Treatises on the Salvation of Abu Talib

www.alhassanain.org/english


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© koninklijke brill bri ll nv, leiden, 2017 | doi 10.1163/24682470-12340001 10.1163/24682470-12340001

Shii Studies Review 1 (2017) 3-41 brill.com/ssr

Treatises on the Salvation of Ab  #%lib [Treatises on the Salvation of Abu Talib (A.S)]

Nebil A. Husayn

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University of Miami [email protected]


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Notice: This version is published on behalf of www.alhassanain.org/english The composing errors are not corrected. Alhassanain network does not acknowledges with all contents of this book and we think that Abu Talib (A.S) and Parents of Holy Prophet (P) were mumin [Din e Hanif of Hazrat Ibrahim (A.S)] even before the Bisath of Holy Prophet.

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Table of Contents

Abstract ................................................ ....................................................................... .......................5 Keywords ................................................. ................................................................... .................. 5 Introduction ................................................ .................................................................. .................. 6 Ab #%lib in Islamic Historiography ....................................... .......................................8 The Salvation of Ab  #%lib in Sunnism .................................. .................................. 10 Ab #%lib in the Sh ')' Tradition Tradition .......................................... .......................................... 13 Pro-)Alid Sentiment in the Texts ......................................... ......................................... 15 The Prophet’s Parents .................................................. ..................................................... ... 16 The Proof-Texts ................................................ ............................................................ ............ 17 )' Treatises Treatises ..................................... Argumentation in the Sh ' )' ..................................... 19 Argumentation in the Sunn ' Treatises Treatises ................................... ................................... 23 Conclusions ................................................. ................................................................. ................ 27 Notes................................................ ......................................................................... ......................... 28 Bibliography ................................................ ................................................................ ................ 37

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Abstract The following article surveys a few treatises regarding the salvation of the Prophet Muammad’s uncle, Ab" %'lib b. )Abd al-Mu**alib (d. circa 619 CE). The controversy concerning Ab " %'lib’s place in the hereafter stems from a wealth of reports condemning him to hell due to his refusal to convert to Islam and others which testify to his lifelong belief in God and the prophethood of Mu ammad. The first group of reports was canonized in the collections of Bukh 'r , and Muslim, while the second group largely ), thinkers have appeared in s , ra ra and Sh ,),  th literature. Although Sh , ), ,), ad , th upheld the faith and salvation of Ab " %'lib from the earliest periods of Islamic history, very few Sunn , s shared this opinion despite transmitting some of the same proof-texts cited in Sh , ), ), works. According to most Sunn , s, s, these proof-texts were either inconclusive or insufficient in proving Ab" %'lib’s conversion to Islam or his salvation. However, there is a remarkable shift in the sensibilities of some Sunn , s after the ninth century hijr , (fifteenth (fifteenth century CE). In contrast to early Sunn , s who considered such a possibility to be unlikely or flatly flat ly denied it, a few Sunn , s over the past five co-religionists in their commitment to the centuries have joined their Sh , ), ), co-religionists salvation of Ab " %'lib. This article introduces the relevant proof-texts and theological arguments that classical Sh , ), ), and moder n Sunn , writers have utilized to advocate the belief in Ab " %'lib’s salvation.

Keywords theology - salvation Ab" %'lib - ad , th th criticism - Sunn , theology theology - Sh , ), ), theology - Mu ammad al-Barzanj , - Amad Dal'n - Sulaym 'n al-Azhar , - )Abd al - Ibn al-Ma)add - al-Shaykh al-Muf , d - ahl al-bayt .usayn al-Am , n , -

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Introduction The following is a survey of a few treatises from the Islamic intellectual tradition regarding the salvation of the Prophet Mu ammad’s uncle, Ab" thinkers have %'lib b. )Abd al-Mu**alib (d. circa 619 CE). 1 Although Sh ,), thinkers upheld the faith and salvation of Ab " %'lib from the earliest periods of Islamic history, very few Sunn , s agreed with this opinion despite 2 transmitting some of the same proof-texts cited in Sh ,), works. works. According to most Sunn , s, s, these prooftexts were either inconclusive or insufficient in proving Ab" %'lib’s conversion to Islam or his salvation. However, there is a remarkable shift in the sensibilities of some Sunn , s after the ninth century hijr , (fifteenth (fifteenth century CE). The diffusion of Sufi culture in the seventh and eighth centuries hijr , resulted in the popularity of certain festivals and beliefs across the Muslim world. For example, Sufism encouraged the celebration of the mawlid (Mu ammad’s birth), belief in the primordial light of Muammad, the salvation of his parents, and the sanctity of his 3 descendants. It seems one understudied consequence of Sufi devotion to Muammad and his kin was the composition of treatises defending the salvation of Ab " %'lib in Sunn , circles. In contrast to early Sunn , s who considered such a possibility to be unlikely or flatly denied it, a few Sunn , s since the seventh/thirteenth century have joined their Sh , ) , co-religionists co-religionists in their commitment to the salvation of Ab " %'lib. The earliest Sunn , to to argue al -D , n Ma m"d in favor of Ab " %'lib’s salvation seems to have been Sa)d al-D b. Muammad al-0'li'n , (d. (d. 612/1215) in a ad , th th compilation on the 4 merits of the Prophet’s household entitled al-Mujtab '. Although his work is lost, it seems that the author relied on ad , th th that depicted Ab " %'lib dying as a Muslim and early H'shimid authorities like Ibn )Abb's (d. c. 68/687) 5 and Ja)far al-0'diq (d. 148/765) scolding those who believed otherwise. The earliest Sunn , to to argue for Ab " %'lib’s salvation in an extant book was historian and Ayy" bid prince, Ab " l-Fid l -Fid '2 Ism'), l b. the well-known Sh 'fi), historian 6 )Al , , (d. 732/1331). Other prominent Sunn , s who briefly argued the same scholar Amad b. Jal'l al-D al-D , n al-.usayn , al-3 j opinion include the Sh 'fi), scholar j , (active 820/1417), the M 'lik , jurist jurist Amad b. Y "nus b. Sa), d (d. 878/1474), the .anaf , Muammad b. %"l"n (d. 953/1547), and three more Sh 'fi), jurists, )Abd al-Wahh' b al-Sha)r 'n , (d. 973/1565), Shams al-D , n Muammad b. )Abd al-Ra m'n al-Saj , n , (d. 1158/1745) and A mad b. 7 Muammad al-Suaym , (d. 1178/1765). Only in the past three hundred years has the salvation of Ab" %'lib become the subject of a number of monographs in the Sunn , intellectual tradition. Prominent Sunn , thinkers eminence include who have argued in favor of Ab " %'lib)s spiritual eminence ammad Muammad al-Barzanj , (d. (d. 1103/1691), Mu ammad Mu), n b. Muammad Am , n al-Tataw , (d. 1161/1748), Sulaym 'n al-Azhar , al-L'dhiq , (active 1165/1752), A mad b. )Abd All'h M , rghan rghan , (d. (d. c. 1300/1882), A mad Zayn , Da Dal'n (d. 1304 AH/1886), Mu ammad b. Muammad al-Jann"n al0agh , r (d. 1326/1908), .asan b. )Al , al-Saqq 'f (b. 1380/1961), and the 8 Saudi writer .asan b. Far ' (b. 1390/1970). Before considering 'n al-M'lik , (b. this modern development in the Sunn , intellectual tradition, the following section briefly summarizes portrayals of Ab " %'lib in Islamic historiography.

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Ab #%lib in Islamic Historiography al-Mu**alib b. According to s , ra ra and ad , th th literature, Ab" %'lib b. )Abd al-Mu H'shim was the paternal uncle of the Prophet Mu ammad who raised him after the death of the latter’s parents and previous guardian, )Abd alMu**alib b. H'shim. When the Prophet began his mission, Ab " %'lib was unwavering in his protection of his nephew despite the numerous attempts 9 of the chiefs of the Quraysh to persuade him otherwise. The preaching of Muammad in Mecca coupled with the protection of Ab " %'lib, chief of the H'shimids, led the tribe of Quraysh to initiate a persecutory boycott against 10 the clans of H'shim and its only ally al-Mu**alib. The boycott prohibited any clan from conducting any commerce or contracting any marriages with those aligned with the Prophet. The H 'shimids were confined to an area in Mecca known as the shi) b b (“ravine”) of Ab" %'lib for a period of three 11 years and reduced to abject poverty. Ab" %'lib and Muammad’s wife Khad , ja bt. Khuwaylid died soon after the sanctions against them were lifted. Muammad was deeply pained at the loss of his wife and uncle and 12 allegedly referred to the period as the “year of sorrows.” The Prophet and Ab" th literature as dearly loving one %'lib are portrayed in the ad , th 13 another. Later theologians who condemn Ab " %'lib as an unbeliever do not deny Mu ammad’s love for his uncle and in fact cite it as the reason for revelation of the verse, “Indeed thou wilt not guide [all] whom thou 14 lovest.” The controversy concerning Ab " %'lib’s place in the hereafter stems from a wealth of reports condemning him to hell due to his refusal to convert to Islam and others which testify to his lifelong belief in God and the prophethood of Mu ammad. The first group of reports was canonized in the collections of Bukh 'r , and Muslim, while the second group largely 15 appeared in s , ra ra literature and Sh ,),  th works. A third group of reports ,), ad , th suggests that he converted on his deathbed or that God miraculously 16 resurrected him and he subsequently believed. Medieval historians and th specialists narrated the conflicting reports, sometimes someti mes in the very ad , th 17 same work. The third group of reports likely began to circulate as a response to the canonized reports that narrated his rejection of Islam on his deathbed. Reports about Ab " %'lib’s rejection of Islam possessed polemical value to )Abb'sids and likely became popular among the )Uthm'niyya who 18 held )Al , and his house in contempt. , and Exegesis explaining the reason for which a number of verses were 19 revealed has played a large role in condemning Ab " %'lib. The canonization of the ad , th th collections of Bukh 'r , and Muslim and their inclusion of reports that only placed Ab " %'lib in hell undoubtedly 20 influenced the later Sunn , community to consider him damned. While scholars possessed an outlook outloo k that permitted the dismissal of ad , th ), scholars Sh , ), th in the 5a,ayn as false without any dilemmas, Sunn , theologians felt obliged to acknowledge their authenticity and used some ingenuity to incorporate them in their defense of the salvation of Ab " %'lib. These Sunn , authors concluded that Ab " %'lib would go to hell for a period, but that he would eventually enter paradise. Theologians could thus be grouped into three groups: those who believed Ab " %'lib was eternally damned, those who

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believed he was innocent of any wrongdoing, wrongdoing, and those who believed he would be temporarily punished. The works of Sunn , and Sh ,), scholars belonging to the l ast two categories are reviewed in this thi s article as they both agree on his salvation. I will compare their methods of argumentation and some of their proofs to better understand how they respond to the opposing viewpoint. The pronouncements of those who condemn Ab " %'lib have been excluded from this study for two reasons. First, their method of argumentation is straightforward. They cited reports from the two most revered collections of th in the Sunn , tradition tradition and utilized their ad , th contents to judge the truthvalue of reports recorded in other works. In their opinion, proof-texts regarding Ab " %'lib’s conversion or salvation are insufficient or can be shown to be defective through isn 'd criticism. Second, the treatises under review cite the major proofs of their opponents before responding with rebuttals. As a result, an investigation of judgments regarding Ab" %'lib’s condemnation would largely be redundant. To my 21 knowledge, complete treatises on Ab " %'lib’s doom do not exist. However, canonical ad , th th collections and their commentaries 22 comprehensively discussed the matter.

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The Salvation of Ab #%lib in Sunnism Before reviewing some of the extant treatises, this section introduces a few scholars in the Sunn , intellectual tradition who have upheld the salvation of Ab" %'lib. Al-Sayyid Muammad b. )Abd al-Ras"l al-Barzanj , al-Husayn , (d. 1103/1691) can be credited for writing the first comprehensive treatise within the Sunn , community community defending the salvation of Ab " %'lib, although two groups of predecessors preceded him. On one hand, there were Sunn , scholars and ad , th th transmitters who agreed with him, but never 23 wrote a treatise on the matter. On the other, there were scholars who narrated reports concerning the salvation of Ab " %'lib, but were unsure of the truth of the matter. Both groups obviously cannot be included in the 24 alleged consensus of Sunn , scholars scholars who consider him doomed. Although literary evidence suggests a handful of Sunn , scholars upheld 25 the salvation of Ab" %'lib before al-Barzanj , wrote wrote his text in 1088 AH, some have been mistakenly included in such lists. Despite claims to the contrary, it seems that neither al-Qur *ub , (d. (d. 671/1273), T ' j al-D , n al-Subk , (d. 771/1370), nor Jal 'l al-D , n al-Suy"*, (d. 911/1505) argued for the salvation of Ab" %'lib. Unfortunately, the distinction is rarely made between scholars who only noted the e xistence of evidence for the salvation of Ab" %'lib and those who upheld such a belief. For example, A mad al-.usayn al-Am , n , (d. 1392/1972) mention alZayn , Dal'n and )Abd alQur *ub , , al-Subk , , al-Suy"*, , and al-Sha )r 'n , (d. (d. 973/1565) as part of a circle of Sunn , scholars scholars in the Sunn , tradition tradition who upheld Ab " %'lib’s conversion 26 to Islam. Al-Sha)r 'n , does does indeed defend the salvation sa lvation of Ab " %'lib in one 27 work, but al-Qur *ub , only only mentions the possibility. In contrast, al-Subk , and al-Suy"*, explicitly explicitly uphold the view that Ab " %'lib rejected Islam. The confusion that may have arisen with Subk , is is discussed below. A treatise of al-Barzanj , is frequently misattributed to al-Suy"*, , who despite utilizing similar hermeneutical techniques to “save” the Prophet’s parents in numerous treatises, refrains from employing them for the benefit of Ab " al-Qur *ub , refer to his salvation only in the %'lib.28 Both al-Sha )r 'n , and al-Qur context of some Sufis who believed that God resurrected Ab " %'lib in order for him to convert. Those who upheld such a belief drew parallels with Christ’s ability to resurrect the dead and state that such a miracle was fully 29 in accordance with the Prophet’s rank as the greatest prophet. They firmly believed that God had resurrected the Prophet’s parents in this way, so that on the Day of Judgment they could be raised as faithful members of the Muslim community. In contrast, I have not found direct evidence that Taq , al-D , n al-Subk , (d. (d. , al-D 756/1355) or his son T ' j al-D , n believed in the salvation of Ab " %'lib as 30 some have claimed. Rather T ' j al-D , n al-Subk , argues argues explicitly that Ab " %'lib was condemned to hell because he never converted. 31 However, scholars who believed in Ab " %'lib’s salvation appealed to al-Subk , because he did indeed consider Ab" %'lib to have believed (k 'na mu)taqidan) in the prophethood of Mu ammad. He cites Ab" %'lib’s poetry 32 as clear proof that he accepted the prophetic claims of his nephew. However, in his theological discussion of what constitutes proper “faith”

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( , m'n) and the minimum requirements of salvation, a long-standing debate in the theological tradition, al-Subk , comes down on the side of ad , th th specialists and most Sunn , theologians. He argues that faith in the heart, which Ab" %'lib seems to have possessed, was not enough for salvation because God required a full conversion, which consis ted of pronouncing the 33 testimony of faith (shah 'da) and submitting to His legal commandments. al-Az , z b. Yay' al-Kin'n , alHe acquiesces that in the view of )Abd al-Az Makk , (d.c. (d.c. 240/854) and the circle of Jahm b. 0afw'n’s (d. 128/746), faith in the heart was sufficient, but that he considered this belief to be incorrect. Al-Qar 'f , (d. 684/1285) makes the same point about the insufficiency of faith in the heart alone in the context of discussing Ab " %'lib. Al-Qar 'f , acknowledges that Ab " %'lib believed in the prophethood of his nephew 34 manifestly and in his heart ( 'mana bi 7'hirih wa-b'*inih). Both al-Subk , and al-Qar 'f , acquiesce acquiesce in the arguments of the Sunn , and and Sh ,), authors authors who claim Ab" %'lib’s poetry clearly indicate his belief in the prophethood of Muammad. Their response is that such faith was not enough for salvation, and they deny any possibility that he had ever ever secretly converted, citing the authority of canonical ad , th th that contradict such a claim. al -Ram'n alAccording to Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , (d. (d. 852/1449), )Abd al-Ra Suhayl , (d. 581/1185) allegedly saw in a book by al-Mas )"d , (d. (d. 345/956) , (d. 35 that Ab" %'lib became a Muslim. Despite some acceptance as a Sh 'fi), , 36 the latter was also considered a Sh ,), , so such a discovery in one of his books would not be surprising. However, Ibn .ajar’s memory is slightly off: al-Suhayl , had in fact seen that )Abd al-Mu**alib, the Prophet’s ’s famous extant work of grandfather, had died a Muslim in al-Mas )"d , ’s 37 history. Nonetheless, al-Suhayl , and Ibn .ajar are correct in noting that )Abd al-Mu**alib’s death as a Muslim would also imply Ab " %'lib’s conversion, since the latter publicly claimed on his deathbed to follow the religion of his father. In any case, the earliest recension of Ab " %'lib’s conversion in the Sunn , community community exists in the s , ra ra of Mu ammad b. Is'q (d. 151/767), a text which obviously predates al-Mas )"d , ’s ’s works by two 38 centuries. The texts written by Sunn , authors in this survey are Sad 'd al-D , n waSid 'd al-Dayn f , Naj't al-Abawayn al-Sharifayn (“Correcting Belief and Providing Guidance in Substantiating the Salvation of the Two Noble 39 Parents”) by al-Sayyid Muammad al-Barzanj , al-Husayn al-Husayn , ; Bul"gh albi-Naj't 9 b'2ihi ihi wa-)Ammihi Ab , %' Ma)'rib bi-Naj , %'lib (“Accomplishing the Aims of [proving] the Salvation of his Parents and his uncle Ab " %'lib”) by alSayyid Sulaym'n al-Azhar , al-L'dhiq , , and Asn ' al-Mat'lib f , Naj't Ab , %'lib (“The Most Brilliant Demands for the Salvation of Ab " %'lib”) by al40 Sayyid Ahmad Zayn , Da Dal'n al-.asan , . The author of Bul "gh al-Ma)'rib is not certain, however, internal evidence indicates he was alive in 41 1165/1752. The manuscript copy held at Princeton University ends without the author identifying himself, but the cover of the copy at the National Library in Cairo names “al-Sayyid Sulaym'n al-Azhar , al-L al-L'dhiq , ” 42 as the author. The editor of the published edition of Bul "gh al-Ma)'rib al-)Ujayl , , known as mistakenly identifies the author as Sulaym 'n b. )Umar al43 al-Jamal, but there is some evidence that this is incorrect. The author of

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Bul"gh was a H 'shimid who used the surname sayyid and his nisba (alL'dhiq , ) indicates that he was originally from Latakia or became a resident there. On the other hand, al- )Ujayl , , was born in Egypt (in the village of 44 ’s works neither )Ujayl) and settled in Cairo. Manuscripts of al- )Ujayl , , ’s include a sayyid surname nor the nisba “al-L 'dhiq , .” .” Al-)Ujayl , even assumes Ab" %'lib’s rejection of Islam and punishment in hell to be true in 2'n.45 Thus, it is unlikely al- )Ujayl , is his exegesis of the Qur 2' is the author of our text. Additional information about al-Sayyid Sulaym 'n al-Azhar , does not appear in bibliographical catalogues, but one genealogist in Latakia has written about an imam of a large mosque in the city who possessed the sam e 46 name and was contemporaneous to the composition of Bul "gh. Al-Sayyid Sulaym'n b. Sulaym'n b. )Abd al-Mun)im al-.usayn , al-Azhar al-Azhar , al-L al-L'dhiq , allegedly came from a Moroccan .usaynid family and studied at al-Azhar University. Sulaym'n Pasha al-)A7m (d. 1156/1742) asked him to come to Latakia (circa 1139/1727) in order to become the Imam of the newly al-Jad , d. constructed, large mosque known until today as al-J 'mi) al-Jad d. Sulaym'n al-Azhar , also became the marshal of the H'shimids (naq , b al-ashr 'f ) of 47 Latakia and the patriarch of a prominent fami ly in the city. If Sulaym'n alAzhar , is our third author then it seems all of the Sunn , authors were descendants of the Prophet who studied with leading Sunn , theologians theologians and jurists and were granted public positions that required them to produce 48 pronouncements. A thorough bibliographical study of treatises on the salvation of Ab " and Im 'm , intellectual intellectual traditions was published in 2001 %'lib in the Sunn , and 49 and can be found online. Notwithstanding the inclusion of a few scholars and lost texts from the medieval period that probably did not uphold Ab " %'lib’s salvation,50 at least eighty texts are listed in defense of the faith and salvation of Ab" %'lib. The bibliography is a good source for discovering some of the titles that have appeared over the past two centuries in both Sunn , and and Im 'm , circles. circles.

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Ab #%lib in the Sh ')' Tradition Tradition It seems that questions regarding the faith of Ab " %'lib did not enter Sh ,), circles until the middle of the second century hijr , . His faith and salvation may have been assumed and uncontested until then. For example, the Umayyadera Kufan text, Kit ' b Sulaym b. Qays, makes no reference re ference to debates regarding the salvation of Ab " %'lib. He appears in the text as a powerful aide to the Prophet who would order his nephew to deliver the revelation from his Lord and diligently defend him from any harm. While this image of Ab " %'lib also appears in Sunn , sources, sources, it is not contradicted by any indication that he ever repudiated the message of the Prophet in Sh , ), ), literature. In fact, the author of Kit ' b Sulaym and his audience assume Ab " the Prophet specifically orders him to ), when the %'lib to be a devout Sh , ), recognize )Al , as as his successor, “Oh Ab " %'lib listen now to your son )Al , , and obey him. For indeed God has made his rank in proximity to His 51 Prophet that of Aaron onto Moses.” Obviously, such advice would not be given to someone who rejected the prophethood of Mu ammad, Moses or Aaron. Finally, Ab " %'lib is mentioned as a carrier of the sacred light that was passed on from Adam to )Al , theology God would not have , .52 In Im'm , theology selected individuals guilty of polytheism or any other major sin to carry divine light in their loins and wombs. Both the ritual impurity and theological corruption of polytheists are generally upheld in Im 'm , exegesis exegesis 53 of the verse “Indeed the polytheists are impure” [Q9:28]. [Q9:28]. Al-Kulayn , (d. (d. 329/941) included a section on the faith and salvation of Ab" %'lib in his al-K 'f , that succinctly expresses Sh ,), sentiments on the matter: Ab" %'lib and his fathers were believers who witnessed the miracles of God, he hid his faith to protect the Prophet, and his reward for doing so will be magnified in the Hereafter. Al-Kulayn , ’s ’s collection is the earliest one to include reports from the )Alid Imams that characterize Sunn ,  th , ad , th 54 about Ab" %'lib’s punishment in hell as false. Following al-Kulayn , , alth in which authorities like Ja)far 0ad "q (d. 381/991) also relied upon ad , th 55 al-0'diq rejected claims about the unbelief of Ab " %'lib to make his case. According to al-Naj 'sh , (d. 450/1058), a number of Sh , ), ), s penned treatises on the faith of Ab" %'lib in the fourth century (hijr , ). ). For example, Amad b. Muammad b. )Amm'r al-K "f , (d. 346/958), a prolific ad , th th transmitter and writer, and Sahl b. Amad (d. 380/990) reportedly wrote 56 treatises entitled 3m'n Ab , %'lib. Sahl b. A mad lived in Baghdad and upon his death, Sahl’s funeral prayers were led by the author of our earliest extant treatise, the famous Sh , ) , theologian al-Shaykh al-Muf , d (d. 57 413/1022). Al-Muf , d was one of Twelver Sh , )ism’s most influential polymaths. He flourished in Baghdad under the B "yids and is well known 58 for his rationalism and contributions to various disciplines. Al-Muf , d 59 narrated ad , th th from Sahl, so it is possible that Sahl may have inspired 60 him to write on the subject. Although other influential Twelver Sh ,), scholars like al- %"s , (d. (d. 460/1067) transmitted reports about the faith of Ab " 61 th collections, only authors who wrote comprehensive %'lib in their ad , th treatises on the subject are surveyed below. In addition to al-Muf , d’s d’s work, this article analyzes al-Hujja )al' aldh'hib il' takf , r Ab , %' , %'lib (“The Unequivocal Evidence Against Those Who

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Consider Ab" %'lib an Unbeliever”) by Fikh'r b. Ma)add al-M"saw , (d. 62 630/1232-3) and the unnamed treatise of )Abd al-.usayn Al-Am , n , . Like al-Azhar , , al-M"saw , was was a prominent )Alid marshal. He lived in Iraq and was well connected to Sh ,), legal and ad , th th circles as his reports on Ab" %'lib and his various teaching licenses indicate. 63 Al-M"saw , was particularly famous for writing his hi s treatise on Ab" %'lib even in non-Sh , ), ), Ibn Ab , l-.ad , d praises his work in spite of his own , Ibn circles. The Mu)tazil , 64 decision to abstain from deciding on the salvation of Ab " %'lib. Although ), , Ibn Ab , l-.ad , d was staunchly pro- )Alid. He was he was not a Sh , ), exceptional in his readiness to critically engage Sh ,), literature and would occasionally agree with its authors. On the other hand, Ibn .ajar al (d. 852/1449) was an influential Sh 'fi), jurist jurist and ad , th th specialist )Asqal'n , (d. more representative of Sunn , scholarship. He dismissed a Sh ,), book that 65 argued the case for Ab " %'lib’s conversion as untrustworthy Sh ,), myth. reports is not surprising given ), reports Ibn .ajar’s complete rejection of these Sh , ), his credentials as an expert of Sunn ,  th and its criticism. After the , ad , th second century hijr , , Sunn ,  th specialists generally excluded Zayd , and and , ad , th Im'm , transmitters from their teaching circles due to their differing theologies and legal methodologies that they considered to be incorrect—if not heretical. Consequently, Ibn .ajar could not accept any of these reports narrated through Sh ,), transmitters transmitters as authoritative, even if al-M "saw , ’s ’s text cited hundreds of them with complete chains of transmission. Al-Am , n , was was a leading cleric of Iranian descent who studied and lived most of his life in Iraq, but traveled the Muslim world compiling his 66 encyclopedia al-Ghad , r. r. The eleven volumes of the unfinished encyclopedia are a testament to his outstanding scholarship. Al-Am , n , carefully scoured the Sunn , intellectual tradition (exegesis, poetry, ad , th, th, history, etc.) to document all attestations of the Prophet’s words regarding r) named al-khumm. The )Al , , after his final pilgrimage at a pool (ghad , r) encyclopedia turns into a dialectical study of proof-texts in the Sunn , heritage that uphold various tenets of Sh ,), law, theology and history. Undoubtedly, al-Am , n , had read the criticisms of Sunn , ad , th th specialists like Ibn .azm, Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , who claimed that thro ugh acceptable chains of Sh , ), ), beliefs were either unsubstantiated through 67 transmission or worse had no basis at all. Al-Am , n , methodically methodically engaged them by limiting himself mostly to Sunn , sources and using the tools of Sunn ,  th criticism to authenticate reports that were in his favor and , ad , th 68 dismiss others that were not. The wide breadth and polemical value of his work should not be understated. Al-Am , n , ’s ’s chapter on the faith of Ab " text in this study. %'lib is the third and most recent Sh ,), text

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Pro-)Alid Sentiment in the Texts The theologians arguing for the salvation of Ab " %'lib, regardless of their sectarian affiliations, seem to be largely inspired by pro- )Alid sentiments and an allegiance to the belief in the flawless character of the Prophet. Pro-)Alid sentiment among non-Sh ,), s can be identified through their deep reverence for the Household (ahl al-bayt) and (occasionally) the 69 belief in their succession successi on to the Prophet in spiritual authority. Citing the Qur ;' -text, the pro- )Alid authors in this ;'n (Q58:22) as a proof -text, study argue that it does not befit the Prophet to share a loving relationship 70 with individuals destined for hell. The Prophet was simply too committed to God to blemish his allegiance to Him with love for someone who rejected 71 the faith. Second, they argue that it does not befit the Prophet and his famous offspring to possess unbelieving ancestors. All of the authors agree that the Prophet and his Household descended from an unbroken chain of monotheists that extended back to the Biblical Adam. The belief in the prophetic light of Muammad descending through the loins of his ancestors 72 is an evident motif in explanations of this belief. Scholars who do not ascribe faith to Muammad’s ancestors only acquiesce that none of them engaged in illicit sexual acts due to ad , th th that they deem reliable in this 73 regard. Finally, all of the authors are personally invested in the salvation of Muammad’s Household either due to their own descent from the Prophet or the legitimacy it gives to the theological beliefs of Sufism and 74 Sh ,)ism.

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The Prophet’s Parents th in the collections of al-Bukh 'r , and Muslim explicitly condemn .ad , th 75 the Prophet’s parents and Ab " %'lib to hell. Scholars who extend salvation to the Prophet’s Prophet’s parents, but not not to Ab" %'lib, usually cite the ad , th th of the 76 5a,ayn as the principal obstruction. There is a problem, however, in rejecting reports about the damnation of the Prophet’s parents and accepting those about Ab" %'lib. For example, al-Suy"*, and and Ibn .ajar al-Haytam , (d. (d. 974/1567), Shih ' b al-D , n al-9l"s , (d. 1270/1854) and Ibr 'h , m al-Bayj "r , 77 (1276/1860) fall within this category. They accept that God will deal compassionately with people to whom no prophet appeared and also accept evidence that the Prophet’s grandfather and parents were actually 78 monotheists. However, the damnation of Ab " %'lib is predicated upon the assumption that he wished to remain upon the religion of his fathers, which 79 the reports identify as the polytheism of the chiefs of Quraysh. A logical inconsistency emerges in the belief that the Prophet’s ancestors were monotheists, while Ab" %'lib was a polytheist due to an allegiance to those same ancestors. With reference to the salvation of the Prophet’s parents and Ab" %'lib, theologians have held one of three opinions; all are doomed, only Ab" %'lib is doomed, or none are doomed. The authors of the texts under review belonged to the last category and in two cases, the surviving treatise on Ab" %'lib directly followed one regarding the salvation of Muammad’s parents. This article surveys six representative treatises, three Sh ,), and and three Sunn , .

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The Proof-Texts Some of the verses and reports that are cited in these treatises will be summarized and numbered here to acquaint the reader with the material and for easy reference throughout the rest of the paper. For the reports, I have only given a general description of the contents and cited the different recensions that fit the appropriate category. Verse 1 (V1) Qur 2' 2'n, 28:56, “indeed you cannot guide whomever you desire [to guide], but it is God who guides the one who wishes [for 80 guidance] . . .” (V2) Qur 2' 2'n, 9:113, “It is not fitting that the Prophet and those who believe should seek forgiveness for polytheists, though they may be close 81 kin, after it is clarified to them that they are destined for ja " m.” (V3) Qur 2' 2'n, 9:114, “And Abraham prayed for his father’s forgiveness only due to a promise he had made to him. Yet when it became evident to him that he was an enemy of God, he disassociated himself from him . . .” Report 1 (R1) Ab " %'lib is on his deathbed and in the presence of the polytheists of Quraysh. He refuses the Prophet’s request to pronounce the 82 shah'da. al -Musayyab that specifically (R1S) There are reports through Sa ), d b. al-Musayyab mention the revelation of V2 and then V1 after the death of Ab " %'lib. Most who believe in the damnation of Ab " %'lib cite (R1S) reports as 83 unequivocal evidence since they appear in the 5a,ayn. (R2) Ab" %'lib is on his deathbed and in the presence of his brother )Abb's b. )Abd al-Mu**alib begins moving his lips. )Abbas moves nearer to him and hears him reciting the shah 'da to himself. )Abbas is consistently portrayed in each recension as the only one who hears the statement. He informs the Prophet after the event by swearing, “by God, he said the words 84 which you commanded him to recite.” (R3) The Prophet is asked if Ab " %'lib’s kinship and good deeds in service of the Prophet will benefit him in the hereafter. The Prophet responds that his uncle will be brought from the depths of hell to its highest 85 level, where only his feet will touch the fire. (R4) The Prophet is asked if he wishes anything for Ab " %'lib after the 86 latter’s death and he says, “I hope for him all that is good.” (R4I) One of the twelve Imams extols the great hidden faith of Ab " %'lib or specifically denies the authenticity of R3 (that he will reside at the 87 highest level of hell) in a Sh ,),  th. ,), ad , th. (R5) Three individuals are spared from the fire or in some recensions, 88 guaranteed intercession; Muammad’s father, mother, and Ab " %'lib. b. Ab , %'lib to administer Ab" %'lib’s last , b. (R6) The Prophet orders )Al , 89 to maintain ritual purity throughout the , to rites and burial. He also orders )Al , 90 entire procedure. (R7) Muslims witness the Prophet asking God to forgive Ab " %'lib. This prompts the community to begin praying for the wellbeing of their 91 polytheist ancestors and the revelation of V2 and in some rec ensions V3. (R8) When the elders of Quraysh agreed to the boycott of the clans of H'shim and Mu **alib, they signed a covenant and placed it inside the Ka ) ba ba for its sanctification and safe-keeping. During the boycott, the Prophet

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received revelation that the parchment describing the conditions of the boycott had been eaten by insects except for the words “In “ In Your Name, O God.” When the Prophet informs Ab " %'lib of this revelation, he has no doubt in the Prophet’s words and succeeds in using the information to end the boycott. He goes to the chiefs and publicly challenges them to end the boycott if the parchment is in the condition that Mu ammad described. ba to They agree to the challenge and remove the parchment from the Ka ) ba find it eaten away except for the name of God. It is shortly after this incident 92 that the boycott comes to an end. (R9) Ab" %'lib states his final will to the clan of )Abd al-Mu**alib and 93 informs them that they will be guided as long as they follow Mu ammad.

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Argumentation in the Sh ')' Treatises Treatises The Sh , ), ), texts share a number of similarities. First, unlike the Sunn , texts they do not consider any R3 recensions to be authentic and do not attempt to incorporate them into their views of Ab " %'lib. Instead they rely on R4I’s, in which an Imam expressly characterizes such reports as false. For example, the )Abb'sid caliph al-Mutawakkil (r. 232-247/846-861) asks Imam )Al , b. Muammad al-H'd , (d. (d. 254/868): , b. O Ab # l- % asan! asan! Have not people narrated that when all of mankind is judged to enter heaven or hell, Ab  ')lib will wear sandals made of flames that will fry his brains? He will be stopped, unable to enter heaven due to his unbelief and [unable to] enter hell for taking custody and care of the Messenger of God, preventing Quraysh [from harming] him, and keeping his mission secret until it became public. Ab l- % asan asan says to him, “Woe to you! If the faith of Ab  ')lib were placed on a scale and the faith of all men were put on another, the faith of 94 Ab ')lib would outweigh them all. Al-M"saw , and al-Am , n , wrote long and comprehensive monographs, 95 while al-Muf , d wrote a treatise that was comparatively much shorter. The Sh , ) , texts employ a number of proofs to establish the faith of Ab " %'lib. 96 Wil'ya is an important concept in Sh , )ism. Those who recognize the wil'ya of the Prophet’s Household are portrayed as believers. Similarly, the loyalty of Ab" %'lib was a manifestation of his recognition of the wil 'ya of God and His Prophet. He expressed his partisanship through loving and aiding the Prophet as well as sacrificing his clan, children, and self. Detractors claim Ab" %'lib’s loyalty to the Prophet was only motivated by tribalism. Al-Muf , d responds by stating that the vast amount of poetry attributed to Ab" %'lib explicitly mentions his faith in God and the 97 prophethood of his nephew Mu ammad. Al-Am , n , argues in this regard that the customary protection of clan members would not have led Ab " %'lib to encourage his sons to convert or worship with Mu ammad as some 98 reports indicate. Third, the method by which one proves Ab " %'lib’s unbelief could be used to dismiss the faith of many Muslims of the first century. According to al-Muf , d, d, it is much easier to declare the first three caliphs unbelievers. He writes, If [faith] [f aith] cannot be established for Ab  ')lib despite his admission of it in his prose and poetry which . . . narrators of s + ra ra and history transmit in addition to his obvious aid of the Prophet and the sacrifice of his children, family, wealth and self for him, public declaration of believing him, and urging others to follow him, then it would be more appropriate and reasonable not to confirm the faith of those other individuals we mentioned (Ab Bakr, -Umar and -Uthman, whose virtuous deeds have also been related, but are contested). The manifestation of their [faith through deeds] and the prominence [of such deeds] cannot be compared to [the deeds of] Ab ')lib, may God be pleased with him . . . this is i s in addition to their delay in aiding him, their betrayal of him, their fleeing [in war], and that which is not concealed from the intelligent person who learns history and scrutinizes 99 the past.

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The point behind his polemically charged analogy deserves some consideration; if Muslims have no qualms in declaring someone an unbeliever despite various sources documenting words and actions of his that show otherwise, how can one prove the faith of any contemporary of the Prophet? Ra <, al-D al-D , n Ibn %'w"s (d. 664/1266) argues that the normative practice of historians is to validate the conversion of a person to Islam by the most meager of evidence, yet despite the clearest and strongest evidence it is remarkable that Muslims refuse to corroborate the Islam of Ab " %'lib.100 The authors mention R6 that ends with a cryptic statement of the Prophet “By God I shall intercede for my uncle with an intercession that 101 will surprise all of creation.” Sh ,), s claim that )Al , ’s administration of the , ’s final rites on his father and the Prophet’s good words regarding him belie 102 his alleged death as an unbeliever. Al-M"saw , and al-Am , n , utilize the Sunn , intellectual tradition to establish the faith of Ab" %'lib through his words and actions. For example, Ab" %'lib allegedly writes to the Naj 'sh , , the king of Ethiopia, asking him to treat the Muslims well well and praising Muammad as someone who “came 103 with guidance just as [Moses and Jesus once] did.” Ab " %'lib articulates his faith in poetry after the incident in R8, which includes the words, “Did you not know that we discovered Mu ammad to be a messenger like 104 Moses?” Al-Am , n , and and al-M "saw , include include numerous other incidents and examples in which Ab " %'lib describes Muammad as a prophet and praises 105 his religion. Al-Am , n , gathers gathers a number of narrations in which )Abd alMu**alib, the father of Ab " %'lib, declares his faith in monotheism and the prophethood of Muammad to refute interlocutors who argued that Ab " %'lib’s wish to follow the faith of his father was unbelief. 106 The Sunn , treatises similarly transmit reports about the piety and salvation of Ab " 107 al-Mu**alib. These writers obviously felt that if )Abd %'lib’s father, )Abd al-Mu al-Mu**alib’s monotheistic faith could be proven, then the basis for which Ab" %'lib was considered a polytheist was effectively discredited. Al-M"saw , and al-Am , n , would like Muslims to consider Ab " %'lib a Companion of the Prophet, so they gather and cite ad , th th in which Ab" 108 %'lib is a narrator in the chain of transmission. According to Ibn Ab , ld, )Al , would would order others to perform the pilgrimage on behalf of Ab " .ad , d, %'lib and repeated this request in his last testament. 109 According to some 110 scholars it is unbelief to harbor malice against Ab " %'lib. Al-Am , n , and and al-M"saw , narrate numerous Sh ,),  th extolling the fai th of Ab" %'lib, ,), ad , th for example, )Al , allegedly states, “my father . . . was a believing Muslim , allegedly who hid his faith out of fear for what Quraysh would do to the 111 H'shimids.” Al-Am , n , finally turns his attention to discrediting recensions of R1S through five arguments. First, he argues the sole source of R1S is Sa ), d b. al-Musayyab (d. ca. 94/712-13), who is unreliable in information famil y because he harbored animosity toward concerning )Al , , and his family 112 them. al -Musayyab is portrayed as a student In Islamic historiography, Sa ), d b. al-Musayyab of )Abd All'h b. )Abb's and a Muslim who believed that another uncle of al -Mu**alib, was the most meritorious Muslim the Prophet, )Abb's b. )Abd al-Mu

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113

after Muammad and his heir. Whether or not Ibn al-Musayyab truly believed this about )Abb's, or conversely, if he actually narrated reports about the damnation of Ab " %'lib, is not particularly important. However, the )Abb'sids in the second century hijr , were particularly keen on legitimizing their rule and R1S reports from Ibn al-Musayyab became 114 authoritative proof-texts in discrediting their )Alid rivals. First, in a society that believed virtue and vice was inherited from one’s ancestors, Ab" %'lib’s death as a pagan was viewed as a dishonorable stain on the 115 purity and social capital of .asanids and .usaynids. The )Abb'sids argued that )Abb's, as a paternal uncle, was the closest male relative to the 116 Prophet and thus inherited authority directly from him. The )Alids, on the other hand, were one step further removed, since they claimed descent from a cousin ()Al , , ) and a woman (F '*ima), both of whom, could not claim to be 117 heirs to such authority in the presence of a paternal uncle. Both Goldziher their partisans and Donner have noted the great incentive the )Abb'sids and their possessed in circulating R1S reports that effectively discredited the ancestor ances tor 118 of their rivals as a hell-bound polytheist. R1 and R1S reports narrate that the revelation of V1, V2, and V3 occurred soon after the death and burial of Ab " %'lib. As a second argument, al-Am , n , presents proof-texts that indicate V2 and V3 were 119 revealed at least eight years after the death of Ab " %'lib. Al-Am , n , concludes that it would be unlikely that both verses were responses to the death of Ab " %'lib given the large time gap. Third, many other verses of the Qur 2' 2'n forbid the Prophet and the community to love the enemies of God, 120 so narratives that portray V1 and V2 as necessary correctives to the Prophet’s behavior seem redundant and out of place. Fourth, the wording of V2 is not actually a negative-imperative, but subject-predicate. The verse implies the community may have had the misconception that it was permissible for the Prophet or Muslims in general to seek forgiveness for 121 polytheists. Rather than commanding the Prophet to desist from any deeds, al-Am , n , argues argues that V2 simply clarified to the community that it did not befit them to believe the Prophet prayed for polytheists. polytheists. On that account, al-Am , n , argues argues that the Prophet was not guilty of any misconduct needing rectification. Finally, al-Am , n , cites other possible reports that explain the reason for revelation of V2 to be unrelated to Ab " %'lib as likelier 122 alternatives. After previously problematizing the reliability of R1S reports in the 5a,ayn, al-Am , n , argues recensions of R1 are through unreliable 123 narrators or mursal. For example, the allegedly eyewitness accounts of Ab" Hurarya can be discredited because at the time of Ab " %'lib’s death he was a non-Muslim living in Yemen. Al-Am , n , adds, “the tadl , s of Ab" Hurayra is well known, he claims to have witnessed an event or the wording 124 of the ad , th th indicates it although [historically] he was nowhere near it.” Al-Am , n , makes one last theological argument that our Sunn , authors similarly pose; numerous ad , th th state that the Prophet Prophet will only be allowed 2'n to intercede for monotheists on the Day of Judgment. Verses in the Qur 2' consistently warn readers that unbelievers will not have access to any intercession on the Day of Judgment. The connotation of R3 is that an unbeliever shall benefit from the intercession of Mu ammad. According to

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these authors, this is clearly contradictory to the manifest meaning of those verses. Both parties are incapable of participating in such an event (Muammad interceding for an unbeliever or an unbeliever benefiting from intercession). Al-Am , n , concludes concludes that R3 narratives must be fabricated.

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Argumentation in the Sunn ' Treatises Treatises In the course of his book, al-Barzanj , utilizes utilizes Ash)ar , doctrines, doctrines, linguistics, second-order interpretations of proof texts, reports with
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The authors narrate a number of incidents from the life of Ab " %'lib in which they believe his words and actions testify to his belief. As for his actions, authors cite his efforts to end the boycott (R8) by trusting a prophecy of Mu ammad and a final will attributed to him in which he 136 advises the listeners to follow, aid and care for the Prophet (R9). Ab" %'lib is portrayed as participating in events in which the Prophet performs 137 miracles and even depending on him. In one case, Ab " %'lib becomes ill, 138 asks the Prophet to pray to God for his health, and is subsequently cured. Ab" %'lib testifies that Muammad was the bright light that caused mankind to prostrate in a dream )Abd al-Mu**alib once experienced. In his sermon at the marriage of Mu ammad and Khad , ja, Ab" %'lib praises God 139 as the One who honored them with descent from Abraham and Ishmael. Al-Barzanj , reiterates reiterates in a number of places that it is highly unlikely that Ab" %'lib would experience such events (i.e. miracles) in his lifetime or 140 order others to follow the Prophet and remain an unbeliever himself. Instances in which Ab " %'lib publicly expressed reluctance to convert are viewed as examples of him intentionally hiding his faith in front of 141 members of Quraysh. Dal'n similarly characterizes proof-texts in which al-Mu**alib” as Ab" %'lib proclaims his devotion to the “milla of )Abd al-Mu 142 dissimulation. Unlike the salvation of Ab " %'lib, a larger number of Sunn , scholars accept the belief that the Prophet’s ancestors were 143 monotheists, including his grandfather )Abd al-Mu**alib. Thus, alBarzanj , , al-Azhar , and Da l'n considered Ab " %'lib’s commitment to following his ancestors as an expression of monotheism and an instance of 144 doublespeak. treatises, they mention that Ab " %'lib was a In agreement with the Sh , ), ), treatises, 145 Companion who narrated ad , th th and intercession only encompasses 146 believers on the Day Da y of Judgment. Unlike the Sh ,), treatises treatises that have the option of dismissing ad , th th of the 5a,ayn as false, al-Barzanj , and and the other Sunn , writers are obliged to accept the ad , th th of those canonical collections as true. To my knowledge, the only Sunn , authors to reject the authenticity of R1 and R1s reports, despite their presence in the collections of al-Bukh 'r , and Muslim are the contemporary pro- )Alid Sunn , thinkers .asan al-Saqq 'f and .asan b. Far ' 'n al-M'lik , .147 Both scholars have become infamous for their opposition to Wahh ' bism, rejection of some canonical ad , th th through the use of dialectical arguments, condemnation of Sufy'n and the Umayyads, Umayyads, and staunch partisanship to the Mu)'wiya b. Ab , Sufy Al-Saqq 'f and alProphet’s Household without converting to Sh , )ism. Al-Saqq M'lik , are are willing to reject the prevailing canonical culture (and infallibility) imbued upon ad , th th in the 5a,ayn for largely the same reasons that other 148 twentieth-century Muslims have criticized ad , th. th. Rather than reject such reports, the other Sunn , authors artfully reinterpret R3 to substantiate the faith of Ab " %'lib. First, they conclude that Ab" %'lib must be a believer since it i t is his faith that gives him access to Muammad’s intercession. Second, Ab " %'lib’s placement in the highest level of hell is a testament to his faith, as it is a level reserved only for disobedient believers. Third, according to the Qur 2'n, unbelievers have no 149 decrease or interruption in their punishment. Fourth, they are confined to

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the depths of hell and will never leave those confines. Thus, reports of Ab " %'lib exiting the depths of hell and his punishment decreasing only testify to 150 his faith. Fifth, if according to R3 the Prophet said, “Ab " %'lib is the least punished of the people of the fire,” then no individual, believer or unbeliever, may receive a lesser punishment than him. The existence of any individual receiving lesser punishment would entail a contradiction in the 151 words of the Prophet. According to al-Barzanj , , ahl al-n'r must be differentiated from mukhallad al-n 'r, the former includes believers who will be burned for a limited period, while the latter group describes those who are destined to stay in hell forever. “Those who will experience the fire,” even for a moment, is thus al-Barzanj , ’s ’s reading of ahl al-n 'r. According to al-Barzanj , , if Ab" %'lib’s punishment is located on the highest level of hell, then it cannot be for unbelief, but due to some disobedience or 152 obligation he did not fulfill. As for the apparent contradiction between R1 and R2, al-Barzanj , 153 explains that the incident of R2 abrogates and occurs after R1. Ab" %'lib refused to say the testimony of faith in R1 and R1S in front of the chiefs of Quraysh to keep those individuals from harming the Prophet after his death. However, after the Prophet leaves Ab " %'lib’s bedside, those individuals are appeased and leave as well. It is only after the unbelievers have left that Ab" %'lib silently utters the shah'da as R2 describes. Al-Barzanj , , explains that if recensions of R7 are compared, it appears that the reports in the 5a,ayn condemning Ab " %'lib are abridged versions of longer narratives that exist elsewhere. He compares two types of reports related to the reason for revelation of V2; narrations that allude to the Prophet’s prayer for Ab " %'lib and others which only cite a group of 154 Companions who began praying for their dead polytheist relatives. Given that recensions that condemn Ab " %'lib appear in the 5a,ayn, he obliges himself to accept them as authentic. Al-Barzanj , then then relies on a famous principle of ad , th th specialists, namely to harmonize the recensions so that they do not contradict each other. He asserts that when the Prophet prayed for Ab" %'lib, his followers, including some of the narrators of R7, mistakenly believed Ab" %'lib had died without faith. This error prompted a group of Companions to begin praying for the salvation of their polytheist relatives and the narrators to believe that the stimulus for revelation of the 155 verse was the Prophet’s prayer for Ab " %'lib. However, due to the long number of years between Ab " %'lib’s death and the revelation of the verse as well as V2’s use of the word ja , m, m, which according to al-Barzanj , signifies the sixth level of hell, V2 must be speaking of the dead relatives of 156 others and not the Prophet’s uncle. Al-Barzanj , cites cites reports that support a 157 combination of both narratives. Dal'n agrees with al-Barzanj , ’s ’s assessment and argues that sometimes narrators of ad , th th mistakenly add statements to a report or change its wording so that it reflects their own 158 thinking, even in canonical collections. Dalan’s readiness to criticize the wording of some canonical ad , th th reflects the tension some Sh'f ,), s felt in upholding the canonical culture of the 5a,ayn while disagreeing with some of their reports. Two other well-known examples are some Sh 'f ,),

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responses to ad , th th condemning the parents of the Prophet and others 159 commanding Muslims to recite the basmala silently or not at all in prayer. Various recensions mention that the Prophet prayed for mercy upon an unidentified uncle destined for hell. Al-Barzanj , suggests suggests that the unnamed uncle was in fact Ab" Lahab, the infamous uncle of the Prophet who 160 disassociated from him. Al-Barzanj , hypothesizes hypothesizes that a few transmitters inadvertently added Ab " %'lib’s name to R7 reports, believing him to be the intended uncle. However, al-Saqq 'f argues that anti-%'libid polemicists maliciously cited Ab" %'lib as the person for whom the Prophet could not 161 offer prayers. Al-Saqq 'f is especially skeptical of certain phrases that are added to the end of reports as a means to discredit the faith of Ab " %'lib, although the entire message and theme suggests the opposite. For example, al-Saqq 'f rejects the adjectives used to disparage the faith of Ab " %'lib in R6 reports that include those of N ' jiya b. Ka) b b whom he considers to have despised H'shimids. Indeed there are a few R6 been an )Uthm'n , who despised recensions that do not include N ' jiya, and in which Ab " %'lib is described 162 neither as “misguided” nor as a polytheist. It is possible that later transmitters either mistakenly or deliberately inserted the name of Ab " %'lib to a set of R7 exegetical reports as al-Barzanj , and al-Saqq 'f suppose. Generally, exegesis of the Qur ;' ;'n was used to infer Ab " %'lib’s damnation where the proof-texts had been vague about the character or context. Upon the death of Ab " %'lib, his oldest son, )Aq l, became the proprietor , l, of all his property to the exclusion of the two sons who had publicly converted, Ja)far and )Al , , . Those who condemn Ab " %'lib state this fact as 163 evidence of him dying as an unbeliever. Al-Barzanj , argues argues that the normative practice of making a will was still in place and the promulgation of inheritance laws had not yet occurred. Thus, it was Ab " %'lib’s prerogative to will his property to t o his eldest son, whom he had apparently favored over others throughout his life. Second, )Al , , was still considered young and in the care of the Prophet, while Ja )far was living in Abyssinia, 164 thus neither were eligible to succeed him as landowners. Dal'n lists the pronouncements of Sunn , jurists jurists who believed hatred for Ab" %'lib was unbelief because it amounted to causing pain to the Prophet. One jurist ruled that speaking ill of Ab " %'lib was painful to the Prophet 165 and his descendants. This legal opinion seems to indicate that descendants of the Prophet (and by default Ab " %'lib) were emotionally invested in the salvation of Ab" %'lib and that even in Sunn , communities where Ab" %'lib’s damnation was never questioned, Muslims were commanded to revere him.

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Conclusions The controversy concerning Ab " %'lib’s place in the hereafter stems from a wealth of reports condemning him to hell in Sunn , canonical canonical ad , th th collections and evidence to the contrary that appeared in s , ra ra and Sh ,), th literature. Although Sh ,), thinkers thinkers have upheld the faith and salvation ad , th of Ab" %'lib from the earliest periods of Islamic history, very few Sunn , s shared this opinion despite transmitting some of the same proof-texts. Since the ninth/fifteenth century, however, a growing number of Sunn , authors have joined their Sh , ) , co-religionists in their commitment to belief in the salvation of Ab" %'lib. It appears that some circles always considered Ab" %'lib to have been a Muslim. Both the absence of an Im 'm , rebuttal rebuttal to the notion of Ab " %'lib’s damnation in the K. Sulaym and the abundance of poetry attributed to him expressing faith as a Muslim suggest this. Ab " %'lib appears in the K. Sulaym as a believer and a pure inheritor of sacred light. Likewise, in a hitherto ignored report transmitted on the authority of al-W 'qid , and alMad '2 '2in , , Ab " %'lib is mentioned as a Muslim in passing. )9mir b. Sa)d b. Ab , Waqq '5 '5 witnesses a heated exchange between Mu )'wiya and a rebel exiled to Syria during the period of )Uthm'n’s caliphate. Mu)'wiya eloquently defends his right to govern due to his expertise in administration, but he does not deny the criticism of his interlocutor who argues that there was someone else in the community with a better footing in the Islamic tradition than Mu)'wiya and whose father possessed a better footing in Islam than Ab" Sufy'n. The pro-Alid interlocutor, 0a)5a)a b. 0aw'n, is 166 manifestly referring to )Al , and Ab" %'lib. , and

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Notes * The author would like to thank Michael Cook, Hassan Ansari and an anonymous reader for their comments which substantively improved the quality of this article. In 2013, this research was also presented at the annual conferences of the American Academy of Religion and Middle East Studies Association. 1 W. Montgomery Watt writes “K had , > d d > j j a is said to have died three days after Ab " %'lib > > in the year 619 CE (sc. three years before the Hid j jra).” See EI2, s.v. “K had , > d d > j j a” (W. > > > > Montgomery Montgomery Watt). 2 For a brief introduction to Ab " %'lib’s opposing images, see Rubin, Eye of the Beholder, pp. 149-55. Sh , ), ), proof -texts -texts and arguments are discussed below. For representative Sunn , responses to Sh ,), arguments about the faith of Ab " %'lib, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 199-203; al- 0'li, , Subul, vol. 2, pp. 428-32. 3 EI2, s.v. “N"r Mu ammad , ” (L. Massignon); Ho, Graves of Tarim; Katz, Birth of the Prophet Muhammad; Morimoto, Sayyids and Sharifs; Rubin, “Pre-Existence”; Shoshan, Popular Culture. 4 For relevant excerpts from this text, see al- 3 j j , , , Fa<'2il, pp. 146-48. 5 Ibid. The motif of early )Alids rebuking those who doubted the faith of Ab " %'lib th collections, see al-Kulayn al -Kulayn , , U5"l, vol. 1, pp. 447-49. See also appeared in many Sh , ),  ), ad , th al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 380, 386-401. 6 EI2, s.v. “Ab" l-Fid '2 '2” (H.A.R. Gibb); Ab" l-Fid '2 '2, Mukhta5ar, vol. 1, p. 120. 146-48; al-Sha)r 'n , , Mukhta5ar, p. 7; 7 Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 104; al- 3 j j , , , Fa <'2 <'2il, pp. 146-48; al-Suaym , , Maz , d, d, ff. 314a-b. For the opinions of A mad b. Y "nus and Ibn %ul"n, see Ibn %"l"n, “al-Raw<”. 8 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005); Da l'n, Asn' (2007); al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (2001); al”. For the works of al-Tataw al -Tataw , , al-Jann"n al-0agh , r, M'lik rat al-Im'm )Al , , ”. r, and others , , “S , rat jam”. see al-Muntafik , , “Mu) jam”. 9 For examples, see Ibn )As'kir, Ta 2r , kh, kh, vol. 66, pp. 314-21; Ibn Kath , r, r, Bid 'ya, vol. 3, pp. 55f. For a general sketch of Ab " %'lib’s portrayal in s , ra ra literature, see also EI3, s.v. “Ab" %'lib” (U. Rubin). 208 -10. 10 Ibn Is 'q, S , ra, ra, vol. 2, pp. 139f.; Ibn Sa )d, %abaq 't, vol. 1, pp. 208-10. 11 Shi) b b usually describes a mountain path. The H 'shimids possessed a well named Badhar near the mountain of Khandama. According to Y 'q "t, the path leading to Khandama was previously known as the shi ) b of Ab " Y "suf and considered the property of )Abd al-Muttalib b. H 'shim. He divided the land amongst his children and Ab " %'lib received a share. The homes of the H 'shimid clan were presumably in this area. See Y 'q "t, Mu) jam, jam, vol. 1, p. 361; vol. 3, p. 347. al 12 Ibn Man7"r, Lis'n al-)Arab, vol. 13, p. 112; al-Maqr , , z , , Imt'), vol. 1, p. 45; al%abris , , Majma) al-bay'n, vol. 1, p. 53. The earliest reference I could find for the phrase b. Shahr 'sh" b (d. 588/1192) 588/1192) of Ya )q " b )'m al-uzn, was the citation of Mu ammad b. )Al , , b. b. Sufy'n al-Fasaw , ’s ’s (d. 277/890) Kit ' b al-Ma)rifa wa l-ta 2r , kh. kh. Unfortunately, extant copies do not include al-Fasaw , ’s ’s historical narrative of the first Islamic century. However, fragments from the recension of the philologist )Abd All'h b. Ja)far b. Durustawayhi (d. 347/958) are scattered throughout different works, see Ibn Shahr 'sh" b, Man 'qib, vol. 1, p. 150. 13 Ab" %'lib is narrated to have loved him more than his own children, see Ibn Sa )d, %abaq 't, vol. 1, p. 119. The Prophet’s love and respect for Ab " %'lib led him to magnify his love for )Aq , l, l, see al-.'kim, Mustadrak, vol. 3, p. 576; al- 0ad "q, )Ilal, vol. 1, p. 134. As a proof that Ab " %'lib was a believer, al-Am , n , argues argues that Mu ammad would not care for an unbeliever’s love of other things and people, see al -Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 386. 2'n, 28:56, a verse that i s discussed below. 14 Qur 2' 15 See R1-R8 (reports 1-8) below. 16 For his resurrection and conversion see Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 104; al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), ff. 12a; al-Sha )r 'n , , Mukhta5ar, p. 7. 17 The various types of reports are discussed below. For an example of a text that includes reports that testify to his faith and his conversion as well as his refusal to convert, see al-Bayhaq , , Sunan, vol. 1, pp. 89, 161; vol. 2, pp. 29, 187f., 312-14 (for his faith), 346, 349 (for his conversion), vol. 2, pp. 163, 341-350 (for his unbelief).

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18 A thorough analysis of ad , th th transmitters who apparently circulated reports about the damnation of Ab " %'lib is left for future research, although the work of F. Donner and .. al-Saqq 'f on this subject is briefly discussed below. 19 See Verses 1, 2, 3, discussed below. 20 Muammad b. Jar , r al-%abar , (d. 310/922), Ibn .azm (d. 456/1064), A mad b. (d. .usayn al-Bayhaq , (d. 458/1066), Ibn )Abd al-Barr (d. 463/1071), Fakhr al-D , n al-R 'z , (d. 606/1209), Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), Ibn Kath , r (d. 774/1373), Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , (d. 852/1449), Jal 'l al-D , n al-Suy"*, (d. (d. 911/1505), and many others have all cited ad , th th in the 5a,ayn as the source of their belief in the damnation of Ab " %'lib, see al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 236-37, 272-73; al-Bayhaq , , , Sunan, vol. 2, pp. 163, 341-50; Ibn b, vol. 1, p. 39; Ibn ajar alal Abd al-Barr, Ist )' ) ' . Asqal ) , ) 'n , , Fat, vol. 7, p. 148; idem, I 5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 199-203; Ibn .azm, Muall', vol. 11, p. 210; Ibn Kath , r, r, Tafs , r, r, vol. 3, p. 406; Ibn Taymiyya, Minh ' j, vol. 4, pp. 350-53; al-R 'z , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 16, p. 157; al-Suy"*, , Mas'lik, pp. 35, 81, 82; al- %abar , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 11, p. 57; vol. 20, pp. 112-14. However, before the rise of the canonical collections, proto- Sunn , scholars active in the second century also assumed Ab " %'lib’s rejection of Islam. )Abd al-Razz'q al-0an)'n , (d. (d. 211/827) and A mad b. .anbal (d. 241/855) cited ad , th th about Ab " %'lib’s punishment in hell, see )Abd al-Razz'q al-0an)'n , , Mu5annaf, vol. 6, p. 41; A mad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 3, pp. 50, 55. Al-Sh 'fi), (d. (d. 204/820) lists rulings that are predicated upon Ab " %'lib dying as an unbeliever, see al-Sh 'fi), , Umm, vol. 1, p. 303; vol. 4, p. 75. The Medinese jurist M'lik b. Anas (d. 179/795) cites a report that states )Al , did not inherit from his father , did in a section on the impermissibility of inheritance between relatives of different faiths, see M'lik, Muwa**'2 **'2, vol. 2, p. 519. 21 Perhaps Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , ’s ’s biographical entry on Ab " %'lib is an exception, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal 'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 199-203. 22 For example, A mad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 5, p. 433; al-Bukh 'r , , 0a,, vol. 4, p. al -Nas'2, , 247; Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , Fat, vol. 7, p. 148; Muslim, al-J 'mi), vol. 1, p. 40; al-Nas Sunan, vol. 4, p. 90; al- %abar , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 11, pp. 57f. 23 For example, the scholars mentioned above (fn. 4-7) explained the reasons for which they upheld Ab " %'lib’s salvation in only a few sentences. However, al-Barzanj , devoted dozens of pages to fully responding to the arguments of his interlocutors. 24 Some apparently claimed such a consensus, see Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 105. 25 See the colophon, al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 488. 26 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 370; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 112. 27 Al-Qur *ub , (d. (d. 671/1273) narrates that he heard “Ab " %'lib was also raised and he believed in him (Mu (Muammad)- but God knows best.” See al-Qur *ub , , Tadhkira, p. 140. AlSha)r 'n , narrates that God wished to honor the Prophet by raising Ab " %'lib back to life, who then converted, see al-Sha )r 'n , , Mukhta 5ar, p. 7. 28 I would like to thank .asan al-Saqq 'f for discovering that the manuscript attributed to al-Suy"*, actually belonged to al-Barzanj , , see Dal'n, Asn' (2007), p. 27 (for his assessment). In cases where I have relied upon al-Saqq 'f’s 2007 edition of Asn ' al-ma*'lib, I have noted its publication year, otherwise, I refer to the 1999 edition. 29 Al-Suy"*, , Mas'lik, pp. 85-87; al-Qur *ub , , Tadhkira, pp. 140-42. 30 Al-Suaym , , who believed in the salvation of Ab " %'lib, claims al-Qur *ub , and alSubk , considered reports about Ab " %'lib’s conversion to be correct, see al-Su aym , , Maz , d, d, f. 314a. M , rghan rghan , and and Dal'n, on the authority of al-Su aym , , included al-Subk , in their list of Sunn , scholars scholars who affirmed Ab " %'lib’s salvation, see Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 104, 112. 31 Al-Subk , , %abaq 't, vol. 1, pp. 87-91. 32 Al-Subk , , %abaq 't, vol. 1, pp. 87-91. 33 All of the writers in this study disagree with al-Subk , and argue that the poetry of Ab" %'lib is sufficient proof not only of faith in the heart, but of his conversion, see the section below, Sunn , Treatises. Treatises. 34 Al-Qar 'f , , Shar , p. 163. In his view, Ab" %'lib was not a Muslim because he rejected the legal commandments of the Prophet. 35 Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , Fat, vol. 7, p. 149; Da l'n, Asn' (2007), p. 26. 36 Ibn %'w"s, Faraj, p. 126. On the other hand, “al-Subk , follow , and Ibn Taghr , bard , follow al-Dhahab , in in seeing him only as a Mu )tazil , ,” ,” see EI2, s.v. “al-Mas )"d , ” (Ch. Pellat).

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37 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 36a; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 344; al-Mas)"d , , Mur " j, vol. 2, pp. 108f.; al-Suhayl , , Raw<, pp. 170f. 38 Ibn Is 'q, S , ra, ra, vol. 4, pp. 222f. 39 For biographical entries on al-Barzanj , , see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 1, p. 141; alZirikl , , , al-A)l'm, vol. 6, pp. 203f.; al -Barzanj , , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 25-28. 40 Al-Zirikl , , al-A)l'm, vol. 1, pp. 129f. 41 The author writes that he was saddened by the prevalent belief in the damnation of Ab" %'lib, until “God aided me in 1165 with the Mukhta 5ar Tadhkirat al-Qur *ub , by the saintly guide )Abd al-Wahh' b al-Sha)r 'n , ,” ,” see al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 3b. Al-Azhar , writes writes that he found al-Barzanj , ’s ’s work later that year (f. 4a). 42 The colophon has al-Sayyid Sulaym 'n al-Azhar , without the nisba “al-L 'dhiq ,”al , ,”alAzhar , , Bul"gh, p. 29 (for a reproduction of the colophon). One copy of the manuscript is in the ad , th th section of the Taymuriyya collection of D 'r al-Kutub al-Mi 5riyya in Cairo (no. 333). The catalogue information mentions that Sulaym 'n al-L'dhiq , al-Azhar al-Azhar , was was listed on jam, p. 51. The other copy is in Princeton University’s the cover, see also al-Munajjid, Mu ) jam, Rare Books section, no. 2845y. 43 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (2001), pp. 26f. 44 Al-Zirikl , , al-A)l'm, vol. 3, p. 131. 45 Al-Jamal, .'shiya, vol. 2, pp. 337f.; vol. 3, p. 374. 46 Al-0"f , al al-.usayn , , “al-)92 )92il't”. 47 A descendant of Sulaym 'n, Muammad Sa), d b. Kh'lid b. Khal , l b. Ibr 'h , m b. Sulaym'n al-Azhar , (d. 1318/1900) also held the office of naq , b al-ashr 'f and was the imam of a mosque in the city. Mu ammad Sa), d wrote a history of the city, which would obviously include additional information about his family. One source states that the alAzhar , al-L'dhiq , family library includes over two thousand manuscripts and books. For information regarding Mu ammad Sa), d, d, see Bay*'r, L'dhiqiyya, vol. 1, p. 213. According to another historian, Mu ammad Sa), d, d, his father Kh 'lid, and their ancestor Sulaym 'n all studied at al-Azhar University and became marshals of the ashr 'f of Lat'kia, see al-0"f , al al.usayn , , “al-)92il't”. 48 Sulaym'n was responsible for governing the affairs and disputes of H 'shimids in his jurisdiction as the naq , b al-ashr 'f and perhaps for many of Latakia’s residents as Imam of the central mosque there. Al-Barzanj , was was the leading Sh'fi), mufti mufti of Medina, while Zayn , Dal'n became the leading muft , of Mecca, both esteemed positions in the Sunn , community. For al-Azhar , , Barzanj , , and and Dal'n respectively, see Ibid.; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 27; al-Zirikl , , al-A)l'm, vol. 3, pp. 129f. jam”. 49 Al-Muntafik , , “Mu) jam”. 50 For example al-Suy"*, is is included in the list when he in fact believed in Ab " %'lib’s punishment punishment in hell, see the previous section. 51 Kit' b Sulaym ibn Qays al-Hil'l , , p. 313. 52 Kit' b Sulaym ibn Qays al-Hil'l , , p. 377. 53 Al-%abris , , Majma) al-bay'n, vol. 5, pp. 37f.; al- %"s , , al-Tiby'n, vol. 5, pp. 200f. 54 Al-Kulayn , , U 5"l, vol. 1, pp. 447-49. 55 Al-0ad "q, al-Am'l , , p. 712. 56 For these two authors, see al-Naj 'sh , , Rij'l, p. 95; al- %"s , , al-Fihrist, p. 75. On the other hand, Sahl b. A mad was a secretive individual who only began displaying his [knowledge and belief in] Sh ,)ism at the end of his life, see al-Naj 'sh , , Rij'l, p. 186. The works of these two authors are no longer extant. 57 In addition to his 3m'n Ab , %' , %'lib, al-Muf , d argues in favor of Ab " %'lib’s status as a faithful Muslim elsewhere, see al-Muf , d, d, Fu5"l, pp. 282-86. The decision of the compiler of al-Fu5"l al-mukht'ra, al-Shar , f al-Murta<' (d. 436/1044), to include al-Muf , d’s assessment , d’s of the faith of Ab " %'lib reflects his own support for his teacher’s views. 58 See McDermott, Theology. 59 Al-Muf , d, d, .ik 'y't, p. 85. 60 Perhaps al-Muf , d is referring to Sahl in his introduction when he writes, “May God lengthen the life of the exalted teacher and preserve honor and support for him . . .” alMuf , d, d, 3m'n, p. 17. If this is the case, then it is possible that al-Naj 'sh , ’s ’s sources mistook this book dedicated to Sahl for one authored by him. Both of their books share the simple title 3m'n Ab , %' , %'lib (“The Faith of Ab " %'lib”). Sahl has no other books attributed to him

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and al-Naj'sh , never never found the alleged work despite the relative proximity between the authors both geographically and temporally. The absence of any fragments of Sahl’s alleged work prohibits one from ascertaining whether or not it was actually the one alMuf , d had written at his behest. 61 Al-%"s , , al-Am'l , peers, al- %"s , seems seems to , , pp. 265f., 567. Unlike many of his Im 'm , peers, rely upon R2 reports, which hinted at Ab " %'lib’s deathbed conversion rather than a lifelong commitment to dissimulation, see below, “The Proof-texts”. Nonetheless, al- %"s , notes that there is a consensus among Im 'm , s that Ab" %'lib died a Muslim, see al- %"s , , alTiby'n, vol. 8, p. 164. 62 Al-Am , n , ’s ’s treatise is from his encyclopedia al-Ghad , , r, r, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 330-409; 330-409; vol. 8, pp. 3-29. al -Sh , )a, vol. 8, pp. 393f. 63 Al-Am , n, n, A )y'n al-Sh 64 Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d, d, Shar , vol. 14, p. 83. 65 Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 198-203. 66 Encyclopaedia Iranica, London 1982-, art. “Am , n , , Shaikh )Abd -Al-Al-.osayn” (H. al-Ghad , r” Algar); “al-)All'ma al-Am , n , wa-Maws")at al-Ghad r” al-Mishk 't. Web. http://www.alhttp://www.almeshkah .com/maaref_detail.php?id=4234. .com/maaref_detail.php?id=4234. (accessed S ep. 25 2013). 67 Ibn .azm, Fi5al, vol. 4, p. 116; Ibn Taymiyya, Minh ' j, vol. 7, pp. 320f., 354f.; Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 198-203. 68 Al-Am , n , ’s ’s Sh ,), sensibilities sensibilities lead him to cite and authenticate reports that later Sunn ,  th specialists would reject as unreliable despite their appearance in t he work of a , ad , th Sunn , scholar. scholar. Nonetheless, the citation of such texts is important for Al-Am , n , because because the original transmitters of such reports, if not the compiler, believed such reports to be true. beliefs, al-Am al-Am , n , By identifying early (apparently non-Im 'm , ) Muslims who validated Sh , ), ), beliefs, refutes the more extreme claims of his interlocutors that no proof-texts ever existed in (proto-) Sunn , circles circles of learning. 69 For example, see al-Na 5, b , , Ma *'lib, pp. 28-31. For a survey of the spectrum of pro)Alid sentiment, see also Husayn, Memory, chs 1-2. 70 “You will not find a people who [truly] believe in God and the Last Day and [at the same time] love a person who contends against God and His Messenger even though they be their fathers, or their sons, or their brothers, or [others of] their kindred . . .” 71 Does the case of Ab " Lahab represent a contradiction of this principle? It seems the Prophet and his uncle mutually disassociated from each other and thus it poses no contradiction. The Prophet’s uncle Ab " Lahab b. )Abd al-Mu**alib is portrayed in the literature as siding with the chiefs of Quraysh and severing his familial ties during the infamous boycott against his clan. The Qur 2'n’s unequivocal condemnation of him in S "ra 111 would suggest that the Prophet similarly disavowed any relationship with him. Ab " Lahab’s rejection of the Prophet and public disassociation from his clan thus conveniently removes him from Mu ammad’s circle of relatives and associates. If the case of Ab " Lahab posed theological problems to those who believed Mu ammad’s kin to be generally saved from Hell, it remains a topic for further investigation. The Muslim community may have learned that kinship never saved the relatives of other prophets guilty of kufr through 11:42-47) accounts in the Qur 2' 2'n, for example, in the case of an unbelieving son (Qur 2'n, 11:42-47) and spouses (Qur 2' 2'n, 66:10). Uri Rubin discovered that Ab" Lahab’s mother was previously previously married to a man man from the tribe of Liy'n and he is ridiculed for not actually descending from the loins of H 'shim in some poetry. If this is true, it may help explain Ab " Lahab’s disassociation from the clan of H 'shim, see Rubin, “Ab " Lahab and Sura CXI,” pp. 14f. Perhaps Ab" Lahab’s entrance into the H 'shimid clan would then fall under the category of m ' kasaba (Qur 2' 2'n, 111:2). 72 See EI2, s.v. “N"r Muammad , ” (L. Massignon). The reports that describe the transmission of the prophetic light from the loins of Adam to Mu ammad note that the light al-Mu**alib to )Abd All'h and Ab" %'lib. Thus, neither Ab " was transferred from )Abd al-Mu Lahab nor the Prophet’s other uncles seem to have shared in this divine grace and their paganism is not seen as contradictory contradictory to these reports. 73 Ibn Kath , r cites the relevant ad , th th in the 5a,ayn that suggest suggest this meaning, see Ibn Kath , r, r, Bid 'ya, vol. 2, pp. 314f. 74 In Sh ,)ism, the infallibility and immaculateness of the prophets and imams is predicated upon their birth from individuals individuals who were not unbelievers. unbelievers. The light imagery

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used to describe the Prophet and his chain of spiritual successors pervades Sufi hagiographies. 75 Al-Bukh'r , , 0a, h, h, vol. 4, p. 247; Muslim, J 'mi), vol. 1, pp. 40, 133; vol. 3, p. 65. 76 For example, Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , states states that he hopes all of the Prophet’s Household and ancestors enter Heaven, which includes his parents and grandfather. Ab " %'lib, however, is doomed because he lived during the period of revelation and did not convert. Ibn .ajar is sure of this because the reports appear in the collection of Muslim, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, pp. 201-3. 77 Al-9l"s , , R " ", vol. 19, pp. 137f.; Bayj"r , , .'shiya, pp. 68-70; Ibn .ajar al-Haytam , , Mina , pp. 100-4; al-Suy"*, , Mas'lik, pp. 39-85. 78 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2006), pp. 29f., 86f. One could believe in the salvation of the Prophet’s parents even if one considered them pagans. A number of Sunn , s argued that their deaths before the appearance of any prophet warranted their salvation, while others believed the Prophet’s parents were resurrected by God and became Muslims before being laid to rest again. In both cases the dilemma of believing in Ab " %'lib’s allegiance to paganism and subsequent subsequent punishment, punishment, while maintaining the salvation of the Prophet’s pagan ancestors ancestors would not arise. 79 Although one report identifies Ab " %'lib’s ancestral religion as monotheism (an , fiyya), fiyya), see Ibn )As'kir, Ta 2r , kh, kh, vol. 66, pp. 328f.; al-Tha)lab , , Kashf, vol. 5, pp. 99f.; al-W'id , , Asb' b al-nuz"l, p. 178. 80 All translations are my own. 81 I have not translated ja , m as hell because some of the later Sunn , theologians theologians will later discuss its relevance in polemics regarding Ab " %'lib. 82 Amad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 5, p. 433; al-Bukh 'r , , 0a,, vol. 4, p. 247; Muslim, J'mi), vol. 1, p. 40; al-Nas '2, , Sunan, vol. 4, p. 90; al- %abar , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 11, pp. 57f. Various reports have Ab " %'lib cite different reasons for his refusal, see al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 390-92. 83 I have named these reports 1S, because their common link is Sa ), d and they appear in the 5a,ayn, see al-Bukh 'r , , 0a,, vol. 4, p. 247; Muslim, J'mi), vol. 1, p. 40. 84 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 370f.; al-Bayhaq , , Sunan, vol. 2, p. 346; Ibn )As'kir, kh, vol. 66, p. 331; Ibn .ajar alal-)Asqal'n , , I 5' ba, vol. 7, p. 198; Ibn Is'q, S , ra, Ta 2r , kh, ra, vol. 4, p. 223; al-%"s , , al-Am'l , , , pp. 265f. 85 Amad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 1, pp. 206, 207, 210; vol. 3, pp. 9, 50, 55; alBukh'r , , 0a,, vol. 4, p. 247; vol. 7, pp. 121, 203; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 54; Muslim, J'mi), vol. 1, p. 135. al -Am , n , , Ghad , r, 86 Ibn Sa )d, %abaq 't, vol. 1, pp. 124f. See also al-Am r, vol. 7, pp. 373f. (where further references are listed). 87 Ibid., 7:380, 386-401 (for forty ad , th th narrated through the Household regarding the merits of Ab" %'lib). 88 The fourth is sometimes “a brother from pre-Islamic times” or “the house which helped you.” One report lists six who are saved. For different recensions, see Ibid., vol. 7, p. 378; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 57; al-Ya )q " b , , Ta 2r , kh, kh, vol. 2, p. 36. al -M"saw , , 3m'n Ab , %'lib, p. 265; al-Muf , d, 89 Ibn Ma )add al-M d, 3m'n, pp. 25f. For all the medieval sources, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 3, p. 372. 90 Al-Bayhaq , , Sunan, vol. 2, pp. 304f.; Ibn al-Jawz , , Munta7am, vol. 3, p. 10; Ibn Sa)d, %abaq 't, vol. 1, p. 124. 10-15. 91 Ibn Sa)d, %abaq 't, vol. 8, pp. 10-15. 92 Dal'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 40f. 93 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 367 (the author cites al-Bayhaq , , , Sib* ibn al-Jawz , , and others); Dal'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 39-41; Ibn Sa )d, %abaq 't, vol. 1, p. 123. 94 Al-Bar 'n , , Mad , na na al-Ma)' jiz, vol. vol. 7, p. 535. The different different recensions disagree disagree on the identity of the Imam who makes this statement. Mu ammad b. )Al , b. , (al-B'qir), )Al , , b. Muammad (al-H'd , ), ), and Ja)far al-0'diq are all named as the source. H 'shim al-Bar 'n , (d. 1107/1695-6 or 1109/1697-8), who cites his own copy of al-Hid 'ya al-Kubr ', written by al-.usayn b. .amd 'n al-Kha5, b , (d. 334/945-6), includes the full narration, names alalMutawakkil as the interlocutor, and secures the anecdote as one from the life of )Al , , alH'd , . The published edition of al-Hid 'ya al-Kubr ' cites a different conversation between al-Mutawakkil and al-H 'd , , see al-Kha 5, b , , Hid 'ya, p. 322. On the other hand, al-Majlis ,

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and al-Am , n , quote quote Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d and attribute the ad , th th to Imam Mu ammad al-B'qir. However, in his text, Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d actually writes “ )Al , b. b. Muammad” not Mu ammad , , in agreement with al-Kha al -Kha5, b , ’s b. )Al , ’s text, as al-Ba r 'n , quotes quotes it. See al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 380; Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d, d, Shar , vol. 14, p. 68; al-Majlis , , Bi 'r, vol. 35, p. 156. For a similar recension attributed to Ja )far al-0'diq, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 390; alMajlis , , Bi 'r, vol. 35, p. 112. 95 Manuscript copies of al-M "saw , ’s ’s treatise are more than one hundred twenty pages in length, while al-Muf , d’s d’s treatise is only nine pages. Excluding the annotations, alAm , n , ’s ’s published text also exceeds one hundred pages. 96 For a monograph study, see Dakake, Charismatic Community. 97 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 331-42; al-Muf , d, d, 3m'n, p. 19. A number of Sunn , s partially concede this point, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, p. 200; al-Qar 'f , , Shar , p. 163; al-Subk , , %abaq 't, vol. 1, pp. 87f. However, according to most of them, Ab " %'lib’s faith was not accompanied by a formal conversion and therefore insufficient. , 98 Al-Am , n , transmits transmits accounts from Sunn , texts texts in which Ab" %'lib tells his son )Al , that he will only find khayr in following the Prophet. In one report, )Al , , seeks his advice regarding the issue of conversion and he states, “O my son, you know that Mu ammad is the trusted man of God: go to him and follow him, you will be guided and succeed.” alAm , n , also cites non-Sh ,), authorities authorities regarding another occasion in which Ab " %'lib tells Ja)far to join )Al , , and and Mu ammad in prayer, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 355-57; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 36. 99 Al-Muf , d, d, 3m'n, p. 20. Al-Am , n , similarly 100 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 385; Ibn %'w"s, %ar '2if, p. 307. Al-Am similarly argues that if only a fraction of Ab" %'lib’s poetry were gathered for any other companion of Muammad, s/he would be celebrated, but in the case of Ab " %'lib such evidence is ignored, al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 372. al-Muf , d, 101 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 386; Ibn Ma )add, 3m'n Ab , %'lib, p. 265; al-Muf d, 3m'n, pp. 25f. The phrase seems to acknowledge the prevailing opinion that Ab " %'lib is an inhabitant of hell, hence, the surprise on the Day of Judgment when mankind witnesses his salvation. 102 Al-Muf , d, d, 3m'n, p. 26. 103 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 331. 104 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 332.; Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d, d, Shar , vol. 3, p. 313. 105 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 331-42, 355; Ibn Ma )add, 3m'n Ab , %'lib, pp. 201, kh, 1:120; al-Bayhaq al -Bayhaq , , Dal'2il, vol. 2, p. 188; alal 241, 258, 284. Cf. Ab" l-Fid '2, Ta 2r , kh, kh, vol. 1, p. 150; Ibn Is 'q, S , ra, ra, vol. 4, p. 204; al-Tha al -Tha)lab , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 4, Dhahab , , Ta 2r , kh, pp. 141f.; al-W'id , , Asb' b al-nuz"l, p. 144. Al-Am , n , and al-M"saw , cite a number of Sunn , sources that transmit Ab " %'lib’s poetry in praise of Mu ammad as a prophet. However, in Sunn , sources, such praise usually (but not always) ends with a final line in which Ab" %'lib explains that he is still unwilling to convert. Da l'n considers those final lines to either have been an example of dissimulation or interpolation from later Muslims who believed Ab" %'lib to have never been a Muslim, D a l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 47. 106 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 346; vol. 8, p. 17. 107 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 145, 200-6, 241, 243, 344, 384, 400-402. He quotes the relevant medieval sources. 108 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 368; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 33; Ibn Ma )add, 3m'n Ab , %'lib, pp. 133-37. Although Ibn .ajar did not consider Ab " %'lib a believer, he includes a ad , th th from him, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, p. 198. 109 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 380; Ibn Ab , l l-.ad , d, d, Shar , vol. 14, p. 68. 110 Al-Am , n , cites cites a few Sunn , authorities, authorities, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, pp. 380f. See also Dal'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 102, 106, 108 (for additional Sunn , scholars scholars who believed as such). 111 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 388; Ibn Ma )add, 3m'n Ab , %' , %'lib, pp. 122, 363. 112 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, p. 9. Sh ,), biographical sources, however, do not entirely anti -H'shimid. Some have recognized the existence of contradictory portray Sa), d as anti-H d’s propro-)Alid and anti- )Alid tendencies. Some reports even portray evidence regarding Sa ), d’s him as a student of the fourth Twelver Imam, )Al , n, see , b. al- .usayn Zayn al- )9 bid , n,

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Ardab , l , al-Gharaw , al al- .a 2ir , , J'mi), vol. 1, pp. 362f; al- %"s , , Rij'l al-Kashsh , , vol. 1, pp. , al-Gharaw 332-35. kh, vol. 26, p. 374; See also kh, vol. 3, p. 378; Ibn )As'kir, Ta 2r , kh, 113 Al-Dhahab , , Ta 2r , kh, al-Mamd " l, p. 95. ", Gh'yat al-tabj , l, 114 For more on )Abb'sid propaganda, see El-Hibri, Parable and Politics, pp. 17-23; Haider, “The wa 5iyya”. 115 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol 1, pp. 45-47 (for the inheritance of virtue and vice). For the social capital of .asanids and .usaynids, see Morimoto, Sayyids and Sharifs. 116 For )Abb'sid claims to the right of uncle ( aqq al- )um"ma), see De Gifis, Theory, pp. 99, 168. 117 In this context, polemicists utilized family law to argue in the realms of election law and political theory. A sole surviving daughter does in fact inherit from a deceased father in Islamic law, but Sunn , scholarship scholarship made an exception in the case of F '*ima due to th that stated that prophets left no inheritance. For a comparative study of Sunn , and ad , th ), laws of inheritance, see Coulson, Succession, pp. 33-38, 114-34. For the case of Sh , ), F'*ima, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , Fat, vol. 6, pp. 139-41; vol. 12, p. 3. See also Madelung, Madelung, Succession, S uccession, pp. 50f.; al- 0adr, Fadak, pp. 159-62. 118 Goldziher, Muslim Studies, vol. 2, p. 105; Donner, “Death,” pp. 237f. 119 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, p. 10. 120 For example, al-Am , n , mentions mentions Q3:28, Q4:139, Q4:144, Q9:23, and Q58:22. 121 The Sunn , authors authors ultimately argue upon these lines, see their responses below. 122 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, pp. 10-15. He cites a report that appears in: A mad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 1, pp. 99, 130f.; al- .'kim, Mustadrak, vol. 2, p. 335; al-Nas '2, , Sunan, vol. 4, p. 91; al-Tirmidh , , Sunan, vol. 4, pp. 344f. 123 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, p. 20. Generally, mursal chains are not utilized as unequivocal evidence in legal argumentation, see EI2, s.v. “Mursal” (G. Juynboll). AlAm , n , , however, criticizes individuals that are usually held in high esteem by Sunn ,  , ad , th th specialists, like Ab " Hurayra, Sa), d b. al-Musayyab and Sufy 'n al-Thawr , . For Sufy'n, see al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, pp. 23f. 124 Al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 8, pp. 23f. For a critique of the trustworthiness of Ab " 194-224. Hurayra’s ad , th, th, see Ab" Rayya, A
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133 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 356; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 29. A verse similar to it is also found in a multitude of sources, including Ibn Is 'q, S , ra, ra, vol. 2, p. 138; al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 391; al-Kulayn , , U 5"l, vol. 1, p. 449; al-Muf , , d, d, 3m'n, p. 33. kh, vol. 1, p. 120; al -Barzanj , 134 Ab" l-Fid '2, Ta 2r , kh, , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 356; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 29; al-Sam )'n , , Tafs , r, r, vol. 1, p. 46; al-Subk , , %abaq 't, vol. 1, p. 88; al-Am , n , cites cites a dozen sources within the Sunn , intellectual intellectual tradition, see also al-Am , n , , Ghad , r, r, vol. 7, p. 334. 135 Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 46. 136 In some reports the audience is his children, the clan of H 'shim, or the tribe of Quraysh, see al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 52b; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 40f., 111. 137 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 384. In addition to curing Ab " %'lib of an illness, the Prophet is the source of food multiplication and rain in a time of drought, see Dal'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 37f. 138 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2006), p. 306; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 34. 139 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 384 (the report about the dream is summarized); Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 31, 34f. 140 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), ff. 39b, 50a, 52b; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 384ff; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 34, 36. 141 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 391f.; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 50. 142 Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 61. 143 Al-Suy"*, , Mas'lik, pp. 145-58. Since no prophet came to )Abd al-Mu**alib, Ibn .ajar hopes for his salvation, even if it appears he was not a monotheist, see Ibn .ajar al)Asqal 'n , , I5' ba, vol. 7, p. 201. 144 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), p. 37a; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 345f.; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 61. 145 It would be illogical for an unbeliever to narrate numerous ad , th th about the revelation and teachings of the Prophet as Ab " %'lib narrates them, see al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 49a; Da l'n, Asn' al-ma*'lib, p. 33. Al-Am , n , ’s ’s discussion was previously previously noted. 146 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), ff. 40b, 47a-b; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 54. In fact, according to al-Barzanj , , the only proof of those who believe intercession may encompass unbelievers is the “unbelief” of Ab " %'lib. He issues a challenge to those who believe in such a theological theological principle to offer other proofs, see Da l'n, Asn' al-ma*'lib, p. 71. ”. 147 Dal'n, Asn' (2007), pp. 14-25; al-M 'lik rat al-Im'm )Al , , ”. , , “S , rat 148 Al-Saqq 'f is a student of the al-Ghum 'r , family of M'lik , jurists and ad , th th specialists from Morocco. In spite of their contempt for N '5ir al-D , n al-Alb'n , and the hegemonic culture of Saudi-backed Salafism (or Wahh ' bism), the al-Ghum'r , family and their students essentially utilize a similar methodology of ad , th th criticism in order to defend their own pro- )Alid and pro-Sufi proclivities. Both factions rely upon the Sunn , biographical biographical tradition to discredit the authority of ad , th th that disagree with their theological and legal views and authenticate those that agree with their sensibilities. Although ad , th th in the 5a,ayn are largely accepted as authoritative, both Salaf , , s and their pro- )Alid detractors have criticized the contents of a number of reports in those collections. Although trained by Salaf , thinkers in Riyadh, .asan al-M 'lik , is is an idiosyncratic thinker, with pro)Alid and pluralist sentiments. He believes that al-Bukh 'r , ’s ’s compilation contains reports that are not authentic ( 5a,) since they promote predeterminism, anti- )Alid sentiment, anthropomorphism and contradict the Qur 2'n, see Brown, Rethinking; Brown, Canonization, p. 326ff.; Idem, “Even If It’s Not True”; idem, Hadith; Husayn, “Contempt”; al-M'lik , , “F , ; ”. For al-Saqq 'f’s views on ad , th, th, see Ibn al-Jawz , , Daf ), pp. 114 , ;l-Bukh'r , ”. 37; al-Saqq 'f, 0a,, pp. 26-45. 149 Q2:162, Q3:88, Q35:36, 43:74-75, al-Azhar , , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 40a; Dal'n, Asn' (2007), pp. 23f. 150 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 357; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 54f. 151 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 359ff; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 55. 152 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 361; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 59. 153 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 55b; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 391f.; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 61.

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154 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 365f.; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 72f. alBarzanj , quotes at least a dozen sources from )Al , stating that the reason for the revelation , quotes , stating of V2 was the prayer of Companions for their dead relatives. 155 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 365f. Al-Am , n , also also argued this point, see the previous discussion of R1S in his treatise. Al-Barzanj , also notes that it is unlikely Ab " %'lib’s death prompted the revelation of V2 since a period of approximately twelve years separated the two incidents, see al-Azhar , , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 45b; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 367; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 75. 156 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), f. 40a; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 355. Ibn .ajar also notes this chronological problem, see Ibn .ajar al-)Asqal'n , , Fat, vol. 8, p. 390. 157 In these reports the Muslims witness the Prophet praying for Ab " %'lib and cite it as a precedent to begin praying for their own relatives, whereupon the verse is revealed expressly to stop their actions, not those of the Prophet, see al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 366f.; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), p. 75. 158 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 379; Da l'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 79f. Da l'n dismisses the alleged statement of the Prophet “Your father and mine are in the fire” as the statement of a mistaken narrator despite its appearance in the collection of Muslim. 159 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2006), pp. 71-76. 160 Al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), pp. 376-79. 161 Dal'n, Asn' (2007), pp. 15-25. 162 Amad b. .anbal, Musnad, vol. 1, pp. 103, 129f.; al-Bayhaq , , Sunan, vol. 1, p. 304; Dal'n, Asn' (2007), p. 84 n. 87. 163 Due to the prohibition of unbelievers and Muslims inheriting from each other in the legal tradition. 164 Al-Azhar , , Bul"gh (MS Princeton), ff. 42b-43a; al-Barzanj , , Sad 'd al-d , n (2005), p. 363; Dal'n, Asn' (1999), p. 93. 165 Dal'n, Asn' (1999), pp. 92, 106. 166 Ibn al-Ath , r, r, K 'mil, vol. 3, p. 143; al-%abar , , Ta 2r , kh, kh, vol. 3, p. 366. For a recension through Mad '2in , , see Ibn Ab , l l- .ad , d, d, Shar , vol. 2, pp. 131f.

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