be happy and fulfilling for women and their families. Yet pregnancy and childbirth are often associated with fear and anxiety. Care during pregnancy can reinforce fears or it can support happiness. In a study of independent Japanese midwives, we found that their care supported and reinforced happiness, and created an atmosphere of excitement about healthy childbirth (Gepshtein et al., 2007). Both midwives and expecting mothers viewed "happiness" as an important aspect of midwifery care and a desirable outcome of childbirth. Expecting mothers explained that they chose traditional midwifery care over conventional medical care because they thought the former was based on "happiness" and the latter was based on "fear." This chapter addresses two questions: (1) how Japanese midwives and women under their care described "happiness," and (2) what specific features of prenatal care help achieve and support "happiness." Expectant mothers described the state of happiness as feeling safe, trusting their bodies, bonding with the newborn, feeling of achievement, feeling connected to their families, and having the sense of comfort and pleasure. Midwives believed that happiness develops through healthy pregnancy and childbirth, and that it is supported by close communication between the pregnant woman and her caregiver, education about normal pregnancy and childbirth, and a therapeutic environment of care. Interestingly, when asked to describe the "therapeutic environment of care," women participants and midwives unanimously listed food as a crucially important aspect of such environment. In Japanese birth centers, food is carefully selected and prepared by midwives. We summarized the central role of food in positive therapeutic environments using the concept of "food as care" (Gepshtein et al., 2007).
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1. I NTRODUCTI ON There are two ways to look at pregnancy and childbirth, two perspectives that shape the way doctors and midwives approach childbirth care. From one perspective, pregnancy is a potentially dangerous condition that threatens lives and well-being of women and their families. From the other perspective, pregnancy is a natural process and an empowering experience. The two perspectives may appear incompatible. The American College of Obstetrics and Gynecology (ACOG) says: Despite the rosy picture painted by home birth advocates, a seemingly normal labor and delivery can quickly become life-threatening for both the mother and baby. [...] Choosing to GHOLYHUEDE\DWKRPH«LVWRSODFHDSURFHVVRIJLYLQJELUWKRYHUWKHJRDORIKDYLQJDKHDOWK\ baby (ACOG, 2007).
By contrast, the proponents of non-hospital birth accuse the medical establishment of denying women the right to choose the place of childbirth. Studies showed that for low-risk women childbirth is safe (Cohain, 2008; ACNM, 2008). Both sides have a point. Both fear and happiness are parts of childbearing experience. The fears are fed by the risk of complications, pains, discomforts, and the lack of control of RQH¶V ERG\ :LMPD HW DO $QG WKH KDSSLQHVV FRPHV IURP WKH DQWLFLSDWLRQ RI WKH newborn, of the growth RI RQH¶V IDPLO\, and of self discovery as the parents assume new psychological and social roles. The positive aspects of pregnancy and childbirth empower women to cope with fears (Lowe, 1993; Lowe, 2000). It is an important role of the caregiver to make sure that a healthy pregnancy does not drift into an abnormal one, yet this should not be done in expense of the happiness of pregnancy. Midwifery is an invaluable source of knowledge about natural pregnancy and childbirth. The knowledge and expertise of midwives comes from the experience of normal birth (Gaskin, 2002). And midwives from different cultural backgrounds offer unique perspectives on perinatal care. Cross-cultural midwifery knowledge is rarely viewed as relevant to hands-on obstetric practice in the Western medicine. Data about non-western midwives come from anthropological socio-cultural studies. These data are presented in formats that do not immediately apply to clinical practice (Fiedler, 1997; Jordan, 1993; Pigg, 1997). To bridge the gap between anthropological and clinical approaches to perinatal care, a recent study sought to understand what practices of independent Japanese midwives could be used by practitioners in Western cultures. The results suggested that Japanese midwives and women viewed happiness as a key outcome of pregnancy and childbirth (Gepshtein et al. 2007). In the following I use data collected by Gepshtein et al. (2007) ± observations, interviews, and questionnaires ± to explore the concept of happiness as it was perceived in Japanese birth centers. How do women and midwifes define happiness? What do Japanese midwives do to help women develop and support happiness?
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2. I NDEPENDENT JAPANESE M I DWI VES Independent Japanese Midwives provide full scope prenatal care through uncomplicated pregnancy and childbirth in out-of-hospital settings: birth centers (josain) and patient's homes. This group of midwives is different from regular Japanese midwives. The latter work at hospitals, usually in Labor and Delivery departments, under supervision of medical doctors. In contrast, the independent midwives make their own decisions about prenatal care. The independent midwives communicate with medical doctors only through consultation and collaboration. If a patient develops complications, and the pregnancy becomes "high risk," independent midwives transfer their patient to medical care (Matsuoka, 2001; Matsuoka, 1995). All independent Japanese midwives undergo formal nursing education, and some work at technologically advanced hospital settings in various nursing specialties before they became independent. Most of their perinatal experience is acquired through apprenticeship. Before they can practice independently, new midwives work under rigorous supervision of experienced midwives, learning about natural birth through hands-on practice. Besides pregnancy and childbirth care, midwives-apprentices learn from their preceptors how to carry a birth center business. The later includes housekeeping (cleaning, cooking, purchasing), records keeping (filing and organizing medical information), and the economy of independent business. After years of practice under supervision midwives open their own practices (Matsuoka, 2005).
3. T HE CONCEPT OF H APPI NESS AS SEEN BY PATI ENTS OF BI RTH CENTERS Midwives describe their patients as non-typical Japanese families. One of the midwives called her patients "naturalists" because they prefer organic seasonal food, and they are conscious about the environment. In is natural for such families to choose midwifery care because they are looking for authentic childbirth experience. One woman wrote in her birth plan: [ During childbirth] I want do to things because [ I feel them] from inside my body, not because I am told so.
Many interviewees had previous experiences of hospital birth. It was a lack of satisfaction with hospital birth that brought them to midwives. These women praised the personalized and sympathetic approach of midwives and compared their experience in hospitals and birth centers as follows: Here, midwives are happy and excited with me. Midwives always said nice things to make me happy and relax. Midwives at birth centers are warm and doctors at hospitals are cold. At the hospital sensei [ doctor] had no time to listen [ to me] ). Here midwives listen, and we exchange ideas.
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In birth centers (josain), women stay under midwifery care for few days after the delivery, so they have time to look back and contemplate on their overall experiences. At one of the birth centers midwives ask women to write a feedback note. Some women write short statements, such as: "(It was) enjoyable (tanoshikatta)!" But most women describe their experience in details. Women often list as important components of their positive experiences the feelings of achievement, conquering their fears, connecting to their family, the sense of satisfaction with physical care, hospitality of midwives, and excellent food: In josa in I feel the effective power of food and natural environment. I am so happy to be a woman. I enjoyed the body change: I could feel body's power to help bring up a life. Through the pregnancy (midwives provided) great mental care. I had no fear. The best of my care: (1) food, (2) when I delivered baby (midwives) applauded, (3) I felt at home surrounded by my family, (4) I liked how midwives cared for my body. With midwives support I felt I could deliver baby, I could do it. Why it was great to deliver here? (1) Midwives had confidence (in me) and respect, (2) no fear, (3) food, (4) post-partum care, breast massage. Food and postpartum care were the best. The sound here (in Birth Center) in a sound of home: cooking, television, conversations. The atmosphere of regular life helps me relax. (I feel like) I was coming to my mother's house.
Yet one cannot expect that every moment of pregnancy and childbirth is enjoyable. Childbirth at birth centers may be physically more challenging than at hospitals. No pain relieving medications are used in birth centers. Just like anywhere else in the world women cry, moan, and complain on unbearable pain during natural childbirth. It is hard to imagine that any of the women would describe their experience as happy when they experience painful contractions. But midwives believe that, even as the process of pregnancy and birth is difficult, painful, and frightening, the happiness at the end is worth thriving for. A midwife explained: The overall experience consists of both: good and bad (ii to warui). This is like climbing a mountain: (you are) tired and in pain, but when you reach the top, you are happy. Thus, one woman told me right after delivery that birth here was more difficult physically than (the birth she had before) in a hospital. But the next day that woman commented that she felt light. She said: "I did it!
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4. H OW M I DWI VES M AKE W OM EN H APPY ? 4.1. The Role of M idwives From the first prenatal visit, and through the pregnancy, midwives prepare women for happy outcome of childbirth. At the very first prenatal visit that I observed in a Japanese birth center, I noticed that the phrase used by the midwife the most, in her conversation with the pregnant woman, was tanoshii osan (enjoyable labor). The midwife was teaching the woman about processes of pregnancy and childbirth, and she instructed her how to achieve tanoshii osan. It seemed that on that day the woman learned at least two important lessons. First, that it was possible to have a happy experience of birth. Second, that there were well-defined methods to achieve such experience. MidwifH¶VJRDOLV to help women overcome the barriers to happiness of pregnancy and childbirth, such as fear, pain, and discomforts.
4.1.1. Overcoming fears Midwives believe that women can learn to overcome their fears in a process they call "positive change." To illustrate the transformation from fear to happiness, midwives often tell stories of patients whose transformations were most impressive. When asked how they help patients to overcome fear, one of the midwives pointed out: "I don't make women happy. They become happy themselves, through hard work and, most importantly, the belief that they can achieve happiness." She also explained that there were two factors that she believed were essential for successful transformation. First, women learn that they can affect the outcome of childbirth; this knowledge helps them to regain the sense of control of childbearing, and decrease the fear. Second, women learn about self-care by which they can affect the outcome. Women commit to follow through with these activities, such as walking for at least an hour every day, strengthening low-body muscles by squatting at least thirty times every morning and evening, joining a group of pregnant women, and following a healthy diet. This approach by Japanese midwifes is strikingly consistent with basic principles of the social learning theory of Bandura (1977). The theory explains how people learn to cope with potentially threatening (frightful) situations. According to the theory, the belief that one is able to cope with a threat HQKDQFHV RQH¶V SURWHFWLYH EHKDYLRUV DQG UHLQIRUFHs the coping effort. A central notion of this theory is self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977). Self-efficacy is the personal belief that one is able to withstand a potentially threatening situation. In pregnancy, this situation is the upcoming childbirth. Here, self-HIILFDF\LVZRPDQ¶VEHOLHIWKDWVKHLVDEOH to withstands difficulties of childbirth. The theory implies that self-efficacy toward childbirth influences women behavior and well-being during pregnancy and labor. An important component of self-efficacy is outcome expectation, which is the belief that specific behaviors lead to specific outcomes. In birth centerVRXWFRPHH[SHFWDWLRQLVZRPDQ¶VEHOLHIWKDWFHUWDLQ behaviors, such as physical activity, healthy diet, and exercise, would lead to happy FKLOGELUWK7KLVEHOLHIIXUWKHUUHLQIRUFHVZRPDQ¶VDELOLW\WRFRSHZLWKIHDU. Even though self-efficacy and commitment to success by women are crucial components of happy outcomes of childbirth, midwives also play a large role. They help women overcome the fear of childbirth through support and education. The education takes place through most
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of the prenatal visits, and also by way of informal telephone consultations and electronic mail. 0LGZLYHV HPSKDVL]H WKDW WKH\ DUH DYDLODEOH WR DQVZHU ZRPHQ¶V TXHVWLRQV DQG FRQFHUQV DW any time. No notion of open hours exists at birth centers: owner-midwives usually reside there and are available to their patients around the clock. During the visits to birth centers, prenatal education focuses on normal childbearing: on the anatomy and physiology of normal pregnancy, on the awareness of normal body changes, and on importance of health-promoting behaviors. Normally, midwives do not tell women about possible complications, unless women ask specific questions about that. Education in birth center is usually conducted in the form of dialogues between midwifes and their patients. Women often contrast education at birth center and hospitals. For example, one woman stated: ³$WKRVSLWDO doctors tell me what to do, and here midwives listen to me."
An outstanding feature of the educational sessions is their relaxed informal atmosphere: a conversation that usually takes place over a cup of tea. It is not uncommon for the next patient, and often their families, to join the conversation. At times, the new family is the one that comes for their after-birth (postpartum) visit, with the newborn. Then women and their family members share their pregnancy stories and experiences from previous births. The continuous availability of care provider and the relaxed, happy atmosphere of prenatal visits, relieve the anxiety and fears. The availability and presence of caregiver does not necessarily imply that she continuously intervenes. On the contrary, the therapeutic effect RIFDUHJLYHU¶VSUHVHQFHUHVWVRQWKHSULQFLSOHRIPLQLPDOLQWHUYHQWLRQ. One of the midwives explained: "When a woman is in labor, I don't interfere unless it is absolutely necessary. I am there, watching woman going through the process in her own way. Sometimes, I even hide behind the screen so that the woman does not feel self-conscious. But a woman knows that I am always there." The idea of non-intervention in midwifery, and the importance of midwifery presence, was described by Kennedy et al. (2004) as "the mastery of doing nothing." In the western midwifery, the idea of non-intervention is rooted in patient -centered, humanistic, feminist approach to childbirth. Japanese midwifes are aware of these notion of western midwifery. Interestingly, in Japanese birth centers the western philosophical approach coheres with the traditional respect for natural processes in the Japanese culture. When I asked Japanese midwives about the importance of non-intervention, midwives explained that they did it out of respect to "natural flow (ki) of pregnancy and birth."
4.1.2. Caring for physical discomforts and pain Midwives view pregnancy and childbirth as inherently normal physiological processes. Yet, by no means have they ignored the risk of complications, as they do not underestimate the severity of childbirth pain, or the burden of pregnancy related discomforts. The differences between the approach of midwifery and the medical approach are twofold. First, as mentioned, the focus of medical care is on possible complications and the focus of midwifery care is on supporting health. (This difference between the two approaches holds across cultures.) Second, the difference is in treatment of discomforts that do not constitute medical problems. Since the focus of medical prenatal care is on identifying complications, WKH GLVFRPIRUWV DUH YLHZHG DV QRUPDO´ RQFH WKH FRPSOLFDWLRQV DUH UXOHG RXW %\ FRQWUDVW
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midwives UHJDUGHYHQPLOGGLVFRPIRUWVDV³LPEDODQFHV" which may lead to pathologies if not addressed promptly. This approach is based on an ancient oriental healing philosophy that stresses the importance of tackling "not yet diseases" (mibyo) to prevent further problems (Sato et al., 2005)). In their view of discomforts as mibyo, midwifes represent the ancient tradition, while the medical system represents the modern western approach. Japanese independent midwives are trained in the western scientific approach, but they turn to traditional methods when they are concerned about attending mibyo. There are two reasons. First, the medical system does not offer solutions to such problems. Second, midwifery care is focused on prevention: once discomforts turns into complications, care must be transferred to medical doctors. To tackle discomforts, midwives employ the arsenal of traditional practices: massage, exercises, and dietary adjustments. In their work, midwives involve traditional practitioners. Women are routinely referred to acupuncture, moxibustion, and massage specialists. For example, midwives refer women to acupressure specialists to correct abnormal fetal position, and to traditional massage therapist to help relieve pregnancy-related swelling by warm oil massage. Independent Japanese midwives are not allowed to do medical procedures, which furthers their reliance on natural means of health care and their emphasis on prevention. A midwife explained: ³:HDUHQRWOLFHQVHGWRGRDQ\PHGLFDOSURFHGXUHV QRVXWXULQJRIPXVFOH tears, no medications to speed up labor. That is why we do all we can to prevent complications. Problems could be prevented early by simple measures, such as diet and exercise." Yet to women, the through attention to detail and the appreciation of even mild discomforts are signs RI H[FHOOHQW FDUH 0LGZLYHV DGGUHVV ZRPHQ¶V FRQFHUQV DQG ZRUN WR alleviate discomforts by simple and often pleasurable measures. After a postpartum moxibustion session, and after a series of exercises, women often comment that "it felt good" or "it felt right for my body." When they feel their problems are taken care of, when they experience pleasure, they feel happy.
4.2. Birth Center Environment Both midwives and women mentioned two features as essential to the authentic birth center environment. First, it is the calm and quiet atmosphere. Second, it is use of food as means of care.
4.2.1. Calm Japanese birth center are usually quiet, regardless of how many visitors there are or whether or not there is a birth in process. Midwives speak softly, they move slowly, and their touch is gentle. At the time of delivery, midwives whisper, no matter how stressful and tense the situation. During one of the birth I have observed, the midwife consistently reminded her DSSUHQWLFH %HJHQWOHVORZDQG³JHQWOH´0LGZLYHVH[SODLQWKDWFDOPDQGTXLHWKHOSVWR better appreciate the natural processes of pregnancy and childbirth, and that silence helps ZRPHQ¶s awareness of their bodies and their environment. But midwives admit that despite the outer calmness, they work under constant stress. Just like any medical professionals, midwives have to be continuously aware of their patient's condition, watching for signs of abnormal. The level of professional stress at the Japanese
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birth center is the same, if not higher, than at the hospital. Medical professionals in clinics and hospitals rely on medical equipment and numerous support staff. Midwives work in homelike settings, with minimal equipment but a first aid kit, and no extra personal. As one midwife put it: We cannot afford to miss signs of abnormal: in our settings consequences would be tragic. Besides, any mistake would be a huge blow to our reputation. It could threaten our practices, our existence within Japanese health care system.
Midwives never reveal to their patients the stress of their incessant professional vigilance. A striking example of how the professional awareness is masked from the patients was one of the josain births I observed. It looked like it was a peaceful and calm birth. A woman was accompanied by her husband and her toddler son. Two midwives were assisting her. Now and then, the midwives quietly asked the woman to change her position, and they instructed the husband how to support and comfort her in her pain. Through the birth, the midwives calmly commented to the woman what a wonderful work she did. The baby was born vigorous and healthy, the husband cut the umbilical cord, and the big brother was clapping his hands in excitement when the newborn was emerging from the birth canal. After the birth, I commented to one of the midwife what a peaceful and calm birth it was. "Calm?'" she answered surprised, "you have not noticed? It was one of the most difficult births I've had in my career. I was so nervous. Haven's you noticed? A baby wouldn't turn the right way. Until the very last moment I thought we would have to transfer women to the hospital for cesarean section. We kept trying to help by changing women's position, and eventually it worked. "
4.2.2. Food In josain, food is an essential part of the environment. In the birth center in Kobe that I REVHUYHGDODUJHNLWFKHQRFFXSLHVPXFKRIWKHHQWUDQFHKDOO$PLGZLIHH[SODLQHG ³.LWFKHQ is a part of every home. Sounds and smells of kitchen remind the smells and sounds of home. We want to create an environment where women feel at home: safe and comfortable. When women feel safe and comfortable they are more likely to have a healthy and happy birth." Women described food as the most pleasurable and exciting part of midwifery care: delicious, satisfying, and simple. One woman compared food in birth center to food served in hospitals, in English: "Hospital food was too gorgeous for me. Birth center food is simple. It suits my body just right." Another woman wrote in her feedback QRWH ³, HQMR\HG WKH IRRG here with my eyes, with my heart, and with my stomach. I was looking forward to food all the time." Food in Japanese birth centers is selected, cooked, and served by midwives. The three basic meals are prepared and served in the traditional Japanese style and usually consist of a bowl of rice, several vegetable dishes, miso soup, and often tofu and sesame seeds. Between meals, midwives serve tea (green, barley, or dandelion tea) and desert. The latter usually consists of either of fruits or naturally sweet vegetables, such as sweet potatoes, pumpkin, or red beans. Midwives explain that they make the meals based on the ideas of the ancient oriental medicine. Although midwives do not consider themselves experts in traditional medicines, they talk about ancient traditions with great respect. One of the midwives, while serving us a dish of soba (buckwheat noodles) with vegetables and sesame sauce, mentioned that sesame
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souse is a wonderful condiment for pregnant women because it is rich in calcium³%XW´VKH DGGHG ³2XU DQFHVWRUV NQHZ WKDW VHVDPH VDXFH ZDV KHDOWK\ HYHQ EHIRUH they knew what calcium was." Another midwife, when explaining her selection of food for birth center, explained that the state of human body could be described in terms of balance of positive and negative energies (yin and yon): We believe that food has energetic properties (ki o iru) and thus influences the energy of our bodies. For example, when a woman is pregnant, her baby adds a lot of positive energy (yon) to woman's body. After birth, this positive energy is suddenly lost, and the woman is left with an excess of negative energy (yin). That is why after birth we choose dishes that supplement women's yon, mostly root vegetables.
The notion of ki, or energetic properties, of food goes beyond healing of the physical body. The energy of food is also a metaphor of care and love that is transferred from caregiver to her patient. At the birth center in Kobe, the owner is a midwife of about 50 years of experience (she is almost ninety years old). The midwife is famous for her two skills: her postpartum breast massage and her cooking. The massage and cooking may appear separate and simple mechanical tasks. Yet from the Japanese traditional perspective, they carry the same meaning because they both assume that the personal energy (ki) of the caregiver is transferred to the patient. 7KH RZQHU¶V GDXJKWHU D PLGZLIH DW WKH VDPH ELUWK FHQWHU explained: "We believe that we put energy into food through cooking." Thus, in cooking just as in massage, the simple mechanical actions serve as channels of communication between the caregiver and the patient. In western medicine and nursing, we call it therapeutic touch or healing touch (MacIntyre, 2008; Monroe, 2009). From the Japanese traditional perspective, the same effect is achieves though food, prepared by the caregiver, as the effect from therapeutic touch.
5. CONCLUSI ON Independent Japanese midwives have created a comprehensive care system, combining Western scientific knowledge, humanistic ideas of nursing-midwifery care, and oriental healing tradition. Midwifery care in Japanese birth centers (josain) is deeply rooted in Japanese tradition, but the core principles of their care are universal. The individualized, holistic, and patient-centered care such as in the josain is associated with excellent patient satisfaction across cultures (Hodnett, 2000; Page, 2003). Basic aspects of midwifery aimed to assure physical comfort and pleasure for the patient make large difference in the totality of pregnancy experience. The high value assigned to simple daily pleasures ± such as eating, sleeping, and taking bath ± is a distinct feature of Japanese culture (Bendict, 1967/1989). Even though the emphasis on physical and aesthetic pleasures may be a culture-specific phenomenon, the necessity of comfort and pleasing food is universal. When asked what makes hospital care excellent, Western patients also list food as one of the important factors (Otani et al., 2009). Making happiness a part of successful prenatal care adds a new positive dimension to the pregnancy and childbirth %\ GLYHUWLQJ ZRPHQ¶V DWWHQWLRQ IURP IHDU to happiness, the
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caregiver empowers women to successfully cope with the difficulties. Midwives focus on positive outcomes even in difficult situations, guiding women toward a personal narrative of success and achievement.
REFERENCES Bandura, A. (1977). Social Learning Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Benedict, R. (1989). The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture. Houghton Mifflin Company. Reprint. Originally published: Cleveland: Meridian Books, 1967. Fiedler, D. S. (1997). Authoritative knowledge and birth territories in contemporarily Japan. In: Davis-Floyd, R., Sargent, C.F. (Eds) Childbirth and Authoritative knowledge. Crosscultural perspective (pp.159-182). Berkeley: University of California Press. Gaskin, I. M. (2002). Spiritual midwifery, 4th ed. Book Publishing Company, 2002. Gepshtein, Y., Horiuchi, S. & Eto, H. (2007) Independent Japanese midwives: A qualitative study of their practise and beliefs. Japan Journal of Nursing Science, 4(2), 85-93 (9. Hognett, E. D. (2000). Continuity of caregivers for care during pregnancy and childbirth. Cochrane database of systematic reviews; (2), CD000062. Jordan, B. (1993). Birth in Four Cultures: A Cross-Cultural Investigation of Childbirth in Yukatan, Holland, Sweden, and the United States, 4th ed.. Prospect Height III.: Wavwland Press. Kennedy, H. P., Shannon, M. T., Chuahorm, U. & Kravetz, K. M. (2004). The landscape of Caring for Women: A Narrative Study of Midwifery Practice. Journal of Midwifery and :RPHQ¶V+HDOWK49 (1), 14-23. Lowe, N. (1993). Maternal confidence in labor: Development of the Childbirth Self-Efficacy Inventory. Research in Nursing & Health, 16, 141-149. Lowe, N. K. (2000). Self-efficacy for labor and childbirth fears in nulliparous pregnant women. Journal of Psychosomatic Obstetrics and Gynecology, 21(4), 219-224. MacIntyre, B., Hamilton, J., Fricke, T., Ma, W., Mehle, S. & Michel, M. (2008). The efficacy of healing touch in coronary artery bypass surgery recovery: a randomized clinical trial. Alternative therapies in health and medicine, 14(4), 24-32. Matsuoka, E. (2001). Postmodern Midwives in Japan: The Offspring of Modern Hospital Birth. Medical Anthropology, 20, 141-184. Matsuoka, E. (1995) Is hospital the safest place for birth? In Curare: Gebaren Ethnomedizinische Perspectiven und neue Wege. (eds) Schiefenhovel, S. D., GottschailBatschku. Verlagfur, Wissenschaft und Bildung, Berlin. P. 293-304. Monroe, C. M. (2009). The effect of therapeutic touch on pain. Journal of Holistic Nursing, 27(2), 85-92. Otani, K., Waterman, B., Faulkner, K. M., Boslaugh, S., Burrouqhs, T. E. & Dunagan, W. C. (2009). Patient satisfaction: focusing RQ³H[FHOOHQW´Journal of Healthcare Management, 54(2), 93-102. Page, L. (2003). One-to-RQH PLGZLIHU\ UHVWRULQJ WKH ³ZLWK ZRPDQ´ UHODWLRQVKLS in midwifery. -RXUQDORI0LGZLIHU\DQG:RPHQ¶V+HDOWK48 (2), 119-125.
Happiness as an Outcome of Childbirth: The Perspective of Traditional«
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Pigg, S. L. (1997). Authority in Translation. Finding, knowing, naming, and training ³7UDGLWLRQDO %LUWK $WWHQGDQWV´ LQ 1HSDO. In Davis-Floyd R. & Sargent C.F. (Eds) Childbirth and Autoritative knowledge. Cross-cultural perspective (pp. 233-262). Sato, Y., Hanawa, T., Makoto, A., Cyong, J. C., Fukuzawa, M., Mitani, K., Ogihara, Y., Sakiyama, T., Shimada, Y., Toriizuka, K. & Yamada, T. (2005). Introduction to Kampo. Japanese Traditional Medicine. The Japan Society for Oriental Medicine. Tokyo: Elsevier Japan K. K. Wijma, K., Alehagen, S. & Wijma, B. (2002). Development of the delivery fear scale. Journal of Psychosomatic Obstetrics and Gynecology, 23 (2), 97-107.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 169-178 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 10
H APPI NESS AND H OPE: FUTURE AFFECTI VE AND COGNI TI VE CORRELATES OF PRESENT H APPI NESS Sara Staats, Heidi Wallace and Tara Anderson The Ohio State University at Newark
ABSTRACT Happiness is generally construed as positive affect experienced in the present moment while hope is thought of as a future referenced set of beliefs, affects and cognitions (Snyder and Lopez, 2007; Staats, 1989). Happiness is generally believed to be GHWHUPLQHG LQ SDUW E\ RQH¶V XQLTXH SHUVRQDOLW\, set point, general situation and is especially influenced by frequent, small positive events (Argyle, 2001; Diener & Emmons, 1984; Veenhoven, 1994). Hope is here defined as a set of positive expectations DQGZLVKHVDERXWWKHIXWXUHWKDWPD\FRQGLWLRQDSHUVRQV¶SUHVHQWDIIHFWLYHVWDWHVXFKDV happiness. Our hopes are for the future, but that activity takes place in the present. The expectation of a better tomorrow may share some of the variance in self-reported present happiness. Here the argument is SUHVHQWHGWKDWKDSSLQHVVLVDOVRUHODWHGWRRQH¶VKRSHIRU the future, presenting evidence that positive affect or happiness is related to hope as it is assess by several different measures.
I NTRODUCTI ON Ordinary persons recognize happiness with ease, but scientists do not always agree as to its nature or precursors. Here we will consider some aspects of happiness and argue that a hopeful outlook is one of many contributors to happiness. Bradburn (1969) defined happiness as the preponderance of positive affect over negative affect. He constructed a scale with 5 positive items and 5 negative items and stated that the difference (positive affect minus negative affect) was a measure of avowed happiness or psychological well-being%UDGEXUQ¶V work was followed by other important books such as, Social indicators of well-being: $PHULFDV¶SHUFHSWLRQ of life quality, (Andrews & Withey, 1976) and The quality of American life (Campbell, Converse & Rodgers, 1976). Much of this work was aimed at the idea that
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happiness, quality of life and psychological well-being were more or less equivalent and could function as social indicators in much the same way as economic indicators, often leading to the suggestion that social interventions might improve happiness. These studies typically were based on large sample surveys, included interviews and provided a rich base of assessment devices and information. Several of the social indicator measures have temporal aspects- e.g., best life I could expect to have-worst life I could expect to have. The present chapter is built on the work of Bradburn and later scales derived from or conceptually related to his original Affect Balance Scale (ABS) so first let us remember some of the thinking surrounding the development of the original scale and its subsequent modifications. Then we will make the argument that happiness and hope are different but overlapping as states sharing positive affect. Happiness is the prototype of positive or pleasant emotions. Happiness, joy and contentment are not strongly associated with directed thinking or intense cognitive effort. Happiness is primarily affective rather than cognitive and deals with how a person feels right now or has felt in the recent past. Happiness is present oriented, e.g. Fordyce (1977) found that happy persons tend to be present oriented and enjoyed the moment more than unhappy persons. On the other hand, affect and cognition are rarely totally separate in human existence. Planning what to do next is a characteristically human cognition. A major thesis of this chapter is that hope, a future based positive, affective cognition, takes place in present consciousness (Staats, 1989; Staats, Romine, Atha & Isham, 1994) and has a complex relationship with happiness. There may be temporal aspects of happiness, one of which may be expectations of happiness in the future, goals, and some degree of hope. Hope is positive or typically directed toward a positive outcome or state. Hope is future oriented in that we do not hope for that which we already possess. Hope must have some expectation or associated non zero probability of occurrence. The hope about the future that we are feeling now is, we argue, a component of our present affective experience of happiness. There should be a positive relationship between our expected happy feelings in the future, estimated probability of attainment of wishes and our present affective state of happiness. The more cognitive aspects of hope, such as expectations for specific events or circumstances, the less hope will be related to present affective state. The more affective aspects of hope, such as wishes and desire are assessed, the more hope will be related to present affective state. First, let us consider some thoughts about happiness and its measurement and then do the same for hope. Then, we will argue for some overlap of the constructs of happiness and hope. Aristotle proclaimed that happiness was the greatest good attainable by action (Aristotle, 2000, p. 1095a). U.S. founding fathers saw the pursuit of happiness as a right (Declaration of Independence). The idea here is a) happiness is dependent upon doing something and b) that happiness is a worthy goal. There are contrasting views of happiness based on eastern philosophies. In Buddhism, Zen HPEUDFHV ³QR-PLQG´ RU EHLQJ ZLWKRXW ³GLVFULPLQDWLQJ WKRXJKW´ +DUYH\S DQG1LUYDQDVRXJKWRXWDVDWUDQVFHQGHQWDQd ultimate state, is compared to emptiness (Harvey, 2000, p. 125). Those who practice asceticism find happiness in withdrawal or denial of tangible SOHDVXUHV ³>I@UHHGRP EHDXW\ MR\´ DUH described as benefits to Syrian monks (Wimbush & Valantasis, 1998, p. 4). Here, we look at happiness through the work of social scientists who have frequently based or modified their thoughts on happiness by empirical approaches such as surveys or asking persons about their state of happiness. An early leader in this endeavor was Bradburn.
Happiness and Hope: Future Affective and Cognitive Correlates of Present Happiness 171 %UDGEXUQ¶V WKHRUHWLFDO SRVLWLRQ ZDV WKDW SHUVRQV FRGH H[SHULHQFH LQ WHUPV RI DIIHFWLYH tone such as positive, negative or neutral feeling, that positive and negative affect were independent and that current environmental forces, or those of the recent past, were important determiners of present affect. All these positions have been hotly debated and are still relevant. Temporally, the Bradburn items were SUHIDFHG ZLWK³'XULQJWKHSDVWIHZZHHNV GLG \RX HYHU IHHO«´ ZLWK D SRVLWLYH LWHP EHLQJ ³3OHDVHG DERXW KDYLQJ DFFRPSOLVKHG VRPHWKLQJ´ DQG D QHJDWLYH LWHP ³'HSUHVVHG RU YHU\ XQKDSS\´ 7KH UHVSRQVH VFDOH ZDV ³
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As interest in the neglected positive emotions grew, a new scale of positive and negative affect was developed by Watson, Clark & Tellegen (1988), the PANAS. In the PANAS, persons respond to a set of 10 adjectives representing positive affect and 10 adjectives representing negative affect. Using a response time approach, John Skowronski and I (Staats & Skowronski, 1992) asked persons to rate the self applicability of the PANAS items on a 1 to 5 scale where 1 was very slightly or not at all and 5 was extremely. One group of students did this in a present time frame and another in a future time frame. Persons responded faster to the positive than the negative items, i.e., found positive items more self applicable, more like me, and also that the positive items were even more self applicable in the future than in the present. When we considered the PA and NA items by time frame, the NA items remained about the same, while the PA items showed an increase in the future compared to the present 6WDDWV 6NRZURQVNL 7KXVH[SHFWHGSRVLWLYHDIIHFWLVVHHQDVSDUWRIRQH¶VSHUVRQDO future using different methods and different theoretical approaches. Using the Negative Affect Items of the EBS (EBN) and the Positive Affect items (EBP)of the EBS Scales, the PA and NA Scales as well as Faces Scales set in the present and future found positive items more applicable and even more so in the future than in the present. This finding parallels the early UHSRUWVRI%UDGEXUQWKDWPRVWSHUVRQVUHSRUWEHLQJKDSSLHUWKDQ³DYHUDJH´3HUVRQVQRWRQO\ think that they are happy now but that they will be happier in the future. Expectations concerning future negative affect or unhappiness did not increase in the college age, middleaged, and community dwelling older adults of these studies. We note that most of our participants were healthy (when a relevant item was included) and typically middle-class. Different results might well be obtained with persons in the oldest age groups, in impoverished conditions or in ill health. Recently, a conceptually similar result has been obtained by Finkenauer, Gallucci, van Dijk, and Pollmann (2007) who find that persons slightly overestimate the intensity and duration of positive affect following success.
EM PI RI CAL COM PARI SONS At the same time, my students and I1 were interested in developing a measure of hope that had a strong cognitive as well as affective component. We defined hope as the interaction of wishes and affect. The initial pool of items was developed by asking persons what they hoped for. The resultant frequently occurring items were screened, selecting eight that referenced the self and eight that referenced others or global world conditions. This distinction was influenced by considering the ideas of Beck (1967) on hopelessness. Beck found that hopeless persons not only had low expectations for their future but also for the future of other persons and the world in general. The Hope Index (Lopez & Snyder, 2003; Staats & Stassen, 1986) consisted of eight self referenced items and eight items referencing others or global world conditions. Persons responded to these items first in terms of wishes and secondly in terms of expectations. Again, the base temporal duration ZDV ³LQ WKH QH[W IHZZHHNV´ZLWKYDULDQWVRI´QH[W\HDU´³QH[W \HDUV´DQG ³LQWKHIXWXUH´:HW\SLFDOO\ found that hope increased with specific time frameV VXFK DV ³LQ WKH QH[W ILYH \HDUV³ WKDW hope increased with age (Staats, 1989; Staats, 1991; Staats, et al., 1994). In the 1990s, an additional measure of hope was presented by Snyder and his colleagues (Snyder, et al., 1991). The Hope Scale assesses goal motivated behavior. The Hope Scale is
Happiness and Hope: Future Affective and Cognitive Correlates of Present Happiness 173 composed of two sub-scales; Agency, or the will, and Pathways, or ways toward goals. The Hope Scale has generated a wide range of research and has advanced the field both in theory and in practical applications. The Hope Scale and the Hope Index share the general idea of hope as positive, future and goal oriented. The Hope Index contains the unique feature of the measurement of hope for self and hope for others, while a unique feature of the Hope Scale is a separate consideration of Agency and Pathways (Snyder, 1994; Lopez & Snyder, 2003). The Hope Index, as well as the PANAS and the EBS have good psychometric properties over all. However, the Wish Scale of the Hope Index was typically skewed as persons generally expressed high wishes for the positive states described. Because of this and because of a desire for a briefer measure, we constructed a brief version of the Hope Index, where wishes and expectations were combined in the instructions and persons responded to the hope self and hope other items only once rather than first in terms of wishes and secondly in terms of expectations. The Brief Hope Index requests 16 total responses instead of the 32 responses requested by the original Hope Index. Combining several of these approaches, I and colleagues conducted an additional research, in which we presented the briefer version of the Hope Index (see appendix ) and compared it with the parent Hope Index, the Hope Scale, the Expected Balance Scale and single item mood Face Scale that was used as an indicator of happiness. Undergraduate (N = 248) participants completed the survey packet in a laboratory in groups of six or fewer. There were 138 women and 105 men with a mean age of 19.9 years (SD = 4.3). In a between group design, half of the participants were administered the original Hope Index and half the brief version of the Hope Index. Half of the participants received the instruments in a near future, and half in a distant time frame. We found that the Brief Hope Index measure demonstrated concurrent and discriminant validity by correlating positively with the Hope Scale, the Hope Index, Expected Positive Affect and negatively correlating with the Expected Negative Affect Scale of the EBS. Both the brief and long form of the Hope Index tended to correlate more with the motivational or agency aspect of the Hope Scale than the Pathways Scale (see Table 1 and Table 2). We found significant correlations between the Hope Index, the Hope Scale and the Expected Positive Scale of the EBS, as predicted. As an indication of discriminant validity, the three hope scales correlated negatively with the Expected Negative Scale of the EBS. Mood Now, our measure of happiness, correlated significantly with the three measures of hope, and most strongly with the EPA as expected. The Hope Index ±Brief revealed an almost identical pattern of results with the original Hope Index, an exception being that its positive correlation with mood did not reach significance (Table 1). Table 2 shows similar correlations for the sub-scales of the Hope Index, the Hope Scale, and the Hope Index-Brief. Mood or happiness was significantly related to hope for self but not hope for others as measured by the Hope Index, and mood was significantly related to Agency but not Pathways as measured by the Hope Scale. Considering the Hope Index ± Brief, we found positive correlations for Agency, Pathway, EPA and a negative correlation with EPN. Overall, the Hope Index was more strongly related to mood than was the Hope Index-Brief. However, the major finding is that hope, variously measured, correlates positively with the Faces measure of happiness. The results derived from three different measures converge, although the associated effect sizes are small. Thus, our view that happiness has an associated component of hope finds empirical support, although the variance overlap is small. We speculate that for persons who are ill or stressed, the overlap would be
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greater and that hope may be one of several buffers that persons may employ to maintain a positive present state of happiness. Not only is future orientation a hallmark of human cognition, it is also an important conditioner of present affect and behavior (Beck, 1967). Those with positive outlook and hope for the future are happier, more resilient (Snyder &Lopez, 2007) and more apt to carry out actions directed toward relevant goals. Hope occupies a central place in the study of positive psychology and is an important avenue toward practical interventions aimed at increasing happiness. One such set of interventions includes instruction in goal setting and goal management. For example, persons have been advised to have more than one goal, to describe the goal in concrete, point-at-able terms to prioritize goals, to break larger goals into smaller ones, to determine small, specific acts that further progress to goals and to do something toward at least one of these goals each day (Staats, 1991). In large measure, much practical advice in this area is available in organizational psychology and time management texts. From goal setting studies in organizational psychology (Campion & Lord, 1982) as well as the early work of Fordyce (1977), we know for example that goals should be specific, clearly operationalized, be challenging but attainable and again larger goals broken down in WRPRUHPDQDJHDEOHWDVNVDVVWDWHGLQWKHPRWWR³VXFFHVVE\WKH\DUGLVKDUGVXFFHVVE\WKH LQFK LV D FLQFK´ *RDO GLUHFWHG DFWLRQ LV FRQVLVWHQW ZLWK $ULVWRWOH¶V YLHZ RI WKH SXUVXLW RI happiness. The things that we hope for are goals and progress, even a small step toward goal attainment, is a cause for happiness. Our experience takes place in time and space. Psychologists have investigated the latter more than the former (Kelly & McGrath, 1988). Concerning the temporal aspects of experience, psychologists have more often dwelt on the past than on the future and on negative feelings rather than positive. Early students of positive experience often looked to the situation, including social contacts, economics, and even the weather as causal agents (Sanna & Chang, 2005). Often psychologists focused on recall of past events as defining agents of the self. We argue that wishes and expectations concerning the future are important defining agents of the present self and provide routes to future possible selves (Markus & Ruvolo, 1989). Our present happiness is in part found in our goals and hopes for the future.
CONCLUSI ON In summary, we have demonstrated that hope and happiness are related, although the degree of this shared variance is small in college students and in community dwelling adults of middle-age or early old age. We suggest that hope is a moderator of the frequency, duration and intensity of happiness and think that these relationships are worthy of further research. Hope in the sense of some non-zero expectation of success is a precursor to action, and those who act, engaging the environment, are more apt to achieve success and a feeling of happiness. We would like to replicate the association of hope and happiness with a multi-item measure of happiness, with groups that are experiencing significant stressors and pursue the goal of mutual increases in both happiness and hope.
Table 1. Correlations of Hope Measures Hope Index
Hope Index Brief
1. HI 2. HS 3. EPA 4. ENA 5. MoodN
-
-.10 .20*
1
2
.24** .38** -.20* .20*
-
3
**
4
5 1. HIB
-
.38 -.18* .31**
-18
4.ENA 5.MoodN
1 2. HS 3. EPA .07 .13
2
3
4
5
.54** -.25**
-
-.30 .27**
.31** .49** -.26** .33**
**
Notes: HI = Hope Index, HIB = Hope Index Brief, HS = Hope Scale, EPA = Expected Positive Affect, ENA = Expected Negative Affect and MoodN = Mood Now. * = p <.05, ** = p < .01
Table 2. Hope Index 1. HI - S 2. HI - O 3. Agency 4. Pathway 5. EPA 6. ENA 7. Mood
1 __ .53** .41** .14 .41** -.19 .22*
2
3
__ .19* .00 .28** .00 .13
__ .44** .43** -.20* .31**
4
__ .22 -.14 .01
5
__ -.18 .31**
6
__ -.18
7
__
Hope Index Brief 1 1. HIB - S __ 2. HIB - O .80** 3. Agency .26** 4. Pathway .19* 5. EPA .45** 6. ENA -.04 7. Mood .08
2
3
4
5
6
7
__ .30** .21* .48** -.31** .14
__ .38** ,44** -.17 .24**
__ .46** -.17 .20*
__ -.26** .33**
__ -.25**
__
Notes: HI-S = Hope Index ± Self; HIB-S = Hope Index Brief ± Self; HI-O = Hope Index ± Others; HIB-O = Hope Index Brief ± Others; Agency = Agency Scale of Hope Scale; Pathway = Pathway Scale of Hope Scale; EPA = Expected Positive Affect; ENA = Expected Negative Affect * = p < .05, ** = p < .01
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FOOTNOTE The following study was presented in part at the Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association in Chicago, IL in May of 2006. We have reanalyzed the data here including association of several hope measures with a measure of happiness.
REFERENCES Andrews, F. M. & Withey, S. B. (1976). Social Indicators of well-being. New York: Plenum Press. General social indicators perspective and a number of global items. Argyle, M. (2001). The psychology of happiness (2nd). East Sussex; Routledge. Aristotle. (2000). Nicomachean Ethics. (R. Crisp, Ed.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Beck, A. T. (1967). Depression: Clinical, experimental and theoretical aspects. New York: Harper. Bradburn, N. M. (1969). The structure of psychological well-being. Chicago: Aldine Publishing. Campbell, A., Converse, P. E. & Rodgers, W. L. (1976). The quality of American life: New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Campion, M. A. & Lord, R. G. (1982). A control systems conceptualization of the goalsetting and change process. Organizational Behavior and Human performance, 30, 265287. Carstensen, L., Fung, H. & Charles, S. T. (2003). Socioemotional selectivity theory and the regulation of emotion in the second half of life. Motivation and Emotion, 27, 103-123. &URQEDFN / )XUE\ / +R ZH VKRXOG PHDVXUH ³FKDQJH´- or should we? Psychological Bulletin, 74, 69-80. Diener, E. & Emmons, R. A. ( 1984). The independence of positive and negative affect. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 47, 1105-1117. Finkenauer, C., Gallucci, M., van Dijk, & Pollmann, M. (2007). Investigating the role of time in affective forecasting: Temporal influences on forecasting accuracy. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 33, 1152-1166. Fordyce, M. W. (1977). Development of a program to increase personal happiness. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 24, 511-520. Harvey, P. (2000). An introduction to Buddhist ethics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Kelly, J. R. & McGrath, J. E. (1988). On time and method. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Lazarus, R. S. (1966). Psychological stress and the coping process. New York: McGraw-Hill. Lopez, S. J. & Snyder, C. R., (Eds.) (2003). Positive psychological assessment: a handbook of models and measures. Washington, D. C.: APA Markus, H.R. and Ruvolo, A. (1989). Possible selves: Personalized representation of goals. In L.A. Pervin (Ed.) Goal concepts in personality and social psychology (pp211-241). Hillsdale,NJ: Earlham. Sanna, L. J. & Chang, E. C. (2006). Judgements over time: The interplay of thoughts, feelings and behaviors. New York: Oxford University Press.
Happiness and Hope: Future Affective and Cognitive Correlates of Present Happiness 177 Snyder, C. R. , Harris, C., Anderson, J. R., Holleran, S. A., Irving, L. M., et al. (1991). The will and the ways: Development and validation of an individual-differences measure of hope. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 60, 570-585. Snyder, C. R., & Lopez, S. J. (2007). Positive Psychology: The scientific and practical explorations of human strengths. Thousand Oaks: Sage. Snyder, C. R. (1994). The psychology of hope: You can get there from here. New York: Free Press. Staats, S. (1987). Hope: Expected positive affect in an adult sample. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 148, 357-364. Staats, S. (1989). Hope: A comparison of two self-report measures for adults. Journal of PersonalityAssessment, 53, 366-375. Staats, S. R., & Stassen, M. A. (1987). Age and present and future perceived quality of life. International Journal of Aging and Human Development, 25, 167-176. Staats, S., Atha, G., & Isham, J. (1990). Variations in expected affect in Young and middleaged adults. Journal of Genetic Psychology, 15, 429-438. Staats, S.R. (1991). Quality of life and affect in older persons: Hope, time frames, and training effects. Current Psychology: Research & Reviews, 10, 21-30. Staats, S., Romine, N., Atha, G., & Isham, J. (1994). Hoping for the best: The future time perspective. Time and Society, 3, 365-376. Staats, S. & Stassen, M. (1985). Hope: An affective cognition. Social Indicators Research, 17, 235-242. Staats, S. & Stassen, M. A. (1986). The Hope Index: a measure of self-other expectations for adults. American Psychological Association. August 24, Washington, DC. Staats, S. & Skowronski, J. (1992). Perceptions of self-affect: mow and in the future. Social Cognition, 10, 415-431. Veenhoven, R. (1994). Is happiness a trait? Tests of the theory that a better society does not make people any happier. Social Indicators Research, 32, 101-160. Warr, P. Barter, J. & Brownbridge, G. (1983). On the independence of positive and negative affect. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 44, 644-651. Watson, D., Clark, L. A., & Tellegen, A. (1988). Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: The PANAS scales. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 1063-1070. Wimbush, V. L., and Valantasis, R. (Ed.s). (1998). Asceticism. New York: Oxford University Press.
APPENDI X - H OPE I NDEX BRI EF INSTRUCTIONS: Hope is sometimes defined as the amount that you would want something to happen in the future and the degree to which you think it might possibly happen. We would like to have you think of hope in this way; as made up of both your desire and your expectations for a future event or circumstance. Read the items below and circle 0, 1, 2, 3, 4 or 5 to indicate the extent that you hope for the item. Please note the indicated time frame. To What extent do you wish and expect this in the NEXT WEEK.
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Sara Staats, Heidi Wallace and Tara Anderson ITEM To do well in school, in job, or in daily tasks.* To have more friends. To have good health. To be competent. To achieve long range goals. To be happy. To have money. To have leisure time. Other people to be helpful. The crime rate to go down. The country to be more productive. Understanding by my family. Justice in the world. Peace in the world. Personal freedom. Resources for all.
O=not at all 5=very much 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5 0 1 2 3 4 5
* Use the item most appropriate to sample, e.g. daily tasks for retired persons Sara Staats, 1179 University Dr., Newark, OH 43055 [email protected]
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 179-188 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 11
BREATHI NG AND EM OTI ON I kuo Homma* and Lena Akai Showa University School of Medicine, Tokyo, Japan
I NTRODUCTI ON Life is breathing. Breathing is often compared to life itself because it is in fact a basic biological function that sustains life. It also carries a psychological significance in that breathing is also our emotional or spiritual life. This is because of the close connection that exists between breathing and emotion. This concept is often taken for granted for it is a natural phenomenon we experience every day. Our breathing changes when we are anxious, angry, or happy. Yet in scientific research, evidence supporting this connection is relatively new. In this chapter, we introduce what we call WKH ³HPRWLRQDO EUHDWKLQJ´ through descriptions of various studies conducted by respiratory physiology research team. We offer physiological and psychological perspectives on the concept of coexistence of breathing and emotion in the hope of finding hints to better breathing which may in fact lead to a better life.
BREATHI NG Breathing is a basic physiological function that is necessary to sustain life. There exist two types of breathing: metabolic breathing and behavioral breathing. Metabolic breathing refers to the vital breathing that is directly responsible for keeping us alive. It functions to maintain homeostasis within our body. For example, it controls breathing to regulate the carbon dioxide level in the body through gas exchange of oxygen and carbon. It is carried out involuntarily which is why we continue to breathe when we are unconscious, such as during sleep. Behavioral breathing, on the other hand, is mainly carried out voluntarily such as
* Correspondences to: Showa University School of Medicine, Second Department Physiology, 1-5-8 Hatanodai Shinagawa-ku, Tokyo, 142-8555 Japan, Tel: 81-3-3784-8112, Fax: 81-3-3784-0200, Email: ihomma@med. showa-u.ac.jp
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taking a deep breath or breath holding. These two types of breathing differ in the governing areas in the brain and the paths that output takes from these centers to the respiratory muscles. Although the specifics such as how respiration pattern is generated and which neurons are responsible are still being studied, the breathing centers in the brain and basic pathways of output have been established. In both types of respiration, breathing is enabled through output sent to the motor neurons in the spinal cord that controls the movement of respiratory muscles that enable inspiration and expiration. The breathing center for involuntary breathing which is comprised of the medulla oblongata and pons, is located in the brainstem. Output from this center is sent through the reticulospinal tract. On the other hand, the center for voluntary breathing where we consciously make an effort to breathe, occurs at higher centers than in the brainstem, and is the same as the motor related area in the cerebral cortex that governs other muscle movements. Output is then sent through the corticospinal tract. In addition to these two basic categories of breathing, we introduce a third type called the ³emotional breathing´. This type of breathing which is primarily carried out involuntarily; however, would be a subcategory of behavioral breathing due to the strong connection it has with emotion and behavior. This emotional breathing is the focus of our chapter. (Fig. 1)
Figure 1. MRI image. Three different centers for respiration in the brain.
EM OTI ON What is emotion? There isn¶t a clear definition of emotion. However, it is probably safe to say that emotion is both a mental and physiological state. Emotions exist as an innate part of both animals and humans. In humans, emotions are much more complex and subdivide
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into numerous dimensions. Furthermore, when emotions occur, they are always expressed in one way or another as some kind of movement of the body or change in behavior. This is why it is often said that the mind and body are inseparable. Emotions have always been believed to be created in the person¶s mind or spirit. But there have been many differing beliefs as to where in the person this mind exists. It was first thought to be in the heart. There was even a time when the liver was considered the mind. Today, it is generally accepted that the brain is the mind. The next question would be: where in the brain is the center for emotions? And how are the mind and body associated in the brain? In functional anatomy of the brain, the areas that produce emotions and behavior are different. For this reason, it could be said that although these two areas are closely related, structurally they can be considered separate. For example, in the case of a person with a neurodegenerative disease called Huntington disease, the body moves uncontrollably on its own despite lack of emotion or the will to do so. In locked-in syndrome, on the other hand, although the person¶s thoughts and emotions function normally, he/she cannot move or communicate at all due to paralysis of voluntary muscles. These examples almost seem to suggest that from a neurophysiological standpoint, the mind and body could in fact be separated²an opposite regard to the general belief. This will be discussed again in the section of emotional breathing. The limbic system, located in the medio-temporal lobe of the brain, is the center that governs emotions. It is important in handling external and internal changes in the environment that affect the body which is fundamental for self-preservation. It is also necessary in ensuring the correct functioning of the cerebral cortex. It also includes the hippocampus famous for being the memory center but is much involved with emotion as oftentimes emotions bring back various memories, and these memories evoke further emotions. In the frontal part of the hippocampus, there is a small almond shape structure called the amygdala. This structure processes various sensory input and sends integrated output to areas such as the hypothalamus. During this process, the neural network of the amygdala conducts a biological evaluation of emotion. This is the reason why this area is called the emotional center of the brain. Though there are more studies on negative emotions such as anxiety or emotional response to pain, both positive and negative emotions such as delight, anger, sorrow and pleasure are dealt in this center. To illustrate this, there is an experiment that has been done with monkeys. In a cage, a monkey is placed on one side and a snake on the other. They are separated by a wooden panel. When the panel is removed, the monkey immediately jumps and tries to escape. This is a normal reaction to something considered dangerous. However, when a monkey with experimental destructions of both amygdala is placed in the same situation, it does not escape. In fact, it remains indifferent to the snake and even tries to grab and lick it. This shows how the amygdala is especially important for identification of danger, which triggers a rise in fear and anxiety necessary to lead the animal to a stage of alertness to flee from danger (fight or flight tendency.) This monkey also loses its ability to decipher edible and non-edible objects and becomes incapable of making a biological assessment of its surroundings. It is deprived of emotional response, indifferent to danger, and shows an abnormal rise in sexual behavior. It becomes sexually non-discriminative and tries to lick or bite anything it can grab. This state is now known as the Klüver-Bucy syndrome named after the scientists who are famous for their monkey experiment.
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Although in humans, cases with destructions of both amygdala are rare, we can approximate the functions of the amygdala by studying cases with impairment to this area or study the brain during an experience of emotion. In the study using the PET scan and the fMRI data of the brain, when perceiving photo images representing emotions such as disgust or when remembering a sad memory, an increase in blood flow to the amygdala was observed. Our study of non-invasive dipole tracing method also showed stronger activation of the amygdala in negative emotions rather than positive ones. These all indicate that the amygdala is a critical center for the genesis of emotions, especially with negative emotions as seen in the monkey experiment.
EM OTI ONAL BREATHI NG When there is a change in emotion, the limbic system is activated and various changes occur in the body such as change of heart rate, blushing of the face, or sweating. For example, when experiencing fear, heart rate rises. This is because the frightening object evokes emotion of fear in the amygdala which then sends an output through the autonomic nervous system that affects the circulation and increases heart rate. A common change is also seen in breathing such as the breathing rate slowing down when listening to pleasant music. However, we found that this is a very different and interesting process. The sensory input of pleasant music activates the amygdala which generates positive emotion, but this center also creates the breathing pattern. This is why change in breathing rate occurs. Output is not sent through the autonomic nervous system but rather, the genesis of emotion and breathing both occur in the same center at the same time, which is what distinguishes it from circulatory changes. This is why it could be said that breathing and emotion are very closely linked. Emotion coexists with breathing. Since they are generated together, perhaps, emotion is breathing and breathing is emotion. We call this the ³emotional breathing´. This link between emotion and breathing was one of the most important findings we have made through our research and our study on anxiety and respiration was what led us to this discovery. In our experiment, we tested what we call ³anticipatory anxiety´ and collected data on respiration changes. We connected an electrode to one finger of the subjects and told them that in the next two minutes, an electric shock will be administered. We did not actually send the electric shock but we created a situation to cause anxiety during this time of wait, causing anticipatory anxiety. During this time, an increase in respiratory rate was observed. To test the anxiety level of the subjects, we also administered an anxiety questionnaire to score their trait and state anxiety. The score ranged from 20 to 60, and higher score indicated higher anxiety. We found that there was a positive correlation between the trait anxiety score and increase in respiration rate. In other words, the higher the anxiety characteristic of the subject, the more increase in the breathing rate when feeling anxious. When we saw the regression line connecting trait anxiety and respiration change, we made the direct connection between emotion and breathing suggesting that perhaps they were the same thing. (Fig. 2)
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Figure 2. Relationship between increased respiratory frequency and individual trait anxiety scores during anticipatory anxiety. Increased respiratory frequency is higher in higher trait anxiety scores. (Respir. Physiol 2001)
We then hypothesized that breathing pattern and anxiety are generated in the same area of the brain. We continued to find where this area is located by collecting EEG data during anticipatory anxiety. We used our system that makes estimations to identify the source of activation in the brain from EEG data which is called the Brain Space Navigation (BS-Navi). We found that when anxiety was evoked, the amygdala was strongly activated. Interestingly, we found that this activation occurred synchronous with respiration. We named this potential change the respiratory related anxiety potential (RAP). This is how we established the amygdala to be the center for emotional breathing. When breathing rate increases, RAP--which appears in synchrony--also increases which indicates rise in anxiety. From this logic, it makes sense that people often say ³take a deep breath´ when they feel anxious. A decrease in breathing rate decreases RAP which diminishes anxiety. This underlies the logic behind deep breathing in therapy. However, there is a catch to this. Taking a few deep breaths is effective, following the rationale above. However, when such voluntary breathing is continued, the center for involuntary breathing that maintains homeostasis is not active. For this reason, it becomes difficult in maintaining a balanced carbon dioxide level in the body and sometimes inadvertently creates an internal imbalance leading to an alkaline state in the body or even hyperventilation. For this reason, the ideal way to decrease anxiety through breathing is to involuntarily breathe deep and slow breaths. How can this be done? One way is to utilize our sense of smell to evoke a slow breathing pattern. We borrowed ideas from aroma therapy that is increasingly popular today for its therapeutic effects, and explored the effect of aroma on respiration.
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AROM A AND RESPI RATI ON The effect of the olfactory sense is especially of interest because of its unique connection to respiration. First, it can only be detected through breathing unlike other senses such as sight, hearing, or tactile input. The second reason has to do with the sensory path to the brain. All sensory input passes through the thalamus and then sent to the designated areas in the brain for recognition. However, the olfactory input also passes through another route²a shorter path that goes directly to the limbic area. This is said to be for immediate reactions needed for the flight or fight action. This is why the olfactory has a special connection to emotion and respiration. As we know from our experience with different aromas, when we smell something pleasant such as perfume, we breathe deeply and feel relaxed. When we smell something putrid, our breathing becomes shallow and rapid and we feel disgusted. This perhaps is the effect of the aroma itself or the effect of the change in respiration that evokes different mental states. To explore how this works, we performed an experiment using pleasant and unpleasant odors, and collected respiration and EEG data to locate activated areas in the brain. As expected, we observed that breathing rate increases with unpleasant odor and decreases with pleasant odor. The slowing of breathing rate with pleasant aroma is involuntary; therefore, adjustments made to maintain homeostasis is constant. For this reason, this could be one effective way to breathe slow and deep breaths to ameliorate anxiety. We also discovered the pathway from the point of odor perception to the change of respiration. The odor is first inhaled, then from the piriform cortex, passes through entorhinal cortex, amygdala, hippocampus, then to the orbitofrontal cortex. The recognition of the odor and change in emotion occurs at the orbitofrontal cortex. Negative and positive emotions appear to be generated in different areas in the orbitofrontal cortex but this still remains unclear. The olfaction path also shows the anatomical closeness of hippocampus which could explain why oftentimes past memories are triggered when we smell a certain scent. Our most interesting finding from this study was that the activation of these areas of olfaction path also appeared in synchrony with the breathing rhythm. Furthermore, when we studied the alpha waves data, this too, synchronized with the breathing rhythm. From this, it could be said that the breathing rhythm generated at the emotional center also governs the rhythm for the rest of the brain. Furthermore, our studies with animals also supported our findings. We found that the breathing rhythm is also synchronized with activity in the amygdala. We were also able to find a more detailed path of activity and discovered that in fact, the respiratory rhythm generator is located in the piriform cortex and is passed to the amygdala which generates emotion. We called this the piriform-amygdala complex²an anatomical connection representing the breathing² emotion unity. (Fig. 1)
BREATHI NG AND CULTURE Although it is only recently that the close connection between breathing and emotion have been scientifically shown, people have known about this relationship all along. Just examining our lifestyles today, the connection is seen everywhere from the engagement of
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people in yoga, tai-chi, and meditation for example as a way to achieve emotional balance in their lives. In Japan, there exists a long history of Budo or martial arts including kendo, judo, and karate that are practiced worldwide today. These activities are not only practiced as a sport but as a way of discipline of the mind, and respiration control is a basic part of the training. To be able to control your own breathing, and to read the opponent¶s mind through his/her breathing are essential in winning a match. This concept of emotional breathing is also prevalent in the realm of Japanese performing arts. Of special interest is the oldest form of theater drama existent today which is the Noh. The Noh has remained unchanged in style for the last 600 years and is still commonly enjoyed today. What is unique about this art form is that unlike western dramas where actors rely on facial expressions, speech, and body movements to express emotions, actors in the Noh play wear masks throughout the play. Furthermore, they show minimum body movements and spoken lines, yet are able to appeal to the audience. How is this achieved? Interestingly, we found out that the Noh actors do not make facial expressions even under the mask when enacting a character which indicates that they rely on something internal not visible to the eye. For this reason, we call this the internal expression of the mind as opposed to the external expression as in western style theater. We set up a study to explore the mechanism of this internal expression and once again found a close tie with respiration. We performed an experiment with a master Noh actor, and asked him to enact the ³Shite´ (main character) from a famous Noh tragedy, Sumidagawa. The role is of a mother grieving for her lost child. We collected data of his EEG and respiration. As a result, no facial expressions or body movements were observed but disturbance in his breathing rhythm was apparent. His breathing rate became more rapid. We also found activation in the amygdala and this activity occurred in synchrony with the breathing rhythm. This is the way he was communicating his emotions to the audience²through changes in his breathing that was created deep in the emotion center as an expression of grief. It could then be said that the change of breathing of the Shite affects the air around him; thereby altering the atmosphere which is felt as an expression of emotion by the audience. This is the way internal expressions in the Noh theater is made possible. The Noh masters of ancient times must have already known this from the start. They were aware that emotional changes are reflected in breathing rhythm. They used this to create an art form²the Noh²in its simplest performance style eliminating extravagant stage sets or choreography to place a focus on the actor¶s breathing. Though not aware of the scientific mechanism of internal expression, the knowhow of this skill has been passed down for generations. However, this skill is not easily acquired and actors must train for years often from a young age. Yet, only a handful of actors become successful as the Shite. This fact was also reflected from our study. We discovered that the Noh actors in apprenticeship do not show the same activity in the amygdala when enacting a tragic character. Only the highly skilled masters of Noh make this possible. The Shite, the master of Noh, is in fact, a master of the art of breathing.
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NOH ONDI NE Intrigued by the connection of respiration and emotional expression of Noh, Homma, a different master of the art of breathing--a respiratory physiologist, found a special interest in the Noh drama. He has published countless papers on his research in the scientific world in the past, and wanted to share his knowledge on emotional breathing with the general public. And what better way to do this than to send a message through Noh²an art form expressed through breathing. This led to the creation of the original Noh drama²the Noh Ondine written by Homma himself. (Fig. 3)
Figure 3. Noh Ondine, performed in Tokyo, Japan on June 14, 2009. Center stage--Shite Ondine.
The story of Ondine, originally from an award-winning classic by Giraudoux, was chosen for two reasons: Ondine¶s curse, which is a term referring to sleep apnea²a medical
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condition where breathing stops briefly during sleep due to loss of involuntary control of breathing, and for its underlying theme of respiration. In the story, Ondine, a water nymph, falls in love with a mortal man, Hans. Much to the opposition of the King of the Waterworld, Ondine leaves for the world of Land and marries Hans. The King who distrusts humans, leaves them with a curse that Hans shall stop breathing in his sleep and die if he ever betrays Ondine²KHQFH³Ondine¶s curse´. In the end, Hans fails to remain faithful to Ondine, and though he struggles to stay awake, he eventually falls asleep and breathes his last breath. The Noh Ondine has an interesting twist to the plot and opens with an old Ondine grieving for her beloved Hans who fell to his sad fate caused by his unfaithfulness. The King who is sympathetic to Ondine¶s grief, gives them a second chance. However, Hans betrays Ondine yet another time and once again dies but this time along with Ondine¶s memory of him so she no longer can yearn for this impossible love. The two cannot find happiness together for they breathe in different worlds. Ondine from the Waterworld possesses only one type of breathing²respiration through gills. It is the simplest form of involuntary breathing representing the simplicity and purity of Ondine. Hans, a human, on the other hand possesses two types of breathing: an involuntary and voluntary breathing. He has two faces and is capable of deceit and betrayal. They are from two different breathing worlds. The Noh Ondine was written to send a message of the close relationship of breathing and emotion to the audience. Breathing is emotion and in turn, our spirit. It was performed as a Noh drama several times and has been appreciated by people from various countries which indicates a cross-cultural interest and awareness of emotional breathing.
CONCLUSI ON In this chapter, we focused on emotional breathing due to its importance in understanding respiration and emotion. Our research findings show a close connection between the emotion and breathing rhythm through the discovery of the piriform-amygdala complex deep in the brain that generates these two elements. Breathing rhythm is produced in the piriform complex and passed to the amygdala that generates emotion. Therefore, both are inseparable. This explains why an emotional response is accompanied by a change in breathing pattern and in turn, how we can change our breathing style to control our emotions. Although scientific evidence is relatively new, this concept has been prevalent in our societies from long ago. In our daily conversations, we often substitute phrases describing breathing to express emotions such as ³breathtaking´ to mean beautiful, or ³he took my breath away´ to mean that we are in love. In Japanese, when a couple is said to possess ³aun´ breathing, it means that they can read each other¶s mind without the exchange of words because they are on the same breathing frequency. Furthermore, an anxiety attack is often described as ³iki ga tsumaru´ meaning congested breathing. Universally, our breathing has often been used as a metaphor of life or spirit. ³The last breath´ is used to describe death²not a biological death but the end of our minds, our spirits. This is cleverly expressed in the Japanese kanji (character) -- when you combine the kanji for ³self´ and ³spirit´ it forms ³iki´ or breath. (Fig. 4)
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Figure 4. Japanese kanji character for ³breath´. When you combine the kanji for ³self´ and ³spirit´, it forms ³iki´ which means breath.
Breathing is not just what keeps us alive but what determines the quality of our lives, our spirit. We are blessed with a system that supports our breathing involuntarily, but perhaps we should consciously take a moment and listen to our breathing from time to time. If we can change the way we breathe, this may in fact show us a way to a better life--our happiness.
REFERENCES: Breathing Rhythms and Emotions-Review-. Ikuo Homma and Yuri Masaoka, Experimental Physiology 93(9): 1011-1021, 2008. The effect of anticipatory anxiety on breathing and metabolism in humans. Yuri Masaoka and Ikuo Homma. Respiration Physiology 128 : 171-177, 2001. Breathing Mind in µNoh¶. Ikuo Homma, Yuri Masaoka and Naohiko Umewaka. In Breathing, Feeding and Neuroprotection. Eds by I. Homma and S. Shioda Springer-Verlag Tokyo, pp125-134, 2006.
In: Psychology of Happiness ISBN: 978-1-60876-555-3 Editors: Anna Makinen and Paul Hájek, pp. 189-195 © 2010 Nova Science Publishers, Inc.
Chapter 12
PSYCHOLOGY OF H APPI NESS AND T OURI SM Aswin Sangpikul* Department of Hotel and Tourism Management, Dhurakij Pundit University, Bangkok Thailand
ABSTRACT 3UHYLRXV UHVHDUFK VKRZV WKDW SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV and emotion are associated with leisure and tourism activities. However, little effort has attempted to discuss and reveal this relationship. The discussion of psychology of happiness in this chapter, in relation to tourism context PDLQO\ LQYROYHV ZLWK ZKDW ZH FDOO WKH µSV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO EHLQJ¶ Psychological well-being has been frequently referred to the feeling of happiness or life satisfaction subjectively experienced by individuals. It is generally argued to be related to travel and leisure activities. In tourism literature, there are several studies examining the UHODWLRQVKLS EHWZHHQ SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV RU OLIH VDWLVIDFWLRQ DQG WUDYHO UHODWHG DFWLYities. The results of these studies provide a better insight to the understanding of complex issues regarding human related-behavior (i.e. tourist behavior) in several aspects. This chapter discusses the psychology of happiness (psychological well being) in relation to tourism literature by reviewing previous studies on this subject, and then discusses its implications and recommendations that may be applicable/useful to the tourism industry. The recommendations are expected to assist industry practitioners to develop appropriate marketing programs and products for the travel markets. The chapter is divided into three sections. Section one generally describes the content of psychology of happiness, and section two reviews previous studies on the psychology of happiness and tourism. Section three proposes the recommendations that may be useful to the development of tourism products and marketing strategies.
I . I NTRODUCTI ON Psychology is a systematic study of behavior and mental process that seeks to describe and explain aspects of human thought feelings, perceptions and actions (Kalat, 2002). In *
Corresponding Author: Tel: 66-2-9547300, Fax: 66-2-9547354, E-mail: [email protected]
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deed, psychology is involved with human in almost all aspects, and the discipline of psychology embraces all aspects of human experience (Baron, 1995; Kalat, 2002). Psychology is an academic, non-medical discipline that includes many sub-fields of study and applications concerned with such areas as human development, health, education, industry, media, business, and tourism. In recent years there has been a global interest in the study of psychology of happiness and quality of life in various disciplines. The topic of psychology of KDSSLQHVV SOD\V DQ LPSRUWDQW UROH LQ WRGD\¶V VRFLHW\ GXH WR WKH DVVRFLDWLRQ ZLWK KXPDQ¶V mental health, emotion and life satisfaction, and certainly they all affect peoplH¶V RYHUDOO quality of life and behavior. Psychology of happiness has been regarded an important subject area because it is recognized as one of the prime components RI KXPDQ¶V VXEMHFWLYH wellbeing 0\HUV 0RUHRYHUSHRSOH¶VSV\FKRORJLFDOZHOO-being (life happiness) is one of the economic and social indictors reflecting the quality of life of the people in most countries. According to the literature, happiness is a pleasant emotional experience marked by a preponderance of positive emotion, and it is also the affective component of subjective wellbeing (Diener, 1984; Myers, 2007). Overall happiness is generally argued to depend much on satisfaction in different life domains, one of which is leisure travel (Glatzer, 2000 cited in Filep, 2008). The practice of travel and tourism is composed of a variety of physical, social DQGFRJQLWLYHDFWLYLWLHVWKDWKDYHDQLPSDFWRQWRXULVWV¶RYHUDOOH[SHULHQFH :HL 0LOPDQ 2002). Some studies have found that participation in activities while on vacation has a SRVLWLYH LPSDFW RQ WRXULVWV¶ SK\VLFDO DQG SV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO-being (Wei & Milman, 2002). Furthermore, researchers have revealed that some groups of travelers feel better about themselves and their lives when joining a wide range of leisure activities (LaForge, 1984; Wei & Milman, 2002). These findings are worth for further discussion for the development of travel and tourism products and marketing. Giving an increasing importance of human happiness and limited discussion on this subject in relation to the tourism industry, this chapter aims to discuss the psychology of happiness and its relevance to the tourism industry.
I I . PSYCHOLOGY OF H APPI NESS I N T OURI SM L I TERATURE In recent years, tourism scholars have attempted to examine the relationship between travelWRXULVP H[SHULHQFH DQG SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV. In tourism literature, psychological wellbeing is another word that has been fUHTXHQWO\ UHIHUUHG WR SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV 7RXULVP scholars found that psychological well-EHLQJLVUHODWHGWRSHRSOH¶VWUDYHOEHKDYLRUDQGWKXV they are interested to learn more about this relationship. Psychological well-being or PWB in this chapter refers to the feeling of happiness or life satisfaction subjectively experienced by individuals (Okun & Stock, 1987). In other words, psychological well-being is the sum or balance of independently positive and negative feelings or emotions emerging from a given quality of life (Bradburn, 1969). In psychology, the terms of subjective well-being, quality of life, mental health and life satisfaction have been used as a synonym of psychological wellbeing (Jang, Bai, Hu, & Wu, 2004). Psychological well-EHLQJLVFRQFHUQHGZLWKSHRSOH¶VRZQ evaluations of their lives which may include SHRSOH¶V HPRWLRQDO reactions to the events or situations around them, their moods, or the judgments they make about their life satisfaction (Diener, Oishi, & Lucas, 2003 cited in Jang et al., 2004). It may include both pleasant and unpleasant factors concerning the degree to which an individual is involved in the
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environment such as happiness, delightfulness, satisfaction, anxiety, depression, or sadness and worry (Bradburn, 1969). According to Bradburn (1969), when people have these HPRWLRQVIHHOLQJV LW PD\ LQIOXHQFH SHRSOH¶V EHKDYLRU in different ways. Iso-Ahola (1980 cited in Jang et al., 2004) added that people learn to desire vacations/holidays and consider such activities as essential for their psychological well-being. In order to measure psychological well-being, Bradburn (1969, S VDLGWKDW³DSHUVRQ¶V position on the dimension of psychological well-being is seen as a resultant of the LQGLYLGXDO¶V SRVLWLRQ RQ WZR LQGHSHQGHQW GLPHQVLRQV SRVLWLYH DQG QHJDWLYH DIIHFWV´ +H proposed that the concept of how to measure psychological well-being is based on a function of these two independent variables. The measurement of positive and negative affects is the FRPPRQ DSSURDFK LQ PHDVXULQJ SHRSOH¶V SV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO-being, which have been employed in several studies. According to Bradburn (1969), an individual will be high in psychological well-being in the degree to which he/she has an excess of positive over negative affect, and low in well-being in the degree to which negative affect predominates over positive. 5HJDUGLQJµDIIHFW¶0URF]HNDQG.RODU] FLWHGWKDWµDIIHFW¶KDVEHHQDQLPSRUWDQW subject in psychology and behavioral gerontology LQH[DPLQLQJSHRSOH¶SV\FKRORJLFDOZHOObeing,QDGGLWLRQµDIIHFW¶LVJHQHUDOO\UHJDUGHGDVDPHQWDOSKHQRPHQRQFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\D subjective feeling state commonly accompanying emotions (Westbrook, 1987). Researchers have addressed the dimensionality RIµDIIHFW¶DQGVXJJHVWHGWKHEL-dimensional continuum of pleasantness-unpleasantness (Russell, 1983 cited in Jang & Wu, 2006). Because the bidimensional concept allows for the simultaneous occurrence of pleasant and unpleasant states, it seems more appropriate than the uni-dimensional view in explaining human life situation (Jang & Wu, 2006). For this reason, several researchers have employed positive and negative affects to demonstrate DQGH[SUHVVSHRSOH¶VHPRWLRQDO states. Though the terms positive and negative affect might imply that these two emotional states are opposite, in fact it is argued that they are highly distinctive dimensions that can occur independently (Watson, Clark, & 7HOOHJHQ ,Q %KRJOH DQG 3UDNDVK¶V VWXG\ WKH ILQGLQJV RI WKH IDFWRU DQDO\VLV indicated that psychological well-being consisted of twelve factors which included positive and negative components (affects). The positive affects, for example, may include cheerfulness, optimism, playfulness, freedom from frustration, life satisfaction, and personal control, whereas the negative affect may involve meaninglessness, suicidal ideas, tension, anxiety and loneliness (Bhogle & Prakash, 1995). Positive affect concerns the degree to which an individual is involved in the environment around him/her, social contact, and active interest, while negative affect is concerned with unpleasant emotions/feelings such as anxiety and worry (Bradburn, 1969). According to Watson et al., (1988), positive affect reflects the extent to which a person feels enthusiastic, active, and alert. They noted that high positive affect is a state of high energy, full concentration, and pleasurable engagement, whereas low positive affect is characterized by sadness and lethargy. In contrast, negative affect is a general dimension of subjective distress and unpleasureable engagement that subsumes a variety of aversive mood states, including anger, contempt, disgust, guilt, fear, and nervousness (Watson et al., 1988). In tourism context, researchers have attempted to examine the relationships between SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV (e.g. emotional state, psychological well-being, life satisfaction) and travel/tourism activities or experiences. They believe that travel, vacation or tourism H[SHULHQFH PD\ LQFUHDVH D WUDYHOHU¶V SV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO-being or level of happiness, and
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finally contribute to overall life satisfaction and quality of life. Previous studies on this subject were reviewed to reveal important findings regarding happiness and tourism. Milman (1998) first explored the influence of travel and tourism H[SHULHQFHRQWUDYHOHUV¶ level of happiness. Using a pretest-posttest experimental design, travelers taking an escorted tour were asked to assess their happiness before and after the tour. The findings reported that travelers who participated in many trip related activities seemed to be much happier than those who were involved in fewer activities. The study indicated that travel related activities (e.g. sightseeing, dining, shopping, and outdoor activities) could help improve the level of happiness of many travelers. With an interest in the role of satisfaction with leisure travel, 1HDO6LUJ\DQG8\VDO H[DPLQHGLISHRSOH¶VOLIHVDWLVIDFWLRQ could be determined by leisure/tourism activities. The result revealed that travel/tourism trip experiences had a direct impact on the overall life satisfaction of leisure travelers. Interestingly, the study suggested that tourism industry performance could be measured not only through profitability but also through the customer satisfaction with products and services. The study suggested that when customers were satisfied with tourism products and services, this could contribute to their life satisfaction. Later, Wei and Milman (2002) further examined the impact of participation in DFWLYLWLHV RQ VHQLRUV¶ SV\FKRORJLFDO ZHOO-being 7KH VWXG\ UHYHDOHG WKDW VHQLRU WRXULVWV¶ activity levels were related to their psychological well-being. Seniors who were active and in good emotions tended to participate in an array of tourism activities than those who were less active. Furthermore, the study found that tourist satisfaction with travel experience was positively related to the level of psychological well-being (happiness). The authors suggested that tour operators and their staff (e.g. tour guides, local guides, and drivers) should create positive atmosphere and environment for greater participation in activities among senior tourists. Gilbert and Abdullah (2002) assessed the impact of the expectation of a holiday on DQLQGLYLGXDO¶VZHOO-being. The findings indicated that people who were waiting to go on a holiday were happier with their life as a whole, experienced less negative affect or unpleasant feelings compared to those who were not going on a holiday. In other words, the anticipation of a holiday trip or leisure travel (pleasant event) affected the level of happiness of the respondents. The findings allow for improved marketing strategies to promote leisure travel by targeting the respective sources of well-being (happiness) within the human psyche. Wu (2003) discovered that psychological well-being was found to be a significant predictor of 7DLZDQHVH VHQLRUV¶ LQWHQWLRQ WR WUDYHO LQWHUQDWLRQDOO\ /LNHZLVH -DQJ HW DO investigated the relationships among psychological well-being, travel motivations and travel intention. The study found that Taiwanese seniors who experienced with a bad or good emotion were more likely to have a strong driving force of traveling in mind. One interesting finding was that novelty seeking (travel motive) was an important motivational factor that could be stimulated by psychological well-being (level of happiness) and might arouse international travel intention. The authors suggested that destination marketers should recognize the importance of psychological well-EHLQJWRVWLPXODWHSHRSOH¶VWUDYHOPRWLYDWLRQV and travel intentions. Likewise, Jang and Wu (2006) further examined the imSDFWRIµDIIHFW¶ SHRSOH¶V VWDWH RI IHHOLQJ RU HPRWLRQV RQ WUDYHO PRWLYDWLRQV 7KH\ H[SORUHG LI WKH SRVLWLYH affect (pleasant emotions) and negative affect (unpleasant emotions) had a relationship with WRXULVWV¶PRWLYDWLRQV7KHUHVXOts indicated that both positive and negative affects had impact on travel motivations of Taiwanese seniors. The study revealed that Taiwanese seniors who experienced nervousness, sadness, and feelings of hopeless in the lives were more likely to have a high impetus to travel, while happiness and life satisfaction was also highly associated
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with travel motivation but not to such a large degree as sadness or nervousness. The authors suggested advertisements aiming at seniors in happy life events (e.g. silver/golden weddings) or in sad events (e.g. loss of spouse/close friends) would be more effective in drawing senior travelers than broad-based marketing strategies. Recently, Sangpikul (2007) investigated the influence of psychological well-EHLQJ IHHOLQJV RI KDSSLQHVV RQ VHQLRUV¶ WUDYHOPRWLYDWLRQV and found that the Japanese respondents who were happier and had fulfilled lives were more likely to be motivated to travel than those who experienced unhappiness. The result of the VWXG\ VKRZHG VRPH VLPLODULWLHV ZLWK SUHYLRXV VWXGLHV LQ WKDW SHRSOH¶V HPRWLRQV KDSSLQHVV are related to travel related activities. That is people who participate in leisure activities are more likely to have higher level of happiness than those who do not. Since psychological well-EHLQJ RU IHHOLQJV RI KDSSLQHVV LV DVVRFLDWHG ZLWK SHRSOH¶V OHLVXUH DFWLYLWLHV WKH VWXG\ provided implications for tourism marketers to develop appropriate marketing programs for the senior travel market. ,Q VXP SHRSOH¶V KDSSLQHVV seems to be closely related to travel and tourism activities. Previous studies show interesting results regarding the relationship between happiness and travel and tourism. The body of knowledge from these studies is expected to contribute to the travel and tourism industry, particularly for the development of tourism products and marketing strategies.
I I I . T HE APPLI CATI ONS OF PSYCHOLOGY OF H APPI NESS TO THE T OURI SM I NDUSTRY Based on the above literature, it appears that those studies may contribute to the tourism industry in several aspects, particularly the development of tourism products and marketing strategies. Therefore, the recommendations can be proposed as follows: Traditional tourism marketing or mass marketing appears to focuses on selling the destination by merely offering what the destination can offer (e.g. natural attractions, culture, shopping) and try persuade people to visit the destination by using various marketing strategies. However, based on the above literature, it may provide tourism marketers another perspective to develop more effective marketing strategy E\UHODWLQJSHRSOH¶VKDSSLQHVV and tourism. The idea should focus on developing an effective marketing communication to be delivered to the targets. Tourism marketers may create the appealing messages by stressing on what travelers can derive from travel and tourism activities. In the delivering messages, it is important that they link key words such as happiness, life satisfaction or a better quality of life with travel and tourism activities. The main communication should reflect in the sense that tourism (e.g. domestic/overseas travel, leisure or tourism activities) is one part of SHRSOH¶VOLIHDQGLWKHOSVFRQWULEXWHWRWKHLUOLIHKDSSLQHVVRUVDWLVIDFWLRQUHJDUGOHVVRIDJH and gender. Alternatively, the message may be designed to stimulate the need of people for tourism in their daily life such as rest/relaxation, escaping from busy work/ordinary environment or even rewarding themselves for hard work. Linking a chance to improve SHRSOH¶VPHQWDOKHDOWK with travel and tourism experience could be another effective strategy. Furthermore, several studies have revealed a relationship between happiness and seniors, this could be another implication for the senior travel market. According to Sangpikul (2007), for example, the message delivered to the senior market may communicate in the sense that
194
Aswin Sangpikul
though older (aged), seniors can still enjoy their life and earn more happiness through travel and leisure activities. The idea may help tourism marketers develop appropriate marketing campaigns for the senior travel market. Jang and Wu (2006) added that advertising campaigns aimed at seniors in happy life events or in sad events may be more effective in attracting senior travelers than broad-based marketing messages (mass marketing). The idea of this strategy could be employed to the case of people in other ages who are being experienced unhappy life by encouraging them to participate in travel and tourism activities. It is hoped that the chapter would contribute to a better understanding regarding the psychology of happiness and its relationship in the tourism industry context.
REFERENCE Baron, R. (1995). Psychology. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Bhogle, S. and Prakash, I. (1995). Development of the Psychological Wellbeing (PWB) Questionnaire. Journal of Personality and Clinical Studies, 11(1), 5-9. Bradburn, N. M. (1969). The Structure of Psychological Well-being. Chicago: Aldine. Diener, E. (1984). Subjective well-being. Psychological Bulletin, 6, 139-178. Filep, S. (2008). Linking tourist satisfaction to happiness and quality of life. Retrieved May 15, 2009. from http://www.besteducationnetwork.org/ttviii/pdf/filep.pdf. Gilbert, D. & Abdullah, J. (2002). A study of the impact of the experience of a holiday on an LQGLYLGXDO¶VVHQVHRIZHOO-being. Journal of Vacation Marketing, 8(4), 352-361. Jang, S., Bai, B., Hu, C. & Wu, C. (2004). The effect of psychological well-being on travel motivation and travel intention: A structural analysis of Taiwanese senior market, paper presented at the 2nd Asia Pacific CHRIE Conference, Phuket, Thailand, 27-29 May. Jang, S. & Wu, C. (2006). Seniors travel motivation and the influential factors: An examination of Taiwanese senior. Tourism Management, 27(2), 306-316. Kalat, J. (2002). Introduction to Psychology. Pacific Grove, California: Wadsworth. LaForge, M. (1984). Elderly recreational travelers. A profile. Cornell Hotel and Restaurant Administration Quarterly, 25(2), 14-15. Milman, A. (1998). The impact of tourism and travel H[SHULHQFH RQ VHQLRU WUDYHOHUV¶ psychological well-being. Journal of Travel Research, 37(2), 166-170. Mroczek, D. K., & Kolarz, C. M. (1998). The effect of age and positive and negative affect: A development perspective on happiness. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75(5), 1333-1349. Neal, J., Sirgy, M. J. & Uysal, M. (1999). The role of satisfaction with leisure travel/tourism services and experiences in satisfaction with leisure life and overall life. Journal of Business Research. 44, 153-163. Myers, D. (2007). Psychology of happiness. Retrieved May 20, 2008, from http://www.scholarpedia.org/article/psychology_of_happiness Okun, M. and Stock, W. (1984). Correlates and components of subjective well-being. Journal of Applied Gerontology, 6(1), 95-112. Sangpikul, A. (2007). Travel motivations of Japanese senior travelers to Thailand. International Journal of Tourism Research, 10, 81-94.
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Watson, D., Clark, L. & Tellegen, A. (1998). Development and validation of brief measures of positive and negative affect: the PANAS scale. Journal of personality and Social Psychology, 54(6), 1063-1070. Wei, S. & Milman, A. (2002). The impact of participation in activities while on vacation on VHQLRUV¶SV\FKRORJLFDOZHOO-being: A path model application. Journal of Hospitality and Tourism Research, 26(2), 175-185. Westbrook, R. (1987). Product/consumption-based affective responses and postpurchase process. Journal of Marketing Research, 24(3), 258-270. :X & $Q H[SORUDWRU\ VWXG\ RI 7DLZDQHVH VHQLRU¶V WUDYHO motivations and travel behavior, Ph.D. thesis, Kansan State University.
I NDEX A absorption, 3 academic problems, 101 accidental, 10 accuracy, 99, 107, 176 achievement, xi, 9, 11, 18, 30, 36, 37, 41, 42, 70, 147, 157, 160, 166 acoustic, 148 Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome, 88 activation, 182, 183, 184, 185 activity level, 68, 192 acupuncture, 163 acute, 74 adaptability, 14 adaptation, 53 ADC, 73 adjustment, viii, 25, 26, 30, 31, 46, 125, 154 adolescence, 65, 69, 123, 124, 154 adolescents, viii, 47, 51, 52, 53, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 103, 131, 140, 144, 148, 151, 152, 153, 155 adulthood, 59, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69, 97, 123, 126, 129, 145 adults, viii, x, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 68, 78, 92, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 113, 114, 124, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140, 171, 172, 174, 177 advertisements, 193 advertising, 194 affect intensity, 171 affective experience, 36, 41, 170 after-school, 70 age, vii, x, 1, 4, 5, 8, 21, 24, 42, 46, 47, 52, 57, 59, 66, 69, 73, 76, 77, 79, 83, 84, 85, 87, 91, 101, 103, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 125, 127, 128, 129,
131, 132, 138, 148, 149, 160, 165, 171, 172, 173, 174, 185, 193, 194 ageing, 48 agents, 174 aggression, 69 aging, 46, 123, 154 agreeableness, 14 aid, 3, 12, 164 AIDS, ix, 44, 48, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93 air, 185 alcohol, 134 alertness, 181 Algeria, 122 alienation, 26, 27 alkaline, 183 alpha, 118, 123, 184 alpha wave, 184 alternative, 3, 12, 33, 54, 152 altruism, 38, 43 American Psychiatric Association, 144, 152 American Psychological Association, 4, 122, 125, 176, 177 Amsterdam, 140 amygdala, 100, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 187 anatomy, 162, 181 anger, 97, 149, 181, 191 animals, 180, 184 antecedents, viii, 25, 28, 32, 33, 34, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 64, 140 anthropological, 158 antidepressants, 64 anxiety, viii, x, 1, 4, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 22, 26, 30, 51, 58, 78, 80, 81, 96, 144, 157, 162, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187, 188, 191 Anxiety, 152 anxiety disorder, viii, 1, 17, 22 APA, 176 apathy, 26, 27
198
Index
appendix, 173 appetite, 2, 85, 144 appraisals, 41, 42 aptitude, 5, 7, 12, 13 ARC, 74 argument, xi, 7, 10, 13, 22, 28, 169, 170 Aristotelian, 31 Aristotle, 19, 23, 28, 44, 170, 176 artery, 166 artistic, 5 Asia, 93, 194 Asian, 106, 139 aspiration, 46 assaults, 171 assessment, 26, 36, 39, 48, 54, 56, 67, 72, 73, 82, 90, 92, 93, 98, 99, 124, 170, 176, 181 assumptions, vii, 1, 2, 16, 21, 32, 38, 39 asymptomatic, ix, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 80, 82, 83, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91, 92, 93 ataxia, 106 atmosphere, xi, 157, 160, 162, 163, 185, 192 attachment, 13, 64, 102, 103, 145 attacks, 72 attitudes, vii, 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 30, 38, 56, 80, 123, 145 attractiveness, 52, 60, 65 attribution, 152 Australia, 66, 79 Authoritative, 166 authority, 3 autism, 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155 autistic spectrum disorders, 16, 144 autonomic nervous system, 100, 182 autonomy, 28, 32, 35, 43, 58, 70 availability, 162 avoidant, 78, 84 awareness, 18, 162, 163, 164, 187 B back, 13, 21, 27, 101, 110, 143, 160, 181 Badia, 78, 86 barley, 164 barrier, 73 barriers, 161 basal ganglia, 86 batteries, 83 battery, 74, 75, 99 behavior, xi, 58, 59, 70, 144, 161, 172, 174, 180, 181, 189, 191, 195 behaviours, 56, 60
beliefs, xi, 7, 19, 30, 38, 39, 40, 42, 56, 100, 150, 166, 169, 181 benefits, viii, 25, 31, 60, 68, 144, 170 bereavement, 26, 49 betrayal, 187 bias, 56, 69 Bible, ix, 109, 117, 118, 119, 120 Big Five personality factors, 58 biological markers, 55 biometric, 14 bipolar, 34, 35, 124 birth, xi, 6, 10, 69, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 birth center, xi, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165 births, 162, 164 blame, 101 blaming, 13 blind spot, 141 blocks, 16 blood, 72, 73, 182 blood flow, 182 body image, 69 bonding, xi, 157 bonds, 102, 123 boredom, 27 Boston, 48, 91, 194 bottom-up, 103, 130, 137 brain, 73, 74, 82, 90, 100, 107, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 187 brainstem, 101, 180 Brazil, 79 Brazilian, 93 breast mass, 160, 165 breathing, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 188 breathing rate, 182, 183, 184, 185 Britain, 139 British Columbia, 51, 64 Buddhism, 170 Buddhist, 176 buffer, 104, 146 bullying, 60, 69, 154 bypass, 166 C calcium, 165 campaigns, 194 Canada, 51, 55, 56, 64, 66, 69, 101 cancer, 26, 34, 44, 126 carbon dioxide, 179, 183 caregiver, xi, 157, 158, 162, 165, 166
Index caregivers, 102, 166 caretaker, 103 case study, 148 cast, vii, 1 catecholamines, 105 causal model, 59 causal relationship, 122 causality, 130 causation, 9 cell, 72, 75, 76, 79, 84 central nervous system, 66, 73, 88, 100 cerebellum, 100, 101, 104, 106 cerebral cortex, 105, 180, 181 cerebrospinal fluid, 73 cesarean section, 164 CFA, 37 channels, 165 chaos, 21 cheating, 56 childbearing, 158, 161, 162 childbirth, x, xi, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166 childcare, 129 childhood, ix, 13, 52, 59, 61, 69, 95, 96, 101, 102, 103, 105, 107, 123, 124, 135, 154 children, viii, 13, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 70, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 105, 106, 128, 132, 133, 143, 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155 Christianity, ix, 109, 110, 111, 112, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124 Christians, 65, 117 chronic disease, ix, 71, 72 circulation, 182 classical, 6, 8, 27, 141 classification, 49, 73, 125, 155 classrooms, 68 cleaning, 159 clients, 16 clinical approach, 158 clinical symptoms, 72 clinical trial, 87, 166 clinics, 164 close relationships, 32, 129 CNS, 73, 106 Cochrane, 166 coding, 100, 133 cognition, ix, 71, 83, 153, 170, 177 cognitive ability, 81, 84, 92 cognitive activity, 29 cognitive deficit, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 82, 83, 91 cognitive dysfunction, 74, 75, 77 cognitive effort, 170
199
cognitive function, ix, 71, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 81, 82, 83, 85 cognitive impairment, ix, 71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 82, 83, 86, 89 cognitive performance, 76, 82, 84, 90, 92 cognitive process, x, 103, 143, 146, 147, 148, 150 cognitive processing, 103, 147, 148, 150 cognitive profile, 153 cognitive test, 75, 84 cognitive therapy, 16 coherence, viii, 25, 30, 33, 34, 35, 40, 42, 44 cohort, x, 75, 90, 127, 131, 132, 138 collaboration, 159 college students, 45, 104, 122, 139, 146, 171, 174 colleges, 2 communication, xi, 146, 149, 155, 157, 165, 193 Communist Party, 116 community, 3, 5, 10, 12, 22, 62, 68, 99, 171, 172, 174 competence, 30, 32, 43, 97, 128, 144, 151, 153 competency, 57 compliance, 40 complications, 73, 82, 158, 159, 162, 163 components, viii, 25, 28, 33, 36, 39, 42, 43, 55, 59, 60, 63, 96, 115, 122, 150, 160, 161, 190, 191, 194 comprehension, 144, 147, 148, 153 compulsion, 8 concentration, ix, 15, 29, 71, 81, 191 conception, viii, 1, 15, 23 conceptual model, 93 conceptualization, 176 concordance, 48 concrete, 9, 130, 148, 150, 174 conditioning, 3, 19, 22 conduct disorder, 145, 153 conduct problems, 58 conductive, 38 confidence, 33, 96, 160, 166 configuration, 6 conflict, 44, 70, 101, 146 confrontation, 31 confusion, 28, 39 congruence, 33 conscientiousness, 14 consciousness, 18, 170 consensus, ix, 55, 62, 71, 72, 77, 80 construction, x, 37, 127, 128, 130, 131, 138, 139 consumption, 195 continuity, 29, 40 contractions, 160 control, 5, 9, 17, 18, 19, 22, 30, 37, 47, 62, 75, 82, 83, 84, 85, 96, 151, 161, 176, 185, 187 control group, 17, 75, 82, 83, 151
200
Index
controlled studies, 151 convergence, 69, 106 conversion, 110, 125 conviction, 40 cooking, 159, 160, 165 Coping, 88 coping strategies, 79, 140 correlation, 36, 75, 84, 86, 88, 103, 111, 112, 113, 114, 120, 134, 136, 173 correlation analysis, 134 correlations, x, 36, 57, 81, 109, 113, 119, 120, 173 cortex, 100, 105, 106, 184 corticospinal, 180 cortisol, 100 counsel, 12 creativity, 14, 16, 38, 43, 103, 148 credentials, 38 credit, 118 crime, 56, 147, 178 criticism, 139 Croatia, 78, 89 cross-cultural, 66, 99, 187 cross-sectional, 78, 122 cues, 102, 149 cultivation, 2, 3, 4 cultural values, 40 culture, 18, 19, 23, 72, 117, 129, 138, 139, 162, 165, 193 curing, 26 curiosity, 103 curriculum, 154 customers, 192 Cyprus, 95 Czech Republic, 117 D daily living, 79, 81, 85 dandelion, 164 danger, 181 data collection, 131 database, 166 dating, 27 death, 35, 40, 45, 72, 101, 171, 187 decisions, 62, 100, 159 Declaration of Independence, 170 defense, 40 deficiency, 5, 91 deficits, x, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83, 84, 91, 93, 143, 144, 145, 148, 149, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155 definition, viii, 4, 8, 9, 13, 16, 20, 22, 25, 27, 29, 33, 40, 44, 53, 54, 72, 95, 96, 98, 138, 180 delivery, 158, 160, 163, 167
dementia, 73, 74, 86, 87, 90, 92 democracy, 116 demographics, 61 denial, 8, 170 depressed, 99 depression, viii, 15, 17, 26, 36, 38, 51, 55, 56, 58, 63, 64, 65, 68, 76, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88, 96, 102, 144, 152, 191 deprivation, 12 desert, 164 determinism, 8 developmental disorder, 144 developmental theories, 29, 31 diagnostic criteria, 144 dichotomy, 15 diet, 161, 163 dietary, 163 differentiation, 34 dimensionality, 37, 48, 191 dipole, 182 disability, 73, 74, 82, 86 disappointment, 96, 97 discipline, 2, 4, 5, 6, 17, 19, 100, 185, 190 disclosure, 87, 145 discomfort, 21 discontinuity, 64 discrimination, 37, 80 disease progression, 73, 77 diseases, 76 disorder, 15, 16, 73, 83, 87, 151, 155 disposition, 130 dissatisfaction, 70, 132, 133 distraction, viii, 2, 23, 57, 79 distress, 16, 36, 59, 78, 84, 92, 149, 152, 191 distribution, 11, 68 divorce, 56, 101, 104 divorce rates, 56 doctors, 158, 159, 162, 163 dopamine, 101 draft, 64 dream, 7, 46 drinking, 110 drug abuse, 26, 47 drug use, 56, 65, 76, 78, 84, 85, 91 DSM, 144, 152 DSM-IV, 144, 152 duration, 59, 61, 62, 77, 172, 174 duties, x, 10, 11, 21, 127 E earnings, 85 ears, 163
Index eating, 165 ecological, 140, 151 economic indicator, 170 economic status, 57, 128, 129 economics, 174 ecstasy, 28 educated women, 134, 135, 137, 138 Education, 1, 24, 65, 107, 131, 140, 141, 143, 162 educational background, 128, 134, 137 educators, 63 EEG, 100, 183, 184, 185 elderly, viii, 49, 51, 52, 57, 125, 126 emotion, xi, 59, 68, 69, 70, 78, 84, 97, 98, 100, 103, 104, 106, 107, 144, 149, 153, 176, 179, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185, 187, 189, 190, 192 emotion regulation, 100 emotional, ix, 14, 31, 36, 52, 66, 71, 81, 85, 86, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102, 104, 130, 144, 145, 149, 152, 153, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 190, 191 emotional distress, 81, 86 emotional experience, 104, 190 emotional intelligence, 97, 102 emotional reactions, 104, 190 emotional state, 36, 191 emotional well-being, 52, 66, 85 emotionality, 64, 122 emotions, 16, 18, 19, 27, 28, 33, 36, 41, 52, 53, 59, 65, 70, 95, 96, 97, 100, 101, 102, 144, 149, 150, 170, 180, 181, 182, 185, 187, 190, 191, 192 empathy, 14, 97, 149, 150 employees, 140 employment, 57, 78, 140 encephalopathy, 90 endocrine, 100 endocrine system, 100 energy, 10, 28, 35, 42, 59, 61, 79, 85, 165, 191 engagement, viii, 25, 32, 35, 70, 145, 184, 191 England, 64, 65, 112, 113, 114, 152, 154 enlargement, 89, 110 enthusiasm, 14, 37, 96, 151 entorhinal cortex, 184 environment, xi, 6, 29, 41, 78, 79, 85, 97, 104, 128, 153, 157, 159, 160, 163, 164, 174, 181, 191, 192, 193 environmental conditions, 130 EPA, 173, 175 epidemic, 80, 89, 92 episodic memory, 104 equality, 128, 138 equating, 22, 27, 28, 39 estimating, ix, 71 ethics, 44, 69, 176
201
Europe, 66, 139 evening, 161 evolution, 124, 152 executive functioning, 73, 76, 83, 84 exercise, 19, 20, 110, 161, 163 existentialism, 45 experimental design, 192 expertise, 158 exposure, 74 external environment, 33 extraction, 37, 48 extraversion, vii, 1, 14, 58, 59, 61, 63, 66, 137 extreme poverty, 12 extroversion, 96 eye, 145, 185 eyes, 164 F face validity, 99 facial expression, 68, 149, 185 factor analysis, 37, 45, 191 factorial, 49 failure, 5, 11, 13, 16, 20, 30, 37, 101, 145 faith, 65, 68, 97, 123, 125 family, 5, 10, 11, 12, 18, 53, 57, 60, 65, 96, 98, 99, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 128, 129, 133, 134, 135, 137, 140, 144, 158, 160, 162, 178 family functioning, 144 family income, 57, 98, 106 family life, 53, 130 family members, 60, 101, 162 family relationships, 134 family support, 98 farmers, 134 fatigue, 78, 85 fear, x, 3, 16, 80, 157, 158, 160, 161, 165, 167, 181, 182, 191 fears, xi, 16, 97, 157, 158, 160, 161, 162, 166 feedback, 41, 97, 160, 164 feelings, vii, 1, 4, 15, 18, 20, 22, 28, 29, 33, 38, 53, 55, 57, 59, 96, 97, 99, 135, 145, 146, 147, 150, 160, 170, 171, 174, 176, 189, 190, 191, 192 females, 80, 84, 117, 119, 120, 121, 131 feminist, 162 fetal, 163 fiber, 100 Fife, 34, 45 Finland, 127, 138 first aid, 164 five-factor model, 63 flexibility, 31, 81, 86 flight, 181, 184
202
Index
flow, 12, 97, 162, 182 fluctuations, 55 fluid, 73 fMRI, 182 focusing, 38, 97, 166 food, xi, 18, 31, 100, 157, 159, 160, 163, 164, 165 forebrain, 100, 105 forecasting, 176 forgetfulness, 73 forgiveness, 97 formal education, 6 free will, 8, 9, 18 freedom, 8, 9, 10, 116, 128, 178, 191 freedom of choice, 8, 9 friendship, ix, 18, 95 frontal cortex, 100 fruits, 164 frustration, 191 funds, 68, 125 G games, 147 ganglia, 86 gas, 179 gas exchange, 179 gay men, 48, 89 gender, x, 47, 57, 69, 80, 123, 128, 138, 140, 148, 193 gender differences, 123 gender equality, 138 gender gap, 69 gender-sensitive, x, 128 general intelligence, 5 generalizability, 138 genes, 6, 18 genetics, 10 Germany, 112 gerontology, 26, 191 gestures, 145, 149 gift, 96, 154 gifted, 6, 16, 147 gifts, 6 goal attainment, 174 goal directedness, 29 goal setting, 174 goal-directed, 38 goals, vii, 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 40, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 58, 72, 97, 170, 173, 174, 176, 178 goal-setting, 7, 22, 176 God, 40, 117
gold standard, 105 Gore, 79, 92 government, 116 grades, 52 graduate students, 62 Great Britain, 145, 152 Greece, 66 grief, 185, 187 groups, x, 17, 34, 38, 40, 54, 62, 66, 72, 73, 74, 76, 123, 127, 129, 134, 135, 137, 138, 144, 148, 172, 173, 174, 190 growth, viii, 25, 28, 30, 31, 32, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 46, 70, 96, 102, 146, 158 guidance, 20 guilt, 101, 191 H HAART, 77, 88, 90 haemoglobin, 77 handling, 96, 181 hands, 158, 159, 164 HAQ, 77 harm, 101, 147 harmony, 101, 147 Harvard, 2 healing, 163, 165, 166 health, vii, viii, 1, 3, 12, 14, 15, 16, 22, 25, 26, 29, 35, 40, 44, 46, 48, 52, 64, 66, 68, 69, 72, 80, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 102, 105, 117, 122, 124, 129, 133, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140, 145, 153, 162, 163, 164, 166, 172, 178, 190, 193 Health Assessment Questionnaire, 77 health care, 72, 163, 164 health status, 72, 84, 85, 91 health-promoting behaviors, 162 hearing, 184 heart, 18, 102, 103, 164, 181, 182 heart rate, 182 Hebrew, 113, 115 hedonic, viii, 25, 27, 28, 46, 48, 49, 139 hedonism, 3, 5, 28 heterogeneous, 151 hidden curriculum, 154 high risk, 159 high school, 129, 140 higher education, 78, 129 hippocampus, 100, 181, 184 HIV, ix, 26, 44, 48, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93 HIV infection, ix, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92
Index HIV/AIDS, ix, 71, 77, 78, 79, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93 HIV-1, 73, 75, 76, 83, 86, 88, 90, 91 holistic, 33, 165 Holland, 122, 166 homeostasis, 179, 183, 184 Hong Kong, 143 hopelessness, 77, 84, 85, 172 hormones, 100 horse, 11 hospital, 12, 158, 159, 160, 162, 164, 165, 166 hospitality, 160 hospitalization, 77, 80 hospitals, 159, 160, 162, 164 household, x, 127 housing, 135 human, vii, xi, 1, 3, 4, 6, 8, 9, 10, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 26, 27, 28, 29, 31, 32, 35, 38, 39, 45, 47, 48, 49, 64, 65, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 98, 110, 122, 124, 134, 146, 147, 165, 170, 174, 177, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192 human animal, 23 human behavior, 65 human cognition, 170, 174 human condition, vii, 1, 21, 27 human development, 31, 47, 190 human experience, 38, 190 human immunodeficiency virus, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93 human nature, viii, 1, 10, 20, 23, 31, 32, 39, 47, 124 human rights, 134 human virtue, 31 human will, 35 humanism, 20, 40, 46, 48 humanistic perspective, viii, 25, 27, 38 humanistic psychology, 3, 4, 20, 31, 32, 43 humans, 31, 100, 180, 182, 187, 188 humiliation, 16 humorous, x, 143, 146, 147, 148, 150, 151, 153 Huntington disease, 181 husband, 164 hyperventilation, 183 hypothalamus, 181 hypothesis, 42 I id, 105 identification, 4, 7, 48, 82, 181 identity, 14, 33, 34, 140 idiosyncratic, 28, 39, 44 IDS, 77 illusion, 22
203
illusions, 16 images, 182 imagination, 16 imbalances, 163 immune cells, 72 immune system, 72, 90, 100 immunoglobulin, 100 impairments, 74, 83, 91, 150 impulsive, 19 incarceration, 29 incentives, 46 incidence, 74, 102 inclusion, viii, 25, 27, 38, 43, 131 income, 57, 78, 84, 85, 98, 101, 106, 128, 138, 141 incongruity, 146, 147 independence, ix, 31, 78, 79, 95, 176, 177 independent variable, 191 India, 79, 89, 90, 92, 93 Indian, 87, 91, 93 indication, 149, 173 indicators, 43, 76, 139, 169 indices, 110 indirect effect, 82, 129 individual characteristics, 130 individual differences, 52, 63 individuality, 10 induction, 100, 102 industrial, 124 industry, xi, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194 inequality, ix, 95 infancy, 55, 59, 65, 106 infants, 103, 149, 155 infection, ix, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93 inferences, 150 infinite, 5, 8, 10 information processing, ix, 69, 71, 73, 75, 83, 103 information processing speed, 73, 75, 83 inheritance, vii, 1, 2, 8, 9, 18, 19, 20, 21 inherited, 3, 4 inhibition, 9, 12 inhibitors, 64 initiation, 6, 18, 20 injection, 85 insight, xi, 189 inspiration, 28, 42, 180 instinct, 2, 8, 18 instruction, 19, 45, 174 instruments, 34, 77, 86, 98, 99, 173 integration, 29, 33 integrity, 14 intelligence, 18, 144 intentionality, 29
204
Index
intentions, 19, 29, 35, 40, 97, 149, 150, 192 interaction, 7, 16, 144, 145, 146, 147, 150, 154, 172 interactions, x, 14, 61, 97, 143, 144, 145, 146, 149, 151 interdisciplinary, 139, 141 interface, 130, 140 internal change, 181 internal consistency, 36, 117, 118 internet, 69 interpersonal relations, 31, 34, 69, 146, 150, 155 interpersonal relationships, 31, 34, 146, 150, 155 interpersonal support, 48 interval, 9, 99 intervention, 12, 17, 68, 82, 152, 153, 162 interview, 87 interviews, 53, 99, 158, 170 intravenous, 56, 76, 78, 84, 91 intrinsic, 13, 15, 33, 38, 39, 46, 48, 66, 69, 113, 114, 116, 117 intrinsic motivation, 33, 48, 66, 69 intrinsic value, 38 introvert, 2, 14, 15, 18 inventions, 148 Investigations, 24 irritability, 144 isolation, 102, 143 Israel, 113 Italy, 79 J JAMA, 93 Japan, 166, 167, 179, 185, 186 Japanese, xi, 57, 88, 100, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 185, 187, 188, 193, 194 Jews, 65 job satisfaction, 26 jobs, 11, 12, 129 joining, 161, 190 Jordan, 74, 90, 158, 166 Judaism, 113, 115 judge, 5, 9, 30, 53, 60 judges, 95, 130 judgment, 45, 150 judgmental heuristics, 45 judo, 185 Jung, 27, 30, 46 justification, 17 K Kant, 10, 20, 23 Kierkegaard, 9, 10, 11, 23, 29, 40, 46
King, 52, 60, 68, 128, 140, 141, 187 Kobe, 164, 165 L labeling, 53 labor, 158, 161, 162, 163, 166 lack of control, 158 language, 18, 54, 75, 84, 104, 121, 143, 144, 147, 152, 155 language development, 143, 152 language impairment, 144 later life, 123 laughter, 15, 110, 149, 154 leadership, 96 learned helplessness, 13 learning, vii, 1, 19, 21, 44, 76, 84, 106, 159 leg, 73 leisure, xi, 11, 52, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63, 64, 67, 68, 69, 105, 140, 178, 189, 190, 192, 193, 194 leisure time, 178 lesions, 101 lethargy, 191 life changes, 138 life cycle, 67 life quality, 139, 169 life satisfaction, x, xi, 26, 28, 36, 44, 52, 67, 68, 99, 103, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193 life span, 47 life stressors, 125 life-cycle, 53 lifespan, viii, 25, 27, 40, 42 lifestyles, 11, 184 life-threatening, 158 Likert scale, 99, 105, 118 limbic system, 104, 181, 182 limitation, 74 limitations, 18, 37, 62, 122, 138 linguistic, 9, 100, 147, 151 listening, 3, 182 liver, 181 living environment, 129 locus, 30, 37 London, 1, 23, 24, 25, 44, 45, 48, 66, 104, 106, 122, 139, 152, 153 loneliness, 26, 191 longitudinal study, 61, 76, 98 long-term impact, 130 Los Angeles, 69 loss of control, 47 losses, 171
Index love, 5, 26, 47, 64, 96, 97, 103, 165, 187 low-income, 84 loyalty, 97 Luxembourg, 139 lying, 15 lymphocyte, 76, 77, 82 M macrophages, 93 Madison, 105 mainstream, 27 mainstream psychology, 27 major depression, 144 males, 70, 80, 84, 117, 119, 120, 121, 131 malnutrition, 12 mammals, 100 management, 45, 46, 48, 174 marital partners, 129, 135 marital status, x, 85, 127, 128, 133, 137 market, 193, 194 marketing, xii, 189, 190, 192, 193 marketing strategy, 193 markets, xii, 189 Marlowe-Crowne Social Desirability Scale, 67 marriage, 52, 68, 129, 132, 133 mask, 185 mastery, 20, 28, 30, 35, 96, 151, 162 materialism, 38, 43, 48, 69 matrix, 6 meals, 164 meanings, 146, 147 measurement, viii, ix, 22, 25, 38, 42, 43, 44, 45, 47, 48, 65, 67, 69, 72, 77, 95, 98, 106, 124, 132, 170, 173, 191 media, 190 median, 106 mediators, 36 medical care, xi, 74, 157, 159, 162 Medical Outcome Study, 79 medication, 16 medications, 160, 163 meditation, 14, 185 medulla, 180 medulla oblongata, 180 membership, 113 memory, ix, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 82, 83, 84, 88, 89, 92, 93, 99, 104, 181, 182, 187 memory processes, 75 memory retrieval, 104 men, x, 10, 31, 44, 48, 53, 67, 74, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 92, 127, 129, 130, 134, 135, 136, 138, 140, 173
205
mental disorder, 9, 15, 22, 152 mental health, vii, 1, 12, 14, 15, 16, 22, 29, 40, 66, 80, 84, 105, 117, 124, 139, 190, 193 mental illness, 12, 15, 17, 140 mental state, 95, 145, 149, 150, 184 mental states, 145, 149, 150, 184 messages, 146, 148, 193 meta-analysis, 52, 55, 58, 60, 64, 65, 69, 73, 91, 144, 154 metabolic, 179 metabolism, 188 metaphor, 165, 187 middle-aged, 47, 172, 177 midlife, 140 midwives, xi, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166 Minnesota, 46 minority, 2 mirror, 52 misleading, 62 MIT, 152 modeling, 98 models, 56, 68, 176 moderators, 36, 46 money, 65, 98, 104, 134, 135, 178 monkeys, 181 monks, 170 monocytes, 93 Monroe, 165, 166 mood, 28, 36, 56, 66, 70, 100, 101, 102, 105, 173, 191 mood states, 191 morality, 31, 43 morbidity, 74, 80, 85, 87, 92 morning, 161 mortality, 40, 44, 74, 126 MOS, 77, 80 mothers, xi, 140, 157 motivation, viii, 12, 25, 27, 30, 32, 33, 40, 42, 47, 48, 65, 66, 69, 193, 194 motives, vii, 1, 4, 6, 7, 9, 17, 19, 22, 49 motor coordination, 100 motor function, 73, 74, 75, 81, 83 motor neurons, 180 mouth, 53 movement, 4, 26, 27, 32, 110, 180, 181 MRI, 82, 180 multidimensional, 33, 45, 54, 55, 56 multivariate, 139 muscle, 163, 180 muscles, 161, 180, 181 music, 182
206
Index N
naming, 99, 167 Nash, 145, 155 National Research Council, 107 National University of Singapore, 105 natural, 6, 9, 12, 14, 158, 159, 160, 162, 163, 179, 193 natural environment, 160 natural pregnancy, 158 natural selection, 6 Nebraska, 75 negative emotions, 59, 96, 97, 102, 122, 147, 181, 182 negative experiences, 57 negative life events, 96, 104 negative mood, 95 negativity, 13 neglect, 101 Nepal, 167 nerves, 5 nervous system, 74, 93, 100, 182 nervousness, 191, 192 Netherlands, 107 network, 153, 181 neural mechanisms, 104 neural network, 181 neurobehavioral, 73, 88 neurodegenerative, 181 neurodegenerative disease, 181 neuroimaging, 86 neurological disease, 86 neurological disorder, 93 neurons, 180 neuropsychological assessment, 82 neuroscience, 106 neuroses, 16 neurotic, 12, 13, 15, 16 neuroticism, 14, 58, 59, 63 neurotransmitters, 101 New Jersey, 64 New Science, 1, 24 New World, 18 New York, 23, 24, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 49, 64, 65, 68, 88, 104, 105, 107, 124, 125, 139, 140, 141, 152, 153, 154, 176, 177 non-invasive, 182 nonverbal, 150 nonwhite, 78, 84 normal, viii, xi, 1, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 27, 77, 101, 144, 146, 152, 157, 158, 162, 181 norms, 5, 11, 20, 130 North America, 56, 90, 154
Northern Ireland, 109 novelty, 192 novelty seeking, 192 nuclei, 100 nucleus, 100, 105, 106 nucleus accumbens, 100 nulliparous, 166 nurses, 132, 133 nursing, 159, 165 nymph, 187 O obligations, 11 observations, 151, 158 obsessive-compulsive, 15 obsessive-compulsive disorder, 15 occupational, 57, 128, 132, 133, 137, 144 odors, 184 offenders, 70 Ohio, 169 oil, 163 old age, 42, 66, 69, 83, 125, 174 older adults, 47, 68, 171, 172 older people, 125 old-fashioned, 22 olfaction, 184 olfactory, 184 Oncology, 126 openness, 14, 31 openness to experience, 31 opposition, 187 optimism, 13, 30, 48, 63, 65, 96, 97, 130, 137, 191 optimists, 13, 14, 17, 22, 96 orbitofrontal cortex, 106, 184 organ, 11 organic, 159 oriental medicine, 164 orientation, 33, 38, 41, 43, 48, 75, 84, 113, 115, 116, 117, 124, 129, 140, 174 out-of-hospital, 159 outpatients, 87, 92 oxygen, 179 P Pacific, 194 pain, 21, 69, 79, 84, 85, 91, 160, 161, 162, 164, 166, 181 paradox, 8 paradoxical, 8, 10 paralysis, 181 parental relationships, 102
Index parent-child, 102, 105 parents, 13, 53, 55, 57, 58, 59, 62, 63, 96, 97, 98, 101, 102, 103, 105, 133, 145, 151, 158 parietal cortex, 100 Paris, 23 partnerships, x, 127, 129, 135 passive, 58, 67 path model, 195 pathology, 26 pathways, 180 patient-centered, 165 patients, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 100, 126, 159, 161, 162, 164, 165 peak experience, 28, 36 peer relationship, 58, 144, 146, 154 peers, 52, 54, 60, 61, 145, 151 people living with HIV/AIDS, 78, 79, 85 perception, 28, 32, 36, 72, 93, 100, 101, 139, 146, 147, 150, 169, 184 perceptions, 30, 81, 189 perinatal, 158, 159 perseverance, 13 personal accomplishment, 41 personal achievements, 30 personal control, 191 personal efficacy, 97 personal goals, 29, 40, 41 personality, vii, viii, xi, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 22, 23, 46, 47, 51, 52, 55, 58, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 105, 111, 112, 113, 122, 123, 128, 138, 140, 169, 176, 195 personality dimensions, 61 personality disorder, 17 personality research, 66 personality traits, 14, 19, 58, 59, 61, 64, 65 personality type, vii, 1, 14, 15, 20 pessimism, 13, 130 pessimists, 13, 14 PET, 182 PET scan, 182 phenomenology, viii, 25, 28, 30, 39, 42 phenotype, 104 Philadelphia, 125 philanthropic, 43 philosophers, 3, 4, 20, 21, 27, 30 philosophical, viii, 3, 8, 25, 27, 28, 40, 42, 95, 162 philosophy, 2, 8, 21, 27, 37, 40, 163 phobia, 15 phonological, 83 photographs, 53 physical activity, 58, 61, 66, 70, 140, 161 Physical Appearance, 60
207
physical attractiveness, 65, 70 physical health, viii, 16, 25, 26, 57, 78 physical well-being, 45, 79 physicians, 132, 133 physiological, 15, 55, 100, 162, 179, 180 physiological correlates, 55 physiology, 15, 162, 179 Piers-+DUULV&KLOGUHQ¶V6HOI-Concept Scale, 54, 69 placebo, 63 planning, 7, 74 play, 9, 21, 27, 52, 77, 79, 85, 96, 102, 103, 152, 161, 185 pleasure, viii, ix, xi, 2, 4, 12, 20, 25, 27, 57, 95, 100, 157, 163, 165, 181 PLWHA, 79, 80 PMI, 35, 47 point like, 35 pons, 180 poor, 37, 62, 78, 80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 86, 126 poor health, 84 population, 16, 72, 78, 90, 98, 99, 101, 124, 131, 144, 152 positive attitudes, 2, 4, 5, 7, 11, 13, 21 positive correlation, 61, 62, 173, 182 positive emotions, 15, 67, 98, 103, 172, 184 positive mood, 28, 66, 95 positive relation, 28, 35, 57, 62, 170 positive relationship, 28, 170 postpartum, 160, 162, 163, 165 post-traumatic stress, 42 potatoes, 164 poverty, 12 power, 11, 45, 160 prayer, ix, 14, 109, 117, 118, 119, 120, 125 predictors, viii, 51, 61, 62, 63, 65, 68, 78, 84, 126, 130, 139 preference, 6, 59, 61, 153 prefrontal cortex, 100, 105, 106 pregnancy, x, xi, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 166 pregnant, xi, 157, 161, 165, 166 pregnant women, 161, 165, 166 prejudice, 80 prenatal care, xi, 157, 159, 162, 165 preschool, 68 present value, 133 president, 4 press, 43, 47, 53, 54, 55, 59, 61, 62, 63, 67, 128, 130, 131, 136, 138, 140 prevention, 163 primate, 105, 106 probability, 33, 86, 170 problem behavior, 68, 151
208
Index
problem behaviors, 151 problem-solving, 146, 147 processing deficits, 93 productivity, 38, 52 profitability, 192 program, 19, 20, 64, 176 propaganda, 117 proposition, 13 prototype, 170 proxy, 4 pseudo, viii, 2, 23 psyche, 27, 192 psychiatric disorder, 4, 16, 87 psychiatric disorders, 4 psychiatric morbidity, 80, 85, 92 psychiatrist, 29 psychic process, 27 psychological development, 31 psychological distress, 26, 36, 48, 78, 84 psychological health, viii, 25, 27, 42 psychological well-being, 28, 30, 32, 36, 48, 49, 57, 58, 64, 67, 68, 69, 70, 96, 115, 123, 124, 144, 154, 169, 176, 190, 191, 192, 194, 195 psychologist, 18 psychology, vii, viii, xi, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, 31, 32, 38, 40, 44, 46, 47, 48, 69, 98, 103, 104, 110, 116, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 139, 154, 174, 176, 177, 189, 190, 191, 194 psychometric approach, 45 psychometric properties, 45, 79, 99, 121, 173 psychopathology, 31 psychopathy, 152 psychosis, 17 Psychosomatic, 87, 92, 166, 167 psychotherapy, 2, 4, 17, 26, 44, 49 psychotic, 18 public, 5, 11, 62, 144, 186 pupil, 6 Pyszczynski, 40, 46, 48 Q QOL, 72, 77, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86 quality of life, ix, 26, 45, 66, 71, 72, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 99, 105, 125, 139, 141, 170, 177, 190, 192, 193, 194 Quality of life, 72, 77, 85, 87, 88, 89, 90, 92, 93, 177 quartile, 17 questionnaire, x, 34, 39, 49, 53, 54, 80, 89, 117, 118, 127, 146, 182 questionnaires, viii, 34, 51, 53, 131, 132, 158
R race, 11, 78, 84 random, 8, 73, 99 range, 43, 44, 52, 62, 73, 77, 101, 117, 118, 138, 144, 150, 171, 173, 178, 190 raphe, 106 rat, 11, 106 ratings, 54, 55, 60, 66, 99, 129, 151 rationality, 18, 19, 20, 22 reaction time, 73, 75, 82, 83, 87, 89 reading, ix, 54, 57, 58, 97, 109, 118, 119, 120, 150 reality, viii, 2, 5, 9, 11, 16, 23, 32 reasoning, 75 recall, 55, 99, 101, 106, 107, 174 reciprocal relationships, 145 reciprocity, 144, 148, 149, 151 recognition, 11, 18, 19, 68, 96, 184 reconcile, 146 reconciliation, x, 127, 130, 138 recovery, 166 recreational, 68, 194 reflection, 17, 22, 95, 97 regression, 111, 112, 113, 182 regression line, 182 regular, 159, 160 regulation, 41, 47, 100, 176 rejection, 56 relationship, ix, x, xi, 44, 58, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 72, 74, 76, 79, 81, 105, 109, 110, 115, 116, 121, 122, 123, 127, 128, 129, 130, 132, 134, 137, 144, 145, 153, 166, 170, 184, 187, 189, 190, 192, 193 relatives, 101, 135 relaxation, 12, 57, 58, 193 relevance, 37, 45, 149, 153, 154, 190 reliability, 45, 54, 66, 68, 91, 99, 123 religion, ix, 2, 20, 40, 64, 66, 109, 110, 113, 114, 116, 121, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126 religiosity, 45, 110, 115, 116, 117, 120, 121, 122, 125 religious belief, 134 religious fundamentalism, 124 religiousness, 52, 61, 62, 63, 67 replication, 123 representative samples, 138 reputation, 164 research design, 63 reserve capacity, 83, 92 residential, 134, 135 resilience, 14 resistance, 35 resolution, 134, 146, 147 resources, 171
Index respiration, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187 respiratory, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 186 respiratory rate, 182 response format, 54, 99, 171 response time, 172 responsibilities, x, 10, 21, 127, 138 responsiveness, 91, 149 rewards, 12, 100 rhythm, 184, 185, 187 rice, 164 rings, 146 risk, 17, 74, 80, 86, 89, 158, 159, 162 Roman Catholics, 117 rural, 57, 125 rural areas, 57 Russia, 6 S sadness, 53, 103, 144, 191, 192 safeguard, 57 sample, x, 37, 62, 73, 109, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 127, 131, 132, 138, 151, 170, 177, 178 sample survey, 170 sampling, 54, 65, 99 sarcasm, 150 satisfaction, vii, x, xi, 1, 12, 20, 22, 26, 28, 36, 37, 44, 45, 48, 52, 54, 57, 59, 62, 63, 65, 67, 68, 78, 80, 84, 85, 95, 99, 103, 125, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131, 132, 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 159, 160, 165, 166, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194 schizophrenia, 104, 107 school, 5, 53, 69, 70, 129, 131, 134, 137, 140, 154, 178 schooling, 131 scientific knowledge, 165 scientific method, 27, 38 scores, x, 67, 75, 76, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 86, 102, 109, 117, 118, 121, 171, 183 search, 17, 22, 27, 29, 30, 33, 35, 45, 46, 49, 77 searching, 10 Seattle, 105 secondary school education, 134 secular, 2 security, 96, 131 sedative, 18 sedentary behavior, 58, 70 seeds, 164 selecting, 37, 172 selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor, 64 selectivity, 176 Self, 4, 9, 28, 31, 32, 36, 43, 44, 48, 53, 58, 60, 65, 69, 70, 87, 92, 146, 161, 166, 175
209
self-care, 161 self-concept, 54, 68, 69 self-confidence, 58 self-consciousness, 18 self-control, 19 Self-Determination Theory, 58 self-discipline, 5, 19 self-doubt, 13 self-efficacy, 13, 30, 44, 45, 161 self-enhancement, 146 self-esteem, 13, 16, 18, 26, 30, 31, 32, 40, 42, 46, 58, 65, 78, 85, 96, 99, 139 self-image, 140 self-interest, 28 self-knowledge, vii, 1, 3, 21, 22, 31 self-regulation, 41, 47 self-report, viii, xi, 34, 39, 51, 53, 54, 55, 56, 69, 81, 99, 106, 115, 117, 118, 124, 169, 177 self-reports, 53, 55, 99, 115 self-worth, 58 semantic, 27, 75, 148 senior citizens, 128 sentences, 151 sequelae, 89, 91 series, vii, 1, 6, 102, 110, 116, 120, 163 serotonin, 64, 101 services, 62, 71, 88, 192, 194 sesame, 164 severity, 73, 162 sex, x, 31, 77, 100, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 120, 121 sex differences, 120, 121, 122 sex hormones, 100 sexual activities, 85 sexual behavior, 126, 181 shape, 21, 102, 158, 181 shaping, 9 shares, 40, 42 sharing, 97, 145, 149, 170 shelter, 18 shock, 182 short-term, 83 siblings, 57 sign, 102, 136, 137 signs, 73, 91, 163, 164 silver, 193 similarity, 40, 42 Singapore, 69, 105 sites, 87, 100, 105 skills, 17, 96, 97, 102, 103, 144, 145, 150, 151, 155, 165, 171 skills training, 151, 155 slaves, 28
210
Index
sleep, 144, 179, 186, 187 Slovakia, 109, 116, 117 smiles, 148 SOC, 35, 36, 37 sociability, 14 social acceptance, 56 social activities, 85, 145 social adjustment, 151 social behavior, ix, x, 71, 143 social behaviour, 31, 43 social class, 57 Social cognitive theory, 29 social competence, x, 102, 143, 144, 145, 146, 151, 152 social desirability, 56, 64, 69 social development, 48, 69 social environment, 52 social impairment, x, 143, 145 social indicator, 170, 176 social isolation, 102, 143 social learning, 145, 161 social learning theory, 161 social life, 13, 16, 17 social network, 60, 153 social norms, 11 social participation, 123 social perception, 147 social problems, 145, 147 social psychology, 13, 47, 122, 176 social relations, viii, x, 51, 52, 57, 61, 67, 127, 129, 133, 135, 136, 137, 149, 151, 152, 153 social relationships, x, 52, 57, 61, 67, 127, 129, 133, 135, 136, 137, 149, 151, 152, 153 social roles, 158 social security, 131 social situations, 59, 146, 151 social skills, 97, 144, 145, 150, 151 social skills training, 151 social status, 11, 12 social support, 46, 57, 60, 77, 79, 84, 86, 92, 96, 98, 128, 140 solitude, 14 sounds, 164 South Africa, 90 South Asia, 93 spatial, 75, 83, 150 spectrum, 16, 73, 76, 144, 149, 155 speculation, 95 speech, ix, 71, 185 speed, 75, 76, 81, 83, 84, 86, 89, 163 spinal cord, 180 spiritual, 20, 45, 65, 68, 78, 79, 179
spirituality, ix, 38, 43, 51, 52, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 67, 79, 110, 123, 124, 125 sports, 58, 60 spouse, 55, 193 stability, 36, 59, 69, 99, 106, 123, 140 stages, 72, 74, 79, 80, 82, 83, 85, 88, 91 standard deviation, 118 standard of living, 134 standards, 72 statistics, 119 STD, 87 stigma, 80 stigmatization, 80 stimulus, 98, 146 stomach, 164 storage, 83, 93 strategies, ix, xii, 51, 63, 70, 79, 81, 92, 97, 140, 144, 189, 192, 193 strength, ix, 9, 19, 36, 43, 51, 62, 103 stress, 35, 42, 44, 46, 55, 66, 82, 92, 104, 107, 140, 152, 163, 164, 176 stressful life events, 68 stressors, 81, 125, 174 stroke, 101, 104 structural changes, 101 students, x, 54, 56, 57, 59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 104, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 121, 122, 123, 124, 129, 139, 146, 171, 172, 174 subgroups, x, 127, 128, 131 subjective, vii, viii, 1, 2, 4, 15, 21, 22, 26, 27, 30, 51, 53, 54, 55, 58, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 77, 98, 99, 105, 115, 123, 125, 126, 130, 138, 139, 140, 141, 171, 190, 191, 194 subjective experience, 26, 77 subjective well-being, vii, viii, 1, 2, 4, 15, 21, 22, 51, 55, 58, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 69, 98, 99, 105, 115, 123, 125, 126, 130, 138, 139, 140, 141, 171, 190, 194 substance use, 46, 47, 79 suffering, 4, 16, 22, 29, 70, 72, 147 suicidal, 66, 191 suicidal ideation, 66 suicide, 26, 46, 60 supervision, 159 support staff, 164 surgery, 166 surprise, 2, 13 survival, 18, 31 Sweden, 166 swelling, 163 switching, 147 symptoms, 12, 34, 72, 73, 74, 78, 80, 81, 84, 85, 89 synchronous, 183
Index syndrome, 106, 143, 145, 150, 151, 152, 153, 154, 155, 181 synthesis, 105, 126 T tangible, 29, 30, 170 targets, 12, 193 task performance, 46 taxonomy, 48, 49, 69 tea, 162, 164 teachers, 55, 58, 60, 145 teaching, 69, 96, 97, 161 technicians, 132, 133 teens, 112 telephone, 145, 162 television, 58, 160 temperament, 59, 61, 63, 64, 65, 67, 68 temperance, 19 temporal, 36, 99, 123, 130, 170, 172, 174, 181 temporal lobe, 181 tension, 18, 59, 146, 191 terminal illness, 42 terror management theory, 45, 46, 48 Terror Management Theory, 40 test scores, 75, 84 Thailand, 79, 189, 194 thalamus, 100, 184 theology, 123 therapeutic process, 12 therapy, viii, 1, 2, 4, 9, 13, 16, 22, 45, 48, 77, 87, 90, 183 thinking, ix, 8, 71, 146, 150, 170, 171 threat, 161 threatening, ix, 46, 71, 133, 134, 161 threshold, 83 time frame, 171, 172, 173, 177 tofu, 164 Tokyo, 167, 179, 186, 188 tolerance, 43 ToM, 150 top-down, 33, 102, 130, 137 totalitarian, 18 tourism, xi, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194 tourist, xi, 189, 192, 194 toys, 19 tracking, 76 tradition, 3, 18, 27, 163, 165 Traditional Medicine, 167 traditional medicines, 164 traditional practices, 163 training, 19, 22, 131, 144, 151, 155, 167, 177, 185 trait anxiety, 182, 183
211
traits, 6, 7, 9, 14, 22, 26, 58, 59, 61, 63, 66, 96, 137 transcendence, 10, 20, 31, 43 transfer, 159, 164 transformation, 161 transformations, 161 transmission, 80 trauma, 31 travel, xi, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195 trial, 87, 90, 166 tricyclic antidepressant, 64 tricyclic antidepressants, 64 triggers, 102, 181 trust, 31, 96, 97 turnover, 140 two-dimensional, 56 U Uganda, 76, 84, 89, 91 Ukraine, 79 umbilical cord, 164 uncertainty, 21 undergraduate, x, 67, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 117, 121, 122, 124 undergraduates, 67, 111, 113, 114, 123, 124, 125 unfolded, 105 unhappiness, 56, 98, 172, 193 United Nations, 89 United States, 55, 56, 166 universe, 14 university education, 128, 129 university students, x, 57, 59, 63, 109, 117, 122, 123, 129, 139 urine, 56 V vacation, 190, 191, 195 vacuum, 35, 46 valence, 70 validation, 40, 45, 46, 48, 56, 68, 69, 92, 93, 177, 195 validity, vii, 1, 14, 22, 31, 36, 45, 47, 49, 54, 55, 56, 66, 79, 91, 99, 106, 124, 151, 173 values, 7, 9, 18, 19, 20, 22, 27, 29, 30, 31, 33, 38, 40, 42, 48, 67, 126, 129, 130, 133, 138 variability, 77 variables, vii, viii, 1, 22, 30, 32, 36, 37, 38, 43, 51, 57, 58, 60, 63, 66, 77, 84, 93, 133, 134, 135, 140 variance, viii, xi, 37, 51, 57, 58, 62, 63, 78, 85, 113, 121, 169, 173, 174 variation, 85, 148 variety of domains, 26
212
Index
vegetables, 164, 165 vein, 58, 146 Venezuela, 86 violence, x, 127, 133, 136 virus, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93 virus infection, 87, 88, 89, 93 visible, 59, 185 vision, 22 visualization, 150 visuospatial, 75, 81 vocational, 131, 134 vocational education, 131 vocational training, 131 voice, 3, 5, 6, 12, 21, 150 W Wales, 109, 111, 112, 124 walking, 57, 161 warrants, 52 water, 187 weakness, 3, 5, 8, 9, 73 wealth, 11, 32, 57, 134, 135 wear, 185 web, 104, 105, 107 wellbeing, 70, 125 Western culture, 117, 158 white blood cells, 72 white-collar workers, 132, 133 wind, 19, 97 winning, 185, 186
Wisconsin, 105 wisdom, vii, 1, 21, 147 withdrawal, 15, 70, 170 women, x, xi, 60, 79, 80, 84, 85, 86, 89, 90, 91, 92, 125, 127, 129, 134, 135, 137, 138, 140, 141, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 165, 166, 173 work ethic, 38 workers, 102, 132, 133, 138 working conditions, viii, x, 1, 22, 127, 128, 133, 135, 137 working memory, 75, 76, 82, 83, 88, 92, 93 workload, 140 World Health Organization, 72, 77, 79, 93 worldview, 40 worry, 21, 191 writing, 10, 110, 147 Y yield, 99 yin, 165 young adults, x, 60, 127, 128, 130, 131, 134, 135, 136, 137, 138, 140 young women, 138 younger children, 103 Z Zen, 170
