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Indian Foreign Policy
After going through this unit, you should be able to understand Determinants of Indian Foreign Policy Objectives and Principles of Indian Foreign Policy Evolution of Indian Foreign Policy Overview of Narendra Modi Foreign Policy Institutions of Foreign Policy Making Development of Nation-States and increasing interactions among them has resulted into formation of foreign policy in the modern times. There is certain unanimity among scholars and statesmen on necessity of a foreign policy for each state, since no state will like to function in complete isolation from rest of the world. Feliks Gross said that even a decision to have no relations with a particular state is also a foreign policy or, in other words, not to have a definite foreign policy is also a foreign policy. So, for the study of foreign policy of a country, we need to know the background conditions or the determinants which provide the foundations for objectives and principles of foreign policy of a country, same holds true for India foreign policy. The Principle determinants of India’s foreign policy are : 1. Geography
The primary determinant of foreign policy is the geography of any security. The location, size and shape of the country are the main geographical factors influencing the foreign policy. Location of the Indian subcontinent at the head of Indian Ocean and as a connecting link between South-East Asia and West Asia has always influenced the foreign policy of Indian subcontinent. The security and tranquillity of the region from the Horn of Africa to the Strait of Malacca affects the fortunes of the Indian subcontinent due to its location factor. Secondly, territorial size of a state influences its foreign policy in a sense that bigger the size greater role the state can play in international politics. India’s ambitions to achieve great power status in world politics can be attributed to its size. The vast size makes India a neighbour to a large number of countries. On land borders, it has China, Nepal, Bhutan in the North, Myanmar, and IOR-ARC Bangladesh in the East and Pakistan in the West. o Year of establishment: 6 While on maritime borders it has Thailand, March 1997 Malaysia, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Maldives. o H.Q. is Ebene, Mauritius Thus vast size, thus, presents both an opportunities Membership is 20 states and o 7 dialogue partners to develop relations with neighbours and as well as Secretary General: K V o challenges to manage the bilateral relations Bhagirath simultaneously. Lastly, the shape of the country makes it a maritime player. It provides an opportunity for Indian leaders to project Indian leadership role in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). An example of such framework is the establishment of Indian Ocean RIM Association (IOR-ARC) in 1997 shows India’s attempt
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to assert her supremacy over maritime in IOR and also to maintain relations with maritime neighbours such as Mauritius, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, Mozambique, and Madagascar. 2. History and Culture
Historical experiences and cultural traditions of a state exert influence on its foreign policy. Generally, state with unified culture and common history finds it easier to formulate effective and consistent foreign policy. In such a case, overwhelming majority of people, who share similar experiences and common perceptions of historical events, support the state’s foreign policy. Elements El ements such as anti-imperialism, an ti-imperialism, anti-racial and democratic outlook of the national leaders during the nation freedom struggle has its imprint in the evolution of India foreign policy. The freedom struggle was shaped by the ideological and intellectual moorings provided by the interaction with western liberal ideology and the Indian renaissance of the 19th century. Further, the anti-imperial and anti-racial stances are an offshoot of Indian culture of religious harmony and treating all individuals equally. India has been a land accommodating all the persecuted, religious and ethnic minorities from different parts of the world at different point of time. 3. International International Environment
A prevalent framework of world politics plays decisive role in deciding the foreign policy of a country. The post independence foreign policy of India was reflected on the post world war II SEATO world politics. When India became independent, o Formed in 8 September 1954 Disbanded on 30 June 1977 o world was divided into two hostile camp, which o H.Q. was Bangkok, Thailand was much beyond India’s capacity to change. In Members were Australia, o the bi-polar world dominated by military France, New Zealand, alliances, India sought to secure its territorial Philippines, Thailand, U.K., USA and Pakistan (East and integration and strive for technical and economic now Bangladesh) development without falling into the trap of cold CENTO war. o Also known as Baghdad Pact or
Middle
East
Treaty
In the subsequent years, as Pakistan moved closer Organisation Formed in 1955 o to the western block by joining Southeast Asia o Disbanded on 1979 Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty o H.Q. was Ankara Organisation (CENTO) and China became hostile Members were Iran, Iraq, o to India, New Delhi forged closer comprehensive Pakistan, Turkey and U.K . ties with the USSR to secure territorial defence. The Indo-soviet friendship treaty (1971) was thus dictated more by the prevailing international environment than any desire on part of India to be a part of any block fighting cold war. The end of cold war and the disintegration of Soviet Union further reflected reorientation of India’s foreign policy and it was necessitated to adopted look east policy and moves swiftly to develop its relations with all major actors in international environment. The evolution of
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Indo- US and India EU relations in the post cold war period affirms the adjustments in Indian foreign policy due to change in international political environment. 4. Leadership
Leadership plays influential role in the country’s foreign policy. Rosenau says (World Politics: An Introduction) , “A leader’s belief about the nature of international arena and the goals that ought to be pursued therein, his or her peculiar intellectual strengths and weakness for analyzing information and making decisions, his or her past background and the extent of its relevance to the requirements of the role, his or her emotional needs and most of other personality traits these are but a few of the idiosyncratic factors that can influence the planning and execution of foreign policy.” India’s foreign policy is also reflection of intellectual and political orientation of its leaders. It was Nehru’s liberal and pacifist outlook which resulted to resolution to conflicts in world politics. It was his leadership skills that pushed India to adopt universal disarmament and Panchsheel as its foreign policy principles. It was during 1965 Indo-Pak war when Lal Bahadur Shastri decisively opted for launching attack on Pakistan across the entire international borders. In this war, Pakistan was defeated comprehensively and the lost pride of Indian state during Indo-China war of 1962 was partially regained.
This legacy of decisiveness in India foreign policy was showed during Mrs Indira Gandhi role in 1970 Indo-Pak war. Mrs. Indira Gandhi’s apt decision-making in 1971 helped India not only to defeat Pakistan militarily but also to counter diplomatic pressures applied by the United States and China on the latter’s behest. Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi and P V Narsimha Rao also had their imprint of Indian foreign policy. Rajiv Gandhi foreign policy overtures to improve relations with all world powers specially US and China were his contribution to Indian foreign policy. The “Look East Policy” of Narsimha Rao was the product of his acumen and experience as a foreign minister with previous government. In the later years, I K Gujral’s “Gujral Doctrine” and A B Vajpayee’s decision for going nuclear played crucial role in breaking the self-imposed freeze on country’s nuclearization. It was the decisions taken by these leaders on the back of their personal motivations and sound understanding of India foreign policy. Thus, foreign policy of India and its evolution has been a handmade of its leaders and decision makers.
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Objectives and Principles of Indian Foreign Policy Objectives
Following are some of the key general objectives of India’s foreign policy: o
o
o
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The primary objective of Indian foreign policy is to secure the territorial integrity. Friendship treaties or military assistance from other countries during the cold war were to strengthen India military and deter nay attacks on its soil. So also, India’s decision to go nuclear was part of India’s defensive strategy to secure its borders from nuclear countries like Pakistan and China. A foreign policy defends interests of its citizens both inside and outside the country. For example, successive Indian governments keep in mind interests of farmers while negotiating bi-lateral and multi-lateral trade agreements. A primary interest of any country is in self preservation and well-being of its citizens. In modern times, economic development is one of the key factors in determining state’s international status. Thus, the treaties and agreements concluded with other states are drafted in a way to protect and promote economic interests of its own. World peace and harmony are the avowed objectives of Indian foreign policy as also enshrined in the Article 51 of the constitution. Till date, India is the largest contributor to UN peacekeeping forces due to our commitment to world peace and security. A foreign policy tries to maintain contacts and develop good relations with all other states in order to enhance economic and technological co-operation with them with a view to promote its own interests. Indian government lost no time in recognizing newly independent African and Asian countries and immediately established diplomatic relations with them to create its sphere of influence and good will in those countries. On the contrary, diplomatic cut-off with a particular country on issues of ideology or national interest can also be part of state’s foreign policy.
Principles
The founding principle of Indian foreign policy is the Buddhist doctrine of Panchsheel and peaceful coexistence. It was in 1954 that Beijing and New Delhi jointly proposed Five Principles of Peaceful Co-existence known as Panchsheel primarily to guide the bilateral relations between them. Panchsheel includes five fold principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and integrity, mutual non-aggression, non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful co-existence. It also becomes the moving force behind Asian and African movement for equality and freedom against domination of the world by colonial and imperialist powers. Secondly, non-alignment has been the guiding principle of our foreign policy right from 1947. It was dictated by prevailing conditions in world politics. India wanted to avoid the cold war rivalry and did not want to be a part of any military block. However, India’s non alignment policy does not mean to isolate from International politics but to show India as a sovereign democratic country and to protect the national interest of the country. This policy
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paid off for India as we were able to get technical and economic assistance from both western countries and the USSR for our country nation building and economic development. Thirdly, India has always supported the anti-racial and anti-imperial politics. The roots of India’s stand lies in her own experience of colonial rule. Therefore post independence antiracialism and anti-imperialism become one of the major principles of India foreign policy. India began to play a pioneering role in condemning the policy of apartheid and racial discrimination pursued by the Government of South Africa. India also supported various resolutions including the 1960 UN General Assembly resolution on freedom of dependent people and nationalities. In order to assert her stand, India used the NAM platform to support the struggle of the people against racialism and imperialism. Thus, India still cherish and believes in the relevance of these noble goals and support the efforts of the developing countries to reduce their dependence on developed countries. Fourthly, another important component of India foreign policy is that of disarmament and arms control. Starting from 1954 proposal by Nehru in the UN general assembly to 1998 proposal by Rajiv Gandhi, India has supported universal disarmament. But our experience with the 1968 Nuclear non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) and Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) was an eye opener to India. India was forced to go nuclear in 1998 because of the failure of NPT and CTBT to prevent vertical and horizontal proliferation as the treatise are considered discriminatory and create nuclear ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’. Since then, India has adopted the policy of credible minimum nuclear deterrent, according to which it has instated no first use policy of nuclear weapons and maintains the nuclear arsenal under civilian political control. Fifthly, based on principles of Panchsheel and Non-alignment, India consistently emphasized on settlement of international disputes through dialogue and negotiations and embedded our support to UN. In order to promote international understanding and peace, Nehru had repeatedly spoke about futility of war and warned of ultimate disasters if Third World War would broke out. Even though such emphasize did not always result in success, it had certainly helped in reducing international tensions. India’s role in Korean crisis (1950), Vietnam War (1954), Suez Canal crisis (1956) is a testament of our approach for settling major conflicts. Sixthly, India’s stand to promote solidarity of the developing countries on economic and political issues of common concern like WTO negotiations and expansion of UN Security Council is a major principle of Indian foreign policy.
Lastly, India seeks friendly ties with all its neighbours and co-operations among all the countries in South Asia. Therefore, SAARC receives big support from Indian establishment, which sees as a tool to promote regional trade, business and people to people exchanges. Apart from SAARC, India is actively involved in cooperation with Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and African Union (AU). Similarly, India’s endeavour to develop forums like India Brazil South Africa forum
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(IBSA), Bay of Bengal initiative for Multi Sectoral Techno Economic Co-operation (BIMSTEC) is a part of our bigger strategy to develop South-South cooperation. In sum, the founding fathers of independent India laid down the solid framework of nations’ foreign policy. The framework is based on principles of Panchsheel, Non-alignment, promotion of World peace, disarmament and arms control and regional cooperation. These principles helped India in protecting its national interests and borders, ensuring its economic development, protecting interests of people of Indian origins abroad, de-colonization of Asia and Africa, and to end the racialism. Therefore, India not only promoted its own interests but also attempted to shape the world according to its ideology and principles. Thus, Indian foreign policy presents a unique and balanced blend of realism and idealism.
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Evolution of Indian Foreign Policy
The evolution of Indian foreign policy since independence has passed through various phases and every successive phase is built on experience, leadership skills and adapt according to the changing dynamics of international politics. India under the leadership of Jawaharlal Nehru as the chief architect of Indian foreign policy guided the country’s participation in the world affairs for nearly twenty years. Even after his death, his legacy continued till the end of the Cold War. As quoted by Nehru in V.P. Dutt, India’s Foreign Policy, 1984, ‘the art of conducting the foreign affairs of a country lies in finding out what is the most advantageous to the country’. This statement clearly shows that national interest was the governing principle of India’s foreign policy as conceived by Pt. Nehru, the architect of this policy. Nehru deriving from Indian historical and cultural traditions of non-violence and peaceful coexistence and adapting to the prevailing conditions in the international politics steered the ship of the Indian foreign policy. His keen understanding of international affairs and the Bandung Conference The Bandung Conference was a Indian culture of assimilation of all diversities meeting of Asian and African states, propelled his foreign policy to adopt an ant-racial which took place on April 18 – 24, and anti-imperial stance. His support to the various 1955 in Bandung, Indonesia. The freedom struggles going in different parts of the conference was organised by Indonesia, Burma, Pakistan, Ceylon world was an important objective of Indian foreign (Sri Lanka), and India. The policy to achieve the free, democratic and peaceful conference was an important step world order. Similarly, India’s adoption of the toward the Non-Aligned Movement. policy of non-alignment was dictated by prevailing international political scenario and India’s attempt to push for importance of the collective voice of the Afro-Asian region on the world stage. The Bandung conference of 1955 was the starting point for launching this strategy of India. Operating in the midst of these complexities, India’s foreign policy had the following objectives before her: i. National security ii. Nation building and development iii. Improvement of the international environment iv. National status in the world affairs
It was in this context that nonaligned stance was regarded as a balance of power policy. It was also felt that this policy would help India generate capability for the maintenance of her national security. Thus, this period has sometimes been called as the golden age of India’s foreign policy.
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It was the second decade of independence that turned out to be more difficult. During this period the basic postulates of the foreign policy faced the harshest challenges. The conflict of Sino-India war (1962) was a severe blow to India’s prestige in the A fro-Asian block, and Nehru’s approach of an idealistic foreign policy came under severe criticism. However, this defeat Tashkent Agreement in 1962 war proved a blessing in disguise for the The agreement provided for the military modernisation and the infrastructure following building as during the 1965 Indo-Pak war India o Restoration of normal and defeated Pakistan comprehensively. peaceful relations between India and Pakistan. Reaffirmation of their obligations under UN charter to settle their disputes through peaceful means. Agreement to base their relations on the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of each other. Meetings at the highest level as also at other levels to discuss matters of direct concern to both.
The victory in 1965 war was also a result of o exemplary and decisive leadership by Lal Bahadur Shashtri. He gave slogan Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan on the wake of the Indo-Pak war, which took place in o September 1965. Ultimately, ceasefire was declared under the auspices of the United Nations Security Council. The Soviet Union took the o initiatives to bring about peace negotiations between India and Pakistan. Shastri met Field Marshall Ayub Khan, President of Pakistan in Tashkent and signed the Tashkent Declaration on 10 January 1966. Unfortunately, Shastri passed away after signing the Tashkent agreement in Tashkent. In January 1966, Indira Gandhi became the first women Prime Minister of India.
When Indira Gandhi came to power, India was grappling with hard times during 1966-69. The troubles had arisen in the aftermath of border war with China and these increased with two years of severe drought accompanied by flooding in other parts of the country which had give impact on the economy of the country and also constrained India’s assertiveness and capacity to take initiatives in international relations and on her policy of non-alignment. Soon after Indira Gandhi assumed the office, she expressed her solidarity and moral support to the principles of non-alignment. In the Third Tripartite Conference of leaders of United Arab Republics, Yugoslavia and India in New Delhi (1966), expressed the concern of Indira Gandhi and others over the imposition of various forms of imperialism and neo-colonialism and the continued threat to world peace due to gross interference in the internal affairs of independent countries through the medium of economic and financial assistance. They also expressed their deep concern at the serious situation in South-East Asia and the miseries of the Vietnamese people and demanded a cessation of bombing of North Vietnam. They called for the implementation of the Geneva agreements and withdrawal of all foreign forces as well as the participation of the South Vietnamese Liberation Front in the efforts for the realisation of peace in Vietnam. This was rather courage’s stand taken by Indira Gandhi as the economic crisis had made India heavily dependent of the United States.
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However, the Indo-US relations suffered several Simla Agreement setbacks because of India’s role in the Bangladesh The agreement provided that: crisis. It was most critical and dangerous challenge Both the parties would o to India which she faced in the 1970s. As the resolve their differences by difference between West Pakistan and East peaceful means through bilateral negotiations and Pakistan mounted, there started an exodus of committed themselves to refugees into India. Besides the suffering of the peaceful coexistence, respect people of Bangladesh, India had to suppress the for each other’s territorial threat to its security by this unprecedented flow of integrity, sovereignty and non-interference in each refugees. Even the naive could see that Pakistan other’s internal affairs. had the backing of USA and China. It was in this o Meeting between the Heads context that the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace and of State would be convened Friendship was concluded in 1971. This treaty to discuss the future ways and means for the provided that the two countries would keep in establishment of durable touch with each other on major international peace and normalisation of problems affecting the interests of both the parties. relations. They agreed not to enter into or participate in military alliance, which is directed against any one of them. They treaty was like a shield against both Washington and Chinese designs of any military actions against Indian in the unfolding Bangladesh crisis. This step kept away major powers from the 1970 Indo-Pak War. India gave immediate recognition to the state of Bangladesh. Ultimately, the Indo-Pak relations were normalised with the Simla Summit held on 1 July 1972 which sought to resolve several issues in their bilateral relations, known as Simla Agreement. This was a glowing tribute to the success of Indian foreign policy, despite the criticism that India was not truly nonaligned and that the India’s policy was relatively more aligned in favour of the communist bloc. The only remark that can be made in this context is that more than anything else, external relations is motivated by the national interest.
Pokhran Nuclear Test
On May 18, 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test in Pokhran, Rajasthan. In doing so, India became the world’s sixth nuclear power after the United States, Soviet Union, Britain, France and China. Smiling Buddha was the code name of Pokhran nuclear test. A team of scientists and engineers led by Raja Ramanna, PK Iyengar, Rajagopala Chidambaram and others had worked
The lessons learnt in the 1971 Indo-Pak war propelled India to develop its nuclear options. The result was the 1974 Pokhran peaceful nuclear explosions strengthening the morale of the army and proving the mettle to our scientific community. However, due to instability in political circumstances relegated foreign policy to the background and domestic issues dominated the scene.
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In the general elections of 1977, Janata Party came to power for a very brief period from 1977-1979. The first non-congress government under Morariji Desai added a new dimension to the Indian foreign policy under their stated principle of “Genuine Non-alignment”. India tried to improve its relations with the western block specially the US. Jimmy Carter’s 1978 visit to India reflected this change in US outlook towards India. As far as India’s relations with her neighbours were concerned there were tremendous improvements. Janata government under the dynamic foreign minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee adopted a proactive approach and visited the neighbouring countries including China and Pakistan. But this proved short lived as the Janata government fell in 1979.
Confidence (CBMs)
Building
Measures
The first nuclear CBM was the Prohibition of Attack against Nuclear Facilities, which was signed by Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto on December 31, 1988. It was ratified in 1991 and implemented in January 1992. The bilateral agreement prohibits attack, directly or indirectly, against nuclear installations or facilities in either country. In an effort to be more transparent, the agreement also requires an annual exchange of lists detailing the location of all nuclear-related facilities in each country. Lists of the facilities covered by this agreement are now exchanged periodically, but often have not been wholly accepted by the other side.
The congress came back to power in 1980 and continued with tradition of forging national consensus on major foreign policy issues and did not reverse the foreign policy decisions taken by the previous Janata government. After the assassination of Mrs. Indira Gandhi in 1984, Rajiv Gandhi became the youngest Prime Minister of India. In the following years, in 1988 Rajiv Gandhi visit to Pakistan was momentous in India-Pak relations. The Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) were developed and an agreement on inf ormation on each other’s nuclear installations was signed, which was path-breaking given the history of the volatile bilateral relations of the two countries. Similarly, Rajiv Gandhi was successful in melting the ice in Indo-China relations. His visit to China in 1989 was symbolic in the sense that India accepted the Chinese viewpoint of broadening exchange in other areas without making these developments contingent on the resolution of the border issue. Several Confidence Building Measures were proposed and an agreement on maintaining peace and tranquillity along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) was signed. This agreement proved a starting point for re-invigorating the Sino-Indian relations and economic interaction was emphasised. However, tensions emanating in Sri Lanka due to ethnic conflict also affected India’s domestic politics and also her security when a large number of Tamilians fled from Sri Lanka and crossed over to India. To improve the bilateral relations an accord was signed between Rajiv Gandhi and President Jayewardane on 29 July 1987. The Indian Peacekeeping Force’s (IPKF) action thereafter, drew criticisms from different quarters and is seen as India’s greatest foreign policy blunder, yet it had helped in restoring peace in Sri Lanka.
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When the National Front came to power in 1989 under the Prime Minister V.P. Singh, the foreign India Peacekeeping Force (IPKF) policy aspect partially suffered because it was a It was formed under the mandate of government beleaguered with internal conflicts the 1987 Indo-Sri Lankan Accord that and always worried about its majority in the aimed to end the Sri Lankan Civil parliament. Moreover, Indian foreign policy War between militant Sri Lankan posture needed to be adjusted accordingly. While Tamil nationalists such as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait under Saddam Hussein (LTTE) and the Sri Lankan military. resulting in the First Gulf War of 1990 marked the The IPKF began withdrawing from beginning of American armed superiority, the Sri Lanka in 1989, following the breakup of Soviet Union altered the balance of election of the V. P. Singh power in the world. The collapse of the government in India and on the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the request of the newly elected Sri disintegration of Soviet Union substantially Lankan President Ranasinghe changed the world order and a new post Cold War Premadasa. The last IPKF contingents emerged. India’s foreign policy had to formulate left Sri Lanka in March 1990. keeping these changes in mind. Accordingly, India adjusted to this changed environment and developed its relations with countries and regions of the world which was hitherto untouched by the Indian foreign policy. Establishment of diplomatic relationship with Israel in 1993 was a step taken to balance India’s West Asia policy and tap the technological and defence expertise of Israel for India’s security and Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) development. o
V.P. Singh held office from 2 December 1989 to 10 November 1990. After the BJP withdrew support to the V.P. Singh government, he resigned after losing the trust vote. Chandra Shekhar with the outside support from Congress became the 11th Prime Minister of India. He finally resigned after the Congress withdrew support from his government. The INC with a nominal majority came to power with Narasimha Rao as the Prime Minister after the general election of 1991. During this time India was faced with crumbling economcy with a balance of payment crisis which had left India’s foreign exchange res erves for only two weeks. Therefore, Dr. Manmohan Singh, the then Finance Minister began a more substantial economic reforms to help India’s economy and boost production. Therefore, greater emphasis
o
o
It is a regional organisation formed during the breakup of the Soviet Union, whose participating countries are some former Soviet Republics The organization was founded on 8 December 1991 by the Republic of Belarus, the Russian Federation, and Ukraine, when the leaders of the three countries met in the Belovezhskaya Pushcha in Belarus and signed the “Agreement Establishing the Commonwealth of Independent States”. Membership: 9 members and 2 associates. Executive Secretary: Sergei Lebedev.
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was placed on economic diplomacy a departure from the traditional foreign policy stance of India. Nevertheless, Rao government tries to maintain ties with the erstwhile Soviet Union i.e with the Soviet Union as well as new Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). During his government, the Rupee-Rouble exchange rate was resolved and also substituted 1971 IndiSoviet Treaty by a new fourteen clause Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation valid for 20 years. Another major step after the end of cold war was the launch of “Look East Policy” by Naraimha Rao government. Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) which emerged during the cold war era also felt the need to balance the rising regional hegemony in the form of China. This provided India with unique opportunity to engage this region as the economies of both the regions are complementary. The government also attempted to strengthen India’s relations with the US, as after the fall of Soviet Union the balance in international politics was lost, and it was prudent on the part of the Indian state to develop its relations with the only superpower. However, the perception of US policy towards India was viewed through the prism of cold war as Clinton’s administration policy towards India was to restrict, rollback and eliminate the Indian Nuclear Programme.
I.K. Gural Doctrine
The Gujral doctrine was a five-point roadmap which sought to build trust between India and neighbours, of solution to bilateral issues through bilateral talks and to remove immediate quid pro quos in diplomatic relationship between India and her neighbours. The ‘Doctrine’ emphasized on the importance of unilateral accommodation for friendly and warm relations with India’s neighbours. The five principles are: 1. With neighbours like Bangladesh, Bhutan, Maldives, Nepal and Sri Lanka, India does not ask for reciprocity, but gives and accommodates what it can in good faith and trust. 2. No South Asian country should allow its territory to be used against the interest of another country of the region. 3. No country should interfere in the internal affairs of another. 4. All South Asian countries must respect each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. 5. They should settle all their disputes through peaceful bilateral negotiations.
This different persisted also during the United Front Government of 1997 and 1998 under I.K. Gujral as it was brought to the fore during the negotiation of a Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). The achievement in the foreign policy field in this period was the propounding of “ Gujral Doctrine” under which India proposed to give all assistance possible to the smaller neighbours in good faith without any expectations of reciprocity. India tried to resolve long standing conflict issues with her neighbours. Treaties were signed with Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka as a part of this doctrine. It was believed that the Gujral doctrine would help reduce the chances of cross border interference, terrorism, sectarian violence and communal conflict, which are endemic in South Asia. I.K. Gujral emphasised on ‘track two’ diplomacy. This has been defined as a process of unofficial dialogue between disputing polities conducted directly or with the help
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of influential citizens who have an ability to mould public opinion. This period was also very short lived due to unstable nature of the United Front Government. The 12th Lok Sabha was constituted on 10 March 1998, and a coalition led by the BJP leader Atal Pokhran Nuclear Test (1998) It was the series of five nuclear bomb Bihari Vajpayee was sworn in as the Prime test explosions conducted by India at Minister. The highlight of the Vajpayee the Indian Army's Pokhran Test government’s foreign policy was the Pokhran Range in May 1998. It was known as explosion on 11May 1998 and the Kargil War. Operation Shakti (Pokhran-II). Late A.P.J. Abdul Kalam was the Chief Nuclear explosions however earned criticisms form Project Coordinator of Pokhran II. the world community, especially the USA, which imposed sanctions on India. The United States also pressurised the World Bank and the IMF and other international financial institutions to withhold new assistance. The nuclear powers organised themselves into Nuclear Suppliers Groups (NSG) that decided how much and to whom nuclear materials, even for peaceful purposes, would be supplied. However, due to increased Nuclear Suppliers Groups (NSG) activities of terrorists in Pakistan, the US stance The NSG was founded in response to towards India began to change and President the Indian nuclear test in May 1974 Clinton visited India in March 2000. When and first met in November 1975. As of 2014 NSG has 48 members. President Bush assumed office in 2001, he did not During Republic Day visit of India in stop searching for avenues for new relationship January 2015, Obama said that India with India. But it was only after 9/11 attacks on the was ready for NSG membership but United States and the 13 December attack on the China attempt to block India's entry Indian Parliament in 2001 that Indo-US into the Nuclear Suppliers Group or relationship take a new turn as both pledged to NSG provides a hurdle to India fight against international terrorism. nuclear programme.
India in her bid to normalised relationship with Pakistan, the Vijpayee government as a part of confidence building measure with Pakistan inaugurated a bus service from Lahore- Amritsar in February 1999 and also signed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) reaffirming their unilateral moratorium on further nuclear testing and confidence building measures. But the Kargil War disrupted the peace process. Gradually, it was followed by the visit of General Musharraf to India for talks in Agra in 2001. However, the talks failed to make any notable breakthrough and even later the strain in Indo-Pak relation continued because of Pakistan’s insistence of linking Kashmir as the core issues which has always been rejected by India, and India’s stand on cross-border terrorism which Pakistan always rejects out of hand. In the 14th Lok Sabha election 2004, the Congress party with the help of its allies formed the government, which came to be known as the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) and continued the second term with its victory in the 15th Lok Sabha election. Dr. Manmohan Singh assumed as the Prime Minister. Manmohan Singh’s foreign policy posture marked
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continuity in its relations to improve relations with the United States, China and Pakistan and India’s neighbours. The most remarkable breakthrough that Manmohan Singh’s government was able to make was the Nuclear Deal with the United States, when India and United States signed the landmark Civilian Nuclear Agreement in Washington DC on 18 July 2005 and on 1 August 2008, International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) cleared India Specific safeguards Agreement that defined the level of supervision on civilian plants. Moreover, another important aspect was the role of Indian Diaspora in the bilateral relations that became an important priority in India’s foreign policy. The efforts of the Indian -American community to strengthen its relations with the US and conclusion of Indo-US civil nuclear deal was culmination of the efforts of the two countries fully supported by the Indian- American community. Regarding India’s relation with China, she was making a laudable pr ogress and the highlight of the relationship during this period was the Chinese Prime Minister Wen Jiabo’s visit in April 2005 and President Hu Jintao’s visit in November 2006. Yet irritants still remained centring around issues of unresolved border problems and Chinese policies towards Pakistan.
This phase of Indian foreign policy was also a paradigm shift in another sense, as geoeconomics had begun taking centre stage. India started focusing on the economic relations not MERCOSUR It is a sub-regional bloc. Its o only at the SAARC level but at the global level purpose is to promote free also. Starting with India-Sri Lanka Free Trade trade and free movement of Area (FTA) in 1998 India concluded various goods, people, and currency. trade agreements with its partners including Members: Argentina, Brazil, o Paraguay, Uruguay and Singapore, Thailand, Mercosur and ASEAN Venezuela countries. o
Associate members are Bolivia, Chile, Peru, Colombia, Ecuador and Suriname Observer members are New Zealand and Mexico Year of establishment: 26 March 1991 H.Q. Montevido
India in quest to focus on economic diplomacy and immediate neighbouring countries has not lost sight of the larger global issues on o international peace and development. The cause o for the developing countries for an equitable and just world order has always been on the agenda of o the India foreign policy. India’s role in the World Trade Organisation negotiations as a member of G20 has been appreciated as an attempt to champion the cause of an equitable growth and development worldwide.
India’s attempt to forge the developing world’s solidarity or South -South Cooperation is the moving force behind the origin of forum like India-Brazil-South Africa forum and India’s participation in the programmes like New Economic Partnership for African Development (NEPAD). Thus, India has worked as a “bridging power” between the developed and the developing world and worked on the core themes of developed and vibrant India in an
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equitable and just world order. India has also tried to achieve the goal of democratizing the United Nations and aspired to actively participate as a permanent member of UN Security Council. The G4 attempt by India, Japan, Germany and Brazil was the most important example of India working as a “bridging power” by bringing together both the developed (Japan and Germany) and developing (Brazil) countries, and casting the world order in its image of true replica of the prevailing international world order.
Question Bank 1. Who was the brain child behind Look East Policy? 2. When was Panchseel signed? 3. Non-Proliferation and Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty came into force in 4. Which conference initiated movement for NAM? 5. Who gave the slogan Jai Jawan, Jai Kisan ? 6. Which agreement concluded Bangladesh Liberation War? 7. Civil Nuclear Agreement was signed on 8. PMO is administratively headed by 9. Who is India’s first National Security adviser? 10. Name the G4 countries?
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Overview of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Foreign Policy
Ever since the BJP led NDA government under Narendra Modi has taken over in May 2014, several bold and noteworthy initiatives have been taken in engaging with immediate as well as extended neighbourhood. Mr. Arvind Virmani in an article in The Hindu titled “ Recalibrating India’s Foreign Polic y” has indentified five areas of emerging changes in the Indian foreign policy under the NDA government: “There are five areas of the emerging change: the centrality given to economic and technological development; the orientation of domestic and foreign policies toward this objective; the emphasis on national power including military power; and stress on soft power; and a reduction in self-imposed constraints on actions that other countries may construe as inimical to their interests”. Neighbourhood focus
To secure India’s sphere of influence in South Asia and counter China’s growing role, PM Modi struck all the right notes by inviting all the heads of states of South Asian countries in his swearing-in-ceremony and visited the neighbourhood countries.
Modi first visit was to Bhutan. His visit assumed importance since China has been intensifying efforts to woo Bhutan and establish full-fledged relations with it. India has been supporting Bhutan’s successive five year plans since the 1960s; assistance for the 11th plan. Indo-Bhutan hydro power cooperation has been highly successful and is an excellent example of a win-win partnership that provides electricity for India and revenue for Bhutan. PM Mode participated in SAARC summit in Kathmandu. He visited the Seychelles, Mauritius and Sri Lanka in May 2015 to underscore the importance of the Indian Ocean for the country’s geo -strategic interests. The Mauritius and Seychelles visit was noteworthy for its focus on the blue economy. India and other countries like Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan have decided to go ahead on regional integration minus Pakistan. Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN) signed a motor vehicle agreement for the regulation of passenger, cargo and personnel traffic between the four nations on June 15, 2015. According to Nitin Gadkari, India’s minister for road transport, highways and shipping, this needs to be supplemented through building and upgrading roads, railways and waterways, energy grids, communications and air links. This initiative boosts connectivity within South Asia.
ASEAN
The upgrading of ‘Look East’ policy to ‘Act East’ strategy by the present government to deepen engagement with the region has witnessed greater bilateral cooperation and enhanced foreign policy commitment towards the ASEAN nations. India’s free trade agreement with ASEAN was recently expanded to include investment and trade in services. The Asian security environment is faced with multiple challenges like terrorism, piracy, maritime disputes, territorial disputes, environmental degradation and
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humanitarian crisis. India has able to maintain strategic cooperation, especially maritime security cooperation with ASEAN countries. It is important that India to continue to enhance defence and security cooperation with Southeast Asia through bilateral dialogues. Central Asian Region (CAR)
CAR is a part of India’s strategic neighbourhood with which India shares common history and cultural affinity. CAR has the potential to provide for India’s energy shortages. India has been engaging with these countries since their independence and searching for ways for economic engagement. Prime Minister Modi visit to Central Asian nations in 2015 has boosted strategic and energy cooperation with the region. The visit gave a roadmap for making India’s connect-Central Asia policy into a strategic action plan at a time when China is focusing more on the region and the US presence in Afghanistan, adjoining many Central Asian countries is diminishing. The Prime Minister’s visit to the 5 st ates, which was last done by PM Nehru in June 1955, had a threefold focus: energy, exports and as a counterpoint to China inroads in the region. Beyond Asia
India’s relationship with countries outside Asia and the extended neighbourhood is an important priority. India has developed an extremely strong and multifaceted relationship with each of the P-5 countries and with the developed countries in general.
India’s relations with USA today has developed into a “global strategic partnership”, since the signing of nuclear deal in 2008 which indirectly legitimised Indian standing as the nuclear power. India also seeks cooperation with US to enhance its capacity to address emerging challenges. In this partnership, India looks at the US as a source of prosperity and security for its citizens. The PM visits are being described as transformative in a manner that it has reenergised Indo-US ties. The bilateral cooperation is broad-based and multi-sectoral and includes US investment, commercial exchanges, renewal of Indo-US defence relationship- establishment of Defence Trade and Technical Initiative, education, science and technology, cyber security and in space technology etc are crucial for India’s growth and emerging role as a major power in the Asia Pacific region. Russia, the oldest strategic partner continues to be key priority in India foreign policy, India enjoys special, privileged and strategic partnership with Russia which is unique and multidimensional. Indo-Russia bilateral relationship stands on six main pillars of close political cooperation and coordination in defence, civil nuclear energy, space, hydrocarbon and Science and Technology. The enhanced relations between India and USA seem to have affected Indo-Russia relations as the Russian position as the main supplier of defence equipment had been compromised. However, despite this development, India-Russia defence cooperation has recently reached a new high with announcement of joint production of various equipments in India.
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Along with CARs, the gulf region and the West Asian region is of significant importance to India as major source of energy supplies. This region is also home to over seven million overseas India workers whose remittances are a huge support for Indian economy. However, the region unfortunately did not receive the much needed importance till the Prime Minister’s visit to guff regions, the first Prime Minister who visited the region after 34 years. PM Modi advocated India’s image and Diaspora as the economics of India and many Middle Eastern countries are complimentary to each other. India’s relations with Middle East were for many years, driven purely by economics. But now, new strategic factors are at play. The Middle East is located on the western edge of what India sees as its sphere of influence-the Indian Ocean. The nation has historic trade routes sweeping as far as the Mediterranean. Better ties with the Arab states could help India strategically. Modi has also made it clear that this region is very important for India. Delhi has planned out long term visions in the Gulf. India must translate the concluded agreements into actions. Latin America has been conspicuously absent from Indian foreign policy due to the attributed extremely long geographical distance between the two and competing domestic and international priorities. However, it is now becoming important for India, particularly in the economic arena. Although it is unclear how far and deep that cooperation will proceed, India-Latin America relations are on an upswing. The PM visited Braxil in July 2014 to attend annual BRICs summit hosted by Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff and held useful discussions. He also used the opportunity to meet with other Latin American heads of state and pledged greater Indian engagement with the region. India imports almost 20% of its crude oil from Brazil, Columbia, Mexico and Venezuela and has emerged as a key contributor to India’s energy security. India not only needs to harness the economic potential of this region but also leverage its soft power to strengthen its presence within the region. Some important agreement: Sign FTAs with Mexico, Colombia and Peru: Make exports competitive to o take advantage of these growing markets, which also have similar agreements with other countries where our exports face tariffs. Credit lines: Increase these by $200 million for projects, investments and join o ventures in Latin America, which currently has small credit lines compared to those provided to Africa and Asia. Rejuvenate the India-Brazil partnership: As well as the IBSA alliance (India o Brazil South Africa) by inviting President Dimla Rousseff to India for a bilateral trade visit following the IBSA summit, hosted by India in 2015. India’s relations with Europe p articularly with UK, France and Germany are healthy and strong. It has established strategic partnerships with each of these countries. However, even though it has good relations with individual European countries, its bilateral relationship with EU is still in its infancy. The ‘Make in India’ initiative of the present government offers an opportunity to both to bolster their bilateral relationship as also explore the scope for cooperation in areas of energy, trade, security and counter-terrorism. With Germany, India sees prospects for better economic engagement. India-UK relations are rooted in history. The large number of
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India students and professional along with Indian origin community settled in UK also contribute to economic, political, cultural, tourism and people to people links with UK. France is a country with which India enjoys friendship of special warmth and complementary of perspective on global strategic issues. India’s engagement with Europe and EU is important for India as a market for its goods and services as well as source of financing and critical know-how. As seen, the foreign policy and relations also depend on how strong is the economy of that country. It also depends on degree of success rate if some country wants to invest in that country. The Prime Minister has been travelling all over the world to hard sell his pet project like ‘Make in India’. Foreign capital is required for all the flagship programmes like -Digital India, Make in India, Skill India and perhaps even Swachh Bharat. The policy of investment in India is proving nothing but an incendiary and volatile distinction. Taxation policy, defective regulatory and policy impediments have only acted as serious deterrents. Moreover, there is multiplicity of permissions, retrospective taxation, lack of bankruptcy law, absence of an exit policy, over promise on the legislative front with no delivery mechanism. It is therefore, much will depend on how fast Modi is able to cut red tape at home and clear domestic cobwebs that snag investors. The complexity of foreign policy challenges before India spans the entire spectrum of the challenges. In the coming decade, India’s foreign policy would have to contend with intensified engagement with not only the major powers but also emerging power centres as well as its immediate and extended neighbourhood. This is both a challenge and an opportunity for the Indian foreign policy. India will need to continuously build new consensus in the 21st century globalised international relations to deal with ever changing and complex challenges. In the ultimate, as India grows, it will have to become a major player in establishment of peace, stability and prosperity in its neighbourhood, regionally and globally.
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Institutions of Foreign Policy Making
Foreign policy is formulated through a chain of factors where the process of decision making at various levels plays an important role in Indian foreign policy formulation. In the words of J. Bandyopadhyaya, “The rati onality or otherwise of a political party depends upon the nature and extent of articulate public opinion and the manner of its expression, the institutions of the political parties concerned with foreign policy, pressure groups, Parliament, the Foreign Office, the Foreign Minister and finally the Cabinet.” In this, we will look into the important institutions that are instrumental in foreign policy formulations. Parliament
The Parliament exercises considerable influence on the foreign policy of the country. On several foreign policies related as listed in the Union list, the Parliament has exclusive power to enact legislation. For instance these include, diplomatic, consular and trade representation, war and peace, the United Nations, citizenship, naturalisation etc. The Parliament also has the power to approve treaties. But it is the Union Government, which determines the basic contents of treaties and seeks final approval of the Parliament. The debates in parliament on foreign policy and the budget of Ministry of External Affairs are a testament to the diverging views of opinion on foreign policy. Both the opposition and the ruling party have heated discussion on these issues. The war with China in 1962 illustrates well the role of the Parliament in determining India’s foreign policy. In 1950, the debates and criticism of Indo-Chinese relations in Parliament had begun on China’s decision to liberate Tibet, much against Tibet’s wishes. The parties critical of India’s relation with China included the Hindu Nationalist Party, the Jan Singh and socialists. According to one of Nehru’s biographers, Dr. Gopal, this harsh criticism led Nehru to adopt a more stringent and aggressive policy against China. This included deputing the army along the border, which triggered the first few skirmishes against China and finally resulted in the full blown war. Another channel through which the Parliament influences India’s foreign policy is via the foreign ministry. The permanent advisory committee of the ministry includes the members of parliament of different parties, Indian diplomats, senior army officials and specialists on India foreign policy. Collectively, they provide a refreshing perspective on India’s foreign policy.
Current Secretaries o
o
o
o
Foreign Secretary DirectorDr. S. Jaishanker and Dr. Shilpak N. Ambule Secretary (West)- Ms. Sujata Mehta Secretary Economic Relations- Amar Sinha Secretary (East)- Preeti Saran
Ministry of External Affairs
The Ministry of External affairs plays important role in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy as it provides vital infrastructural base to the External Affairs Minister and the Prime Minister with regard to understanding of world politics and carrying analysis of potentials for India in the existing or
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apparent situations. The Ministry not only provides all the details and information, but also makes necessary recommendations on the basis of the analysis of the available data. The Ministry is headed by the External Affairs Minister as political representative and Foreign Secretary as chief of the staff. He/she is assisted by number of Joint Secretaries, Additional Secretaries, Deputy Secretaries, attaches etc. During the time of Nehru, there was also a post of Secretary-General, who was a senior officer. He headed the foreign office and was responsible for supervision and coordination of the activities of the Ministry and rendered advice to the Prime Minister on policy details. In fact, the Secretary-General was officially described as “the Principal official advisor to the Minister on the matters relating to foreign policy.” In addition to normal hierarchical structure, several other institutions also exist in the Ministry of External Affairs that exercise considerable influence in foreign policy making. They are; Historical Division, Policy Planning and Review Division, Policy Advisory Committee which is successor of Policy Planning Committee etc. In Rajiv Gandhi’s premiership, members of I.F.S. began to play more active role in foreign policy formulation, with due encouragement from the Prime Minister. The national Democratic Alliance About PMO government of Atal Bihari Vajpeyee created the The PMO came into existence o post of National Security Advisor, who provides in 1949 by replacing the vital inputs to External Affairs Ministry. Secretary to the GovernorHowever, NSA’s role is not limited to this lone General (Personal). Till June ministry, but is overlapping with other 1977, it was called as the Prime Minister’s Secretariat ministries, particularly the Defence and Home (PMS) Ministry. o
Prime Minister’s Office (PMO)
The PMO is headed politically by the Prime Minister and administratively by the Principal Secretary. At present, Nripendra Mishra is the Principal Secretary. The Prime Minister's National Relief Fund (PMNRF) and the National Defence Fund (NDF) are operated directly from the PMO.
During his short term, Shastri left a deep impact o on the course of India’s foreign policy. He o established the PMO. When Indira Gandhi came to power, the PMO overtook the foreign ministry in capacity, intent and credibility. She held MEA with her for a while (1967-1970) but later she appointed separate ministers for external affairs. Her power was at pinnacle during the Bangladesh war in 1971 with Pakistan. She had in her office trusted aides like P. N. Haksar and D. P. Dhar. It was she who conducted talks on the Bangladesh crisis with foreign powers, decided the details of War, and also held delicate negotiations in Simla after the war ended in the defeat of Pakistan and signed the Simla Agreement in 1972. In the present NDA government, PMO is gradually becoming powerful in the policymaking. Normally PM’s National Security Adviser does not get involved in the public
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presentation of India’s foreign policy. That is the task of the PM or the Minister of External Affairs or the Foreign Secretary. But for the first time, Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary Brajesh Mishra, not only discussed a wide range of foreign policy issues but also made public policy National Security Council o It was established on 19 pronouncements on several occasions. National Security Security Council
Advisers
and
National
Atal Bihari Vajpayee, as the Prime Minister of India took the unprecedented step of appointing Brajesh Mishra as the first National Security Adviser. His appointment raised a furore along with several pertinent questions like would he be above the foreign minister or below the foreign secretary, and what would his relations be with other officials at the prime minister’s office. But despite the debate on the place of hierarchy, Brajesh Mishra proved to be an excellent adviser and Vajpayee on more than one occasion benefitted from his perspective. After this, it was thought that this position ought to be the made official and be recognised by the constitution. The National Security Council and the post of the National Security Adviser were constituted. This comprises of distinguished diplomats, senior officials, journalists and specialists on foreign affairs. The government has also established separate secretariat for this purpose. However, till today, the debate continues about which position the national security adviser or the foreign secretary is more influential in determining the Indian foreign policy.
o
o
November 1998. Prior to the formation of NSC, activities concerning advising the PMO on matters of national security and strategic interest were overseen by the Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister. It is a three tiered structure comprises the Strategic Policy Group, the National Security Advisory Board and a Secretariat represented by the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) After replacing the Planning Commission with its new avatar NITI Aayog, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and National Security Advisor A K Doval are working on an ambitious proposal to restructure the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB), which currently functions as a research body on national security issues under the National Security Council Secretariat.
Media
India is a democracy and the constitution assures each citizen the right and freedom to express him or herself. The media as a forum, as well as, an independent body plays an important role in India. Often called the “fourth pillar”, the media is involved in public debates and is free and fierce. In sum, for a long time, India’s foreign policy was a prerogative area for political elites, particularly of the ruling party leadership. In recent time, pressure groups have begun to exert influence on foreign policy agenda, especially on trade and business issues. The public opinion in India is very volatile on issues of national security, particularly since the 1962
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India-China War. On the other hand, role of Parliament is neither clearly defined in the Constitution or Statue Books nor has it evolved substantially. As a result, foreign policy agenda figures in Parliament only when there is outcry of public opinion, thus Parliament acts as a mirror image of people’s opinion. Even though, Cabinet is increasingly getting involved in external affairs issues, the Foreign Ministry needs to evolve proper channels with regular interactions to bring in more cohesion in India’s External Policy.
