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HISTORY OF THE N Y RS OF SOUTH TR V NCORE
A Thesis submitted to the Manonmaniam Sundaranar University for the award of the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY
M. JANARTHANAN (Reg. No. 219)
Lecturer in History Raja Duraisingam Government Arts College Sivagangai - 630 561
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University Tirunelveli - 627 012 June 2008 http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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Dr. P. RAJENDRAN, M.A., Ph.D.,
(Professor of History (Retd.)), 220, Vaithianathapuram, Kottar Post, Nagercoil – 2.
ertificate by the supervisor
This is to certify that the thesis
“A HISTORY OF THE
NAYARS OF SOUTH TRAVANCORE” submitted
for the award of
Ph.D., degree by M. JANARTHANAN, Lecturer in History, Raja Duraisingam Government Arts College, Sivagangai is a record of Research work done by him and the thesis has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or any other similar title and that it represents an independent work on the part of the candidate.
Place : Date :
Nagercoil (Dr. P. RAJENDRAN)
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Dr. A. DEVANESAN, M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D.,
Reader and Head, Nesamoni Memorial Christian College, Marthandam – 629 165.
ertificate by the co-guide
This is to certify that the thesis
“A HISTORY OF THE
NAYARS OF SOUTH TRAVANCORE” submitted
for the award of
Ph.D., degree by M. JANARTHANAN, Lecturer in History, Raja Duraisingam Government Arts College, Sivagangai is a record of Research work done by him and the thesis has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship or any other similar title and that it represents an independent work on the part of the candidate.
Place : Date :
Marthandam (Dr. A. DEVANESAN)
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M. JANARTHANAN, M.A., M.Ed., M.Phil.,
Lecturer in History, Raja Duraisingam Government Arts College, Sivagangai – 630 561.
ST TEMENT BY THE C NDID TE
I hereby state that the thesis for the Ph.D., Degree “A HISTORY OF THE NAYARS OF SOUTH TRAVANCORE”
is my original work and that it has not previously formed the basis for the award of any degree, diploma, associateship, fellowship of any other similar title.
Place : Date :
Sivagangai (M. JANARTHANAN)
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reface
The thesis entitled
“A HISTORY OF
SOUTH TRAVANCORE” aims
THE NAYARS OF
at bringing out the role of Nayars in
various aspects of life in South Travancore. The Nayars as a community developed a composite culture which had been enriched through the ages. Their history is the story of synthesis, assimilation and fusion of traditions of Dravidianism and practices of Brahmanical social systems. In South Travancore, the Nayars moulded a cultural synthesis and helped the other Savarna Communities to follow their family organization and social customs and manners.
Being a predominant community, the Nayars
enjoyed pre-eminent political status, social identity and economic prosperity. But the social transformation that emerged out of the political development in the princely State of Travancore threatened their political position.
The agrarian reforms, western contacts and depressed class
movements established novel phase in the social history of Travancore that eventually affected the social position of the Nayars of South Travancore. Historians and scholars who dealt the History of the Nayars both on macro and micro levels, paid no attention of their role in South Travancore. This work made an attempt to trace a comprehensive study of the Nayars of South Travancore and their contribution towards the cultural fusion and transmission of our Tamil culture.
This study is based on
original sources collected from State Central Archieves at Nalanda, Fort http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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Archieves at East Fort, Trivandrum, Tamilnadu Archieves, Madras, Regional Archieves, Kanyakumari and Tirunelveli. Further a field study has been undertaken to make the study more uptodate. First of all I thank God Almighty who having given me the strength in all ways to complete the research work a successful one. I am very much indebted to my Supervisor and Guide Dr. P. Rajendran M.A., Ph.D., Former Professor & Head of History
Department, S.T. Hindu College, Nagercoil for his invaluable guidance, inspiration and encouragement. I am very much beholden to my Co-Guide Dr. A. Devanesan M.A., M.Phil., Ph.D., Professor and Head, Department of History,
Nesamoni Memorial Christian College, Marthandam, for his guidance throughout. I extend my gratitude to my wife M. Neelambika M.Sc., M.Ed., M.Phil., P.G. Asst., GHSS, Tenkasi and my children Mani Ram
and Dilak for having supported and encouraged me during my research study. I convey my thanks to Thiru. C.S. Rajendran M.A. (History), M.A. (Philosophy), Secretary of Kamaraj College, Thoothukudi
who kindled me to undertake the research work. I also wish to record my sincere thanks to Prof. N. Govindan, M.A., B.L., M.Phil., Head, Department of History, R.D. Government Arts http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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College, Sivagangai, and my Former H.O.D. Prof. C. Paul Suyambu, M.A.,
M.Phil.,
now
H.O.D.
of
History,
Government
College,
Poolankurichi. My sincere thanks to Mr. C. Gopalakrishnan M.Sc., M.B.A., S.D.E. (BSNL), Nagercoil and Mr. John Jerome Melode, P.G. Asst.,
G.H.S.S., Eraniel and his family for rendering Valuable helps to me. My special thanks to Mr. Sundar Rajan, Librarian, Madras Archieves and Mr. Moses, Librarian, University Library, Trivandrum for rendering all sorts of help and provided all the relevant materials needed for my research work. I would like to express my thanks to the Staff, Kerala State Central Archieves at Nalanda, Fort Archieves, East Fort, University Library, Palayam, Thiruvananthapuram, Tamilnadu Archieves, Madras, Library of S.T. Hindu College, Nagercoil, Library of Sivanthi Aditanar College, Pillayarpuram for having given me access for consulting relevant source materials pertaining to my topic. Last but not the least, I express my sincere thanks to Ln. A. Sukumaran, Proprietor, Kannan Computech, Nagercoil for the
neat execution of the work.
(M. JANARTHANAN)
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ONTENTS
Page No. Preface Introduction
1 - 14
I.
Origin of Nayar Society
15 - 42
II.
Unique Customs and Traditions of Nayar Community
43 - 73
III.
Nayar Marriage System
74 - 94
IV.
Meteoric Up and Down of Nayars
95 - 129
V.
Social Challenges and Nayar Responses
130 - 161
VI.
N.S.S. Movements in South Travancore
162 - 184
VII.
Social Movements among the Oppressed in
VIII.
South Travancore and Nayar Antipathy
185 - 201
Cultural Reciprocity – A Retrospect
202 - 216
Conclusion
217 - 223
Appendixes
1 - 12
Glossary
13 - 22
Bibliography
23 - 36
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INTRODU TION
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INTRODUCTION
Kerala is said to be Gods own country which is located on the Western side of the Southern region of India. Though this stretch of land is not as big as other states represented in India, the cultural synthesis and the political developments have had a great impact on the early settlements. The early history of Kerala is very complicated and there are many problems remaining to be resolved by historians. The region was united approximately between A.D. 216 and 825, when the Malayalam era was said to have begun. By the beginning of the ninth century A.D. the area was divided into a number of small kingdoms, each ruled by a Nayar or Kshatriya (higher matrilineal subcastes related to Nayars) royal family. Those families were relatively autonomous, owing little allegiance to any overlord. Between the thirteenth century and 1498 (when the Portuguese arrived in Kerala) two Nayar chieftains, Kolattiri in the north and 1
Travancore in the south, expanded into small kingdoms. In the central part of the coast the Zamorin of Calicut was in the process of establishing ascendancy over many of the petty rulers and was slowly expanding his territory through an alliance with the local 2
Muslims and Arab traders. Although the Portuguese and later the Dutch ___________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
Balakrishnan Nayar, U., ‗The Sterner Aspects of Nayar Life ‘, Calcutta Review, Vol. IV, 1897, p. 22. Balakrishnan Nayar, U., ‗The Origin of the Malabar Nayars‘, Calcutta Review, Vol. CVII, 1898, p. 72.
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2 and the British built up the rule at Cochin (another central Kerala coastal kingdom), the Zamorin's kingdom remained powerful until the invasions of the Mysoreans in the eighteenth century. After defeating the Mysoreans in 1792, the British amalgamated the seven northern kingdoms (including the reduced domain of the Zamorin) to form the Malabar District of the Madras Presidency. The
kingdoms
of
Cochin
and
Travancore
remained
independent, though each had a British resident and many British businesses. When India became independent in 1947, Malabar District became part of Madras Province and Travancore-Cochin became a separate state and in 1956 the state of Kerala was formed, uniting the 3
Malabar District.
Hindu Caste in the Southern Indian State of Kerala Nayars are an integral part of Kerala's culture and have a long and illustrious history.
Nayars
are
a
warrior
class
(a martial
nobility). They are similar to the Samurai of Japan. The word Nayar is either derived from the Sanskrit word Nayaka (leader) or Naga (snakes, which the Nayars worshipped). The Nayar class name also encompasses ____________________________________________________________ 3.
Fuller, Christopher, J., The Nayars Today, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976, p. 220.
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3 Menon, Panicker, Kurup, Pillai, Unni, Unnithan, Kartha, Thampan, Kaimal, Nayanar, Thampi, and Nambiar. Nayars are not a caste, but a race with its numerous sub-castes and surnames. Nayars can be found in all walks of life. They are aware of their cultural traditions and history and form an integral and active part of Kerala society. Nayars are the Savarna Hindus who constituted the 4
warriors, landed gentry and yeoman of Kerala. Nayars are the largest and most important section of the society of Kerala, comprising bureaucrats, writers, artists, administrators and diplomats. They are the only matrilineal community in the country. They were the lords of the country and guardian of public weal and traditionally a martial people. The Nayars made history in Kerala. Today they are more distinguished as the Nayar community of Kerala, at the peninsular tip of India, inheriting a rich cultural repertoire. Kerala, the legendary state of history, was sought after by sea farers like Vasco Da Gama. Members of the Nayar community are now spread over the country and the entire world. Anthropologically looked at, the Nayars have many 5
unique attributes celebrated by different authors. ___________________________________________________________ 4. 5.
Jeffrey, Robin, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, Society and Politics in Travancore (1847-1908), New Delhi, 1976, p. 28. Logan William, Manual of Malabar, Government Press, Madras, Reprint 1906, p. 22.
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4
With the changing times, economically also there are challenges which need to be addressed. It is essential that the community, with the younger generations should have an objective sense of its own making. Originally having a martial nobility the Nayar culture also shows a great degree of symbiosis with nature. With an undying continuity the Nayars have withstood all onslaughts in history. However, facing modernization and cultural homogenization the inherent strength of the people are fast getting eroded and the community members often lack a proper understanding of the unique attributes as there are no concrete efforts to do that. More over the enormous resources and talented people consolidating these strengths have been lacking. It is also necessary to make use of frontier areas of management to tackle the problems. A community which has courageously 6
met challenges before has no reason not to do that now. But it is important that the community members in whatever position they are and wherever they are realize the present reality and strive for its continued excellence. This is a totally independent initiative by a team of professionals with the support of eminent persons ____________________________________________________________ 6.
Gough, E. Kathleen, and Schneider, David M. (1961). Matrilineal Kinship, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1961, p. 72.
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5 of the community. It attempts to complement the existing activities by various organizations and has no political or other bias or partisan interests whatsoever. Each village of ancient Kerala was self-sufficient. They had the strong foundation of the peoples' rule. All matters pertaining to a village were discussed in the 'yogam' or grama sabha. Nayars were the leaders of such yogams. The lowest unit of the organization was known 7
as Karayogam or Tharakoottam. This was under the control of the landlords known as Deshavazhis. The Karayogam in a district was under the control of Nattukoottam. Nattukoottam has the power even to disobey the orders of the King. Ettuveettil Pillamar constituted a 8
th
Nattukoottam in old Venad (Travancore). By the end of 18 century, Marthandavarma defeated the Ettuveetil Pillamar with the help of the Dutch and became the supreme ruler of Venad. With the advent of the British, the Nattukoottam gradually disappeared and the Nayar supremacy was also wounded. Onnu kure Ayiram Yogam (one minus one thousand organisation) was such a grama sabha existed at Kodungallur, which was the capital city of the old rulers of Kerala. This was a strong organisation ____________________________________________________________ 7. 8.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 857. Ibid., p. 859.
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6 of Nayars, which stood for the welfare of the society. Various sub classes of Nayar community from 'Kiriyam' to 'Vattakkadan' had representation in the yogam. The yogam met on the first day of the month in front of Kodungallur Bhagavathy temple; discussed all aspects related to the people residing within their jurisdiction and took appropriate decisions. In fact, the members of the yogam were the rulers of the locality as well as the Bhagavathy temple of Kodungallur. The Nayars had no organization of their own upto the first th
half of the 19 century. The lovers of the Nayar Community who were conscious of the renaissance of their society formed the first organisation 9
in 1877 known as ‗Malayalee Social Union‘ at Thiruvananthapuram. This organisation was active till 1881. It was converted as ‗Malayalee Sabha‘ in 1884.
Gradually the Malayalee Sabha became the nerve centre of
political thoughts in Travancore.
‗Karaleeya Nayar Samajam‘ was a
unified organisation of the early Nayar Samajams scattered over various regions of Travancore. The Nayar Regulation Bill of 1911 was enacted 10
only because of its efforts. st
On 31 October 1914 witnessed the birth of a great event in the History of Kerala, the birth of ‗Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangam‘ that was ____________________________________________________________ 9.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, Reminiscences of MY LIFE (Malayalam) (Translated into English by Prof. P.C. Mohan) Nayar Service Society, Changanacherry, 1998, p. 51. 10. The N.S.S. Charitha Grantham, Changanacherry, 1972, p. 155. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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7 transformed as Nayar Service Society after one year. It had its origin at Mannathu Bhavanam (House of Mannathu Padmanabhan) of Perunna, Changanassery. The holy light lit from the Mannathu Bhavanam spread its shining light throughout Kerala. It became the spirit, energy and leading 11
force of majority of people. The social renaissance movement of Kerala had its birth from this holy light. It eradicated the dirt and darkness from the minds of the people and society. It became the guiding force of the 12
social renaissance movement.
Significance of the Study Study of this kind deserves special attention since Nayar community is the integral part of the population of Kerala. The study is a historical and community oriented one which is focussed on the different dimensions of community associated with a traditional society, different culture and leadership activities of this specific community in our country. It is significant to study this specific Nayar community and the services rendered in India and the cultural values and religious practices related to this community. This study is significant to know the details of their marriage system, culture and language and it is very ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12.
Ibid., p. 156. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 72.
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8 essential to know their socio-economic status as well as the leadership qualities of this specific community. It is essential to study the different divisions of this community and to know about their behaviour, personality and adjustment among the community. This study critically examines the contemporary reality of Nayar communities who had been historically favoured in
formal
education, for a society that had lived for a millennium by a value system based on division and hierarchy, classically manifested in the system of caste-feudal patriarchy. The post- independent Constitutional commitment to social equality and social justice marked a watershed in its historical evolution. A synthesis of two ideologically divergent principles i.e. the principle of merit and the principle of compensation – constituted the modern Indian political discourse on equality and was operationalised in the establishment of democratic socialism and the welfare state. Along with guaranteeing equality of citizenship, the state assumed primary responsibility compensating for histories of discrimination in their lives in Kerala state. This study is significant to know the social status and the educational status of Nayar community, and their services to the other community people in the Kerala state.
Review of Related Literature ‗The origin of Malabar Nairs‘ written by V. Balakrishnan Nayar expose the various theories regarding the origin of the Nayars. The http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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9 study of Robin Jeffery ―The Decline of Nayar Dominance‖ exhibits the status and the decline of Nayars in the field of politics of Kerala. ―Changing cultures, Nayar‘s today‖ by C.J. Fuller deals with the Nayars cultural change regarding their habits, customs and conventions mostly in social aspects. The work of Krishna Variar ‗Marumakkathayam‘ and the Reports of the Marumakkathayam Committee of 1908 highlights the most peculiar customs of Nayar s, ‗the marumakkathayam‘, a system of inheritance is decided in the female line. ‗Nayar polyandry‘ written by A. Aiyappan de picts only the family life of the Nayars. U. Balakrishnan Nair‘s ―The Sterner Aspects of Nair life‖ cover the family system and some of their customs. Gopinatha Pillai‘s ‗Socio Economic Changes in the Nayar Community in Travancore from 1900-1947‘ describes their changing economic status years together th
during the first half of the 20 century. U. Balakrishnan Nayar‘s, work ‗Nair as warrior‘ expose their role in the Travancore military History, and expecialy their services to the Government of Travancore under the banner of ‗Nayar Brigade‘. ‗Mannathu Padmanabhan and the Revival of Nairs in Kerala‘ written by V. Balakrishnan and R. Leela Devi, the published works like NSS Charitha Grandham, The NSS Charitham, The NSS Diary 1 Kanni and the NSS Golden Book give details only about the formation and functions of Nayar
Service Society, and steps were taken to uplift the
Nayar
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10 Community in the Social History of Travancore, further the key role played by Mannathu Padmanabhan for the rise and growth of Nayar Service Society in Travancore. But no attempt is so far made to trace a comprehensive account of Nayars.
So that this work is taken to unearthen details of
Nayars in all levels, and further concentrate the research area in particular the Nayars of South Travancore, a part of the erstwhile Travancore State st
i.e. modern Kanyakumari District of Tamilnadu since 1 November 1956, the Re-organisation of States. A number of socio-religious reform movements, which were also the earliest democratic mass movements in Kerala, took shape from the late 1800. The Nayars also felt the need for reform in response to such changes. Throughout the medieval period and until well into the 19th century,the Nayars had a pre-eminent role in Kerala. By the middle of the 19th century, however, this dominance started waning. Institutions like the sambandham
and the matrilineal joint family system which had ensured
the strength of the Nayar community earlier, now became productive of many evils in the changing socio-political background of Kerala. The impact of the market economy, the disappearance of traditional military training, the absorption of new values through the new system of education, the self-consciousness being generated among the lower castes and their cry for equality and privileges - all these factors brought about http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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11 a decline of Nayar dominance. The sense of decline gave an impetus to the spirit of reform that expressed itself in the work of religious men like Chattambi Swamikal, in literature, on the press and platform and later in legislative enactments in respect of marriage, inheritance, property rights, etc. Ultimately, the movements crystallized in the foundation of the Nayar 13
Service Society, in 1914. The Society owns and manages a large number of educational institutions and hospitals. These include the NSS College of Engineering at Palakkad, NSS Hindu College at Changanassery,
NSS College at
Pandalam, Mahatma Gandhi College at Thiruvananthapuram, Pazhassi Raja NSS College at Mattanur, Kannur and the Women's College at Niramankara, Thiruvananthapuram.The N.S.S runs more than hundred schools, 15 Arts and Science colleges, 3 Training colleges, 1 Engineering college,
1
Homoeo
Medical
College,
several
Nursing
Colleges,
Polytechnic Colleges, T.T.C Schools, Working Women Hostels and Technical institutions. Taking the lead given by Mannathu Padmanabhan, expatriate Nayars both in Kerala and other states of India as well as in countries other than India have formed Nayar Service Societies in their states and countries of domicile. Examples are Karnataka Nayar Service Society with 21 karayogams in Bangalore, and the Calcutta Nayar Service ____________________________________________________________ 13.
NSS Charitha Grandham, op.cit., p. 20.
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12 Society in Kolkata. These Societies of Non - Kerala origin retain the cultural uniqueness of the Nayars at the same time adapting many practices to the times and country of their adoption. Efforts are on to bring together all Nayar groups of the world under an umbrella "International Federation of Nayar Societies".
Objectives of the Study The study has been conducted with the following main objectives: 1.
To identify the origin of the Nayar community.
2.
To identify and analyse the various sub divisions of the Nayar community.
3.
Assessment of the customs and traditions of Nayar community.
4.
To identify and analyse the marriage system of Nayar community by tracing the primary data which is available in different temples situated in Kerala.
5.
To investigate the historical development of military forces, nobility among the Nayar community and their up and down.
6.
Assessment of social organization and challenges and responses.
7.
To investigate the establishment of NSS among the Nayar community and its role and functions in South Travancore.
8.
To assess the cultural background of Nayar community and transmission of culture towards Tamils and vice versa.
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13
Limitations The greatest limitations of the present work is the inability to go into the Temples and to collect the related aspects of all characteristics of Nayar community directly.
The investigator only depend on the
primary and secondary sources of data available in the records of Kerala Government and the data from the temples.
Chapterisation The thesis consists of eight chapters besides an introduction and conclusion which are outlined below. The study opens with an introduction, significance of the study, review of earlier works, objectives of the study and limitations of the study. The first chapter gives a coverage of Nayar origin and their sub divisions. The second chapter explains the unique customs and Traditions of Nayar Community prevailed among them. The third chapter analyses various types of marriages among the Nayars. The fourth chapter deals with the meteoric up and down of Nayar community, especially their role in the military of Travancore. The fifth chapter examines the social challenges met by the Nayars and their responses. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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14 The sixth chapter describes the formation, growth and functions of Nayar Service Society. The seventh chapter dealt with the social movements among the oppressed classes against caste Hindus for equality and Nayar antipathy to it in South Travancore. The eighth chapter analyses the cultural reciprocity between Nayars and Tamils in South Travancore throughout the ages. The conclusion brings out the sum up and findings.
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Chapter I
Origin of Nayar Society
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CHAPTER - I
ORIGIN OF NAYAR SOCIETY
Kerala, ideally called as "God's own country" is a land of beauty, customs and traditions. This beautiful land has got many places of tourist importance. Foreigners as well as tourists from other Indian states flock the state of Kerala during festivals and vacations. The famous Thrissur Pooram and the Annual boat races like Nehru Trophy Boat Race attract a lot of tourist to this small state. Most of the tourists who visit Kerala will like to have a stay in the Kerala house boats and an enchanting voyage through the serene backwaters. So the Backwater Tourism is prominent in areas like 1
Alappuzha, Kumarakom, Kollam, Thiruvananthapuram and Kozhikkode . Kerala festivals like Onam and Vishu have a great attraction. The traditions and customs followed during these festivals attract a lot of foreign tourists. They can enjoy and become part of these celebrations by residing in the Home Stay Resorts where the visitors and the home owners stay together and the guests are served with the home food and homely comforts. The artforms of Kerala like Kathakali, Koothu, Koodiyattam, Mohiniyattom and Ottan Thullal are also liked by the visitors. Many ___________________________________________________________ 1.
Logan William, The Malabar Manual, Vol. I, Madras , 1906, p.187.
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16 foreigners stay in Kerala to learn the artforms like Kathakali and Ottan Thullal.
The Nayar Heritage K. M. Panikkar justly remarks: "The Nayars [Nayars] were not a caste, they were a race." Few historians will reject this contention because many customs and traditions distinguished the Nayars from the other Keralites. They had their own marital customs (Sambandham), their own form of inheritance ( Marumakkathayam ). their own art of warfare, their own war goddess (Bhadrakali), their own cult of ancestor worship, and their own art form, the Kathakali. (dance drama). In swordsmanship and suicidal squads (Chavers), they are similar to the Samurai of Japan and as the warrior class they used to look down upon manual work and entrust their lands to tenants to till and plant. Though Nayars were once technically classified by the Brahmins under the name of the pure Sudras 2
of Malayala, they were always an honored caste. Some think Nayar is the honorific plural of nayan which is derived from the Sanskrit nayaka Others derive Nayar from the naga (snakes) which they
(leader). 3
worship. The Brahmin-inspired
Keralolpathi regards them as the
____________________________________________________________ 2. 3.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, 1940, p. 258. Sobhanan, B., A Decade of Crisis in Travancore , Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. VI, March-June, Part I and II, 1979, p. 23.
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17 descendants
of
the
Sudras
who
accompanied
the
Brahmin
immigrants from outside Kerala. Obviously, like all Keralite tribes, the Nayars came from outside. There is a great deal of truth in the theory that they came from the Nepal Valley, adjacent to Tibet.
Some consider them to be early
descendants of the Newars of Nepal. The Kathakali, is a Nayar art-form is 4
closely related to Tibetan dances. Nayar polyandry is very similar to Tibetan marriage customs and in the mode of inheritance the Newars are like the Nayars. Like the Newars, the Nayars are distinguished by their lighter color, Mongolian features, and smooth hair. The most remarkable thing about the Nayars is their style of pagoda-like temple architecture and house construction which are almost identical with the Newar style of temples and houses found all along the Kulu and Nepal Valleys. Serpent 5
worship is another common custom between the Newars and Nayars. As mentioned earlier, the settlers of Kerala came from the northwestern parts of India and the Nepal Valley. Groups of Newars who were partially Aryanized and later Dravidianized joined the Munda exodus and finally settled down in Kerala after a long period of sojourn in the eastern plains of Tamil Nadu. It is the Newar-Nayar builders who had ____________________________________________________________ 4. 5.
Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 285. Srinivasadas, M.N., Social Change in modern India , Madras, 1966, p. 28.
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18 given Kerala both the pagoda-type architectural style of the Hindu 6
temples and the angular roof and dormer of Kerala houses. One fact appears to be certain that the Nayars were in Kerala 7
before the Brahmins arrived in the seventh century A.D. The Chera kings were Nayars, and the Nayars were also Dravidians and not Kshatriya 8
Aryans and the Brahmins, in fact, considered them as Sudras. However, the younger sons of Brahmin families could form morganatic relationships (Sambandham) with Nayar women, the children remaining Nayars and thus introduced a new element in the race. This helped the junior members of the Brahmin family to be relieved of their life-long bachelorhood without the responsibility of supporting their wives and children from their family property. It does not mean that the Nayars had loose marriage morals; it only means that this type of relationship was tolerated as an exception for the advantages of the Brahmins and Nayars; the rule of real marriage was endogamous monagamy between Nayars especially between the daughter of a maternal uncle and his nephew.
9
The original inhabitants of Kerala were probably shepherds, agriculturalists and fishermen. The early inhabitants are Erulans, Katans, Kurumpans and Malapandarams.
The origin of the Nayar caste is
uncertain. Some anthropologists are of the view that the Nayars are not ____________________________________________________________ 6. 7. 8. 9.
Walter Hamilton, Description of Hindustan, Vol.II., London, 1820, p.79. Malabaar Marriage Commissions Report, 1891. Sreekumar, T.T, Urban Process in Kerala, Trivandrum, 1912, p.78. Puthenkalam, J., Marriage and the family in Kerala , New Delhi, 1956, p.160.
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19 indigenous to Kerala.
One theory is that Nayars are actually the
descendants of the Newars of Nepal. There exists another disputed view that the Nayars and 10
Rajputs (A dominant Hindu military caste in northern India) were related. There is no real proof behind this claim, which may or may not be true. Yet another theory is that the Nayars are indigenous to Kerala, but gained the sharper features and fairer complexion due to intermarriages with the Namboothiris (The namboothiris are the brahmins of Kerala....) In short we can clear the fact - the Nayars are a large matrilineal warrior caste of Kerala State in India. Traditional Nayar families are headed by a woman, with whom lives her siblings, sisters' children and other matrilineal relatives. In Nayar tradition, a man moves back to his mother's residence shortly after his wedding ceremony and his children belong to this mother's lineage. Now the exceptions are coming as social order is changed and families are becoming nuclear and the purpose of living with their children and wives make Nayar youths to take steps to find a way to live out side the family arena and try to lead a life by themselves than the common big combined tharavadus. The rise and decline of the
Nayars of
South Travancore
represent an exciting epoch in the caste history of South India. The ____________________________________________________________ 10.
Velu Pillai, T.K, op.cit., p. 257.
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20 Nayars, as a community developed a composite culture which had been enriched through the ages.
Their history is the story of synthesis,
assimilation and fusion of traditions of Dravidianism and practices of Brahminical social systems. In South Travancore, the Nayars moulded a cultural synthesis
and helped the
other savarni communities to
follow their family organization and social Being
customs
and
manners.
predominant community, the Nayars, enjoyed a pre-eminent 11
political status, social identity and economic prosperity. But the social transformation that emerged out of the political development in the princely
state of Travancore threatened their, political position.
The
agrarian reforms, western contacts and depressed class movements established novel
phases; in the social history of Travancore that
eventually affected -the social position of the Nayars.
In a changing
process, the family organization centred around collectivism which challenged their economic progress. The subsequent communal solidarity move among them strikes a conspicuous theme in the history of the Nayars of South Travancore.
The State of Travancore Travancore is an oriental microcosm, a representative land and a country of striking contrasts, the most Southern of Indian States. ____________________________________________________________ 11.
Ibid, p. 403.
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21 Travancore is unique with its physical features, social structure and cultural complex. It is a most caste ridden and custom ridden part of the 12
Nation. Travancore is one of the most picturesque portions of India. Nagam Aiya
13
called it a panorama of expressible grandeur.
Lord
Curson, the Viceroy of India said, "Since I have been in India, I have had a great desire to visit the state of Travancore. I have for many years beared so much of its exuberant natural beauties, its old world, simplicity and. its arcadian charm. Here nature has spread upon the land her richest bounties 14
and the land is capable of culture" Sir M.E Grant Duff described it. as "one of the fairest and most interesting realms that Asia has to snow". Lord Connemara another Governor of Madras, compared it to Italy and 15
called it a fairy land. Travancore along with Cochin states and Malabar districts of the Madras presidency constituted the ancient Kingdom of Kerala. Travancore is scheduled by its geographical position and distinguished from other part of India by many peculiarities. The Geographical insulation provided by the natural, boundaries on all sides, Arabian sea on the west, ____________________________________________________________ 12. 13. 14. 15.
Mateer, S., The Land of charity, London, John Snow, 1871, p. 13. Nagam Aiya, V., Report on the Census of Travancore , Trivandrum, 1881, p.19. Quoted in V.P. Menon, Story of the Integration of the Indian States, Trivandrum, p. 274. Velu Pillai, T.K, The Travancore State Manual , Vol. I, Trivandrum, The Govt. Press, 1940, p. 3.
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22 Indian Ocean on the south and the Western Ghats on the east and north had indeed exercised a considerable restraining influence on the outlook and 16
way of life of the people of Kerala. The state was bounded on the north by the princely state of Cochin and the Coimbatore District of the Madras presidency, on theeast by the Western Ghats and
the districts of Madurai, Ramnad and 17
Tinnevelly of the Madras province. Travancore attracted the attention that it deserves by reason of its wonderful and varied scenery and its cultural and political individuality....
18
Travancore forms an irregular
triangle, with its apex at Cape Comorin between 8º 4' and 10º 22' north latitude and between 76°13' and 77°38' east longitude.
19
Theories of Origin Indian
(Kerala):
Hindu
(Nayar)
name
denoting
membership of the Nayar community, which is from Malayalam Nayar ‗leader‘, ‗lord‘, ‗soldier‘ (from Sanskrit naya(ka) ‗leader‘ + the honorific
plural ending -r ). The Nayars were regarded as protectors of the land. Northern Irish: reduced form of McNayar . ___________________________________________________________ 16.
Kunjan Pillai, N., (Supt.), Census of India , Travancore, Part I, Vol. XXVIII, 1931, p.14.
17. 18.
Nagam Aiya, V., The Travancore State Manual , Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1906, p.3. Sir. Ramaswamy Aiyar, C.P, Broadcast at Bombay, 1936, Quoted in Velu Pillai, T.K, op.cit ., p. 2. English Records, Trivandrum Chief Secretary File No. 714. Watts M.E. memorandum on Travancore administration, 25 January 1929, p. 2.
19.
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23 Ancient South Indian history, historians, and foreign travellers referred to the Nayars as a dignified martial nobility. The earliest reference to Nayars comes from the Greek ambassador Megasthenes. In his accounts of ancient India, he refers to the "Nayars of Malabar" and the "Kingdom of Chera". However the earlier origin of the Nayar caste is uncertain and several alternate and sometimes conflicting theories exist. Some sociologists are of the view that the Nayars are not indigenous to Kerala, as many customs and traditions distinguish them from other Keralites. According to one theory, Nayars are descendants of the Newars of Nepal, who joined the Munda exodus and later migrated to Kerala. The most prominent arguments given in support of this theory are the presence of distinct pagoda like architectural style of Nayar Tharavaadus and Temples and the practice of Marumakkathaayam 20
(matrilineal) system of inheritance similar to both Nayar and Newars. There is also a hypothesis on the basis of mythology that the Nayars are Nagas and were Kshatriyas belonging to the Serpent dynasty (Nagavanshar who removed their sacred thread and migrated south to escape the wrath of a vengeful Parashurama. The affinity of the Nayar community towards serpent worship, their martial past, and the absence of the sacred thread lends support to this theory. In addition, the Travancore ____________________________________________________________ 20.
Fuller, C.J., The Nayars Today, Cambridge, 1976, p. 126.
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24 State Manual states that there were indeed serpent-worshipping Nagas in Kerala who fought with the Namboothiris till they reached a consensus. According to Chattampi Swamikal, who interpreted old Tamil texts, the Nayars were Naka (Naga or Snake) Lords who ruled as feudal lords in the Chera kingdom. Therefore this theory proposes Nayars to be descendants of the rulers and martial nobility of pre-brahmin Kerala who, after the arrival of the Namboothiris (and establishment of the Varnas/Caste System), were categorized as sat Sudras. One finds mention of the Nayars during the reign of the King Rama Varma Kulashekhara (1020-1102) of the second Chera dynasty, when the Chera Kingdom was attacked by the Cholas. The Nayars fought by forming suicide squads (Chavers) against the invading force. It is not clear whether the Cheras themselves were Nayars, or if the Chera employed the Nayars as a warrior class.
21
Irrespective of the different theories that seek to explain the origin of Nayars, it is clear that till the early 20th century, Nayars exerted their influence in medieval Kerala society as feudal lords and owned large estates. Nayars dominated the civil, administrative and military elite of the _____________________________________________________________________________________________
21. The Kerala Mahatmayam, an ancient Sanskrit Purana, calls them the progeny of Namboodiri men with Deva, Rakshasa and Gandharva women. The 17th century Brahmin-inspired Keralolpathi and Grama Padhati describes the Nayars of Kerala and the Bunts of Southern Tulu nadu as descendants of the Sudras who accompanied the Brahmins to Kerala and Tulu nadu respectively from Ahichatra/Ahikshetra in southern Panchala. In addition, Manual of Madras Administration Vol II (printed in 1885) notes that the Nadavas/Nayars of Malabar and the Bunts of Southern Tulu nadu are same. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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25 pre-British era in Kerala. The decline of Nayar dominance came about in multiple stages. During colonial times, the British perceived that Nayars were an inherent threat to their hegemony in the region and therefore outlawed their right to bear weapons and by banning the Nayar martial art of Kalaripayattu. Weapons were integral to the Nayar psyche and power, and combined with repressive legislation led to a loss of social standing for Nayars. Later during post-colonial years, the Land reforms of 1950's led to massive loss of land-ownership by Nayar feudal Lords and some Nayar gentry were relegated to poverty overnight. Thus the decline of Nayar dominance came to a full circle by the mid of 20th century.
Etymology The
word Nayar
lends
itself
to
two
etymological
interpretations. The first interpretation is that the word Nayar could have been derived from the Sanskrit word Nayaka which means leader. The Sanskrit word Nayaka which appears in various forms in southern India (Nayakan/Naicker in Tamil Nadu, Nayak in Karnataka and Maharashtra,
and Nayudu in Andhra Pradesh) could have been corrupted as Nayars in Malayalam. The second interpretation is that the word Nayar is a corrupted form of the word Nagar- serpent men because Nayars practiced snake worship. The word Nayar also occurs in other parts of the world - although no direct linkages with the Nayars in Kerala have been established. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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26
Typical Nayar End Names Nayar matrilineality,
surnames
although
most
were
traditionally
modern
Nayars
carried follow
through patrilineal
nomenclature. The surname Nayar is commonly used by all sub-castes belonging to Nayar caste. However, there are surnames which are reminders of the honours conferred upon individuals the powers that befall from time to time in acknowledgement of exceptional act of valour, erudition and scholarship, or excellence in chosen field of endeavour. The families of these individuals inherited the titles. It is also possible that in the majority of cases, such honours were bestowed by the loyalty in return for services rendered and in recognition of a display of loyalty. In general, the system of conferring honours points to the ruling Monarch's dependence on the Nayars who provided them with military and administrative support. While most of these are ranks and positions in a feudal set up (similar to the Mughals' Mansabdari system), such royal patronage was crucial to the development and promotion of strikingly singular forms of lance and drama such as Kathakali of which, the Nayars were exponents.
Achan
Adiyodi Asan
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27
Elayidom
Eradi
Ilayidam
Kaimal
Karnavar
Kartha
Kunnath
Kitavu
Kurup
Mannadiar
Menokki
Menon
Nambiar
Nayanar
Nayar
Nedungadi
PadaNayar
Panicker
Pandala
Pillai Saamoothiri
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28
Thampi
Thankkal
Unnithan
Valiathan
Vallilath
Vazhunnor
Vellodi
Subcastes The Nayars come under the head of Malayala Sudras as per the Jati Nirnayam which mentions eighteen such castes included within the term. V.Nagam Aiya, Dewan Peishcar, Travancore, in his Travancore State Manual states that although all the Malayala Sudras were classed
under the general head of Nayar, in reality there were only five "genuine" Nayar castes. These included:
•
Kiryathil Nayars22 : They are the highest class of Nayars found
usually in Malabar and Cochin and rarely in Travancore. The 17th century Keralolpathi states them to be descendants of warrior Naga tribes who
came to Kerala from the north along the western coast. It may be noted that the earlier Keralamahatmayam, a Hindu Purana, did not make mention of ____________________________________________________________ 22.
Faw Cett, op.cit., p. 194.
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29 any subcastes among the Nayars but only states them to be the military caste of Kerala.
•
Illathu Nayars : They were brought in by Parasurama, as per the
Keralolpathi(it's a 17th century book written by Namputhiris to protect
the caste interest of them), to serve the Brahmins as tenants, servants, warriors, cultivators etc. Purificatory rites by the Marars and priestly service from the Elayatus distinguished the Illathu Nayars.
•
23
Swaroopathil Nayars or Cherna Nayars : These Nayars were the
warriors of Kshatriya Royal Households known as Swaroopams. In Malabar they are classed as Akathu Cherna Nayars and Purathu Cherna Nayars. •
Padamangalam Nayars : They were the Nayars appointed by
Parasurama to serve in Temples. They migrated from Tamil Nadu of the Pandyan kingdom as it was then known.
•
Tamil Padam Nayars : This class of Nayars, as the name indicates,
were migrants from Tamil Nadu who were embraced into the Nayar community.
Beginning of the Nayar Dominance In the social ladder, the Nayars or Sudras were below the Brahmins. They formed the nobility, the magistracy and officials of the ____________________________________________________________ 23.
Ibid., pp. 214-218.
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30 Government, the military and police wealthy farmers, the merchants and the skilled artisans. However, their main duty was to carry on war. As the 24
th
th
ruling class the Nayars enjoyed great privileges. By the 11 and 12 centuries society in Travancore had become feudal in nature. The Nayars formed the feudal aristocracy owning most of the land.
25
With the rise of
the Nayar mobility there arose the class of madampis or Nayar Jenmies who leased out their lands on tenure to inferior caste men whom they in 26
return reduced to bring their tenants Henmam right originally meant right th
during life time. Only by 11 century A.D., it began to mean inheritance right through birth. But it was an undoubted fact that a considerable portion of upper class Nayars were Jenmies. About the origin of the Jenmi system Elamkulam writes "Before the trusteeship of temples became hereditary, there was an interim period when that position was held by 27
person during his Jenmam or life time.
It was from that Jenmam that the
term Jenmi was derived. This may be clarified further. In the beginning some prominent persons were appointed as trustees. This appointment was for a fixed tenure. Either by selection of otherwise, they were reappointed again and again. So that it was possible that a person could be trustee for ____________________________________________________________ 24.
Yesudas, R. N., London Missionary Society of Travancore, 1806 - 1908, Trivandrum, Kerala Historical Society, 1977, pp. 8-9.
25. 26. 27.
Joy Gnanadasan, A Forgotten History, Madras, 1994, p. 22. Rajayyan, K., History of Tamil Nadu, 1565-1982, Madurai, 1982, pp.568 - 571. Saradamoni. K., "Agrostic Slavery in Kerala in the 19th century ", Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. I, part IV, December 1974, p. 456.
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31 life later it became the rule for a trustee to hold the post for life time. The right of few trustee over the property under their control were limited to their Jenmam right. Still later it became customary for a trustee's legal heir to be appointed his successor to the trusteeship also and this led to the trusteeship becoming hereditary. It was lightly probable that the Nambudiri Jenmies were very lenient to Nayar tenant through the matrimonial alliances between Nambudiries and Nayars. Their social existence as was extremely bound of with that of their tenants. Marthanda Varma's annexation of minor principalities into Travancore resulted a situation in which a large number of tenants and subtenants under Nambudiri Jenmies became sirkar land holders. 28 This was an indirect help to Nayars. The Jenmi system in Travancore was changing owing to this direct. Government control on land. It created more and more sirkar jobs and the Nayars were the beneficiaries of this change. 29
From top to bottom the revenue administration was under their control. In the latter half of the 19 century, the Jenmies used to collect various levies like arukhazhecha, utsarakopu, purannal, chumadu etc. From the tenants in addition to janapattom and verumpattom etc. The Jenmies had complete right to evict the tenants. ___________________________________________________________ 28.
Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, pp. 348-361.
29.
Calendar of Travancore Government, 1951, pp. 6-10.
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32 It may be correct to say that the predominance of Nayars in law holdings dwindled very much. The immediate effect of land reforms of Travancore was thus favourable to Nayars. But in long run these reforms became detrimental to Nayars as a large amount passed from Nayar 30
taravads. Because of the Jenmi system, the Nayars rose to aristocratic th
family, and they dominated upto the middle of the 20 century. Nayars belongs to the Dravidian race with considerable 31
admixture of Aryan blood. The Keraolpati is more rational and says that the Nayars are the descendants of the Sudras who accompanied the 32
original, Brahmin immigrants from outside Kerala. There are different theories about the origin and migration of Nayars. One view is that Parasurama, the legendary hero reclaimed the land of Kerala from the sea. After the creation of the region he brought Nambudiri Brahmin and gave them ownership of all the lands. Along with the Nambudiri Brahmins he brought another group of people called Sudras to act as the servants and body guards of Nambudiries. This Sudras latter 33
came to be known as Nayars. ___________________________________________________________ 30.
English Records, Travancore Government, Trivandrum Secretariat, Travancore,
31. 32.
Cover File No. 4801, Administrative Reportp.of4.Travancore, 1901-2, Appendix, p. 26. Gopinatha Pillai, Socio Economic changes in the Nayar Community in Travancore from 1900-1947, Kerala, 1984, p. 1. Ibid., p. 32.
33.
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33 In the book Kerala Mahatmyam the Nayars are referred to as the offspring of the junior member of Nambudiri family where the eldest son alone was permitted to marry in his own caste with Deva grandarra and 34
Rakshasa women brought by Parasurama. Edgar Thurston observes that "the original Nayars were undoubtedly a military body holding land and serving as a milita". They are described as the "Lords to the Land" ; the best soldiers in the world and courageous, extremely skilled in the use of 35
arms. The Nayars were the "Protectors" of the country and as such crystallized readily into the existing caste of Nayars with numerous 36
branches. Mr. N. Subramania Aiyar writes in a note on the Nayars of Travancore "derived from Naga (Serpents) as the Aryans so termed the earlier settlers of Malabar accountant of the special adoration which they paid to snakes". The Travancore Nayars are popularly known as malayali Sudras -term which contrasts them sharply with the pandi or foreign 37
Sudras. The Nayars were divided into several sub castes according to the occupation. Each sub division performed a separate function. In general the Nayars were agriculturalists and soldiers in the traditional ____________________________________________________________ 34. 35. 36.
Ibid., p. 34. Velu Pillai, T.K., op. cit, Vol. I, p. 556. William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol. I, Madras, The Govt. Press, 1906, p.111. 37. Edgar Thurston, Cases and Tribes of Southern India, Vol. V, Delhi, 1975, p.22. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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34 society. Yet all Nayars were not soldiers and there were Nayar groups who concentrated on land owning. There is evidence that only certain sections of the Nayar caste were allowed to bear arms. None the less the great 38
majority of Nayar: probably spent some time under arms. Among the five genuine Nayar castes (i.e. Kiriyathil, Illakkars of Illathu Nayars, Swarupam, Padamangalam and Tamil Padam) the occupations of the Padamangalam Nayar is temple service such as 39
sweeping cleaning, carrying lamps during processing etc. Vathi or Vattu : This name is not found in the Jatinirnaya, probably because it had not been differentiated from Maran. They used a peculiar drum called nantuni. They follow the makkathayam system of inheritance (in the male line). Itacheri : They are called as Pantaris in South Travancore and they are seems to be closely related to Idaiyan caste of Tamil country. Most of them vendors of milk, butter and curds. Another group of people : Karuvelan commonly found in Kappiyara and Thiruvattar. They serve at Maharaja's palace and they are the custodians of kings treasuries and other valuables. It is believed that 40
about 52 families are originally brought from Kulatha Nadu. ____________________________________________________________ 38. 39. 40.
Fuller, C.J., Changing Cultures Nayar's Today, Cambridge, 1976, p. 6. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 42. Edgar Thurston, op. cit., Vol. V, p. 29.
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35 Arikuravan : A division who reduce the quantity of rice from paddy given to them to husk at the temple Kazhayakkuttam near 41
Trivandrum. Pallichenan : They were appointed as the Palanquin bearers for Brahmins and Malabar chief cains. They are supposed to carry their shields, swords etc. before them. Vandikaran : are those who supply fuel to temples and cleans the vessels there : Kuttina : The only heiress of a Swarupam taravad is said to have been a maid servant in the Vadakketam Brahmins house. Talikettu ceremony also have been celebrated in her masters newly built cow shed. Mattavar : Who are believed to have been good archers in former times. They are also known as Puliyattu, Veliyattu and Kallur Nayars. Otatu also called kusa : Their occupation is to tile or thatch 42
temples and Brahmin houses. Vattaykkatan : They are the lowest sub division in many respects and are better known as Chakla Nayars in Travancore. They were not allowed to take the title 'Pillai', and are obliged to stand out side the ____________________________________________________________ 41. 42.
William Logan, op. cit., p. 34. George wood Cock, Kerala - A Portrait of the Malabar Coast , London, 1967, p.103.
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36 sacrificial stones of a sanctuary 'Pulva' is a title of distinction among them. A section of them were engaged in oil pressing which is a hereditary occupation and occupies a lower position in the social scale than the 43
other. Various titles were given to the Nayars by the kings of Travancore. The most common title in Travancore is 'Pillai', which was once a distinction granted as a mark of royal favour. Now the Vellelas of Tamil country and the Nayars of South Travancore are called as Pillai from very early times. The ceremony of investiture was known as Thirumukkam Pitikkuka and the honour conferred on the person was so highly esteemed that even a Brahmin Dewan Sanku Annavi had it bestowed on him and his
family.
It is enjoyed
to
this day by his descendants now 44
living at Vempannur in the Eraniel Taluk. If this title is used as a suffix it is denoted as Pillai or if as prefix it will be as kanaku. The title Pillai and 45
Kanaku are never used together. A higher title Chembakaranam : Corresponds to the knight hood of medival times and was first instituted by Maharaja Marthanda Varma in Memory, it is said of his great Prime Minister Rama iyen _____________________________________________________________________________________________
43. 44. 45.
Census of Travancore, 1891, p. III. Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit, p. 36. Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of Kerala, 1979, p. 83.
New Delhi,
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37 46
Dalavai. The honour is now rarely conferred still there are several ancient houses in Travancore to which the honouric title is attached in perpetuity. Thampi is a distinctive title given to the Nayars of Travancore by Sovereigns as a mark of rare merit and devotion. The Thampies alone among the Nayars are allowed to use Pallan Quins and permitted to appear before the king without head dress. The title karu is attached to the names 47
of several families in North Travancore. The Tekkumkur and Vadakumkur Rajas in Malabar as said to have first conferred the title Karta on certain influencial Nayar families. In social matters authority of the karta was supreme. All the kartas belongs to the 'Illam' sub division of 48
Nayar caste. The title 'Kurupu' denotes an ancient section of the Nayars charge with various functions like instructions in the use of arms while others were superintendents of maid. Servants in royal house-hold. Now Kurupu is assumed by other castes then Nayars. The word Panickars is derived from "Pani" means work. The Panickars formely kept Kalaris, in North Travancore. But now they have taken up the teaching of letters. But the name at present does not indicate 49
any particular section of Nayars.
The Kailmals : - were recognized
____________________________________________________________ 46. 47. 48. 49.
Ibid. Nayam Aiya, V., op. cit, p. 368. Velupillai, T.K., op. cit., Vol. I, p. 857. Ramantha Aiyar, Progressive Travancore, Kottayam, 1924, p.85.
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38 chieftains in former times. Some were in charge of royal treasury which according to custom could not be seen even by the kings except in their 50
presence. Unnittan and Valiyatan were the sons of those Kshatriyas who had no territorial sovereignty and were called Valiyattan and Unnittans. Eman is another title affixed to the names of certain influential 51
families in central Travancore. The title Menon has been conferred upon aristocratic several Nayar families by the Rajas of Cochin and corresponds to Pillai in Travancore. They are superior, and generally they are writers 52
and accountants. Ettu Vittil Pillamar belonged to Nayar community who were originally the farmers and tenants of Porri Jenmies.53 In 1050 A. D. the right to govern Padmanabhaswami temple at Trivandrum was handed over to yogakkar (councillors). The temple land was divided into eight 54
districts and over each district a Nayar was placed with lot of administrative power and these Nayars were called Ettu Vittil Pillamar. They belonged to eight houses situated in different districts viz. Kullathoor, Kalakuttam, Cempalanti, Kudaman, Pallichall, Vannanur 55
Ramanatham and Martanda Nadha. _____________________________________________________________________________________________
50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55.
Krishna Iyer, L.A., Social History of Kerala, Vol.II., Madras, 1970, p. 91. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol.II., p. 369. William Logan, op.cit., Vol.I, p. 134. Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. I, p. 50. Panikkar, K.M, A History of Kerala, Madras, 1960, p. 226. Panikkar, K.M., Malabar and the Dutch, Bombay, 1931, p. 58.
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39 Shangoonny Menon states, "the king having little authority over them and they rose in power and importance and gradually became 56
lords in their villages. It is inferred that the people were more loyal to the 57
Pillamars than the kings. The tyranny of the Pillamar was unbearable and 58
so the people of Nanjilnad revolted against them in 1702 A. D. They held a series of five meetings and passed resolutions which protested against 59
their tyrannical activities and demanded redressal of grievances. The king Ravi Varma (1684 to 1718) took quick steps and 60
determined to put an end to these obnoxious factions of the Pillamars. The power and authority of the Pillamars assumed menancing proportions 61
during the short period of Aditya Varma. Again in 1726 King Ravi Varma made consultation and on the advice of Prince Martanda Varma, his nephew entered into a treaty with the Madurai Nayaks and agreed to pay a sum of rupees 3000 as tribute annually. The Nayaks in turn offered to supply a contingent of troops to help the Venad king in his fight against the Pillamars and other rebels.52 It was a period of terror for the Pillamars and their confederates. They took a unanimous decision to put an end to the life of ____________________________________________________________ 56. 57.
Shungoonny Menon, P., History of Travancore, Madras, 1878, p. 97. Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. I, p. 311.
58. 59. 60. 61. 62.
Ibid. Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. V, p. 210. Sreedhara Menon, A., A survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1967, p. 243. Ibid, p. 18. Ibid., p. 24.
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40 Martanda Varna and thereby anoint Thambi as his next successor.
63
Many
battles were fought between Thampimar and Pillamars and Azhakappa 64
Mudaliar. While the fortune was smiling on the side of the Thampimar, 65
the king bribed the commander. The fall of Ettu Vittil Pillamar was attributed to many reasons like their arrogant nature and treacherous activities. As they had no steady policies and programmes for the causes of their country they could not get the support of the people for a long time. Though they were powerful they failed to offer any resistance to the invaders. Their oppressive policy, with heavy taxation system turned the common people against them. Their support to Thampimar and their attitude against kings fetched Marthanda Varma's immortal enemity. Added to these, the betrayal of Mudaliar in the wars frustrated the Pillamars. When Marthanda Varma succeeded to the throne all their conspiracy were brought to light and they were forced to pay heavily for their sins. The Ettu Vittil Pillamars vanished with the rise 66
of Marthanda Varma. The appearance of the well nourished Nayar is perhaps one of the finest in all over India. The climate and nature of their occupation ___________________________________________________________ 63.
Maheswaran Nayar, K., Trivandrum, 1975, p. 33.
64. 65.
Raman Pillai, C.V., Martandavarma , (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1981, p.49. Natarajan, T., and Sarveswaran, P. (ed.), Thampimar Kathai, (Tamil), Madurai, 1971, p. 57. Justin Wilson, A., Rise and fall of Ettu Vittil Pillamars in Travancore, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. V, Trivandrum, p. 431.
66.
Oru
Tiruvitamkur
Charitham,
(Malayalam),
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41 added to the situation of their houses which nestle as it were under canopy 67
trees promote their complexion and general appearance. One of the conspicuous features of the Nayars of both the sects is the scrupulous attention of their personality, cleanliness in which they differ from their 68
brethren of other castes. The dress of the Nayars is extremely scanty. The women cloth themselves in a single white of fine texture reaching from the waist to the knees, and occasionally while abroad they throw over shoulders and blossom, another similar cloth. But by the custom, the Nayar women go uncovered above the waist. The men wear a white cloth and another clothe is also occasionally thrown over the shoulders. 69 The Nayars do not wear much jewellery. As rule ornamentals own by Nayar women are few and cannot be considered expensive as compared with those of their sisters in the neighbouring provinces. For the neck they have the Kantasaram Addiyal, Ponnunool, Nagapatham, Arimbumani,
Jana-Kuzhal,
Nalu-Panthi,
Maniyam,
Arasilai-Tali,
Pacchakkal-Tali, Puli Nag-Tali, Kasu Malai, Kulalmalai, Rasi-Tali, 70
Padakka-Tali etc. ____________________________________________________________ 67. 68. 69. 70.
Travancore Census Report for 1901, p. 11. William Logan, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 35. Ibid., p. 50. Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. II, p. 51.
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42 Nayars ranked high in the social hierarchy of Kerala. They came next to the Kshtriyas and broadly speaking the Nayars enjoyed second position next to the Nambudiries in the Malabar and they occupy the same position in the princely states of Cochin and Travancore.
71
In the
pre British period, the Nayars had enjoyed many privileges and exercised powers. Although they probably never accounted for more than 20 or 25% of the population, as for as ritual status was concerned they were graded only as Sudras. The Nayars were a privileged community till middle of the th
19 century. The chief land holders in most villages were Nayars and Nambudiries. Nayars had slaves who belonged to the lower caste servile community. Nayars were responsible for maintaining the law and order in the society. In the administration of the land also, they had a prominent place. The matrilineal system of inheritance helps them to keep lands of the family intact. In Travancore Nayars enjoyed the privilege of being the most numerous upper class Hindu.
______________________________________________________________________ 71.
Balakrishnan,V., Leela Devi, R., Mannathu Padmanabhan and the Revival of Nairs in Kerala, Delhi, 1982, p. 9.
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Chapter II
unique Customs and traditions of Nayar Community
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CHAPTER - II
UNIQUE CUSTOMS AND TRADITIONS OF NAYAR COMMUNITY Marumakkathayam and Tharavadu Nayars followed the Marumakkathayam (Matrilineal) system of inheritance and lived in units called Tharavadus (matrilineal joint1
family). The tharavadu referred to relations of property (mudal sambandham) shared by a group tracing descent from a common
ancestress. The outer boundary of tharavadus seems to have been defined by relations of pollution ( pula sambandham), whereby a wider matrilineal kin group was knit by symbolic ties prominently in sharing birth and death pollution and a memory of common descent. However there are indications that when expediency demanded it was possible to even break off pollution ties. For instance, in the case of a numerically large tharavadu, comprising a considerable section of the population of territory, death and birth pollution spelt a great inconvenience. In such cases it could be decided to terminate pollution ties, even while the related groups continued to share a 2
cremation ground. ____________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
Dr. Hermann Gundert, Keralolpathiyum Mattum,1843-1904, Kottayam, 1992, p.185. Kunhappa, H., Smaranakal Matram, (Autobiography), Kozhikode, 1981, p. 17.
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44 Architecturally
tharavadus
wealthy
encompassed
a
Naalukettu or Ettukettu, a Kulam (fresh-water pond) and a Sarpa Kavu (a
sacred grove with trees and thick foliage for worship of the Nagathaan (Serpents) while in the case of some exceptionally wealthy families a private temple as well. The water body served the purpose of ritual baths, followed by Tantric worship in the Sarpakavu, phased out into rituals and ceremonies that repeated in cycles of days, months, and years often accompanied by feasts that witnessed a grand assembly of kin. Interestingly, eventhough tharavadus existed based on descent from a common ancestress, it was comparatively rare for a remembered founder of a tharavadu to be a woman alone3 and it showed a "structural" patriarchy of the Karnavar (seniormost male member). For instance in management of the tharavadu, Nayar women managed 4
domestic affairs in their natal tharavadus and the senior woman's decision making role was restricted to the inner domain of larger tharavadus in 5
central and north Kerala. However it was also not that the Karnavar had absolute powers in the tharavadu, but unlike in patrilineal families there
was more than one mode of power and a plural authority structure. In ________________________________________________________________________________
3. 4. 5.
Arumina, G., Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala , (c.1850-1940) , Orient Longman, Malabar, p. 290. An Article on Marma Adi and Marma Shastra,lifepositive.com Moore Melinda, A., "Symbol and Meaning in Nayar Marriage Ritual " American Ethnologist, 15 (1998), pp. 254-273.
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45 practice, the senior woman, was not necessarily determined by seniority and might be the oldest competent woman and yet seniority was a crucial factor in determining power relations between the Karnavar and the senior woman. If the Karnavar was the son or younger brother of the senior woman, she might indeed be the de facto head of the group keeping accounts in her own hands and counseling him; but were he the older
brother of the senior woman then she was subordinate to him. In some wealthy tharavadus lands were set aside for women as stanum (a special status) property or otherwise over which they enjoyed varied claims does not in any way suggest `separate rights' or access to their own separate revenues and
properties.6
In the matrilineal Tharavadus customary
practice, rather than any religious precepts embodied in
written sources,
was the source of personal/family law. In the words of William Logan, an administrator-historian with extensive experience of Malabar: If it were necessary to sum up in one word the law of the country, that word would undoubtedly be the word "custom". In Malayalam it would be "Maryada", 7
"Margam", "Acharam" all signifying established rule and custom. The marumakkathayam system and tharavadu system are not viable any more and has declined in tune with the social and cultural ____________________________________________________________ 6. 7.
Kunhappa, H., op.cit. , p 17. Moore Melinda, A., op.cit., pp. 121-139.
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46 changes which have taken their toll on many old institutions. Social reforms spread with modern education. In other words, Nayars switched over to the patriarchal model of kinship and inheritance. The partition of tharavadus into individual shares (Alohari Bhaagam) followed the
enactment of Land Reforms Ordinance that stipulated upper limits on land holdings. Many tharavadus , already bursting at the seams with internal dissensions and strife, collapsed under the pressure. The matrifocal system was disintegrated. Fathers took charge of their sons and daughters and husband
and wife started living together with their offspring. The
" Marumakkathayam Law" which sanctioned dismantling of the tharavadus and the partition of property, came into vogue in the year 1933. 32,900 families were partitioned in Travancore alone by 1938. The tharavadu system of living became a thing of the past by the 1940s. 8
Naalukettu and Ettukettu structures began to collapse, or were sold off .
The Vadakkan or northern style of Kalarippayattu is associated with the Nayars. In earlier times, Kalarippayattu was an essential component of education for Nayars. Nayar men and even women learned the art of Kalaripayattu at an early age and used their skills in war and combat. From Kalaripayattu, comes Marma Adi. ____________________________________________________________ 8.
Buchanan, F., A Journey from Madras through the Countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vol. II, Madras, 1988, p 513.
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47 Marmam shastra was an advanced way to temporarily or
permanently disable or kill an opponent through a tap with a finger on a specific nerve. Marma Adi capitalised on the knowledge of acupuncture points. In recent times, however, Marmam shastra and Marma Adi have 9
been used only for therapeutic purposes. The Nayar subcastes known as Kurup and Panicker were traditionally teachers of the Kalari Martial 10
Arts. Kalari may have given rise to Kung Fu according to ancient documents. It was outlawed by British in 1793, leading to great loss of self esteem among Nayars.
Marriage In the past Nayars had three major marriage/rite of passage ceremonies.
Kettukalyanam (Mock marriage ceremony) The thaali tying rite took place before the onset of puberty. During this ceremony the girl was married to a man, preferably a Namboothiri Brahman. The ritual husband had no further duties to the girl ____________________________________________________________ 9.
Bina Agarwal, A Field of One's Own: Gender and Land Rights in South Asia , Cambridge University Press, 1994, p. 113.
10.
An Article on Marma Adi and Marma Sastra, Life Positive.com
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48 after the completion of this ritual, although she had to observe a period of death impurity upon the death of her ritual husband. The thaali ceremony was a female centered ritual which emphasized fertility and household 11
prosperity. This
ceremony
had
to
be
performed
on
pain
of
excommunication.
Thirandukalyanam (Announcement and Celebration of puberty) The Thirandukalyanam ceremony was the puberty ceremony, during which femininity is celebrated as women occupy the parts of the 12
household typically inhabited by men.
Sambandham/Podamuri (casual marriage alliance) The Sambandham ritual is less auspicious than the thaali and puberty rites, and literally means "alliance" or "relationship". It was the customary institution that framed casual marriage alliances between men and women following marumakkathayam . This ritual marks the union of the bride and groom and was not necessarily a permanent arrangement.
However it was this innate weakness of sambandham that helped maintaining the integrity of the matrilineal tharavadu. ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12.
Arumina, G., op.cit., p. 292. William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol. I, Madras, 1906, p. 111.
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49 Sambandham denoted hypergamy between Nayar women and 13
Namboothiri men as well as reciprocal marriage among Nayars. However such an alliance was not recognized as constituting marriage by Namboothiri Brahmins as well as by colonial courts but was seen as 14
comparable to concubinage. Two reasons cited for this were that dissolution of sambandham was fairly easy and that it did not give rise to property relations. Though viewed by Namboothiri Brahmins and European commentators as immoral, allied with polyandry, or even prostitution, sambandham was nothing of that sort for the Nayar women. Sambandham essentially gave a Nayar woman the liberty to initiate,
consent to, or terminate a sexual relationship with any man and thereby formed one of the foundations of matrilineality. In case of sambandham with Namboothiri men, the system benefited both the Namboothiri Brahmins as well as matrilineal castes like the Nayars for two reasons. First, Namboothiri brahmins had institutionalized primogeniture, permitting only the eldest son to marry within the caste. Younger sons (also called aphans) in Namboothiri families were expected to establish sambandham with Nayar and Ambalavasi (temple service castes) women. Secondly, Nayar families
____________________________________________________________ 13. 14.
Website on Kalari preceding Kung Fu An Article on Marma Adi and Marma Shastra,lifepositive.com
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50 encouraged the sambandham arrangement with Namboothiri men, 15
thereby increasing their tharavadu and caste status. Such alliances between Nayar women and Namboothiri men came to an end after the efforts of V.T Bhattathirippad in 1933.
Religious Customs Kerala is a pluralistic society where no one ethnic community or religious group dominates the scene. They are all minorities, and all minorities have their place. All are Keralites first; then they are Brahmins, Nayars, Ezhavas, Muslims, Christians, and Jews. The extinct religious communities of Jainism and Buddhism also have made their contributions to Kerala's culture.
Early Religion The Cheras, the ancestors of present-day Keralites, were at 16
one time Indian Mundas and later Indian Dravidians, but not Hindus. They worshipped many gods and goddesses, among whom the most important one was Lord Shiva, the Supreme God, who was specifically adored as the Sun God. They did not have idols and icons; they worshipped lingam-shaped stones as abodes of the divine presence; they ____________________________________________________________ 15. 16.
Velupillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 858. Ibid., p. 412.
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51 believed that some of these self-grown stone pillars, as opposed to manmade structures, were physical transformations of invisible gods. Besides praying in front of these stones located usually under the sacred Pepal tree, they used to anoint with water, alcohol, oil, and colored powder. Occasionally they would sacrifice a chicken and pour the blood on the 17
stone. This form of worship is still practiced in many villages in Kerala. The Hindu temples also have taken over this form of worship and perfected it with elaborate rituals and Sanskrit hymns and prayers. The early people also worshipped the Mother-Goddess and various manifestations of her, besides a number of minor gods and 18
ancestors. The reason for all this worship-ritual is their belief that the universe is inhabited by super-natural beings and powers. All the rituals and prayers are designed for coping with this religious world which is not always consistent, but arbitrary; the gods control the destiny of man and the universe. Therefore, it is necessary to propitiate these deities and spirits so that they may be benevolent to the living or that they may not at least bring harm to the people. The remarkable thing about the early religion is that it was never a static institution. It constantly evolved by the addition of new gods and new rituals and by the dropping of some old gods and old rituals. The ____________________________________________________________ 17. 18.
Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 255. Ibid., p. 258.
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52 early Indians gradually absorbed many Vedic gods or identified their own gods with the Vedic gods; for instance, the Shiva of the primitive religion was identified with the Vedic Rudra and was absorbed into Brahminical Hinduism; Murugan became identical with Subramonya/Kartikeya and Madura Meenakshi with Parvati, and so on. As a result of this contact with the Brahmins and their religion, a new pan-Indian religion called "Hinduism" evolved in India. It was neither purely Aryan/Vedic nor purely Munda/Dravidian; it was a healthy synthesis of the early religion and Vedic Hinduism; the brilliant Brahmin theologians created new mythologies and rituals to fit the needs of this new religion; they did not destroy the old, pagan, primitive religion, but rather baptized it, enriched it, and found a place for it in the new religious universe of Hindu India. The best way to study the primitive religion is to study the religions of the tribals who still retain the basic beliefs and basic rituals of the early religion in spite of their exposure to Hinduism. The few remarks on early religion made above are the result of the researcher's fieldwork among the various tribes in India and particularly of Kerala.
The Meaning and origins of Onam and other National Festivals Like every other culture, the Kerala culture also celebrates 19
some important festivals. Since Kerala is composed of several ethnic and ____________________________________________________________ 19. Thundy Zacarias, ―The Meaning and Origins of Onam and Other National Festivals‖http://www.shelterbelt.com/KJ/khonam.html http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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53 20
religious groups, the country has a wide variety of festivals. Some of these are not just special for Keralites, but common feasts, like Christmas and Easter, which are celebrated by Christians of all denominations all over Kerala, India, and the world. Like-wise, Muslims celebrate their festivals of Id and Bakrid all over India. The Hindus also celebrate certain festivals like Divali, Dasara, and Holi in most parts of India while certain regions have their own special feasts like Pongal in Tamil Nadu and Durga Puja in West Bengal. Keralites celebrate Onam festival as their national 21
festival irrespective of caste and creed. There are a few other minor festivals that are dear to certain sections of Keralites like Thiruvathira, 22
Vishu, Teyyam and Sabarimalai Pilgrimage which will be briefly 23
described below It is impossible to describe all the other important local festivals; their name are legion; every temple and church have their own annual festivals.
Onam Thiru Onam is celebrated in the second half of August (the Chingam month of Kollam Era) when the August monsoon rains come to ____________________________________________________________ 20. 21.
Anon, ―Onam‖. Malayali.com, http://www.malayali.com/onam.htm Anon, ―Onam‖. Shubhkaama.
http://www.shubhkaamna.com/feature/onam/onam.htm Anon, ―Onam – the National Festival of Kerala‖. http://www.naturemagics.com/festivals/pages/onam.htm. 23. Ittyipe, Minu, ―Fantasy Kingdom of Maveli‖. The Hindu Online, Metro Plus Kochi, Aug. 22, 2002. [7] Jose, Salil, ―An e-mail from Maveli‖, Maa Mallupuram, Chennai. 22.
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54 an end and the summer heat gives way to the pleasant warmth of the 24
Kerala autumn. Anthropologists see in Onam a great fertility rite, the ceremony of thanks giving for a plentiful harvest. For Keralites Onam is the celebration of the return of Mahabali, their once and future king. This king once ruled over the Keralites during the Golden Age before caste existed, "when all men were equal, when no one was poor, when there was
neither theft
nor dread of thieves" ( Maveli
natu
vanitum
kalam/Manusharellam onnu pole ). The complete folk-song is given below
in its English version: "When Maveli, our King, rules the land, All the peoples form one casteless race. And people live joyful and merry; They are free from all harm. There is neither theft nor deceit, And no one is false in speech either. Measures and weights are right; No one cheats or wrongs the neighbour. when Maveli, our King, rules the land, 25
All the peoples form one casteless race" .
______________________________________________________________________ 24. 25.
http://www-instruct.nmu.edu/english/zthundy> http://www.nd.edu/zthundy>
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Kathakali
Dance
Onam Athappoo Kolam
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56 The celebration of the return of Mahabali takes four days for 26
the Hindus . The house and yard are cleaned; a temporary mud stall is put up and washed with cow-dung solution for the royal visitor; flowers are strewn over it for the king to sit upon; pyramid-shaped images of the king 27
called Trikkakarappan, made of wood or clay, are placed upon it as the onlookers applaud and cheer in sheer welcome. Every Morning Pujas (worship service) are performed during the four days of Onam parents give children presents, especially dresses on the occasion. Onam has become a holiday like Thanksgiving which is characterized by family reunion and feasting. Three foods used to be essential for the festival are split bananas, 28
pappadam (wafer) and payasam (rice pudding). After the sumptuous
midday dinner, all the family members dressed in fine clothes and amuse themselves: adults and boys play hand-ball, chess, dice, and/or cards. Wrestling and display of swordsmanship are not common any more; women and girls sing and dance. In the backwaters of Kerala, young men race the long snake-boats (chundan vallom) - a reminder of snake29
worship. ______________________________________________________________________ 26.
Anon, ―Onam‖. Shubhkaama., http://www.shubhkaamna.com/feature/onam/onam.htm
27.
Anon, ―Onam – the National Festival of Kerala‖. http://www.naturemagics.com/festivals/pages/onam.htm. Ibid. Gilbert Slater , Some South Indian Villages, London, Oxford University Press, 1918, p. 253.
28. 29.
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57 Onam celebrates the legendary King Bali. Only two versions are told these days. According to the orthodox Brahminical version, Mahabali was a wicked demon (asura) king who was yet "good" enough to become a yogi by virtue of his austerities ( tapas). He controlled earth and heaven; the gods, of course, felt threatened by Bali. So they sent Vishnu to get rid of this menace; Vishnu assumed the form of a holy beggar, the comical dwarf Vamana, and asked for the gift of as much land as he could cover in three paces. Vamana grew into cosmic size and in three strides encompassed the whole earth and heaven and Bali was forced to retire to 30
the only space left, patalam, the other world. In the Kerala version, Bali is Mahabali, the benevolent ruler who aroused the jealousy and envy of the gods. He gave up his kingdom not just because he was the victim of a trick but because he was too generous to refuse a request and too honorable not to fulfill a promise. He asked Vamana to place the third stride on his head; Vamana-Vishnu kicked him down into the nether world. Mahabali, however, was granted the wish, before he retired, that on a day each year he would be allowed to return to his dear people, the Keralites, to see them and to be with them as father 31
and friend. ______________________________________________________________________ 30. 31.
Folk-lore Published 1960, Indian Publications, p.47. Gilbert Slater, op.cit., p. 258.
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58 Obviously, these two versions of the Mahabali-legend represent the conquest of the non-Aryan Keralites by the Aryans on the battlefield and in the field of religion. The Aryans and their gods triumphed over the Keralite gods; instead of completely banishing their gods to the realm of non-being, the Brahmins demonized one god, 32
Mahabali, and accepted Shiva, the God of Bali. Keralites, on the other hand, would not consider their god Bali a demon, but rather a vanquished god and popular ally. There is a third version of Bali retained by the Mundas of Central India, the cousins of the Keralites. This version is untouched by the theology of the Aryan Brahmins. The Cheras of the Chotanagpur region, the ancestors of Keralites, had a great king called Bali who governed the Dinajpur area; he was an Asur. He did not worship Vishnu, the Aryan God. He continued to worship the native Munda God, Lord Shiva. Bali introduced the severe mode of worship, while suspended from a lever by iron hooks which are passed through the skin of the back. He spent a thousand years in this penance and obtained the favour from Lord Shiva that no god (Aryan) should ever have the power to kill him. While the king was reigning in great glory, Anirudha, the grandson of Krishna, the King of Brindaban and Mathura, came in disguise to his court and seduced his daughter Usha. The young man was arrested ____________________________________________________________ 32.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 292.
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59 and thrown in prison. In order to liberate his grandson, Krishna came with a great army and defeated Bali; the young man was released and was allowed to marry Usha. King Bali's city was destroyed by Krishna's barbarian army later in an unprovoked battle. According to the Munda and Santal traditions, it was an Aryan Kharwar Chief by the name of Madhu Das attacked them at night and drove them to the fortresses of Vanchi (Vindhya) Hills (the future name of Kerala) for their refusal to bestow the hand of one of their girls on the son of Madhu Das. These legends show that Mahabali, the Chera king of the Munda race and worshipper of Shiva, 33
was defeated by Krishna, the Vishnu-worshipper. The Mahabali-story of the Keralites, in the Munda-Chera tradition, indicates the triumph of the Vaishnavite brand of Aryans over the Shiva-worshipping Munda-Cheras. King Bali is immortal and therefore a god; though he is defeated, he is still alive. It is this once-and-future king 34
Bali whom Keralites commemorate in the Onam festival — Bali is also called Ban (is Onam named after Ban?). Further, Bali/Balia is a common personal name among the Mundas. The name appears later as Mahabali and Maveli in the South where the Cheras settled down. In the Tamil Sangam-work, Puram (234), Maveli appears as the Vellala chief of Milalaikurram who was very wealthy and generous: "The gates of the ____________________________________________________________ 33. 34.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 298. Ibid., p. 293.
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60 mansion were never closed and he never sat to meals except with a large company." He died of wounds received in battle fighting against the 35
Pandyan King Nedumchelyan (Puram 233). Mahabali is remembered thus in another folk story in Tamil Nadu; in this story the enemies of Bali are Tamils. There are places bearing Bali's name in Tamil Nadu like Mahabalipuram and in Kerala like Mavelikkara. The purpose of this discussion on the legends of Onam is to indicate a well-known folklore truth that there is a historical nucleus to most myths and legends and that they undergo many changes in the passage of time, during the migration of ethnic groups. The researcher's contention is that Mahabali was a great ancient Munda-Chera King, a 36
Shiva-worshipper, who was defeated by the Vishnu-worshipping Aryans. Mahabali is still remembered fondly by the Keralites, the descendants of the Munda-Cheras, as the British remember the legendary King Arthur who fought against the invading Anglo-Saxons in the fifth century in Britain. Arthur is called rex quondam atque futurus ("the once and future king"). Mahabali is exactly that for the Keralites. For them he is also a Santa Claus or Father Christmas; someday, like King Arthur and Jesus Christ, Mahabali will return in glory, and the defeated Chera culture will rise in glory like the phoenix from its ashes. ____________________________________________________________ 35. 36.
http://www.Kerala.gov.in/notifications/no.gs3-1698-2005.pdf . Ibid.
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61
Dance Performance of Nayar Women
Oonjal
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62
Thiruvathira This is another national festival. It falls on the Thiruvathira day
in
Dhanu
(December-January).
The
details
comes
under
Thiruvathirakkali in oncoming pages.
Vishu Vishu falls on the first of Medam (March-April), which is the 37
astronomical New Year's Day. One's good fortune during the year would depend on his seeing some good thing on Vishu morning. The heart of the festival is the preparation of the kani (the lucky sight or gift). The older custom of preparing the kani is described below. The women of the family take a large dish made of bell-metal (uruli), arrange in it a grantha (palmleaf manuscript), a gold ornament, a new cloth, some flowers from the konna tree (cassia fistula), some coins in a silver cup, a split coconut, a
cucumber, some mangoes, and a jack-fruit. On either side of the dish are two burning lamps with a chair facing it. After these are set in the living room of the house, family members are taken one by one with their eyes blindfolded or closed. When they are in the living room, the blindfolds are removed so that they ____________________________________________________________ 37.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 297.
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63
Flower Blossom during Onam
Lord Muruga with Valli and Theivanai
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64
may view the vishu kani. The kani is then taken from the home to the 38
homes of the poor for their benefit. The father (Karanavan) of
the
39
family gives gifts of money to children, servants, and tenants. During the rule of the Rajas, state officials used to pay respects to the reigning king to wish him a Happy New Year, to offer gifts, and receive presents from him. The day is marked by a grand feast at home for all the members of the family and the dependents.
Dress and Ornaments Males wear a Kaupinam and a single strip of cloth, four or five cubits in length, known as the Mundu, round the waist and another one 40
thrown over the shoulder or worn like a shawl(veshti). The lower cloth is not tucked between the legs as in northern India but is left to hang loose to the ground. The upper cloth is known as the Neriatu which may be tied as 41
a turban on the head while walking outside. The dress of the women is not generally distinguishable from the men. On festive occasions the Pudava is worn which is a gilt bordered mundu, also known as a Pattukara. ____________________________________________________________ 38. 39. 40. 41.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 298. The Temple Entry Proclamation Memorial Souvenir, Trivandrum, 1942, p. 21. Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 303. A travel feature on the ancient Kerala art of Kalaripayattu, rediff.com
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65 This dressing style of women is no longer practised and introduction of the Rauka blouse in the early 20th century made it extremely popular among the Nayar women. The mundu is still widely used by almost everybody in Kerala, though modern clothing, naturally, has found tremendous use as well.
42
Men usually, besides anklets and rings, had their ears bored and wore earrings studded with precious gems. Women had for the neck ornaments such as the Kantasaram, Nalupanti, Addiyal , Ponnu-Nool , Nagapadam (the most important ornament of a Nayar lady), Arimbu Mani, Jnali Kuzhal , Minnum Maniyum, Arasillatali , Pachakkatali, Kasu Malai, Kuzhalmala, Rasi Tali, Padakkatali etc. For the nose, pendants called 43
Mukuttis were worn set with ruby or diamond generally. For the arms,
bangles such as Kattikappu, Maniyalakappu, Swarna-Sangala Muduku etc. were worn. For the waist, ornaments known as Kacchapuram were worn. Young girls even wore ornaments on their feet, known as Thanda or 44
Padaswaram. The Nayar ladies extended their ear lobes and the only two
types of ornaments which were worn in the ears was a type of cylindrical ornament known as Takka or a two lipped biconvex disc considered more ____________________________________________________________ 42. 43.
Kalaripayattu, the traditional martial art, enskalari.org.in Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1906, pp. 232, 238. 44. The Nayar heritage of Kerala: People and culture, Keralaonlinetourism.com
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66 fashionable, known as the Toda. Jewels were not worn on the head. Tattooing was not favored among the Nayars and was considered 45
derogatory.
Food and drink Boiled rice and rice gruel known as Kanjee (pronounced kun jee) form the staple food of the Nayars. The coconut, jack, plantain, mango and other vegetable products are widely used in cooking among the Nayars and coconut oil is also used widely for frying. Ghee was used in well 46
to do families and on festive occasions. Kanjee was taken thrice a day at mealtimes and formed the major part of the diet of the Nayars. Animal food was not objectionable and fish was the most commonly consumed commodity, fowl being less in demand. Beef was barred for the Nayars. 47
Alcoholic drinks as a rule were prohibited.
Other customs Nayar have customs and rituals which are an amalgamation of indigenous rituals and the rituals of Nambothiri Brahmins. Generally, there are local variations for such customs. However, the basic framework of many of the rituals is more or less the same. ____________________________________________________________ 45. 46. 47.
Kerala - Gateway to Paradise, Kerala.cc Ancient martial art fights for survival in India, findarticles.com Kalari, usadojo.com
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67
Seemantham Seemantham (also known as Pulikudi or Garbhamthozhikkal )
denotes the preparation for childbirth and is performed between the fifth 48
and seventh months of pregnancy. On an auspicious day, after being massaged with homemade ayurvedic oil, the woman has a customary bath with the help of the elderly women in the family. After this, the family deity is worshiped, invoking all the paradevatas and a concoction of herbal medicines prepared in the traditional way, is given to the woman. The woman is dressed in new clothes and jewelry used for such occasions. Among some Nayars of Malabar two local ritualistic additions called ariyidal and Garbha Prashnam are performed. In the ariyidal the seated pregnant lady is given rice and appams in her lap. In
the Garbha Prashnam, an astrologer prescribes ritualistic remedies (if needed) for the protection of the mother and child as well as for smooth child birth in the event of any astrological obstacles. Afterwards, the pregnant lady visits four temples, including her own ancestral temple and prays to the deities for a healthy child and for a smooth delivery. After this she begins to observe Pula
or
birth
pollution, which
49
extends up to 15 days after childbirth. The family then holds a feast ____________________________________________________________ 48. 49.
Velupillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, 1940, p. 412. Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 415.
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68 for all the relatives. Medicines and routines are prescribed for the woman, which are to be followed till childbirth.
Irupethi Ettu th
This ceremony is performed on the 28 day after birth of the child, as this is the first time the nakshatram (star) of the child repeats 50
according to the Malayalam calendar. During the ceremony, charadu (thread), one in black cotton and the other in gold are interwined and tied around the waist of the child. The child's eyes are lined with mayye or kannumashi (Kohl). A black spot is placed on one cheek or asymmetrically
on the forehead, to ward of evil eyes. A mixture of ghee (melted and clarified butter) and honey is given to the infant as a base for its various foods in the future. This is similar to the Jaathakarmam ceremony of the Namboothiris. In many instances, honey is rubbed with gold on a stone, which is then mixed with Vayampu, a herbal medicine. This mixture is then applied on the tongue of the newborn. In certain areas, the child's horoscope is usually made out between the birth and the Irupethi Ettu so that a name based on an ideal first letter prescribed by his horoscope can be used to name the child. This name-giving ceremony is similar to the Naamakaranam ceremony of the Namboothiris. In some instances, ____________________________________________________________ 50.
Ibid., pp. 416-418.
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69 piercing of the lower lobes of the ears for both boys and girls ( Karnavedham) is also done on the same day. Otherwise, it is done separately on an auspicious day. Unlike the Namboothiris who perform Jaathakarmam and Namakaranam as separate rituals, Nayars mostly tend
to perform them together on the Irupathi Ettu .
Choroonu Choroonu is the ritual of feeding rice to the child for the first 51
time. Rice is the primary food of Nayars, which is why the first intake of purified rice is celebrated on an auspicious day. After manthrams are chanted to request Agni to purify the food, a mixture of melted ghee and honey, followed by boiled rice is served to the child. This ceremony is th
th
performed during the 6 month or after the 7 month of birth.
Thulamasakkuli During the Malayalam month of Thulam (October November) all the women and girls in the family baths in the river or family pond before sunrise. They will then perform rituals of worship at home, or visit a temple for Nirmalyam (viewing the deity for the first time for the day). ____________________________________________________________ 51.
Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 413.
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70
Thiruvathirakkali Thiruvathira is observed on the full-moon day of Dhanu 52
Masam, on the day of the Thiruvathira star (Alpha Orionis). It is
believed this is the day, the Goddess Parvathi finally met Siva, after her long penance. It is believed that observing Thiruvathira vratham or Thiruvathira nonbu (fasting during thiruvathira ) would ensure that a
woman's husband would have a long life. The Nayar women, including little girls, would get up early in the morning during the whole of Dhanu masam and go to the Kulam or river to take a bath. They will go in a sort
of procession, singing various songs. They sing and play while taking bath. This is called Thudichukkuli. After bathing, they go to the temple 53
dressed in their finest clothes. Thiruvathira is a day of fasting. No one eats rice preparations, but they are allowed to eat things made of wheat and all types of fruit. The practice of presenting bunches of bananas to the elders was common. During this season, huge swings ( oonjal) are erected in the backyards of most of the houses. These swings are hung from the branches of tall trees such as mango trees or jack-fruit trees. The swings are made of ropes hung from the branch with a wooden plank for the seat. They can also be made from a well grown bamboo tree shoot, which is ____________________________________________________________ 52. 53.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 299. Ibid., p. 300.
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71
vertically split into two. The sumptuous family dinner is held at noon; fried
bananas
and
sweets
are
passed
around
to
complete
the
54
celebrations. After lunch, the Thiruvathirakkali danced would be performed. The accompanying songs (Thiruvathirapaattu) are written in Malayalam and are set in a specific meter. The dance is also called Kaikotti Kali (dancing while clapping hands) and is also performed
during the festival of Onam.
Poorakkali Pooram means "festival" in Malyalam. In regions south of Korapuzha, this is mainly a temple celebration. However in regions north
of Korapuzha, especially north Malabar, Pooram is predominantly a Nayar household festival during the month of Meenam (March-April). The festival lasts for 9 days, starting from Karthika day to Pooram day. Among unmarried Nayar women of north Malabar, Pooram was celebrated to praise and please Kamadeva, the God of Love. On each of the day an idol of Kamadeva made out of clay, is worshipped at different locations starting from the steps of the pond (first day) to the inner house (ninth day). The song sung by the group leader is repeated by the others and the ______________________________________________________________________ 54.
www.thiruvananthapuram.net Powered By Worldviewer Dot Com (India) Pvt. Ltd. www.Kerala.com.
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72 song begins Thekkan dikkil povalle kamaa. Eendola panayil iruthume kamaa. (Do not leave us and go the south and various reasons are
provided as to why he will be treated better in the north. These are sung in the form of puns). Dances are performed around a sacred lamp with 55
elegant steps resembling Thiruvathirakkali. While dancing, the players clap their hands uniformly to the tune of the song and to the thaalam (rhythm or beat) of the group leader. Poorakkali has 18 different forms. Stories from the epic Ramayana often constitute the subject matter of the ritual songs. The ritual dance form warrants intense training and good physical stamina. The forward and backward movements and the abrupt variations in the speed and directions enthralls the spectators. Invariably, Poorakkali is followed by a duel of wits staged to test the 56
intellectual capacity of the rival group leaders. This is known as Marathukali. During the debate, intriguing questions are put by one leader
to the other side. In central and south Kerala, several poorams or festivities during this season are observed in all important temples of the different deshams. The most famous of all these, is the Thrissur Pooram. Before
the advent of the Thrissur Pooram, the largest temple festival during summer in central Kerala is the one-day festival held at Aarattupuzha. ____________________________________________________________ 55. 56.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 301. Ibid., p. 302.
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73 Temples in and around Thrissur were regular participants of this religious exercise until they were once denied entry by the responsible chief of the Peruvanam area of Cherpu, known for its Namboothiri supremacy. As an
act of reprisal, and also in a bid to assuage their wounded feelings, Prince Rama Varma (1751-1805), also known as Sakthan Thampuran (ruler of
the erstwhile Cochin state ) invited all these temples to bring their deities to Thrissur where they could pay obeisance to Lord Vadakunnathan, the deity of the Vadakunnathan temple. Further, he directed the main temples of Thrissur, Thruvambadi and Pamamekkavu, to extend all help and support to these temples. It is this historical background that determined the course of the Thrissur Pooram program me and it is specifically because of the ruler's antipathy to the Brahmin aristocracy, that he opened Thrissurpooram to the common man.
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Chapter III
Nayar Marriage system
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CHAPTER - III
NAYAR MARRIAGE SYSTEM
Nayar marriages are simple and hold much more social significance than religious. The institution of marriage was conceived in a 1
loose sense in those days. On the auspicious day, the bride‘s family welcomes the groom and is entourage at the venue of the wedding to the notes of the Nadaswaram (a long horn like instrument) and Tavil (drums). The groom is accorded a special welcome by the bride‘s brother who
washes his feet and garlands him. He is then escorted to the canopied stage (mandapam) by girls holding auspicious symbols such as a sacred oil lamp, the 'ashtamangalya', a plate holding mirror, bell, vermilion box, and a 'kindi' or water container with a spout. This mandapam is decorated with flower garlands, palm fronds and small plantain trees. The bride then arrives in a splendid silk saree and at the ascertained hour (muhurtham) the groom ties the taali or the sacred thread around her neck. This is a yellow thread with a golden pendent signifying the marital status of a woman. Then garlands are exchanged by the bride and groom. She is now gifted a 2
silk saree and jewelry by her husband and in-laws. Traditionally marriage ____________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
Kapadia, K.M., "Marriage and Family in India", Oxford University Press, p. 0. Velu Pillai, T.K., "Travancore State Manual", Vol. I, The Govt. Press, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 414.
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over the Nayar woman would go back to her Taravad, her matrilineal home but nowadays she accompanies her husband to his household. She enters her marital home right foot forward by kicking over a large measure of paddy signifying the prosperity and plenty she brings with her. A reception is usually held with social gathering and feasting. The Nayars of Kerala are different from other castes mainly because they trace their descent through the female line and they had a marriage system in which women were allowed to have several husband simultaneously. The Nayars are of Dravidian stock. The original Nayars were undoubtedly a military body, holding land and serving as warriors. They enjoyed special privileges and power. Nayars lived in matrilineal 3
joining families known as taravads. A taravad might have a number of members all living together in one big house. Each taravad was an independent economic unit ; its members collectively owned property from which they derive livelihood. The polyandrous kinship and marriage system of Nayars were the singular aspects of the society in Kerala. The Nayars are one of the dominant castes in Kerala. They are 4
one among the major divisions of Hindu population. The Nayars formed the traditional militia until the establishment of the British hegemony. ____________________________________________________________ 3. 4.
William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol. 1, Trivandrum, 1981, p. 159. Krishna lyer, L.A., Social History of Kerala, Vol. II, Madras, 1970, p. 25.
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76 Their name itself implies that they were the leaders of the people. The Nayars are said t be a mixed race generated from the original Dravidian stock, not intermixe with the Nambudiri Brahmin genes. They are a martial 5
community, and high caste Naytars have Nambudiri fathers" . According to I. K. Ananthakrishn lyer, the Nayars are an interesting caste of people, forming a considerable portion of the population of the last of the 6
honoured castes under the name ( the pure Sudras of Malaya). They constitute one of the major castes in Kerala having different titles like Nayar, Pillai, Panicker, Kuruppilla, Kaimal, Unithan, Valiyathan and Menon. It does not include the low caste Nayars like Velakkuthala Nayars (Barbars), Velutheda Nayars (Dhobbies) Chakkala Nayars and the other numerous sub divisions. Each group has got its own distinctive practices related to marriage. In the traditional system they were attached to the royal families of Nambudiri or Brahmins through hypergamous alliances. They rank high in the social hierarchy of Kerala. They come next to the Kshatriyas of Kerala Broadly speaking the Nayars rank after the Nambudiris in Malabar and they occupy the same position in the princely 7
states of Cochin and Travancore. In Travancore, Nayars enjoyed the ______________________________________________________________________ 5. 6. 7.
Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. I, p. 416. Anantha Krishna lyer, L.K., Cochin Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, London, 1909, p. 12. Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 185.
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77 privilege of being the most numerous upper class Hindus. They could 8
compel submission and subserviences from their caste inferiors. The Nayars lived jointly in a house which was called taravad. Taravad is derived from the word tara which means mount i.e., the 9
raised foundation on which a Nayar house was built. A taravad consisted of a female ancestor her children, her daughter's children, grand daughters of her daughter and as such other descendants however remote in the female line. The male descendants themselves are its members but their children are not. Taravad membership arises by birth in the family. A 10
female member of the taravad does not change her family by marriage. The size of the taravad used to vary from one another depending upon its stage in the developmental cycle and there were cases when the taravad had more than hundred persons at a given time. Every member of the taravad used to consider his taravad as something sacred. Each member of the taravad had a right to the taravad property by birth alone. If any member dies his or her share got developed upon the other members of the taravad. The eldest male of the taravad, also known as karanavar had legal rights to managing the taravad. In the event of his ______________________________________________________________________ 8.
Balakrishnan, V., and Leela Devi,R., Mannathu Padmanabban and The Revival of Nayars in Kerala, Delhi, 1982, p. 18. 9. David Schneider, M., Kathleen Gough, Matrilineal Kinship, New Delhi, 1961, p. 323. 10. Fuller, C.J., The Nayars Today, Cambridge, 1976, p. 103. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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death the next senior male member of that taravad succeeded. Thus the taravad and its property had been kept under the control and management 11
of the karanavar alone. The position of the members other than the head of the 12
marumakkathayam or matrilineal family was precisely analogous. The relationship between the Karanavan and other members of the family was quite formal and determined by the principle of respect for seniority. Karanavan has been described as the keystone of the marumakkathyam arch. The junior members in the taravad were supposed to have no right to possess anything that formed the taravad property in antagonism to the 13
taravad karanavan. He commanded such a great authority in the management of the taravad. In effect, he might be called an absolute ruler. It was his right and duty to manage alone the property of the taravad, to take care of it, to invest it in his own name (if it was movable) either on loans or on other security, or by purchasing land in his own name and to receive the rents of those lands. He was not accountable to any member in the taravad in respect of the income of it, though there were silent protests disposal of landed property. Protests became over towards the close of the ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12. 13.
Sreedhara Variar, K., Marumakkathayam and Allied System of Law in the Kerala State, Ernakulam, 1963, p. 29. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 114. Puthenkalam, J., Marriage and the family in Kerala, New Delhi, 1977, p. 213.
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79 disintegration of the taravad in his own behalf. The karanavan might delegate his powers of management. This delegation of power had to be limited to the member of the taravad. In some cases, the delegation would become irrevocable except with the consent of all the adult members or by 14
a decision of a court of law. He represented the taravad and he alone could sue and be sued of the taravad. In other words, we can say, the karanavan was the keystone of the Nayar taravad. Both
men
and
women
had
equal
freedom.
Women
participated in all family functions equally with men. The taravad itself is a matrilineal unit. The children of the women in the taravad had got equal freedom. Though the legal power of the taravad was vested with a karanavar, the social position of the women in the taravad was high. The women either sisters or nieces, older than the karanavar could exert decision making influences on him. Women were respected in their taravad by giving them different rooms and beautiful courtyard. They were free enough to move elsewhere in the taravad except to the room of the karanavar. Logan in his Malabar Manual had written that 'Nayarwomen were free and they had equal freedom with men. They participated equally with men in public affairs".
15
In the marriage they were free to select their
____________________________________________________________ 14. 15.
Ibid. William Logan, op.cit, p. 53.
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80 partners and also free to divorce the partners when they found it difficult to compromise. Marriage and morals generally go together. Kerala has evolved through the ages of its own marriage customs and code of 16
morals. The Aryanization of Kerala brought about some changes in the 17
institution of marriage and code of morals. The Chola-Chera war which brought about significant social and economic changes also had its effect on marriage customs and code of morals Nayar marriage system had been undergoing many changes in both its internal and external functions 18
with regard to the family and its functions. Marriage is a socially recognized cohabitation. The system of marriage among the Nayar witnessed a multitude of trials and tribulations in the course of last centuries. They became the victims of the fossilized customs and worn out 19
practice, which ultimately undermined the vitals of the sacred system. In the past, there were two institutionalized forms of marriage; one was between a pre-pubescent girl and a man which was known as talikettukalyanam. The second was between a mature woman and a mature man of status equal or superior to her own, which was known ______________________________________________________________________ 16.
Sreedhara Menon, A, Social and Cultural History of India, Trivandrum, 1979, p. 53. 17. Ibid., p. 93. 18. Desiga Vinayagam Pillai, S., Marumakkal Vazhi Manmiyam, (Tamil), Madras, 1991, p. 72. 19. Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. I, p. 423. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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as sambhandham. According to L. K. Ananthakrishna lyer, there were two form; of marriage in vogue among the Nayars, namely, the talikettu kalyanam and the sambhandam (the customary nuptial union of man and woman). The first of which is performed for every girl before puberty and 20
the second, the real adult marriage is celebrated after she comes of age.
Talikettu kalyanam Sreedhara Menon writes : "While considering the institution of marriage, it may be appropriate to considering the custom of talikettu kalyanam which prevailed even in the early part of this century among such non-Brahmin castes as the Nayars, Ezhavas and kammalas. It has 21
been prevalent among Nayars till recently in the name of kettukalyanam. The term talikettu kalyanam is a compound of three words, viz., tali 22
(a badge) kettu tying) and kalyanam (marriage)". Tali is a leaf shaped emblem made of gold or silver, which was worn on a string around the neck. It indicated the marital status of a woman. But among the early Nayars tali was tied to the girl before puberty. If she reached maturity ______________________________________________________________________ 20. p. Anantha Krishna Iyer, L.K., Cochin Tribes and Castes, Vol. II, London, 1909, 89. 21. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 110. 22. Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of India, Trivandrum, 1979, p. 96. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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82 before the talikettu she would have been expelled from her family as an outsider. Tali tying was performed on a girl or on a group of girls between the age of 11 and 13. The tier belonged either to the same or to a superior caste. In Southern Travancore, the 'tali tier' can also be relatives of either male line or female line irrespective of their age. One condition was that the tier should be older than the girl. Logan writes that the strange thing about it all was that the girl was not really married to the man who performed the tali tying ceremony. In the case of good families, the man selected for this duty is usually either an Illathu or an East Coast Brahmin and in the case of others a man of their own kindred. He continues to write 23
that after the ceremony he received a suitable present and departed. When the girl comes of age he cannot claim her as his wife or should solicit her 24
favours in after life. The tali tier had no claim to matrimony with the girl. The practice is said to be the result of the belief that the human of a virgin is protected by the God of marriage. The ceremonies associated with talikettu were different in different parts of Kerala. Fawcett wrote ; "the details of this ceremony vary in different parts of Malabar. But the ceremony itself, in some form is essential and must be performed for every ______________________________________________________________________ 23. 24.
William Logan, op.cit., pp. 160 - 161. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 101.
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83 Nayar girl before she attains puberty. Talikettu kalyanam means marriage by tying the tali or ceremony of tying the tali, a small gold ornament, worn 25
on the neck, the ordinary badge of marriage amongst the Dravidians". Talikketu kalayanam was a social custom which proclaimed to the word at large the fact that a girl in a taravad had attained marriageable status. One important factor is that the tali tied to the neck of the girl is made by the family of the girl and not by the family of the tier. Today the custom of tali tying as a special ceremony before marriage among Nayars is no more. Under the stress of modern civilization and as a result of social action taken by social reformers, the Nayars and Ezhavas have practically given up the tali kettu kalyanam. Its gradual dying out is a land mark in the 26
history of social change.
Sambhandham Sambhandham was a form of marriage practiced among early Nayars in Kerala. Sambhandham was a social contract by which a man and a woman surrender their sexual rights to each other. Sambhandham was a term most widely used for the marital relationship of a Nayar woman. Even today some of the old Nayar people use the word Sambhandham for ____________________________________________________________ 25. 26.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 129. Anantha Krishna Iyer, L.K., op.cit., p. 91.
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84
marriage, the real meaning of the world is union or bond. It is a 27
conjungal union, among the marumakkathayees. Nagam
Aiya
describes
Sambhandham
as
follows
:
Sambhandham is the marriage proper. The ceremony is also known by the name of pudavakoda or pudamuri (literally the giving of cloth). There is no religious element attached to the ceremony. 28 The custom allows a man to cohabit with a woman of an inferior social status while it prohibits the woman to exercise the same liberty. Marriage outside the same caste sub division is rare in Travancore. While in Malabar, marriage of a woman with a man of an inferior caste or a subdivision of caste is alone prohibited. The sambhandham is usually arranged by the karanavars of the families, of the partners. Among the two systems of marriage, the talikettu kalyanam is more
important
than
sambhandham.
29
K. M. Kapadia opines that
talikettu ceremony is more a form of marriage than a sambhandham, the essential element being the giving of cloth. But the sambhandham is a personal arrair, conducted in privacy which talikettu ceremony was performed with pomp and ceremony.
30
It is also stated that giving cloth is
______________________________________________________________________ 27.
Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 102.
28.
Nagam Aiya, Press, 1906, p. V, 356.Travancore State Manual, Vol.II, Travancore Government Thankappan Nayar, P., Defloration and Convade in Kerala, Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. Ill, pp. 456-459. Kapadia, K.M., Marriage and Families in India , New Delhi, 1955, p. 81.
29. 30.
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unimportant and cohabitation is the important element in marriage, cohabitation is possible only after sambhandham and sambhandham is 31
more important than talikettu. In South Malabar and North Travancore the wife is rarely taken to the husband's taravad. The husband visiting her in her house in the night and going home in the next morning remained the practice. While in South and Central Travancore the practice is contrary, the husband always takes his wife to his taravad. The sambhandham is always a matter of careful arrangements in which the wishes of the parties to it are considered, 32
and of which it is expected to bring mutual benefits to the taravad. In South Malabar the girl or woman never lives in her husband's house. She lives on in her own taravad house and is visited by the husband. The ordinary hugger mugger, which sometimes stulrifies all pleasures in existence, is thus avoided. In North Malabar the woman lives with her husband. A point to be noted in this connection is that when her husband dies she must leave his house and return to her own house at once, before his body is taken out for cremation. Remarriage of widow was allowed. "The Nayar woman in the event of separation from their husband by ______________________________________________________________________ 31.
Thulasidharan, K.M., Studies in Traditional Kerala Society, Trivandrum, 1977, p. 87. 32. Desigavinayagam Pillai, S., op.cit., p. 79. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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86 divorce or death are free to remarry, but the second and subsequent 33
marriages are not celebrated with as much formality as the first. The Aryan Brahmins when they came into the country had the same social organizations as existed among their successors. Their laws strictly ordinated that only the eldest member of a household should be left free to enter into lawful wedlock with a woman of their own caste, the younger members being left to shift for themselves in this matter. It should in this connection be remembered that the Brahmins formed an aristocratic order and as such they became the exclusive custodians of law. Naturally large number of Brahmin younger sons who were looking illegitimate unions of the nature of concubinage. 34 Now the sanctity of formal and religious marriages was in compatible with the baseless ness and degradation involved in these illegitimate unions and Brahmin ingenuity discovered a ready means of getting over the difficulties by a social prohibition of all valid marriages among the Nayars. To enforce this social edict upon the Nayars, the Brahmins made use of the powerful weapon of their aristocratic ascendancy in the country and the Nayars readily submitted to the Brahmin supremacy. Thus it came about that the custom of concubinage, so freely indulged in by the Brahmins with the Nayar ______________________________________________________________________ 33. 34.
Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. 11, Travancore Government Press, 1906, pp. 358 -359. Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., p. 414.
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87 women, obtained such firm hold in the country that it had only been 35
strengthened by the lapse of time. Jeffrey observed that sambhandham among Nayars were contracted and ended with considerable ease. Jeffrey continues, a man negotiated with a woman's karanavar obtained the women's agreement and presented her with a cloth. This was called sambhandham. And a woman might have sambhandham with a number of men at the same time. They had no right over her or her children but were expected to provide her with small presents of luxury items bath oil and pay her expenses when she had 36
a child. According to Logan, after attainment of the age of puberty the girl chooses her real husband of her own free will though in this is often guided by the opinion of her elders. The man she selects is called as the Gunadoshkaran. Gunam being 'good' and dosham being 'bad' and karan being the 'doer'. This designation may be exactly reproduced by the phrase from the English wedding service in which the mutual contract of the parties is "for better for worse, for richer for poorer". The ceremony of installment of her husband is exceedingly simple. All that is necessary is that the husband should give and that the girl should receive a cloth in the ____________________________________________________________ 35. 36.
Gopala Panicker, T.K., Malabar and its Folk , Madras, 1900, pp. 36-38. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance : Society and Politics in Travancore, 1847 -1908, New Delhi, 1976, pp. 15-16.
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88 presence of relatives and friends. If the pair is dissatisfied with each other 37
the woman returns the cloth and the connection there upon ends. The wife would not even speak or hint to him about her economic or personal needs, hence it was a shame for her taravad to accept any economic help from her sambhandham partners. She visited her husband's taravad during ceremonies and the karanavar of the husband sends cloths and tobacco to the wife's family on such occasions. When women became pregnant one or more of her sambhandham partners would claim paternity. Each one did this by giving a piece of cloth and some vegetables to the low caste woman who acted as mid wife. If no one claim parternity, then it was considered that the mother had sexual relations with a man of lower caste or non-hindu which was prohibited and thus both the mother and the child would be outcasted followed by execution or sale as 38
slaves. The upper class Nayars and members of the ruling families 39
practiced hypergamy. There were three types of hypergamy among Nayars viz. Nambudiri - Nayar hypergamy, Kshtriya - Nayar hypergamy and Nayar - Sub caste hypergamy. Both Nambudiri and Kshatriya hypergamy were prevalent largely in areas where those groups had ______________________________________________________________________ 37. 38. 39.
William Logan, op.cit., p. 164. Ibid., pp. 164-165. Fuller, C.J., op.cit, p.115.
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89 settlement, scattered in Northern Kerala, widespread in Central Kerala and few in Southern Kerala. At that time in Kerala, the women of Kshatriya royal lineage married Nambudiri Brahmins. Those of nonKshatriyanized royal lineage married Nambudiris or man of Kshatriya royal lineage. Women of wealthy Nayar lineage married men of any of the three groups above. The hypergamous pattern of marital relationship 40
existed in Kerala until the 1920's. Literature revealed that it was the Nambudiris who were responsible for losing the sanctity of Nayar sambhandham. For the sake of the interest and convenience of Nambudiris only such a loose laison among 41
Nayars originated. Gough has pointed out that the Nambudiris did not regard sambhandham union as a true marriage but as a kind of concubinage. Among Nambudiris only the eldest son married a Nambudiri woman which was called Tali. The younger brother's called aphans entered into marital relationship with women of royal, ambalavasi and Nayar lineage.42 A Nayar woman married to a
Kshatriya was called
kettilamma. If she was an ordinary girl of a poor family, she was provided 43
with land and housing. ______________________________________________________________________ 40.
Pillai, A.K.B., The Culture of Social Stratification / Sexism The Nayars, New York, 1987, p. 164. 41. Fuller, C.J., op. cit., p. 116. 42. Ibid. 43. Nilakanta Sastri, K.A., Foreign Notices of South India , Madras, 1922, pp.20-210. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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90 The Nayar man who got into sambhandham had no economic rights or responsibilities with the women and children. The children of that woman were purely under the control of the karanavar or her taravad. The economic benefits of Nambudiri husband from Nayar wife's lineage are observed as follows. "The Nayar hypergamous families were usually those of upper economic groups, and they did utmost within their capacity 44
to honour and please a Nambudiri husband. A hypergamous royal lineage of upper group Nayar lineage would have one or more private temples for Nambudiri husband's thevaram and matom (a house made for a 45
Nambudiri in Nayar compound) for their private living. In middle class families, where they could not normally afford to have special temple and matom, either alone or together with similar Nambudiri husbands of the area, cooked and ate in the village temple. The rice, vegetables and other cooking materials would also be attained by male and female servant provided by the Nayar family. Usually a Nambudiri husband spent the day time in his matom or in the temple, and visited his wife at night. He would not eat any boiled food from his wife's house but drink boiled milk, and eat plantains and plantain chips. The hypergamous families followed many Brahminical rituals and life style like vegetarianism, ritual purity, daily offering to temples etc. ______________________________________________________________________ 44. 45.
Pillai, A.K.B., op.cit., p. 166. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 116.
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91 Since it was considered that the Nambudiri alliance was as a status symbol, many families provided the Nambudiri husbands with special houses and the daily ritual facilities to make them as regular husbands and thus the ancestral wealth of the Nambudiri illom remained constant. There was another opinion, since the Nambudiris as a rich group in the society, the economic benefit might not be a single factor for sambhandam. Their main aim was to subjugate the Nayar under their superiority.
"Brahmin
dominance
was
reinforced
through
marital
relations with women to royal lineages and wealthy Nayar families, the offsprings of such relations were thought to be devoted to the 46
Nambudiri". Later there was a decline in the Nambudiri - Nayar alliances. C. J. Fuller in his village study of Ramankara Nayars observes : "by about 1925, such marriages had ceased, as Nayars were refusing to 47
allow their womenfolk to marry Nambudiris". Previously the sambhandham with the Nambudiri was considered as a status symbol, later it became a mockery. By that time, certain Nambudiris and some women started to campaign for the right of all Nambudiris to marry within the caste. The reform movement started in South Malabar around 1917. Nayar Nambudiri marriages were rather ______________________________________________________________________ 46. 47.
Pillai, A.K.B., op.cit., p. 164. Fuller, C.J., Nayars Today, New York, 1976, p. 75.
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92 rare in South Kerala because the number of Nambudiri illoms were few. However, Nayar-Kshatriya marriages were common in South Kerala. But today, both Nayar-Nambudiri or Nayar-Kshatriya marriages are not considered as a prestige to the Nayars. The Nayars lost their importance, when the society shifted status from caste and wealth to cash and education. Social awakening made them to think about the weak points of their family and marriage systems. The instability of their sambhandham and supremacy of the Brahmins haunted them. In Nayar taravads in the past, the husbands had 48
no responsibilities for the up bringing and education of the children. And both the husband and the wife could at anytime terminate the marriage at will. Many social reformers came forward to get the Nayar marriage legalized. In 1890, a Bill was introduced in the Madras Legislative Council to permit Nayars in the British India to register Sambhandham. This Bill was strongly opposed by a section of conservative Nayars, Nambudiri, Kshatriyas and non-Malayali Brahmins.49 A marriage commission was appointed. The commission made enquiries and submitted its report. In 1896, the Malabar Marriage Bill became law. By this law, people belonging to any caste
in
Malabar,
following
marumakkathayam could register their sambhandham. This law made ______________________________________________________________________ 48. 49.
Sreedhara Menon, op.cit., p. 54. Pillai, A.K.B., op.cit., p. 167.
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93 sambhandham a legally valid marriage and a man would make over his self acquired property to his wife and children. In 1899, the Travancore Wills Act gave marumakkathais the right to get half of their self-acquired 50
property on one's wife and children This was the first step of reform. Efforts were made to change the existing system of marumakkathayam. The marriage in marumakkathayam system revealed many serious defects and thus the members felt strong resentment. The junior members of the taravad felt that the karanavars showed partiality towards the members of his own thaivazhi or branch viz. the children of 51
his direct sisters. Conflicts were also started between the interest of the sisters of the karanavar and his wife. Wife of the karnavar (ammayi) exercised great influence over the affairs of the taravad though their children had no legal claim to the family property of the karanavar. 52
The autocratic nature of the karanavar also felt by the junior members. When these problems intensified, the educated youth of matrilineal families revolted against the system. The movement for the reform of the marumakkathayam system reached its peak in the early decades of the 20
th
century. The Nayar Service Society was also in favour of changes in the existing laws. The Government took initiative and introduced bills to ______________________________________________________________________ 50. 51. 52.
Balakrishnan, V., and Leela Devi, op.cit., pp. 19-20. Ibid. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 126.
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94 regulate the personal laws of several communities in the state. The Travancore Nayar Act of 1912 allowed thaivazhi partition. The children were allowed to inherit half of the self acquired property of the father. The Nayar Act of 1925 allowed partition of the taravad property. The Act also prohibited polyandry and it marked the change from 53
marumakkathayam to makkathayam. In Cochin, the Nayar regulation of 1912 - 20 imposed resitrictions on the power of the karanavar and legalized the customary marriage, it made all husbands including non-Nayars legally responsible for the maintenance of their Nayar wives and children. Polygamy was prohibited. The Cochin Nayar Act of 1937 t 1938 made wives and children of a husband or father the legal heirs to his property. In British Malabar too legislation was enacted to legalise inheritance. With the passing of the Hindu Succession Act which came into force in 1956, Hindu men and women have been given equal rights to property and monogamy has also became compulsory for all Hindus. The enactment of new personal laws by the different governments in the State changed the organization of Nayar families. Father became the head of the family and his children began to inherit his properties. Gradually nuclear family system came in 54
vogue among Nayars. ____________________________________________________________ 53. 54.
Sreedhara Menon, A., Social and Cultural History of Kerala, New Delhi, 1979, pp. 91-92. Pillai, A.K.B., op.cit., p. 185.
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Chapter Iv
METEORIC UP AND DOWN OF NAYARs
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CHAPTER - IV
METEORIC UP AND DOWN OF NAYARS
th
Until the first decade of the 19 Century, the Nayars held a pre-dominant position in Kerala. In the dawn of that century the entire community was terrifically shattered from its preeminent position. But paradoxically no-body made any attempt to unravel the mystery behind this abrupt annihilation of that mighty community. All the historians and scholars dates from the period of
P. Shungoonny Menon discarded it
either by cognition or by ignorance. Recently the decline of the Nayar Dominance became a subject of much discussion among the scholars in Kerala and abroad.
But there was no change in the obscurity of the
problem, because they are still under the mask of the early writers. But this chapter an attempt is made to portray a graphic picture of that miserable fall.
Views of Scholars From time immemorial onwards the course and destiny of human history was regulated and decided by the might of the martial forces. A sound military force constituted an important factor in the rise of all great kingdoms in the world. There could not be land empire without a sufficient armed force. The neglect of defence would ultimately result in the sudden collapse and disintegration of that respective kingdom. Thus the existence of a state is largely depended upon its military force. A well http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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96 organized, well disciplined and well trained regular militia formed an integral part of every state. In Travancore, before the origin of the police force and the formation of state military force, the defence of the kingdom was looked after by the Nayar Bridge. They maintained law and order within the kingdom.
The Nayars constituted the bulk of the militia.
Unlike any other community the Nayar community dedicated itself to the cause of the king and the kingdom from its very beginning. Most of them were intensely patriotic and freedom loving.
They derived perpetual
satisfaction only through their steadfast and sincere service. An ordinary 1
soldier received 61/2 rupees only per mensem. They were satisfied with that meager amount. The foreigners who visited this part of India were highly impressed with the chivalrous and adventurous spirit of the Nayar soldiers and wrote about the same K.P. Padmanabha Menon beautifully narrates all these opinions.
According to him the Nayars were born
soldiers. Durate Barbosa wrote that : "in these kingdoms of Malabar there is another set of people called Nayars, who are the gentry and have no other duty then to carry on war, and they continually carry their arms 2
with them". According to Varthema, an European scholar, "The Nayars ____________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
Foreign Secret Consultations Proceedings, 17 May 1804, F.15276. (Hereafter it will be referred as For. Sec. Cons. Proc.) Duarte Barbosa, A description to the coast of East Africa and Malabar in the beginning of 16th century, London, 1970, p. 118.
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97 are the same as the gentle folks amongst us, and are obliged to bear sword and shield or bows and lances. When they go through the streets, if they did not carry arms they would no longer be gentlemen". In 1563 Garcia described the Nayars as the knights in the Kingdom". Castenheda referred: "The Nayars were the men of war whom the king of Calicut and other kings, have ……….. They are all gentlemen who follow no office of
employment but that of fighting when needed". In 1583 Linschotten said: "of these Malabares there are two manner of people, the one noblemen or gentlemen called Nayars, who are soldiers, that do only wear and handle arms". He adds "They are very good and stout soldiers and would setupon a man very fiercely". In 1611 Johnson in his book on "Early Relations of the most famous kingdoms of the world- he mentioned "it is strange to see how ready the soldier of this country is at his weapons they are all gentlemen and termed Nayars". In 1609 Phrad Laval stated " they were the lords of the land - the best soldiers in the world and courageous extremely skilful in the use of arms with limbs for agile and supple that they can throw themselves into every imaginable posture, and thus avoid or cunningly carry every possible stroke whilst at the same time they spring upon the foe". In 1623, Della Vella commenting upon the Nayars observed that the "Gentiles of the race of Nairi, for the most part by profession soldiers sufficiently swashing and brave". The Dutch Captain Nieuhooff (1653-70) expressed the view that "The Nayars are the http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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98 descendants of noble families and brought up to the war and very bold and brave. They are the best wrestlers in the world and are very nimble on foot". Col. Wilkes observed: "The Nayars or military class of Malabar are perhaps, not exceeded any by nation on earth in
a high spirit of
independence and military honour; but like all persons stimulated by that spirit without the direction of discipline, their efforts are uncertain, 3
capricious and desultory". The general criticisms in comparison with the warm tributes had little weight. For instance Col. Macaulay stated: "the principal Nayars and Malabares of this coast seem to possess very little discrimination of character in general, they are selfish, cold, blunded, avaricious, narrowminded and meanly vindicative grafting the basest hypocrasy upon the most disgusting pride".
4
The Social Pyramid In the social pyramid of Kerala, the Nayars occupied a prominent place.
They were counted along with the savaranas or the
privileged section of the society. They were often treated as the Kashtriyas. They enjoyed all the paraphernelias of a luxurious and extravagant life. The key posts of the state were occupied by them. They were respected ____________________________________________________________ 3. 4.
Padmanabha Menon, K.P., A History of Kerala, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1924, pp. 338-339. For. Sec. Cons. Proc., 17 May 1804, F. 15291.
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99 by all. The kings were mostly guided by their advise. The Nayars even enjoyed the right to kill an Avarna without penalty, if he unfortunately 5
happened to cross him in the way. They enjoyed all these vast powers only due to their prominent position in the army. The military training of the Nayar children started from the seventh year of their age. They were trained in their family gymnasiums called Kalaris. Even before their adult stage they mastered in the art of warfare. Just after his arrival in Travancore Col. Macaulay wrote: "each house inhabited by a Nayar family is bound to hold in readiness and to furnish armed men at a call one male out of every two or in other words the half of all the males who have attained the age of twelve years. A proportion of these are constantly employed and they receive a small allowance in grain on urgent occasion and all males above twelve years of 6
age must attend the Rajah's standard when summoned". The early history of Travancore furnishes several brilliant records of their chivalrous action. For instance in 1532 in the battle of Tamraparni between Udaya Martanda Varma, the king of Travancore and Accuta, the successor of Krisna Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, the Nayars gallantly fought and defended Travancore: "on one side were ranged the ____________________________________________________________ 5. 6.
Duarte Barbosa, A description to the coast of East Africa and Malabar in the th beginning of 16 century, London, 1970, p. 120. For. Sec. Cons. Proc., 17 May 1804, Ff. 15085-6.
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100 resources of the empire (Vijayanagar) and of its Pandyan vassal, and on the other the gallant Nayars of Travancore. The Nayars in those days were a peculiarly military race, trained in the exercise of war from their earliest youth, and taking continued delight in their weapons, persuading 7
themselves that no nation goeth beyond them in skill and desterity". The military forces of nation are products of socio political environments. Each and every society had their own organized groups entrusted with the duty of defending national or group interests or of going into the offensive to protect themselves from similar groupings. Occasionally some of these tasks were performed by professional clashes of fighting men organized into regular standing armies. Such professional organizations are hallmarks of advanced and sophisticated societies. In less advanced countries (some backward countries) these duties were carried 8
out by militias' or irregular forces. Historians have been able to give some information in the 9
economy of Kerala during the sangam period. Militia acquired the meaning of a Domestic force for the defence of a nation as distinguished from regular army. Militia is the name given to fighting men, normally citizens compelled to be soldiers on call. In Athens, under Pericles, youths were admitted to manhood by way of military training and the formal ____________________________________________________________ 7. 8. 9.
Indian Antiquary 1914, Vol. XLIII, p. 217. The Nayar Brigade of Travancore, The Government Press, Madras, 1898, p. 11. The sangam period flourished from 1st century B.C. to 5 th century A.D.
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101 acceptance as armed citizens. The true militia system as a legal tradition is based upon the obligatory of every man to serve his nation. It is distinguished from the military system of most modern times in that they maintain substantial standing armies to which the citizen forces are only 10
supplements. It is considered as a defensive force. The Nayar militia in Travancore was a defensive force of the feudal chieftains, the King and the state.
Need of the Hour-Nayar Ascendancy It was a period of a well developed civilization, culture and way of life. An egalitarian society flourished with monarchical form of government. Though agriculture was the main occupation of the people, they followed several other occupations like fishing, hunting, spinning, weaving, carpentry etc. Martial spirit of a very high order prevailed, and bows and arrows, spears and swords were the offensive weapons. The army consisted of infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants. The frequent conflict between the three Tamil kingdoms 11
Chera, Chola and Pandya - might have stimulated this development. Thus the traditional system of warfare which persisted almost until the beginning of the modern period might have originated in this way. This social group might have evolved into a caste known as Nayars. ____________________________________________________________ 10. 11. 12.
Velupillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, Trivandram, 1940, p. 10. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 13. Fuller, C.J., The Nayars Today, Cambridge, 1976, p. 4.
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102 In course of time, soldiering became the traditional th
12
occupation of the Nayars especially after the 11 century AD. From the th
beginning of the Christian era down to the 12 century, it was the Nayars who commanded the army. During the Sangam, under the Cheras, the 13
'Nagas' were the commandants of the army. Other communities like the 14
Mazhavar and Ayinas had also enjoyed important position in the Chera 15
army , but the majority of them were 'Nagas' or 'Nayars'. There was also no other fighting class superior to the Nayars, and no other caste could ever rise to the position of a fighting class as the Nayars. The sudras were the unprivileged classes but the Brahmins elevated them to the position of privileged classes. The Brahmins had no sufficient body of protectory of their own. So they had no force to acknowledge as protectors, the original race i.e. the Nayars - whom designated as sudras, though in reality some of them were treated as kshatriyas. If their protectors were called sudras (Servile classes), then the class below the sudras could not have had any footing in the original Aryan reorganization.
____________________________________________________________ 13. 14. 15.
The "Nagas' are identified with the Nairs. The term 'Nayar' was originally a designation meaning, literally, 'commandant'. Kazhakam, SS, Puranams (Tinnevelly, 1964), p. 80, (Mazhavar and Ayinar were warlike men including commanders of the army under the Sangam Cheras). The Chera army consisted of Vilpade (bow fighters), val-pade (sword-fighters) and vel pade (Spear fighters). Apart from these, there were also elephants and the navy. The places. Chera rulers maintained standing at the capital allofother important The Chera rulers ahad villagearmy Kalavis where the and youth the country were given training in the use of arms. When the standing army was found in sufficient immediately a new army of trained youth of the country could be raised, for that purpose the Kalavis were maintained.
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103
Socio economic background of the origin of the 'Nayar Militia' The Nayar militia may be called a socio-economic - cum military organization. This feudal military organization of the Nayar emerged from the socio-economic conditions created by the Brahmins from the 8th century AD onwards. The Brahmins also introduced the matrilineal system among the Nayars, in order to give them greater freedom from family ties and to bring them into military service. The Nambudiries collect all these people who were preferred to give them companies and soldiers, and created the Nayars and established the 16
matrilineal system among them. th
An egalitarian society which prevailed before the 8 century AD disappeared and Society became authoritarian in characters and maintained distinction based on birth and serve and subordinated the individual to the caste system and the joint family system. The early Nayar includes into the Sudra caste created by the th
17
Brahmins. The word Nayar was used from 9 century A.D. onwards to th
mean a 'sundra' 176. upto 9
Century AD., the Nayar might have been
____________________________________________________________ 16. 17.
Hamilton, C.J., Trade relation between England and India , Vol.II, Calcutta, 1916, p. 27. Gopinatha Roy, T.K., Traman Arch Souvenir, Vol. IV, Madras, 1910, p. 83.
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104 called as 'Nagas'. The 'Nagas' carrying swords in their hands were 18
respected by all people in the lands. Therefore "the original Nayars were undoubtedly a military body holding land and serving as a militia". Since the Nayars spend all the time in the battle field it was possible that, they liked the new system of inheritance. "If a man had no family obligation he would have greater 19
liking for marital life". Nayar militia as a feudal military organization approved with the emergence of Land Lordism in the state. The land Lordism or Janmi system originated in Kerala with the establishment of 20
Brahmin supremacy. While the Brahmin ideology of Chaturvarnya (means division of society into four based on occupation) was successfully working in society, there broke out the war between the cholas and the cheras in th
the second half of the 10 century A. D. Universal military training in the Kalaris, early acquisition of skill in the use of arms attacks and counter attacks, were the important features of the prolonged war between Cheras 21
and the cholas. ____________________________________________________________ 18. Chattambi Swamigal, Ancient Kerala, cited by Gopalakrishnan, P.K., p. 283. op.cit., 19. C.J.,E.M., p. 278.Kerala, The Motherland of the Malayalis, Trichur, 20. Hamilton, Nambutripad, Sankaran, 1966, p. 51. 21. Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p.235. Logan, W., Malabar, Vol. 1, Madras, 1887, pp. 596-607. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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105 The
Jenmi
system
which
puzzled
British
revenue
administrators evolved partly because of the necessity to relieve the professional soldiers of their economic burdens. The Nayar nobles engaged themselves in martial arts while the actual cultivation of their land was the responsibility of other groups. The commercial field was dominated by other castes in collaboration with their foreign trade partners. Thus it was the system of land control that prevailed in Travancore that facilitated the 22
evolution and survival of the Nayar Militia. The Nayars assisted the Nambudiri land Lords in the collection of revenue. They helped the minor rulers in their innumerable battles for supremacy. The social customs which buttressed the supremacy of the Brahmins were enforced by the Nayar Militia.
Nayar Militia and Nayar Nobility The Nayars willingly dedicated their lives to the Maharaja and the country. By long standing customs the Nayars served as soldiers and protected the country. The Nayar battalion was very brave and noted for its service and sacrifice. In fact, the military forces were the products of socio political environments. Evidently in all organized societies, there were organized groups to discharge the duty of defending the state and thereby ____________________________________________________________ 22.
Krishnan Nadar, G., 1983, Nayar Militia in Travancore from 1729 - 1835 , Ph.D. Thesis, University of Kerala, p.12.
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106 protecting the subjects. Occasionally some of these tasks were performed by professional classes of fighting men organized into the regular standing army of the state. Apparently such professional organizations represented an advanced stage of feudal paraphernalia in the state of Travancore which in turn set off an impounding impact upon the social life of South 23
Travancore. Nayars fell as the first victim to the cultural imperialism of the th
Brahmins in Travancore. From the 12 century onwards, the Numbudiries as monopolists of wealth, power, education and drive established their predominance and became more powerful than the ruling sovereigns. The Nambudiries probably wanted soldiers and mistresses and therefore 24
instituted the Nayar caste. Subsequently the Nambudiri Jenmis had become powerful and the Nayars emerged to be suicide squads. It helped the inauguration of perfect Brahminocracy in Travancore with the solemn support of the Nayar community. In South Travancore, the Nayars as madampimars enjoyed vast land control and emerged as the chief Kudiyans on marayapattam regulation. th
The dawn of 11 century witnessed the birth of Nayar 25
militia. The arrival of the Brahmins contributed to the formation of this ____________________________________________________________ 23. 24. 25.
Elamkulam P. N. Kunjan Pillai, op.cit., p. 346. Ibid., p. 347. The Nayar Brigade of Travancore, The Government Press, Madras, 1898, p. 25.
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107 feudal military organization. Further the rise of Nambudiri Brahmin to power and predominance paved the way for the on-set of feudalism in Travancore. Consequently the style of standing armies disappeared and the feudal military organization called Nayar militia came into existence. Even though the Nayars were Sudras in social hierarchy they were granted a privileged social status. Intending to exploit the Nayars, the Brahmins 26
accorded them military service. By the Hindu customs, originally the function of military 27
service was assigned to the Kshatriyas. This strange position of Nayar Sudras of Travancore made them to concentrate on war like activities. George Wood Cock thinks that the Nayars were the feudal land holders 28
locally called Sudras but performing functions of Kshtriyas. Protecting the land, and its people being the fundamental duty of the king, the Nayars were raised to the rank of Kshtriyas by the Brahmins. Hence the preeminence of Nayars in their military services increased their political authority and social status. No wonder the Nayar militia became an 29
emerging force in the socio-political culture of the state of Travancore. The famous chaver army was believed to have been formed during the chola-chera war. The distinct feature of the army was lost in the ____________________________________________________________ 26. 27. 28. 29.
Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, op.cit., p. 295. Padmanabha Menon, K.P., History of Kerala, Vol. Ill, Trivandrum, 1924, p. 264. Wood Cock George, Kerala, London, 1967, p. 60. Padmanabha Menon, K.P, op.cit., p. 230.
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108 end of the eleventh century A. D. when it was converted into the Nayar militia. When feudalism came into existence in Kerala the Nayar militia 30
emerged as an offshoot of this feudalism. The Nayar militia was evidently a socio-economic cum military organization. The feudal military organization of the Nayars emerged out of the socio-economic conditions created by the Brahmins th
from the 8
century A. D. onwards. The equalitarian society which th
prevailed before the 8 century A. D. disappeared and society became authoritarian in character and maintained distinction based on birth . Upto th
9 century, the Nayars were called as 'The Nagas'. Therefore the original Nayars were undoubtly a military body, holding land and performing service as a militia. The Sudras became a combination of the hereditary 31
military class called Nayars and the non-military class are non-Nayars. The Nayar militia as a feudal military organization appeared with the emergence of land lordism in the state. Village republics were created because of the rise of Nayar taravads. For the management of military the 32
country was divided into Desams under the Desa vizhis. There was a functional connection between the Nayar military organization and their kinship and marriage system. The military organization shaped the ____________________________________________________________ 30. 31.
Wood Cock George, op.cit., p. 60. Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India. , Vol. V, Madras, 1909, pp. 152-154. 32. Nambudiripad, E.M., Sankaran, Kerala, the Mother Land of the Malayalis, Trichur, 1966, p. 56. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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109 marriage system of the Nayars and the disbanding of the Nayar armies during the reign of Marthandavarma, led to the eventual collapse of their marriage system of talirite. The joint family system as well as taravad and the emergence of the stable homogenous union brought back Nayars permanently to their homes. Never again such mechanism developed after the armies were disbanded". Never again it was heard that, "the Nayars 33
were born to die for the Nambudiries. Thus the socio-economic factors favoured the origin of Nayar militia. The system continued to exist for many centuries and finally its collapse became inevitable due to the disappearance of the old socio-economic order. Conspicuously the European influence and the modernization efforts of the ruling sovereigns of Travancore brought about sweeping waves of socio-economic changes that altogether challenged the traditional systems.
Rule of Marthanda Varma Until the time of Marthanda Varma, the king depended upon the Nayar militia of the land.
Seeking alternative method of defense
system, Marthanda Varma organized a permanent force as a supplement to 34
the Nayar militia. The traditional system of warfare underwent th
th
tremendous change through out the 17 and 18 centuries. The internal ____________________________________________________________ 33. 34.
Fuller, C.J., Nayars Today, University Press, Cambridge, 1976, p. 251. Elamkulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, op.cit., p. 325.
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110 stability of the Travancore Kingdom and its subsequent military weakness provided opportunities for the rulers of Madurai and other eastern 35
neighbours to send maruding marava troops. The predominance of European powers like the Dutch and English also offered threats to the authority of the monarch. Therefore it was necessary to sub-due the feudal barons, who were the chieftains of the traditional militia and they safeguarded the independence and integrity of the Kingdom.
It was necessary to take urgent measures when
Marthanda Varma came to power in 1729.
His ambition was also to
recover the territories which were once controlled by the Venad rulers. There was no organized, equipped, trained and disciplined standing army. He inherited the command over the feudal army which adopted traditional methods of warfare. More over the Kings authority was very weak and they had neither financial resources nor man power to create a standing army because of the influence of the feudal barons and their control over the land.
36
It was under such circumstances that Marthanda Varma decided
to set aside the traditional chiefs of warfare by stages. The soldiers of new militia used traditional weapons since there was no revolutionary change effected in the art of warfare Marthanda ____________________________________________________________ 35. 36.
Velupillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. IV, p. 127. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. I, p. 334.
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111 Varma persumed that the militia was organized in the traditional manner and that the methods of warfare also were primitive in character.
37
Hence
during his reign efficient arrangements were made for the manufacture of fire arms, swords and guns. The great bulk of army was composed of Nayar soldier who employed a unique reputation for great military qualities. After his accession to the throne Marthanda Varma appointed Kumaraswamy Pillai as commander-in-chief with Thanu Pillai as his assistance. They formed the army by enrolment of the sons of the soil in large numbers. The soldiers were supplied with better arms and strict discipline was enforced. A better sense of loyalty and obedience was inculcated among different ranks and files of the army segments. In 1780, the Travancore army consisted of 50,000 men, well trained by European officers. The state had also at its disposal the service of 10,000 Nayars and chegos armed with bows, arrows, spears, swords and battle axis. There were cantonments in different parts of the kingdom. The soldiers marched up and down the country to enforce the collection of taxes and to preserve peace and tranquility. The army was paid partly in 38
money and partly in kind and thus it was feudalized. In the militia there were also musketeers who were infantry soldiers. They took a very sure aim to fire and the first shot generally hit ____________________________________________________________ 37. 38.
Ibid. Velu Pillai, T. K., op.cit ., Vol. IV, p. 122.
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112
and inflicted great mischief. The Travancore infantry was always effective. There were draft elephants but not much of cavalry.
39
In 1734, Quilon and
Kayamkulam were attacked by the Maharaja's forces under the joint 40
41
42
command of Kumaraswamy Pillay , Thanu Pillai and Ramayyan. At this time, the Travancore army was strengthened with the addition of cavalry and infantry. Furthermore new fire arms were obtained from the English merchants trading at Anjengo and Edava . Thus at the time when the Dutch advanced into South Travancore between Colachel and Kottar, The Travancore army consisted of infantry, artillery, musketeers, elephants and cavalry, and the cavalry was commanded by Rama lyen Dalavai. In spite of the fact that there were few fire arms purchased from the English, the army was not even partly European but mainly native in character. The native army which was powerful enough to defeat the European army met at Colachel on 10 August 1741. Marthanda Varma did not forget to strengthen the infantry stationed in South Travancore by the ____________________________________________________________ 39.
Churchill's collection of Voyages and Travels, Vol.II, Letters from Malabar, pp. 235-236. 40. Pappu Tambi and Raman Tambi rose for the throne in 1730. The insurrection proved the immediate necessity for taking measure to strengthen the position of the Maharaja. So Marthanda Varma appointed Kumaraswami Pillai as commander in chief. 41. Thanu Pillai was the Dalava of Travancore during the period between the death of Arumugam Pillai in 1736 and the appointment of Ramayyan as Dalava in 1737. 42. Ramayyan was the Dalawa of Travancore (1737 - 1757). http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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113 43
addition of new Nayar soldiers. The timely reorganizations brought by Marthanda Varma to his army and the martial quality of Travancore helped him to win battle after battle including the battle of Colachel. The war with the Dutch revealed him the superiority of the trained infantry over the feudal levies when the country grew in size in consequent to 44
conquests. Marthanda Varma was wise enough to realize the necessity of keeping men in a permanent military service to ensure safety and peace in the conquered provinces He also realised that the time was most suitable for the adoption of European warfare. In order to ensure victory, Hyder Ali and Nizam of Hyderabad had employed European generals. A squad of 600 men of Travancore army were defeated at Quilon by the Dutch and were forced to retreat in 1742.
45
This incident caused agony to Marthanda
Varma and he was fully convinced of the fact that a drained and disciplined standing army on the European model was the need of the hour. The European weapons became inevitable for the safety of the country. Marthanda Varma decided to create the standing army under the guidance and instruction of Delanoy, one of the prisoners captured in ____________________________________________________________ 43. 44. 45.
Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. IV, p. 343. Selections from the Record of Madras Government, Nayar Brigade of Travancore, pp. 24 - 27. Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. IV., p. 25.
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114 46
the battle of Colachel. Thus for the first time in the history of Travancore standing army trained on the European model came into existence. Marthanda Varma appointed captain Delanoy as captain in his highness service. In order to modernize the army he recruited the sons of the soil in the country like Nayars, Nadars, Ezhavas and Christians. The conquests of Marthanda Varma were made with the help of armies composed of his own subjects. The Matilakom records also prove that the army of Marthanda 47
Varma consisted on mainly of his own subjects. The best of the soldiers 48
were Kunchukuttakkar who were picked Nayars.
Ettuveettil Pillamars With a view to obtain better loyalty and services, new class of nobility was created in the place of the old nobility of the eight houses of Nayars. They were not at all the feudal barons of the country like the Ettu Vittil Pillamars. He thought that the Chief Military Commanders should be the natives of the land and thus Delanoy was not made the first in 49
command. Thus by creating new nobility called Annavis and by making them great men of his kingdom and also by recruiting all other classes of people into the standing army, he took the first step towards the destruction ____________________________________________________________ 46.
Ibid., Vol. IV, p. 26.
47. 48.
Shangoonny Menon, P., op.cit., p.141. Annavi is a tittle of honour given by Marthanda Varma to the new nobility he created when the cost of support of the old nobility of the Pillamar was high. Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. IV., p.240. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 334.
49.
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115 of the traditional feudal army of the Nayar nobility. This first step was the beginning of the decline of Nayar dominance. In October, 1744, the King of Travancore received 150 arms 50
from the Anjengo Government. And in December 1744 Travancore Maharaja received from English 200 small arms.
51
Agreements were made
between the company's authorities at Anjengo and the Maharaja for the ready
procuring of
gun powder flints, arms and ammunition and
accordingly in 1744 the King of Travancore was supplied with 30 barrels of gun powder and 2000 flints. Year after year in accordance with the need of the time arms and ammunition were supplied to the Maharaja in exchange for pepper. This regular flow of European weapons helped to Europeanise the army under the guidance of Delanoy. Then Delanoy made everything that was required for the defence of the country and brought into the service. The 52
army consisted of 72 battalians of 200 men.
Role of Captain Delanoy Captain Delanoy divided the entire Travancore into three forces, Eastern, Western and Southern and over these he distributed the whole army in due proportion. The head quarters of the army remained at Pooliyurkurichi and the captain Delanoy resided there. All reports were ____________________________________________________________ 50. 51. 52.
Records of Fort St. George, Anjengo Consultations, Vol. 1, p. 21. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 38. Velu Pillai, T.K., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 343.
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116 made to his highness through the native head commandant called Valia yejamanan.
The
chief
commandants
were
at
Padmanabhapuram,
Trivandrum and Quilon. The trained army was divided into three categories, infantry, cavalry and artillary. Besides these divisions of the 53
army, there was also the traditional militia. During the time of Marthanda Varma there were two kinds of armies existed in Travancore. That was regular army and irregular army. The regular army was the national army of the country trained in modern methods of warfare and the irregular army followed the old systems of warfare. But greater importance was given to the irregular army. Marthanda Varma maintained the irregular army also. In order to reduce the traditional weapons they utilized men power and colourise the 54
battatian. Most of the soldiers in the regular army were the Nayars. This helped the Nayars to maintain their military superiority but this supremacy of the Nayar chieftains or feudal chieftains found a decline in phases.
Descendancy Hence the decline of the dominance of the Nayars started in the reign of Marthanda Varma. The rain of feudal system of society began 55
with the decline of the traditional military power of the Nayar chieftain. ____________________________________________________________ 53. 54.
55.
Ibid. According to Menon, Marthandva Varmas army consisted of 50,000 trained troops of all branches, such as infantry, cavalry, artillery and irregular troops trained and disciplined. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, Society and Politics in Travancore 1847-1908, New Delhi, 1976, p. 3.
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117
As a part of the economic reforms, Marthanda Varma inaugurated modernization works in the army organization of the state. In fact the reorganization of the army brought about changes in socioeconomic structure of the society of Travancore. The social privileges of the Nayars as a military class ended and consequently their position in the society began to decline. Besides, martial spirit of the Nayar nobles also 56
declined.
Before the time of Marthanda Varma the strength of the king
depended mainly on his Nayar force.
The Nayar soldiers were directly
57
under the Naduvazhis, who were the military chiefs of the provinces. The reorganization of army disintegrated the feudal social structure. In the new army, there was no place for feudal barons who had been the 58
madambimars and heads of militia in their respective districts. The
lands of the feudal lords like Ettu Vittil Pillamar were already confiscated and all Chieftains now had to pay taxes to the government. Thus their age old economic privileges, as lords of the land as well as the exemption from taxation, that they enjoyed centuries together came to an end and started a status of ordinary citizens.
William Logan believes that the Nayars
____________________________________________________________ 56. 57. 58.
Logan, W., op.cit., Vol.I, p. 492. Naduvazhi , a territory made up of a number of desams is called nadu, ruler of desams is called naduvazhi. In South Travancore the land was divided into 4 categories. The last category was "Lands of madampimars".
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118
occupied so unique and so lasting a position that "but for foreign intervention there seems to be no reason why it should not have continued 59
for centuries to come". According so George Wood Cock the day of the Nayar as a fundamental warrier came to an end on the battle field of Ambalapuzha. The battle of Ambalapuzha on 3 January 1754 was the last fight in the international style in which the soldiers of Ambalapuzha fought in the old 60
style against Marthanda Varma's men who fought in the modern style. No community in Southern Kerala was more affected by 61
Marthanda Varma's campaigns and policies than the Nayars. The Nayars were much affected by the reorganization of the army which was effected under the western influence. The foreign influence was an essential factor that resulted in the consequent reorganization of the army which challenged the old feudal system and caused its disappearance. When the standing army was created the traditional militia became unnecessary and it existed as an irregular army. The decline of the importance of militia threw off the Nayars to seek some other occupation for which they had no previous training.
About 1757, 30,000 Nayars in the Nayar Brigade,
____________________________________________________________ 59. 60. 61.
Logan, W., op.cit., Vol. I, p. 492. George Wood Cock, op.cit, p. 173. Fuller C.J., op.cit., p. 42.
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119 62
(10,000 troops regular and 20,000 troops were irregular Intantry). "This was the fate of Nayars in the conquered countries too, because Marthanda Varma ended the military career of all the Nayars by demolishing the army 63
of the conquered chiefs. Marthanda Varma also destroyed the feudalism in the conquered countries by annexing the lands of the chief of the conquered territories. "He annexed the lands of the former chiefs to his new state. Many of the chiefs were probably Nayars themselves and the principal source of their economic power and Marthanda Varma's action 64
more or less destroyed it. The land holders had to pay taxes to the government and to the Nayar aristocracy.
Thus deprived of military and
political power, but they maintained their old traditions and its dignify. The reorganization of the state ruined the social, economic, political and nd
th
military privileges of the Nayars. The 2 half of 18 century witnessed 65
the political pre-dominance of the Nayars. The revolutionary agrarian reforms introduced by Marthanda Varma transformed the Nayars into a class of Jenmies and Viruthikaars. The land administration in Travancore was aristocratic in character. The ____________________________________________________________ 62. 63. 64. 65.
The Nayar Brigade of Tranvancore, Government Press, Madras, 1898, p. 27. Fuller, C.J., op.cit., p. 42. Ibid. Panikkar, K.M, op.cit., p. 408.
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120 private property in land owned by Brahmins, Devaswoms, local chieftains 66
and nobles had been distinguished by the word 'Jenmom'. Among the four categories of Jenmon lands the last category was lands of 67
madampimars.
However such Jenmon lands enjoyed by the madampies lapsed to the state during the reign of Marthanda Varma.
In the new
reform Regulations, the Sirkar lands or 'Pandaravagai' were assigned to the tenants, primarily Nayars. This made the government as the landlord and 68
extended the Jenmon right to the Nayars. The Brahmaswom and Devaswom land tenures were entirely free-hold and exempted from payment of revenue to the government as long as they remained unalienated. The Brahmin Jenmies who possessed large areas of land employed tenants from Nayar community for the purpose of cultivating the land. The Brahmins referred primarily Nayar tenants because they believed that the Nayars were brought by Parasurama 69
to serve them. Thus the Nayars became a communal body of tenant and the Bragmin Jenmies entered into various agreements with them. The ____________________________________________________________ 66. 67. 68. 69.
The Travancore Land Revenue Manual, Vol. III, p. 24. English Records, Travancore Government, Trivandrum, Legislation, File.No.342, Dewan Sashia Sastri's Administration Report for 1048 and 1049 M.E., Para.204. Ibid., Cover File. No. 1260, Kunjhiraman Nair's 'Memo on Land Tenures' Para. 46. Ibid., File. No. 276, 'Ramiengar's settlement memorandum' Para. 53.
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121
documents executed between the jenmies and the tenants clearly expressed the rights and power of land-owners over the Nayar tenants. Jenmies
collected
a
security
from
the
tenants
70
and
Later on the inaugurated
Kanapattom. Such contracts between the Jenmies and tenants came to be 71
known as Marayapattom in South Travancore. Such arrangements of 72
land control reduced the Nayars as Kudiyans. Further Marthanda Varma's Policy of annexation and 73
encouragement led to the emergence of the viruthi system in the land of Travancore.
In order to serve the non-malayalee Brahmins, a certain 74
tenure called 'viruthi tenure' was introduced. The Brahmin Primeminister of Travancore Ramayyan Dalawa (1736-1756) inaugurating this viruthi tenure established 21000
75
tenants chiefly from Nayars. As
viruthikaars the Nayars employed slaves and other depressed communities in their viruthi lands and feudalized the society. The relation between the Jenmies and viruthi-holders deteriorated similar to that of Jenmi-kudiyans tenure. Evidently the land ____________________________________________________________ 70. 71.
Ibid., p.7. Ibid., Cover file No. 1260, Kunjhiraman Nair's Memo on Land Tenures, Para.13.
72.
Kudiyans were the tenants who occupied the lands of the Jenmies on either Kanapattom or Marayapattom. Viruthi is derived from the word 'vritti', means service. Ward and Conner, op.cit., p.137. English Records, Trivandrum, Cover File No. 1920, p.19.
73. 74. 75.
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122 reforms introduced by Martanda Varma reduced the Nayar Community to the status of ryots rather than military chieftains.
The crippled
madampimars came to occupy the social status as landed aristocrats or
nobles and thereby commanded vast system of untouchability and social apartheid.
Being exploited by both the malayali and non-malayali.
Brahmins the Nayars of South Travancore feudalized the society and acted as executors of the creed of Brahminocracy. th
In the second half of the 18 century ―a grave political crisis had gathered momentum, which threatened to annihilate the independent existence of all local kingdom of South India and Travancore shared in all 76
the turmoils‖. When the fall of the Nayak power was visible the Nawab
of Arcot in 1740 deployed troops under Sabdar Alikhan and Chanda Saheb 77
to attack the Travancore territory. The Arcot forces entered Nanjilnad and caused huge havoc and extensive damage in places like Kottaram, Ethankad,
Suchindrum,
Kottar,
Vadasery,
Tirupathisaram
and
Vimanasseri. Martanda Varma 1729-58, the Travancore ruler deputed his general Ramayyan Dalaway to negotiate a settlement with Chanda Saheb. Having succeeded in his mission Chanda Saheb withdraw from Nanjilnad on receipt of rich gifts. The sporadic attacks of the Nawab again sparked ____________________________________________________________ 76. 77.
Sobhanan, B., Ramavarma of Travancore, Cover Page, Sandhya, 1977. Nelson, J.H., The Madura country A Manual , Madras, 1868, p. 256.
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123 out when Yusufkhan an able general popularly known as khan Saheb, the Governor of Madurai attacked the columns of Travancore on 14 November 1762. Within a short period the forces of Travancore marched towards Aramboly and fought ten bloody encounters with the Nawab‘s 78
army. The invaders educated their posts and retreated in humiliation. Khan Saheb pursued the retreating army up to Neyyattinkara, where the Raja made entreaties for peace. In the course of the raids khan Saheb captured Aramboly, plundered South Travancore, set fire to the villages and temple chariots and cut off the noses of the prisoners of war. By a treaty signed on 21 February 1763 both the chiefs agreed on peace and to render mutual assistance against any external aggression upon their respective territories. The subsequent course of fierce political conflict was brought to an end with a settlement reached on 14 December 1766. Accordingly the Nawab recognized the Western Ghats as his boundary and 79
accepted to cede Kanyakumari and Shencottah to Travancore. The Raja reciprocated by giving up his claims on Kalakad. In spite of the political misfortune of the Travancroe king, Cape Comorin again got integrated 80
with Travancore and become the southern limit of the Travancore kings. ____________________________________________________________ 78. 79. 80.
Rajayyan, K., History of Tamilnadu 1565-1982, Madurai, 1982, p.129. Ibid., pp. 356-367. Kareem C.K., Kerala under Haider Ali and Tipu Sultan, Cochin, 1973, p. 120.
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124 In the triangle of political struggle between the Mysore sultans, the Nawabs of Carnatic and the English East Inida company for the mastery of South India, the role played by Ramavarma significantly helped the English East Inida company to consolidate their power in South India.
With the death of Hyder Ali in 1782, his mission of annexing 81
Nanjilnad was continued by his son Tipu Sultan (1782-1789). As the Sultan of Mysore adopted an aggressive attitude towards Travancore, Rama Varma entered into subsidiary alliance with the English Inida Company in 1788, by which the company sent a subsidiary force of two battalions at a cost of 1755 Pagodas (about 650 pounds) a month each to be paid by cash or in pepper. Agitated at the Travancore support to English during the third Mysore was (1790-92) Tipu attacked Nanjilnad in 1790. It was a cruel looting and was marked by indiscriminate destruction and forceful coversion.
But throughout the fighting between Mysore and
Travancore, the subsidiary force ―remained as passive spectators of all
these disasters and depredations telling that they received no orders from Madras government to take part in war‖. The Anglo Nawab encounter
ended with the surrender of Tipu and Treaty of Srirengaptnem that 82
acclaimed British Paramountcy over Travancore region. ____________________________________________________________ 81. 82.
Hunter, W.W., The Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. IX, p. 115. Buchanan, A., Journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore, Canara and Malabar, Vo. II, New Delhi, 1988, p. 131.
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125 When political conflicts pervaded through out the country the alien powers attempted to make it their home and especially British made their presence felt in the political and commercial fields. The feuds among the native princes and the weaker postures of the fellow foreigners established the English preponderance in the political affairs of 83
Travancore. The administration of Martanda Varma inaugurated a period of its independence on the English. Dr. B. Sobhanan writes ―Travancore
emerged as the mightiest Kingdom on the Malabar coast and it became one of primier states in South Inida as a result of the vigorous policies pursued 84
by Martanda Varma. Consequently political developments in Travancore forced the subsequent rulers to accept the directions of the English overlord, actually the Resident. Confirming the treaty of Srirengapatnam the company entered into a second treaty with Travancore on 25 September 1795. Accordingly Travancore agreed not to enter into relation with any European power without the consent of English Company. Incorporating the principles of the subsidiary alliance system of Lord 85
Wellesly, the British signed with Raja Bala Ramavarma (1798-1810). Another fresh treaty on 12 January 1805, it reduced Travancore hither to an equal ally to the position of a subordinate power. Travancore agreed to station a permanent British army facing all the ____________________________________________________________ 83. 84. 85.
Shungoonny Menon, A., A History of Travancore, Madras, 1878, p. 176. Kusuman, K.K., Slavery in Travancore, Madras, 1878, p. 44. Sobhanan, B., Ramavarma of Travancore, Sandhya, 1977, p. 1.
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126 incurred expenses and more over the company gained a right to appoint a Resident to stay at Trivandrum.
The Resident gradually transformed
himself from the status of a diplomatic agent representing a foreign power 86
into an executive and controlling officer of a superior government. In 1813 a son was born to Rani Lakshmi Bai who was proclaimed the king and the Rani became the regent. In 1815 on her death 87
her sister Rani Parvathi Bai (1815-1829) became the regent.
The
administration of the Travancore especially Rani‘s that of Umayamma
Rani and Rani Lakshmi Bai formed the most tragic epochs in the annals of Travancore history. During the reign of Rani Lakshmi Bai (1810-1815) Col. Munro held the joint office of the Resident and Dewan maintained complete control over administration. He completely retired the Rani of all cares and burdens of the state. To Rani Lakshmi Bai he became a 88
saviour who protected the state.
Munro’s Contribution
When it was in serious peril, Munro too proved to be an able administrator, social reformer and devout Christian. Rani Lakshmi Bai 89
introduced a new era of social progress and reforms in the state. She granted freedom and civic equality to all irrespective of caste, creed and ____________________________________________________________ 86. 87. 88. 89.
O.C. No. 292, political 25 September 1995, Palace Records. Sobhanan, B., Dewan Velu Thampi and the British , Trivandrum, 1978, pp. 11-12. Sankarankutty Nayar, T.P., Tragic Decade of Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1971, p.77. Sobhanan, B., A Decade of crisis in Travancore , Journal of Kerala studies, Vol.VI, March-June 1979, Part I and II, p. 422.
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127 favoured the missionaries. The domestic turmoil compelled her to abdicate the throne in favour of the prince Rama Varma who ascended the throne 90
with the name Swathi Thirunal (1829-1847). Swathi Thiunal was a scholar and a musician who undertaken various development measures for the welfare of his people. His reign ushered in an epoch of cultural progress and economic properity. After his death in 1847) Uttram Thirmal Martanda Varma (1847-60) became the king of Travancore and whose reign witnessed the intense agitation for the right of upper cloth. This led to the intervention of the Madras government for the settlement of the agitation and controversy, Uttram Thirunal who died in 1860 was followed by Ayiliam Thirunal (1860-1880) and Visakam Thirunal (1885-1924). Upto 1930 only Nayars allowed to serve in the 91
military of Travancore, Regent Sethu Lakshmi Bai (1924-1931) and Sri Chitra Thirunal (1931-1948) respectively.
The accession of Sri Chitra
Thirunal brought with it a change of outlook. With the attainment of independence the princely state of Travancore was merged with the union. In the independent era, the state was subject to linguistic State reorganisation of 1956 and the erstwhile South Travancore became part of 92
Tamil Nadu as Kanyakumari District. ____________________________________________________________ 90. 91. 92.
Agur, C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, p.566. ―The Nayar Brigade of Travancore‖, Government Press, Madras, 1898, p. 121. English Records, Trivandrum, C.S. File No.714, Memorandum on Travancore Administration, 25 January 1929.
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128 The militia was thus an essential part of the social system that th
had prevailed until the middle of the 18 century. The disappearance of the old elite supremacy and the increasing influence of the militia as a political factor characterised this period of decline. However it must be an over-simplification to say that the absolute decline of the militia merely due to the growth of royal power of the Travancore government has not signed the subsidiary Alliance, the militia might have been converted into a modern army and given a new role.
The alliance was virtually unavoidable owing to factors already
described. The futility of reliance on the militia for the defence of the state was realised by the rulers long before the crisis of 1789. But these fears were proved quite correct by the rout of the Travancorean army early next year. The result was the closer alliance between the state and the English East Indian Company. The treaty of 1795 impose a heavy burden on the finances of the kingdom.
The necessity to maintain battalions of the
English Company‘s forces brought into question the rationale of
maintaining a large native army. Any expansionist ambition was preluded because the ultimate responsibility for the defence of the state rested with the company. It is against this background that we have to view the revolts of the Nair militia in 1798 and 1804. The dissolution of some of their units was an inevitable consequence of the changed situation which had http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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129 made them largely irrelevant, for the defence of the state.
In fact
historians have tended to under-estimate its importance in comparison with the revolt of 1809. Naturally the social prestige and influence associated with the military services also declined. Other communities especially the old Syrian Christians and the new Christian converts who enjoyed British Patronage gradually emerged to challenge the old elite. Thus the transformation of political, social and economic environments undermined the old elite. The final blow was the revolt of 1809 and the consequent supremacy of the British Resident over the Government of Travancore.
The Nayar military units increasingly
performed ceremonial functions and were reduced to mere parade forces. It can be seen that the system was brought into the existence to fulfil a particular need in a particular period. It is true that it fulfilled its role to a great extent during the hay day of its existence.
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Chapter V
Social challenges and nayar responses
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CHAPTER - V SOCIAL CHALLENGES AND NAYAR RESPONSES
Patrilineal and Matrilineal A distinctive feature of the social organization of Travancore till recent times was the prevalence of Marumakkathayam or the matrilineal system among certain castes and communities. It was one of the peculiar customs that strangulated the Nayars for long. Makkathayam or the patrilineal system was the prevalent form of succession in the 1
civilized society . Marumakkathayam involved the inheritance and succession through the sisters children in the female line. The antiquity of the system has been a theme of controversy among scholars. The traditional views propagated by the Brahmin aristocracy and expounded by the authors of the Keralopathi is that marumakkathayam is of hoary antiquity. However, it is believed that the patrilineal was the system of inheritance prevalent in ancient Kerala, and that matrilineal came into vogue at a later period of Kerala history under the impact of some 2
compelling forces. Matrilineal had been the system of inheritance and succession prevailing in ancient Kerala and that had been in a state of suspended
____________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1906, p. 363. Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 97.
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131 during the period of the ascendancy of the patrilineal Brahmin caste 3
and again it staged a revival at a later period. A Nayar tharavad or family consisted of a group of persons male and female, all tracing descent from a common ancestress living under the control and management of the eldest male who was called the karanavan. In its simplest form a family consisted of a mother when children living together with their maternal uncle that was the mother's brother as karanavan. It was the mother that form the stock of the descent and kinship as well as rights to property were traced through females and not through males. Each of the mother and her children and descendants in the female line formed a thavazhi. (Thai means 'mother' vazhi means 4
'line') meaning a mother line. Every member male or female had an equal interest in the tharavad property. But could not claim his or her share of it. The karanavan was legally responsible for the well beings, control and management of the tharavad and was bound to meet the wants of the members arising from their social status. But he had no right to alienate the immovable property of the family without the consent of all the members, atleast of all the adult male and female members. The internal management of the tharavad was vested in the karanavan and he held the family purse and was practically
____________________________________________________________ 3. 4.
Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerala History, Kottayam, 1967, pp. 84 - 85. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 363.
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132 the family itself rather than its agent or representative. The disposal of the movable property of the family was under his control and he was not bound to account except when he habitually wasted the property or did not administer it for the benefit of the other members in which case a 5
suit might lie to dispose him from the karanavanship.
Origin of Marumakkathayam The origin of the marumakkathayam system still lies in obscurity. There are various theories with regard to the origin of the marumakkathayam system. Many European writers believe that the system of the inheritance in the female line was prevalent among the Nayars must have originated from the polyandry or free love.
In order
to ascertain the origin of the marumakkathayam it is necessary to go back to its early stages and examine the condition of society which have rise to it. Sir Henry Maine views that the origin of society was in patriarchal families, that polyandry and kinshif through females were of temporary duration liable to be brought about at a stage in the progress of a society 6
by peculiar circumstances under which it may be placed. Andrew Lang observed that "the Aryan races have generally passed through the stage of scarcity of women, polyandry, absence of recognized kinship and 7
recognitions of kinship through women. ____________________________________________________________ 5. 6. 7.
Ibid., p. 36. Sir Henry Maine, Early Law and Customs, New York, 1971, p. 202. Andrew Lang, Customs and Myth, New York, 1885, p. 775.
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133 Of the Aryan races there can be no question that they too had passed through the several stages before reaching the final one of paternal kinship. So the maternal family and inheritance in the female line need not necessarily be the result of polyandry. Among the Tibetians, the Todas, the Aimons of Japan and other races that
practiced polyandry and had
8
hardly any system of settled marriage , marumakkathayam was found among some of the kshatriyas, vellalas and muslims also but polyandry 9
was never practiced by them. Thus the question is of polyandry did not lead to matrilineal inheritance of marumakkathayam. What caused its origin? K.P. Padmanabha Menon has dealt with this question in detail. He was firmly of the opinion that marumakkathayam began in Kerala only in recent times, on account of some special circumstances unknown to us 10
now. Mc Lennan, Morgan and Engels have put forward the theory that in early stages of human history the patrilineal system was the common basis of inheritance and succession and the matrilineal system evolved 11
later. This may be the common process of social development and progress. But in some societies owing to certain peculiar circumstances development might have taken place in the reverse order. According to ____________________________________________________________ 8. 9.
Wester Marie, The History of the Human Marriage, New York, 1921, p. 98. Elamkulam, P.N., Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p. 29. 10. Ibid., p. 292. 11. Mc Lennan, J.F., Studies in Ancient History, London, 1938, pp. 27 - 44. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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134 Engles, the patrilineal system marked the age of civilization. But certain tribes which still exist in rude savagery follow the matrilineal system for 12
example the hill tribes of the sahyadri region.
Circumstances Responsible for it The early Chera kings who ruled Kerala in the Sangam age, followed the patrilineal system as was shown by the Sangam literature. But the descendant of the Cheras in the medieval times followed the matrilineal 13
system. Due to the force of compelling circumstances people under the patrilineal system adopted matrilineal system. None of the foreign th
travellers who visited Travancore before 14 century had seen any thing peculiar in the family organization of the land. Frair Jordanm who lived at th
Quilon early in the 14 Century was the first foreign visitor who referred to the peculiar laws of inheritance in vogue in Travancore. After him Ibn Batuta (1342), Abdul Raza] (1442) Nicolo Conti (1444) and many others th
have mentioned this peculiar institution. Since all visitors till the 14 century were silent of the matrilineal system, the system of inheritance in th
th
Travancore must have been patrilineal upto the 14 century. The 14 and th
14
15 centuries were marked with the growth of landlordism all over India. In Travancore also it became the way of life. The Nayars were the tenants ____________________________________________________________ 12. 13. 14.
Krishna Iyer, L.A., The Aboriginals of Travancore, Trivandrum, 1941, p. 92. Padmanabha Menon, K.P., A History of Kerala, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1981, p. 88. William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol.I, Madras, 1951, p. 282.
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135 of the Nambudiri Brahmin land lords or Jenmies, who followed the patrilineal system of inheritance. These Brahmin land lords insisted upon the tenants that the Jenmam lands could only be enjoyed by them and 15
transfer should be made by the Jenmies. Majority of the lands of the Nayars were Jenmam lands and it was from the enjoyment of these Jenmam lands the collections or joint family system emerged among the Nayars. The Jenmies insisted that even though there were sub-tenants, the tenants were responsible for the Jenmam lands and cultivation. The younger members of Brahmin families condemned by customary law of life and long celibacy had to seek asylum with the Nayar families. They entered into loose unions called sambandham. It was for the advantage of the Brahmin Jenmies and for the sexual pleasures of the Brahmins and they compelled the Nayars to change the law of inheritance, from patrilineal to the matrilineal, under which individualism was ignored, the Brahmins succeeded in erecting a strong body contented, handed tenancy and not a landed aristocracy which was the base of marumakkathayam or 16 matrilineal system of inheritance. Under marumakkathayam, the Nayar tharavad (family) was a union of relation of varying degrees of propionquity traced through a common female in joint ownership of corporate property under the beneficial management of
a common
____________________________________________________________ 15. 16.
Nagam Aiya, op.cit., Vol. II, p. 363. Sasitharan Nayar, N., History of Social Legislation in Travancore, 1811 - 1925, An unpublished Ph.D. Thesis , University of Kerala, Trivandrum, 1987, p. 251.
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136 Karanavan (uncle). Ordinarily a man does not take as much interest in his distant kinsman as in the children of his own mother, his brothers, his sisters and their children. The benefits of legal marriages, parental rights domestic rule, the obligation to support the wife and children were ignored 17
under the system. The individual members of a tharavad had only the right to maintenance. The system of marumakkathayam led to a life of idleness among the members of the family which stood against the prosperity of the society. The karanavans were practically voice less, when karanavan was not bound to provide for them beyond subsistence and 18
improve their, moral and intellectual condition. The arbitrary and absolute powers of the karanavan naturally tended to foster a feeling of discontent among the other members regarding the management of the tharavad and led to quarrels. Under marumakkathayam again the marriage tie was very loose and temporary. Marriage as a duly recognized social institution did 19
not exist in the Nayar community. Although the Sambandham union has in it all the elements of a valid marriage, it had no legal sanction. Even the powers of disposing by will of self acquired property was not recognized in the case of Nayars by the law of marumakkathayam. ____________________________________________________________ 17. 18. 19.
Ibid., p. 253. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol., II, p. 364. Travancore Law Reports, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1904, p. 22.
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137 The most important merit of the matrilineal system was that the Nayar women enjoyed freedom and independence in the management of the family Property descended in the female line and the marumakkathayam succeeded in keeping Nayar tharavad from being dismembered. It prevented alienations also. In addition to all these it encouraged a feeling of collectivism and mutual love and affection among the members of the tharavad. With the advance of education marumakkathayam became hopelessly unworkable. It worked against every principle of political dictums and of healthy family life. It was based upon the doctrine that there was no merit in female virtue and no sin in being unchaste, by freeing a man from the obligation of maintaining
his
wife and off-spring.20
Opposition th
Towards the end of the 19 century, the Nayar began to question the existing social institution. They considered their system of inheritance and succession a primitive way of life. The advance of English Education among the Nayars and the free contact they had with developed communities made them look upon the primitiveness of their family 21
Institution and clamoured for a change. The convenience and comfort of a man living with his mother and sister and his wife and children in peace and quite of separate ____________________________________________________________ 20. 21.
Malabar Marriage Commission Report, p. 37. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, New Delhi, 1976, p.154.
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138 home has come to be preferred to the primitive habit of living and messing 22
together in the uncongenial surroundings of an over grown tharavad , want of affection had alienated the sympathies of the distant nephews or anandaravan and turned him into a permanent enemy which led to the disobedience of junior members to the karanavan and made the management of the tharavad difficult.
The idea of division was not
revolutionary one in the social history of the Nayars. A group of patriotic men commenced a compaign to educate public opinion on the necessary for a law of partition for the Nayars. Among such patriotic men, the first who tried to educate Nayars was P. Thanu Pillai who was a teacher in the Maharajan cottage of Trivandrum in the 1870 as latter an official Thanu Pillai was the leading Nayar official and an enlightened safe and trusted 23
leader of the Nayar community. In the year 1870 he founded a cultural 24
association called the Malayali Social Union. Members of the Malayali Social Union worked against the marriage customs and other social systems that existed among the Nayars. When he turned to be a critic of the social order he was transferred from Trivandrum to Quilon, which shattered the work of the Malayali Social Union. But it was revived by C. Krishnapillai. He changed the name of ____________________________________________________________ 22. 23. 24.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Speeches in the Travancore Legislative Council, Trivandrum, 1941, pp. 24 - 25. Parameswaran Nair, Raman Pillai, Compilers Regional Records Survey Committee, Trivandrum, p. 86. Travancore Government English Records, Cover File No. 1228.
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139 the Malayali Social Union as Malayali Sabha in 1884.
It aimed at
promoting the welfare of the Malayali community through western knowledge.
The Sabha encouraged female education and stood for 25
reforming the marriage system.
Malayali Newspaper In order to achieve its aims the Sabha began to publish a Malayalam newspaper in 1886 called the Malayali, edited by C.V. Raman Pillai. The Sabha had also some non Nayar members. At the first the Sabha enjoyed the support of the officials of Travancore government, with the attack of the members on the Brahmin supremacy in the sirkar service, the government turned against it. In 1887 the Maharaja and his Brahmin favourites in the sirkar service came under bitter attack in a Madras 26
newspaper the Standard. In 1887 T. Rama Rao became the Dewan of Travancore and patronized Brahminsm in the state on 15 August 1887 the Standard attacked the Dewan and the Maharaja for being under the 27
influence of Brahmins. In January 1891 the Malayali Sabha presented a memorandum to the Maharaja which demanded Travancore for Travancoreans.
The
Malayali Memorial wanted to put and end to the supremacy of ____________________________________________________________ 25. 26. 27.
Madras Standard, 21 December 1887, p. 2. Ibid., p. 179. Madras Standard, 15 August 1887, p. 2.
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140 non-malayali Brahmins in the sirkar service. The memorial expressed the grievances of Nayars and demanded a change in their family 28
organisation.
How ever the Malayali Memorial was the first open attack
against the non-malayali Brahmin monopoly of government services and also their special supremacy in Travancore. The endeavour of the Malayali Sabha brought them some advantages in the field of employment. But with regard to the social evils th
like the tharavad system and marriage, nothing was gained in the 19 century. There was incessant dispurses and litigations among the Nayar tharavads. Eventhough tharavads were willing to divide themselves into branches, those divisions could not have the force of law. In the decades of 1879 - 89 there was an average of 60% suits a year for tharavad partition. From 1889 - 90 to 1898 -99 the average increased to 80 suits annually 29
from 1889 - 1890 to 1903 -1904 the average was 96 in a year.
Economic Deterioration The economic deterioration led to the ruin of many of the Nayar tharavads Brahmin sambandhams with Nayar women were also in the increase. With the advance of education among the Nayars, they could know the changes taking place in the rest of life. In 1890, C. Sankaran Nayar member of Central legislative council introduced a bill to permit ____________________________________________________________ 28. 29.
Travancore Government English Records, Cover File No. 1744, p. 34. Administration Report of Travancore for the year 1905, p. 23.
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141 30
Nayars in British to register their sambandhams. The proposed bill was objected to by the orthodox Nayars and the Nambudiris of Travancore. The Orthadox Nayars were unwilling to give up their old system. The Madras Government appointed the Malabar Marriage Commission headed by Sir T. Muthuswamy Aiyar to study the whole system of marriage of Malabar. It was on the basis of their report that the Malabar Marriage Bill was passed in 1896. The bill in its provisions allowed any caste in Malabar which followed marumakkathayam to register their marriage. This made sambandham a legal marriage and a man could make wills over his self acquired property to his wife and children. But the act was only permissive, there was no compulsion. The Malabar Marriage Bill gave an impetus to the Nayars of Travancore to have such an act to remove the 31
evils of their sambandhams and matrilineal system. Agreed partition had risen from 301 in 1896 - 97 to 516 in 1906-07. It shows that within the ten years period nearly 3500 tharavads had unanimously agreed to partition and executed the partition in the courts. In addition to the partition members wishing to live apart from their tharavads negotiated agreements for maintenance. In 1896 - 97, 205 such agreements were executed and in 1906 - 1907 the number rose 32
to 385. Finally the committee came to the conclusion that the ____________________________________________________________ 30. 31. 32.
Robin Jeffrey, op.cit., p. 185. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, 20 June 1896, p. 9. Ibid., p. 10.
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142 traditional organizations of the Nayars had to advocated
be
abolished
and
th
partition.
In their letter of 28 August embodying their
recommendations and also a draft bill to give effect to them. The government passed orders on the report. Since there was some opposition against the partition of the tharavad, the bill sent in by the committee was amended and it was declared that the bill would be introduced in the 33
council in due course. Government felt that there was a rapidly growing sentiment in favour of partition but one section of the Nayars was against partition. So the government came to the conclusion that some provision was necessary for partition unless a tharavad became unmanageable. As to the mode of division some were for division per stripes and the rest for division per capita. In this situation government thought that a middle 34
course should be taken. A bill revised in accordance with the views of the government th
was introduced in the council by the official members on 6 April 1911. It was intended to remove doubts as to the validity of the conjugal union among certain clans of Hindu marumakkathayees viz. samanthas and Nayars and to provide for certain matters connected there with and to define and amend the law of succession and family management among them. Under the bill, no individual partition, no partition during the life ______________________________________________________________________ 33. 34.
Travancore Government Gazetteer, dated 27.12.1910, p. 22. Report of the Marumakkathayam committee, 1908, pp. 30-70.
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143 time of a common ancestors or her children was allowed. Subject to these conditions, it allowed each collateral thavazhees (thavazhees of a female means of a group of persons consisting of that female and her issue and thavazhee of his mother) to claim out right partition of property common th
to all he thavazhees. The bill was passed by the council on 17 October st
35
1912 and became Regulation 1 of 1088 M.E.
Question of Succession The Regulation I of 1088 M.E. defined and clarify the law of marriage and succession and family management of the Nayars. Even though one of the purposes of the bill was partition of the tharavad properties, that was omitted when the bill was finally passed by the council. The bill reduced the powers of the karanavan. The non-official Nayar members were strongly against the partition of the tharavad properties and the government had to yield to these non official Nayar 36
members. Another important omission was that the samanthas were excluded from the scope of the bill. The marumakkathayam committee proposed that their recommendations were applicable to all samanthas and Nayars. But the president of the council pointed out that there were only a few Samantha females and most of them did not apparently want this legislation. It was not to force upon the Samantha community a piece of ____________________________________________________________ 35. Ibid, p. 57. th
36. Abstract Proceedings of the Travancore Legislative Council I, 16 April, 1923, pp. 820-21. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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144 37
social legislation which they did not unanimously ask for. This was against the committee's recommendations. Regulation I of 1088 M.E. recognized a public sambandham as a legal marriage. The husband was made the legal guardian of his wife and children as long as they lived with him. A man could dispose of all his self acquired property by making a will. This bill reduced the powers of 38
the karanavan and simple procedures for divorce were laid upon. However the legislative council ignored the pressing demands of the Nayar Community demand for partition of tharavads. In spite of its defects, the Regulation I of 1088 M.E. succeeded in recognising some of the demands of the Nayar Community. The wills Regulation and the Nayar. Regulation I of 1088 had their effect in the neighbouring state if Cochin as well. There was an attempt of the Cochin Darbar to pass a wills. Regulation of 1908 on her lines of the Travancore wills Regulations. In view of the strong protest of the orthadox section of the Nayar community it was finally decided by the Darbar to drop the proposed measure shortly after the passing of the Travancore Nayar Regulation I of 1088 M.E. 1 December demanded a similar of social 39
legislation for them too. In the year 1916 a large representative body ______________________________________________________________________ 37. 38. 39.
Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, dated 05.02.1912, p. 11. Regulations and Proclamations of Travancore, Trivandrum, Vol. I, 1928, p. 820. Travancore Law Reports, 1917, p. 242.
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145 headed by K. Raman Menon who was the Chief Justice of Travancore high court approached the Raja of Cochin praying for a legislative enactment on matters of marriage, inheritance and family management. They submitted their suggestions in the form of draft bill. Sensing the desires of the Nayar Community the Cochin government appointed a committee to study the question of the above draft T.S. Narayana Iyer Chief Judge was the president of the committee. The committee submitted its report on 30 October 1917. It was on the basis of that Cochin Nayar Regulation was passed.
40
An important merit of the Regulation I of 1088 was that it legalised the existing sambandhams of the Nayars In addition to this it restricted autocracy of the karanavans of the Nayar tharavads.
The
Regulation gave a stimulus to the Nayar community to strive further for social reforms. The alarming growth of family dissensions and the unquenchable thirst for litigations in the Nayar community for family partition affected the moral law and material prosperity of the Nayar tharavad, the disease of the tharavad was traced to the evil effects of the joint family system in which the individual had no defined right or responsibility. The Nayar Regulation I of 1088 was not a solution to the ____________________________________________________________ 40.
Mannath Padmanabhan, op.cit., pp. 97-98.
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146 evils of the marumakkathayam system. But the Nayars continued their agitation in a more organised and intensified form focusing their entire attention on the question of makkathayam and individual partition. The 41
cry for change was loud persistent and large in volume. It was the opinion of the marumakkathayam committee that among Nayars marriage was merely a civil contract that it was dissoluable at the will of either party and that it was not expedient to prohibit or restrict divorce in any manner except by way of compelling the husband when he was the petitioner, to give compensations accordingly the law was 42
enacted in 1088 M.E. In the amendment of the Nayar Regulation II of 1100 M.E. the martial tie was made as strong as possible. Accordingly divorce was not possible on mere payment of compensation but it could be allowed only when the fact was proved in a civil court except in cases where the parties mutually agreed to dissolve the marriage.
In a makkathayam
family it was absolutely necessary that the martial tie should be strong unlike under marumakkathayam. legislative council.
This provision was added by the
The bill was in favour of monogamy and limited
divorce for specific reasons and through the decree of a regular civil 43
court. ____________________________________________________________ 41. 42. 43.
Ibid. Report of marumakkathayam committee, p. 97. The Regulation and Proclamations of Travancore, Vol. V, p. 650.
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147 The Nayar Regulation of 1088 M.E. and its amendment of 1100 M.E. brought for reaching changes in the social and economic life of the community. The Nayar community had permitted polygamy which spoiled the morality of the community. By the Regulation of 1088 M.E. polygamy was made unlawful and monogamy was enforced prevention of bigamy strengthened the family life and saved the children from the 44
bastardship.
Divorce was restricted and rules were framed for
detornivies the amount of compensation and it compensation was in sufficient provision was made for appeals to the high court of Travancore. The out standing features of the Nayar Resolution of 1100 M.E. were two viz. (1) Rights of inheritance incases of non-Nayars marrying Nayar females.
(2)
Provision for partition of tharavad properties on the
individualistic basis. Till the Nayar Regulation of 1100 M.E. the Nayar females were treated by the Brahmins as just objects of pleasures. Non Nayar marriages with Nayar females were viewed as morganatic marriages. The children could not inherit properties of non-Nayar fathers. The Nayar son of a Brahmin was not permitted to give a drop of water to his dying father or touch his body at the time of cremation. He had no right to offer the funeral cake. That system was put an end to through the 45
Nayar Regulation. The Nayar Regulation established that the children of ____________________________________________________________ 44. 45.
Travancore Law Reports, 1917, p. 66. Ibid., p. 74.
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148 a non-Nayar by a Nayar wife should have equal rights with the rights and privileges of other Nayar children. The wife and children were made the sole legal heir to all the husband self acquired property. Regulation II of 1100 M.E. abolished the matrilineal joint family
system
makkathayam.
and
established
an
individualistic
society
called
Under the system every adult member of a tharavad
became entitled to claim his or her share of the properties of the tharavad. In the new system the abolition of the Karanavan had been abolished as he 46
became only a figure head. The Nayar Regulation of 1925 was turning point in the social system of the Nayars community in South Travancore. Like wise with the amendment of the Nayar Regulation in 1925 the autocracy of the karanavans of the Nayar tharavads came to an end.
According to the
Nayar Regulation, Brahmin who married Nayar women were bound to give their property to their Nayar wives and children. The effect of the new religion was to allow thousands of Nayars to take their share of the 47
tharavad‘s assests and leave the joint family. The Nayar Regulation became a model to the other matrilineal communities like the Ezhavas, Nanjilnad Vellalas and Krishnavakas. The Nayar Regulation was the most ____________________________________________________________ 46. 47.
Ibid. Madras Mail, 11 June 1920, p. 6.
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149 th
important social legislation of 20 century. It gave another shock to the Brahmins over the Nayar community.
The Nayar Regulation were an
outcome of the agitation and representations made by the Nayar social leaders as well as voluntary social organisations like the Nayar Service Society and the Keraliya Nayar Smajam.
Vivaham (Older Form) Presently the Nayars do not practice either of the three forms of marriages described earlier but perform Vivaham (Marriage) recognized by the Hindu Marriage act of 1955. It is ceremonially the shortest in comparison to its counterparts from other Indian castes and regions. The marriage ceremony among Nayars has changed considerably over the past two hundred years. Originally, the process started with the examination of the horoscopes of the bride and bridegroom to see if their respective stars agree astrologically. This is still done today in some conservative Nayar 48
families. If the stars do not match, families may go so far as to cancel the marriage and seek another prospective bride or groom. If the astrological predictions are favourable, further examination is undertaken to appoint an auspicious date and time for the ceremony. During the celebration, there would be a presentation of danom (wealth or alms) to ____________________________________________________________ 48.
Fuller, C.J., The Nayars today, Cambridge University Press, 1976, pp. 99-100.
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150 Brahmins , and a sadhya (feast). The bride and bridegroom would meet in
the central room of the house, rice would be sprinkled on their heads. This was the essence of a basic Nayar marriage about two hundred years ago. In addition to these general ceremonies, there are local variations. In North Malabar (Northern Kerala), there is a Podamuri or Vastradanam ceremony.49 In this ceremony, the initial examination of
horoscopes takes place at the house of the bride in the presence of the bride's and bridegroom's families. The astrologer writes his calculations and opinion on a piece of palmyra leaf and hands it over to the bridegroom's relations. If the horoscopes match, a day is fixed for the ceremony. This date is also written down and handed to the bride's Karnavar and to the bridegroom's relations. The astrologer and the bridegroom's party are then invited to a feast in the bride's house. The astrologer also receives gifts in the form of money or cloth. Three to four days prior to the wedding date, the bridegroom visits his Karnavars and caste-elders to receive permission to leave for the wedding. The bridegroom presents them with betel leaves and areca nuts and obtains formal sanction for the wedding. The bridegroom then proceeds, accompanied by a number of his friends to the house of his 50
bride. He is received at the gate of the house by the bride's relations and ____________________________________________________________ 49. 50.
Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p. 234. Ibid.
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151 is led with his friends, seats provided in the thekina (southern hall) of the house. The bridegroom distributes gifts to all the Brahmins present there. After this, the whole party is invited to take part in another sadhya. The astrologer then announces the auspicious hour that has been fixed and leaves after receiving his dues. The bridegroom is then taken by one of his friends to the padinitta (principal/western room of the house, where religious ceremonies are conducted). New clothes, betel leaves and areca nuts brought by the 51
bridegroom's party are placed in this room. The room is decorated and turned into a bedroom for the occasion. In this room are placed a number of lamps as well as the ashtamangaliyam (eight articles symbolizing mangaliyam or marriage). These are rice, paddy, the tender leaves of the
coconut tree, an arrow, a looking glass, a well-washed cloth, a burning fire, and a small rounded wooden box called a cheppu. The bridegroom with his groomsman enters the room through the eastern door, while the bride, dressed in beautiful clothes and jewelry, enters the room through the western door accompanied by her aunt or another elderly lady of the family. The bride stands facing east with the ashtamangalyam and lamps in front of her. The groomsman hands over to the bridegroom a few pieces of the new cloth and the bridegroom puts them into the hands of the bride. ____________________________________________________________ 51.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 232.
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152 After this, the lady who accompanied the bride sprinkles rice over the lit lamps and over the heads and shoulders of the bride and bridegroom. The bridegroom then leaves the room to go to the thekina to present his elders and friends with cakes, betel leaves and areca nuts. After the guests have left, the bride and bridegroom retire to the bedroom. Next morning, the vettilakettu or salkaram ceremony is conducted and the bridegroom's
female relations take the bride to the husband's house, where a feast is held in honour of the occasion. After marriage, the bride remains in her tharavaadu, and her husband will often visit her, while remaining a member of his own tharavaadu. The children, of course, will belong to their mother's tharavaadu in accordance with the marumakkathaayam 52
system.
Vivaham (Newer Form) These days, a number of the individual ceremonies have been abandoned or condensed. However, one can still see elements of the older ceremonies in the new ones. Families may observe all or part of the following ceremonies. The first ceremony is the Vivaha Nischayam or simply Nischayam . In this ceremony, an astrologer is consulted to set an auspicious date for the wedding. Horoscopes may or may not be compared ____________________________________________________________ 52.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 233.
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153 53
depending on the wish of the individual or their families. After both families' consent to the marriage, the couple visits the bride's home. This meeting may be a simple affair, or a large celebration. During the celebration, there may be a mothiram mattal (ring exchange) ceremony. This ceremony may also be conducted later, during the actual vivaham ceremony. If it is done at bride's house, it is usually done around a lit nila vilakku (brass oil lamp).
On the evening before the wedding the families of both the bride and the groom, gather in their respective homes to bless them. On the day of the wedding, the bride and the groom will separately visit a temple 54
near their homes. The temple can belong to any God except Lord Ayyappan or Lord Hanuman as they are bachelors. The bride's parents carry the mangalyasutram or taali, a necklace that is a symbol of eternal union, to be blessed by the priests. While returning home, the bride and groom touch the feet of the elders of the family and receive blessings. This is called Namaskaaram. The actual wedding may take place in a kalyana mandapam (a hall rented for the occasion), temple, or hotel. The bride's family receives the groom's family at the entrance of the venue to the tune of nadaswarams (long wind-instruments) and the beats of the thayli (large drums beaten ____________________________________________________________ 53. 54.
Ibid., p. 234. Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Trivandrum, 1940, pp. 415, 415.
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154 with curved sticks). The groom stands on a wooden plank while the bride's younger brother washes his feet. The bride's aunts perform aarti for the groom with a thaali (platter), on which wicks made of twisted cotton are arranged. The groom is then escorted to the mandapam (platform constructed to perform the wedding rites) by two rows of young girls. One girl carries the changala vatta (sacred oil lamp), while another carries the ashtamangaliyam . The girls following the first two, carry the taala phuli (platters of rice, turmeric, and flowers on which oil lamps made of
coconut shells are placed). With his parents on either side, the groom follows the girls around the mandapam and seats himself on the right side of the canopy, which is decorated by flowers, fabric, palm fronds, and banana stalks. The bride is then escorted by her aunt to the mandapam to the sound of the nadaswarams and thaylis. All those who are
present on the mandapam stand when the bride arrives. She stands facing the east, with the groom facing her. At the auspicious moment set by the astrologer for the muhurtham (the most auspicious time), the groom ties the thali around the bride's neck to the beating of drums. He is assisted by the bride's uncle because on no account should the thaali be allowed to fall. In some Nayar communities, the traditional thaali is a 55
gold pendant strung on a yellow thread. The bride has to wear this for ____________________________________________________________ 55.
Faw Cett, F., op.cit., p. 235.
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155 three days after the wedding ceremony. After the three days have passed, the thread is replaced by a golden chain. After tying the thaali, the groom gifts the bride a sari and a blouse on a platter. This signifies that he will now assume the responsibility of providing for her. The groom's mother also gifts the bride with some jewelry at this time. The couple then exchange garlands accepting each other as life partners. The bride's father then places the bride's hand in the groom's, thus handing over his daughter to the groom in holy matrimony. The couple is then escorted to a room by their older relatives, who bless them. After the marriage ceremony, the bride gets a send-off from her house. The couple leaves for the groom's house escorted by a few people from the bride's family. The groom's mother and older female relatives perform aarti with an oil lamp (which rests on a platter heaped with rice mixed with turmeric) and receive them at the entrance. Both bride and groom enter the house, right foot forward. The bride is then required to kick over a large pot containing rice, symbolizing prosperity.
After the wedding ceremony a wedding reception may be
performed if the families so wish. Despite the claims of Brahmin ownership in Kerala up to the 56
coming of Europeans had most of the kingdoms belonging to the Nayars. ____________________________________________________________ 56.
Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II., p. 328.
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156 Some with visible names like the Kartas and Kaimals, though some of them adopted the new Chaturvarnya title of Kshatriyas. Only a few states in later periods were of the Brahmins like Edappally, Piravam and Chempakassery. Piravam, incidentally, was the one which took in large populations of Jews and Syrian Christians and still have the historic 57
remains. The majority Nayar kings and nobility existed side by side with a concocted history like the infamous ‗Keralotpathi‘ which states that Kerala was formed by Parasurama and donated to them, hence Kerala belonged to Brahmins. These ‗Sudras‘ were brought to do menial jobs for th
them. Veracity of this claim, said to be concocted as recently as the 18 century, was effectively questioned, many of the old practices continuing to this day only very recently. Available historic proof about the 600 ‗Tharas‘ under Nayar 58
chieftains, of the post-Sangam periods are rarely discussed. Neither the golden age of Kerala, when world travelers like Marco Polo called Malabar, Kerala, the ‗richest and noblest‘ country in the world. Caste oppressions by the upper castes, outrageous practices of Brahmins‘ marital relationships with Nayar women, ‗Sambantham‘, though it was a marginal practice spread over a short period, are however of repeated pieces of ____________________________________________________________ 57. 58.
Sreedhara Menon, A., op.cit., p. 86. Ibid., p.83.
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157 59
history. The colonial missionary lead attacks on culture and history of Kerala swept away the self esteem of the Malayali, mainly the Nayar nobility. The Christian segment helped to spread this later with their media. Though the contributions of Brahminical phase can not be lost sight of, caste divisions and priestly monopoly in faith remains intense and are melting away only gradually. Terminology of Sudras, servile classes of the caste pyramid, attributed to the Nayars remained by and large unchallenged. Inhuman treatment of the lower castes also remained in practice. Nayar community alone, among all the castes, continued to follow the compulsive Brahminical dictum with regard to religion and rituals with out question.60 Nayars, a martial community has also lost almost all its martial arts and the traits passing as it did through the Brahminical and later European domination, where there were deliberate efforts to contain them. As Chattambi Swamigal tells, the Dravidian nobility was cleverly manipulated in to subjugation, much later another phase of European colonisation further eroding the Nayars. Land, their mainstay was lost, the martial spirit was long gone and the barring exceptions refused, proud as they were, to take on new pursuits. Kerala Hindu society that the ____________________________________________________________ 59. 60.
Nagam Aiya, op.cit., Vol. II, p. 364. Robin Jeffrey, The Decline of Nayar Dominance, New Delhi, 1976, pp. 97-99.
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158 missionary phase helped to divide remained in fighting and the animosity created among the various castes with exaggerated stories of oppression almost neutralized the leader community of Nayars. Eventually creating a scene of total anarchy, the naturally endowed place saw total destruction. Kerala once leading the world now becoming the world capital of suicides. Once nature‘s own land has become god‘s own, but whose god is 61
that is what matters.
Changes in the Economy After the colonial loot of resources and attacks on native culture the state had another shock in the post-independence phase. With 62 its international connections, major changes occurred in the economy. Those linked to the global economy controlled from Europe, mainly the Christians, and Muslim segments with their links to oil rich West Asia of the population, received large amounts of international capital when those without it starved of capital. Cost of life spiraled and the local incomes paled in to oblivion. Those with capital and vote bank politics were also able to stake control of the state‘s resources and used it for the ir own community good. In the flood of international capital the only saleable asset the others had was land and the sale of land to these rich groups had ____________________________________________________________ 61. 62.
Galletti, A., et al., The Dutch in Malabar (Dutch Records No. 13) , Madras Govt. Press, 1911. Nagam Aiya, V., op.cit., Vol. II, p. 365.
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159 reached alarming proportions. It had displaced the Hindus, large numbers 63
of Nayar families, who were landless, and they became landless laborers. Uprooted large populations were migrating outside the state. The mindset of encroachment among the Syrian Christian segment, was that once they had been refugees, even ate in the tribal belts and the hapless tribals were thrown out of their small holdings. With their clout in government the encroachers made this injustice legitimate. Agriculture, the mainstay of Kerala, traditional sectors like coir making was collapsed and only the islands of Christian Muslim rich remained in Kerala. With the neo-rich arrogance they are now dictating terms to all others.
Unionism The post-colonial Nayars, only beginning to organize, are required to compete with organised and moneyed communities like Christians and Muslims who have taken undue advantages at the cost of the others. Missionary spread stories of caste oppression, alienated the Kerala communities co-existing for centuries and made them enemies of each other. Capital starved and having lost their other footholds like farm lands, the Nayar community has very high rates on unemployment and 64
are getting extremely marginalised.
There are also psycho-spiritual
____________________________________________________________ 63. 64.
Padmanabha Menon, K.P., op.cit., p.89. Krishna Iyer L.A., op.cit, p.93.
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160 challenges of faith especially in the context of post-atheist communist 65
phase as a large number of Nayars took to communism. There is a vacuum of faith and confusion about what to do next. There is enormous human suffering and some are converting to Christianity. Return of the old dogmatic religion is another challenge. With out organizing themselves there is no choice for the Nayar community and it is going to be a stiff fight nevertheless. The other Hindu segments are also equally in trouble though such debates are not being tolerated in Kerala Hindu society. Kerala‘s nature and ecosystem are devastated. Christianized Kerala society has lost its symbiotic cultural traits. It is necessary to have a combined all inclusive action plan to restore confidence in the community. The man made sufferings in the state should be wiped out. There have been efforts through history of the Nayars trying to unite the latest being under the umbrella of the Nayar Service Society. The NSS did yeoman service in the community in organizing people and setting up modern western educational institutions. It now has a statewide organizational structure though it was sub-optimally used earlier. It is a great tribute to the Nayar community that it has withstood centuries of onslaught and kept up its morale where a new beginning has to be made. As social beings required to co-exist with other communities, ____________________________________________________________ 65.
Sreedhara Menon, A, op.cit., p. 86.
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161 coming to terms with history, it is essential that the community redefines its role in the present context, Once again taking the lead in bringing justice. And there is no doubt that the various schools of thought like Brahminism and the Vedic religion, Christianity and Islam, even Communism for that matter, have enriched the community in myriad ways. It is also true that the genesis of the Nayar community itself is complex, having been a nobility it must have taken in many peoples and races 66
through time. Historians quote that people are trying to claim that they are Nayars and many must have assimilated. Titles like Pillai and Menon were also designations of officers at certain points of time. The new challenge is to redefine the community goals, decide whom to associate with and to what degree, with a sense of confidence and enlightened self interest.
____________________________________________________________ 66.
Panikkar, K.M., op.cit., p. 409.
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Chapter VI
N.S.S. MovementS in South Travancore
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CHAPTER - VI
N.S.S. MOVEMENTS IN SOUTH TRAVANCORE
Each and every society has their own organizations entrusted with the duty of defending their own group interest.
The rapid socio-
economic transformation taking place in the Travancore society compelled the different caste groups to organize themselves under the communal organizations. The impact of the Brahmin domination enforced the Savarna communities to attempt towards communal solidarity whereas the awareness
created
by
the
European
missionaries
influenced
the
untouchable communities and they organized under caste organizations. th
Thus from the end of 19 century caste sangams were organized by the 1
Sambhavers, Nadars, and Vellalas of South Travancore . The Ezhavas of South Tranavncore rallied under the spiritual guidance of Sree Narayana Guru and accepted Sree Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam as their communal organization. Similarly the Nayars of South Travancore came ;Under the organizational frame works of the Nayar Service Society and 2
st
worked for the N.S.S. Movement. It is felt that 31 October 1914 was an auspicious day for the Nayars of Kerala, since on that day the N.S.S was founded at Changanacherri. The historical event took place at the house of ____________________________________________________________ 1. 2.
No. 476 of 1930. List of political and quasipolitical Societies, Sabhas and Anjumans in the state for the year ending January 1930. Mannathu Padmanabhan, Reminiscences of MY LIFE (Malayalam) (Translated into English by Prof. P.C. Menon) Nayar Service Society, Changanacherry, 1998, p.48.
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163 Mannathu Padmanabhan Pillai. Along with Padmanaphan thirteen Nayar men starting in front of a lighted oil lamp in the Mannathu house took the vow saying "I shall work for the progress of the N.S.S. In doing so I shall not wound the feelings of men of other faith. I dedicate myself to the betterment of the society and live according to the principles set by it, I do 3
solemnly swear this true, true, true…"
Early Organisations Malayalee Social Union-Malayalee Sabha
Nayars had no organization of their own up to the first half of 19th century. The lovers of the Nayar community who were conscious of the renaissance of their society formed the first organization in this line. In 1877 an organization known as Malayalee Social Union was formed at 4
Thiruvananthapuram. This organization was active till 1881. In 1884, Malayalee Social Union was converted as Malayali Sabha and the organization was re-organised under the leadership of Sri. C. Krishna Pillai. Malayali Sabha concentrated in extending financial aid to poor students,
spreading
western
education
and
introducing
welfare
programmes. During the initial stage it was kept away from politics. But ____________________________________________________________ 3. 4.
The N.S.S. Charitha Grantham, Changanacherry, 1972, p. 154. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op. cit., p. 58.
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164 gradually it interfered in politics also. Gradually Malayali Sabha became the nerve centre of political thoughts in Travancore. It took up several social welfare measures intended for the up-lift of weaker sections of the society. Their programmes had a national vision and broad mindedness, which helped them to be in the forefront of the national movement in later years. Malayali Sabha was headed by famous personalities like C. Krishna Pillai, C.V. Raman Pillai, G.P. Pillai, C. Sankaran Nayar and P. Ayyappan 5
Pillai.
Keraleeya Nayar Samajam Keraleeya Nayar Samajam was a unified organization of the 6
early Nayar Samajams scattered over various regions of Travancore. It was the result of the struggles organized by the Keraleeya Nayar Samajam that the Government appointed Govinda Pillai Commission to submit report for the changes to be made in the matrilineal system of inheritance. The Nayar Regulation Bill of 1911 was enacted and passed through amendments based on the report of the above Commission. Keraleeya Nayar Samajam gave a strong voice, high thinking and deep insight to a society, which was groping in darkness for the last several decades. ____________________________________________________________ 5. 6.
Achutha Menon, C., Cochin State Manual, Cochin, 1901, p. 193. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 72.
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165 Prof. E.J. Thomas records that Keraleeya Nayar Samajam succeeded in giving a clear picture of the backwardness of Nayars in the field of education, finance and politics. Nayars came forward to unite for a common cause by setting aside their narrow differences between sub-castes. Though Keraleeya Nayar Samajam did not last long, their efforts to bring sub-castes to the Nayar community proved beneficial in 7
the later years.
Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangham 31st October 1914 witnessed the birth of a great event in the history of Kerala, the birth of Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangham that was transformed as Nayar Service Society after one year. It had its origin at Mannathu Bhavanam (House of Mannathu Padmanabhan) of Perunna, 8
Changanassery. Mannathu Padmanabhan and Sri. K. Kelappan along with his twelve friends sat in front of a holy light lit by his mother Parvathy Amma and held a brain storming discussion, which paved the way for the formation of great movement in Kerala. The Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangham was formed under the leadrship of Sri. K. Kelappan and Mannathu Padmanabhan on 31, October ____________________________________________________________ 7. 8.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 75. Ibid., p. 49.
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166
9
1914 (Thulam 15, 1090 - ME). The Nayar Bhrithyajana Sangham was formed in line with the Servants of India Society. It was through the sincere and tireless efforts of the lovers of the Nayar community that the public awareness activities, which were part and parcel of the Indian National Movement, led by Gopalakrishna Gokhale reached Kerala. The main activities of Nayar Bhrithyajana sangham in the early days were to enroll volunteers for the service of the society, to spread education, loyalty to nation and god worship among people, to end the social evils etc. The activities of Nayar Bhrithyajana sangham were extended to Malabar which was also under the leadership of Sri. K. Kelappan, the 10
President of the Sangham. The holy light lit from the Mannathu Bhavanam on 31, October 1914 spread its shining light throughout Kerala. It became the spirit, energy and leading force of majority of people.
The social
renaissance movement of Kerala had its birth from this holy light. It eradicated the dirt and darkness from the minds of the people and society. 11
It became the guiding force of the social renaissance movement. ____________________________________________________________ 9. 10. 11.
Ibid., p. 50. Padmanabha Menon, K.P., Krishna, T.K., ed. History of Kerala, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1924, p. 467. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 60.
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167 The N.S.S. held the motto of service to the community in general and the Nayars in particular.
The objective of the N.S.S. was
eradication of the barriers of caste, the abolition of old decadent and wasteful practices, and bringing reforms in the traditional matrilineal 12
syste, of inheritance. In summary the chief aims were, to change the matrilineal system of inheritance which had already started to degenerate in the Nayar Community, to strive for equal partition and the legalization of the Sambandham and to start schools and other institutions to compete 13
with other communal organisations. Another important event in the history of Nayar Service Society also took place in July 1915. Iravikurup of Nedamel house and Narayanan Nayar of Kunnappally donated eighty seven acres of l and in Karukachal, to the Nayar Service Society. The new fields of work opened by the society and the increasing need for panchayat work demanded more and more of Mannathu Padmanabhan's time and efforts. When the interest of people in the working of Nayar Service Society increased, the 14
important members of Nayar Community began to associate with society. The next year was a very busy one for the workers of Nayar Service ____________________________________________________________ 12. 13. 14.
Sreedharamenon, A., Kerala District Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1964, p. 383. The N.S.S. Charitham, Changanassery, p. 299. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 88.
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168 Society. Though Nayar Service had its head quarters at Changanacherri, its founders and workers had aimed to make it a society spreading all over 15
Kerala. In the first ten years of its growth the Nayar Service Society progressed in many fields. The society started a magazine, Service in 1919. This publication helped in spreading the ideals of Nayars Service Society, any matter which would help the progress of Nayar Community was given special place in the service. The workers of this society became aware of the need to make it an approved organisation. So the society was registered according to Travancore Companies' Act on 30 July 1925. Hence some restrictions were imposed on matters of membership. In the early stage each member of the society had to pay twelve rupees. When the society was registered, the membership became categorized into two types: there were permanent members and life members. One who donated one thousand rupees or more would be a permanent member. A life member had to donate a sum of not less than five hundred rupees. When sixty percent of members agreed, one could be made life member 16
with out paying anything. ____________________________________________________________ 15. 16.
Balakrishnan, V., Leela Devi, R., Mannathu Padmanabhan and the revival of Nayars in Kerala, Delhi, 1982, pp. 40-48. Ibid., pp. 53-54.
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169 The administration of Nayar Service Society was perfectly democratic. The representative of the karayogams and individual members elected the Director. Board members, President, Secretary, and Treasurer were elected by the members themselves. The Board of Directors selected a council of five members including the secretary and the president for the day-to-day administration of the Nayar Service Society including affairs connected with the capital of fund collection of Nayar Service 17
Society.
Local Administration of N.S.S Karayogam
―Karayogam denotes an association of Nayars, established in
a kara by the service Society, and includes any organisation affiliated to the Society‖.
18
In the organisational set up of N.S.S., karayogams
constitute the lowest unit. If there is a heavy increase in population, the number of karayogams in a particular kara can be increased. In the words of mannath Padmanabhan, ―the karayogams form the basis of N.S.S organisation. If the N.S.S can be compared to a huge tree, the karayogams forms its roots. The ‗N.S.S. tree‘ has managed ____________________________________________________________ 17. 18.
N.S.S. Diary - I Kanni, Changanassery, 1902, p. 43. Nair Service Society, Memorandam and Articles of Association, Changanacherry, 1920, clause 1 (f), p. 1.
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170 to servive in the midst of several storms mainly on account of the 19
strength of it in karayogam roots. Each karayogam is a self – governing or autonomous unit, whose administration and management is looked by its own members. The top hierarchy of N.S.S has only nominal control, ones the karayogams through it has the responsibility to guide the 20
activities of the lowest in the right direction.
Major objectives of karayogams 1.
To create units, Self respect, self sufficiency, mutual trust, fraternity etc., among its members.
2.
To organise and work as a member of N.S.S following its rules and regulations for the unity and progress of the Nayar 21
community. 3.
To modernise and economise the old customs and practice relating to religion and community.
4.
To enhance the economic conditions of the karayogam in general and members in particular.
5.
To educate the members regarding agriculture, trade, handicrafts etc.
____________________________________________________________ 19. 20. 21.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, Jeevitha Smarankal (M), Kottayam, 1978, p. 184. Ibid., p. 186. The NSS Charitha Grantham, op.cit., p. 123.
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171 6.
To create proper knowledge of religion with a view to purity of life.
7.
To establish and manage the necessary schools, libraries, orphanages, childcare centres, temples, hospitals, cooperative 22
societies, factories, estates etc. 8.
To take necessary steps for storing water, improvement of facilities like transportation, sanitation, agriculture etc. within the universe of the kanayogam.
9.
To act as mediation in setting disputes between or among the members regarding partition, agriculture etc.
10.
To work as much as possible for the friendly relation with other communities and also for the welfare of the poor.
Membership A karayogam should be registered as a member of the service society by baying the membership fee of Rs. 100. The karayogams are also members of the Taluk unions, created under the rules of the service society.
Each karayogam has to select and send two members to the
general body of the respective taluk union for a term of three years. The Registrar of the N.S.S. Karayogams has the right to cancel the membership ____________________________________________________________ 22.
Ibid., p. 124.
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172 of a karayogam or not permit a karayogam from taking membership in the Taluk union. A nominal supervision fee has to be remitted annually to the Taluk union, but a minor share of its goes to the organisation wing 23
of N.S.S. Head office workers. Any Nayar male / female who has completed the age of 18 years, who is having normal intelligence and who is a permanent resident within the territorial limit of the karayogam has the right to become its 24
members. A karayogam has two kinds of members, house representative (Head of the family) and individual representative (Individuals others than house representations). Hindus other than Nayars who are will wishers of N.S.S are also permitted to become members of N.S.S karayogam. But this provision remains mostly mutual, in nature.
Administration of Karayogams The administration of each karayogam is carried on by a karayogams committee elected
by its general body from among its
members for a term of three years. The General Body elects a president, secretary from among the members of the committee. The committee and also the general body should meet atleast once in a month. All decisions ____________________________________________________________ 23.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, Reminiscences of MY LIFE (Malayalam) (Translated into English by Prof. P.C. Menon) Nayar Service Society, Changanacherry, 1998, p. 143 . 24. Ibid., p. 144. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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173 are taken by a majority vote. When there is a tie, the president exercises his casting vote. The general body has the power to remove the committee 25
members from office. The General body of the karayogams conducts election for three purposes. 1.
To the committee of the karayogam,
2.
To an electoral members, is member to the electoral roll of the N.S.S general body.
3.
To select two members to the general body of the Taluk union. The karayogam should send the annual report of income and
expenditure to the Taluk union and also to the office of the karayogam Registrar. The NSS council members, Registrar, Inspector, committee members
of the union and group union or any one who is specially
authorised by the karayogam. The registrar has the right to inspect the 26
accounts, store etc. of the karayogam.
Taluk Unions These are inter mediary structures linking the grass – root karayogams with the head quarters of the N.S.S. Taluk union. (Taluk karayoga union) It means an association consisting of the representatives ____________________________________________________________ 25. 26.
The NSS Charitha Grantham, op.cit., p. 170. Ibid., p. 172.
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174 of karayogams elected under the Article of Association for the 27
administration of karayogams. At present there are 57 Taluk unions all over Kerala. The karayogams which fall within the territorial limit of the Taluk union are recoganised by the society as members of the union.
Income28 a.
Admission fees of members
b.
Monthly subscription
c.
Contribution relating to marriage
d.
Contribution relating to death
e.
1. House warming
2. Naming
3. First rice – giving
4. Birth-day contribution
f.
Pidiyari (a handful of rice kept apart for N.S.S every day, in a seperate container, in each house and collected by the karayogam at the end of the month.
g.
First harvest – agricultural contribution
h.
Kettu Tengu, Kettukarmuk, Kettukodi (trees identified N.S.S collection from its yield)
i.
Balance of Karayogam, income from land, Agriculture, business, Commerce etc.
____________________________________________________________ 27. 28.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 143. The NSS Charitha Grantham, op.cit., p. 178.
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175 j.
Special collection in connection with Onam, Vishu etc.
k.
Special Contributions
l.
Income from temple, school, library etc Nayar Service Society did not aim at active politics. Yet the
secretary and other workers of the society were forced to take active part in election propaganda. In 1921 the president of the Nayar Service Society, Changanacherri Parameswaran Pillai was a candidate to the legislative 29
assembly. It was a fortune for the Nayars. When the society was founded in 1914, casteism continued to be an ugly social institution in the princely state of Travancore. Different subcastes within the Nayar community observed untouchability and pollution. This caste feeling kept the Nayars aloof from other communal 30
groups. In schools and public places they stood away from the lower castes. When a boy returned from school, he was asked to take a bath first and only then to enter his home. The caste identity and the travelling restrictions on the roads created tensions and ill-feelings in their social life. At this point N.S.S. decided to play a leadership role to mitigate the prejudices. To set an example, Padmanabhan himself ate with a low caste 31
man of the pulaya community. In his leadership role to fight against the ____________________________________________________________ 29. 30. 31.
Daniel, D., Struggle for Responsible Government in Travancore , 1938-1947, Madurai, 1985, p. 46. Ibid., p. 47. Sankunni Pillai, "Social reforms", Golden Book, Changanassery, 1964, p. 401.
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176 caste system, the N.S.S. got an effective support from Nayar leaders like Chattampi Swamikal and other leaders like Gandhi and Sree Narayana Guru. Inspired by the Indian National Congress, the society decided to work, for the eradication of the caste system. Under the leadership of Padmanabhan the N.S.S. took part in the Vaikkam Satyagraha on November 1, 1924. One of the high lights of the Satyagraha was the 32
Savarna Jatha. Organised and led by the N.S.S. general secretary, the Vaikkam Satyagraha and the Savarna Jatha helped to influence public opinion in the state infavour of the temple entry for the low caste people to worship. While a majority of the public was infavour of temple entry the Brahmins objected to it. In order to accomplish freedom of worship for all hindus irrespective of their castes, the N.S.S. continued its campaign 33
in various parts of Kerala. The temple entry proclamation of 1936, effected a silent and 34
blood less revolution in Hindu society of Kerala. Through this action it was made
possible for all Hindus including the all lower castes to
enter the Sri Padmanabha Swami temple of Trivandrum and worship together. Padmanabha notes in his Political words that what was achieved ____________________________________________________________ 32. 33. 34.
Sreedhara Menon, A., A Concise Political History of Modern Kerala (18851957), Madras, 1987, p. 12. Sankunni Pillai, op.cit., p. 131. Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 124.
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177
cannot be adequately described even by Vallathol a poet Laureate of Kerala. One of the chief aims of the N.S.S was to bring reforms in the traditional matrilineal system of inheritance. The N.S.S. wanted this reform because in recent times, the joint family system had failed to work 35
harmoniously.
Prior to the founding of the N.S.S. the Nayar leaders like
Changanacherri Parameswaran Pillai introduced a bill suggesting the partition of thavazhis. This is known as the first Nayar act of 1912. Because it gave provisions only for the thavazhi partition most of the 36
liberal leaders did not accept it. When the first Nayar Act failed to work out another Nayar Act was proposed under the leadership of Padmanabhan. This was enacted in 1925. In this act provision was made not only for the thavazhi partition but it provided also for equal sharing of the tharavad property for all the tharavad members. The act also made polygamy illegal. It prohibited the marriage of a female under sixteen years of age. This age limit stopped the traditional custom of marriage in talikettu form, particularly of a girl before puberty. Following the Nayar Act of 1925 in Travancore another Nayar Regulation Act was introduced in Cochin in 1938. This ____________________________________________________________ 35. 36.
Sreedhara Menon, A., Kerala District Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1965, pp.385-88. Sreedhara Menon, A., A Concise Political History of Modern Kerala (18851957), Madras, 1987, p. 13.
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178
Nayar Act impressed all the previous Nayar Acts and completely 37
terminated the matrilineal system in Kerala. In the pattern of Christian Medical Mission Hospitals, the N.S.S also started hospitals in important centres. The activities of N.S.S. extended into various fields. Padmanabhan cherished the idea of providing medical services to the community. Many medical missions were introduced. The main aim of the mission was to render free medical service 38
to the poor. Another chief aim of the N.S.S. was to start a few English high schools. Soon after the founding of the society the general secretary began to concentrate its attention towards fulfilling the goal of establishing 39
educational institutions. The N.S.S. was very much aware of the value of education to boost the economic and social conditions of Nayars. The Keraleeya Nayar Samajam also started schools in different parts of Travancore. In 1924, the total number of schools owned by the N.S.S. were five and the total number of students studying in those institutions 40
were only 1063. In 1944 these were 53 and 11623 respectively.
____________________________________________________________ 37. 38. 39. 40.
Krishna Variar, Marumakkathayam., Cochin, 1969, p. 38. The N.S.S. Golden Book, Changanassery, 1964, p. 12. Ibid. , p.145. The N.S.S.Golden Book, Changanassery, 1964, p. 16.
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179 The first college of N.S.S. was started at Changanacherri in 41
July 1947 only with a Pre-University class. This was granted to the N.S.S. by C.P. Ramaswamy lyer who wanted the Nayar Community to support
him.
The
Christians
were
against
a
Nayar
college
at
Changanacherri as already there was one under the Christian management. They naturally thought that one was to undermine the Christian interests and resisted it through the press and platforms. As the resistance mounted day by day, C.P.Ramaswamy lyer proposed to Mannathu Padmanabhan an alternative plan which was ultimately agreed upon. The agreements were, 1). The main college of the N.S.S. must be shifted to Trivandrum. 2). Forty six acres of land will be acquired by government and handed over to the N.S.S freely. 3). A first grade college was to be started at Trivandrum and in Changanacherri with a Pre University college. The Government agreed to give five Lakhs of rupees as donation to start the college. This favour of C.P. Ramaswamy lyer to N.S.S. was probably to win the N.S.S. Mannathu Padmanabhan. He was ready to take as much favour as possible to nourish the N.S.S even though he was not at all ready 42
to sacrifice his ideology. Sir C.P. Ramaswamy lyer could not do much, about this agreement as he left Travancore due to popular agitation. ____________________________________________________________ 41. 42.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, op.cit., p. 260. Ibid., p. 261.
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180
The popular ministry formed by Pattam A. Thanu Pillai after independence 43
executed the government agreement with the N.S.S. M. Padmanabhan who was a thorough Gandhian, a nationalist, a man who worked hard for the emancipation of the downtrodden and a social revolutionary and also known as the father of 44
N.S.S. He says "My God and Goddess and every thing is N.S.S".
Another important achievement of the Nayar Service Society 45
was the laying of sound foundation of the society. Mannam founded many funds for the Nayar Service Society. The permanent fund, Education fund and college fund are some of them. Nayar Service Society aimed to introduce
industries
through
co-operative societies of
joint stock
companies. The most important industrial venture by the Mannam society is Mannam Sugar Mills. A Co-operative society was formed in 1960 for the management of the sugar mill.
The Nayar Service Society had
rendered great service to temples with an aim to develop the numerous temples which were decaying due to difference of opinion between members of the administrative committee or their in difference, the society ____________________________________________________________ 43. 44.
Mannathu Padmanabhan, Ente Jeevitha Smarankal, Kottayam, 1978, pp.324-29. Mannathu Padmanabhan, Manathinte Sampoorna Krithikal, Kottayam, 1992, p. 174. 45. Mannathu Padmanbhan, Reminiscences of MY LIFE, op.cit., p. 129. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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181
began a Devaswom Corporation. The Nayar Service Society took over the administration of many ancient and neglected temples and restored 46
their prominence and prosperity. In temple entry movement, struggle for abolition of matrilineal system of inheritance, educational activities and re-conversion propaganda, the N.S.S. played a pioneer role. In South Travancore the Nayars were organized under Karayogams and came under the stream of 47
N.S.S. activities. All Nayar quarters of South Travancore rallied under the communal unit in the village level and made commendable mobilization process in support of the N.S.S. Movement. The different socio-economic background that emerged out of the Vellala Regulation of 1926, induced the enlightened vellala youths to support the social movements of the untouchable communities. But the Nayars of South Travancore failed to encourage such depressed class movements which altogether worked against the socio-political position of the Nayars. Further the
N.S.S challenged
the Christian movement
successfully in North Tranvancore and obtained considerable progress in the educational activities. ____________________________________________________________ 46. 47.
Balakrishnan, V., R. Leela Devi., op.cit., pp. 87-91. Ibid., p. 92.
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182 As the L.M.S emerged to be a strong socio-religious force in South Travancore, the L.M.S. converts spearheaded an avarna movement mainly against the Nayar dominance. But the Nayars practically failed to cope with the new situation and attempted in vain for the re-conversion 48
and solidarity move among the Hindus. This enables the other popular Savarna community namely the Nanjiland vellalas to organise movements and occupied a pre-eminent socio-economic position in south Travancore. Evidently the N.S.S. movement in South Travancore failed to protect the interest of the Nayars which led to the disintegration of the social exclusiveness and traditional orders.
The Present Condition of NSS in South Travancore (Modern Kanyakumari District) The NSS in Kanyakumari district was started in 24.12.1995. It became a registered body in 1996. (The Reg. No. 47/'96) The district office bearers were, Advocate Sreekumar (President), Mr. N. Raghavan Nair (General Secretary, Mr. M. Balakrishnan Nayar (Treasurer) as on 2000. The important karayogams were at, Nagercoil, Padmanabhapuram, Suchindrum, Munchirai, Thiruvattar etc. ____________________________________________________________ 48.
Sathianesan,V., "Temple Entry Proclamation and Reconversion Impulse ", Indian Church History Review. Vol.26;2 1992, pp.14-15.
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183
Regulation & Functioning The General body meeting of the N.S.S. will be conducted twice or thrice in a year.
Now the office of the district organization
functioning at Chunkankadai. Each karayogam meet twice in a month.
The district
executive committee met once in a month during the last Saturday. They aimed to create more funds for their society and to help the poor families in this society. Each karayogam members entered in to canvass for the accumulation of the members from their areas. The admission fees is collected from each member 25 rupees as entrance fees. Then five rupees collected as monthly subscription.
Services of the Society Their main aim to promote the socio economic cultural condition of the Nayar society.
Social The NSS in Kanyakumari District gave help in monetary level to the poor families for their family marriage purpose rupees 2000 to 3000/-. These family members should be the member of the karayogam. ____________________________________________________________ There are 27 karayogams in Kanyakumari District. The details given above are until 2000. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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184 In case of death in a poor family the NSS donate rupees 500 for that purpose. This amount paid those family even not a member in the karayogam. During the marriage function of the member's family, the N.S.S. done free service for the successful completion of that function. While they serve in the dining hall they wore NSS padges. For this free service the wedding family should pay rupees hundred towards the marriage registration fees to the NSS.
Educational The only (aided) NSS college in South Travancore is Sree Ayyappa College for Women at Chunkankadai, near Nagercoil. To promote educational qualities the district NSS announced st
prizes for getting 1 rank in SSLC and HSC examination among the Nayar families. Each prize winners will be getting 1000 rupees as cash award. These prizes could be donated by V.I.P.ies among the N.S.S. This was first started during June 1996 at their General body meeting held at Nagercoil. The Donors were Mr. V. Sreekumar District President and Mr. Thangappan Nair from Krishnan Kovil.
Political They sent requisition to the Government of Tamilnadu for getting minority rights from the Government on linguistic basis. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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Chapter VII
Social Movements among the oppressed and Nayar Antipathy
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CHAPTER - VII
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AMONG THE OPPRESSED AND NAYAR ANTIPATHY
th
The beginnings of the 19 Century witnessed the emergence of social reform movements in South Travancore. In the early phase of the reform movements, the Christian missionaries raised the banner of revolt against the oppressive order, mainly the Nayar aristocrats who established their dominance in government offices and social systems. Evidently the Vellalas of South Travancore also joined hands with the Nayars and persecuted the lower communities. Emboldened by the teachings of the 1
L.M.S., missionaries and Vaikundaswamigal the untouchable communities of South Travancore challenged the slave labour, dress restrictions and denial of temple entry rights. A feeling of self-respect guided in the outcaste communities who' organised the movement for social justice, equality and self respect. Through oppressive systems the Nayars attempted to suppress the reform spirit that originated among the 2
traditional outcaste communities of South Travancore. ____________________________________________________________ 1.
2.
Ponnu.R., Vaikunda Swamigal Valvum Valikattalum, (Tamil), New Delhi, 1983, p.60. With the coming of Vaikundaswamigal, a new sect of Hinduism had appeared as a curious phenomenon in the religious history of South Travancore. He was born in a Nadar family in 1808 A.D, at Samithoppu, a village 5 miles north west Kanyakumari. He started his meditation in unity, 1833 and completed a penance of of 4 years. He appealed his followers to live in fearlessness and with good faith. At the age of forty three he died at Ampalapathi on Monday 3 June 1851. Report on Slavery, 1841, p. 152.
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186 In the feudal society of Travancore slavery was officially recognised. The government and the temples owned slaves. Churches as well as the rich caste Hindu landlords also owned them. Below the Nadars and the Ezhavas, even more degraded and oppressed, were the several slave castes that formed the lowest Sudras of the Travancore society. The slave caste had once been a free people. It was the feudal nature of society that the strange laws of land ownership, the agrarian economy, the division of labour and the caste system that ushered in slavery which remained a th
bleeding wound in the body politic of Travancore till the middle of 19 3
century.
The anarchic and unsettled state of affairs that prevailed in Travancore, in the early society helped the landlords to grab more land and
compelled the weaker sections to surrender the
lands in their
possessions and to accept the position of servile labourers. The chera-chola th
confrontation of the 11 century A.D let loose the new socio-economic 4
forces. The Nambudiri Brahmin who were at the apex of the social structure and functioned as trustees of temples misappropriated numerous temple properties and endowments and enjoyed the income derived from 5
them. This led eventually to the abnormal accumulation of a land and ____________________________________________________________ 3. 4. 5.
Joy Gnanadason, A Forgotten History, Madras, 1994, p. 28. Nagam Aiya, V., Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1906, p. 276. Sreedhara Menon, A., Kerala District Gazetteer, Trivandrum, 1965, p. 273.
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187 wealth in their hands. At the same time the properties owned by several ordinary tenants were transferred by them to the control of individual Brahmin
landlords and temple managements
and the properties so
transferred became Brahmaswoms, and Devaswoms which by convention enjoyed immunity from forcible occupation and devastation at the hand 6
of the enemy force.
Jenmi – Kudiyan Relations The social system of this state led to the rise of Jenmi system in Travancore. It became the exclusive privilege of the caste Hindu Brahmins and Nayars to be Jenmies and lower caste men could never buy or own land and rise to the status of Jenmies. Power and prosperity were the unchallenged monopoly of the Jenmies. The lower castes who were given the land on lease or were employed as labourers for the cultivation of the lands, the kudiyans could be evicted at will. This system brought about an economy which exploited the tenants at the bottom and gave to those at 7
the top, the Jenmies tremendous economic, political and social power. It generated a large number of unprotected people who had no option but to work in the fields of the Jenmies and to do all the dirty menial jobs. The rigid rules of caste with triple social evils of untouchability, unapproachability and unseablity denied them the choice of any other ______________________________________________________________________ 6. 7.
Ibid., p. 203. Nagam Aiya, V., op. cit., Vol. II, p. 278.
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188 work. All the tasks of importance were shared by the Brahmins and the Nayars. It was the division of labour that finally led to slavery causing sensible decline in the moral nature and character of the people. Thousands of agricultural labourers became agricultural slaves attached to the soil and were brought and sold like cattles. Slavery in Travancore became hereditary. Unlike in other parts of India where it existed, once born to a slave family remained a slave all through life, passing down this ignominy to his or her posterity. Dharma Bhoomi the land of charity had became 8
the land of Adharma the home of slavery.
Slavery The missionaries developed conflicting attitude towards the social tyranny of Travancore state and condemned the humiliating feudal vestige,
the institution of slavery. They represented the Maharaja to
enact compassionate reform measures for the liberation of the servile 9
workers. After several stages of agitations by the missionaries and pleas by the reform bodies, the Maharaja issued his first antislavery proclamation on 14 October 1853 and thereby granted emancipation to 10
children born of all government slaves after 15 September 1853. The further proclamations issued on 24 June 1855 completely abolished slavery in Travancore. ______________________________________________________________________ 8. Report on Slavery, 1841, p. 153. 9. Kusuman, K.K., Slavery in Travancore, Madras, 1989, pp. 101-103. 10. English Records, Trivandrum Secretariat, Cover File No.286, copy of the Proclamation abolishing Slavery, 15 September 1853. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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189 The emancipation statutes of the Travancore Maharaja were not taken serious by the Nayars of South Travancore. A kind of aggrestic slavery still continued in the South Travancore society. Especially the failure of the government to adopt subsequent ameliorative measures compelled the slave community to lead a dependent life on the land owning communities. This helped continuation of the servile system in another form with the same severity and cruelty. As a result the Sambhavar outcastes of South Travancore became converts to alien faith and sought the status of non-Hindus. On becoming non-Hindus they were exempted from all social obligations and restrictions. Yet the Nayar landlords of South Travancore continued the system of social disability and persecuted the servile community. In the Thovalai
taluk, Thazhakudi
was a famous village
where large caste Hindu Nayar landlords commanded servile services of 11
the former slave community of Sambhavars. When a landlord started ploughing the paddy-fields on an auspicious day, he ordered all the slaves to render their services. Madathy, a slave caste woman living in the village, 12
due to her advanced state of pregnancy failed to report duty in the field. It is reported being starved, sick and weak she could hardly move around. ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12.
Joy Gnanadason, op.cit., p.17. Ibid.
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190 Naked, starving children with matted hair and filthy clothes tugged at her for food as she lay crumpled on the floor in the corner of her hovel 13
between fatigue and semi- consciousness. But the landlord sent his slaves to take her to the field. Then she was yoked to a plough along with a buffalo and to pull the plough to the utter horror of everyone. It resulted 14
in her death. In fact this gory incident was one of the many acts of inhuman cruelty meted out to the low caste slaves by their Nayar landlords in South Travancore. The encouragement given by the Salvation Army to the Sambhavar community further aggravated the persecution of the lower communities. Thus the Nayars even in the end of the 19th century practised slavery and dehumanised the lower communities.
Upper Cloth Movement In the early nineteenth century European ideals of life and manners began to take root among the people. Orthodox views regarding the frame work of society had slowly began to give way to new and liberal 15
ideas of the brotherhood of man. Encouraged by the orders of Munro dated 7 Edavam 989, (1813) the Nadar women began to wear the upper 16
cloth along with the jacket. The caste hindus could not compromise ____________________________________________________________ 13. 14. 15. 16.
Report of the Travancore District Committee for 1881, Thittuvilai mission District, p. 23. Ibid. Report on Slavery 1841, p.153. Sreedhara Menon, A., Kerala District Gazetteers, Trivandrum, pp. 227-228.
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191 with this violation of a deep rooted custom. However the first agitation, for the upper cloth right started in 1822 when the Nayars in Kalkulam mocked, abused and ill-treated the Nadar females who appeared in public with 17
decent dress with upper cloths and jackets worn by them were torn. Soon the Nadar got a favourable decree from the Padmanabhapuram Court in 18
1823, which confirmed the proclamation of Munro. Having felt annoyed, the Nayars resumed persecution and subsequently the royal proclamation rd
19
of 3 February, 1829 prohibited the use of upper cloth by Nadar women. Even after the prohibition the Nadar women moved out wearing the upper cloth. Hence the upper cloth riot continued from 1828 to 1830 with severe 20
persecution. It was more intense in the Neyyoor mission district. It was made a regular practice for the Nayars to gather at market places to assault the Nadar women. The administration sent troops to suppress the rebellion under the command of captain Daby.
However with the coming of
Vaikundaswarny and a subsequent reformation spirit in the minds of Hindu 21
Nadars, the movement for upper cloth right assumed a new dimension. A conflicting atmosphere was created by the developments during the first decade of the later 19
th
22
century. The edict of 1851 deprived the
____________________________________________________________ 17. 18. 19.
Agur, C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, p. 98. Kareem, C.K., Kerala under Haider Ali and Tippu Sultan, Cochin, 1973, p. 179. Agur, C.M., op.cit., Appendix - XVIII, p.18.
20. 21.
Yesudhas, R.N., Bristish Policy in Travancore, Trivandrum, 1977, p. 178. John Jacob, A., A History of London Missionary Society in South Travancore , Trivandrum, 1990, p. 50. Ponnu, R., Vaikundaswami and Social Reform Movement, Unpublished, M.Phil, Dissertation, Madurai, 1980, p. 75.
22.
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192 Christians of the status and privileges that they enjoyed and subjected them to serious disadvantages. caste
23
It
sanctioned
the resistance of the
Hindus. However a new era of persecution and severity began 24
when Madhava Rao became the Dewan.
Having observed
the
conflicting sentiments prevailed between the Nadars and the Nayars on th
27 December 1858, he
issued a proclamation "requiring the Shanars
to adhere to the usage hither to observed by their women of not covering 25
the body with an upper cloth like the Sudra women". This supplied fuel to- the fire of hostility and resulted in serious violence. Soon it spread violently to all parts of South Travancore and from 25th December 1850 onwards Christian Nadars were molested throughout Neyyoor and 26
Parassala mission districts.
In January 1859
riots broke
out in
27
Trivandrum, Santhapuram, Nagercoil and Kottar. In all these places women wereassaulted. Soon the Hindu and Christian Nadars retaliated against the caste Hindu women.28 The revolt which lasted for five months ended with a proclamation on 26 July 1859 allowing Nadar women to ____________________________________________________________ 23.
th
24.
Moody, J.N., The Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated 17 January 1853, Cover file No. 215 of 1853, pp. 36-38. Yesudas, R.N., British Policy in Travancore (1805-1859), Trivandrum, 1977,
25. 26. 27. 28.
p. 45. rd English Records, Trivandrum Cover File No.2115, 3 January 1859, p. 14. th Ibid., 12 February 1859, p. 18. Ibid., 21st January 1859, pp. 16-18. Ibid., p. 18.
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193 cover their bosoms in any manner. In the continuous operation of the conflict Nayar mass uprising formed a distinct phase. They let loose a new wave
of persecution at the aggressive social status occupied by
Nadars of South Travancore. The uprisings led to the direct collision with Nadars. Indications of the general ill feeling of the Nayars towards the Nadars became more marked by the end of 1858. A Christian Nadar woman was assaulted in the public market at Neyyattinkara and her 29
jacket was torn by a group of Nayars. Though the case was proved in the court the offender was let off with a little fine in order to prevent recurrence of similar crimes. The Nayars opened a new phase of confrontation with the Nadars when the royal proclamation was read in the court of Travancore by the Governor Lord Harris. In the continuous agitation of twenty days in the Parassala Mission District three chapels and 30
three smaller places of worship were set on fire. In the Neyyoor mission district the Nayars began to rob and ill-treat many of the poorer classes. They sided with, the officials to inflict infiltration upon Gurupatham, the 31
Catechist and his family. The Nayar uprising became more serious ____________________________________________________________ 29. 30.
Mateer, S., The Land of Charity, London, John Snow, 1871, p. 293. Messiah, L.A. (ed.), Abbe Memorial London Missionary Pastorate Church, Platinum Jubilee Souvenir, Parasala, 1775, pp. 2-3. 31. Oliver, P., Home Church Irenepuram CSI, Centenary Jubilee Souvenir, 1970, p. 13. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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194 when it burst out in Nanjilnad. Here the Vellalas joined with the Nayars 32
th
in perpetuating the atrocity on the Nadars. On 4 January more than 200 Nayars with a group of Vellalas of Thazhakudy entered the houses of Nadars with clubs and knives. They attacked the inhabitants, stripped off the jackets of the women, torn the cloths and cruelly beat and 33
kicked them.
Fearing subsequent attacks, the Nadars flew from the
th
village on 7 January. Another Nayar mob gathering of about 500 entered Kumarapuram during day time. They searched the house of the Christian 34
catechists, and chased the Nadars. soon the violent mob made forcible entry in to the homes of the Nadars, broke and pillaged the furniture and 35
molested the defenseless women. In the violent outrage brokeout in December 1858 and January 1859 the Nadars suffered untold miseries. The violence ignited out of the Nadar's assumption of the right to wear upper cloth, soon became a movement for destruction of the property of Nadars in South Travancore. Hence this Nayar-Nadar confrontation actually laid a ground for the violent reaction of the Nadars and for a final fight against the lawless acts of their powerful enemies. ____________________________________________________________ 32.
English Records Cover File Mo. 2115 Letter of Missionaries, LMS, F.Baylis to the Resident, pp. 44-48.
33.
Yesudhas, R.N., A People's Revolt in Travancore, Document , No XIII, pp. 196-198. 34. Mateer.S., op.cit., p. 302. 35. George, D.H., Kumari Mavatta Pennurimai Porattam , (Tamil), Marthandam, 1982, p. 92. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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195 In fact the upper cloth agitation by the Nadars of South Travancore represented the reaction of a pioneer depressed community against the social restrictions and humiliations meted out to the lower communities. Hence the agitation was primarily against the Nayars, who were the real vanguard of the exclusive social systems and caste Hindu privileges. In several places of South Travancore, the Nadars faced the virulent Nayar conservatives who opposed modernization process in South Travancore. It gave rise to subsequent social movements and mobilizations for the social equality and identity of the lower communities.
Agrarian Reforms and Temple Entry Movement After the upper cloth agitations, there was an era of agrarian reforms in Travancore society that consolidated the economic position of the Nayars of South Travancore. As Kudiyans, they came to enjoy permanent tenancy rights and asserted their position, as noble patrons of the land. Subsequently they attempted
reorganisation of their family
management based on patrilineal system and established status for individuals. Yet they wanted to perpetuate the system of social inequality 36
by prohibiting the lower communities from entering the temples. The depressed communities of South Travancore demanded the right of temple ____________________________________________________________ 36.
"The temples occupied a highly conspicuous place in the life of the Hindus". Sobhanan,B., "Temple Entry Movement in Kerala ", Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol.XII, part 1-4, p.195.
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196 entry in order to boost their social status and cultural identity. Thus what was inevitable was, the movement for right of temple entry in the Travancore state. Originally the temple entry movement was started' in Travancore State with Vaikkam Satyagraha in 1924. The Ezhavas, who 37
formed the major non-caste Hindu community launched the movement. Their Organisation known as SNDP drew the attention of the government and demanded the removal of tindal palakas (the prohibition boards) 38
placed near the temples. At this juncture, the Nayar Service Society and Harijan Seva Sangh recommended the government for the granting of 39
temple entry right to the non-caste Hindus. When the Satyagraha movement became vigorous, the government as a compromise settlement declared the opening of roads on three sides of the Vaikkam temple.
40
But
the lower communities were not permitted to have a glance of the deity in the Garbagraga. In continuation of the Vaikkam Satyagraha the temple entry movement was started in South Travancore with the historical Suchindram Satyagraha. This was aimed at securing the right to walk along the roads surrounding the Siva temple at Suchindram. The Satyagraha commenced ____________________________________________________________ 37.
Ravindran, T.K, Vaikkam Satyagraha and Gandhi , Trichur, 1975, pp. 102-103.
38. p. Ravindran, T.K., Asan and Social Revolution in Kerala , Trivandrum, 1971, 69. 39. Basthurai, S., Suchindram Satyagraha, an Unpublished M.Phil Dissertation, M.K. University, Madurai, p. 95. 40. English Records, Trivandrum Secretariat, File No. D.Dis. 1478. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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197 on 19 February 1926 -under the leadership of M. Subramonia Pillai, M.E. Naidu, H. Perumal Panikkar, P.C. Thanumalaya Perumal and 41
Gandhidas. The Nayars of Suchindram and its suberbs took keen interest to suppress the Satyagraha movement. In collaboration with the conservative Vellala group they started what was known as anti-satyagraha. They took all precaution to thwart the movement. They put up barricades on the roads leading to the temple. The satyagrahis sat on the roads where they were prevented from going ahead. The anti-satyagrahis had enjoyed the support of the police officials and government servants. Prohibitory orders had been 42
issued by the District magistrate to the leaders.
All forcible attempts
of the satyagrahis to enter the prohibited road were prevented by the police. The anti-satyagrahis with the support of the government prohibited M.E.Naidu, the leader of the movement from making public speeches or taking part in public meetings or entering specified areas. 43 Following the arrival of Gandhi into
the area and his
negotiations with the government the latter promised that the roads at Suchindram would be opened to the avarnas within a month after ____________________________________________________________ 41. 42. 43.
st Ibid., Letter dated 21 January 1926. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, Vol. IX, p. 6. Sobhanan, B., Temple Entry Movement in Kerala , Journal of Kerala Studies, Vol. XII, Part 1-4, p. 203.
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198 stopping
the satyagraha.
But the strong pro-savarna attitude of the
government and opposition of the orthadox savarnas made the government to ignore the promise given to the satyagrahis. Therefore on 44
12 May 1926 again satyagraha was resumed. The satyagrahis challenged the government restrictions and continued the agitation with vigour. They faced the lathi-charge and proceeded towards the temples that spread alarm and terror in every direction of Suchindram. Hard pressed by the agitations the ruling sovereign on the 8 November 1932 appointed a committee, known as 'Temple Entry Enquiry Committee for the purpose 45
of examining the question of temple entry. The committee was the representative body of orthadox pandits, educated gentlemen with advanced view and representative of 46
the communities to whom temple entry had not been granted. The president of the committee V.S.Subramoniya Aiyar published the report on "January 1974 with the suggestion for a partial removal of restrictions and recommendations for throwing open all public roads and buildings to every community irrespective of caste, creed and colour.
47
It touched
only the fringe of the problem and the main disability, still remained. ____________________________________________________________ 44.
Menon, P.K.K., The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala , Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1972, pp. 300-301.
45.
Ramachandran, P., M.E. Naidu and Suchindram Satyagraha , Nagercoil, 1975, pp. 14-15. , 46. Report of the Temple Entry Enquiry Committee, p. 1. 47. Proceedings of the Travancore Sri Moolam Assembly, Vol. VII, Trivandrum, 1937, p. 713. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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199 Though the appointment of a temple entry enquiry committee struck a hope of confidence in the circle of the satyagrahis the outcome aggravated the agitation. Throughout the state the satygrahis contemplated to enter all roads, tanks and wells and satroms which were thrown open 48
to the caste hindus and non-hindus but not to non-caste hindus. In order to nullify the attempts of the satyagrahis, the government gave orders to 49
throw open forty roads in the Travancore state to all classes of people. A conference of
Devaswom Commissioner, Maramat Engineer, Chief
Engineers, etc. was held and it resolved that those public roads, wells, tanks, satroms maintained out of public fund should be immediately thrown open to all the people but those which were maintained out of 50
Devaswom funds would be closed to thenon-caste hindus. The enlightened sovereign Sri Chitra Thirunal reexamined the whole question in the light of the external truths embodied in the vedas and the upanishads. The enlightened public opinion and the pulse of the caste Hindus were also towards the grant of temple entry right to the avarnas. However a final approach was effected with the historic 51
proclamation on 12 November 1936. The temple entry proclamation by ____________________________________________________________ 48.
English Records,
Trivandrum,
Confidential section,
C.S. File No.
1365,
49. 50. 51.
Telegram, private secretary to Maharaja of Travancore, Trivandrum, 20 March 1936. Ibid., 21 May 1936. Ibid., 26 May 1936. The Temple Entry Proclamation Memorial Souvenir, Trivandrum, 1942, p. l.
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200 the sublimity of its conception the loftness of its ideals and the" magnitude of its effects, occupies a unique place in the history of social and religious 52
reform in India. The proclamation introduced revolutionary changes in the Hindu society by destroying the last prestige of discrimination against 53
two million human beings. It is an epoch making manifestation of unparalleled beneficence. It is an act of justice to the submerged hindus in the state and the Magna Carta of a resurrected Hinduism purified, 54
ennobled and equipped to prosper and conquer. The proclamation created a healthy and vigorous spiritual life and helped the advancement of the various castes and classes among the Hindus.
55
With the proclamation the suffering section found
a remedy to many disabilities. It sanctioned temple entry right, road entry right and common rights to enter all public wells
tanks, satroms and
56
rooms. The Nayar Service Society and other Hindu Mission began to reconvert those who flow from Hindu fold. As agrarian tenants the reconverted depressed class coolies were preferentially treated by the ____________________________________________________________ 52.
Travancore Administration Report 1936-37, Trivandrum, p. 7.
53. 54. 55. 56.
Ibid., p. 126. Ibid., p. 134. Sreedhara Menon, A., Kerala District Gazetteer, p. 274. English Records, Trivandrum, Confidential C.S.File No.1383, Letter from Chief Secretary to the Police Commissioner, Trivandrum, 26 May 1937.
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201 57
Hindu landlords The out caste Parayas and Pulayas gained the right to stand along with Brahmin before the sanctum sanctorum of the Hindu temples. It struck a period of bleak to the missionaries of Travancore. Further the proclamation radiated a fusion of sub castes which in turn fostered inter-marriages of different castes. It ushered in the birth of a new 58
era of equality and freedom. The Nayar organisation supported the cause of the avarnas in North Travancore during the Vaikkam Satyagraha days. The different socio-economic situations in South Travancore made the Nayars to adopt anti-satyagraha movement. Their strong association with orthodox vellala groups might have perhaps the reason for the indifferent attitude of the Nayars towards the temple entry movement of South Travancore. The economic consideration also influenced the Nayars to develop anti-satyagraha movement. In pre-temple entry era, the Nayars had exclusive control over the temple lands as tenants. But after temple entry right the avarna had also come to possess the natural rights over temple properties. Developing apprehension against this the Nayars of South Travancore played the role of the anti-satyagrahis in the temple entry movement. ____________________________________________________________ 57.
English Records, Trivandrum, Confidential, C.S. File No. 1383, Trivandrum, 8 March 1937. 58. Ibid. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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Chapter VIII
cultural reciprocity a retrospect
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CHAPTER - VIII
CULTURAL RECIPROCITY – A RETROSPECT
Travancore has the peculiar type of culture which set itself a fact different from all other regional cultures and National culture in India. The peculiar cultural aspects of Travancore reaches the South Travancore, once a part of Travancore State and now a part of Tamilnadu Since November 1, 1956, Underwent so many transmissional changes and synthesis with the Tamil cultural aspects and vice versa. The Travancore culture to some extent come to be Tamilianised, and Tamil culture being Keralised. These mutual and reciprocal cultural transmission and efflorescence through the ages could be seen in multi dimensional way in the different aspects of life even today. Now the Nayar culture and Tamil culture transmitted mutually and reflected in synthesis in all aspects of life and every nook and corner of south Travancore among the people could be witnessed through the length
and breadth of
Tamilnadu and also throughout Kerala.
I.
Language So many words from the spoken language of Nayars has
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203
advent of Nayars into South Travancore. The numerical number 'Onnu' in Malayalam is adopted by the Tamilian people and call the number one as 1
'Onru'. Another example the jack fruit popularly known as 'palapalam' in Tamil is spoken by the Tamilian people of south Travancore as 'chakkai palam' and this terminology was commonly used by the Nayar people of kerala for Jack fruit. Originally the lips of human body called by the Tamils as 'uthadu'. Because of the influence of Malayalam in the South Travancore the Nayar usage 'sundu' became a popular word in South 2
Travancore. Likewise the Nayars used the word 'vellam' for water which is in pure Tamil 'Tanneer' is in parlance in South Travancore. As a result of Malayalee influence the word 'paise' for 'coin' came to be used as 'chakkaram' throughout South Travancore. As a consequence whenever the Tamils from South Travancore travel to the North Tamilnadu people call the people as malayalee because of some Malayalam words intermingled with Tamil words in their talk and hence an admixture of 3
two languages. This type of bilingual normally exist in the state borders. From the above study with some examples clearly proved beyond any doubts that here is a fusion and transmission of words from Malayalam ____________________________________________________________ 1. 2. 3.
Pillai, K.K., The Early History of Nanchil Nadu , Madras, 1953, p.43. Interview with P. Ragavan Thambi, Marthandam, Kanyakumari district on 16.01.2008. Interview with Mano Thangaraj, Manguli, Kanyakumari District on 17.01.2008.
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204 to Tamil and Tamil to Malayalam which in turn created a peaceful atmosphere in the midst of differences just like the Indian culture ―Unity in Diversity‖.
II.
Social Habits The most popular Tiffin of Nayars is 'puttu' combined with
'green gram' and 'Appalam'. Another important item is Idiyappam with potato salna commonly prevalent among the Nayars in Travancore. The conspicuous meals of the Nayars is 'Fish curry' and 'tapioca'. The samba rice cooked in the Nayar houses and mixed with fish curry is very tasty one. A variety of side dishes, minimum seven to fifteen items in the lunch 4
of the marriage functions is a normal one among the Nayars. The cashewnut as
a rare food occasionally under consumption among the
Nayars in Kerala. The puttu and other ingredients consumed along with it followed from Nayar community and it became popular in South Travancore also. The South Travancore Tamilians are also accustomed to fish curry and tapioca, samba rice with fish curry, more side dishes in the 5
lunch in the functions celebrated in South Travancore. The groundnut which is a tasty food of the Tamilians is transmitted and adopted in their food item, by the Nayars. ____________________________________________________________ 4. 5.
Padmanabhan. S., The Forgotten History of Lands End , Nagercoil, 1971, p.34. Ibid.
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205 The groundnut is popularly called by 'kappalandy' because it has originally 6
imported from Manila in Philippines through the ships. The Nayar boys and girls are handsome in appearance mainly because of colour complexion. Occasionally a Tamilian loves a Nayar girl and inter-marriages may take place, similarly a Nayar boy may love a Tamilian girl and marriage may take place. Under such circumstances, a mixture of Tamilian and Nayar race is born which in neutral way in personality and complex. Marumakkathayam was a traditional custom among the Nayars and because of their influence it was extended to South Travancore and adopted by the Vellalas and muslims. 7 Later it was realized as an obnoxious one and hence this system was thwarted through a movement launched by the Vellalas and Muslims, and they found redressal in the 8
acts passed by the Travancore State Legislative council. The Nayar gents are commonly using dhoties with towel on the shoulders as a customary habit. And the same was followed by the Tamilian gents of South Travancore. Similarly the ladies are commonly using kaily and the upper garment of blouse without a saree coverage of ____________________________________________________________ 6. 7. 8.
Interview with Dr. C. A.Perumal, Former Prof of Politics, University of Madras on 30.12.2007. Velupilli, T.K, Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 417. Arumina, G., Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala, (C.1850-1940), Orient Longman, Malabar, 1976, p. 295.
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206 the upper portion is common among the women folk of the Nayars, travelled to South Travancore and also became popular among the Tamilians of Kalkulam and Vilavancode taluks. The white colour saree with single border is in common use among the Nayar women and during the festivals in particular it became absolutely a model of dress by the Tamil women folk of South Travancore. The Nayars like simple and light - design of gold ornaments which are the items of magnitude and greater size. And the same was adopted by the Tamilians of South Travancore in the name of Nayar model. In the Tamilian areas of kanyakumari district the Jewellery are generally owned by keralites and the variety available in those shops is 9
larger and magnificent. The amusement of Unjal in particular by the ladies of the Nayar family during the eve and after the onam festival is very famous among the Nayars. For the Unjal they used the wooden stick known as 'Ulakkai' (A stick used for hulling the husk from paddy) and the rope specially prepared for this purpose which is very strong. The same method and mode of celebrating the 'onam' festival on the eve and after 10
during the Tamil month of Avani is adhered like Nayars.
Another
____________________________________________________________ 9. 10.
Pillai, K.K, op.cit., p.75. Vellu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, pp.11-13.
Trivandrum, 1940,
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207 important amusement celebrated in connection with the birth of Lord Krishna is 'Uriyadi' (To break the pot which contains yellow water and hung at a higher base with the help of a stick). It is a replica of the historic event which took place in Ayarbadi where Lord Krishna who broke the ghee pot. This festival celebrated by the Nayars in olden times is at present popular among the Tamil Hindus in South Travancore. Athappookolam with the help of flowers is a prominent one during the Onam festival. Flowers of different colours is used in different designs on the ground in front of the entrance of the house inorder to receive the Emperor Mahabali on his arrival to the land where he ruled, 11
in the Tamil month of Avani. The Nayars of Travancore are very much interested in the Athappookolam and this kolam is followed by the Tamil people of South Travancore in a majestic way. Even the educational 12
institutions like Schools, Arts colleges , Polytechniques, Engineering colleges and community colleges are conducting Athappookolam competitions during the Onam festival. They also granted two to three days of holidays for Onam and in the case of married couples the Thalai Onam is celebrated with splendor and grandeur. ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12.
Ibid. th Daily Thanthi, News with Portrait, on 14 September 2005, Nagercoil Edition, p. 15. (Sivanthi Aditanar College near Nagercoil conducted ―Athappoo Kolam‖ competitions in their College participated by various department students (most of them were Tamil girls) and distributed prizes by the Governing body of the Institution)
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208 Betel chewing with green arecanut is a regular custom among the Nayars, in particular and Keralites in general. Nedumankadu in Kerala is famous for arecanut production. At present the betal chewing is very very popular among the Tamil population. Tamilnadu is famous for tobacco production which is exported to Travancore for their consumption. The decoration work during the marriage ceremony and other festive occasions of the Nayars, plays an important role. The wedding stage, the pandal, the entrance all these are decorated with flowered arches. The Toranam decoration is a peculiar social habit among the Nayars, and it is 13
done through coconut leaves of fine design to welcome the guests. It is found in every marriage house, both rich and poor. The same custom was adopted from the Nayars and put into practice in every function, in particular marriage function held among the Tamils of South Travancore. ‗Chorunnu‘ function or first time rice eating function of a 14
child in the family is very important in Nayar families. The same custom prevalent among the Nayars of South Travancore is followed by hindu population of the Tamils also in South Travancore. This function is normally undertaken with ritual in their respective family temples or common temples. ____________________________________________________________ 11. 12.
Velu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 415. Ibid., p. 412.
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209
III. Festivals and Religion During the festive occasion to attend the feast mutually the 15
Nayars and Tamilians are inviting each other. On such occasions in some cases they are presented with new dress also. Here it leads to inter-dining between the Nayars and Tamilians which in turn led
to a peaceful and
plentiful life between them without any flickering or quarrels. There is a mutual understanding between the Nayars and the Tamilians inhabitated in and around South Travancore as a mark of the old connections between Travancore and South Travancore and the modern method of mutual compromise and comprehensive understanding. The festivals are mutually celebrated with warm and pleasure. The Tamil festival like Pongal and Deepavali are quiet common and celebrated on a grand scale by the Nayars of South Travancore. The Nayar festivals like Onam and Vishu are willingly celebrated by the Tamils in South Travancore to an amazing level. During the Chitrai Vishu in the Tamil month of Chitrai first of Tamil New Year the function of 'kaineetam' (offering money by the elders or the head of the family to the other members) is a common practice in every Nayar family. The same is now rampant and very effectively followed in all the families of the Tamils in 16
South Travancore. ____________________________________________________________ 15. 16.
Interview with D. Madhavan Nair, Munchirai, Kanyakumari District, on 30.03.2008. Interview with S. Ayyappalam, Village President, Udaiyappan Kudiyiruppu, Kanyakumari District, on 16.03.2008.
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210 The Naga worship is famous among the Nayars. The same was adhered and worshiped by the Tamilians of South Travancore. The Nagaraja temple located at the heart of Nagercoil Town is the best 17
specimen of this kind. It also said that the name Nagercoil named after the famous temple Nagaraja. The 'pongalai worship' (cooking green rice in front of the temple) at Attukal Amman Temple in Thiruvananthapuram, and the same is mainly attended by the Tamils from South Travancore. This festival is exclusively for women, and no gents was not allowed 18
within a circumference of 20 kilometers from the temple. South Travancore also famous for Amman worship as an impact of the Travancore relations. The Sabarimala Ayyappan Temple meant for men is famous for the ‗Mahara vilakku‘ pooja in the Tamil month of Thai first and also the Chithrai vishu for which large crowd from South Travancore and Tamilnadu visit Sabarimala after one mandalam (forty one days) of 19
observing "Nonbu" (viratham). The Mandaikadu Bhagavathi Amman Temple is twenty five kilometers away from Nagercoil Town towards the west, it is in Arabian coast and is famous for the worship of women in tune with the Sabarimala festival and hence it is popularly called women's Sabarimala. During the Mandaikadu festival in the Tamil month of Masi ____________________________________________________________ 17. 18. 19.
Padmanabhan.S., The Nagaraja Temple, (Reprinted) Nagercoil, 1980, p.25. Interview with P. Chellappan Nayar, Land Lord of Kaliakkavilai, Kanyakumari District on. 04.05.2008. Arumuga Navalar.K., Inthumatha Enaippu Vilakkam (Tamil), Nagercoil, 1984, p. 72.
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211 more pilgrimage of women from Kerala made their visit and they enjoy the 20
blessings of Goddess Bhagavathi. Similarly the Kumari Bhagavathi Ammam temple located on the coast of Cape comerin is famous for Dharsan and car festival. Pilgrimage from Kerala, all states of India and foreigners who as tourists enjoy the vissicitudes and vicinity of the temple. The kavadiyattam is famous among the Tamils and at present the Nayars are performing this. The famous Murugan temple at Kumarakovil near Thuckalay, 12 K.M west of Nagercoil town is strongly and popularly visited and worshiped by the Nayar in larger numbers.
IV. Architecture Wooden building structures are very popular and famous in Travancore. As a consequence the Tamilians of the erstwhile South Travancore adopted this way in their building constructions. The best specimen
for
this
type
of
building
in
South
Travancore
is
Padmanabapuram palace near Thuckalai. Like wise the Tower (Gopuram) model building is transmitted from Tamilnadu to Travancore. For example the Padmanabaswami Temple in Thriuvananthapuram is a 21
replica of Srirangam Temple near Thiruchirappalli. Similarly building constructions without cement plastering and only by using bricks and ____________________________________________________________ 20. 21.
Arunachalam. M, Festivals of Tamil Nadu , Tanjavore, 1980, p.102. Najan, Temple and Agamas, Pradeepa Publication, Madras, 1983, p.47.
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212 a small amount of mortar in the middle is a conventional and traditional type of construction in Kerala, is now a days seen in South Travancore and also southern districts of Tamil Nadu as an impact of Travancore Tamil relations.
The wooden staircases in the huge buildings and the
roof ceiling with the help of wood is a remarkable practice of the Nayars, which began to migrate into South Travancore, and hence the 22
same kind of constructions are going on.
V.
Sports and Fine Arts Kalari is a martial art popular in Kerala and nowadays
popular among the Tamils of South Travancore. Nayar subcastes especially Kurup and Panikker were traditional teachers of the Kalari 23
martial art. Even the Christian organizations in South Travancore started the Kalari art centres and foster this martial art as a popular one among 24
the public. For Kalari there is an Asan who has got great reverence among the students. Chendai Melam (Drums) is famous at Nayar festivals in Kerala. In the present context in South Travancore temple festivals, car festivals, even political meetings one could witness the Chendai Melam as ____________________________________________________________ 22. 23. 24.
Meena, R., Suchindrum Temple Sthala Purana, Kanyakumari, 1989, p.12. Faw Cett, F., Nayars of Malabar, New Delhi, 1985, p.285. Ibid., p.288.
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213
a mark of respect to lead the political leaders to the stage. Hence from the Nayars the Chendai Melam is copied by the Tamils of South Travancore. Kathakali, Kurathikali are very famous dances in Travancore and the same has been adopted by the Tamils of South Travancore.
25
The
Kathakali symbol made in wood is placed in the houses of Tamils as a "Thiristi" in front of the entrance to avoid the evil that follow through the eye sight of many a people on the house. The Nayars are noted for many a carvings and handicrafts made out of wood to adorne the house with beauty and splendour. The Tamils of South Travancore adopted the same and having placed such things in their houses also, atleast in the showcases.
VI. Medicine and Mantras Ayurveda is the traditional medicine of Kerala which is transmitted among the Tamils of South Travancore. The method of oil Message and herbal bath for the cure of some chronic diseases being followed in Kerala and transmitted to Tamil country, especially to South Travancore.
26
Likewise the siddha medicine which is away from side
____________________________________________________________ 25. 26.
Vellu Pillai, T.K., Travancore State Manual, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1940, p. 13. Padmanabhan, S., The Fsorgotten History of Land’s End, Nagercoil, 1971, p.67.
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214
effect and competent in curing some chronic diseases is transmitted from Tamils to Nayars of Kerala. Some of the Kerala Namboodhiris are well versed in Magic spell and chanting mantras to evacuate the evil effect from the house or 27
one's life which are originally originated in Kerala, and transmitted among the Tamils of South Travancore. The Nayar Asans are noted for marma adi was an advanced way to disable a person temporarily for a short period or permanently or even to kill an opponent by placing a finger on specific nerve points or 28
accupuncture points. Some Tamil Asans of South Travancore who were disciples studied the same and spread among the Tamils.
VII. Place Names Each and every house of the Nayar family was known by a separate name like Tharavadu, single veedu, vilai and kadu. They grow coconut plants and arcanut plants around the house field. The house names spread to South Travancore and came to be styled as Bungalow Veedu, vilai, kadu and Tharavadu, and they also grew coconut and ____________________________________________________________ 27. 28.
Faw Cett. F., op.cit, p.306. Ibid., p.287.
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215 arecanut plants around their houses similar to the Nayars. The village names like Mandaikadu, Andu kodu, Pakodu, Mangadu, Kaliakkavilai, Muhilan vilai, Peria vilai, etc., are a replica of the names prevalent in 29
Travancore.
VIII.
Communist influence There is no major industry in South Travancore. Some minor
industries are there like cashew factories.
The cashewnut is otherwise
called kollam kottai. It is because cashewnuts imported from foreign countries like South East Asia and African countries to India through 30
Quilon harbour. In those days cashewnut was not produced in Tamil country. The Quilon also known as 'Kollam' and the nuts came through Kollam called as Kollam kottai. At present the cashew nut industry as minor industry and domesticated industry provided life and employment opportunities to many poor families for their survival. The Communist party of Kerala as a labour party crept into the Tamilian polity, and made their sway very strong and powerful in the constituencies like Killiyur and Vilavancode. Almost all the time in these ____________________________________________________________ 29. 30.
Interview with T.Kumaresan, Former President of Puthalam Town Panchayat, Agasteeswaram Taluk, Kanyakumari District on 27.04.2008. Interview with Dr. C. A.Perumal, Former Prof of Politics, University of Madras on 30.12.2007.
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216 two constituencies the M.L.A‘s elected were from the Communist party. This is due to the strong labour unionism prevail in Kerala which spread 31
into the South Travancore. In the above two constituencies there are number of estates under estate owners with a large number of estate labourers, every time there is a problem of the labours working in the estates and that is reflected infront of the district Collectorate clearly 32
visible with red flags in their hands. From a study of the above facts under the different headings reflected the mutual intermission, transmission and synthesis of the Nayar culture and the Tamil culture embedded in the form of bilinguism and proliferation of the cultures in multi dimensional directions resulted in a broad spectrum of knowledge, wisdom, growth of civilization and finally the attainment of perfection which every one can notice in the growth of civilization through the challenges offered by the surroundings and circumstances available therein and responses provided in the form of opposition or inviting voluntarily to co habit in the minds of their own people which flourished in an unending way like the history which is also unending.
____________________________________________________________ 31. 32.
Padmanabhan, S., The Forgotten History of Land’s End, Nagercoil, 1971, p. 68. Ibid, p. 92.
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onclusion
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CONCLUSION
The Nayars are the desendants of the Sudras, who accompanied the original Brahmin immigrants. Being Sudras the Nayars acted as the servants and body-guards of Nambudiries. Evidently the Sudras later on became the Nayars. The Nayars of South Travancore came to be divided into several sub-castes based on their occupation. In general, the Nayars were agriculturists and soldiers in the traditional society. The dress and family customs of the south Travancore Nayars were identical with that of the Nanjilnad Vellalas. In social position the Nayars were next to the Kshatriyas. Broadly speaking the Nayars ranked after the Nambudiries in Malabar and they occupy the same position in Cochin and Travancore. As far as the ritual status was concerned, the Nayars were graded as Sudras. But they were a privileged community till the middle of th
the 19 century. The Nayars were the chief land holders in most villages and they possessed slaves also. The Nayars were responsible for the maintenance of law and order in the society. Though the Nayars were once technically classified by the Brahmins under the name of pure Sudras of Malayala, they were always an honoured caste.
Some think that Nayar is the honorific plural of the
Sanskrit term Nayaka (leader) otherwise Nayar from Naga (snakes) which they worship. So many typical last names are given. Besides the main divisions like Kiriyathil, Illakkar, Padamangalam and Tamil padam etc. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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218 there are so many sub divisions are there, like Akathucharna Nayars and Purathucharna Nayars in Malabar areas. Nayar marriage system was a unique and familiar in many ways. Talikettu, Talikettu Kalyanam, Sambandam are the varieties of the system of marriages.
Sambandam was a form of marriage practice
among early Nayars in Kerala.
Sambandam was a social contract by
which a man and a women surrender their sexual rights to each other. It was a term most widely used for the marital relationship of a Nayar woman. Sambandam is the marriage proper. Another type of marriage is Talikettu Kalyanam. It has been prevalent among Nayars till recently in the name of kettu kalyanam. The term Talikettu kalyanam is a compound of three words viz., Tali (a badge) kettu (tying) and kalyanam (marriage). Tali is a leaf shaped emblem made of gold or silver, which was worn on a string around the neck. In South Travancore, the Nayars were considered the chief Kshatriya caste which made them professional warriors. The Nayar militia may be called as a socio-economic cum military organisation. They were originally a military body, holding land and serving as a militia. King Martanda Varma combined the regular and irregular armies. The regular army was the National army of the country trained in modern methods of warfare and irregular army followed the old systems of warfare. The new http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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219 army organisation and defence system introduced by Marthanda Varma affected the social and political life of the Nayars. The family organisation of the Nayars was based on the principles of matrilineal system or marumakkathayam. They practised the Sambandham system of marriage. The Brahmins resorted to the Nayar women for sambandham. But their off-springs were not eligible to inherit the father's property. This system involved the inheritance and succession through the sister's children on the female line. The Nayars followed the marumakkathayam in one sense and practised the system of polyandry. In fact this system came into existence because of the attachment of the Nayars to the military service of the state, thus the Sambandham form of marriage worked as an evil in. the domestic life of the Nayars. Mostly the Nayars preferred joint family where the system of polygomy and polyandry prevailed as the products of marumakkathayam, the eldest male of the Nayar families were called as karanavan. The karanavan was the managing head of the tharavad and he was succeeded by the senior male member. One of the merits of marumakkathayam system was that the Nayar women enjoyed freedom and they were very much independent in managing the family properties. The properties were not partitioned by the name of share. But the disadvantage of this system was that nobody possessed the right to alienate the property without the permission of all others. Finally as an impact of the western culture the http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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220 junior
members
of
the
Nayar
families
wanted
to
change
marumakkachayam completely and the Travancore Government came forward with legislation to make the changes from matrilineal system to patrilineal family organisation. The connection of Nayars with Vellalas of Nanjilnad had its impact upon their social life. The Nayars gave importance to the practice of customs and ceremonies. Their customs, manners and ceremonies resemble the Kerala culture. An analysis of the different aspects of their culture were commonly practised by all caste-Hindu communities in South Travacore, a few were peculiar to the Nayars. Though matrilineal system of inheritance prevailed among many communities in South Travancore, the Nayars were worst affected by the matrilineal family organisation. Their ceremonies were almost very extensive and expensive. The younger members of families in South Travancore were extremely unmindful of the social transformation taking place in the society. Though matrilineal system of inheritance has officially been abolished, its influence is still in the system of their social life. It is calculated that matrilineal system of inheritance was the basic reason for the economic sufferings and deteriorations of the Nayars of South Travancore. The system weakened their economic life at all stages. However the abolition of the system paved way for the emergence of small holdings and personal property. Along with it, the junior members http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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221 of the Nayar community also inherited the pending litigations and legal hurdles. It affected their domestic peace and tranquility. As a result they compromised with the vellalas of Thovalai and Agasteeswarm taluks and sold off their fragmented belongings to them. Also the rising backward communities of south Travancore were benefitted by the evacuation of Nayars from here. The social position of the Nayars reduced the avarna communities of south Travancore to the position of slaves and untouchables. Slavery a social evil existed everywhere in the ancient and medieval society. The reason for slavery was the love of lesiure and contempt for labour on the part of the citizens. The slaves belonged to the Sudra class and they were sold and mortgaged like cattles. The slaves were denied the comforts of lives. They were considered only as a source of th
labour. On 6 September 1853 the Dewan of Travancore sent a draft proclamation which emancipated the children of slaves. Similarly the women were not allowed to wear breast-cloths. It was a rule made by the Brahmin community that the non-Brahmin ladies should not cover their breasts. It generated social movements in South Travancore. The breast th
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222 The ideas of equality generated from domestic management had influenced the political thoughts of the state of Travancore. The younger generation of Nayars freed themselves from the fetters of tradition and cherished a sympathetic consideration towards the social movements that were organised by the untouchable communities. In fact the social movements of the avarnas began to affect the socio-economic position of the Nayars. Hence the Nayars were reluctant to show real encouragements to the social movements that were vigorous in the twentieth century. On the other hand, they also failed to protect their pioneer position through organised attempts. This tendency on the part of the Nayars of South Travancore rendered their position rather very vulnerably. The Nayar service society also was very slow to take root in South Travancore. Hence the progressive ideas propagated by the N.S.S. movement had little impact upon the Nayars of South Travancore. Presently the Nayar Service Society revived and got a new way of approach to their organizational set up and attitude towards the poor and needy among their own caste. Even they done some charitable, and endowment services for the upliftment of the socio economic status of the downtrodden
among their community, through launching various
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223 The
Temple
Entry
Movement
and
the
subsequent
Suchindrum satyagraha movement sealed the monopolistic ritual rights of them. By the Temple Entry Proclamation, the temples were opened to the untouchable communities and similarly the temple services were also thrown open to them. It established the right of equality in the socioreligious life of the state. Such developments had demoralized the prospects of the aristocratic order of South Travancore. No wonder, the Nayars became an easy prey to such rapid socio-religious transformations. Thus above all we can see that Travancore has the peculiar types of culture which set itself a fact different from all other regional and national cultures of India. The uniqueness and peculiarity of Travancore culture reaches into the South Travancore, once a part of erstwhile princely state of Travancore and now a part of Tamilnadu since November 1, 1956. It underwent so many Transmissional changes and synthesis with the Tamil cultural aspects and vice versa. The Travancore culture to some extent come to the Tamilianised, and the Tamil culture being Keralised. These mutual and reciprocal cultural reminiscences of Transmission and efflorescence through the ages could be seen in multi dimensional way in the different walks of life even today. The Nayar and Ta mil‘s
transmission
of cultures reflected in synthesis in all aspects of life which led to harmony among the people of the South Travancore which in turn expanded and witnessed throughout the length and breadth of not only Tamilnadu and Kerala but also the Nation as a whole. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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ppendixes
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APPENDIXES
APPENDIX I SOME DETAILS OF NAYAR BRIGADE
a.
The Artillery comprised two brass 6 and two brass 3 pounders.
b.
The infantry of the Brigade is composed entirely of Nayars.
c.
The Artillery, one-half of Musselmens and the other half of Carnatic Hindus.
The Recruiting System The recruiting system is to enlist such Musselmen and Carnatic Hindus for the Artillery and such Nayars for the infantry as voluntarily offer themselves : age, 18-22 years, standard height, 5 feet 6 inches. No gratuity is offered and volunteers are constantly qualifying for the ranks by attending drill for months before vacancies occur : they are recruited exclusively from the immediate vicinity of Trivandrum, where they almost all possess small portions of land.
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2
Nayar Brigade – Its Uniform and Arms Artillary
-
Uniforms blue, facings scarlet, lace gold.
Arms
-
Two brass 6-poundes and two brass 3-poundes, swords but no fuzile.
Infantry
-
Uniform scarlet, facings blue, lace gold.
Arms
-
Fuzils with bayonets.
Strength The actual strength at head-quarters (viz. Trivandrum), is 1 major commanding, 2 captains
in-charge of, and Acting Adjutants to,
Battalions of Infantry, 1 Lieutenant – Quarter master to the Brigade and incharge of Artillary.
Artillery:
1 Jamedar, 2 Havildars, 2 Naigues and 25 Golundazees.
Infantry:
1 Subadar – major, 13 Subedars, 2 Jamedars or Native Adjutants, 15 Jamedars, 2 Havildars - major, 2 Drill Havildars, 2 Drum or File majors, 72 Havildars, 42 Drummers, Fifers and Buglers, 2 Puckallies, 2 Drill Naigues, 72 Naigues and 1,047 Sepoys and 25 Golundazees.
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3
NAYAR BRIGADE Southern Detachments r o j a m r a d e b u S
s r a d e b u S
s r a d e m a J
s r a d l i v a H
-
-
1
3
..
2
55
1
Pulpanabhapuram fort and Palace
..
..
..
..
..
1
6
..
Codagherry to protect public property
..
..
..
1
..
1
12
1
Nagercoil over the jail and to protect the
..
..
..
1
..
1
7
..
Cuddakerra
..
1
..
1
..
1
14
..
Poothapandy
d n a s s e s r r e e u g i m f i a f m N u r D
s y o p e S
s d t n n a t a s n r e u t o i r c c W A
inhabitants Aramboly to assist revenue peons and guard revenue collected
..
..
..
1
..
1
8
..
..
1
..
1
..
..
6
..
Greelium to protect the inhabitants
..
..
..
..
..
1
18
1
Suchindram
..
..
..
..
..
1
4
..
Munacoody granary
..
1
..
1
..
1
12
..
Pinnacolum to protect the inhabitants
..
..
..
1
..
1
12
..
Cottar Tobacco Store
..
..
..
1
..
..
6
..
Cape Comerin to protect the inhabitants
..
3
1
11
..
11
160
3
Total, Southern Detachments
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4
REVISED DISTRIBUTION LIST OF DETACHMENTS BY MAJOR CAMPHELL, HEAD QUARTERS, ND TRIVANDRUM, DATED THURSDAY 22 SEPT. 1836 s s r r a a d d e e b u m a S J
s r a d l i v a H
s e u g i a N
s y o p e S
Palpanabhapuram
1
1
5
2
48
For the protection of
Oodagherry
-
-
-
1
6
Suchindrum
1
-
2
2
24
Nagercoil Muntcoody
-
-
-
1 1
3 3
Punnaglum
-
-
-
1
12
Aramboly
-
-
1
1
8
Cottar
-
-
1
1
14
Poothapandy
-
1
2
2
24
Cadukaray
-
-
1
1
12
2
2
13
13
154
Forts, Palace For the protection of Building within the Fort Parties from this guard patrol norm as for as Tallagoody and South to Cape Comerin To guard prisoners For the protection of paddy granary Party from this guard to patrol south as faras cape comerin and north to Mullingoor For the protection of cash chest For the protection of Tabacco stores and the cash chest in the Tahsildar‘s office parties as far as Vadaseri and south to Parakay Parties as far as Cadukkaray and South to Tallakudy by Kulasekaram puthoor Parties gone to the cash as far as Ananthapuram
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APPENDIX II SOME DETAILS ABOUT NAYAR SERVICE SOCIETY
The Founding Members of the Nayar Service Society 1.
Mannath Padmanabhan (Perunna, Changanacherry)
2.
K. Kelappan (North Malabar)
3.
Panangottu Kesava Panicker (Muttar)
4.
N.C. Trivikrama Kaimal (Nainadathu Eera)
5.
Kakanattu Narayana Panicker (Veliyanadu)
6.
Panaikkattu Parameswara Kurup (Vezhhpera)
7.
Navallil Kochukunju Kurup (Ramankari)
8.
Padinjarekuttu Krishna Pillai (Perunna)
9.
Kottanattil Padmanabha Pillai (Puzhavathu)
10.
Pallipurathu Narayana Pillai (Trikkodithanam)
11.
Kondoor Krishna Pillai (Trikkodithanam)
12.
Thaliyi Madhavan Pillai (Vazhappali)
13.
Val Parampil Velayudhan Pillai (Vazhappali)
14.
Pothuvadathu Padmanabha Pillai (Vazhappali)
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Pledge Oath – administered to members of the Nayar Service st
Society, when it came into being on 31 October 1914, as ‗Nayar Samudaya Bhrithya Jana Sangam‘ A.
‗I shall endeavour for the betterment of the Nayar Community through ceaseless thought and action.
B.
In such endeavour, I shall not be provocative in action towards other communities.
C.
I shall in accordance with these objectives, taking justifiable care to facilitate their fulfillment. ‗THIS IS MY SOLEMN PLEDGE‘
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NAYAR SERVICE SOCIETY AT A GLANCE
N.S.S. Karayogams (Basic limits)
4620
N.S.S. Taluk Unions
57
N.S.S. Arts & Science Colleges
21
N.S.S. Unaided Colleges
2
N.S.S. Co-operative Training College
1
N.S.S. Homeo Medical Degree College
1
N.S.S. College of Engineering
1
N.S.S. High Schools
65
N.S.S. U.P. Schools
20
N.S.S. L.P. Schools
12
N.S.S. Teachers Training Institutes
4
N.S.S. Vocational Higher Secondary Schools
2
N.S.S. English Medium Schools
17
N.S.S. Medical Mission Hospitals
8
N.S.S. Estates
8
N.S.S. Working Women‘s Hostels
8
N.S.S. Guest Houses
4
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ARTS AND SCIENCE COLLEGES UNDER NSS University of Kerala 1.
Veluthambi Memorial NSS College, Dhanuvachapuram, Neyyanttinkarai.
2.
Maharani Sethu Parvathi Bai NSS Women‘s College, Niramankar a, Thiruvananthapuram.
3.
Mahathma Gandhi College, Kesavadasapuram, Thiruvananthapuram.
4.
NSS College, Nilamel.
5.
Mannam Memorial NSS College, Kottiyam, Kollam.
6.
NSS College, Pandalam.
7.
NSS College, Cherthala.
M.S. University 1.
Sri Ayyappa Women‘s College, Chunkankadai, Nagercoil.
Mahathma Gandhi University 1.
NSS Hindu College, Perunna, Changanacherry.
2.
Vidhyathiraj‘s NSS College, Theerthapadapuram, Vazhoor.
3.
NSS College, Rajakumari.
Calicut University 1.
NSS College, Ottapalam.
2.
NSS College, Nenmara
3.
NSS College, Manjeri
4.
Sri Vyasa NSS College, Vyasagiri, Vadakkanjeri, Trissur.
Kannur University 1.
Pazhassi Raja NSS College, Mattannoor.
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ESTATES OWNED BY NSS
Sl. No.
Estates
Area (Hectare)
64.78
Main Crops
1.
Pattazhi
Rubber
2.
Noorokkadu
121.056
Rubber, Coconut
3. 4.
Edathana Hukna Panathadi
423.4 506.08
Rubber, Coconut, Arecanut Rubber, Coconut, Arecanut
5.
Nellipathy
851.92
Cardamom, Coffee
6.
Karukkachal
7. 8.
23
Rubber, Coconut
Mailaady
9.01
Rubber, Coconut
Dayanandapuram
7.09
Rubber, Coconut
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MEDICAL MISSIONS UNDER NSS
1.
Pandalam
2.
Ochira
3.
Perunna
4.
Karukachal
5.
Kummamoor
6.
Panathady
7.
Free Medical Aid Centre, Sabarimala.
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APPENDIX III NSS OFFICE BEARERS IN SOUTH TRAVANCORE IN 2000
Sl. No.
Name
Occupation
Post Held
Advocate
President
1.
Sri. V. Sree Kumaran Nagercoil
2.
Sri. K. Sukumaran Nair Nagercoil
Bank Manager
Vice President
3.
Sri. N. Raghavan Nair Nagercoil
Retd. Government Officer
General Secretary
4.
Sri. V. Rajasekaran Nair Padmanabapuram
Contractor
Secretary
5.
Sri. K. Paktavatsalam Nair Kumarapuram
Agriculturist
Treasurer
6.
Sri. S. Sanathanan Nair Vayackallor
Agriculturist
Director Board Member
7.
Sri. N. Sundaran Thambi Vayackallor
Agriculturist
Director Board Member
8.
Sri. K. Brabakaran Thambi Kollal
Agriculturist
Director Board Member
9.
Sri. K.B. Nair Kuzhithurai
Retd. Officer
Director Board Member
10.
Sri. V. Ramachandran Nair Kuzhithurai
Advocate
Director Board Member
11.
Sri. P.K. Thamotharan Nair Kollencode
Retd. Govt. Officer
Director Board Member
12.
Sri. K. Kochu Krishna Pillai
Retd. Bank
Director
13.
Padmanabapuram Sri. R. Neelakanda Pillai Manakarai
Officer Agriculturist
Board Member Director Board Member
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Sl. No.
Name
14.
Sri. J. Vijaya Kumaran Nair Pillayar Kovil
15.
Sri. K.B. Pillai Kulasekaram
16.
Sri. P. Narayanan Nair
17.
Kulasekaram Sri. S. Krishnan Nair Suchindrum
18.
Sri. K. Sarath Chandran Nair Nagercoil
19.
Occupation
Post Held
Agriculturist
Director Board Member
Land Lord
Director Board Member
Retd. Officer
Director
Businessman
Board Member Director Board Member
Professor
Director Board Member
Sri. P. Nagappan Nair Vellamadam
Retd. Teacher
Director Board Member
20.
Sri. M. Somanathan Nair Krishnankovil
Retd. Thasildar
Director Board Member
21.
Sri. D. Madhu Nagercoil
Businessman
Director Board Member
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gloss ry
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GLOSSARY
Ambalavasi
-
A caste of temple servants ranking above Nayars.
Anna Prasnam
-
Ritual of an infant's first rice meal.
Anuloma
-
The Brahmanical rule that women marry men of upper castes or status groups.
Appam
-
Sweet meats
Aryabhattar
-
Tamil Brahmin
Asan
-
The Village school Teacher /Teacher head of a military training centre.
Athappookolam
-
Decoration with Athapoo flowers in front of the houses during the Onam festival.
Avarnas
-
The lower caste Hindus
Ayilyam
-
The ninth lunar cluster of stars, under which sign Maharaja Rama Varma who ruled from 1860 to 1880 was born.
Ayurveda
-
A system of traditional hindu medicine
Chaver
-
Suicide squad
Chōrūnnu
-
Same as anna prasnam ritual of eating rice for the first time.
Cutcherry
-
A government office
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14 Dasi
-
A concubine or prostitute
Desavazhi
-
Chieftain of a Desam
Devasam
-
Religious endowments and property belonging to temples
Dewan
-
The Chief Executive Minister of the Maharaja. The term was first used in Trarancore in the late th
18 century. Also spelled 'DIVOAN' though in Travancore the usual spelling was Dewan. Dharma
-
Offering help to the poor and needy.
Dhoty
-
Single Loin Cloth for Lower Garment for Gents.
Division
-
The largest administrative unit in Travancore usually presided over by Dewan Peshkar. There th
were 4 divisions in the latter part of 19 century. Padmanabhapuram, Trivandram, Kottayam and Kollam. ELAYA RAJA
-
The junior raja or heir to the throne
Ettukkettu
-
Two units of nalukkettu attached one to the other.
Huzur Cutcherry
-
The Dewan's office
Illam
-
The house of Nambudiri
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15 Irava
-
One of the names given to Malayalam speaking caste,
traditionally
concentrated
with
the
cultivation of the coconut palm also known as Chogans in North Travancore and Cochin and as Tiyyas in British Malabar. Jenmi
-
One who holds Janmam land
Jenmies
-
Land Lords
Jenmam
-
A type of land ownership said to have been created by Parasurama the legendary founder of Kerala
which
conferred
absolute
tax
free
proprietorship on the holder who was usually a Nambudri Brahmin Kalam
-
Namely nine acres of rice field.
Kalari
-
A military Training School attached to chieftain and wealthy families.
Kara
-
A village
Kara
-
Traditionally the local organization of Nayars in Travancore the same as tara in northern Kerala after the imposition of British rule Kara came to be used interchangeably with tara and desam to mean a village.
Karanavan
-
The eldest member and manager of a Taravad.
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16 Kavu
-
Dravidian Ceremonial Centre in each house.
Koviladhikarikal
-
A ceremonial authority of a temple, usually a king or a chieftain
Kudumi
-
The tuft of hair worn on the head by Hindus Malayalis wore it at the front of the head and were thus easily distinguished from Tamils who wore it at the back.
Kuppayam
-
A jacket or short smock the right to wear which was granted to Christian Shanar woman in south Travancore in 1829.
Machambi
-
Cross - Cousin
Makkattayam
-
System of inheritance and descent through the male line.
Malayalam Era
-
The Kerala system of reckoning the years which begins in 805. A.D of the Christian calendar. It is said to be calculated either from the date of the founding of the town of Quilon or the Departure for Mecca of the last Perumal emperor of Kerala.
Malayalam
-
The hill country, The word Mala mean hill for Kerala Country
Mamankam
-
A ritualized all Kerala festival hold once in twelve years.
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Marma Adi
-
Slight touch by the finger in a particular nerve centre are acupuncture point to make disable of an opponents.
Mandalam
-
41 days duration
Mangalya Vathikal -
Women who have husbands.
Manthrigam
Deeds connected with magic, through Vedas.
-
Marumakkattayam -
System of inheritance and descent through the female line a man's legal heirs being the children of his sisters. th
Mulam
-
The 19 cluster of lunar stars under which sign Maharaja Rama Varma, who ruled from 1885 to 1924 was born.
Munsiffs Court
-
The lowest civil court presided over by a munsiff
Murajapam
-
Literally prayer by regular arrangement the sexennial feasting of the Malayali Brahmin in th
Trivandrum began in the 18 century
of
Maharaja Marthanda Varma to win over the disaffected Nambudiris. In return for 56 days of feasting the Nambudiris offered prayers for the state. Naduvari
-
The ruler of nadu
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Nambudiri
-
A caste of Malayali Brahmins concentrated in north Travancore, cochin and Malabar district.
Nambudiripad
-
A particularly exalted section of Nambudiris.
Nilavilakku
-
A big wick lamp
Nonbu
-
Food restrictions of daily habits especially to the meats for getting the grace from god.
Onam
-
The most important Malayali festival celebrating the annual return to Kerala of the legendary king Mahabali in August- September.
Pagoda
-
Coin issued by king of earlier times.
Pandal
-
A shed in which ceremonies are held.
Para
-
A measure of quantity or area of rice. Fixed by the survey and settlement began in 1883 at 80 cubic inches in capacity of 14 crores in area.
Paripalana
-
Protection, propagation fostering care. Thus the Sri Narayana Dharma Paripalana Yogam.
Pattar
-
The name given by Malayalis to non-Malayali Brahmins.
Prarvatti
-
One
or
more
subordinate
villages administered government
officer
by
a
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19 Pudava
-
A four - yard piece of white cloth usually worn by a Nayar women
Pudava koda or Pudavamuri
-
The
ceremony
of
actual
marriage
among
matrilineal castes. Puttu
-
A preparation of powdered rice and grated coconut cooked in steam.
Sambandhakkaran
-
Actual husband.
Sambandham
-
Literally meaning connection of agreement for a marriage. The simple Nayar marriage ceremony involving the presentation of a cloth by the man to the woman. In old Kerala it appears that both men and women could have Sambandham with more than one person at the same time.
Savarna
-
Caste Hindus
Shanar
-
Tamil Speaking tappers of the Palmyra palm in south Travancore many of them were converted to Christianity.
Sirkar pattam
-
Lands owned by the government and leased out under an irksome tenure. In 1805 absolute ownership was conferred to tenants of Sirkar pattam land.
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20 Tahsildar
-
An executive officer presiding over a taluk the title dated from John Munro's Dewanship.
Tali
-
The small gold pendant tied by the bridegroom round the neck of the bride at the time of marriage. Both Nayars and Syrians tied the tali. Traditionally among Nayars the tali-tying was a pre puberty ceremony or Mock marriage.
Talikettukalayanam -
Literally tali tying marriage the costly pre puberty mock marriage usually performed on a number of Nayar girls at the same time. The tali was some time tied by a non Malayali Brahmin. It is disputed whether the man who tied the tali was permitted to consummate the marriage in most cases he probably was not.
Taluk
-
The administrative subdivision beneath division presided over by a thasildar. There were about 30 in Travancore.
Tantri
-
Ritual authority assigned to a temple.
Tara
-
The local organization of Nayar families in traditional times. The word seems to belong to north Kerala and to equal with Kara in Travancore.
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Taravad
-
The Nayar joint family also the house in which they lived.
Thavazhi
-
Tha- means mother, vazhi- means line (Mother line)
Thechukuli
-
Oil massage bath.
Therandukuli
-
A customary act performed in connecting with a girl attaining puberty.
Tirunal
-
The birthday of any person of rank thus Mulam Tirunal the Birthday of the important person born under the sign of Mulam.
Urkoottam
-
Village assembly
Utsavam
-
Temple festival
Uthadu
-
Lips means literally in spoken languages of Tamil same in Malayalam spoken languages is called Sundu
Vastu bali
-
Rituals of ward off evil spirits from the house to ensure divine protection.
Viratham
-
Obtain from forbidden dishes for some time on some specific reason to get the good will from God.
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22 Viruthi
-
Land granted at concessionary rent or tax in return for the performance of certain services.
Vishakham
-
th
The 16 lunar cluster of stars. Thus Vishakham Tirunal, who was born under that sign maharaja from 1880 to 1885.
Vishu
-
st
A Hindu Holy day, in particular Chithirai I of Tamil year (Tamil New year Day). Even people from South Travancore gather at Sabarimala temple in large number as an auspicious occasion.
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ibliogr phy
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BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Published Primary Sources Abstract of the Proceedings of the Travancore Legislative Council, Vol. I, 1923. th
Abstracts of the Proceedings of the Legislative Council, 16 April, 1923. Achutha Menon, C., Cochin State Manual, Cochin, 1910. Administrative Report of the Archeological Department in 1104 M.E., Government of Travancore, 1935. Administrative Report of Travancore for the year 1905. Administrative Report of Travancore, 1901-2, Appendix Calender of Travancore Government of 1851. Census of Travancore, 1881. Report on the census of Travancore, 1884 by V. Nagam Aiya. Imperial Gazatter of India, Vol. IX, London, 1881. Malabar Marriage Commission Report, 1891. Proceedings of the Travancore Sri Moolam Assembly, Vol. VII, Trivandrum, 1937. Regulation and proclamations of Travancore, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1922. Regulation and proclamations of Travancore, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1928. Report of Temple Entry Enquiry Committee, 1934. Report of the Marumakkathayam Committee of 1908. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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24 Report of the Travancore District Committee for 1881, Thittuvilai District, Mission. Report on Slavery, 1841. Tranvancore Administration Report , 1901-1902. Tranvancore Administration Report , 1904-1905. Tranvancore Administration Report , 1936-1937. Tranvancore Administration Report , 1947-1948, Trivandrum 1949. Travancore Archelogical Series, Vol .V. Travancore Census Report for 1871. Travancore Census Report for 1901. Travancore Census Report for 1931. Travancore Government Gazetteer, dated 27.12.1910. Travancore Land Revenue Manual, Trivandrum, Vol. III, 1916. Travancore Law Reports, 1917. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, 05.02.1912. Travancore Legislative Council Proceedings, 1896.
Unpublished Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum, Chief Secretary File No: 476. of 1930.
(C.S. File), List of Political and Quasi
Political societies, sabhas and Anjumans in the state for the year ending January 1930. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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25 Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum C.S. File No: 714. Memorandum on Travancore Administration 25 January, 1929. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum, Cofidential selection C.S. File No: 1385. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum, Cover File No: 215 of 1853. Travancore Government, English Records, Cover File No: 1228. Travancore Government, English Records, Cover File No: 1744. Travancore Government, English Records, Cover File No: 2115 of 1859. Travancore Government, English Records, Cover File No: 1920. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum Cover File No: 4801. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum, File No: D.Dis. 1475. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum Legislative File No: 276, ‗Ramiengars Settlement Memorandum‘. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum. Legislative File No: 342, Dewan Sashia Satias Administration Report for 1048 – 1049 M.E. Travancore Government, English Records, Trivandrum, Legislative File No: 1260, Kunjhraman Nair‘s Memorandum on Land Tenures. O.C No: 292 Political 25 September, 1975 Palace Records. http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/a-history-of-the-nayars-of-south-travancore
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26
Secondary Sources Anantha Krishna Iyer, L.K.,
Cochin Tribes and Castes , Vol. II, Ernakulam, 1912.
Andrew Lang,
Customs and Myth, New York, 1885.
Arumina, G.,
Colonialism and the Transformation of Matriliny in Kerala,
Orient Longman, Malabar. Arumuga Navalar, K.,
Inthumatha Enaippu Vilakkam (Tamil), Nagercoil, 1984.
Arunachalam, M.,
Festivals of Tamilnadu, Tanjore, 1980.
Agur, C.M,
Church History of Travancore,
Madras, 1903. Balakrishnana, V., Leela Devi, R.,
Mannathu Padmanabhan and the Revival of Nairs in Kerala, Delhi, 1982.
Basuthurai, B.,
Suchindram Satyagraha, Unpublished M.Phil Dissertation, M.K. University, Madurai, 1982.
Bhasiu, Kamala,
The Position of women in India, Leslie Sawhny programme of Training for democracy, Bombay, 1972.
Bina Agarwal,
A Field of one’s own : Gender and Land Rights in South Asia, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1991.
Brown, Donald,
Human Universals, Temple University Press, Philadelphia, 1991.
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Buchanan, F.,
A Journeyoffrom Madras Through countries Mysore, Canara and the Malabar, Vol. II, New Delhi, 1988.
Daniel, D.,
Struggle for Responsible Government in Travancore 1938 -1947, Madurai, 1985.
David Schneider, M., Kathleen Gough,
Matrilineal Kinship, New Delhi, 1961.
Desiga Vinayagam Pillai, S.,
Marumakkal Vazhi Manmiyam (Tamil), Madras, 1991.
Duarte Barbosa,
A description to the coast of East Africa and Malabar in the beginning of th 16 century, London, 1970.
Edgar GilChrist Hatch,
Travancore, Madras, 1933.
Edgar Thurston,
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 7 volumes, Government Press, Madras, 1909.
Edgar Thurston,
Castes and Tribes of Southern India,
Vol.V, Delhi, 1975. Elankulam Kunjan Pilai, P.N.,
Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970.
Ernest Barker,
The Greek Political Theory, London, 1957.
Faw Cett, F.,
Nayars of Malabar,
New Delhi, 1985. Fuller, C.J.,
Changing Cultures Nayar’s Today, Cambridge, 1976.
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