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The Shaolin Monastery
History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts
Meir Shahar
Un i\'C rsily of H awa i'j Press I-Ionolulu
© 2008 Un h1!fsi ty of Hawai'i Press All rights resep;ed I>rintcd in the Unit ed States of America
13 12 II 10 09 08
654 3 21
Library of Con g ress Cataloging-in-Publication Da ta
Shahar, Meir. '!lIe Sh aolin monaslery: h is tory, religion , and the C hinese mart ial ans / l\'I("ir Shaltar. p. cm. Includes bibliograph ica l refe re nces and index, IS UN 978-0-8248-3 11 0-3 (a lk. pape r) I. Shao lin si ( Dc ngfeng x ia n, C hin a)-I l islo r)" 2. Martial arts-C h ina. I. Titlf'. II . Ti IIe: I I iSlory, religion, a nd I he C h inese mOl rt ial art s. UQ6345.T462S52'1752008 294.3'657095 II 8-dc22 2007032532 Uniwrs it y of 1I<\I\'ai'j Press books a re prinl ed o n acid-free paper and meel Ihe guidelines for pe rmane nce and durabi Iit}' of the Call neil o n Lib l" ry Resources
Designed by U ni versil y of 1-la\\';'1i'i Press pnx luClion sia IT Pri rll ed by The Ma ple-Vai I Book Manu fac i uring Group
Fol' !Yoga Zhang /-/ 1/;
Contents
•
Ma/)s (lnd Figures
IX
Ark n.ow/prJgill! 111 S
Xl
•
In t roduct ion PART
1: OR I GI NS
I OF A M ILI TARY TRAD I T I ON (500-goo)
C hapt e r I: The Monaste ry
Chap t.e r 2: Sc rvi ng t he Empe ror
9
20
PART II : SVSTEM I ZI NG MART I AL PRACTICE (900- 1600)
Chap te r 3: Defe nding lhe Na lion
55
Chap te r 4: Starr Lege nds
82
PART III : F I ST F I GHT I NG AND SELF- CULT I VATION ( 1600 - l gOO)
C haple r 5: I-land Combal
11 3
Chapt.e r 6: Gymnaslics
137
Chap le r 7: Suspec t Rebels
182
Co nclusion: i-l isLOry, Relig ion , and the C hinese Mania l Arts
197
A/JIJendix: Som~ EditiQIIS QJlheS incws Trans form ation Classic
203
No les
205
Glossary
239
Works Cited
247
Index
273
HI
Maps and Figures
MA P S
I.
2.
3. 4.
Location orllle Shaol in Monastcry Shaol in's cont r ibul ion [ 0 Li Shi Illi n's campaign agai ns\ Wang Shichong Ming ce nt ers of monastic fi ghting So me !-Ie nan sites associalCd wilh the Qingmartial an.s
10 24 63 124
F I GU R ES
I. 2.
Bodllidllarma rClllrning to the Wesloll a 1209 SIJaoiin stele The Rush-LcarUodhidharma on a 1624 Shaoii n sl ele
Li Shimin's autograph "S himin " as copied OntO the 728 Shaolin st.cle 4. Xuanzong's imperial ca lli g raphy o n the 728 Shaolin stele 5. List orllie thi rtee n heroic monks on lhe 728 Shaoli n stele G. Ni nth-cc nllll"}' Dunhuang pa imin gorV:~rapal.li 7. V~rapii.I.li's si newy physique in a Tang SUll liC
15 IG
3.
8. 9. 10. II. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.
'fwd fUI-ce ntury Shaol in stele of Na raY;:II,la (Vajrnpiil,l i) The " Li rt i n g~Sle(:w: Position ~ in C he ng Zongyou 's SIll/olin S((11 M e(/tOl/Or 1621 PraClice·seqllence diagram rrom C he ng Zongrou's Slwolill Staff M etl/Ol/ Or 1621 Abbol Wenzai 's 1517 V.yra pa l.li (Na rayal.la) stele V.yrapal.li (rde lTed to as Kil'!'lIla ra) ato p ML So ng V.y rap al~i's ( Kil'!,lIlara) QingShaolin StaHle A rhat equipped Wilh a s tarr; de la il oran early se\'cmeemh·ccmu ry Shaoli n rresco Sun Wukong's stair; la te Ming (ca. 1625) woodblock illustration i-i uiming man ipu lating the narr rrom ho rse back; woodblock illustration dated 1498 Late Ming woodblock illustration orLu Zhis he n ma nipulating the staff
27 32
34 38 39 " I
GO 61 84 86 89 90 9-1 96 98
"
Maps and f igures
18 . I-Iuiming brandislling the staff; h'oodblock illustration dated 161 4 19. Late Min gh'oodblock illuSlration ofSha Mo nk wielding the staff 20. The ring staff as the e mblem of the monk; detail of a Xixia-period ( 1038- 1227 ) wa ll pa inting 2 1. Tile sla ffas lile e mble m of the monk;J apa nese portrait of the C hinese monk Yinyuan (1592-1673) 22. "The b ody met.hod oflile Shaolin monk" in XI/al/ji 's Af'II/tltllf'/ure Points 23. Warning to reade rs in Xllflnj i 's l iru/nm c/lIIe Poin's 2'1. Pa 1m post u res bet ra)'i ng the in fillence of BlIddh ist III/Idriis (XlUIllj i's Al'upulIf'/ure Points) 25. Buddhist hand s)' mbolism (1I"ulriis) 26. The "Eight-Immortals Drunke n Ste p " in Hand Comb(/f Classi( 27. Shaolin monks demonst rat ing to the Manchu official Li n Qing 28. Qing fresco of the Shao lin ma rtia l arLS 29. Qingfresco of the Shaolin martial arl.s (detail) 30. Tlte "Supreme Ul timat e Eight S t e ps~ in Ilmu/ Combat Classi( 31. Ma ssagi ng and qici rclliation in the trea tme nt of indigestion 32. first exe rcise of the l\\'e h'e-Section Brocade in Wang ZUY llan's 1882/1111slmle(/ Exposition 33. Sltaolin statue ofWeituo (S ka nda) 3'1. "Wei l.uo offering hi s jde mon-fe llingl dub " in a ninetccll1hce ntury edition of the Sinews Tmnsfonll(ltio/l CllIssi( 35. The Shaolin '"Bodhid harma Ca ne " 36. The unil)'ofthe thrce teac hings in a 1565 Shao lin stele 37. The structure of mania I a rts mytho logy 38. Shaolin monks who fou ght undc r the Ming ministc,' of war Yang Sic hang
99 100 103 104 115 119 120
121 122 128 130 130
134 14 3 159
IGI 162
173 176 179 189
Acknowledgments
'J\vo FR1ENI)S Ilave contribuled most to lilis sludy: A'd e g uided me
Introduction
of the IWclll ),· r.r sl cCllw r )', t h e ShaoJin Monas1.ery has arguahly become the most famOlls Bllddi lisl temple in tllC world. The reason lies neithe r in its cont ribution 10 Chinese Buddhi st evol ution nor in it.s art trea sure s that have been accumul :.lcd in the course ofil.s fiflcen·IHlndrcd· )'ca r hi st.ory. Not c\'c n t he legends assoc ia ting the monastery wilh 1he myth ic founde r of Chan (Ze n) l\udd hisIH , Bod h id harma , arc the sou rce or its renown. R:Hhcr, the Shaolin Monastery is world·famous because or its presumed connection \0 the Chinese manial ans, The Westwa rd d isscm ina lion orC hincsc fighting techniq ues is lI Tllong t he intriguing aspeel,s of Ihe c ultura l encounter between China and the
AT T il E BEGINNING
modern We st. Feat u r ing a un ique synt he sis of mi Iit ary, t herapeu lic, and rcl igious goals, t he C h inese mania l a n sappeallo millions ofWeSlenl practitione rs. Ofle n presen ted as if they had o rig in ated at t he Shaolin Monaste r y, these fighti ng tec hn iques spread the temple's fame among large populations not. necessa rily familia r with the Budd hi st faith. MOl-cover, non practitioners have b een exposed to t he Shaolin myth as wel l; beginning with Bmce Lee's ( Li Xiaolong) (1940-1973) lege nda l-y film s in the 19605 and c ulmi nating wilh Li Li a l-uie's (jet Li ) (b . 1963) spectacular featu res, the Shaolin Te m ple has been celebrmed in numerous kung fu movies, wh ich ha\'e played a m ajor role in the propagat ion of its lege nd, Is Shaolin 's fam e j ustified? Did its monks e\'er practice the manial ans? I r l lley did , t he ir militar}' practice would gi\'e rise to numerous q uestions: religious, politica l, and milita l-y a li ke. The Budd hologist, to start with , would be struck by the o bvious contradictio n between monastic military training and the Buddhist proh ibition or vio le nce. I-low cou ld Shaolin monks disrega rd a p rima r y tenet o r the ir re lig io us ra itll tllat rorbade warrare? Did n't. they reel uneasy heading to the battle fiel d? Did they try to vindicate their transg ression of Budd h ist monaSlic law?
I
2
Imrodu<:lion
It could be argued , of course , thal individuals and collectives alike have alwa),s found ways to j uslif}' dolaling their professed ideologies, in which sense the ronlmtiicliOll betwee n Buddhism and manial practice is less interesting t.han the connection. Arc lhe Shaolin mania] arlS inherently related 10 Buddhism? Nowadays, Shaolin monks e mphatically claim thaI their manial regimen is a Conn of spi.-ihlallraining. Shaolin's Abbot Yongxin (b. 19(5) rders 1.0 his monastc l),'s milit.ary tradition as '" maniai Chan" (wlIdwn), meaning lhat 1.]le pllysical exe rc ises arc a 1001 for lile culti\,ation of rcligiolL~ awareness. Some practit.ioners argue funhcr lhat il is possible to perceive a Chan logic wit.hin IIIC Shaolin figilli ng mctllod (as di stinct fmm ot hcrCllinese marl ial Sl yles sud I as Ta~i Quan). The Shaolin seque nce of fi ghting postures, Illt:y explain , ereates pal1erns only to destroy them, the re by liberating the practilioner fmm preconceived notions. Sudl clai ms sllol\ld not be belittled ; on the cont rary. tile II istorian should trace lhci I' ol"ig i ns. Other connection s be twee n Budd his m and milital)' practice Illay also exisl.. As ca d y as tile medieval period , tile Shaoli n Monastel), owned a large estate, which in chaotic limes needed military protcction. Shaolin martial train · i ng m ighl have derived , therefore, from economic necessit y: I he safegua rdi ng of I he tcmple's propert)'. Practica l needs might have been sa ne! ioned by divine precedents. II is strik ing t Ilat. a relig ion as intent on peace as Buddhism arrived in C II ina equipped with an en ti rc arsenal of mil it al)' gods. Buddhist iconogra· phy flan ks Ihe Buddha wit h hea"i I)' armed, ferocious·looki ng deities who tram· pic de lllons underfoot. Such g uardia n deities might have provid(:<1 a religious excuse for monastic viole nce; if the world·honored one required the protec· lion of martial gods, then his monas tic communi ty cel'lainly n(:e
[11\ rodu<:lion
3
tary cnds. As the following chaptcrs demon strate, the a nswer varied from onc period lO anOlher. Whercas Shaolin monks rendel-ed loyal military service t.o thc Ming dy nasty (1368-1644 ), for h'hich tlley \\'ere handsomely rewarded with statc patronage, their relations with the Qing (lfYI4-1911 ) wcrc ambivalent. Qing officials fcarcd-probabl y not h'itholll n:.:a son-lilat som(: Shaolin affiliates would joi n sectarian rc\·olts. Pract itionc rs and manial arLS historian s alike \\'oul d Ix: more imcrcsted in thc cvolution of lec/l11iqut'S than in the ir I-elig iotls or political implicat.io ns. Wllcn did thc Silaolin mania I arLS e me rge? To address this question we mu st di sling uish b ctwec n milit.a l-y (lelivilies and fighting ledwiql/es: As early as the Tan g dynast)' (6 18-907 ), Shaolin monks e ngaged in warfare, but there is no e\'ide nce tllal al Illal lime tlley specia li zed in a g i\'e n martia l art , let alone d evelop ed Iheir own. The monks prcsum abl y ca n -ied to bailie COlllmon Tan g weapon ry, praci icing I he sa me mil itary tact ics as 0\ her me dieva l soldiers, As 10 Ihe monasle r)"s own martial ans, they evolved in 1\\'0 stages tilat lasled seve ral ce nluries eac.h . In the first phase, \\'hich like ly began arou nd Ille I,\'elnll ce nlury and rcac lled its a pogee in tile sixt eenlh, Shaolin monks speci ali zed in slatT fighlin g. By Ihe latc Millg , Iheir techniques \\'ith Ihis \\'eapo n \\'e re con sidered Ihe best in China . In the second pha se, from t.he sixtee nlh ce nlury 10 Ihe presc lll , Ihc monks h ave been pe rfecting thcir UIlarmed te elill iques, \\'h iell g radually eel ipsed 111e sta IT as 1he d o mi nanl form of Shaolin martial practice, By Ihe twe nt y-firsl cen lury, the Shaolin me tho d of hand combat (qmln) has spread a ll O\'e r the world . II need s be emphasized I hal I hrougholll.lhe monaste ry's history, the monks hrwe a lso prac ticed fightin g with swo rd s, spea rs, and o lhe r sha rp weapons , which in real bailie we re more effecl.i \'e than eithe r staff or ha nd combat. Hegi nning wit h Tang I lao's (1897-1959) pioneering l"Csean::h in the 1930s, significant progress has bee n made in the sllIdy ofmanial arts hislOI"Y. Nevel"theless, lhe C\'olulion of Chinese fighting techniq ues is not )'et full y chaned , and impo rtant. lacunas l"C main to be ex plol"Cd. The de\'clopme lll of Shaolin figh ti ng could lX)tCnlial ly shed light o n mania I artS hi story in genera l. Significanll)" Shaolin hand combat cme rged d uring the sa me perio d-the lale Ming and early Qing-as other familiar bare-ha nded styles such as Ta Di Quan and Xin g)'i Quan, As shown in the following chapters, the Ming-Qing transilion was a pi\'olal period in martial ans history, in wh ich Daoist gymnastic and brc.."l.lhing lechniques wcre integrated with ba rc·handed fighting, c,'ca ling a syn lhcsis of fighling, healing, a nd se lf-culti\-ation , Arguably, this uniquc combinal.ion of military, thc l-apelllic, a nd relig ious goals has been the key to the manial ans' appc.."l.1 in thcir nati\'e land and the modem West as wel L This book is concerned the n with these problems: milita ry, political, and religious. !-lowC\'cr, before they could h a\"C b(.'"en addressed, a funda mcntal queslion had to be answered: Did Shaolin monks practicc fighting, and if so since when? During the late impel-ia l period a n cnormous body of1cgcnds grcw around lhe Shaolin Temple, Tl lC Ch inesc martial a rts \\'ere wrapped in an elab-
4
Imrodu<:lion
orate mythology lhalasCI-ibcd lilem to Buddlli Sl saims and 10 Daoist immortals. Propagated the \\'orld o\'er 1»' tmini ng manuals, as \\'e ll as by 1100'C!S and movies, this m ythology has b ecome panof Ollr 0'1\'11 . To exam ine the evolution ofSh aolin fighting, it wa" necessa ry the refore to separate-as far as possible-myth from hi slOIY The result is a chronological account thaI spans fifteen hundn::d yea rs, from Shaolin's founding in the lale fifth century through the monas ll~ ry 's Tang milil.aryca mp."1igns, the mililarysen~ccs it rendered the Ming d ynasl.Y, the c,'olutio n of it.. sl,aIT tech niqucs and later iL'> ba re-ha ndccltcchn iqucs. and ils u ne a sy relatio ns willi tile Qing, \\'11ie h las ted t llmugll the nine t.een! h cenl II ry. Anyancmpl \0 ilH'csligale the hislOl'Y ofmonasl ic fighting is confronted hy the rciucl,an(.e of Buddhisl authors 10 record it. Even I ho ugh some e min enl mo nks criticized monaslic \\'al'farc-provid ing us imponanl infonnalion on il-I he typical Buddhisl response has been silence, In the vast historiographical corpus of the C hinese canon , no re fe rence is made to Shaolin military acI ivil ics, \vll iell contradicled Blldd l\ iSI monaSI ic law, In thi s abscllee, epigraplly has provcn 10 be an invaluable source . The Shaol in t'i'lo naste ry boasts dozen s of in scripl ion s, wlliel l slled ligl' l on ils milil a l)' aCI ivilies from the sevent h t h I'ollgh I he nin etee nl h ee lHuries. Whe re as T ang a nd Mingsle les reco,'d imperial g ifts, \vll iell were Ix:slowed on Il le mon;:lslery in recogn il ion of it s Illi lita ry services, Qing inscripl ions warn I he mo nks nOI to e ngage in re bellio us aetivi1 ies. Olher in fo rmatio n \\'as also recorded in slone . The bu ria l st upas of Mi ng-period Shaolin fig lHing monks arc inscribed wilh e pil aph s thaI list individual baltles in which the cle rics had panicipated. Whereas all through the fourtee nth century, e pigraphy is o u r most imponant source ofShaolin mililaryaetivilies, beg inning in the mid-Ming the sit uation changes dramatica lly; the Shaoli n mani a l arts arc lauded in every ge n re of sixteenl h- and se\'e m ee nlh-ce ntury C ll i nese Iit e m lU re, a nd figh Ii n g monk s figure in dozen s, ifnol hundreds, onate Min gand Qing texts . The re were probably se\'eral causes for the burst of late Ming imerest in mo nastic fig ll ting, wllich lasted t llrough tile e ns u ing Qing period . The first reason was the d(:cline of the he redita ry Ming army, wh ich fo rced the go\'e rnmelll to rely on other military fon::es , includ ing monastic troops. Th e late Ming was the heyday of monastic arm ies, tIle mania I ans being pract.iced in te mples across thc empire. Fig hting monks were d rafted for numerous military camp.'1igns, and their contribution to nationa l d efense was recorded in officia l hi stories such as the Ming Veritllbl, Record.s (Mil/g .slti lu) and the IHi llg Hi.story (Mil/pIll). The brm'e ry and fi ghting skill s of clerical troops-Sh ao lin 's and other's-wc.:re similarly lauded in chronidesofi ndividual baules. The contribution o f monas tic annies to the sixtec nt h-ce ntu ry p imcy ca mpaig n , for example, was re p ealed I)' pra ised in treatises on coastal defe nse, A second cause for the wealth of sixteenth - and sevem eenth-cemury sources on Shaolin fi g hting was the publishing industry's growth, The Shaolin martial arts were feallired in new genres, wh ich were fi rst primed during the late Ming, as well as in old ones, which proliferated in t hat period, They figure
[11\ rodu<:lion
in milil.ary tr eatises and mania I arts manuals; local ga:r..eueers and monaSl ic histories (which, unlike genera il lislodes of Chinese Buddh ism, did mc mio n fighti ng monks) ; household cncrciopcd ias, lraxel g u ides, and me moi rs; as well as a g re at variel), of fiCl ion in ooth ti le classical and vernac ular idioms. The Manchu conqucstof 1644 fumi shcs a third importaI1l factor in the hisI.oriograplly ofShaolin figilling. The Ilumilialing dcfeat turned the attcntion of th e lil.eral.i elite 1.0 the popular martial arlS, \\'hich had been ea rlier considered unworthy of documentation , RenOh'lled litcrati such as Gli Yanwu (1613-1682), HuangZongxi (16 10- 1695), and the latter's son I-lua ng Baijia (1613-?) acknowledged becoming intc resltx l in folk fightin g tcchniqucs h(:callse their scho larly Con fucian education had failed in lhe nation's defensc. Thcsc scholars were not mot ivatcd by a nai\'c bel ic f t llat bal'c-handcd figlll ing could N.'Cr\ llrow tile fo reign conqucrors, but rathe r lookcd for the mal't ial ans as a means for restoring nat ional confidcnce, not unlikc nine t<.--c nth- and t wcnt ieth-centl.lry Chinese all.e mpl.S \0 rcstorc Ihc nation's politica l body by invigorating the corporal bodies of individual ci ti zen s,' The g real medieva list Marc Bloch has comment ed Ihal knowledge of the prese nt is necess;u)' for an understanding of the pas1. ~ On several occasions conl.em po ral)' Shaol in pract ice has ililim inatcd for me aspects of tile \.e mple's IlislOl1'- Tllis is cSIX!ciatly t.fllC as rega rds tile fl u idi! y of Ihe Shao li n COlllnlll nil)" of \\'11 iell residc nt monks constit ut c no more tlUIIl a core Illi noril)'. In addition to o rdained derics who d well inside the te mple, numcrou s Shaolin practitioncrs -mo nks and laymen alike-ha\'e becn trained at the monastcr), but havc left it 1.0 pu rsu e an inde lX! ndent caree r, often opening up thcir OWIl martial arts schools, These Shaoli n alumni often disregard monastic regu la! ions (csJX:ci a lIy the dicta I) ' law prohibiting meat),j ust as the ir late imperial pnx lecessors mighl have jOined in sectarian r<,'\·o lls. During the Q ing ]'X:riod, govcrn mcnt offici als cen su red tile criminal activities or the itinera nt Shaol in colnmunity n llhcr limn blam e the monaste l), itself for sed itious intents. Thc Shaolin Te mplc was susPCCl nol. because of its own inslloordina tion, but lX!caliSc of its intimalC conncction to an un rul)' and flu id martia l cOllunlln ity, which was dcemed potcntiall y dange l'Ous, Thus, whcre thc elucidation of a histol-ica l problc m R'quircs reference to comempora l) ' conditions, I ha\'c \t: ntured into c thnogrn phic observation, Ncvertheless, Shaolin's modern h iSlory will ha\'C to await a not her study, B<..-ginn ing i n the m id-n inelecnth ce mur)" Shaolin'S ma rtia l <''\'olu tion lias been intimately related to the fale of the modern Ch inese ma nial a rts. The traumatic encoume r with tile modern West and tl lc au e mptto sa\'e tilC race by ma nial training; lhe e me rge nce of the modem media-ncws paper, film , and tclevision industricsand thei r respectivc roles in sprcading tJle martia l arts; the promotio n of standardized martial arts sports in lhe People's Re public of China and lhe govemmelll's auempt, on which naliona l pride hinges, to include them in Ihe Olympic games-e\'en lhough I ha\'c commellled on the m, these topics will require the auemion of thc spccialis t in modcrn C ll i nese h istor),.
PART
I
Origins ofa Military Tradition (500-900)
CHAPTER
I
The Monastery
S 1-1 AO L IN'S I [I STORY spans fln een hund red rears. The 1ll0l1as1erywas fOil nded during 1he las! decade of I he fin h ce illury by a n Indian-born monk, who is re fe n'ed to in tile Chinese sources as Ualllo, or FOluo. II is sil l!a1ed in mOl ln1ain · o us Dengfe ng Cou nl Y, Central I Ic nan, some thirl y miles sOll theaslof Luoyang, t he former capil al of Ihe NOl'I he m We i dynast y (386-534), and forty-five miles southwesl ofZhengzholl, the mode rn capilal o fl le nan Province (map I), The peaks of I he loft}' MI. Song rise abO\'e the tem ple. Today! hey arc large ly barren, bu t during the period whe n the monaslel)' was established the en! ire counlY was cm'e red wilh foreslS.' I n te rms o f its populal ion, wh ich approaches a hundred Illi II ion , I lena n is t.oday the largest Ch inese province. Re mm'ed fmm China's prosperous coast, it is also one of the poore sl. 2 Dusty villages line the road from lhe Zhengz hoLi ai'l}Ortlo the Shaolin Mo nastery, The air is heavily pollllled by coallhal is ca rried in ope n trucks from nea rby mines . The pm'eny of its su rro undin gs highl ights the Shaolin Monastery's significance for the region's econo my. By the [ale 1990s the tem ple attracted more than a m illion [ourislS a yea r. The lodging, food, and transpo n a tion these modem pilgrims ,"eq uire spu rred the eme rge nce of a toul"ist industry, which pl ays a m-uor role in De ngfeng Cou nty's economy; the sale ofe nt!)' tickets 10 the temple alone brings in US $5 million annually.' From the coullly's perspccti\"e, students arc e\'e n more val uable than tour· iSIS. Dengfeng is home to some se'"ellly thousa nd aspil-i ng manial anists, who sUid y in dozens of fi ghting schools th at mushroomed around the monaslery beginning in the 1980s. Admitling boa rding stude nts aged six and up, the schools oITer a comprehensi,"c martia l training coupled with such required scholastic skills as math, language, a nd tJle like. 1Only a fraction of their pro· spective g radualcs arc ordained as Shaolin mon ks" t.,·lost become professional martial artists, ea rning a Ii\"ing as inst.-uctors of physical education, as soldiers
9
Origins of a
10
~ I ilitar)'
Tradition
Shanxi
Sbandong
Shaolin 0 . Monastery
Mt. Song
0 Dengfeng
Henan M AI' " Locatio n of the Shaoli n Monaslcq'.
in elit.e military units, or as freela nce bodyguards for affluent bllsinessmen. Tile \'c ry best rna)' be Ilandp ickcd for ,l lc Cilincsc nalionallclIm , whereas 01he rs may Ilopc for a ca ree r in Il le film industr),; a1 least one Dengfcng SI ude nt , Shi Xiaolong (b. 1988), became an inl c rnalionaimovic SIal' before reaching the age of fifleen. Young Shi has starn.xl in more tha n len I iong Kong ku ng I'll movies, as well as in sc\'cra l of h is own t.elevision seria ls. 5 The economic bc ncfil s of lhc Shaolin Te mple a rc fell throughollt Il enan , nOI onl)' in Dcngfcng Coull ty. I n lhe carl)' 1990s provincial authorities capitalized on the mon as te ry's ime rn:u ion a l renown. In assoc iation with Shaolin 's abb ot, they init ialed the bie nnia l Sh aolin Ma nia l Ans Festival (Shaolin wlIsIlll j ie), wll iell is he ld si mullllneously at t Ile temple and I hc pmvi ncia I capital. Th e fe stival brings to He nan athletes a nd e nthusia sts from around the g lobe. It is ce lebra ted in the C hinese national media and advertised by the C hina National Tour is m Adm inis t ratio n the world 0\'c r,6 Shaoli n's illlense comme rc ia lizatio n pe rplexes some of its d evotees, Devout Buddhi sts and comm itted mania I a nists aspire to the sel'enil.Y of selfc ullimtion. The temp le strikes them in stead as a mania I arts su permarket lhat cate rs to the unin itia ted. The ir di sa ppointment wa s shared by pilgrims cen Ul ries ago. As ea rly as the Ming pe riod some bclie,'ers \\,(:,'C di stu rbed b)' Shaoli n's excessi"e wea lth , wh ich thC)' co nsidered contra ry to Budd hist ideology. In the ea rly se,·ellleenth ce llllll-y a De ngfe ng Cou nty magistrate named Fu Mei (n. 1610) lame nted tha t "Sh aolin's lofty man sions and splendid furn ishi ngs a rc remi ni sce nt ofa go"er nme nt official's residence, Truly, the d ecli ne of the Buddhist teach ing is far-reaching, Th inking of thc Buddhist sages of old, one ca n o nl y sigh deeply!"7 Even though hi s first impressio n ofShaolin was disappointing, Fu was
Thc Monaslcry
II
well aware tha t the mona ste l-}' made an e normous contribution to the evolution of Chi nese Buddhism, and- it co uld be argued-to Chinese cultu re at la rge . I ndeed, he himself proceeded to h'rile a h istory of the temple, tit led in refere nce to lhe peaks abO\'e it-Song Moun/a;" Book (SOIlg ShU).8 I-lis history includes detailed hiograph ies of emine nt Shaolin monks helo n g ing 10 c\'ery Buddh ist sect from Chan to Pure La nd. It al so incl udes transcriptions of Shaoli n stdes, some of h'llich date back to tile si xtll a nd seven tll cen tu ries . The Shaolin Monaste l), boaslS a pI-iceless collection of so me two hundred carvcd insc ript.ions, wh ich h'e rc hcstOh'Cc! upon it by powerful patrons ranging from Emp ress Wu (I'. 684-705) to the Qi a nlong e mperor (r. 1736- 1795). Thcsc p rovide the h isl.o l-ian with inva lua ble information on the religion, ccono my, a nd go\'c mmc nl of impc rial Chin a. Fu's book o n I hc Shaolin Monaslery "'as ncithcr the first nor the only one. In its mitlc nn ium-and-a-ha lf hislo ry, Ihc monastcl), has heen celebra1.ed in countless litcra l), compositio ns, ra nging in length from individual poems 1.0 futl-lc ngt h monographs. Empc ro rs, officials, and pocts have exto lled in verse and prose the bca ut }' of Shaolin's ha lls a nd lowers. The monastery's m astcrpicces of art make it uniqucly imporliull for the historian of Chinese painting and sculpture.!I Its Slupa Foresl (Talin) is a treasu re of I~uddhi st arc hit ectll re, containing more than \ WO hundred-I he largest !lumber in China- stup
Sanctity "I n China , l he mounlain s arc d ivin ities, ~ wrote o ne of the pioneers of Western sin o logy.lI Indeed , the Ch inese re lig io us tradition has accorded peaks n uminous powe rs. Chinese pilg l-image siles-regard less ofrclig ious affiliation-arc almost ilwa riabl)' localed in a lpine l a n d scape s.l~ Si w al(.>(1 on the slopes of ML Song, Ihe Shaolin Monasle ry is no exception . The na me MSong" d ocs not al lude 10 a single rx:a k, bUlIO an e ntire ra nge of mountains, wh ich nms cast to weSl across Deng feng Cou nty. "nlis range's highest c1e\-ations are ~-It. Taishi in Ihe eaSl ( 1,440 melers o r 4,724 feel alxwe sea le\'eI ) a nd Mt. Shaoshi in the west (1 ,5 12 melers or 4,961 feel abO'. e sea le\·d ). The Shaolin Monastery is nestled L1nden w.ath the laue I'. lis name probably reflects its location in ML SIU/osh i's an cie lll iin (grO\'e), hence Shaolin. ML Song occupied a prominent position among Chinese sa(l"ed mo untai ns long before the Shaolin Monaslery was found ed. As ea rly as the first cen-
12
Origins of a
~ I ilitar)'
Tradition
lUries BC E il was chosen as one .of the Fh-c H oly Peaks (Wuyuc), which served as divi ne prOlCClors cflhe Slale.I' In accorda nce with Five-Phases Cosmo logy, t hese deified mOlllllains faced nonh ( ML I-Ieng), south (M t. I-ieng), east. (ML. Ta i), west (Me I-ILIa), and CClller ( Me Song). In 110 BCE, Emperor I-Ian Wudi (reig ned 140-87 BCE) cl imbed lhe Cem ral l-loly Peak ( Ml. Song) and .offered sacri flee 1.0 tile mouillain's god. II TIIUS, lie bega n a tradition I hal lasted tllrough the sc"cntJI ce nt u ry, wile n Empress Wu pe rfonned \l lcre tile mOSI elaborat.e of all im perial lcgilimal.ion .-it cs: the fl!lIgshall sacri fiee. On thaI occasion, 1he e m-
press cha nged the surrounding
CO Ull t y'S
name-as well as her own reign
Dcngfcng ( lite ra lly, "mounting the Jellg [sacrifice],,).' '' Me Song's significance in imperial c u lts \\'as ,'eflected during the first centuries CE in the sacred geography or tlle e me "g ing Daoi st religion. The mo unt ain b eca me the o bject or Daoist pi Igri mages, real as well as imaginary. Whe reas e mine nt Dao is t,s sitch as Zh ang Oaoli ng (fl. 142), Ko u Qianzhi (365-448) , and Sima C he ngzhe n (647-735) resided on the mOlllllain. 1fo mystics a rr ived the re witho ut e"e r leavin g the ir st lldios, Using as aid s ror the imagi nal ion spi rilual chans such as t he M ap oj '/'f Fi tif' Pffl kJ' Tnif' SI/(//)f ( Wit yllf %Iw// :o.:ing JIUI1I I ll ), they reac hed the mOllnt a i n by med itatio n. Ea rly in th e medieval pe r iod Ille enor mous Dao isl Temple ort he Cent ral Peak (Zhon&'Y1 'c miao) wa s established on MI. So ng. II is among the la rgesl and IllOSt ancie nt Daoi sl te mples in C hin a. Nowadays il hou ses monks-and , in a separate wing, nuns-belon gi ng to the Pe rrec t Rea li zat ion (Quanzhen) SectY Religion s te nd to appropriate eac h o ther's sacred places Ucrusalcm is o ne example). Thus, whe n Huddh ist missiona ries arrived in China in lhe fi rs t ce n tu ries C E, I hey quickly pe rce ived the religiOUS pOlemial or ML So ng. As carly as the th ird ce ntury a Huddhi st monastery was establi she d o n th e mountain , wh ich by the ea rl y sixth ce nt u ry reat u red no rewer than six Buddhist te mplesYI Thc mountai n 's "Hudd h ist conquest"' (as BemMd Fau re has term ed it) im'oh'ed the creation ora new mythology, which lied lhe Chinese peak to the Indian-born raith . It ce nte red on t he legendary rou nde r or lhe Cha n Uapanese: Zen) Sc hool: Hod h id harma . m The eighth ce ntury witnessed tile flowering or a new school or Chinese Huddll iSIll , which as ind ica ted by its na me stressc..xI tile signi ncance or meditation (dum in C h inese ; llll),{ln(l in 5.1. ns kl'it). One of t he Chan School's novel t raits was the belier that the tmth re\'ca!c..xI by the Buddha could be dire Clly t ra nsmitted rrom maste r to d isc iple. At least in theory. it was no longer necessary 1.0 study the scripture s. In stead, the un mediated mind-dharma (xi nftl) could be handed from teachcr to student. To k-gitimize thi s clai m , Chan maste rs had 1.0 show that /heir mind-d ha n na had becntra nsmitted to them throu gh a lineage going back a ll the way to the Buddha himself. Therefore. in the course or the eighth ceIllUI-y, C h an a lilhors ru r n is hed their school with a pas\. They manuractured a genea logy or C h incsc..--and , ru rther back, Indianpat riarch s who con nected them to the sou rce or the Buddhist raith,W Cha n authors paid particular attention to the patriarch they claimed [ille-I O
Thc Monastcry
13
brought the teach ings from I ndia to C hina. T iley assigned this role to the obsc ure Bodhidhanna (Ch inese: Damo), ,."hom they \'enerated as the fou nder of thei r sc hoo l. I n the course of the lh'e lllie lh centu ry, Bodhidharma has been the subj ect of intense scholarly resea l·ch. Ch inese, Japanese, and Western scholars usually accep l the histo r icity of th is India n (or, according to anothe r versio n , Pe rsian) m issio na l'y, h'ho arri"ed in China arou nd 480 and propagated the Dharma in lhe Luoya ng region until ca. 520. However, scholars are skept.ical a s t,o Bodh id harma's role in the Chan School (which em e rged at lea st a ce nl.U ry afte r Ilis deall l). E"en if Bodll iclharma preached a d oct rin e that in n uenced Chan thin kers, the at tri bu tion of the school to him is conside red a legend b)' mOSI hi s lori a n s.~1 For ou r pu q )ose he re , the sig nifica nce of the Bodhidharma myth is its association wit.h ML Song, Dlu'ing the lasl decades oflhe seventh cent u ry, this mountain beca me an imporlanl ce nl ero fC ha n learning, as emine l}t masters such as Faru (638-689) and I-I ui an (?-709) look lip residence at the Shaolin Monaste ry, Tl lese ea rly Cilan practitioners \\'ere prol>.:,bl y responsible for connectin g Bodhidhanna 10 Ihe Central 1-10 1), Pcak,Z! It \\'as on MI. Song, they cla im ed , that the aged Ind ian palriarch (he \\'as said 1.0 be more than ah li ndred years old) had t ransmill ed the Dha rma \0 his Chinese disciple-the firs t native pat riarch-l luikC' (ca, 485-ca, 555). ThIlS, Mt. Song Ix:ca me the symbolic cross ing point be twee n the rea lm Of l he Buddha and China. The evo lul ion of Sodhi d harma's MI . So ng lege nd scan Ix: traced 1hrollgh med ieval Buddhist lileralu re, In Ihe six th-ce n tu l), Rerort/ OJ BlIlhlltist IHol/ostnies il/ Ur)'flllg) ( LuO)'ungqie/un )i) (ca. 547), the saill1 is sa id to h;we visited I he c il y, bUI no allusion is made to t he nea rby M1. Song. A ppmxi mal cJ)' a cenIu ry la le r, the Continuation oj the Biogm/)hil':S oj Eminent Monks (Xu COO5ellg :.11'1/(//1) (645), descr ibes h im as active in the "Mt. Son g- Lllo),a ng" region, Th e n, in such early eighth·ce ntll ry com positions as the Prerious R«ord oj fhe UI/(/rmo ~ Transmission (CltlwlIJa bao)i) (ca. 7 10) Ikldllidhanna is ide ntified not. me rcJ y wit h Ml. Song but more spec ifica lly with the Shaolin Monaster)', whe re supposedly for se\'eral yea rs he faced the wall in meditation. The I"'reci011S R ecord al so me ntion s the u'ia ls undergone by I-Iu ike when, atlile Shaolin Mo naste ry, he soug ht Bodhidha n na's instruction. To ex press his earn est. ness, H uike cu t off hi s arm a nd offered it to the Indian patriarch, who in response led h im to e nli g htc nm e nl. ~~ Tang legends are cJaborated upo n in Song hagiographic collections. The ele\'e n l h-ce mur yjingrle Period R£col'll oft!!./! 'nllllsmission if/he /1Im/) (jillgrle Chual/deng lit) ( 1004) embellishes e ighth-ce mur)' Bodll idll anna stories with dramatic
d etail. It was a n ice·cold night, we arc told, whe n Hu ike so ught the saint's g uidan ce at the Shaolin Monaste r)'. The C hinese disciple stood motion less in the freez ing snow, waiti ng for Bodh id ha n na's a lle mion . The n, in a surge of rcJigious zeal , he cu t off hi s a n n. "My mind is not at peace," lie disclosed . "Please pacify it fo r me." '" BI; ng your mind here a nd I will pacify it for you," replied Bodhidharma, "I ha\'e sea rched for m)' mind ," I-Iu ike conceded , "but I can not
14
Origi ns of a
~I ilitar)'
T rad itio n
find it anywhere ," a t wllich point it h 'a 5 only necessary for Bodhidharma to condude with: "I have nOh' completely p."1cificd yOll r mind fo r yoU."21 Bodhidhanna's association h'iLh Silaolin , \"Ilidl is traceable in cano nical scriptures, is equally anesled to by archaeological evide nce at the te mple il.self. Shaolin sIdes rc \'callhe g radual process by which the Indian saint had b ee n linked to the Ch inese temple. A stele in scriplio n dated 728 is lh{~ earliest, 1.0 have Rodhidharma residing on lll! t. Song, a nd another, dated 798, already has H uikc pe rforming the d ramat ic gest u re of severing his ann. 2~ The n a ple thora of lh in cc lllh- and fourlcent h -cenllll'Y SIdes feature the compicl,c Ill)'! II as it appe ars in slid I Son g-pe rio d Ilagiogra pll ies as tIle Jingdll P('riod RecQrd oflhe TmllSIII;,fSioll oflhe Laml), The latte r is cil ed , for e xample . in I he follo\\'ing Shaol i n 5\ d e: A ft e r nine yca rs had passed , Bodhidharma wished to re turn 10 til(· \\'(o'st, to In d ia, so hc commanded hi s dis(:iplessaying. -The lime is ncar: ('acll Of),OlI shou ld SOIY whal you have allai ned ,- At the lime Ihe d iscip le Daofu rcplied , -As I s('e iI , Ih £' func t ion oflhe Dau consists in nut a ttachi ng 10 scripl u res a nd n Ol b ci ng apart from scripl u res.- T he maste r said , -YOII h:l\,(' gOll e n my skin.- Thc nun Zongchi said, - My u nd erstandi ng now is Ih a l il is like I hejoy of seei ng I h(' Budd ha -land of Akljobhya : it is f(!h at Ihe rirst g lance, bU I nOl Ih e second g lance,- The maste r said. ~You h ayc gOll e n til )' fl cs h.- DaO)'u sa id . - Th e fOllr cle me nts are a t 1'001 e m p ty, a nd Ihe fi ve sk(//ulhflS have no ex isle n ce: from Ill)' poi n t of d ew, therc is not a si ngle d Iia nlla I Iial cou ld b e al I ain('(I.- Ti le masle r sa id . "You h a\'c gOl Ie n tIly b on es.- Fi nally J lui ke, aft e r mak ing a p ros t rat ion, JUSt stoo d a l Il is pla ce_ Tile ma sle r sa id . - You Ila\'e gOl le ll my ma rro w. - 26
In this Song-pe riod texl , Uod hidha rma's ra n king of h is studellls is expresse d metaphorica l I)': J-Iui ke's si le m a ns we r carns him t he sa i 111 's - maITOI'''-' (sui), namely, the esse nce of Bodhidhar ma's leachin gs. Cclllu ries later Ihe sa in l 's words we re gi\'e n a rad ica lly di ffe re m i nte l-p retatio n . With lhe growth of the 511 aol in marlialtradition , the "ma rrow " was ta ke n li tel
Thc Monastcry
FtG. I . The Shoe-Ho ld ing Uodhidha l'ma on his way .o .he West ( 1209 Shaoli n s.ele).
C hina a nd told Ilis sto r)" Bod ll idlla rma-s gra\'c was promptl), opened. It was rou nd to be empt), excep t ro r thc othc r s h oc. ~8 The shoe-holding Bodh id h arma beca me a standard mOlirin Ch an an. Anothe r thineemh-cen uu-), image tha t beca me ubiqu itous showe d him ridin g a rrag ile stalk across the Ya n gtze Ri,'c r's mig ht)' wa\'es (figure 2),:!9 Icons or the Reed-Floa ti ng Bodh id harma te nd to ponra)' the saim q ui le humorousl)', I-I e spons a bea rd and an ean-ing , a nd the anist has taken care to hi ghlig ht hi s foreign reature s: the large nose a nd bush)' e)'eb rows, This image betra),s a common C hinese perception orthe sa in t as eccentric. The pOl-bellied Maitre),a Buddha, t he d i,'ine down Daoji , a nd the idios),ncralic arhaLS (l/tollfUl) are all depicted in Ch ine se an a nd literatu re as hoi)' rools, whose divi ni l)' is masked behind an eccentl-ic racade.50
lfi
Origins of a
~ I ilitar)'
Tradition
FIG, 2, Th e Ru sh-Leaf n odhidha rma on a [624 Shaolin stele.
Bodhidharma's \'cncra uon at the Shaolin Mona stery c ulmi nated in 1125 with the construction ofa special temple in hi s honor. Since the patria rch was bdic\'cd to ha\"(: SpCIll most of hi s time in solitary meditation , his sh rine was built approximately a half-mile northwest of lhe monastery prope r. Commonly known as the hFirSl Patriarch 's Hermitage" (Ch u zu an), it ha s been prcsc lTcd to this da),. Ca il),o m amcmcd with reliefs of birds, fish, and Buddhi st deities, it is con sidered a maste l"piece of Song stone carvi ng..11 With the cSlabli shmclll of Bodhidhanna's sh rine. ~a kind of pilgri mage o r sigill-secing circlli l ~ emerged 0 11 ML Song. ~~ It included the sites associated with the saine the Shaolin r"lo n aster)" the "First Patriarch's I-iermitage:' and-most sacred of all-the Ca\'C whcrc Bodh idharma had supposedl)' meditated, Since he was sa id to h a\'c sa t motionless for nine years, Bo dhidharma's shadow was e\'en impi-inted o n the ca\-e's wall, where his image had
Thc Monastcry
17
remai ned visible for centuries." Today visitors to the Shaolin Monastery arc shown-inside the temple-a large stone ca ,'\'ed with the fig u re of the meditating sai nt. Supposedly, this stone was brought to lhe temple fro m Bodhi dharma's cave, whe re his shade had been engra\'e d upon it. ~' When Shaolin monks constl"Ucted Bodhidharma's shrine, Chan was gai ning in popularil)'. Dudng the Song period it became the most influ<;nrial school of Chi nese Buddhism. Chan's grow ing significanc(! elevated ilS putative founder into a cen tral position in the Buddhi st pantheon. The sai nt's intimate association with Shaolin had significant implications therefore for the monastery's standi ng: Bodh id harma bolstered Shaoli n 's sanct it y. Haifa mille nnium lat,e r-d u"ing tile Ming-Qing transition period-lie also h ecame associated wit h the monastery's manialtradi\ion.
Patron age Bodllidllat"ma g rant ed Slli\olin chal'ism,,; emperors endowed the monasle ry \\'ith \\'ealt ll . Some thirt y miles north\\'cst of Shaolin, the cit)' of Ll lo)'ang had se rved as the scat ofgo\'ernment during milch of the medieval period. It was capital oft he Eastern Han (25-220), t he \"lei (220-265), the WesternJin (265316) , the Nort hern Wei (495-534), and t he Sui (581-61 8), and it W
18
Origi ns of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
a pe riod of spcClacular Buddhis t g rowth in Luoyang. \Vithin decad es of the coun's being establi shed thel-e , the c ity featured more than a thousand Buddhist temples, whose golden roofs, h 'C are told, dazzled the eyes.~g The generosity with which these temples \\'Cre appointed is vividly rendered in the contemporary Record oJ But/(lhisl MQlla.sleries ill LO-Ja"g (54 7 ): Pri !lees, dll kes, and ran ki ng officials dOllal c d slich valuable 1hi ngs a s elephants a nd horses, a s ge ne rously a s if tll C}' were sl ippi ng sho(~ from off thei r feet. The people and wea l! II}' famili es pan e d wilh .heir treasures as ea sily as wit h [orgollen rubbish . As a resuh. Buddhi sT [empk'S were built side by s ide, and slllpas rose up in row afl er row, People compclecl among I he m sc h'Cs in making or copying lhe lluddha's port rails. Golden siupas mal,chcd Ihe imper ial obsen , ll0ry in lleiglll , and Budd h iSI leci urc halls were a s mag ni ficel1l as 1he io sle l1l aliollsly was lef ul l E-bang l Palaces or [hc Qi n d ynas ty (221-207 BeE) I, IV
The mag nifice nt golde 'H 'oored monaste ries or Luoyang no longer survive, In 534 , with the rail or the Northern We i capital , IllOSt or its lemples \\'(';re d estl'O)'ecl. I Jo\\,ever, another ex pression or I he Tuo bas' religious rervor has remained intact. During the sa me ),ears in \\'hich the Shaolin Mo nas1.e l)' was established , \\'o rk began on what \\'
Thc Mo nastcry
19
Siwated on a vcncrab le moulllain \\·ithin rangc of an impcrial capital , the Shaolin Templc b c ncfi tcd from sanctity and patro nagc alikc. Its elevatcd localion abovc a gm·crnmclllccillera lso h ad military implications. Thc monaster y con t rollcd thc mounta in road lead in g from Luoyang to Dc ngfcng and furth e r southcas t. Thi s strategic sig nifica ncc sCf\·ed as thc backgrou nd for the Shaolin monks' ca rl icst im·oh·c mc nt in warfarc.
C H A PT ER
2
Serving the Emperor
BUI)I)IIISM I'ROII!II!TS VIOLENCE. Binding the clergy and laity alike, the fi rSI or Ihe Five Buddhi st Precepts rorbids ki IIi ng a Iivi ng be ing (bl/. sh(l SIIl'lIg). Tile p rohib ition applies to a ll se ntient be ings, huma ns as well as ani m als. Il owevc r, the mo ra l burde n or murde r dirrers in accordance with the bc ing involved; killing a big anima l is usu a ll y considered more seriou s than inj urin g a small one. The m urder ora huma n be ing is the greatest orrense; it rece ives Ihe heaviest re tribution in the arterlire, a nd ircommi11.ed by a monk, i1 involves pe rmanen t expulsio n rrom tile monastic ordel·. I Ti le Buddl list prollibition o r violcnce lias lmd significant implications for the rdigion's allitude towa rd war. Budd hism has bccnless inclin<:.'(1 than other raiths 1.0 sanction wa l-rare. Some exception s notwithstanding, most Buddhist. authors ha\'e rerused LO condone Lhe social or political o bligation orsoldiers 1.0 fight. Unli ke I l indui sm , ro r example, which allows rorwarriol'S going to heaven , many Buddh ist scriptures have them punished in hell. The Budd hist. phi losopher Vasuba ndhu (fl. fi rth century) goes as rar as to argue thai even ir they arc PI'CSS Ured to figllt , soldie rs should nOl do so, ror it is better to die tllan to kil l. In warrare, Vasuba ndhu em phatica lly sta tes, responsib ility is colk"Clivc, mcaning that it is sha l'Cd- nOl divided-b)' all participa nts. The soldier who kills and his com rade who ha ppe ns 1101 to kill arc equally g u ilty, ror tlley have enlist<:.'"(1 ror the same purpose o r s l a u ghter. ~ The l'Cligion's objection to war was tran slated into il5 monastic cod e. The Villfl)'fI regulations or all the Ind ian Budd h ist schools go into great length 10 prcvem monastic participation in warrarc. Monks arc rorbiddcn 10 carry arms o r joi n an army. They are not a1lowcd to fightthe msel\'cs, nor to incite olhcrs 10 fight. Even as passi\'e s pectators they arc not ]X:rmiued to cntcr a baulefield, ror they should neither hea l- the sound or war nor witness il5 horrors. ~ Chi nese biographies or em ine nt mon ks 1'C\'ea l specific insta nces in which they heeded lhese laws: In -15-1, C lII:labhadra (Qilinaballloillo) rerlls(.--d to take part in Ihe
20
Serving the Emperor
21
milital), operations of h is patron , the prince of Na nqiao, exclai ming Ihat "a monk should not be in\"oh"ed in wa rfare," and in 645, Xuanzang declined EmperorTa izong's invitation to join him on lhe Korea n campa.ign, citing the vi)/(l)'(1 interdic tion again st. mOil ks e nte dng lhe bau.lefield" I Whereas most C hinese monks doubtless obsen 'ed Ihe prohibition of wa rfare , there we re some h'ho-despite Budd h ist attempts 10 g loss o\'er Ihe issue-d id not. Dur ing the medieva l pel-iod, so me monks foughl, bUI informa tio n on Ihem in Buddhist so urces is sca rce. Buddhi st a ulhors were relucta nt 1,0 record transgressions of the mona stic code, pre ferring 10 ig nore fig hti ng mo nk s. The canon's '-ast hi sto ,-iograph ical corpus contains on ly sca nl re fe re nces to monastic im'oh'eme n t in \\',\I-f;4I'C. In those rare cases whe re Hudd h isl paflicipa lion in \\'a r is mentioned , it is explained by coercio n o n Ihe parI of sec ular authOl-ilies. \Ve arc ,old, for exa m ple. Ihal Ihe fifl h-ce nlLlI'Y Northe rn Liang monks h'ho foughtlh e Northern \Vei invad ers \\'e re se nl fo rcibl y to bat tle.!> If \\'e \\'e re to rd y on I he i I' own lest i mony, \\'C \\'ou ld I hus bc u nder I he im prcssion that mcdieval monks rarely, if cvcr, fO llght. I-Io\\,evcr, whal Huddhi sl (\u\l\ol's tend to Ilidc, Ol.l lc r wril c rs revea l. The Con fllcian compilers of the Chin ese hi sto rics recordcd wit h re li sh insta nccs of Hllddhist involvemen t in armed revolts-they proved the da nge rs inhc re n t in the foreign faith, For the chaotic d ecade of SlIi: rang transitio n alone (the 610s) they n01.ed no fewe r tl\an five rcvol t,s in wllich monks wc re involved. 6 This rebe llious act i\'ity-oftcn wit h messianic O\'c rto nes- continlled \\'ell into the Tang pcriod (6 18-907 ), In 815 a monk named Yua njing (ca, 735 - 8 15) from a monastery acljace llt to Sllaol in , the Mo n astc ry of I.IIC Central Peak (Zllongyue si), played a leading role in Li Shidao's (?- 815) attem pted coup d 'etat. When the revolt. failed, Ylia l-ui ng was subjected to the c ustomary ton u re. A soldier tried to break hi s shinbones wi th a sledgehamme r, but for some reason failed , The fierce monk the n olTered assistance by spl'eading hi s legs, at the sa me ti me snee rin g scornfull y: "YOli can' t e,"e n brea k a fell a h 's shi n, and you c'llI )'ou rse lfa tough guy, ba h l"'7 And the n the re is archaeologica l evidence. Late Tang man usc ripts di scovered a1. the famed D unhuang Cm"es in Ga nsu re\'eal that mon ks had taken an aCli ve role in fighting a long Chin a's nonhwestern borden•. Du n huan g mo nks we re d l-afted for mi lita l·y se rvice under Ch inese and Tibetan r ule alike, ~ One manusCl"ipt, fo r examplc , d iscloses that monks played a m ~or role inlhe "Return to A llegia nce A... ny~ (Cuiyijull) wh ich , u nder the command of the Ch inese ad,"e lllurer Zhang Yichao (fl. 8,1jO), brought Turfan unde r Chi nese rule.!) As to Shaoli n, its martia l aspect is first attested to by another archaeological source: epigraph)'. Eng ra,"cd steles dating from the medieval peri
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Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
assisted Emperor Li Shimin (600-649) in the campaigns leading 10 the founding of lhe Tang dynasty (618-907), Thei r heroic assistance 10 the dynasty ea rned Shaolin monks property d g hts that the steles were erected to safegua rd, The signi fic."1nce of Shaol in's III il itary service to lhe Tang should be evaluated in tile context of lhe d )·nasty's Buddlli st policies, Unlike rulers of the preceding Nonhern \-Ve i and Sui d ynasties, -Tang empemrs for lhe most pan did not, exhi bit milch e nthusiasm for Buddhi sm,"'u Devout Buddhist mona rchs such as Empress Wli not\\'ilh standing, Tang history was marked by auempts t,o cu rb the econom ic and political clou t of the Buddhist ch u rch. These auemplS culm ina ted, under EmperOl' \Vumng (reigned 841-846), in a m,~or purge of t.he Buddhist fait h; hundreds of monasteries were dest royed and thousands of monks forcibl y ret urned to lay life, Following thi s religious persecution , Chinese Buddh ism ne\'er reco\'en::d the in stitutional strength il had e l~oyed in medieval t.imes. If it we re not for Shaolin's mi lit al-y contri bution to the d ynasty 's founding, the monastery might have fared like cou ntless others that at best received no gove rnment suppo rt and at \\'OI"SI were demoli shed, 13)' conlrast, Ih e Shaolin stele inscriptions att est t.hat the monks' assistance to Li Shimin ea rned I hem I he pat mnage of hi s successors, many of whom we re far from sympat.hetic 1.0 the faith . Evident.ly, the monks' disregard of the Buddhi st prollibition of violence sec ured t.hei r monastery's fortun es under the Tang. The Shao!in monks' heroic assist.ance to Li Shimin was not recorded b)' Buddlli st. II isto rian s, wllo we re doubt.less disconcerted by it. Ind(."e d , itw:t s e ng raved in slonc at t hc mona ste ry not to i nfi ucnce the be havior of fUl u re Buddhists, but. to remind Tang officia ls of their indebtedness 1.0 the mo na sl.ery. As such, the Shao! in inscr ipl ion s cxcmpli f)' the sign ifica nce of e pigraph)' as a sourcc for Buddl l iSl h isto ,'iography. Cregor)' Sc hopen lias observed that in tile Indian case, "i nSCl"iplionai malc ,'ia ls tells LIS not what some Iiterate, cd ucated Indian Buddhisl wrole, but what a fai rl y large lltllnlx:,' of prac ticing Buddhi sts aclllall y did, ~ II 1-1 is in sight is applicable 1.0 Ch ina: Shaolin steles reveal a st.ory untold in Chincse Budd hist hi storiography, one of Buddhi st monks who sen'cd an emperor o n the battlefield.
The "Shaolin Monastery Stele" of 728 More t.ha n a hundred e ngra\'ed stdes embelli sh the Shaolin Monastery, monuments that span the entire histo.')' of the monastery. Wllereas the ol dest ones date from the sixth and se"enth centu ries, new ones are continuously bei ng ca rved. In 2001 , a Shaolin inscription was dedicated by the best-selli ng novelistJin Yong (1924-), whose martial arts fiction extolled the monastery's heroic lore, Within the bewildering array ofShaolin SlOne d ocuments, lhe so-called "Shaoli n Monaster), Stele" ("Shaolin si bei") of 728
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stands out a s the ge m of the en tire colleClion , Thi s large monumem-ll, 3 fee l tall and 4,2 feet wide-ha s bee n SllIdied by generations of scholars,I2 It is en g raved with seven d iffe re llllexls, \\'tlich \\'ere a uthored between 621 and 728, Despite thei r d h'erse dales, the se\'en texts a ll concern the contrihutio n of Shaoli n wa rriors 1,0 one of the ea rly Ta ng military campaigns, When in 618 Li Yuan (566-635) (Empe ror Gaozu) proclaimed in Cllang'an the eSlabli sllmen l of a neh' Ta ng d ynasty, lie was far from tIle only conl en de r 1,0 the throne of the d efunct Sui d ynasty, Be fore Tang ru le was fi rm Iy eSI,abl ished , Li Yuan h ad lO o\'c rcome se\'e ral mil itary leadeI'S who vied for power. One was the Su i gene ra l Wang Shichong (?-62 1), who in 619 d e· da red llimse lf e mpe ror ofa new Zhe ng dyn asty, Wa ng, like his Sui pred eces· SOl'S, established hi s capi tal a t Luoya ng and at the he ig ht of his power conI rolled vi rlual lyall of I-le n a n Provine-e, Li Yuan's second son, Li Shimin (600 -649), \\'as charged with the war again st Wang. At the time, Li Shimin was titled Pl'ince of Qin (Qin Wang), Five years lat er, aft e r a successful coup in \\'h ie-h he eliminat ed his ci d er brothe r, he \\'as to succeed his fathe r to the impe ri a lthronc, As an c mpc ror, Li Shim in laid thc founda tio n for Tang ci vil bu rea ucracy a s wcll as thc d)'nas· IY's military might. He ra tiona li zcd thc administration, implc mc nt ed a new legal code, and led the Tang army to unpara lleled military vict.ories in cen· Iral Asia. In the trad itiona l hi slo ries, wh ich re fcr to him by his posth uTllo ll s te mple name of Taizong, Li Shimin's rc ig n is por traycd as a golden age of civil virtue and military migh1. 1s Li Shimin's wa r again st Wang Shicho ng lasted al most a ycar, f!'Olll Au· g usl 620 1.0 Junc 621. Li inSlruCted his ge nera ls to refrain from attac king Wang's capital ollt rig ht. [n $lead, lhe), we re 10 disrupt lhe food supply 1.0 Luo)'a ng b)' occu p)' ing strategic j unctio ns a lo ng the walel'ways lcading to it. Onl)' afler sc\'c ral months o f fi g hting did Li Shimin gmdually lighte n hi s siege of Luo)oang, wh ie ll by tile spring of621 was I'cduccd 1.0 fa m inc, AI. this point anothe r Sui rebel , Dou Jia nde (?-fi2 1), ca me 1.0 Wan g Shic.hong's rescue. Dou, who had cstabl ishcd h is powcr b..'l sC in thc Shandong-I-I ebei border n,--g io n, fea red tha t a vic tory by Ta ng forces would be d etrim e ntal to hi s ow n impCl'ial am bitio ns. The refore he accepted Wang's plea \.0 fo rm at least a tempora l'y a lli a nce agai nst the Ta n g, and in May 621 marched his arm)' towa rd Luo),a ng, Li Shim in d ecided to confT'Ont. Do uJianele first and deal wit h Wang Shicho ng later. On May 28 he pe rson all), led his armie s to a g reat ViCIOl'y m 'e r DouJi a nde at the strategic pass of I-iulao, some sixl)' miles nonheast o f Luoya n g (map 2), Following Do u's d efeal., Wang Shic hong had no choicc but to sUl'I'e ndcr, a nd on Ju ne 4, 621 Luoyang fell imo Li Shimi n 's hamls , Shonly a fte rwards, DouJ iande was exec uted and Wang Shichong was murdered o n his rou te into exi le. 11 The "Shaoli n Monastery Stele'" re\'ea ls that Sh aolin monks participated in Li Shi min's campaign again st Wa ng Sh icho ng, The texts inscrilx.:d o n itattest that shortl ), before the J-Julao victOI')', Shaolin monks defeated a contin-
Origins of a
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~ I ilitar)'
Tradition
May 23rd, 621: Shaolin monks capture Wang
Shichong's nephew, Renze May 28th. 621: Li Shimin defeats Wang Shichong's aJly, Dou li andc
June 4th, 621 : Wang Shichong surrenders to Li Shimin
i--
Yellow Rive r
Hulao
Luo River
Luoyang(e
+ Baigu Estate 0
.&. MI . Song Shaol inO
Monastery
o Dengfcng
1\111 I' 2. Shaoli n 's cont ribu[ ion to Li Sh imin's campaig n against Wa ng Shicho ng.
ge nt of Wang Shic hong's army lh al occupied the strategic Ml. I luan)'ua n, wh e re the monaste ry's C)'press Va lle)' ESlate (8 aigu zh uang) was situated (map 2). Morcow:: r, the monks lOok Wa ng Sh ichong's nephew, Wang Rc nzc, cap li\'cY" In g ralillldc, the fmlLl"c e mperor Li Sh imin bestowed upon the m allew the estate they had libc rmcd a nd appo inted o ne of them general-in ch icf (DaJitlllgjun ) in his anny. The sevc n texts insc ribcd o n the ~Sh aolin Monastery Stele" include a histo ry or t he monas te ry, a lcue rorth a nks rrom Li Sh im in , and severa l Tang lega l dOClImellls . They shed light o n the monks' military activities rrom di rrcrCIll angles: Text 1: Pei Cui's Shaolin Monastery History The longest of the sen: n texts inscribed on the ~Sh aol in ~'I onastery Stele" is a detailed h islOI-Y or the monaste ry, au thored in 728 by a prominent oHicial in Emperor XlIallZong's (r. 7 12-755) gO\-e rnme n t, m inister or personnel (Libu
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s hangs hu) Pei C u i (ca . 670- 736).16 Pei a lludes to t\\'o insta nces in which Shaoli n m onks resorted to a r ms, the first in the last r ears ofl.he Su i Dynasty. when t heir mo naste r y was attacked by ba nd its, a nd the second approxi m ately a d ecad e lat.er, wh en t hey pa rtid p.·u ed in Li 5 h im in '5 \\'
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Origins of a
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acres], and a wate r mill. These constit m e the Cypress Valley Estate (Baigu zhu ang). I'J
Pei's history highlights lhe sig nifica nce of Shaolin 's Cypress Vallcy (Bai gu) Estate as the localio n, lhe ca use, and the reward for thc monks' participatio n in Li Shimin's campa ig n. tl.kdieval monastic estates were usually sil.Llated not in the in t.ensely cuhi,'aled all uvial pla ins bUI ralher in the highlands. In addition to a rable lands, lhey compl'ised -wood s, copses, past ures, mountain ga rdens, a nd o rc h a rds.K ~>(I The Shaoli n farm was no exception. Bestowed o n 1.lle mona ste r)' b}' the Slli emperor \Vend i (YangJian) (r, 581-601), Ille es ta te was localed sou l.l leasl of Luoya ng, al tile ,,'estern edge oflhe Song mountain range (map 2).t' The sleep Winding Palh Mountain (I-luanY l.lan shan)-so n amed because of I he c llt"'ed trail leading to its peaktt-towel"l.!d alxwe lile estal e. "Crowded pea ks arc arrayed there toget Iler," writes Pei Cui . uDcep valleys cu rve 10 and fro . Pi led up stone ste ps lead to the clouds' ed ge, I I O\'edooks I he impe ria l cap il a l 1LlIoyangJ ," The eSlale was named a fl er a deep valley, lined with cypress trees, which ran across il. The road from Luoy:tng 10 Dengfeng pass(:.'(l lhro ligh this vallcy, which was so narrm ... and overg rown with trees that according to nl(.' (lie"al sou rces, vehicles could nOI turn around in i1. 2' Thus, Shaolin 's esta le commanded a crucial pass on the road 10 the eastern capital. Indeed, its militlll)' sig nificance had been recognized celllu ries before it was bestowed on the monastery. As early as IheJ in period (265-120), a fort (11111) was establi shed at Cyp ress Valle)" and it was I hc sile of bilter " '< II'fare alllhrough the scventh cent.u ry. ~ I To t hi s day lhe loca l village is named Cypress Valley Fort (Baigu wu ), ~~, The sl.rategic significance ofS haolin's C),press Valley Estale explains wh)' bolll Wa ng Shichong and Li Sh imi n were eager to capture i1. Pc i Cu i emphasizes lhat \Yang u100k adva ntage of lhe lesu\te'sl straa!gic localion" (rllillgqi di xifln) , placing a signal lower and lroOpS there. In addition , Ihe Sui rebel e mployed Cyp ress Valle)' for loca l admi ni slration. I-Ie establi shed a county Sellt the re named, li ke l he mounta in aoo,'c il, 1-l u a n)' u a n. ~G It was this military an d admi n isl rali\'c ce llle r that lhe Sh aolin monks conq uered, earning Ihe gratiwde of the futu re Ta ng emperor. Pei Cui docs nOl allude 10 a Tang gm'e m ment request that the monks confrom Wa ng Shichong. I-lis chronicle suggests that it was theil· initiative to auack the Sui rebel. The monks ce rta in l), resented Wang, who had robbed them of thei r eHale. J-1owe\'e r, strong as lheir resentment was, political calculations also contribuled lO lhei r milital-), aClio n, Pe i notes that "monks Zhicao, I-Iui yang, Tan zong a nd the others examined to which of the contending panics divine g race was di rected.~ The Shaoli n clerics probabl)' did nOl debate the respective spiritual mel;t.s of the Tang rulers a nd Wang Sh ichong, bu t rather who was more likely lO wi n the wa r. I-lad lhey wagered on the wrong pan)' this would have been deu-ime ntalto the ir monaster}'_Instead their choice of the Tang dynasly guaranteed the prosperit)'oflhe Shaolin Temple for centu ries 10 come_
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Whal could ha\'e befallen the monaSlery had its monks made the wrong decision is s uggested by e\'en lS thallook place more than a m illennium later. In lhe ea rly twe nt.iclh Ce llltll)' Shao lin mon ks became e mbroiled in the warlo rd s' fe uds that swept lhe north C hina plains. They sided with General Fan Zhongxiu (1888-1930) agains t Shi Yousan (l 891-HHO). As a boy, Fan had studied the martial arts allhe Shaol in tI,'(o nasle r y, fot- wli ich fe ason , presumably, its mo nks le nt him thei r suppo rt. The re sults \\'ere disastrOliS. Fan was defea ted, and o n March 15, 1928, Shi se l fire 10 the monasle r)" deslfoyingsome of ilS ancie nt. lowe rs a nd halls. The names pal"lia lly damaged Ihe ~ Sh aoli n Mo nastery St.ele," whic.h recorded Ihe po l ilica lly aSI ute choice made by 0\ her Shaolin clerics fiftee n hundred yea rs ea .-li e r. ~1
Text 2: Li Shimin's letter of May 26,621 Li Shimin himself confinned Ihm Shaolin monks had cont,·ibll1.t.'()to his campaig n . O n May26, 621 , three da)'s a fl e rl he Illonkscapt u red Mt. (-(uanyu an, 2/j Li Shim in addressed the m a leIt e r of tha nks. Li "'as in lhe field. pre paring his troops fo r the shO\\'do\\'n with Do u J iande IwO d ays later. Presumably he d ictaled the leller to one of his secreta ries. The Prince ofQin did sign the le11.e r t ho ugh , a nd his autog raph was late r copied onlo I he Shaolin stele (fig u rc 3):2') [ FROM [: The De fe nder-i n-Ch id, Direc lor of Ihe De pa rl men! of SIale
Affai rs, Direelor of Ihe Branch Deparlme ms of Slate Affairs in the Shaa ndong Ci reuil an d Ihe Yizhou C ire ui!, MClropoli tan Governor of Yongz hou. Mml:1I1' Marquis ofl he Len and Ihe RighI. Gcncral-in-Chief. Area Comman der in C IIief Com miss ioned wil ]I EX I raordillary Powers
3. Li Shimin's amograph ·Shi min· as copied 01110 lhe 728 Shaolin slele. FI G.
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Origins of a
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for Liangzhou, Supreme Pi liar of Slal e (slumg .. /lIIgUQ), Prince of Qin , lLi J Shim in, To: The Cypress Valley Fon ( Baigu WlI) Shaolin MonasTery's D ean (slwlIgZllo). and Abbot (shllll), and their disciples, as well as 10 The military and civillead c rs, orficers, common people, and Ihe rest: Recently, lhere has been chaos under hem'cn. ~owhere in 1he land is there a lord , and Ihe world is fallingapan . The Way oflhe Three Vehicles (Buddhism) is d ecl in ing. This has caused Ihe J ambud\'ipa (Yanfu) Continent to di sinlcgnllc. \\'arhorses sweep throug h the land . The Central Kingdom is boiling, and the devils arc all contending. Th is cOLIn [Ihe Tang dynast yl hm. ["('ech'ed 1he hean-nly ome ns of gm'crn men!. II upho[cl.. Ille correCI Buddllisl IrUlh. Riding 111(' phoenix and lurning Ihe wheel (11111; Sanskrit; wkm), it glorifies the Greal Treas ure lof Ihe Buddhisl fail hI. Th('refore, vir1l1e will r('adl I he common folk , educal ion wi ll i nSIrUCI Ihe monasl ic com munit y. Thus, I he people will e l'ti0Y Ihe grace of release from slIrfering, and a II wi II be favored wil II Ihe b('llefil S of Ilie oilIer shore. Wang Shichong llsurped o lh('r peopl("s position. I I(~ dared oppose I he heavenly I'd nciples. I Ie cO\'elcrl Ihe Dharma-Realm (Shaoliu's Cypress Valley [s lale). I Ie acted recklessly, di sre~..trding ti le laws of Karma . Now, Ihe winds of \'inlle arc blowing far, and the Ix!acon of wisdom is glowing ncar. Tile Buddilisl ciglll fold palll 50 is beillg opened, and Illrougllolit ti le land Il le Buddilisl sancluaricsare bdllg restored . Shaolin's Master of Il le Law (jaslll), tOb1C1Iler with the other monks , deeply comprcllended Il le dlanging circulllst:ulces alld adapled 10 Illem. Tile monks imllu.'d ialciy rcali7.cd wllicit actiol1 would yicJd Ihe Budd hisl fnl it. and Ihey succcc
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Therefore I am sendin g to you the Supreme P illar of State, the Dynasty-Founding, C ommandell' Duke of Deguang, l Li J Anyuan (?-633) ~ 1 t.o express my appreciat ion . YOLI may send Il(~ re one or two commanders who made a contribution, so that I mee t them. I will elaborat e no more. TtlE T III RTIETII OF Til E FO URTII '- IONTII [of the Wude reign period fourt h year] ( ~1a)' 261h , 621 ). '~
On t,he face of il, Li Shimin's lcu e r ex presses nothing bu t gratitude, In o rnat.e parallel prose, charactc ristic of his later ,,'ritings, ,,, the Prince ofQin elabo rat.es on t he monks' courage and loyalt y, " 'h ich , he promises, would be ampl y rcwa rdcd. I-I owc\'e r, a closct' rcad ing reveals a su btler tone in the prin cc's dispat,rh. Evc n as he was prai sing thc ir heroic spirit. Li Shimin warn cd thc monks to desist from furthcr mil itat'y action, ~ E\'cr}'one sho uld pcaccfully resume his prcvious \'oca ti on ~ (g-e (11/ j iu Je) is a reminder to the Shaolin clCl'ics that III1'ir\'ocaliotl is Buddhist learning, The Prince ofQin, \\'ho \\'as absol ut.el}' ce rtain of his coming v i c t or}'-~ th e crisis a t the ca stc rn capilal ," he writ es, "w ill be rcso l\'ed sho rtly"- ",o.\ s preparing for peace, in which contex t he could not to leral e the una uthorized military activities of Buddhi st cle rics. Thus the fu ture e mpc ror's lcltcr scrvcd a dual purpose, simultancous\)' pra ising a nd rcstrain ing lhc Shaol i 11 mo nks, Text 3: The Prince's Donation of 625 In Ili s le u er of May 26, 621 , Li Silimin \'Owcd to rcward thc Shaolin clerics. "Regardless of chang ing c irculll slllnccs," hc not cd , ~the mon asle ry sho uld be providcd with fl xcd in comc, ~ Four ycars latcr, on March 28,625, the Prin ce of Qin fulfill ed Ilis promi sc and endowcd tilC mo na stcrywith thc Cy press Valle), Estate. Previously, undc r the Su i reg imc, this sa mc cstatc had already bccn bestowcd upon thc monaste r),. Howcvcr, following the Sui disinteg ration and the war againSl Wang Sh ichong, ilS lands \\'CI'C conflscatcd by lite Tang regi mc. In ordcr for thc Shaolin monks to e ruoy it, thc cstate had t.o be confcrrcd upon them anew, Tile prince's donation should be eva luatcd in tile comext of his Ilostilil.), to the Buddlt iSl faith. On Junc 5, 621 , a da)' after hc cap tu red Luoyang, Li Shimi n d ecreed the closure of all the Bliddhistmon asteries in the eastern capital and lhe dispersal of the ci ty's cmire clergy, with the excep tion of sixt), e min elll. mon ks and nuns.'I There is some evidence tllat tllis blow to tile cJltIrcJl was al so fell o utside of Luoyang, where the adm inistration proceeded toconf,scate monastic prope rty and defrock the d erg)'.'5 In 622 , the Shaolin Monastery itself was closed and its monks sem home under the pretext that its lands had lx.:en illegally aC'luired. The monastery was a llowed to reope n two years later o nly lx.:cause of the mil itary service it had re ndered the d ynasty.:56 After he became emperor, Li Shimin's antipath), to the church did no t abate. Even lhough he was caref1I1 not to sti,-opposition by an outright suppres-
30
Origins of a
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sion of the religion , Li Shimin did issue a series ofunprccedcmcd ami-Buddhist laws. In 629 he ordered the execlition of illegally ordain cd monks. in 631 he forhade monks and nun s from rece iving the homage of the ir parents, and in 637 he decreed that Daoisl pdesls be giw:n precedence o\'cr Buddhist monks in all slate ceremonies.51 In his lalcr years, lhe e mperor did befriend one Buddhist monk , the renowned pilgl'im Xuanzang (596-fJ6
zang's counsel p i-imal'ily on forei g n affairs rather than on spiritual mal1.crs. During his ccicbral(."(ljourn(.l ' 10 India, Xu."lIlzang gaint.,(\ an in-de pth knowledge of weste rn lands, for Wllid l rcason lhe emperor implored ilim (unsuccessfully) t.ojoin his adminiSl ..tlion .~ Li Shim in's pat.ronage of lhe Silaolin r,,!onastery the refore was the e xception rathe r than Ihe rule. It resulted nOI from pious sentime nts. which the e mpe ror had rarel y harbored , bUI fmm hi s obligation 10 reward Ihe Shaolin mo nks for the ir mililary support . The e mperm"s disdain of Ihe Budclh iSI fail h underscores I he sign i fi cance of Shaol in 's mi Iitary aCI i" il ies as I he key to I he monast c ry's prospe ril y. 1n a el i male of host il it y toward I he c hurch , Ihe military assistance the monastery had rende red the e mperor was Ihe on Iy assu rance of ils wdfare. Li Shimin's donal ion to the monastery took the form of an order, which lias atl ract.ed 1.lle al t.enl ion of lega l Ili storia ns. As Niida Noboru ha s sllo wn , Tang period legal \'ocabulary disting ui shed between o rde rs according 10 which person issued them . An e mperor's order was 1enned lillg (';command "), an imperial pri nce's jiao r i nSlruclion "), and so fort h. ~~ Si nce Li Shimin's d ona l ion was issued when he was still a prince, it was 1itled ~ i nSI ruct ion." As in scribed on t.he "Shaolin Monaste ry Ste le ," 1his "in struction" includes not onl)' Li Shimin's original command , but also lhe conlillunicatio n of the officials who ca rried it OUl. 1O The monks' deci sion t.O e ngl'
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summad zed in a n offlci a l leller «(lie), sig ned by t hc Dcngfcng Cou nty vicc magistrate, a nd d atcd Jtl ly 21 , 632. The official lettc r o f 632 en l'ichcs Oll r undcrstanding of thc war thai prcceded it by clevc n years. In o rde r 10 assess thc monastcry's propcrty rights, De ngfcn g Cou nty orficia ls cxam ined its military record. As conscient io us judgcs (a nd h istoria ns), thcy gathe rcd all thc docu ments pcrtaining 10 the mOil ks' pa n icipa.tion in Li Slli m in's campaign. T illiS, 'IK1' asccrt.ained I he d ate (May 23, 621 ) o fl hc monks' C}'prcss Va lley victory, thcy \'cri fled Ihal one monk (Ta nzong) I\'as rCI\'a rdcd by appo in tment as a general-in-eh ief ( lJa JiOllgjllll) in Li 's a rmy, a nd the)' collected Icsti monics of t hc mon ks' mi lilar), aCI ion: Fo llowing t Il is test imoll)', wc coniac ied Yanslli Leotlnl },J b}' dispalC"h, asking t hem to r:ross-
32
Origi ns of a
~I ilitar)'
Trad itio n
Texts 5 and 6: The Emperor's Gift of 724 The Shaolin monks' assis tance to Li Shimin guara ntc(.x i the m the supJXlrlof his successors . A hundred years aner lile C}'PI1':SS ValleyviclOry. the Tang e mperor Xuanzong (r. 71 2-755) 1><:5to\\'cd upon lhe Shaolin r.,·!o naslcry a caption in his own callig raph}' for the "Slmolin Monaslcl), Stele" (fi gu re 4). This symbolic an of pat.ronage cre ated a link bClh'Ccn Xuan7..ong and h is \ocner.lble ancestor Li Shimin , whose [cuer 1.0 lhe Shaolin mon ks was to be c ngra\'(.'"d on the same stele. Two brief officiallc u e rs «(lie), \\'hich \\'ere t hemselvcs \ 0 be inscribed o n the Silao lin ste le, announced li le beslOwal upo n lile monastt!l'y of Em pero r XuanlOng's handwritten caption , along with Li Shim in's autographcd lellcr, a copy of " 'hich had bce n ke pi in lhe impel'ial archi\,cs. '6 The second lellcr, dat ed Kaiyuan , clc\'entll year, twclrtl l month , t\\'c nt }'-first day (Ja nl lary 21, 724), is no l.Cwo rthy ror the high-ranking official ,\'ho sig n<.xi it: Zha ng Yuc (667-730), who se rved as preside nt or, he sc."Cretal'ia t (zhollgshlllillW. 11 Zha ng issucd his lcttcr to tl\c Sllao lin Monastery in Ilis add itiona l capac it y as dircctor o r thc Acadc Jll)' in the I-l all of Elegance and Rect it ude (L izht'llgrli(lll Xill.sItU)'IIfIII). '-lis lc tte r atl.ests [ilat ti le capl ion o r t he "Shao lin Monaste ry Stcie "'as lla ndwri lten by Emperor Xuanw ng,u. Furthe rmo re, it verifies the authe nticit ), or Li Shimin 's l e lle l~ \"llicll \\'as examined b)' a tea m o r ex pert s working Ii nde r his sl ' pcr" is i on .'~ It is nOl.e\\'orthy that Xua nzong's patronage orShaolin, like his a ncestor's benefactio n, did not rcsult rrom Budd hist picl)'. Xua nzong "acted with greater det.e rm ination tllan an)' o r Ilis predecessors to c urta il the power ort he Buddh ist c\ergy,"W In 7 14, ror example, he issued a ba n o n the construction of all nc\\' K
FI G. 4. Xu a nw ng's im perial calligrap h)' o n th e 728 Sh aolin stele. H is caption reads: -Taizollg Wen H uangd i's [U Sh iminJ l mpcrial Leite r [to t he Sha oli n mo n ks].
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mo nasteries, a nd in 727 he orde red the d ismantli ng of all village chapels . Evide ntly, h is SUPP0rL of Lhe Shaoli n Monastery was d ue solely LO Lhe monks' m ilitary assista nce to h is predecesso r. Tile empe ror's benefaClion o f Sllaol in \\'as nOL merely symbolic. In add ition 1.0 h is impe rial call ig raphy, Xua n 7..0ng gra n ted iL property rights . In 722 he exe mpted lhe Shaoli n Monaste l'}' from Lhe confi scal.ion ord er that was app lied to all o lhe r monastic eSlates. "I As To nami Mamoru has suggesl.ed , it was prob ah ly this con fisca tion o rde r-\v hich Lhey so narrowly escaped -that COll\'i nced t he Shaolin mon ks of the necessity to e ngrave in stone their m ilita ry exploits. T he "Shaolin Mona stery Stele" was erecte d 1.0 enSll re that futu re r ule rs would be as m indful as Xua n zo ng had been of the monastery's con tr ibutio n 10 Ihe d ynasty's fo un d in g. ~ Ti le conSIruel.ion of Il le "Sll3olin Monaste lY Stele" safeguarded the monasl.e l1's fo rl u nes, as its monks had hoped. In 798, scven d(.'cades after its ded ication, the monastery was gran ted an officiallcuer that reiterated the st.cle's imporl.. A sen ior gove rnment officia l named Gu Shaolian (fl. BOO), who bega n h is career as assista nl magist rate of Dcngfe ng Coun ty and concl uded it as rege nt of t lie easter n capit a i, consent ed to ti le monks' request a nd , in celebration of the monasl.e l)"s re novat ion, compi led a brief h isIOl)'. Shaolin mo n ks, \\'rote Gu Sllao\ian, "capl tire band its and sllceor t hc fait hfli l. Thcy sllppress evil troops c"crywlle re; Illcy protect t.hc Purc La nd in I. imes of advcrsilY. This adds glory 10 Oll r Tang dy nast)'."!"" Evcn du r ing I he da rkest moment. in '[lUlg Buddhi sl hislory. I he me mo I)' of Ihe mon ks' hero ism g uaran teed the ir safe ly. O n April G, 845, d uring the he igh t of Empero r WlI7..0ng's pe rsec ut io n of Ihe Buddhist fail h, I he governor of Il e na n, Lu Zhen , graced the Sh aolin Mo naster)' with a visil., which was reco rded o n a Shaoli n slcle . ~ 1 T hc gm'e rnor's visit lIltCSI.S Ihal the monas1.e r), Imd bee n sp a red at leaSl ti lC bru n l o f thc gm'c rn mcn l's Budd hi sl p u rge. Eve n as hu nd red s of Ol lie I' monaste ries we re bei ng desl ro)'ed , tile Shaol i n Monast.e r), c l"Uo)'cd lilc pal ron age of IliglHa n ki ng off1cia Is. Text 7: The List ofThirleen Heroic Monks T he laSt lCx l o n Lhc "Sllaoli n Mona slery Stcle~ is a li stofthineen monks whose dist.i ngu ishcd se rvice in ba ule had bee n recogni zed by Li Shi m in (figu re 5). O ne mon k, Ta n zo n g, is a lready mentio ned as a general-in-chief in t. he official IClle r of 632. This mo nk~c ll m-gc n era l is a lso cited , along Wilh mon ks Zhicao a nd Hu iya ng, ill Pe i C ui 's h istory of the monastery. Here is lhe complele list of hi s compan io n s: List of Sh ,I01 in Mo naster ), Cypress Va lle)' EsLa te monks who, during the Ta ng, Wude reig n period , 4Lh year (621 ), were c ite d by Em peror Taizong \Venhu
Origins of a
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~Iilitar)'
Tradition
FIG. 5. Li st ort he thirteen hemic monks on tilC 7'18Shaoli n stele.
Overseer (dllweill(l), monk J luiyang. Gc ncral-in-clt icf (da ji(/I/gjlltl). mon k Tau7.0ug. With them . were noted for me ritoriolls ser\'ice: monk Jl uhui. monk ~1in gso n g. monk Lingxian. monk Pu shcng, monk Zh ishou, monk Daogua ng, munk Zhixi ng, monk Man . monk FCllg. ~~
The orfic ial lelter of 632 nOled that following their Cypress Valley victory, seve ral Shaolin monks had Ix:cn offered orric ial Ix)SlS , which, wi th the exception ofTanzong, they politely declined. It is conceivable lhallhc monks in question arc t he lhincc n lis lcd in Text 7. I-Iowc\'c r, il needs to be c mplmsized thal lhe text ilsclfdocs nOlda lC from Li Sh im in 's l imc.!.6 Ncithc r signcd no r da led , the lis t of thince n he roic monks was p roba bl y compiled when Ihe "Shaolin Monaste ry Stde~ was erected (728), if nOl later. [,7 Thus even though so me n ames in it arc doubt less accurate (nota bly General T<'ln zong's), others may renect l he g rowth of popular lore surround ing t he monks' victory.
Military En gageme nts or Military Training? Th e lega l ,'ocabulary that c nwra ps the Shaolin insc riptions provi des precise informatio n: In 621, Shaoli n mon ks went to war fo r Li Shimin , the future Tang emperor. The circumstances of thei r monastery being rewarded b y stale properly p e nniued no e lTor. Officia ls at a ll govcrn ment le"els-from
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the vice magist rate of Dengfeng CoUnl}' to the president oflhe secretariatexamined the detail s of the monks' milital-y vic lory and affixed their sign atures to legal dOCllments co nfinning it. There ca n be no d o ubt. Ihen. that as ea rly as the Tang pedod. Shaolin monks fought. Whereas the Shaolin monks' participation in warfare cannOI he quest.ioned. we may s till ask whether. dUI-ing the medieval period , Ihey traim~d for il.. Even tJlough. at first glance. goi ng to baule appears indist inguishable from praCI ic ing for it, the 1.\\'0 arc q t\ite di fferenl_ Shaol in monks mighl or mighl nOI have b ee n trained for hallic at lhe ir temple. For example, those monks Ihal fought might have rccei\'ed maniallrain ing outside the monastery, or cl.se I he)' might. ha\'e been trained ad hodor the milital-y engagemelll.s in which they parI icipaled (rathe r than heing regularly ins tructed in fighting as part of I heir monas l ic regimen). It is e\'en possible Ihat Tang pe,-iod Shaolin mon ks fought despite receivi ng no military training. A comparison of the available Tang and ""Iing evidel1(:e lIlay clarify the C]ucslion . A wealth of sixteenth- and seve nteent h-century sources all.cst not only ,llal Sllaolin monks particip."lted in g ive n bat tles, bllt also tllal the), reglllart )' practiced fighting. Lat e Ming vis itors to thc temple invariably allude 10 111C s iglll of m ilit My cxercises and t.llC sOl lnd of cl an king weapon I)'. By that pe riod , Shaolin monks had developed the ir own fighting tcchniques, which had au mctcd re ll(Mned military expe n s to t.heir monaSlel)'. The Shaolin me thod of s ta ff fighting (gllll Jiz) is a bundan tly praised in la te Mi ng mil itary lileralu re. B), contrast, the Tang inscriptions do not allude to a fight ing technique d eveloped b)' Ille Slwo!in monks. Indeed the)'do not mention hOIliShaolin mo nks foug hl , o r which weapons the)'e mplo)'ed in battle. Furthennore, in the pocms and travelogues of renow ned Tang literati thai visited Shaolin , no allusion is made \.0 m i litar), tnti ning:u the temple . Let us review whalthe "Shaolin MonaslcryStclc" docs tell us. It alludes to Iwo instances in which Shaolin monks lY:.:son ed to arms-the first. around GIO when tlley warded off an
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Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
Lains (i n CClllral Asia), lhe person \\·110 has attained the hig hest understanding of meditation is you .'''''' Ho\\'c \"cr, Zhang Zlmo's a necdote concerns n Ol Sengchou's prof undil y of meditation , blll hi s f1 gl1ti ng skills: The Non he m Qi (550-577) monk Chou (Scn gchou) came from Ye (today's Anyang.l lena n). In his childhood ll(~ shaved his head and became a novice. Ili s classmates were nume rous. \VhenC\'cr they had free time t hey would practice w resll iug and pouncing for (' 11 1(~ rtain ment. Because the Dhyana ~1a st e r (Scngchou) was weak they bullied him. One aftcranother tlleyahused him and beat llim up. The Dhy;ina ~·ta s [cr was as hamed of this. l ie entered 1 he hall and shut its gate beh inc! him. Cli nging 10 V;ti rap '-lI~ i 's fc(' t. h(' addr('ssed Ih(' god wit h thc following\'ow : - Bccause I am frail , my fellow novices dt.'spisc mI". ~·t y humili;uion is 100 grcal. II would be b('l1 cr 10 die. You arc famou s for you r strcngl h, so you arc 111(' one 10 help me. I will hang 0 11 10 )1)llr fect for SC\'f' 1l days. I fYOli do nOI ('ndo\\' me wi.h Sl rengl It, I am surc 10 dic right he rr rather than rcnou nce Illy pledge.I lavi ng pronolllH:c d this "ow, hc procrcded.o b<."S('cch .he f:,rod most ea rncstly. Dud ng 1hc fi rSI 1wo n iglu s Ili s dedicat ion 10 Ilis purpose grcw stro nger. Dllri ng tllc sixt ll niglu, jusl bc forc dawII, V;tirap.-IJ:ti was revealed to him . In h is hand s d lc god held a largc bowl. fuJI 10 Ihe brim wit h si ncws-fles h. -Boyr he said 10 C hou. - Do you wish 10 bccome strong?- I da." -A rc you d cte rm ined ?" " I am ." Ca n you cat sinews-fl esh?" ~ I cannot." "Why?- inquired the d city. " Monks arc supposed to I'Cnounce meal." In response, the god lifted hi s bowl. and with hi s knife proc<.-'(~ ded 1.U force the sinews-flesh upon Sengchou . AI firsl Ihe DhY;-llla Master refused to accept. bUI wilen li le god tl lrealened Ilim wilh his vlljmclub (jill'gflllgcllll). he wa s so terrified Ihal he did cal. In a short while he finished his meal, whe re upon the god said 10 him: -Now, you arc already extremely strong. Ilowevc r, rou should full y uphold the [Buddhi st] teac h ings, Bew'lre!Si nce il wa s alread y daylig hl . Sengchou re turne d 10 his room. Il is fel low novices all illlerrog
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Before I hey recovered I.hei r senses, lhe DllY;-lna \1aSler said, ;' 1will give you a demonstralion ,- whe reupon he e lll ered lhe hall and Slarted walking hori zolllallyon the walls. l Ie advanced first from the (!;L"t, then from west, a tmal ofsC\·eral hundred fee l.. Then he leaped upwards, his head hitting the ceiling-beams se\'erallimes. Finally he lifted sen~ ral I housand pounds. [>9 l lis figlu ing was swi n and powerful. Those who bel itt led him prost rat ed t Ilemse h-cs on the ground, Iheir sweat trickling. No one dared face up to him.60 Th e violence and abuse recorded by Zhang Zhuo seem hardly fit for a Bud dhist t.emple. Nei ther arc the manial exe t'cises he describes appropriat.e for Buddhist mo nks. Still , if hi s story reflects his torical circ umstances, the n fight ing \\'as pract iced in some Tang period Buddhi st monasteries. It is possihie, therefore, that medie,·al C hinese monks-either at Shaolin or in other t.e mples- not only participated in Waf, but also trained for it.
Martia l De ities a nd Marti a l Monks Zhang Zhuo's story of monk Sengchou could have been rejected as pure fiction-neither relat ed to 1\udd hist practice nor to Shaolin lore-ifit were not fo r an intrigllingmotifit shared with both . V;yrap::-u.li , whose divine help Sengchou sought, figured in 1\udd hist mYlhology as a military god who bestows st re ngth. Moreover, we know that at least in later periods he had been worsh ipped in thaI vcry capacit y at the Shaoli 11 Monastery, I t is slriki ng that a rei igion as intcnt on lX!ace as Buddhism would arrive in C h i na (''CJuipped witll an e ntire gallery of marti al gods. 1\uddhist iconognlphy reveals to us an unexpectedly violetH as pcct of the faith, The 1\uddha is uSlla II y nan ked by heavily armed, ferocious-looking dc ities who tl"rlmplc demons underfOOl. 61 V-urapa 1.1i (Chinesc: Ji n 'gang (shc n» Ix: longs to thi s category of divine wa rrio rs. As indicated b)' his name, his weapon is Ihe mythic vl/jm , or thunderbolt (jill'grmg in C hinese). 1\)' the time it was incorporated into the 1\uddhist. arsenal , the magic insLI'lLtne m had e tyoycd a venerable history, The Hindu god Indra had cmplo),ed thc vlljm to vanquish the cosmic dra gon Vn ra.6~ The god 's annamenL had assumed di\'erse sh apes in visual an: the sword, the spear, the staff, the discus, a nd two tran s,'ersc bolts that Cl"OSS each other. Most commonly, howen;r, the tHym was imagined as an orna mellled short scepte r, sometimes resembli ng a nower (figm'e 6),6-' V.y rapal.li, the vrym widder, has been worsh ipped in China eithe'· as one d eit), or as two fea rsome spit·i....- the so-ca lled "Two Venerable Kin gs" (E rwan gzu n)-tha t s tand guard on each side of temple gates, I-lis iconography high lights his bodi Iy strength. Un Ii ke other tutelary d ivi nities, V.yl"ap~lI) i is nOl clad in armor. I-Ie wears light clothes , rC::\'ea ling his sinewy physique, I-lis slLI rdy chest is exposed , and his musc ular arms e mbrace his icon ic
FIG. 6 . V:~ ra p:II.1i wield ing a fl o wc rlike THljm in a nim h-ccm ury pai m ing rrom Dunhuang. (C Copyrighl I hc Trllslccs o r I.hc ilrilish Musc um).
39
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FI G. 7.
V~rap fll.li·s
muscular ph),si(lue in a Tang SIal ue.
wearxlIl (fig ure 7).61 " V~rap;Il.li 's images," notes an an historian , "carry bLll scamy dre ss, no doubt in o rde r to pe rmit full exh ibitio n of the extravag alllly ex aggerated mu sde s."'6~ His n a ked stre ngth ha s like ly been one reason for Vaj rapa l,li 's appeal to martia l arti sts-whethe r t he fictional mon k Sengcho u or l he his to l-ical Shaolin wa lTio rs. C hi nese literature high lighted the raw strength t hat e ma nated from lhe di vi ne wa rrior's icon. Here is a sixtee mh-ce ntll ry a uthor d escri bi ng a pair of Vaj rapii l.1i 's molten statues: One has a n iron face and s teel whiske rs as ifali\'e; One h as bush y brows and round eyes Lhat st."Cm real. On the left, the fi st bones like raw iron j ut om; On the righ t, the palms are c ragged like c rude bronze.
Origi ns of a
"0
~Iili tar)'
Tradition
Golden chain armor of splendid Iusle ..; Bright helmets and wind -blown sa sh es of silk.66
Guardian deities such as V<9rap'l.l.li ha\'c \\'011 their tutelary poSlS due 10 their familia rity with the enemies oflhe faith. All too often they began lhcir carccrs as lowly demons \\'ho had been conn:ned to Buddhism \.0 fighl their own kind. As expe rts on c\'il, they \\'crc considered iLS most effective antidotes. "Fig ures origi nail)' r ullclioning as disc asc-dc mon s,~ wriles ~'I ichcl Sl.rickmann. "Ilave hy t Ilc ca rly medicval pc l'iod become IIOmenpa! IIi<: protectors against I he vcry ailments which previously, in their old , une nlightened, pre-Buddhist days. Ihey had themselves promkc d. ~ 67 V-urap;i l,li 's murky origin s of a fiend arc betrayed by his I.ille of 1Jojr(l-),oH,ftl Vin 'grl1lg )'tfho), idem i fyi ng hi m as a I-I indu )'(jk~o spi rit, I-li s conI radictol'YI ra ilS of a demon 01U1 a demon qllel lel' arc s"gges1.cd by tIle fe rociousness of II is visual re presenlalions, Ille fil'e halo sl' J'I'Ounding his head, tIle \\'ide-ope ned j aws, and tI le prot n,ding fan gs (compare figl ' res 6, 7, and 8), The notion thaI V-urapa l,li 's vigor could be bestowed IIpon his devo1.e es was not the product of Zh ang Zhuo 's lit e rary imagination, BlIddhist script ures attestli lal Ille god had bee n worshi pped as a provider of strength , even though they refe r 10 him by one of his other n a mes: I iir ny,u)a (Ch inese: Naluoyantian , or Na luo),an), TIle la tt e r Ilad been used as a n honori fic of several Indian deities, (including Vishnu), In C hinese l3uddhi st lexts it was commonl)' applied 10 V.~rapii \:l i , denoting e ililcr the single warrior, 01; when he ass umed hi s dual form , the one sland ing g ua rd on the right.,iII Originally, Nii riiy.lI.1 a's powers we re sought by mag ic means. The Sulm of Ih e Assemvltd Charms ('I'uo//loni ji ji1lg), wh ich was compiled in Ch ina on the basis of largely Indian material s in 654 , incl udes two of his mag ic form ulas, complete with \'e rbal spe ll s (Sans krit : manlra; C hinesc: z.ftou) and hand sy mbolisms (Sanskrit: lIludrn; C ll inese: )'inxiang), Tllese cllarms g ua ramee the practitioner lhe " bound less powe rs" (wllbiflll Ii) of Nanlyal,la , so III uc h so th al. he will be able lO "mO\'c mountain s a nd c hu r n oceans,"&J Magic ga\'e way lO supplicalion in alieaSl somc C hinese Buddhi st l.ext s, In hi s lJicl;ona I)' of Ihe BlUftlhisl Canon ( Yiqie jing Jill)'i), I-lui Ii n (737-820) cxplains thal Narayal,la's powers could be elicited th rough prayer, Muc h like Zha ng Zhuo, the Buddhis t amhor emph asizes that earneStness is thc key 1.0 the god's g race, ''Those who wish to obtain great strength apply themselves t.o the nou ri sh ment of all li ving bei ngs. I f they ea rnestly beseech I Naraya 1)011, t.he)' all obtai n d i\'i ne slreng lh " ( Rllo jillgcile"g qitlao, duo 11110 shell Ii Je) ,70 The Buddhi st conception ofNarayal)a as provider of stren gth in flu e nced Shaolin religious practice, Archaeology pm\'es that lhi s deity had been worsh ipped at the monastery for his mighL A lwei fth-century stele, still eXlanl. at the monaste r y, depic ts the powerful divi ni ty b randishing his uajra (figu re 8), Commissioned by Shaol in's abbot Zuduan ( 111 5-11 67) , the stele features one of Na ra)'al)a's magic fonnul as, as copied from the Sufm of fhe A ssembled Charms, A bl;cf explanation follows:
Fig. 8 . T lI'elft h-centur), Sha oli 11 stele of N;ir~l)'al)a
( V~ r ap;ll.li ).
42
Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
Accordi ng [0 Lhe sc rip t ure, Lhi s d e it y (N;-II·;-Iy al~a) is a manifestat ion of Ava lo kit eSva ra (Guanyin). I r a p e rson who com passionately nourishes a ll li ving beings employs this ldei l),sJ c harm , it will increase his body's 51rengt h (umgz.lw IIg slum Ii). It fulfills all '"0\\'5, be ing mOst efficacious .... Therefore those who study Nar;iyal).a·s hand-symbolism (mudml, those wh o seek hi s spell (mal/1m), and those who sea rch fo r his imag(! are numerous. Thus " oc ha\"c e rected Il lis siele 10 spread 1his 1ransmission. Stele re-erecled (dlOlig .f!umg) by Shaol in's a bbot Zudnan. 71
Eve n t.hough Zuduan's slele quot es from the SlIlm oJlhe Assembled Charms, its undc rsl.a ndi ng of t he powers bcsto\\'cd by Nar."'i},.u.la differs. The Surra promises t he possessor of Na ra)'al,m's c ha rm t hat he \\,ill be end owed wit h "boundless po\\'e rs" that arc 1/01 embod ied in his person . The)' arc abstract ma gic inrtue nces 10 wh ich presuma bl y he h as access. B}' contl'as\, the Shaolin s t.ele-like Zha ng Zhuo's StOI'), of the Shaoli n cleric Sengchou-Iocalizes Na ray.u,la's Sl re ng t h wi t hi n the pra, tit io ner's ph)'sique, Zuduan promises II is Shaolin reade rs nOI intan g ible magi, a bili ties bUI ~a n increase of Itheirl h ody's Sl re n g lh " (unglJumg sht>1! Ii), I-Ie vouc hes Ihal I heir sinews and bones wou ld grow Sl ronger, The Shaolin stele re \'ea ls, the re fo re, how marlialmonks tran sform ed a magic fo rlllula 10 su il thei r physica l t ra in ing agenda. Fighl i ng mon ks suc h as Scngcholl in Zha ng Z huo's anecdote we re not interested in e thereal ma gic abilities, Thei r o bjective was more conc re te: The}, requi red lougher muscles I ha t. would e nable them to be u e r pe rform t he i r Illi Iitar}' exercises. Zud ua n 's Sllaolin stele aueSlS that they sought tlli s pll)'Sical goa l Willi the ancien t, provide r of Budd hi sl magic powe r, Na ra)'va l ti mes.
Me at, Wine, a nd Fighting Monks One clement in Zhang Zhuo's sto .'), re mai ns to be noted : the connection Ix:twee n fighting and the cons umptio n of meat. As a pl'erequisite fix strengthening Sen gchou, V
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43
poru·ayed fi g hting monks as mea t gobble rs (a nd usua lly wine g uzzlers as well). From lhe Tang per iod all through the th'e ntieth cemu ry, fict.ional manial monks have delighted in nothing l)C uer than alcohol and ani mal flesh. The significance or meal in the fi ghting monk's ethos has been such Ihat we wi ll hrie fl y stray rrom our chronologica l rrame to discuss il synchronically-in sources rang ing rrom medie\'al times to lhe presen1. Vegeta rianism, we should haste n to not.e, is not un iversally observed by Buddhist, mo nks. Earl y Buddhist scriptures a1·e not una nimo us on Ihe mo nastic diet,: Whereas some Mahayii na sutras do advocate abstenlion rrom ani mal nes ll , compilations or monastic lah' ror tile most I),;'J"\ do nOI proh ihil meal pe r se. They only instruct monks to rerrain rrom eating an imals thaI havc been siaugill e red exprcssly ror tl lem. (As long as t lIe a ni ma l lIas l)Ccn bl.llcllered ror ot he rs it is pe rm it ted ror t.he cle rics as h'ell.) The inconsistency or t he lileral u re has becn rdl ect,c d in the d i\·e rgencc or pracI i("c. I n most Theravada counl rics, mo n ks d o cat meal.. By contrast, Chinese Buddhism has l)Cell closely linked l.0 vegetariani sm. Beginning in Illed ieva ltimes, the abste ntion rrom meal has formed an imporlant aspect of the idemit y or Chinese Budd hisl.s, being obse rved not only by mon ks but often by lay believers.it Tang reade rs or Zha ng Zhuo's slo ry would ha\·e bee n sta rtled the rerorc by the Budd hist god 's insisl.e nce Illal Ilis devot ee transgress a defln i ng tene l or t he ir relig ion. Why then ,,'e re Ch inese fi ghling monks imagined \0 reli sh ani mal fl esh? One reaso n has bee n the a ssumptio n tha lllle
44
Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
him eve ntually to the Ilcroie band of rebel s \\,110 live by the "'Waler Margin" at t.he Liangshan Marsh. The novel highlights Lu's dicta.-y tran sgression s, having him d c"ou r dog mea!., which, though consumed in p."1rLS of China , is shunned by many Chinese. The poputar Chinese religion I-cgards dogs as ritually polluting , for which rcason it al so considers lhem magically ]Xllent. In Taiwan, for example, canine deities arc the subject of nightly \\'orship, and dog flesh is so me times utili ze d in black magic?1Thi s does not d eter the carnivorous Lu Zhishcn , who eagerl y consumes all meal. The Ilwr, - but it's all sold OllLLil Z!lisllell caugll! a wllirrort lle rragrance or cooking meat. I I (~ went into the yard and round a dog boiling in an earthenware pot by thc compound wall. MYou 'vc got dog mea! ,- he said, - Why don't YOli sc llme any?- I t !Iougllt as a mon k ),Oll wouldn 't cat it , so I d idn't ask.- I've plent )' or mone), he re.- Lu pulled out some silver and handed it over. MBring me halr,The proprietor cut orr hair! he dog carcass and placed it 011 the table wit h a small di sh or garlic sauce. Lu tore into it delightcdly with bot II !I ands, At II IC same 1ime Ilc conslllllc d ;molilcr tCII bowls OrWiIIC. l ie round 1he wine \'er y agreeable and kept calli ng ror more.76
Lu's dictary misdemeanor was ta kc n up, si x Illlndrcd years aflcr the novc l 's composition , b)' a movie that ponrays Shaolin monks as dog eaters, Produced in 1982, the film Slwolin Tem/)Ie (SJwolin S/) h as played a Significant role in the monast.ery's modern hi story. Among tllc biggest blockbusten; in mainland cine ma his tory, it rea tured some orthe grt.'atest Chincsc manial artists, most notabl)' the legendary Li Lial~ie UCt Li) ( b. 1963), who by the age or e ight(.'Cn had five times earned the title or All-Round National Champion, At the tender age or e leve n , Li had perrormed at the White House as pan ora Chinese manial ans tOll 1', which figured in the hcsitant bt.-ginnings or diplomatic relations bctween China and the Unitcd States. Eight }'ears later, he was cast in the movie Shanlin Temple as a monk, appeal'ing sidc by side witll some of the mon astery's own martial artists. The movie, which was filmed on location , aroused tremendOllS imerest in the Shaolin rliionastcr)'- Followi ng ilS screening, thousands of aspiring martial arlists nocked to the temple, initiating the construction of
Serving the Emperor
dozen s of fighting schools arO'und it. Thus, reality imitated fictiO'n, as the success O'f a movie O'n ShaO'lin cO'ntdbllled to' the mO'nastery's revival. 77 Playi ng a m
46
Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
A .. to Buddhis t dicta.'y laws, Lhey a rc kept by the first lype of Shaolinresiding clerics onl y. Meal is IIQI provided in lod ay's Shaolin Te mple. and Buddhist mo nks who live ins ide the mon aS1CI'y adhere 10 a vegetarian diet. By contrast, most olhe r Shaolin disc iples a re openly carnivorous. Lay pracl.idoners o f t he Shaolin mania I arlS for the most part consume meal. Even mo re striki ng, Shaol in-orda ined mon ks do so as well. Among the figlHing monks who ha\'c lcrt the monast CI) ' lO open private sch(X}ls, ma ny-though not. all-do ca t mea l. These lough mani a l artists continue 10 present th em selves as monks, donn ing Budd hi st unifo nn s, all the while consuming animal nesl •. Indeed li ley gi\'c 1,lle i mp.'ession tllat carnivorousness is an inl.egral eleme nt or the mania I monk 's (:VII Stmg) ethos. When inlervie\\'ed ahout their dieta ry habit.s, Lhey explain tha t Shao lin fighting monks have always consumed meal, some ti mes citi ng t lIe lege nd celebraled in I he film Shovlin 1f llljJlf, according 10 which il was Emperor Li Shim in \\'ho absolved the monks rrom Ihe rule orvegetarianism. lndecd, it is hard 10 knowwhelherlhi s novel apology for ca rni vorousness preceded the movie or originated with it. As Ihe Shaolin communit y int ernationalized, its dietary customs spread ove rseas, In recenl years sC\'c ra l Shaoli n figh ti ng monks e migrated 10 Ih e Unit.ed Slat.es, where the)' ope ned ma ni al arlS schools, Nowadays, "Shaolin Tem pies" can be round in places as d i,'ersc as Cu pert ino, C.1li rornia ; Ilousl.on , Texas; and New York. At least some a rc Ileadcd by Shaolin-ordai ncd fighti ng monks wllo arc 01X! nl)'carni\'orous. Yanming, rounderortllc Manhll1tan Shaolin Temple, rorcxample , ealS meat, d rinks wi ne, a nd is malTied 10 bom, all the while presenting h imsclras a Uudd hist mo nk and donning monastic robcs. Indeed , Yanming's Shaolin ide ntil), is impo n ant nm o nly ror rel igious reasons bUI also ror business oncs. It is b)' vinuc or hi s being an a lllhemic "Shaolin mo nk" tha i Yanming has bee n able 10 all raCI manial students. a mong Ihe m sllch cclebl-illCS as the rap music sUIX! rsla r RZA orthe ba nd "Wu: ra ng Clan ," nam ed arter the Ch incS(: Wuda ng mania I ~u-lS school. i!U Living as he d ocs in thc re mOlC Uni ted SlateS, Yanming's dietll1')' I rat1Sg ressions do nOl threale n his rei low monks who stayed at the monaster),. I-lowever, ot her ca rn i,'orous "Shaolin mon ks" reside in thc monastery's \'ic ini t),. wllere they come i 1110 da i Iy contact witll il.'i \'('! gelarian i nhabitanls, The m ~or il.y o r ordained monks who Ila,'e lefl the monastery are mak ing a living in DengrengCou lllY. Their mania I scl lools are sillJatcd around tile temple. where thcy regula rly comlX: le with reside nt mon ks. Simi larly, when they arc nOt tou ring ra rawa), counu-ies, Shaolin "perronning monks" reside at the temple. rrom which the), sneak Olll ror meal snacks in nearby reSla u rants, Finally. lay disciples comc and go to the temple to meet a nd train witll uleirold masters . Thus, Shaolin-residing n:gelarian monks come in to close contaCl with other types or Shaolin practitioners who do eat meal. The proxim ity or Shaolin Buddhi st monks to what could be d escribed as "se mi-mo nks," "hair monks," 0 1- "ra ke mon ks" has been one reason ror Abbot Yongx in's (b. 196,1')) deci sion lO physicalI)' remO\'e the latter's resid ences rrom
Serving the Emperor
47
the monastery's vicinity, When he assumed his leadership position in 1999, Vongxi n expelled from the monastel'y sc\'eral high-profile carnivorous fighting monks, Backed b)' the He nan provincial authorities, he proceeded in the following year with an ambitious plan of dismantling hundreds of schools, restaurants, gifl shops, and reside ntial sll."1cks from the temple's su rroundings, The controversial project, wh ich was cl'itica ll}, revieh'Cd in the foreign prc:~ss, was moti\>ated in part b}' aesthetic considerations, Li ke fellow-minded government offidaIs, Vongxin wished 1,0 restore Shaolin to its pdstine beauty, valued not onl}' in its own right hUI also as a means of secm'ing the temple's hid to hecome a UNESCO-recogni zed World J-1c"itage Site,81 l-Io\\'C\'er, religious concerns contributed to the relocation project as ,\'ell. Apparently, Vongxin was a1t.emp1.ing to create a physical boundary b et\\'Cen his Buddhis t sanct uar}' and the larger Shaolin communit)" which docs not, neccssa l'il), ildhere \.0 monastic laws. Equipped with the example ofVongxin's purge, we may bt.'gin o ur "backwa rds" jou m e), in time with a similar att empt to plII'ify the Shaolin Monas1.ery Ihal \\'as ordered by an em pe ror t\\'O and a half centuries earlier. In 1735, the gove rnor-ge ne ral of Henan and Shandong, ",,lang Shijull (?-1756), repor1.ed 10 Ihe I hrone his plan 10 renova te the Shaol in Temple. The ga.'ernor-general i nduded in his memorial detailed draWings of the planned reconstruction. It was perhaps I)'pical of t he re ign ing emperor, \\,ho prided himself on reading government documents lat e into the night, that he did not perfunctorily approve t he plan. inst,ead, t he diligent Vongzheng emperor (reigned 1723-1735) ca refully reviewed tile ske tches with :In ere not to t heir archit ectu ral elegance, butlO their implications for the monastery's supervision. The temple'S n:.x:onsl ruction, the sovereign ordered , should be execllled so liS 10 gel rid of fake mon ks, who \'iolale monastic regu lations: \Ve have in specled Ihe d 1~l wings a nd not iccd that therc arc t\\'ellt )'-II\'C gate-houses, wh ich are localed at some distance from thc monastery proper. Li ke sla rs scal tered far apart , none is sit uatcd wi t h in Ihe temple. 'I'll rougiloul ou I' empi re, il lIas always been tI le casc tl lat mosl subsidiary sh ri lie mOil k-I )'pc.-'S do nOI observe monas tic rt."gu lations. Doing evil and cl'eati ng d iSI u rbances, the), a re Buddh ism's in fe rior sorts, Today, as Ihe 511aoli II ~10llaslery is undergoi ng renovation, and it is becom ing Olle Icmple, 1.llese subsidiary Sll rinc mon ks sllould not be allowed to stay outside of it, where they arc hard to supe rvise and control.8~ According to the ciglllcclllh-ce lllury emperor, corrupt monks did not reside inside Shaolin proper, but in scauered reside nces in its vicinity. This is not unlike the modern situat ion where most ca rnh'Orous practitioncrs-on:lained and lay alike-live in pl'ivate Shaolin manial school s, which arc spread throughout Dcngfeng Count)'. The monarch all udt.'XI to these unscrupulo us disciples as fang/au ullg ("subsidiary sh dne mOil ks"), In the Buddhist idiom of late impcrial timcs, the le nn fimg/oll designated e ither a monastic building
48
Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
or-as the emperor had in mind-a semi-independent shrine, located in lhe peripher)' of a large temple. Such subsidial-Y hermitages wcre established to enhance lhe wealth and prestige of Ihe parent temple. or, in case it was overcrowded, to proddc il Will i additional housing space. As carly as I he s(....'cntc:..--enlh ccntuq', some monastic leaders \\'cre apprehensive of religious transgressions committed in subsidia l)' sill-ines. Monks in branclllcmplcs wcre more diffic ult to supervise lha n those residing in large monasteries, for which rcason some deries object,c d 1,0 lhe cSlabl ishment of fang/Oil. Tile Villa),a Masl(~r Dul i (16011679), who scrn:d as abbot of lhe Longchang Temple on Ml. Baohua,Jian gslI , lamentcd, "I ha\'e obscn'cd llial , C\'c l),h'hcre, ancielU monasteries are estahlishing subsidiary sl u'ines (fang/ou), d ividing Ihe monaslcry's operalions, anel initiating nc\\' entc rprises. As a resuh , sclf-cuhi\'alion is no longer pure, and t he monks cease to obsc .....·c monastic "egulations, so much so that the templ es' bells and drums arc silcnccd, and thc monastcries degenerate.">!~ II. is possiblc Ihal thc Yong-.dlcng cmpcr(lI"s ol'der to remoo.'e the sca11.ered hermitages from Shaolin's periphcry \\'as d ue 10 a principled ol~ection-simi lar 10 abbol Dul i's-Io Ihe "subsidiary slu-i ne" (ftmgrou) instil ution. I-Iowe"er, i1 is more Iikely Ihal in addil ion 10 a genera l concern wil h the Ix:havior of Sll bsidiary sllrine monks, Ihe emperor was informed of spl.'C ifk transgressions commi11.ed by Shaolin-ordained clcrics. As early as the sixleemh cen tury, a high-ranking official named Wang Shi xing ( 1547-1598) accused Shaolin monks of ealing meal and dri nki ng wine.8 1 Jn I he en su ing Qing period (16441911), the monastery was rc:."gu larly blamed for religious violations, which we re somclimes attributed 10 its own monks and somctimes to those occupying ils periplle l)'- In 1832, for cxample, a Dcngfe ng Count y magis! rale issuc:.xl a stricl. wa rning to the Shaolin Monastery conce rn ing thc Ix:havior of ils subsidiary sllrin e monks, whom lie accused nO! only of dictary lransgl'cssions, blll also or sex ual offenses. Shaolin-affi lialed monks, magistrate lie Wei (ft 1830) charged, engage in drinking, gambling, and whoring: Si lice allcien I I il1lcs. Ille $llaol in Monaslcry lias been a famou s temple. Ever)'where, there is nOI a monk who docs nOI look up 10 it. Its rl.-'Sidcnl derks shuuld st ricti), adhere 10 I he Budd Ii iSI cen regu larly interact ing with Ihe laity, a nd have been she lte ring cri minal s. Some im'ite rriends to dru n ke n panics. Ot hers gamble in groups, or even gang together to bri ng over prostitutes. The), collude sccreLly and col laborate in all sorts or evi I. This is ext remely halerul. 8!. E\'(:n t hough he politc.ly refrained rrom condemning the $haolin monks themselves-reserving h is critici sm for their sllbsidiary shri ne colleagues-one
Serving the Emperor
49
gels lhe impression tllatlhe magistrate had tile former in mind aswell. Afterall, I-Ie Wei addressed his admonition 10 tllc Silaolin monks, not to their affiliates. It appea rs, therefore, that his opening all usion to "subsidiary shrine mon ks" was mea ntto sa\,e face for the Shaolin monks. Indeed , as the letter u nfolds, the disIi nClion b etween "monaslel-y monks" and "subsid ia ry sil rine monks" blurs. The magistrate forch'arns all Shaoli n monks-residents and affiliatcs alike-that tll ey h'ould bc severely puni sll(.'d fOI- theil- re ligious I ransgressions: After t he monks ... read Ollr order and are informed of ilS contents, t hey shou ld all pu ri fy their hearl s and cleanse Illeir mimls. Each ont' should burn incense , cultivate thc wa)'. and chant the sutras, as \\'t'll as plough and weed tllc land . As 10 II IC various t)'pesof la)' prople. tht' monks are forbidden to colludc Willi Ih em in secret. Nor are lhe monks allowcd to interfere in OUI sidc mat ters, l!arboring ("rim ina)s, and inst igat ing trouble. 1ft hc), darc purposely disobey, and It heir c-rimes J happen to b(~ exposed, wc arC' sure 10 considcr Ihe m more serious and punish them accordingl),. As to tl\(! lay peoplc, tllC), sl10uld nOI bC' pennilt cd into the monas[(' 1)', . . . Te nant fanners should reside elsewhere. They should not be atlowed to livc near thc monks. 8G Thc magisl rat.e's warning suggCSLS I hal hc \\'as primarily conccrncd wit h publiC ordcr, not monas ti c law. I l is ed icl is rcpletc with rcfcrcnccs to hiddcn crim ina Is, which he claimcd wcre sheltc rcd at thc Sh:lolin Monaslcry, In lhis res pcct, I lc \";Ici rescm bled olher officials who wcrc conccnlcd wit h violaI ions of Huddhist. law only so far as thc), provcd lil all hcir pcrpCtralors wcrc fakc monks and a s s uch pronc to scdition a nd crimc. Wc will scc below thaI throughout. t.he Qing pcriod the go\'c mmc nt was apprchc n sivc-wilh somc reason-tllat graduatcs of Shaoli n's mi lita ry p rogram would join sectari an rebels. In 1739, for cxam plc, the higlHanking Mongolian official Yac rl.u (?1707) mcmol-ializcd thc Q ian long cmpcror (I'. J736-li95) thai '" thc slUrd y you ths of J-J enan are accllstomed to viole nce, many studyi ng the mania I arls. For example, under t he prctcxt of teaching the martial ans, the monks of thc Shaolin Temple h",·c ocen gathering worthless drcgs. Violcnt CI·iminal types wi ttfu tty study c\,il c us toms which Ix:comc a fa shion . I-Ietenxlox seClarian s targcl such crimi nal s, tcmpting them to joi n tl lei r secLS, thcreby i ncreasi ng thei r IllI mbers."'ij7 The political concerns of go\·crnmcnt burea ucrats such as I-Ie Wei and Yae rtu could cast doubt on the objectivity of their religious allegations. It cou ld be argucd that offic ia ls accused Shaolin monks of violating Budd hist law only because they wished to convince the thmne that Shaolin was not a genui ne monas tery and hence that it posed a political threat. It is sign iflcam, therefore, that infonnation on Shaolin relig ious transg ressions is provided not only by outsiders (go\'ernmelll official s) but also by insiders (monastic
;0
Origi ns of a
~ I ili ta r)'
Tradi tion
office holders) . As ea rly as the Ming period (1368-1644 ), Shaolin monastic authorities we re struggling to stem breache s of Buddhi st law a mong their co ng regalion , weeding out monks h 'II O violated the monastic code . In 1595 t.he monaslc l)" S slI pcl"i lllcndenL" U ia ns;)-\\'Ilo wcre responsible for monaslic discipli nc-cngran:d in Slone a \\·a m in g 10 their fellow cle rics not 10 tran sg ress Buddhis t la\\'. The in scr iption they a u thored implies thai disresp ect. for the monas tic code wa s relaled 10 Shaolin's un ique position as a m ilitary te mple; because lhe manial a ,-L" \,'ere praCliced al the monastery. it aU.racl.cd monks \\'110 dis rega rded Buddll is t la\\': Since ancient [imes , [ l ie Shaoli II C han ~1 ona sl e r y lias been a n an(:(~ t ral Bucldhisl lemple. II ranks firSI among Ihe world 's famou s monaste ries. I lowL...·er, cullu rc (Wf'II) and warfare (W II) a rc cull h·ltl ed the re IOge t he r. and crowds of monks flock 10 il . Thus, there are some among the m who pay no respen 10 monastic reg ul;uions .... Fro m now onwards. whe never ca ses occu r wl.ere tl.(' code is hreacl ' f'd and tl.e re gu lat ions arc violated : If tl.c t ran sgrcss ion is small, II .e offe nde r will be fort hwitl. plLnislled b}' the abbot ; if the transgression is se rious, it will be re port ed b}' t he mon ks who hold office at t he lime 10 Ih(' COllnl )' alit hodt ics. and the offe nder will be punislwd in accordance wit h the law. 1ll! We a rc now ina posit ion 10 e va luate I he e videllet:.., -lite ra r y, el hnograph ic, a nd h istor ical-ofShaoti n die tary prac tices. Ikgi nning in t he Tang pe riod and a II through the twentieth ce lllury, fi c tion and dra ma associated fi ghting monks with the consllmpt ion of an ima l fl esh. In novels, shon stories, plays, and mo re recently movies, ma nia I monks arc invaria bly de pictcd as 1llcal gobblcrs. Fieldwork conduCled at the Sh aoli n Te mple a nd its vicinit y COITobo rales lhe lestimon)' of fic t ion , 1'C\'ca ling thal C\'CIl as thc), prcsent the mselves as Budd hist. cle r ics a nd don monastic ro bc s, most monks who havc lefl the mo naste r ), to pu rsue a martial ca rcc:: r (lOCal Illc:.:al. Fina ll)" gO\'e rnme nt docume nts and monastic cOI"I'Cspondence- from the Ming and Qing pe riods alike- auesl lhal. some Shaolin o r Shaotin-affi liated monks tra n sgressed Buddhist die tary regu lations. We may conclude, therefore, tllattlll"OuglloUl mOSt, if nO\. all , o f Shaolin's hislor ), meal eati ng has been closely rela tc.-'d to the fighlin g mon k 's ethos. T his is nOt to say lhal mea t has bee n ofle n con sumed insitle the te mple . Throughoul mOSl ofShaolin's his LOr)" ca rn i\"orous monks have resided amu n d lhe monas lery in trad iliona l subsid iar)' sh rines or in m
Serving the Emperor
:) I
dained at a Ml. Wutai monastery, bUl abandons it for the freedom ofilinerant military adve ntures. I-Ie is no different, lherefore, from countless Shaolinordained fighting monks who hm·e been ea rning a living outside the temple, consu ming forbidden foods in ta,·em s from De ngfeng County to New York City. Whether they han! recei'·ed mart.iallrainingornOl , wandering monks have often t.ransgressed monaslic reg ulations. Chinese Buddhist history has known a speciallype of del'ic occupying li le fl-inges of tile monastic community, who leads an il inc rant Ii fe. Often ,·eneraled by the lait y as miracle workers, such wandering monks engaged in Ilea ling, fon unc...... lell ing, and tile Ii kc. Tile ir eXl.raordinary pO\\'ers we re bd ie'·ccl 1.0 be inlimately related to ext mordi nary behavior. for ,\'hich reason perhaps they often breached monastic law, especially the dicla ry regulat.ions forbidding meal and h'ine. Therefore, such folk thaumatllrges were somelimes referred to as "crazy monks" (dion selig), ~ mad monks" (jng h,,shal/g) , 01' '\"ild monks" (ye heslumg). Beginning in the early medieval period, their hagiographies were included in such collection s as I I\lUiao's (497-554) Biogmphies of Eminenl Monks (CaDSellg Z/IlIO Il), and they contin ued 1.0 fig ure in C II inese rei igiolls Iife all Ihrough the modern period , ,\'hen I he)' were re ferred to as "meal and \\~ne monks" (iillroll hesJumg). One oft he most famous of these eccenlric sainls was tile Song period Daoji (?-1209), also known as CrazyJi (jidian), \\' 110 liaS bee n cele brat ed post humously in an enormous body of ficlion and drama, becoming one of the most beloved deities in the pantheon of Chinese popular religion."'J We may note in concl usion thalthe connection between fighting monks and the con sumption of meat extended 10 their heavenly palrons. Medieval sources indicate Illalull li ke mOSl Buddh ist divinities. g uardian deil ies we re occasionally profrered ani mal flesh. In an ediCl dated 513, lile piously \'egeta rian emperor Liang WlIdi (I'. 502-519) forbade a n imal s
Conclusion The Shaolin Monaslel-y military aClivities ca n be traced back to the sevcmh cemur)'. Around 610 , Shaolin monks warded ofTan attack by ba.ndits, and in 621 Ihey participated in the flilure emperor Li Shimin·s campaign against Wang Shichong. who had occupied thei r Cypress Valley Estate. The t\\'o baules sha re a common connection to properly: In I.he former, the monks protccted their temple and in the latter they fought for control of their agricultural
• ,> ,.
Origins of a
~Iilitar)'
Tradition
wealth. This common feature offers a due for understanding the Shaolin martial tradition. As amuellliandoh'ners, Shaoli n monks fought 10 protect their capital. Buddh ist military stre ng th \\'as in Shaolin's case an extension of cco•
nom Ie power.
I-lad the Shaoli n Monaste ry been silUaled in a remOle comer of the e mpire, its military aCli\'ilies \\'o uld h a\'c n::mained unnoticed. It was the proximity of the te mple 1,0 lhe imperia l capita l of Luoya ng lhallransformcd its local batt Ie into a ca mpaig n of national sig n iflca nce. Sllaol in 's slral.cgic local ion on a mOll ll!ain road ic."1ding to the eaSlc m capital em broiled its monks in a political struggle of far-reaching conseque nces. Geography played an importanl role in I he fonunes of the Shaolin milit a l'y tradition. The monks' milit.aryse rvices to the Ta ngsecll red their monaslery's wealt h under its regime. The ir aSltll e choice of Li Shimin o\'er \"'ang Shichong earned Ille m tile g ral il ude of an emperor a nd Ilis migllt y dynast)', Most 'I:lng emperors were nOI enll ilisiast ic abOlIl Il le Blldd llist fait h, Tlle ir geneI'm IS pat mnage of the monasl ery resulled from Shaolin's support of t he dynast y's fOllnde r rather Ihan from religious pie ty. The monks' d isregard for the Buddh ist prohibition of violence \\'as I herefore the \'e l)' source of their monastery's prosperity. Ce rlai n t ra ilS I hal we re to characteri:t.e the emire histor), of Shaolin fighl' ing a re percepl ibte already in Tang sources, )oi rst is the associat ion oflhe fight· ing monk 's et hos \\'ith the consulllpl ion of meal. During the medieva l period , some Sllaoli lh lrfitiated monks probably violated Bllddhist dietal)' law by ca l· i ng a nimal nesll, e\'en t.hough tllei r tra nsgressions IikC\y look place o U1.sid e the te mple proper. Second, Il le con Ilectio ll bel wc...'C n monast ic martial practice and the vcneration of Budd hist milit:u), deities ca n be traced back to medieval times. It is likcl}' that as ea rly as the Tang period SII
PART
II
Systemizing Martial Practice (900-1600)
C H A PTER
3
Defending the Nation
By T il E SECOND H ALF or the Ming pcriod ( 1368- 1644), Shaolin 's military rep ul al ion Ilad bee n fI n nly establisllCd. A flood or sixleenth- and sc"enr.eenl h· cenl u ry sources at teSt,S the fam e or t he Shaoli n man ial arts. Late Ming aut bors leave no doublthal ma rtia ltr
56
Systemizing
~Ianial
P racli<;c
Shaolin mo nks had dC\'eloped quilllcsscmial fighting techniques that warrant t.he term "Shaotin mania I arts," What had happened between the Tang and the Ming? Did Shaolin monks p ractice figilling during the lengthy pcdod that separated I heir mi litary assistance to Li Shi min from the SiXlcc lllh-ce mury flowering of their manial arts? The available sources do not pennil us to an swer tllis q uestion with ccrtain lY. NC\'e rulcless, lIlc)' do indicate ti le possibility of a conI inuOliS mi lila.-y I.radi!.ion. It appea rs likely lhat Shaolin mon ks did e ngage in martiailraining-al least. inlcrmincntiy-dur ing 11 \e Nonllcrn Song (960- 1126), the Jill ( 11151234), and I he Yuan (1271- 1368), We ha\'c mentioned in tbe previous chapter a Iwelfth-celllu l), stele dedicated t.o V
'»'
Cheng Zongyou's Expositioll of the Origillal Shaolill Staff Method The ea rliest extant manlla l o f the Shaoli n manial ans was d edicated 10 slaff fighti ng. Tilled Exposilioll oJ Ihe Original SJlllolill Siaff Mellw(/ (SJuwlill gllllJa cha /l.
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zong) (herc.'1fter Sluwiin SlajjMelhOli), it \\'as compiled arou nd 1610 by a militalY expe rt named Chcng Zongyoll (Style: Chongdoll) from Xiu ning, I-Iu izhou PrefeclUre, in the soulhem pan of today's Anlilli. Thc Cheng family belonged to the local gemry, and ilS late Ming me mbcrs ind uded scveral noted scholars and degree holders. Howe\"er, Zongr ou's i lllerCSlS, like those of several hrolhe rs and nephews of hi s, were not in dassical learning but in the mililal) ' art.s. We possess a description of the entire Cheng household-Zong)'ou and his hrothers-demonstrating manialtecllniques allile local yamen, as well as an account of an eighty-man mil ita lY force, trained by Zongyou and made up ent irely of me mbers of Ilis estat e. 1 C he ng Zongyou was ne ithe r a bandit nOI· a memher of the l\·ling he redi tary military, two groups \\'e migh t expect to have mastered the martial aJ"l.s. Rather he \\'as of literali background , and his acq uai ntances included renO\\'ned scllola rs. r• Slill , martial an.s " 'e re Ili s passion , which was shared by some ot Iler me mbe rs of h is class. The ea rl iest ext a nt maJ1\ lal of t he "i nlernal scllool " (1/ f'ijia) ofrtglll i ng, for example . was compiled by I-lllang Ba ijia ( 164 3?), SOil of the re nowned scholar 1-luangZongx i ( 1610-1695), and seven teenthce ntury methods of spear fi ghting we re recorded by \,,111 Sh ll ( 1611-1005), who was also a poet and a lit e rary c ritic. These literati were often trained in fighting b)' instructors of lowe r socia l status. The ir contribu lion 10 martial art s hi story lies in recording techniques that, h aving originated aillo ng the un leue red cla sses, would ot he rw ise have been losl.6 In addition to hi s SIUlOlill SltlffMelllOli, C he ng Zong)'ou compiled an arch e ry manual tit led IlislDlY oj Arrllt'r)' (She slli) (preface 1629), d lhe melhod of staff fighting and tll(: doctrines of tile ellan seC! alike, for whidl reason gentlemen throughout the land have always admired it.
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Since my youth ' wa s de Le rmined to learn lhe martial arts. \Vh ene\'er I heard of a famous leache r ' would n· l hesitate LO u·a\-c! far 10 g'ain his instruction. Th erefore ' gathe re d lhe necessary lran!1expenses, and jour neyed to the Shaolin :\10na ste l) ' wll(!rc , spe lll , all in all, morc than t.en years. AI. first I sen 'e d :\'Ias te r ' Iongj i, who was toleraJU enough 10 admit me illlo hi s class. Even t houg h I ga ine d a ske tchy u nderstanding of t he tech n iq lIe·s broad out! ines, , didn·t maste r it . At the time :\'Iastcr ' long-Lhuan was already an old man in his eight ies.!I Ne\'t~ rt heless h is starr Ill(!t hod was supe rb. and t he monks venerated him the most,. The refore ' turned to him as my next teacher, a nd eadl day I learned new! hings I had ne\'t'!r heard of before. In addition , I IX!flienderi the 1\\'0 :\1astcrs Zongx iangand longdai. and I gained e nonnously from pract icing wit II t Ilem. Later I me t Master Guang'an. on(' of the best experts in the Buddhist technique. l ie had inherited I longzhu a n's tech niquc in its cnt ire lY, and had C\'en imprO\'ed upon i1. Guang'a n tutored me personally, and ren!
Defending the Nation
the essence ofmovemem. E\"en t.hougll stalT figlll ing is called a trivial art, ilS explication in t. his book is the result of a st renuous e ITor! . If this book serves like-minded friend s as a raft I(~ ading them to the ot her shore [of enlightenment], if they rely upon it to st rengthen the Slate and paci fy it.s borders, thereby spreadi ng my teachers' method and enhancing its glol)'. ret .lIlOt her of my goa ls would be accomplished. II.> C llcng's hopc lIlatll is Slmo/in SlaJJ MelJu)(1 \,·ould c nllancc tllc fa mc of h is monastic ins tructors \\las not fru stratcd. Shonl)' after thc manual 's puhlication , thc rc no\\'ncd Mao Yuan}'i (1549-ca. 164 1) commcntcd. "All fighting tcchniCJucs dcri\'C from staIT mcthods, a nd all staIT mcthods dcrivc f!"Om Shaolin. As for I Ilc Sllaoli n mctllod no dcscript ion of it is as dctailcd as ... Cheng Zongyou's E;..1)()silioll oflhe Ol'igilllll Shamjll SlaJJMelho
60
Systemizing
It, 1] (\ft c(Q 'l oJ-I' f' it ,. 1;- ~ I,)
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fr, 1i} -t " Hoit., 1:?- j'i, ,.' It! 1t\ "? ~1 '/ ° s..:\ fl ~-b \ 1,b ~ 'il A ~.. if] G'il' R 1il ~ T .g..
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F 1(:. 9 . Th e MU fti ng-Slcc\'c Posi tion- from Cheng Zongyou's 1621 SlwO/ill SllIJJ /lie/hod.
Pushing StafT and t he Shuuling ISlalT] differ from the remaining three in bei ng "free methods Wilho lll fi xl.xi positio ns n (II 110Jll WI/. dillg slti).I ~ Accordi ng to C he ng, the 11,'c methods all originated at the monastery. In this respect, it is no accidellllhallhc word ~original " (wI/g) fig u res in the title of his manual: Exposilion '!flhe Original S/ulOlill SilljJMeflwd. Cheng's goal was \0 expou nd what he a rg ued we re the authentic Shaolin techniq ues, as distinct from the numerous methods that--<:\'c n as thcy carried the monastery's nam e-we re far remm'ed from its ol-ig inal tcach ing_ His agend a mi rrors the fame the Shaoli n Monastc l-Yhad acqui red by thc carly se\'entecnth cent ury, If it were not for the monas tc ry's re nown , practit ioners of other tcchniques would not have capitalized on its name, a nd C hc ng would not have becn prompted to p rese nt the oliginfl/S haolin mel hod, Thus, Cheng's S/uwiin SJaJJMellwd rc\'cals a landscape fa m iliar in loclay's
61
Defendi ng the Nation
~I
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FII •. 10. Praaice sc(llIc nce frolll Cheng Zong}'ou's 1621 S/Uloli" SJ(lff Me/hod.
world of manial ans: onc of cOIllI>cting schools, each professing to be the sole in he rito r of the same o rigi nal tcaching. The .-i\·"lr), bet\\'een manial ex perts all daiming possession of t1u authc mic Shaolin Icaching is most app..'lrent in the '"Qut:stions and Answers~ section of the SIIllOIiIl Siftjf Mefhod, where Chc ng addresses the following quer)" posed b)' a hypot hetical ql lcsl ioner:
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"Today, there is no sho nage ofShaoli n slalT ex p e rL~. And re I their methods all diffe r. I low could it. b e d Ull by Clloosinga difTen~ nl teacher, a praclitioner e nd s lip being taught a diffe re nt t echniqud~ I replied: "The teach ings all d e ri ve from the same source. I lo\\,(.,,\'cr, wit h t he passage of lime people turn t heir backs 011 it. T
Thl'Oughout his manual , Che ng Zong}'o u \\'Ca\'cs together the l
Monks and Generals Although his was the most de tailed exposition of the Shaolin staff, Cheng Zongyou was nOt the o nl }' ex pe n to discuss it. On the contrary. references 1.0 the Shaolin tech niques or staff fi g hting a ppea r regularly in late Mi ng milita ry encycloped ias, beginning with Ta ng Shunzhi "s ( 1507-1560) Treatise 011 Military Affairs ( Wu bian), WI'iucn somc sc\'enty ycars prior to the publication or Che ng's manual. 18 Othcr mi lita ry compilations that fea tu re the Shaolin stafr include New Treatise on Mililar)' EJjicil!1lC)' (jixiao xinsltll) (ca. 1562), by Ihe re nowned ge ne ral Qi Jiguang ( 1528-1588); Treatise oJ Military Prej){I/"{ItioI1J, by lhe abm'e- me mioncd Mao Yuanyi; a nd Rf!Cort/s oJ Military Tartics (7Jumji), by the mili ta ry comma ndc r I-Ie Li a ngchc n (0, 1565), The latter composition indicates a spre ad or the Shaolin ma rti a l arts within monastic circles. It nOles that the monaste ry's stan method has bccn tra nsmitted to the monks al.
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6eijinll
Wutai
•
T:tiyuan ' Zhcngmou
•
Fun iu• • Shaolin I
1\1 ""
3. "'ling ce nters of mOnaS! ic fig h ting.
Mount Niu, b)' which it probabl y refers to the monastic celller on Mo ulll Funiu , llenan (map 3). 19 L.'l.le Ming militar), expens us ua lly heap praises on the Shaolin staff method . QiJ iguang, for in stance , IisIS it among the famo us fighting techniq ues of his lime, and ~'I ao Yuanyi concludes that it has sen'crl as thc source for all othe r stafT st),les. I-Iowew;r, the information to be gathered from uilical voices is no less significan t. Martia l anis L<; who di sappro\"(,.'d of the Shaolin method provide LIS with detai led i nfonnation 011 it. Til is is especia l I)' truc of those mi li lary experts that found fault with the Sh aolin c mphasis on the stafT, for Ihe)' offer lhe st.rongest tes ti mOil )' of its celllralit)' in t he monaster),'s regimen. One expert who o bjected to the Shaolin concentration on stafTfighting, arg uing that it resul ted in neglect and e\'en distortion of training in other weapons, was Wu Shu. Wu was bom on the banks of tile Lo u Rh'cr (nO'wcalied Liuhe), in the subprefcclUrc of Taiqiang, some thin)' miles northeast of Su zhou in
64
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[()(lay'sJiangsu. Like Cheng Zong}'ou, he \Vas of literati background, and unde r his other name, WlI Qiao, he is known to liS as author ofthe Poefic Conversafion_l" A round Ilu Fireplare ( HeiLu shillllfl).:>tl As a roung man , Wu studied spear fighting with other gentry fdend s, one o[h'hom , Lu Shiyi (1611-1672), was 10 become a renowned Confucian lhinker. Tllcir inSlruClOr was tIle itinerant manial anist Shi Dian (/wo:Jingyan) (ca. 1572-1 6.%).~' Wli practiced the spear throughout his adult life. In 1678 he summari zed his st.udics in an anthology titled Arm Exercises (Shaub; Ill), which includes seven eli ITcrcnl. spea r manual s. One of lhese, tit led S/Hwr Melil()(i from, fhe Dreallling-of Foliage I-Ifill (Menglii lang qiallgj;'), is aHribuled to the Shaolin monk I-Iongzhllan , whom C he ng Zongyou me ntioned as his slaff leache r. Even as he incorpo rated I-Iongzhuan's manual into his anthology, Wu was highly cri tical of the Shaolin method it re prese nt ed. "Shaoli n Imo nks] do not lI nders tand spC
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I had heard t.hat. t.he Shao[in :'-.Ionastery in I lenan possesses a divinely t.ransmitted met bod of fenci ng Uijin /I) lstaff fighLing l, Later, when I was on Illy way back from Yunzhong (in Shanx i), I followed th(! path to the monastery. :'-.1ore t.han a t.hOlL-;and lShao[i nl monks considered themS(!kes expe r t.~ in t.his lstafTl method, and t hey all came Otlt to demonstrate it. I realized that t he monastery llad already lost tile ancient secrets of the art, and I openly told them so. The monks immediatdy expresserl their desire to be instructed, to wh ich I responded: "One must dedicate years upon years to maSH!r t his techn i<[ ue,M So they chos(! from amongst them twO young and courageous mon ks. one named Zongqing, the ot [lt:r Pucong, who followed me to th(! South. and took up residence in side my military barracks. I taught them Ihe True Fonnula of the Yin and Yang Tran sformat ions, 't7 as well as the profound and illuminating imperati\"es. After more than three years had elapsed , the twO said: - We haw' been here long (~ nough. \\'c beg permission to rct urn in order I hat we ma}' teacll ou r fellow mon ks what we han' learned. Tl lis way fyollr] method will be tran smitt ed for e\'er and c\·er.M And so I let Ihem go. Tltirteen rea rs swift Iy passed , and sudden ly one day my gatekeeper announced t hat a mon k was wish ing to sec me. l ie was allowed in. and 10 and behold It(' was Zongqing! J Ic told me that ptl('ong had already joined tile ranks of divine beings, and tllat on ly lie, Zongqing. had returned to t he Shaolin Mon:tst et1'. wherc he taught t he Sword Fonnulas (s tafTformulas) and Chan Regulations. Amongst the monks. almost a hun dred ach i(.'ved a profound kllowlcclb>"C of the technique. Thus it call be tran smitted for e\"er and c\"er!211 Ge ne ral Yu was under lhe impressio n that his slaffmethod would be 1ransmined for genc ral ions at the Shaolin Monas tcry. Did he O\'creStimalc his impact on the Shao\in trad ition? All examination of Cheng Zongyou's manual reveal s lhal. the staff lechni<1ue he lea rned at Sh ao\i n , some fifty years after Yu 's \'isil 1.0 the monas tc t'y, was em ircly different from the one ollliined in Yu's Sword Classic. The twO staff sty!cs-thattaught by the genel'al and lhat sUidied by Cheng-vat'y in e\'e t'YLhing from t he names ofmcthods (fa) and position s (sId) to the rh)'ming fonnul as a nd illustl<\tion s.:!9 Funhermore. we can t.race at. least some of Lhe nome nclatu rc in C he ng's SIUIOIiIl Staff '''''eflt od to a milit.ary encycloped ia that alllecedes Yu's e ncounter with the Shaolin monks. :W Clea rly, an indigenou s tradition of Shao\in staff fighting, which predated the gene ral 's visit to the mona ster)', contin ued to thrive there long afterwards. General Yu misj udged hi s innl1e nce on Shao\in fighting, blll it is not impossible t.hat he left some mark on it. A hint is providc..xJ by the following passage from Wu Shu's Arm Exercises, which wascompilcd approximately a huncir(.-<:I years after the general 's \'is itto the Shao\in monastery:
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The Shaol in :"'Ionastcr y has a SI afT fig lu ing m CI hod calk"{i MFin! Tigers Interception"' (Wuhl! Ian). - One strike down, one strike UpM (Ji flu Ji jie) is all t here is [0 it. 51 riking down , 111(: s tall should reach the ground; stri king up it should pass one's head . II is a simple mClilod, and liu!re is not hing spectacular abOLIt ii , almost like a farmer hoeing the soil. Still. by practicin g it long enough one ;11 t ains refine m e nt . -Slri king down and up:' one obtains SI re n g! II. [\,(: n t he other Simolin techniques arc all in awe of this mel hod. It canllot be I,aken liglilly j u st h(!causc it is so si mph:. ~l
Wli Shu high lights the formula "one stri ke <10\\'11 , one strike up" as charactcrist ic of the "fi\'c Tige rs 1Iltcrccpt ion ." The same formula figu res prom ine nt.!y in Vu Dayou's Sword Gllssic, fOI' h'hicll reason it is IikeJ y that tile il1(!t hod the ge ne ral taught is none other lhan the one \Vu Shu describes . If Tang I-I ao, wllo formulat ed t Ili s hypotllesis, is correc t, then by t he lat e seventeen til ce ntury the Shaolin monks had bee n e ngaged in t\\'o s),stems of staff train i ng, o ne recorded in C he ng's Siwoli 1/ SIll!! Melho
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the Shaolin Monastery but at anothe r Budd hi st center, Mount Emci in Sich uan. C he ng traveled the re to gain the instruction of mo nk I'u'en (fl. ca. 1600). whose sp ear techn ifjues he late l' l'ccol'ded in h is Emei SjJear Method (Elllei qi(mgfa)Y' I-Ie notes that Pu 'e n rccciwxi thi s tcchn ique from a divine be in g. fo r which reason , p erhaps, the monk was reluclan t to part with it. C he ng was obliged to s pend two years ga the l'ing fireh'Ood befo re Pu 'en was convinc{.xl of hi s sincerity and revealed to hi m the 1ll}'StCl'ies of I he spear. ~; 01e ngZhe nru \'O}'aged far to be 11i1Ored by the best spea r masler. In Ihis he resembled ot!ler laIC Ming mania I a niSLcd s of the kni ghteHam (xia Ne) . Indeed , in "ma nia l a n s fi ction " (WUXill Xilloshuo), the ~ ri ve rs and lakes" no lo nger sign ify a manner oflh·el ihood, much less a mode Qflransportalio n. i nSIc."1d , they symboli ze a real m offreedom, whe re the laws .of fami Iy, SQciet)'. and state no longe r apply. Situated berond e\'e r)d ay Ii fe, it is in l he "rivers and lakes" that the dreams of knight-e rra ntry a rc fulfi lled . 'u
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The Piracy Crisis Lnc Ming military cxpcn sh'cl"e convinced thatShaolin monks had been practicing t he staff for cC lllul-ics. C he ng Zong),oll , Wli Sh u, Yu Dayou , and Qi Jig uang concurred that "the Shaolin SlafTmelllod hascnjo}'cd fame from ancien t t.imes to lhe prcsc nL. ~ Why, then , \\'( I"C they the firSI \0 record it? What happened in tile sixt.cclllh cenUlry 11la1 explai ns t.lle sudden interest. i n the Silaol in figllting rcdlni'lllcs? The tat,C Mi ng g rowli l of ti le publi slli ng ineiustry could provide a part ial explanation for the Simolin mani a l a n s be ing recorded allhalli mt:. Those printed ge nres lilac. docume nt ed fi gllting tcchn iqllcs-martial arls manuals and vernacula r fictio n , for example-ca m e inlo their own during lilt! sixteenth and seve nt ee nth ce nturies, This is especiall y true of a genre Ihal is c rit icall)' i IllIXl rt ant for ti le Sl ud y of ma"t ia I arts 11istory: mi lilar), encyclop edias, The lai c Ming witnessed the publicat ion of la "ge-scale mili tary COTll p e ndium s, in which a wide va "ie ty of manial topics-f,'om cannons and \\'afships to fe nci n g and sparring-we re d iscussed, II These prinl e d compendiums provide d the slage for I h e disc u ssio n of the Shaolin staff: A not he r, more sig nificanl , reason for I he growi ng int e rest in Shaolin figh ting was t he d ecl ine of I he regular Mi ng arm)" B)' the mid-si xtt.'Cnt h cenl II ry, I h e army was in such dire Sl rails tha i " Ihe defe n se installa tions of lhe e mpi re, alo ng wit h th ei r logistical fra mework, h ad largcl)' va ni s hed,"'~ The situation was so gnwe tlm t in 1550, the Mongol prince Aha n was a ble to loot the l3ctiingsuburbs frecly. The d e te rioration 0 1'1 he h e re ditary Millg arm y was reflected in I he at I.elllion paid to a large va rie l)' o fl oca l troops (xiong bin!,:) that could be recruite d to supplement it. M ili tary analysts commented 0 11 the fighting sk ills of su c h dive rS(; g rou ps as mOLlntai !lee rs (from I lcna n ), sto ne throwe rs (from I-Iebei), sailo rs (from Flti ian), and s.' lh worke rs (from se\'e r ..11 provinces), 13 As for the Shaolin mon ks, pa rticula r aue mion was g i,'e n to fheir military ca pa bili ties followi ng I he mid-sixleemh-centu ry ca mpa ig n - in whic h th ey took part-ag
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lin and other monastic troops. The mostdetai1cd account is Zheng Ruoceng's (n. 1505-1580) "The Monastic Armies' First Victory" ("Seng bing sholl jie ji "), induded in h is The Simiegic De/e1l$/! of Ihe j i(lllgnml Regioll (ji(JlIglI{/)/ jing iiiI') (p reface 1568).1:; E,'en thoug h he nc" cr passcd thc cxami nations, Zhcng gained tllc csteem of hi s contemporal'ies as an cxpert geographer of China's coa stal rcgions. For this reason , he h'as selccted in 1560 as advisor by I-Iu Zongxian ( 1511-1565), who was the n the slIpl'emc commander ofl.he armies in FLuian , Zhejiang, and the SOllthe rn Mctropolitan Region (t.oday'sJiangsu). Zheng 's tenure in I-Iu's headquarte rs must h,\\'e cont ri buted to his familiaril.Y with t he campaign against piracy, of h'hich B u was in chargc,lf. Collating Zheng's and other late Ming account.s, \\'C can ascert.ain which orficial initiated Ihe mobili7.ation orfighting monks: \Van Biao (l1flU. LUYl.lan) ( 1498-1556), \\'110 se f\'cd as vice comm issioner in cllicfin the Nanjing Cilief Mililary Commission. 11 We ca n also pinpoint mlcast fOllr battles in which monastic troops l><'t rt icipated. Tile first took place in Ihe spring of 1553 on MOllnl Zhe, \\'hich conI mls I he en t ranee frOIl) the 1-lang1.holl Gil l th m ugh the Qian lan g River, to I-Iang:.-.holl C it y.1I1 The remai ni ng 1hree \\'ere waged in the canalstre\\'n I-iuangpu Riv(!r delta (which during the Ming belonged 1.0 Songjiang Prefecture): al \Vcngjiagang (July 1553), at Majiabang (spring of 1554), and at Taozhai (aulumn of 1555).19 The incompete nce of a ll army general led to a monastic defeat in the fourth battle, followin g \\'hich the remains of four nille n monks were e nsllrined unde rnea th the MS tupa of t he Four l leroic Monks" on ML She , some twe nt y miles south\\'Cst of LOdlly's Sha nghai (map 3):.... The monks scored thei r biggest victor), in the Wengjiagang bailie. On Jul), 21 , 1553, 120 fighting monks defeated a group of pirates, chasing the survivors for ten da}'s along the twe nty-mile rome somhward to Wangjiazhuan g (on the Jiax i ng J>re feClu rc coast). The re, on July 3 1, the very last bandi!. was disposed of. All in all , more th a n a hundred pirates pel'ished , whe reas the mo nks suITered four ca sualties on l),. Indeed , the monks look pil.y on no one in this bat lie, one employing his iron staff to kill a n escaping pinne's wife. (Zheng Ruoceng docs not com me nt on the monk s' disregard for the Buddhi st prohibition on killing, e,'c n in this instance when the murde red woman presumably was unarmed .p l NOl all the monks who panicipated in the Wengjiagang vinory ca me from !.he Shaotin t\:lonastcl'y, and whe rcas some h ad previous military experien ce, others presumably wcre train ed (Ili hoc fo r thi s battle. I-Iowever, the cleric who led them to vic tol'y did rccci,'e h is militar), education at Shaolin. This is Tian)'uan , whom Zh(!ng ex tols both for his martial ans skills and for his strategic ge nius. He elaborates, for instance, upon the ease with which the Shaolin friar defeated eightccn I-Ia ngzhou monks, who challenged his command of the monastic troops:
r.
Tian),uan said: ~ 1 am realSllaolin. ls tllerc an}' manial anin which you are good enough to justi f)' your claim for supcriorit}' o\'er me?- The
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eighteen [ llang-LhouJ monks chose from amongsllhem e ight me n 10 challe n ge him. The eight immediately atlacked Tianyuan using 1hei r hand combat techniques. Tian),uan was standing at thaI mome nt atop t he open terrace in f rOil t of t he hall. I li s e iglu assai lams 1 ri(!d to dim b the SI ai rs lcadi ng to it from t he COliri yard underneal h. I lowe,"cr, he saw them coming. and st ruck Wilh his fi sts, blocking them from climbing. The eight monks ran around 10 ti le Imll 's backentram:e. Then, armed wit h 5 \\'01'(\ 5, [hey charged through the hall 10 t he terrace in front. Th ey slas he d their weapons aI Tianyuan who, hurrie dl y grabbing the long bar that ras[{~ ncd the hall's g
did, tlll_"'}' could not get into the te rrace. They \\'(~ n~ , on Ihe contrary, overcome by Tianyuan. Yuekong (t he challengers' leader) surrendered and begged forgiw·ness. Then , the eigh teen monks proslral ed Ilie mS(' ln'S in frOll1 of TianYllan , and offered t llei r submission .r:t! The description ofTianyuan's manial skills wou ld probably ring fa miliar to reade rs of mart ial af1.S fi c tion . Several mOlifs in Zheng Ruoceng's narrative became s tandard features of this late imperial , and modern , lit e rary ge nre. Manial arts no\'c!s (a nd more recently films) commonly cele brat.e empty-ha nded, and si ngle-handed , v i (' tori es, ~$ Ilo\\'e\'er, from Zhe ng Ru oce ng's perspect ivc , Tian)'uan's manial skills we re no flclion. The sixt eenthcentury military analyst was so impresscd \\'ith the Shaolin monks ' fighting abilities that hc urged the gove rnme nt to make regular use of mona stic anlHCS:
In toclay's martial arts, there is no one in Ihe land who does nOI yield 10 Shaoli n. Funiu l in Iletlan] should be ranked as second. The main reason [for Funiu's excellence] is thai il s mon ks. seeking 10 protect tllelllsel\'c'-'S agai nst tile miners. siud ied al Sllaol in. Tl lird comCS WUI"i [in Sha n xi]. The sou rce of the Wutai tradition is the method of the "Ya ng Family Spe ar~ (Yan gj ia qian g). which has been lransmilled for brc nerat ion s in the Ya ng famil y. Togethe r. these 1hrce lI~uddhi s l centers] comprise hundreds ofmonaste rics and countless monks. Our land is beset. by band its in side and barbarians OUIside. I f I he government issul.-'S a n order for ltli c'-'Se monks'J rec ruitmen t i1 will win cvcry battle. ~ 1 Zheng's call ror t he recruitme nt ofShaolin monks illustrates the impa.ct lhal the piracy campaign had had on tJle ir monastery's fame. The pirates' atlacks on China's coasts cons tituted a na tion al crisis, wh ich was discussed on all levels or gove rnment, rrom loca l authorities in the numerous affected counties 1.0 the highest echelons orimpe l-ia l burea uc racy. Shaolin 's contribution to this ca mpaign re\'erberatoo through Ming officialdom. The monastery's victories were recorded in numerous documents ranging from local gazeueers and
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71
standa rd h istories to works o rflctio n , 1rShaoli n's assistance to Li Sh im in was t he source or its Tang pe riod fame, then the piracy campaign secu red its Ming period ren ow n, The Shaoli n's p iracy wa r \\'as to inspil'e C h inese monks ror centu ries to come , Faced withJ apa nesc aggressio n in the I 930s, Chinese Budd hists reca lled the mon aste ry's VicIOl' )' O\'e r the so-ca lled ~J apa n ese bandits" (wokou), In 1933, t he e nt husiastically pa tl'io tic mon k Zhen hua a llthon;d a H isfor)' ojM OllflSfi( N{/~ lionfl! Defense (Sengjifl hugltO slli), ra llying h is [elIO\\' Buddhis\.s to fight the J apanese invade rs. Arg u ing tha t in ti mes or natio nal crisis it was perm issi hle ror mo n ks to fight , Zhenh ua cited Shaolin's heroic con tri bution to the sixteen thc.en tury pi racy campaign.!.... By ti le 1\\'en tie \11 cen lu ry, Il le monastery's m ilitary legacy p rovided a preceden l fo r Budd hi sl warrare.
Patron age Eve n though the pi racy wa r was Ihe ir mosl ramous, il \\~ilS nOI the only campaig n in wllicll Sllaolin mon ks look pa rI , Ikginning in Ihe firsl d ecad e .or the sixteenl h ce nl u ry, Shaolin warrio rs \\'cre regu larl y drafted 1.0 q lle lllocal II n rest in nOl'l h Chi na. In 1511 , scve nl y mon ks lo sl the ir lives righting Liu the Sixth a nd Liu tile Se\'e nlh , whose band il a n niesswepl th rough I lebei and I le nan. l n 1522-1523, Shaoli n fighters ballied I he miner tu rned bandit Wang Tang, who pil laged Simnd.ong and I Icnan , and in 1552 tlley parl ici l'>.:1ted in the g.overnme n t ofre nsive agai n st the I le na n .outlaw Sh i Sh ,mgzhao,:..6 The monastery's mili ta l), suppo rt of the M iug COlli inu(:d into the d ynasty's lu rbule nl. lasl. years. Du ri ng the 16.~0s , Sha.olin m.onks were fepe.n cdly enlis\.(xl 1.0 tllC doomcd campa ig ns agai nSI. ti le swe ll ing rebel armics that by 1644 were to topple the d)'nasly. We will sec in chapter 7 that the monks' loyalty 1.0 the regime led 1.0 thei I' monastery's destructi.on by its ad\'ersaries, In 164 I the bandit leader Li Zichcng (1605?-1645) marched his re bel a rmy into He nan , whel'e togethe r with the local warl.ords he an nihi lated t he Shaolin fighti ng f.orce . Shaolin's forUi nes were in timatcl)' related to tllose.of the d ynasty it llad stead rastly served. EpitaphS of ShaD li n fighti ng m.onks prO\'ide us with important inform ation o n thei I' III ilitary se l'\~ce to the M ing. Shaol in's Stupa Forest contains at least rOLlr stupa insc riptions ded icat(:d to fi ghting mon ks. TIle memorials or tw.o monk~, Wan'a n Sh u ngong (1545-1619) a nd Benda ( 1542-1625), nOte that they "gained .. 'eals that merit in baule ," without specifying in which. Another inscription n ... mo n k Zhufa ng C'l ngong (1516-157'1) comma nded the firty Shaolin warri.ors that pa rticipated in the go\'cnunent o fTe nSI\'c agai nst Sh i Shang'l.ha.o. A r.oll nh anests that monk Sa nqi Yougong (?-1548) was sent as rar as Yu nnan in the remOte SOUlhwestto qudl tr iba l unresl. I-lis manial exploits had earned this Shaolin wa rrior the military p.osition.of chic f supeni sing regiona l commande r.!,7 Shaoli n's m ilitary assistance to the sta te won p rai se rmm its highestran kin g orficials. Du.-i ng t he 1620s, the vice cen sor in ch ief, grand c.o.ord i na-
72
Systemizing ~Ianial Prac! kc
tor for I-I e nan , Che ng Shao Uinshi 1589), visited the monastery and d edicated a poem to its fighting monks. Weaving together Buddhist and military image ry. lhe vice censor in chief argued lhat war on behalf of the stale d ocs not contrad ict lhe Buddhi st prohibition of violence. On the comrary. Shaolin monks attain lhe " fruit s of cn li gille nmc ill" by their military protection of the people. The)' arc able to "trans mit lhe lamp"-that is, propagat.e the Buddhist message-by their he roic co nlribution \0 national d efense: I tnperia I decom! ion s for bandit r y suppression
fill'
tIle 1rue rruiL" of
attalllment,
Nat ional defpll se and world pacifica. ion (Ill' 1he lamp-l ransmission. Under a prosperoll s reign. emcrg(!llcics we need nOI fear. By loyalty and herois m Vairocalla spreads Ihe ~1ah'-ly'-lIla ':»!
The Shaolin monks' supporl of the regime eanled them nOI only words of praise hUI also malcrial lx :nefits. 1n 1581 a nd again in 1595, Dengfeng Col ml )' official s issued formallellers , exelllptingShaolin's lands from taxal ion, BOI h le t le I'S \\'ere engraved in slone al the monaSICI) ' \0 cnsu re its lax-free standing und el' fulure btl reaucnus, I nlcresl ingly, I he 1\"0 docll illents specifically wnl'il low-ran ki ng cle rks nOI 10 exact money from I he monas lery for tlleirown pockets, Dengfeng C.ollnl}' officials granted S haolin tax breaks on the basis of the monast.e r y's milil.u)' record, Their leiters provide important infonnation on the 1l10naSI.CI), 'S i nvolvcment in warfare, for tl u'!}' list one by one the ca mpaigns in which iLS monks look part : During theJi.tiing (1522-1566) reign . the Lilt bandit s. Wang Tang. and Ihe pirates, as well as Shi Shang-I.hao ami o thers created \'ioknt dist urbances, Th is monaste ry's fig ht ing mon ks (WII seug) were repeatedly called upon t.u su ppress tllem , Ti ley courageously killed t he bandit s, man)' ea rni ng t.lle merit of putt ing tl lei r lives on Il le line. Thus this monaster y's monks have rel ied upon culture (wen) and warfare (WII) alike to prot.l.'t:tthe state and strengthen its army, They arc not like mun ks in ut. llel' mona steries til rougllout ti le land. who merely conduct rit.uals, read the Sut.ras, and pray fur th e e mperor's long life.~~9 Word of the Shaolin's mel-itOI-ious sen 'ices h ad reached the impe.-ial palace itself Emperors, e mpresses, and e unuc hs vit."rl wit h each olhe.- in patronizing the monastel"}" In 1587, ror example, the Empress Dowager Zishcng commissioned a special woodblock ed ition or Buddhist scriptures in 637 cases, to be kept at the Shaolin Monas ter}'_The empress dowager's gift was announced in an imperial edict by her son , the reigning emperor Zhu Yijun (.-. 1573-1620), In his edict, the emperor al luded to the Sllaolin monks' military service to lhe state, "Buddhis t sniptures," the emperor wrote, "are not without merit for the defense of the state and the protection or the people_"oo
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Defending the Nation
Several decades earlier, the mQSl p(J\\'el-rlil e unuch in Emperor Zhu 1-IQuzhao's (r. 1506-1521 ) COLIn, Zhang YQng (1465-1529), lavishly supported the mona"ter y. Zhang might have becQme acquainted Wilh ShaQlin through his diverse military responsibilities c hief the capilal garrisQn and direclor of lhe imperial milital), training CQI-PS, amQng Qlhers. Around 1519, he donale rllo Shaolin a gilded S\.atue Qf the mQnaste l)"s patron sai nt B
or
Other Monastic Troops I n the spring of 1512, the gO\'C\' nme m im'e stigatcd accusations of bmta lity Ic veled against an imperial anny deplO'red in I-Iuguang (today's Hu nan and Hubei). It was alleged that the impe l-ial rQrces-m ade of reg u lar army units as well as monastic troops- loQted the civilian population, The soldiers, lay and cleric s ali ke, were so rapacious that thcy were "wQrse than roving bandilS.nCoI It is not sU 'l) I-is ing that we dO' nQt know to' which monastery lhe rapacious fighting monks bdonged. OUl-ing the late Ming, the term ~ monastic u"(X)ps" (sengbing) was widely applied to' martial mQnks all O\'er the e mpi re, from Fluian in the sOUlheastto Shanxi in the nQrthwest, rmm Yunnan to Henan. Recall that in his "Monastic Armies' First VictQI-y," Zheng Ruoceng alluded to various Bud-
74
Systemizing
~Ianial
P racli<;c
dhisl units that contdbulCd to the pi racy campaign , incl uding eighteen I-Iangzholl de rics who challenged the leadership ohhe Shaolin monk Tianyuan. Perhaps the disLaIll memOI)' of a monk turned empcrorcomri bul.cd to the lale Ming vogue of flgln ing monks. Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-1398), founder of lhe Ming dynasty, began his carceras a novice at the Huangjuc Monastery. in Fcngyang, Anhui. There is no evide nce that ZlI lI, \\'ho entered lhe monastery wh en he was sixteen , practiced the mania I arts there. Still, we d o know that after leavi ng t.he monasl,c l), at t\\'c llt )'-llirec, he became the commander of an army I hat look o\'c r the Chinese cm pirc. f6 ZlIu's example might have in spired
01 her mon ks, or al least fad litatcd gO\"crnmcnl tolerancc of tllc Jll. Bc lhal as il ma)', laIc Ming fi ghting monks \\'crc so common that thcy aroused criticism wili lin monastic circles. Tile renO\\'ned Buddhist tllinker from FLUian, Yuanxian ( 1578-1657) condem nl,"() thei,· di sregard for the religion's prohibil ion of kill ing. "Olll'ing I he Yuan pe riod upheaval in Q uanzhou rrIUianJ," Ihe emi nent monk wrole, "I he officials \\'ere corrupt. ThL')' forced monks 10 hccomc soldicrs .... Alas! Among loday's monks there are many who do nOI wail 10 bc coerccd, bUI bccome soldiers ofthcirown accord. This is a sign that thc Buddhisl Dharma is being cXlinguishcd !"f06 Yuanx ia n proceeded 1.0 vc nt his fru stration in a dramalic verse titled ~ Lamelll on Monastic Troops" ("Scngbing Ian"): The Sentient So\"ercigu's [I he Buddha l f!losl rule prohibits killing, Animal siauglll e r is also repri manded . The ancie nts warn ed us nOllO uproollid nggrass, 11 01\' much more so joi n armies ror mass slaugh le r. I leads uplirted , shoulders flexed. Ihey e me rge rrom 1 heir mon:lSH:! rk"S Only longing ror baIlIe, like Ille Asura De\·il s. Their Iilonas tic rob{."S they eas ily discard rore\"er, Clad in armo r,t hey wield baltic-axes.
Loyalty a nd cou rage, they have none whatsoever, Out of obs{."Ss i\'e cl"ons. AhL~!
Ala s! Why aren'tthey e nlighte ned , Destroyi ng themselves, like moths n)' ing inlo fire.
At Mornin g, when rou wa ke and scratch your llead, examine yourself, The Senlient Ru ler ma), sermon forever, yet he alone C'.in', sa,·e you. foll
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Ming aUlhors consi dc rc d Shaolin monastic troops the best; Funiu fIg htin g monks rankc d sccond , and thc Wlilai ones th ird , To these centers o f Buddhi st fi g htin g could bc adde d thc m o nastic co mplex on MI. Emci, Si chuan (map 3) , 1-IO\I'c, 'c r, fi g lnin g on a sm a lle r sca Ie was practiced in num e ro us o thc r tc mplcs as well. Indi vid ua l monks p racticed the m artial arts in vario u s shrines, wh ich wc rc not neccssarily m ilitari ly renowned, !-luang Zongx i rccalle d accompanyin g thc Int c rna l School m artia l anist Wan g Zhe n g nan (16 17- 1669) to the Tianlong ~ll o n as t cry, in N ing ho, ZhcJian g, One monk t.he rc was ramc d for his martia l skills, a nd 'Va ng Zhengn an proceedcd 1,0 t.cst h is stre ng t.h and dc rc at him ,&9 It ine raney crealed a Iink bc t \\'Ccn va l'ious centcrs of m onast ic fight ing. The man ial arl s did nOI e mc rge indc pc ndently in cadi mo nastery, Rather. traveli ng mo nks sprc."ld Ihei r fi gilling tcchniqucs from one te mple 10 another. Zheng RlIoccng not cd thaI thc Funiu monks cxcellcd in fig ht ing hecause they had bcc n t.rain c d al thc Shao lin Monastc l)'. I-Ic Lia ngche n fu r l her spt.'Cified tllat IIICY Ilad becn i !lSIrUClc d tl lc re in st a IT fi g hting. 1-lo\\'C\'er, in fhle nce be twt.--cll tile two m o nas lc r ics d id nOI go onc way o nly: Shaolin's a bbo t Hua n xi u Cha ngrun (?- 1!J8!J) had sludic d undc r the Funiu m astc rTa n ra n Pinggong (?- 1579)?' T Ilc Simol in SIa rf cx pc rt Bi a n(hln (?-l SG3) cxempl i fies iIi neran t m on ks' role in sprcad ing m o nas l ic fi g hl i ng. Thc m a rt ia l m o n k Sl lid ied sla O' fight ing and hand combat al S haolin undc r a Tibc ta n m astc r, who was notc d in the m o nast.e l")"s rccords no t onl y ro r hi s fi g ht i ng ICell niq ucs bUl a Iso for h is effectivc fund-rai sing sk ills.'l A fle r g r ad ua li ng from the m o nastery's mi lil aI'), p rog ram , Biandull travelc d bc twcc n his a lma m a te r a nd Ihe Sich uan cem crof Buddhi st. fi g hting on Mt . Eme i, whe rc likely hc ta ug h t S hao li n figh ti ng lcchniqucs. ( I lc pa sscd away in Sic hua n a nd was bro ug h t back for imenne lll at Shao lin by his disc iples.)' 2 Biandun an'i\'c d in Yunna n as well. C hc ng Zongyou notes that the ma r tial mo n k sowcd a Miao pe rson thc re, whe rc upon t he Miao people \'enenn e d him as a god ." Thc YunnanJiz.1l M Olln/aiu H iS/O J)' (jiz.1l sluw uli) includes a biograph)' o f Biandun, whic h na n -atcs how hc c mployed V'!i ra pal.li ·s ~ di v in c spell " to s ubdue loca l bandits (and ghosts). We 11<\\,c seen a lx)\"e that V~ra pal)i had been worshipped a t Shaolin in the COntex t o f m a rtia l t rai n ing. The fea rsome d eily was believed to c ndow his m a rtia l d c:.,\·Olees with extraord ina ry physic al stre ngth. It is likely t herefo re tha t, a lo ng wit h V~ ra pal.l i's spe ll, Biandull had tran smi ued Shaolin fig illing tcchniques to tlle J izu Moun tain m o nks.i' Whe n t hey would hit thc roa d , lay m a rtia l a rtists a lso sojou rned in le m pI es . Throug hout C hinesc histol'y, tc mples fun c tione d as inn s, Buddhist and DaoiSl m o nastcl'ies as well as tc mples of the popular rel igion o ffe n'."d she lter to the noating mc mbe rs of thc "1'i\'Crs a nd l a kcs~- I ay a nd cler ica l alike. In 1663, wh en he arrived to Kuns han ,Jiangsu , the itincra nt m artia l a rtist S hi Dian , who was not a monk, star ed ror two rc.'lrs atthc loca l Re turn ing Kindness Te mple (Baobe n si), whe rc hc taug ht his e nthusiastic genu), stude nts Wu Shu and Lu Shi)'i sp ea r fi g ht ing.;!,
76
Systemizing
~Ianial
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l c mplcs offered manial anisLS not only shelter, but also space to d e monstrate lhei r art. '"Temples," h,.-ites Susa n Naqu in, "\\'Cre ovcrwhel millgl)' lhe most important componelll of public space in C h inese cities in the late-i mperial era."7,) Martial arLists often made a li \~ ng by giving pu blic performances on temple g roullcl". Like olhe r ".-j"crs a nd lakes" artists-actors, singers, and slOrYI,d lc rs-lilcy tra\"clcd from one sllr ine 10 a notllcr, pel-forming on such holidays as the local god's binhd.1Y. A sc\'c nlce nth-ccllIu ry pilgrim discovered al t.he Shanciong l c mplc of the Easlcm Peak "some lell wrestling platforms and [hcalrical stages, each anraCling hund n::ds of spectators ",ho cl tL"tcred Ii kc ht.'Cs o r anl,s."1"1 "I n C\'CI)' city t,emple fair," o bsc rvcd the latc Qing Yun Youke, "t here arc mart ial a rti sts demonstrating theil' an ," ";8 Mart ial art iSIS perfo n ned in te mples o n holidays and temple fairs. After tllei r s llo\\' tlley would collcct money rrom the a udience or sel l pills and ointmen ts, \\'Ilidl wcre supposed to make Ille il' clie nl.S as st rong as the)', the seller's pllysiCJlIe proving Ille efficacy or Ilis mcdicine, In addition, some mili tary experls orrered classes in temples on a regillar basis, To thi s day, Taiwanese martial artists leach in neighborhood a nd village temples. Likewise, the se,'en teent ll-centu r y \Vang Zhe ngnan tallgllt his internal martial arts at th e Ningbo Iro n Uuddl.a (Tie ro) Temple bccallse, \\'C arc 101d, ';his 0\"11 hOllSC was 1.00 small."7!! Thi s rare gli mpse int o an unlellered mart ial art ist's Ii fc is given us by hi s Iiterat i studen t, (luang Raijia, As distinc t. rrom [ocall.emplcs whe re martial arts ,,"ere performed, the big ce nte rs or monastic fighting each me rits a study in il.s own righL Ilere arc onl)' a few commen ts on some or tl lem: Mount Wutai The "fou r Creal Moumain s~ (Sida ming sha n) occupy a centra l place in CII inese Uudd llist sacred geograpllY. Each is associated with the c u ll. or a Rodh isamra , who is supposed to be manirested t here. Mount Wmai , in Shanxi Pro\,i nee, is cons idered tile abode or the Bodhi sattva of wisdom , l\-laI1ju sri (Wensh u). As ea rly as the fi rst celllur ies CE it had attracted pi lgrims who soughlthe d city's epipha ny. The mou m ain IIOUseS dozens or monasteries, some of which dale back to thc carly medie\"a l period. The military activities or Wuta i monks resu lted in part from its strateg ic location o n Chi na's no rthwester n border. The mountain r ises over nine thousa nd reet abO\·c t he city o rTa i),ua n , in a n area which has seen conStant fighti ng beLwee n H a n Ch inese a nd nomadic centra l Asian people. Indeed, the ea rliest recorded inSlance o rWutai im'oh'ement in warfare dales from the twclrth-ce nturyJurchen im
Defending the Natio n
77
nuo and Du Taishi , \I'e re e\'e n appointed ~\'a n g u ard genera ls" in th e impe rial army,lIl The courage of one WlIlai fl gluing monk ea rned h im a biography in the "loyal herocs" secljon of lhe official Song /-/;s/o1)'. The mo nk, Zhenbao, held the governme lll.-appoillled !X'silion of "ch icf mon k" (seng'JuIIW fo r t..,It. \VtIlai. During lhe d yna'ily's d esperate last months he h'as summo ned to Ihe capital Bianliang (Kaifeng) formil ilaryconsultation . EmpcrorQinmng (reigned 11 26-11 27 ) heseech ed his hel p, and Zhenhao promised 10 do hi s t-x~S I. He relunH:"xllo the mo untain , galhered his monastic troops, a nd \\'enl to war, o nly 10 he de feated and taken capt i\'e. Zhenhao'sJurchen ca pt o rs \\·el·e \\' ill ing \0 spa re him , but he refused 10 collaborate. "My religion prohibits lying, ~ \ he cou rageou s mo n k said, "1 had alrc."\dy promised the Song empe ror that 1 will fi ght for him to the death. Was it llle rcly a boasl flilli e?~ Only then was he execu led .ilt As Ma M ingda has shO\\'n , Wlll a i's mil il a l), fa me is m i rml'ed in !X'pliia r lite ral ure. Ming fi clion ex lo is se\'eral fi ghl ing mo n ks \\'ho a l'e associa 1<...d with the Ill ounlain. The Wa/er Margin's (ca, 14 00) heroi(' Lu Zhi she n resides at th e Ml. Wulai 's M,u1j usri Temple , and I he )'allg Family Crllrmls (ca, 1550) Yang the Fi ft h (Yang \Vulang) leads his !lw!.. tho usa nd-slmng mo n kish ann )' from t here in sllppo rl of h is brol he rs.ii' We h' ill retllrn beloh' 10 ! hese (jCI io na l warrior mon ks. Il ere suffice il iO nNe Ihal the ir lege nds ca n be tmced back th rough d rama and o ral literalure to Ihe Iwei flh ce nlury. Evide nlly, sho rt ly after their 11 20s assislance 10 I he Norl hcrn Song, Wut ai mon ks had been celebrated in Southcrn Song (11 27-1279) lo re."l Mount Emei O rig inal I)' one of Dao ism's ea rtlll)' parad ises that were known as the ';ca\,e h e avc n s~ (dol/g/ian), Ml. Emei was sanctiont..'ti by the Buddh is! tradi tio n du ring the Ming period , whe n it was chosen as o ne of the religio n 's ~ Fo u r Grea l. Mo untains ." It is ded icated to the cult of Sa ma m abhad ra (Pu xian), and it ho uses d ozen s of te mples in hono r of the Bodllisatt va. During the tale Ming, bo th spea r and e mpty-ha nded fighting were practiced al Emd . Infonnatio n 0 11 the fo nne r is provided by the Ellie; S/)I;'(tr Me/hod (Emei qiflllg/fl), wh ich the spear expe rt Wu Shu con sidered worthy o fi ncl usion in his Arm Exercises (1678). The ma nua l ex pounds the tt..'Ch niques of tile Em ei Maste r Pu'en (n . ca. 1600), as recorded by h is lay student Cheng Zhenru (n . ca. 1620).!l6 As for Emei hand co mba t, it is cele brated in Ta ng Shull zhi 's (15071560) "Song of t he Emei Monk 's Fis t~ ("Eme i d aore ll quan ge"), wh ich alludes to Shao lin 's military rc nO\\' 1l as \\,<:: 11:
Tile Buddh a is an ex perl. mag ician : maste r of mall)' techniqut.."S, Sh aolin h and combat in th e e ntire world is hardl), eq ua it.."tl. This mo nk demon strates e\'en grealer new marvels, For in lhe mountains· depth, Ihe while monkl."}' had instructed h im.
78
Systemizing ~I anial P rac! kc
That day, at. the thatch ed COttage, crisp autumn sky, Thin frost, lig ht breeze, 011 the tranquil withe re d willow. Suddenly h is hair 011 e nd, a foOl strike, Rock cliffs splinte r, cau sing pe bbles to ny. Speed in g I ike the d ivinc woman's mag ic simi lie, l ie coils like [he Deva dan ce rs nappi ng t heir kingfish e r s l ecn~s. I l orrc n dOll~
and sand sp it t ing. a g host mocks me n. Bea rclcd an d teet h g rind ing, a X uan ~'I onst(~ r catches beasts.
Embodied we ask: Is he forml ess? A~ he turns heels over head , 1"C\'ca li ng hi s clbows .
.. . I lis man-els not ret ex ha lL~tcd , ti le p c rforma nc(' is on:... I Iis brp,Uh ing i mperccpt ibtc, g uardi ng Ilis primordial qi. The monk 's tran sform :u ions an' unfa thoma ble. Back on his med itat ion mat , like a wooden sta tue,Sf,
Tang's poem is re plele Will i Huddllisl all usions, from the ])c.:va dancers who fla p thei r kingfishe r slee\'es 10 the Budd ha \1'110 is a n expert magician, Mo reover, il creates a Iink bet \1'Cell milit.a ry t mi n ing a nd rei igio us discipline, associ,\ling the monk's ma nia l pe rforma nce with meditation, The Eme i \1',IITior's "unfatho mable transformation s" lead h im from the smashing of rock dins to the CJlI ie l silting "Iike a wooden slatue," Tang implies there fore that the mon k 's fighti ng lechniCJlIes \\'C I'C inlim:lI e1y related to his 1'Cligious practice. In this n::s peci lile poe m evi nces a Ix: n:e ptio n of manial trai ning as a form of Budd hist se If-c ult ival ion. Th,ll martial practice could be related to a spil'ilua l CJuesl is hint cd by othe r poems as well. In his "Song of the Sha Fist n rShaquan Ge"), Zhang Yo ngq ua n ( 1619-ca. liOO) extolled the ba re-ha nded techniquesoflhcJiangsu martial artist Li L'uuia n. Borrowing from Ta ng's \'el'Sc of the Emei mon k, Z ha ng was more expl icit in associa ting Hudd hism and figilling, I-Ie tells us that Li "di scoursed upon hand combat as if discussi ng Cha n," Indeed his manial an is sq ua l'C iy equaled witl l Budd hist meditation (slImiiIJlti; sal/me;): The old man ofMl. Yu 87 Li Lal1 tian, At scven t)" d wi nd li n g tangles of wh ile hai r. In a falte rin g step he b ecomes a nobleman's re la iner,88 Di scoursi ng upon hand combat. a s if discussing C llan, At. the A rtemisia-\Vilds II all lie dis plays Ilis d ex lCri l)" Crags about 10 splinte r, sand aboullo ny, Soari ng, he is li ke a falcon reac hing the he a\'e n s, Crouching, he resembles a X uan ~'I on s te r catching beasts,
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I hear that this is the Sha Family :\Iethod, Disdai ni ng the '" rivers and lakes.- alone wonhy of praise. I lis elu msiness conceals an art-deep medit ation, I lis ad roit turns joi ned togel he r -six-nowers form ,llion .89 The movements a re no difTe re nt from the di\'ine s huttl(~, The coiling is ident icat to nutt c ring silk brocade. I lis fOllr limbs made boneless supple. I lis empty fist ha rdened into a battleaxe,90
Li Lantian was not a monk , and his bare-handed SI}'1e did nOI originate al a Buddllist temple. lIl Tim! Zlmng Yongquan diose 10 desnibe II is Sha Fami Iy Fisl in rdigions t.erms indicates Ihal the assoc iation of Buddhism and Ihe martial arts \\'as not limited 10 monastic d rdes. \Vhel her Ihe}' bcIong<,;d to t he clergy or to I he lait }', some practit ioners im'eslcd Ihe martial al'IS wil II a spi rit lIal signi ficance, wll iell ,\'as exp ressed in Bllddllist Icrms. Mount Fun iu In the popular imaginalion , mllllllg has oftcn been a ssociated with crime. From Calirornia gold mines 10 Guangxi coal pit s (whcre the -nliping reb ell ion began), III iners lli\,'e bee n IXlrl ra}'ed as a n Illlf lll}' bl lnc h , at best adven tll re I's in search or eas}' mOlley, al \\'orsl rul h less ga ngslers, ~2 Such pe rception s have al so been applied 10 Il e na n miners, for whom-a Ming author t.ells lIs- "mining was a "ocalion, and killing people was a mea ns of livc lih ood:'lI~ Perhal)s ror this reason , Z he n g Ruoceng attributed the Funiu monks' military activities 10 thc dangers posed by gold hUIHers, In order 1.0 protect themselvcs againsllhe laneI', he explained, Funiu monks had sought Shaolin martialtraining. 'I1 To Ihi s day, gold iSSlili excavated from the slopes ofMt. Funiu , in rc mote southweste rn Song Cou nty, Ile nan . During the Ming pel'ioel the mo ulllain reatured se\'c ral Huddhi sl monaste ries, the mOSt fa mou s of which was the Clouds ClifT (YlInyan) Temple. Founded during the Tang per'iod by monk Zizai (n. 627 ), the Yun)'an Monasle ry fJOlIl-ished unde l' Ming nile. It was d estroyed during the dynasty's turbulent last years , when Li Zicheng's n::lx:l arm)' admnced th rough Hena n .!/:' The band it leader Iikcl y deteSled its mon ks because of thei r stead fa st suppon of the dynast y. In September 2001 , I joined a small Shaolin expcditionlo Mo ulll Funiu. Shaolin mon ks were CUI-ious aboUltllci r old brelll ren , and tIle local alilhorilies wished to develop the mountain's tOlil-ist industry after the successful Shaolin model. The renowned Buddhi st archacologist Wen Yucheng also joined the Irip.!I<> The remains of lhe Yunyan Monaslery arc situated just under MOllnt Funiu's six-thousa nd-fOOL Longchiman Peak, The temple was originally made of two sections: Lower Monastery and Upper Monastery, The former sti II features a Ming period hall , now serving as a ,'illage shrine, Ofthe latter nothing is left,
80
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~Ianial
Pracli<;c
wilh lhe exception of a six-fOOl-La ll tilting stele situated at the ed ge of a cornfield. Daled 1518, it. nan-alCS lhe monastery's history from ils Tang founding through lhe fifteenth cenulI"}'-97 A small hamlet is situated at lhe sile of the Upper Yunyan Monastery. It s people. who welcomed us h ' ilh hOl WaLer a nd sugar, showed ti S a pressed -carth terrace, whe re, Lhey said , llie monks had practiced fighting. Du ring lhe Qing period some monks relumcd to lhe monastery, \\'hel'e marliailraining appare ntly lasted I hrough lhc 19505.
Conclus ion The laIC Ming was the heyday of C hin esc monastic armies. Fighting monks could he fou nd in C\'CI) ' cOnlerof , he empire, fmm Shanxi 10 Ft~ian , from Zhcjia ng to Yunnan. The stalc's tole rance of them ,,'<'s d ue in part t.o the decline of t he professional Mingarm)', wh ich compelled the go\'ernmenttoemplo)' other military fo rces, including monast ic troops. Of "II monastic armies, Sll
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This noating communit), of "I-i\-e rs and lakes" was made of itinerant manial arti sts who traveled in sea rch of teachers, sLUdents, a nd spectators. Whether they belonged to the clergy or the laity, members of this comm unity often resided, performed, and taught in temples- Buddhist, Daoist, and those of the popular religion. Considerations of lime and space created an inextricable lin k between temples and the martial al-L". Whate\'er hi s beliefs, whicht:ver the temple, the martial artist found tlle re the feslival occasion and the puhlic space necessa ry for the pe rfonnancc of his an.
CH A PTER
4
Staff Legends
Ihe onl)' \\'eapon Ming pe riod Shaolin mo nks used. Conte mporary lil e ralure alludes 10 olhe r Shaol in a rllls a nd fighling me lh · o d s. Wu Shu's A 1'111 Extnists includes a spea r ma nua l a ll ribul ed to I he Shao li n mo nk I [o ng;r.hllan, Tang Shun zhi alludes 10 Sh aolin u narmed hand combal (quail), and Zhe ng Rlioce ng notes th at in additio n 10 staffs, Shao lin Tllo nks carried to baIlie sleell ride nls and hooked spea rs. Even I he grelil esl ad vocate of the Shaolin staff, C he ng Zongyou . acknowled ges Iha l by the earl)' seven· 1cen 1h cen t ur)" Shaoli n monk s began pract ici ng empl y·handed com ba I. I Still , e\'e n authors who auribule weapo ns 01 her 1ha n the sta ff to Shao lin lcave no do ubt tllat tl lc monksspccia li zed in i1. Wu Sllu u ilic izes Shao lin cler· ics fo r applying the techniques of lhe sta ff to spea r fighting, and Zhe n g Ruoccng's illustrations of the ir deftness invariably cOllcc m sta ffs or stafflikc weapo ns. I n one anecdote, lie celebrates the skills o fTi a nyuan , who e mployed a d oor bar as an improvised staff, and in a nothe r, he tell s of mOil k Gu zho u, who used a real staff to beat up e iglll assa ilall ts. The second story features lh(~ military official Wan Hiao, who initiated the mo bili za tio n of Shao lin mo nks againsl t he pirates:
THE STAFF WAS NOT
The three provincial offi ce rs (sans;) mocked LlIYllan [Wa n BiaoJ: ~ M on k.s are usciess,¥ 11 1<:)' said. ~ \VI I}' do you Iionor tllem so?~ LlIyuan told tllem or t.lle cultu ral and m ilitall' accomplis h me nls or some mon ks. The three provincial offi ce rs suggested they bel wine o n iI , so Luyu an arra nged a banque t al I he Yon gj in Gate [in I langzhou]. The thrcc provi ncia I officers came, and secrelly ordered e iglil mi lila ry ins1ructors to lie in ambus h. They urged Lu),uan to invite an e mine nt monk to fight them. Lu)'u
82
St.1. ff Leg e nds
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with a staff. pou nced on him and starl e d hitting him fro m a ll sides. Gu zh o u was co m pletely unarme d and h e e mploye d th e sleeves of h is mo nastic robe to ev ade t he blows . One oft lie staffs gOt caug h t in his sk-'t:\'e. Gu zhou effo rtlessly snat c he d it , a n d slarl e d hilli ng back his assa il a n L~ . Em ployi ng h is Haff, h e in stalllly th rew a ll e ig h t of th e m 10 the grou nd . The I hree pro\
Vajrap at;ti's Legend Rel ig ions lo re, no less than mililfll'y and historical \\'rit in!,'S, attcsts to the s\.aff's importance in the mo naste lY's regi men . OlJl'ing the ~'I i ng perio d , Shaolin mo nks changed the image o f the ir t luelary dci t}' Vaj ra p~h.l i , arming h im \\,i\.h a St afT. Visual represent at ions of V'y f"a pa l~i , also knO\\'11 as Nadiyal,1a, show t hat all through t he t\\'el fth ce nt III)' Shaolin mo n ks e nvisio ned h im hold ing the Tlajra (sec fig ure 8 in chapt er 2). 1-I00\'eve r, a Millg period legend replaced his icon ic \\'e apon ,\'itll Shaolin's quint cssentia l one, Accord ing to the legend , V'!irapa1)i ,\'as incamal.ed at Sitaoli n as a lo\\'I}' sCILll ion , \Vlle n the 1ll0naS1.el), was at tncked by band it.s, he e me rged f ro m the kit che n and , wield ing a d ivine staff, rc pelk'(l tlt e agg ressors, Tl lc Ind ia n Vflj ra-Iloldcr, Vajra pal.l i, was tllllS 1ransformcd into a Sl afT cxp ert , proge n ito r or ti le mo naster}" s re nowned staff techniques. Sitao li n's lege nd or V;y rapat) i ti le SLa fT wiekler su rvives in sc\'era l versio n s: C he ng Zong yoll's SIUlolin S/aff MelIUNf, Fu Mei 's Song MOlln/ain Book (p re race IG12), and t.wo sevent.eenth-cent m y gaze tteers.' I lo\\'c\'er, the earliest e"id e nce is cp ig rapltic. A 1517 s tele cont a ins a \'e rsion ofl ile legend a lllho nx i by the Shao lin ab bot \'\'e nza i (1451-152'1). Tilk'c:l ''The De ity <1ra)"ll)
84
Sys temizing ~I anial P racl kc
FIG. I I . Abbot WCIl7d1.i·s 15 17 V:y r ap:it.l i·s ( Na r:.l ya l.l a) stele. No te I hal th e div ine warrior's v{ym has been replaced by lh e staff.
atop t he ion)' peak. Th e Re d Turbans we re Lerrified of him and escap<.>d , wh ereupon h e disappeare d . People looked fo r h im . but he was s(.>cn no mo re. O nly then did they re ali ze lha t he wasa Bodhisattva displaying his d ivinit y. Tlle reafl e r. lIe b ecame Shaoli n's p rOlccLOr of the law (hufa) ,l a nd o u .: upied th e seal of tile monastery's "g uardian spi fit ~ (qiela/l s'um). ·~
The legen d is nOLunrei aled LO hisLOrical c \"c n lS. The Shaolin Monaslcrywas attacked by ba nd its during lhe 1350s Red TUI-ha ns' uprising. 6 As Tang I-lao has
St.1.ff Leg e nds
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dem onstrated , the allack on the monaste l-y proba bly LOok place not in 1351 (as the 1517 in scription has it), but rathe r in or around 1356, during the Red Turbans' nonhen l olTe nsh'e, in the course of which the rebels captured most of Henan , ineluding Ka.ifeng city? That the monastery was pl u ndered and cvcn partially destroyed by t,he Red Turb.'l.IlS (or by other b.. ndilS who took advantage of t.he rebellion) is anested by t\\'O fourlcclllh-cemury inscriptions (one dat.ed probably 1371 ), which celebrate ilS restoration d u ring the first years of Ming ru le , as well as by two epitaphs, da ted 1373 , forShaolin monks who lived through t.he re\'ole" Even as fou rl eenth-ce nhlry sources con firm Ihal Ihe Shaolin Monastery was attacked during the 1350s, their \'e rsio n of e\'e m s differs fmm that ofthc sixtccnth-century legend. Whereas the laller has a slaff-wielding dc ity leading the mo nks to vicl.ory, t.he fonner depiclS a monaslic defeat. Accordi ng to the carl)' Ming sou rces, t.he band its capllired t.he monaslel), and wreaked havoc upo n iI , peeling orr the gold coa ting t he Budd h a images and b"eaking the statues in searcl l of llidde n treaSllres. TIle destnwtio n \\'as so IhorOl lgh that tI,e mo n ks were forced to abandon the mo nastery. Tang I-lao concl lldes that they cou ld not have retu m ed to Silao lin p"ior to 1359, \\,llen I he gove rn me nt 's <:01 111 t.c roffensive , led by Chagha n "[e mili', forced ,he Red Tu rban s Ollt of I le nan Y Tile legend elaborates t he d ivine st,a ndi ng ofils SIalf-wielding protagonist, as V,~ rap al.li (alias Na ra)'al)a) is e le",n ed to t lie posit ion of a Bodhisalt \ '<1 . Some ve rsions sjx:cify tha l he is an inca rnation of the Bod hismlm AvalokilcSvara (C uan)'in), who is sllown in a bubble a bove Iler fearsome aVaiar i n Shaol in works ofar!. (figures II and 12). Even be ro re tllcy cquipped I.l legod wil h I heir weapon, Slliloli n monks Ilad st.ressed t lie identit y orV:~rap:l l.l i a nd Avalokitesvara. Shaolin's I.wclfth-cent.u l) ' abbOl , Zud ua n , noted , ~Acco rdi n g 10 the sCl"iptu re, this dcit)' ( V~rapal.li ) is a manif(.!Statio n o r Ava loki tcSvara:'lu As A'de points OUI , the scrip tu re in 'luest.ion is Il le infl uential Lotus Sutm, Wllicll teaches lhal lhe Bodhi saUv
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lary deilY in mOSl Chinese Buddhi sllemples, whereas V.yrapal)i h.olds lhis .office at the Shaolin Monas lery,l1 Even as V~rapal~i 's divinilYis magni fied , il is Ilidden behind I he fat;ade.of a lowly me nial. The staff-wielding he r.o begin s his career as a kitchen hand, clad in rags, Unnnticed by hi s fc\IO\". m.onks, he is a sai nI in disguise, Walking barefonl and wearing thin trousers, hisappcarance is nOI merely llUmble, il also conlradiCI,S monastic regu lalinns, The futtu'e guardi an spiril disre~rds Buddhist tonsure, naunling "dis hC\'c\ed hair.~ As sllch , the IUlelary god.of the Sha.olin martial ans resembles otller Cllinese Iinly fools, \\'hose di\~n ilY is masked Ix:llind sllabby clotlles and ecce ntl'ic bclIavior, I-l iddc n sai n ts such as Daoji. nicknamed C razy Ji Uidian), di sre~ rd appeal-ances and accepl('"'(1 norms .of Ix:havior.' .'; V~ rapi'u:li 's myth is panictllarly re mi ni scenl .of I-Iuineng's (638-713). According In Ihe ninth-cen lury Plaljorm SlIlm oj Ihe Sixf" Pafriardl, the grea l C han mastcr bega n his illlls ll'ious carecr as a sc u ll inn Ireading Ihe pestle in I he monas l CI) "S kitchen. 113 )-l is hagiography mighl I hercfnrc have i nfl uCIlced Ihe Shanlin myth , whose prolagnnisl carr ies a sou\'enir from his kit.c he n days, a stove poker (/uwgulI), I n I he muscular sain I'S hands I he kilche n IIt,e nsi l is transformed into a fighling slall, whereby his menial .origins are skillf Ll tty associat.ed Wil h Shaoli n's qui III esse nl ial \\'eapon, V,~rapal) i's I ransformation from a tJ(ljm-holdi ng deil y into a SIaO:wie kli ng nne was accomp.'1nied by an accidental ),el far-reaching change in his ide ntity, All through the 1520s Shaolill mon ks re fc rred \.0 thci rt utclMydeil y as V~ rapal~i .or, usi ng his .other name, Na riiY
88
Systemizing ~Ianial P rac! kc
stood astride Song :\'toumain and lhe - Imperial Fort ~ (Yuzhai). The Red Troops disimeg rated and wi thdrew. The monaslcl1"s residems man'f'Jed althis CH!I1L A monk addressed t he crowd ~}'in g : "Do you know who d rO\1;! away the Red Troops? l ie is tht' ;"1aha.~att\'aA\'aloki[eS\'ara (Guanyin daslli), incarnated as Ihe Kil11nara King Uinnaluo wang) ."' Therefore they WO\l~ a wicke rwork statue of him , and to this day they continlle to prac lice his LfiglningJ tl."C hnique.~~'O
Cheng Zongyou's \'crsion of lhe legend contains a curious cle ment: Kiq1llara, he •.ells us, llll"c\\' himsclfinto the SIO\'C from which he eme rged 10 sta nd astride Mt. Song and the Ml mpcrial Fort," Situated atop Ihe Shaoshi mounl.ain peak , Ihe "Impe rial Fort - is five miles away from jIllll. Song. 21 Only a gia nt of supc rnonnal di mension s COLI Id Ila\'e stood astrid e bot h , i ndicat in g that inside the blazi ng sto,'e Ki J1l1lara un(\el'\\'e nt a process of magic tran sformatio n , Tllat tllis is\\·llat Clleng ZongrOl I had in mind is confirmed botl1 b)' the \\'Oodblock illustration that accompanies hi s text (figlll'e 12), and b)' Fu Me i's version of the legend , wh ich specifies that Kiql nam's ';fig ure \\'as transformed (bin m:iug) and he gre,'" se,'era l hundred feet ta II. "2'.! Ki qllla ra's giga ntic proportions exp lain wh)' the te rrori zed bandits di spersed upon seeing him, lI e was revealed to them not as a mortal but as a de it )', 111e significance ofV;vrapa l,l i, now callcd Kiqlna!'a, in Shaolin's pantheon of divinities is att.ested b}' numerous icons, Wllidl a rc still extant at the mo naster)" Sitaolin's Standing·in-lhe-Snow Pavilion con tai ns a (sc...\'emeelllh·cellt u ry?) statue of the slaff-brandi shing deil)" a nd the monastery's White-Alii red· Mahf\sattva lI all ( Hai)'i dashi dian) is decorated with a nineteenth ·century mural of the giga ntic Kil~lnara tread ing ML Song and the ~ l ll1per ial Fore" Furthermore, by the cightce mh ccnlury a t lhc latcst, Kiqllla nl was accordcd his own rit.ual spacc when a chapel was e rected in hi s honol'. A wickerwork st,nut:: of t.he d eily occupied the center of a ~ Kil!1n ara Hall," \\'h ich also contai ned bron ze and i ron icons of lhe deity (fi g urc 13). ~' The wickerwork scu lpwre is mc miont,.xl already in Che ng Zongyou's sc,'clllcc mh-cemury S/WQUII Sfaff Met/u)(f, which specifics that il was \\'O\'cn b'l the monks. Howc...,'er, a cemury later the common view was lilat tllc god himscl f sculpted it, for which reason tllc Ii kencss wa s accurate, tl This addition to thc Kil11 nara legend mirrors an anxicty. nOt uncommon in Chi nese rdigion, concem ing thc truthfulncss ofa deity's image. The myths of several eh inese deities 11a\'e tlle ir protagon ists create tllei,' own icons, probably to relieve the Ix: liC\'crs' concern Icst they pay homage to a wrong one. 2~ Kiqmara's sdr-made wickerwork statue no longer surv i,'es, In 1928. the emire Kil~mara Hall bumt down when Warlord Shi Yousa n set fire to the monastery. The sh rine was recon structed in 1984 a nd agai n in 2004. and it houses thre e new statues of the deity, who is the objcct of a rcjlT\'enatl.'"CI religious CUh,26 Shaolin's legend of its tutela l-y deity penetrated the local culture of surroundi ng vi llages. A late e ightee nth-ccntury manuscript discovered in Changzi County, southeastem Shanxi , near the Hena n border, reveals that Kiq1nara's
St.1.ff Leg e nds
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F,G. 13. Vajrap" I) i's (Kill1nal-a) Q ing Shao lin SlaiII C; woodblock illusl m lion from Ihe 1718 Sluwfh! 5; Ul i (II iSIOI' Y of Ih (' Shaolin Monaslery) .
heroic defense or the monastel-y was staged there as pan of the three-day sai ritual operas. I n t he village drama \'ersion , the monastery's g uaHlian spirit. appears in t he aboot's drcam wa ming h im of t he approaching l.h'lndits' auack and urgi ng him to seck help with his lowl)' kitchen menial. The laner was enacted b)' a ),outh masked with ro ur heads, six arms, a nd protruding tusks, One differe nce b etwee n the play a nd its Shaolin sou rce concemed the god 's weapon. Kil~lnara was anned with a ba llJeaxe instead ora staff, ~7 Vajrapal~i/Kil'!1nara was not the onl)' Buddh ist deity whom Shaolin monks armed with their own weapon . The Shaolin monastel)' s ~ Thousand Buddhas I-Iall" (Qian ro dian) conta ins a n enonnous wall pa inti ng or the" Five Hund red Arha ts" (Wubai luohan), dozen s orwhom arc equ ipped with staffs. In Ihis magnifice nt painting, which dates rrom the ea rly se\·entl."Cnth century,28 stafI~ appear in nume rous shapes and rulfiU dh'erse runctions. Some are adorned with meta l rings, identifying them as the Buddhi st ring staff, t he xizlulIIg (Sanskrit:
90
Systemizing
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FIG. I ". Staff-widdl ns: arhat i 11 a SC \'C IlICCIlI h -ccllIlI r y Shaolin frc':Sco.
klwkklwm). Olhe rs sc rYc as walking slicks or carrying poles. I-Iowe"er, in the han ds of many a rhau, the sLaff assumes t he aspect of a weapon. Consid er, for example, the one wielded by an awe-inspiring arhat whose pl"Olrudi ng nose, large eyes, and bush)' c)'C brows exempli ry the tendency of Chi nese anis\s \0 exaggerat.e the fon:: ign features o f the Mahaya na sai n lS (flgUl"c 14). ~ The staff's motion , no less than its proprietor's muscular arms, suggest that it is used for combat, a nd the fearsome tiger cOllu-ibmcs to the martial atmosphere. Evid ell tiy, Simol in monks projected thci r mania I an into the rea lm of tile Mahayana divinities. Why did Shaoli n monks aSCI-ibc tlle ir fighting tccl lniques to Buddhi st d eities? On one le,'elthei r atu-ibmion to the gods enhanced the prestige of the Shaoli n combat methods. Decla l-ing that a techn ique originated in heavcn is equivalelll to praisi ng it. Presumably fOI- this reason , military experts s uch as Yu Darou and Wu Shu noted that the Shaolin stafThas divine origins, th us re-
St.1.ff Legends
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"ealing thei r familiarity witl l ilS etiological mYlII , On a nother level, manial dcities s uch as V,~rapfll:1i exone rated the mo n ks fro m the ir responsibility for the crealion of miUta .'y techniques, In this .'espcct their legends could be read as Buddhist apologies for the monas tic exercise of violence, As Paul Dcmicville has slloh'n , Budd h ists, like olher people, have found ways to j lIsti fy violati ng thci r o\\'n principles, ~ E\'e n thoug h the reli gion upholds peace , its vas t Iite rat tlrc contain s an c nt ire arsen al ofj usti ficat ions for wa r, One s ut ra tells how thc Buddha in a previous life ki lled several Brahmins who we re slander ing Mah aya na tcac hings, The text explai n s that in any casc they we rc {:ach an icc/ullllikfl-o ne incapable of sa lvation, '1 AnOl.her s ulra has t hc Bod hisall\'a Ma i~j u sri li ft hi s spear aga in st the Buddha 1.0 d em o n strate thc illusory nal.tlre o f a ll things, Since c\'eryt h ing is e mptiness, M;u\jusri and t.hc Buddha arc eq ua lly ulll'ca l, a nd ne ither crime, nor perpeI ral o r, nor vicl im could cx isl. S~ A not hcr i ngc nio us (;xc use is "compassional e killing." When no ot he r way to pre\'e nt a crime is ava ilable. it is permissible 1.0 kill the ,,'ould-be crimina l, relicving him or bad karma and p u nish mcn l in the a fl.e rlife. 1'\\'0 sutra s havc the Budd ha in a previous life kill a bandit who is about to commi t murdcr. l n stead ore nd ll ring tOrl ll res in hell, the bandit is tllc n re bo rn in Ilea\'e n . Sllch "compassio na te kil li ng" is accepta ble only whcn it is motivatcd by pure intentions , name ly ,,'he n o ne knowingly should ers upon himself the future puni shme nt th at awaited the would-be sinner, as As,u1ga (fourth o r fifth ce ntury) emphasizes in his ikxfltisflfflifl-bltiimi: - If I ta kc tllC Ii fc of t Ilis SClit iellt bei ng. I III}'ScJ f may be reborn as Olle of t Ilc crcat ures of ll cJl. Better l itat I be rebon l a crealu re of Ilclltha.lt hal Illis living bci ng II:wi ng comlllit ted a (i<.-cd of i IIIl1lediale retribut iOlI, should go st raight to hel l.~ Wit h sllch a naIl ilud e, I he Bodhisatl\':\ asccna i ns t hat t hc thought is virtllolls o r indeterm inate and t hen, fecI ing cu ns t ra ined, wit h on I)' a Ihoughl of me rcy for Ihe cOlIscquellc(;, lie takcs tllC life oftllat living being. Tl lere is no fa uh . but a spreild of much mCl'iL '~ These excuses for viole nce did not e me rge in the e plle mera l world of BucJdh is\. ethical discourse, but in response to his torica l cond ition s of warfare thaL elll bro iled t he monas tic community. When pacifi sm was deemed impractical , Buddhist authors fOll nd ways to condone war. r...ledie"a l Indian Buddhi sts rcsponded to illlerstale violence by endorsing t he king's dut), to wage war in d efense of his subjects,'l and as rece ntJy as World War II , "compassionate killing" was inmked b)' the .'i\'a l Asia n powe rs, The J apanese e mployed the Buddhi st concept to justi fy the ir im ....sion of C hina, a nd the C h inese lIsed it to sanction thei r resistan ce. Chincse monks who had bccn trai ned as manial artists evcn joined the gue rriUas thatfoughttllcJapancse aggressors, '~ Drawing on Ill)'lhology rathc .' tha n philosophy, Sllaolin 'sjustification of violence is different. Ins tead of hai.'-splitting argume nts, it is a manial god 's
92
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P ractkc
personal example that vi ndicates Buddlli st mi litary action" IfVajrapiil)i can d esce nd from hea\'en to defend a Buddhisttemplc, then by implication his Shaolin devotees can resort to anns as h'e ll "TIlat hi s legend wllsread in this way is indicated by several hymns (WII) in honOl" of the stafT-wielding dcity" The hymns seek moral g rounds for the god"s military action in tIle Buddh ist vin ue of loving kindness (ci; Sanshil: 1Illlill"C)'ll)" They suggest lhat t he protection of t he Buddhist, faith--c'"en ifilin\'Oh'esviolcnce-isan aCI of compassion . Cheng Zongyou's brother, Yinwan, who a utl lored one Ilymn , summari zes the argument,: " Loving-kindness ,~ lie \\'I"ites, "is cu ltivated tllrough hel"Oism" (ri i )'ong )'(lIIg).:u;
Fictional Staff-Wielding Monks St aff figh t i ng occupied a cent ral place a l the Shaol i n Monaste ry, bot h in the live s of its resident monks and in the illyl hs ofit.s t ute]ary deities. 1"lowever, it \\'as nOt limit ed to thaI monastic cin::le. Late Ming milit ary expert.s were in t ri g lied by Sllaolin staff leclln iqlles, prec ise ly beca llse of the weapon's prom inence in common military training. CO\·e rnme nt troops, such as Yu Dayou's and QiJiguang's, we re regularly in structed in the art of the staff, \\'hich was con sidered useful not onl )' in ilS own right but as a n introduction 1.0 o the r fighting met hods. Yu Dayou expressed I he common view when he wrote that. "s ta ff training is compara ble 10 the study of the four books. The hooked sword, the broadsword , the spear and the rake resemble each one of the six classics. When the four books arc understood, the underlying principle of tile six classic s becomes dea.". If one ca n Iland Ie tIle sla fT, he wi II aeh ieve proficiency in tile methods of all otller sharp weapons. "37 Widel), used in the lale Ming mi lilar)" the staff was farf.·om be ing the monopol y ofSltaol in monks. Sti ll , popu lar perception associated the weapon wit h the Buddhi st dergy. T llis docs not mean that all Sla ff expe,·t.s were believed to be mon ks, bUl thal. fighti ng monks were usually imagint.xI as staff expens. Evidence of this common perception in Ming society is provided by fiction and drama. Nm'cls and p lays thal were writte n during the ~'Iin g-and e\"Cn during t.he preceding Yuan and Southe rn Song-periods de pict fighting monks as staff experts. Four wdl-known examples come to mind: I-iu iming of the romamic comedy The Hblern Wing (Xixillllgji), Lu Zh ishen of the manial al"l.~ novel H'aler Margill, Yang the Fifth (Yang Wulang) of the military saga }}i"lllg F(llI/iI] Genemls, and, most bc lo\"ed of a ll , Sun Wukong of the mythological epic Thej oaml!)' 10 Ihe Wesl (Xi)'oll ji). Suo Wukoog Probably the most famou s Buddhi st warrior in Chinese literature, Sun Wukong figures in a bod)' of legends sUITounding Xuan:f...ang's (596-664) historical journe y from China 10 India in search of Buddhi st. scriptures" The
St.1.ff Lege nds
93
legend s, which can be traced back to the SOllg pcriod , cvolvcd lhrough a series or prose narratives and pIa)"!;, culm inating in the sixteenth century in one or the mas terpieces or Chi ne se fi ction , Thej Ollnll!)' '0 Ihe H-esl. Ge nerally believed to have been authored by WlI Cheng'cn (ca. 1506-ca. 1582), Ihe novel se rved as a source ror an enonnOliS body or oral lite ra lu re and drama , securing Sun Wukong's position as a poplilal- litera ry a nd (Ii-amalic hero, as well as the objeCl or a religious clllt, rOl' ccntlll-ies to com(~ . ~ Sun WlIkong's role in the j ourney 10 ' he H"I!sl cycle is Ihal or prolecl.or 10 his mas ter Xuan7.ang. Throughout thcir pilgrimagc, the t\\'oarcallacked hycounlless monstc rs, whom Xuanzang is unable to cou nt er, bOl.h IlCcausc hc is physically reeble and because he is morally commi1tcd to thc Buddhist prohibilio n or violen ce. It is therefore hi s "Monkey Novice r-.'Ion k" ( 1-10 11 Xingzhc), as Su n Wlikong is lilled , who shoulde rs the ,'csponsibilit y rO!othcirdefcnsc. which hc adm irabl), perfOl'llls tl lrollgll tllc lise of a magic \\'eapon . The fearlcss mo n key is a rm ed \v jth a divine staff (bang),'-) \\'hich hc obta ined atthc Wale r CI),slal Palace or I he Dragon King of t.he East ern O C('''a 1l (fi g u rc 15). As ind icalt.'(1by ilS name, "As You Wis h , Gold en Rings C lasped Staff" ( Rllyi jing ll bang), Ihe \\'eapon com plies Wil li it.s propl'ietor's \\'is hes, cha nging its si ze al will . lIS ft:."g lllar ope rat ionalle ngt h is two zhang (approxima lely t\\'elll)' fect), bill il c an be as I iny as a needle , Ilidcle n inside Sun "'/ukong's ear, or as ta ll as the heavens. Sun Wukong can change not only his staffs dimensions, but also his own. Mastering I ransformal ion mag ic (biall), lhe heroic monke), is capable of assu ming at will any sltapc or size: [Sun Wukon gl lldd tile treasurc [ll le starn in Ilis 11:llI(ls :llld called out, ~ S tnaller, s Jll a ller, s lllalle r!~ and al once il shrank to the size ofa tiny embroider), needle , small enougll 10 be Ilidde n inside Illc ca r. AweSl ru ck, th e ilion keys cried , ~ Gre:lt King! Take il Ollt and pia)" wit It it some rno re," Tile }Ionkey Kin g took it oul from Ilis car and placed it 011 hi s palm. ~ Bi gge r , bigger, bi gbre r!~ he shout ed . a nd again it grew to the I.hi ckness of a barrel and more than twen l), reel long. l ie became so delighled playing wi th itthat hej ul1lped on lO the bridge and walkt.xl out orlile cave. Gra sping 1.ll e treas ure in Ilis iland s, lie began to perform the magil; of cosm ic im ilalioll. lie be nl o\'er and cried . ~Grow! ~ and at 011C(! gre\\' to be lell thousand reettal!. with a head li ke the Tai Mountain and a dH_'S llike a rugged peak. eycs like lightnin g and a iIlomh like a blood bowl , and leeth like swords alld halberds. The starrin his hands was or such a size that ils top reached the thirty-third l lea\"Cn and ilS bOIlOI11 t.he eight.ee nth laye r or lid!. Tigen., leopards, wo l\"cs. and crawling cre.lt.ures, a 11 t.he mon slers or the moulltain and the dcmon kings or the SC\'Cnl}-IWO caves, were so lerrified I.hatthc), kowtowed and paid homage 10 the ~'Ion key Kill g in rear and trembling. Prt.'Scmiy he revoked his magical appearance and changed 1.he trcasurc back illlo a tin}' embroidery needle s tored in his ear. HI
9"
S)'lilClllizing Manial r racli ce
FIG. 15. Sun Wukong's SI;\ff; laic Ming (ca. 1625) woodblock illustration
TIle su perlmman dimc nsionsof the slafT-wiekling monkey remind LIS of another stafT expert, who likewise could cilange his size al \\>ill. Tllis is, of course, 511<10lin's g uardian spi rit, V~I"apa,) i (alias Kil'!l.nara). who e me rged from the monas t.e ry's s l(}\'C as a gia nt, stand ing a... tddc the ML Song pea ks. Sun \Yukong similarly changed his appearance, in one ins tance after being smell(.""(1 ina sto\'e (1X!longing to Lanzi 's alchcmicallaboralory). 11 Whic h of these staff-hrandishing de ities inspired the other's myth? Did lli ej otlNlI!)' (Q 'lit! H~story cycle sene as a source
St.1.ff Lege nds
for dle hagiographic litcraturc of the Shaolin Monastery. or. convcrsely. did Shaolin monastic legcnds innuence no\'d s and pla)'s celebrating Sun Wukong? I f the Sun Wukong and V-urapal~i legends are related . it is likely that Ihe former innuenc(:d the lauer. When:as V-Urapal.li was armed with Ihe Shaolin staff in t.he sixtee nlll cenlU l)" tile divine monke)' wielded the w(.'
Fa co ng uses an iron staff. Flyin g Tiger uses iI steel axe. One smiles t.he monk with hi s axe, One attacks t.h e tiger wit. h Ilis stafT. Flyi ng Tiger excels in ofTen si\'e jabs, Fa cong's superb with defensive parries, Fa co ng h as the upper hand , Flyin g Tiger t. ries \.0 escape. II
96
Systemizing ~I anial P rac! kc
...... •• IG, ,fi. I-Iu iming maniplliat ing the staff f!'Om ho rse back; woodblock ilh !s! I'm ion d:u ed 1498,
Even as he lc;n-cs no doubl lhal his prol agon isl specia li zes in staff fightin g, Do ng Jic), uan supplies him with olher \\'capo ns as well. In additio n 10 the sta rr, Facong is armed Wilh a whip a nd a "prohibitions' knife" (jied ao; San skrit: sflslmkfl). Me ntioned a lso in Wa ng Shifll's %ftjll version, 1he laue l' has a Huddhi sl prove nance. Monastic reg ulations li st the "prohibilio n s' knife" among l he monk 's "e ig htcc n be lo ngi ngs" (shilHl lUll) , which include such items as soap, wale r bo ule, ma l, begging bowl, and the Buddhist rin g starr (),·;:I.!lfl1lg). Ol-iginally intended for such tasks as shaving the head , CUI ting t he fin ge rnails, and mc nd ing clothes, the "prohibitions' knife" was o nl y a few inchcs long, I-I o\\,c\'c r, Dong Jicyua n's litcrary fan er has e nlarged illO tile size of a l ilree·foot dragon·sla),i ng SWOl'd, 15 Lu Zhis h e n Thi s fig hting monk has bec n me ntioned tw ice be fore, fil'Stas an exa mpl e ofLhe li te rary topos of the mcaH:lting fi gh ti ng-monk- like I-Iuimin g, Lu deIigh ts in not h ing belle r t lmn a n ima l nesh , especia ll )' d og meat-and second b ecause of his affiliation with the r>.h, Wmai mona steries, which probably ren ects thei r military re nown , We h a\'e seen th at historical Wmai monks did go to wa r, and thei r he rois m was mirrored in popu lar literat.ure, We turn now to the valiam monk 's t)'pica l weapon: the stafT, Lu Zhis he n , also known as the "Talloocd Monk " ( I-Iua I-Ieshang), figures in the enonnous ly popu lar no\'cI of physical heroism , H~' fer M argin (Sltwhu Z/UlfIf/) , This early Ming no\'cI del-h'es from dramatic and oral antecede nts, which can b e traced back to the Southern Song_ It is noteworthy that. e"en in
St.1. ff Legends
97
the earliest version s or the Slory crcle, Lu is anned with the staff" A Southe rn Song lis t o r \.opics popular among SlOI"Ylel lers classifies the "Tattooed Monk" s torr in \.he category or "Slaff" (ganbnllg) tales" IG Like 1"l uiming, Lu Zhi shen is equipped \v itli a "pro hibitio ns' knire" in addition to hi s \,'eapon or c hoice, the starr" In the ~'Iin g perio d novel, tlie latte r is cast iron and we ig hs SiXl}'-lWO jill (appmximatel )' eight)' pounds), o r rour times \.he wc ighl rccommc nded by C hc ng Zong)'ou in his Shaolin Staff ll'letltod" The starr's improbable \,'ei ght likel)' is mea nt to high light its proprietor's ex\. raordi nary stre n g lll" I ndecd, tllc tattooed mon k is so strong that lie wish es hi s st,a rrwould bc c\"e n hcavie r, as hc cx p la ins to tbc blacksmith: - Inecci a 'C han st afT' (dulli ::.IulIIg) and a ' proh ibilions' kn ire' (jiedao).sa id Lu Zhishen . - Do YOLI ha\'c allYfirSH"ai C melal ?"1 do indecd . I low hcav), a slafTa nd knirc do )'ou wa lll ? Wc' ]] make the m according to )'Our requ ircmclll s.-The stafT should bc a hundrcd jin.- ~1Ll Ch toO hcavy.- t hc smilh laughf' d . - I could make it ror }'ou . btl1 )'O u' d ne\'er bf' ablc 10 wield il. E"t'll G uangong's broadswo rd «(lao) wasn't more than c iglll}'-o nc jill!- I'm e\'f' I1' b it as good as Guangong,- Lu Zh ishe n bu rsl 0111 impati cntl )'. - llewasonlY:l man , 100."' I mean well, Rcve rcnd . E\'cn ro rt y-fi\'e jill would be \'cr)' he t\'}': - YOLL say Glia Ilgong's broadsword was cigll1 ),-one jill? Ma ke 111<: a staffof th at weight, th cn.-Too th ick , ~1astc r. It would loo k ugly. and bc cl ums), 10 use. Take Ill)' ad vicc, Ict llIe lila kc you it sixlY-1WOjill e lla n Starr o r bUl"llishcd llI et a I. 0 r C O Ll rse, i r it's 100 he t\')', don' I blamc mc. k17 M ing visual re presentations of Lu Zlli shc n 1"C\·ea l a liny crcscelll at. o ne e nd of hi s weapo n (fi g ure 17). A si mila r desig n is di scern iblc in a few of l"luiming's im ages (fig ure 18), as well as in those o f a nother fic tiona l staff-wielding cleric: '" Sha Mo n k" (Sha i-ieshang), wllo fi g ures as a secondary character in the JOllrney to Ihe West (fi g ure 19). So far we ha\"c nOt mentioned ~S ha Mo nk," whose name-li te rally "Sand Monk"--de rin::s from the Buddh ist "God of tile Deep Sands" (She ns ha she n). In lhe sixtee nth-cc ntu ry nO\"e1 , t he wea pon of the "Sand Mo nk " is re rc lTed to as "PI"Ccious Sta ff" (baozlwlIg) as well as ~ De mon Fell ing Staf r" (xitlng)'tlo zlumg). 18 Ime rcstingl)" in all th l"(.'(: cases-Lu Zhishen , Huiming, and "Sha Monk"-lhe crcsccnt is pc rceptible in some of the fig ht in g mon ks' \'isual re presemalions, blll it is not mc ntioned in tile wri tten n ar rati\"Cs celebrating them. Future rcscardl may d ctc n n ine thc ol"ig ins of the crescemshape, wh ich is visible in som e Ming pe l"iod illuslrations of the sta rr. He re I will me ntion o n I)' that an idenlical dcsign is common in a wide va rict)' o f twentielh-cemury martial arts weapons, whe lher or nOl thc), a rc wielded by Buddh ist cle l"ics . The
98
Systemizing
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P racci<;c
FIG. 17. Lm c Ming
woodblock ilh tSlraI ion or Lu Zhishcn manipulatin g I Ill' staff.
cn :scen t.'s signi ficancc in contemporary weaponry call be gaug<..-'d by its appca ranee i 11 the names of slich inS ll"lLlllC Ill S as the "Crescent-Shaped ()'W!)'C/) Spade,"
"Cresce nt-Shaped Spca r,- "Crcscc ill-Shapcd Battle-ax," and
~C I·escc nl-Shap<:d
Rake."'I~
Yang the Fi fth Protagonis t of the late Ming no'"cI )'tmg Fllmii)' Gel/era/s. Yang tile Fifth (Yang Wulang) shares with Lu Zhis hcn a Wutai connection. and wilh Sun WlIko ng a magic weapon. Joining the BuddhiSlorderon Mt. Wutai , Yang the Fifth leads a monastic anny from the re in slipponofhis heroic Yang fa mily brothers and siste rs. In the two slighLlyd ilTcrc lll ,"ersions of the no\'el, he is armed Wilh a battleaxe as well as a "Dragon-Fel ling Starr (xitmglong blll1g,. which, as its name suggesls, subdues the mythic c reatures. w
99
St.1.ff Lege nds
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Th e rung Fami,>' slo ry c)'CIe c\'o h'ed aro und the h istOrical fig ure of th e Nonhe rn Songge ne ral Yang Ye (?-986), who was followed by h isson and gl"a nd so n in sen 'ing t he d ynasty's causc. h dc\'cloped t h m ugh Sou t hern Song oral lil.e raLLlIY; a nd Yua n dra ma, culminating in the two \'ersions ofth(: Ming novel. It is noteworthy that the cycle's monki sh protagon is t is arm(.>d with a staff alrea dy in its ea rl iest versions. Alo ng with Lu Zhis he n ·s sto ry '1he Tattooed Mon k," "[Yangl the Fiflll Becomes a Mo nk " is classified ill a Southern Song list of oral tales in th e category of "staFr' (ganlHmg) tales, 51
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St.1.ff Legends
JOJ
The Origins of Monastic Staff Fighting Ming p e riod popular lore ex tends the connection between fighting monks and !lIe s tafT beyond Shaolin's h'a lls. En: n thoug h Sun Wu kong, I-Iu iming, Lu Zhishe n , and Yang Wu lang are notaffiliated \\'itll tile monastery, a ll four wield the weapon. Two of these fictiona l slafT-h'iddi ng mon k... are associated wit h I he WUlai mo nasteries, and 1.\\'0 others are not connected to a historica l center of monasl ic figh ti ng. Take n logelile l-, liley indicate IIlal novelists and playwrights conce ived of tile staff as l ile quintesse ntia l Buddl l is! \\'Ca pon, regard less of monastic affiliation. The na nat ives of lhe four fi ctiona l monks ca n be l raced back to the Southe m Song, slfe ngthe ning the impression gained from military lite ralu re thaI mo nas t ir s t aff fighting o l'ig ina ted ea rlie r I ha n I he Mi ng, Sixt eent h century ge nerals suc h as Yu Daro u a nd Qi Ji g ua ng in sislc.."(1 thaI Shaolin mo n ks had bee n pracl ici ng the sta fT fOl' cenl u r ies. Su n \Vu kong. I-I ui mi ng, Lu Zhi she n , and Yang Wu lang e mploy t he \\'ea poll in t hei r slory cycles' ea d iest ex tant ve rsions, wh ic h date from the , hirl eenlh century. Assum ing that these charac te rs have bee n fas hioned after 11'al monks, slafT fighting had bee n pract iced e ithe r at Shaolin , o r in o the r Buddhist mo nasleries, as early as the Southern So ng. Why did Shaolin monks, o r o the r Budd his t monks, choose the s!.llffas tlleir weapo n? Some scllolars sought a n a n swer in \\'11 (\1 Illey conSl r ued as Ihe \\'eapon's d efensive CJual il)', which supposed ly accords wilh Ihe Buddhist pro11 ibition of violence. The staff cannot injure or kill , 1hey c laim, and il. is used fo r scl f-defe nse o nly. C heng Da li illustrates I he a )-g ume ll1 : Hthe sta fT is a bl UtH in st rume n t, wh ich , morc..'O\·e r, is made of wood. Its power to kill and iqj ure is fa r infe rior 1.0 those of the broadsword , the sword , a nd o lhc ,· mcta l sh arp weapon s. Evidc ntl y, usi ng thc woodc n staff is rclati\'e ly appropriatc 1.0 the position or Buddhi st d isc iples, who arc pc rmi tted to c m plo), the m artia l ans ror Iilll ited pu rposes o n [ y."5~ Che ng's argument cannot be d is missed as irrelevant for the mon astic choice or t ile wcapon. Wlu:.: n it is made of wood t[ le Sla fT is indecd less dan ge rous tha n o t her weapons, a nd ro r thi s reason perhaps some mOil ks prereJTed to li se it. The problem is, as C he n g acknowledges, tilat the Shaolin weapo n was Orten forged of iron , j uSt [ike the heavy rod s wield ed by the fi ctional mo nks Sun Wukong, Hui ming, Lu Z hi shen , a nd Yang Wu lang. It was therefore a lethal inst rume nt, with a ca pac ity to kill that is attested by mili tary li te ralllre no less t han by fi ction a nd drama _ Moreover, we need no t asslime t hat fi ghti ng monks we re conce rned with the Buddh ist prohibition of violence, whic h they d isamwed by going 1.0 battle. Rccall forexa mp1e the sixtee nth-century Shao[i n monk who employed a metal staff 1.0 annihilate an unarm ed pirate 'S wire. The s tafr's presumed defen sh-e Clua lity provides therefore no more than a panial explanation ror its use by Budd hi st monks_ It mig ht be more useful
102
Systemizing ~I artial P ract kc
examine t he starrs p lace in Buddhi st history, for its military role might have derived from earlier function s the tradition assigned il.
to
T he Ring Staff Long before it \\las relied upon for fi gilling, the staffser\'ed as the emblem of I.he mo nk. Monastic regu lations, \\'hich \\·ere translated into Chinese d urin g t he early medieval period, prescr ibe a sta ff as among the "eighteen bc1o n gi ngs" 1.1lal. a mo nk sllould Ca IT}' in ti le perfonnancc of Ilis duties. Tiley also ordain its ex act shape , which dirTered from that of lhe fighting stafr. In stead of an unadorned pole of equa l l.llickness Illl'OUgllout its lengt!l , the st.aff d ecreed by mo nastic law was decor
St.1.ff Legends
103
FIG. 20. Tlw ring stalT
as t he emblem or t he monk; dl' tail ora Xixia pcriod ( 10381227) wa ll painling
rrom the Vu lin Cavcs, Gansu.
monk 's symbol. I)aintings of Huddhas a nd 130dhisau\'as oflen have the d eity's mo nkish auendant carry one or both of these monastic insignia, The Bodhi sauva of Medicine ( Hhai ~~)'3.g uru ; Yaoshi), fOI- insta nce, is flanked in an enormous fourteenth-century wa ll painting by twO monks, one can'),ing the bowl, the other displa)'i ng the t-i ng staff. ~7 An ea rl ier, X ixia period ( 1038-12 27) composition of the Hodhisau\'3 Maiu usri (We ns hu) has one monk caJT)'ing both e mblems (figure 20). The t-ing staff wasc\'en incoqxH
11\
)f tI
II! l:I. II
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~,
A f ~
;f 'f:
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~
j "ill
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l' .fit # i
ii
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FIG . 21. The slaffas the emblem oflhe monk;japanesc portrait of the Chi nest': mon k Yin)'ua n ( 1592-16i3).
St.1.ff Leg e nds
105
combal. !-Ie re, the n, we perceh·e a con nection bet\\·cen lhe ring staff and the fighting stafr. Slightly altered , the Buddhist symbol is indistinguishable from the mo nastic weapon.
The Magic Weapon The si milarity or the l"ing staff and the fight.ing st.aff extend s beyond t.heir shapc. Occasionally thc 1\\'0 poles ha\'e been It'iecl for the same purpose. To this day, Sllaol in monks somctimes em ploy tile ring slaffin martial demonstrations. Even more intrig uing, the Budd hi st emblem has been used as a mogi( weapon. Beginning in the medieval pel·iod , lhe ring stafffiguJ"ed in rilual warra rc. In this rcspeclllie monastic symbol is not unique . The staffhas been ac(ord cd magic qual itics in IlIllllerOlISc llh Ilres, \\'I le rc il has served as a sym bol of religious and polilical allthorit y. COIllp;:II-ati\'e analysis could therefore slit-xl light o n its Buddhist significance. Ti le slarf lias been used as an insig nia of office across reiigiOi ls and polili c il bounclaries. Egypl ian priests a nd Roma n aug ll rs \\'ielded iI , jl lsl as loda)' il se rves as an emblem or Cat ho lic bisiiOPS (\\'IIOse crosier is nook-shaped).!).'1 In tllese cle rical in st ances Ille st arr sign ifies religious i.l utllOrit )', but in a polil ital cont.ext il symbolizes sOI'e re ignl)'. In West ern kingshi p the scepter is borne b)' th e sovereig n in his coronal ion ce remon)" and in a nc ie ll1 Israel il \\'as carried by the chiefs of the nalion's tweh"e tribes (for which reason the I lebrew word II/o'leh has two meanings: slaffand tribe). 01 he r rulers in the ancie nt Ncar Easl likewise bore the slaff: Il ittite, Phocn icia n, Babylo nian , and Assyrian kings wielded it, as did tile pllaraolls of a ncien 1 Egypt. 00 PI·cc isely because ils p u rpo rt has not been limited to a g iven cuhmal conte xt, it is tempting to imcrpre l the staff ps)choa na lytically as a pha llic s)'mbol. In lhe ancient Nca r East, lhe king's slaffwas belicvcd to have been be slowed upon Ilim b)' a god , wllo lhere b), im parled to Ililll so me of his divine st re n glil. Traces or II I is MesopOlam ia n a nd Egyplian be lief arc visible in the Hebrew bibl e, whe re Mo ses' slaffi s a lluded lO twice as ~ GoCrs staff." Beca use of its di\'ine p ro\'e na nce , lhe prophet's e mble m is e ndowed with supel"llalLlral powe rs. Moses relics o n itlo bl·ing lhe plagues upon l he Egyptian s and to tran sro rm lhe sea illlo dry land, releasing h is people from Eg)' pL6 11 Ir God besLOwed hi s Slarr o n his cho sen prophel, the Buddha equi pped hi s ravorite disciple wil h his. According to a legend thatenjo),ed treme ndo us populari t)' in Chi na , he lelll his emblem lO monk Mulian (5..'l llskrit: Maudga lyii),ana), who emplo),ed illo brea k lhrough lhe infernal n .ogions. .. Combi ning the virtues or filial piel y and Budd h iSl cel ibacy, lhe legend has il.'i mon kish protago nist d esce nd lO tile nelhen l'Orld LO rescue h is mother, who is being punished the re fo r her sinful life. Anned with lhe Buddlla·s magic weapon , the monk d efeats the demonic wardens or the unde rworld , smashing open the gates of the
106
Systemizing
~Iartial
P ractkc
Avid I-lei I. I-I is staff enables hi m lO rescue hi s mOlher,jusl as t-,'Ioses' permiued the prophel to delh-er his people_ One of lhc carlicst pe l-fonnance \-crsions of Mulian 's journey is the Tang period alternating prose and \-erse nalTali\'e TmlisjOl'mOfioll Texf 011 MaliiimalldgflO-ii)'fw{/ Resruing /-lis M ofher from fhe UmlenvorlfJ (Damllqiollliamllingji(1II jill/lI.lt bifll/ wen) _ Originally pCI-fonncd by SIOI) 'lellcrs, Ihc narrative explained how to activate the staff's magic_To release his emblem's formidable force, Mul ian "rat· tled" ()'ao) or "shook" (zhell) ilS I-ings_ \""hen thc monk ~rattled the ring staff, gliOSIS and spirits \1'C rc mOll'cd dOII'n on Ille SpOI Iike slalks of hemp_" Simi larly: With one shake ofl~,tlllian -sJ slalT, thc bars and locks fell from l hdl'sJ black walls_ On the second shake, thc double lean~ oflhe main gale flew open _tO! Mulian's legend has e l~o)'ed lremendous popu laril Yin Chinese drama, where its performance has been invariably embedded in a rit ual complex. MlI lian pla)'s are lIsually pc I-formed on I he occasion of ,lie Cllost Fest ivai (Gl lijie), also knmvn by its Buddhisl name Yu lanpen , II'here t hey are intended for the sal va· t ion of communil Ymembers who died premalurely_ Otherwise they are staged as pan of an indil'idua l's fllncrary rites, for the rede mpt ion of'his soul ,flo! Som e· times the morlllary p lay is pe rfonned by ritua l speciali sts, Buddhist or Taoist, instead of' professional actors. The priesl dOlls Mil l ian 's robe and, wieldi ng his divine staff, smashes a sand o r pape r rcplica of hcll , thercby de livering the d e· cease d. 6~ Thus, the ring staff still fi g ures as a magic weapon in Chinese religion t.oday. Whereas Mulian wielded the ring staff in his harrowing joul"lle)' to hell , othe rs fl ew on it to hea\-cn. Like European witches who wen~ believed to ride o n sticks and brooms, Chinese monks we n! imagined soaring oillhe ring staff. As ea rly as the fOllnh century, Sun Chuo (ca. 310-397) compare d the Taoist mode of' fl ying on a crane lO lile BuddlliSl style of riding tile staff: Wang Qiao drove .. (r..me and soared 10 Ihe heaven, The Ari latS flung their starfs and lrod I he air!H In medieval poel!)' lhe fl ying slaff became a symbol or liberation rrom eanhly toils. Du Fli (7 12-770) dreamed or "fl ying the r in g staf'rall'ay rrom the world ofdllst,'" and in Lilt Zongylta n's (773-8 19) vision: The Immorlal s' Mounl.ain isn-l subjeCll.o li le appoilllcd officials, There you can freel }' soa r to the sky, fl ying the ring slafer,.; The term "fl ying slafr (feixi) figured so pmminently in medievallilera· lUre that it was e\'ellluall)' applied lO itinerant monks_ In his encyclopedic Buddhisf EsSl!nfiais (Shishi )'aolall) (prcracc 1020), the Buddhist lexicographer
St.1.ff Legends
107
Daoche ng explained lhat "the d ega ntte rm for Buddhi st ilinerancy is 'flying staff: This is b ecause whe n the em ine lll monk Yinfeng tra\'cted to MI,. Wmai, his route passed throug h I-l uai x i Province (in the upper I-Iuai river va lley), [where wa r raged l l-le hurled hi s stafr, rose into the air, and flew faoovc the war zone]."(,(, According 1,0 the Buddhi st hi storia n Zanning (919-1001), the mo nk soared above the opposing annies to convince them to lay d own their anns. 1·1is aerial jou l"Iley was the refo re a fi ne example of Buddh ist "ex pedien t. m ea ns" (Sans krit.: 'IIPii)'fl; C hinese:fimgbiflll), wh ich were meant to inc ulcalc IJle vi r l.ue of peace: Du ri ng t he Yuanhe reign pe riod (806-820) Yinfeng announced he wou ldjou rn t.1' to ~,It. WutaL I lis roule passed through Iluaixi PrO\'ince, which was then under t he COill ro l ofWu Yual1ii (rt . 8 15). ReI}' ing on 1he strength of his arm}" the latter delied Ihe emperor's orders. Gon>rnment troo ps we re s (~ nt to COUl1lCr t lIe rebel . Thc IWO sides engaged in bait If', but none could prevail o\"(' r the oll)('r. -1 will PUt an end 10 lhis milt llal slaughter;· Vi n feng said , whereupon he hu rled his slalT in 10 1he air, soan:d upward s, and gmcefully flO:ll ed bf'h ind rids stalT] . When he flew above t he opposing armies' form oll ions, and a ll t he soldiers saw a monk soa ring to heavcn , they inslant ly drew Iheir weapons back into tl.ei r scabbards.f>1
Sun Wu kong's Ring Staff Tll C magic au ribulcs of tllC r ing sta ff a rc not IK'Ccssarily relevant fOI" thc stafr's choicc as wcapon. Mo nastic wa ....io rs wc rc probabl y concCl"llcd Wilh the df<::ctivcn ess of tllC unadorncd fi gllting staff more th an wit ll tllC supcl"Ilonn a I <1 ua lilies of its ring-ornatc predeccssor" I-Iowe,"cr, ring staff legends did influence the depiction of fi ght ing stalls in nO\"els and plays. The magic aura that enwraps Su n Wukong's "'As You Wis h Staff,n Sha Monk 's HDe mon- Fcll ing Staff," and Yang Wulang's '·Dragon-Felling Sta fr deri,'es from the d ivine powers that the Buddll is!. tradition accorded tl lC ring stafr. The clearest indication of a lite rary connection between the ring staff and the fighting staff is provided by the e\·ol ution of Su n Wukong·s annatll ent withi n theJour1H!)' /0 /he H~sl cycle. I n t hejourney·s earliest extant versio n , the monkey's weapon is the ring staff. The Southe rn Song Mas/eroJllte Law, T rifJilalUl oj Ihe Creal Ta ng, Prom res Ihe Serif)lures descri bes it as a "golden rings staff" (jinhlUlIl zhang) o r "golde n .·ings ri ng staff"' (jil/hull/l xizlulIlg)!.8 Only in later re nd itions did the rin gs d isappear, giving way to the unadorned and efficielll fighting staff, refe rred to as gun or lNlIIgfJJ However, even as d epicted in the cycle's latest ,"e rsions, Sun Wukong's "As Yo u Wish , Golden Rings Clasped , Staff" (Ru)'i j i ng u ba ng) bctra)"S its Budd h ist ancestry. for it is b o und at. each end b)' a golden ring?O It might not be too fanciful to see in
Systemizing
108
~Ianial
P racli<;c
these binding rings (gil) a relic oflhe ring starr's original loose ones (ltuan) . If so, lhe re sonance betwee n lhe names "Jinhu a n zhang" r Colden Rin gs Starr") and "Jingu bang" ("Colden Rin gs C1asl)ed Staff") is not i ncide nlal. In its divine pron~ nance , Sun WlIkong's original ring stafT resembled the magic weapons wielded by Mulian and Moses. According to theSouthc rn Song iHnsler of IllI! L([w, it was bcsto\\'cd upon II illl by Vasrava l.la of Ille Non h , Mahabrahma Dcvarija ( Bcifang Pi shamcn Dafan Tianwang).71 The slafri s impregnated with such ext raordinary po\\'crs lhat it can be brought 10 life. In two instances the monkey lransfonns it into supcrmu ural creatures Iha\ fight on his behalf, o nce into an iron dragon and , on another occasion, into a >'{/k.~fI spirit, " its head touc.hing the sk}' and it s feet the earth , and brandishing in it.s hands a Demon-Felling C lub."n This magic, not uncommon in ChinCSt! Buddhist lore," is remin iscen t of the biblica l miracle, in which the prophet transfo rmed his staffinto a Ill)'t hic snake : And the Lord said to ~'Ioscs and Aaron , - When Pharaoh says 10 rOil, . Prove YOLlrseh'es by worki ng a miracle ; then }UU sha ll say to Aaron, 'Takf" rO ll!' stafTand cas t it down be fore Pharaoh , that it may become a Sf' rpent (lfI'lIjll).- So Moses and Aaron wen t to Pharaoh and did as th(~ Lo rd commanded ; Aaron cast down his starr before Pharaoh and hi s servants, and it became a se rpent . Then Pl lafilOl 1summoned thew ise men and till' sorcerers: and I he)' also, the magicians orEgyp .. did the sa me by tlleir sec ret ans. For every man cast down llis sta rr, and they beca me serpenl s. BUI Aaron's starr swallowed up t hd r starrs. 71
Conclus io n We may not be able to asce rtain why C h inese monks chose the staffas Ihe ir weapon . i-iow(;\'e r, it is likel y the ir preference was due 10 its Buddhi st significan ce. tvlo nast ic regulatio ns ins t.-ucted monk s to carry a staff, which gradually became a sy mbol of their religious authority. Buddhist literature and popular lore accorded magic powers to the e mble m , which was originally adorned wit.h rings, bUl somelimes fasllioned witllom tllem. Pedlars because t.hcy rcgula r! ), ca rried il, fi gluing mon ks who went to battle transform ed the st.aff illlo a weapon. Wh iche\'e r its o l'igin s, the Slaffbecame so prominent in the Shaol in 's mi lit.ary regimen tha t. it innuenced the monastery's lore. According 10 a Ming Shaolin legend, the god V
St.1.ff Legends
109
religious sanction to monastic dolence; on the other, fighting monks changed the i mage of thei r tutela l), didnities to fit the ir own martial train ing. In this instance, the ancient vajrn. holder, V<9rapal:li , was transformed into a staff expert, progenitor of lhe rcnowned Shaolin figilli ng tech niCiue. I-I is lran sfonnal ion in to a staff expert h'Qu ld not. be tile last in Vajrapal.li 's Shaolin carcer. T\\,cnlielh-cenlUl) ' images of the tutelary divi nit y rcveal a clenched fist, anesting to his maslc l)' of cmpty-handed fight ing. As we will see in t he ncxt chapter, by the eightccnth centu ry hand combat (quail) grad ually eclipsed tile s tarr as tllc dominant fonn ofSllaoli n fig ht ing.
PART III
Fist Fighting and Self-Cultivation (1600-1900)
C H A PTER
5
Hand Combat
M A RT I A L TECI I N IQ U ES MA \' require centuries to e\'ol\'e. Shaolin mOil k.s had been p raci ici ng t he slarr ror s(.,,'e ra l hund l1!d yea rs be rOl'C i, \\'
113
114
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self·Cullivalion
t ravelogues and poems of late Min g visit ors to Shaolin such as Wang Shixing (who explored it in 158 1), Cong Nai Uillshi 1601), Wen Xiangfcng (jinshi 1610), and Yuan i-iongdao (\\·110 visited t he monastCI"}' in 1609). I-Iowe\,er, it is hard 10 gauge the imponance of una n ned fighting in Shaolin 's regi men from t11cir poctic compositio ns, h'hic h \,'cre mea nt to convey the monastery's ambiance, no t to ana lyze its mililal-Y te c hniqlles. ~ Cu riollsl),. the dea resl ind ica tio n lhat late ro.'ling Shaolin mon ks were turning thei r aUClllion to h and comba t is provided by the most vocal ex pone nl. of their starr me thod , Cheng Zong},oll . In hi s Sluw/in Sf(ifJ M ethod (ca . 1610), the starr expe rt has a hypothetical interlocu t.or ask: Wh)' d o Shaolin monk s p ractice ba re-h anded fi ghling? C he ng's answel' acknowledges that so me monks we re seriousl)' engaged in hand comb,.t, even as it leaves no d o ubt that, for t.hem , it was a ne\\'I)' acquired fighting st),le. Furthermore. C he ng explain s that throughout C hina , e mpt y-ha nded techniques are not )'el \\'kldy p racticed, which is prec isely ,,'h), Sh aoli n mo nks explore thcmIllcy wis ll 10 develo p Ila nd co mbat to tllC sa me Icvel ofpcrfectioll as tllc ir ancie nt staff me thod . C he ng's reply associatcs thc Sh aolin invcstigation of the novd ma rtial a rt with Budd hist sclf-cuhivat ion : Someo ne may as k: -As to the staff. the Shaoli n Ime thod ] is admired. Today there a re man)' Shaolin mon ks who pract ice hand combat ('1111111). amI do not praci ice sIan'. Why is I hal ? I answe r: The Shaotin slaffi sca lled Ihe Yak:;m (Yccha) fmelhod]. It is a sacred transmission from Ihe Ki l~lI1ar..1 Ki ng (jiunaluowang) (Sh aoli n's tutelary dcil)" V;ti rap:~II) i ), To I his da), il is known as -unsurpassed wisdom (Bodhi r (wl/shallg PI/II). B)' conIrasl. hand com bill is nol ret popu lar in Ihe land ('lllflll ),011 Iuti s/u!IIgxil/g JUlinel). T hose IShaolin rnon ks ] wllo specia lize in il. do so in order 10 Irallsfo rm il. Iike the staff. [i 11 1.0 a "eh ide I for reach ing Ihe 01 her shore Lof e nl ighten ment j.-l
T he Hand Combat Classic a nd Xllanji's ACllplllldllre Poin ts Which shape did se\'C lllee mh-ce mllrY Shaolin ha nd COmballake? A possible an swe r is prm'ided by two Q ing pe riod ( 16<14-1911 ) man uals, which p urport. to record il. The two trea ti ses, which share si milarities so striking lhatthey have bee n treated by sc holars as two \'c rsio ns of one work, circu lated in Qing manuscript. editions before being publis hed in Sh anghai dUl'ing t he Re publican era ( 1912- 1949) . They are : Hand COII/lxli Classic, COllff/ioll of I-land Combal Mel/lOlls (QlUlII jil/g, QUWI fa bei)'tlQ), with a preface of 1784 by Cao (-Iuando u (style: Zaid o ng), and Xuanji's &cret Transmission ofAcupunc/ure Poillls' Hallli Combat FOr1l1ulas (X1UWji mis/lOll x·uedao qUflIl jue), wh ich ca rries a n undated preface by one Zhang Ming'e. The Hand Combal ClllSsic and Xuanji 's ilcll/nmc/ure Poi Ills trace thei I' military
I I;,
Il a nd Combat
FIG. ~~ . ~T lw bod y method orthc Shaolin mon k X lla l~ i ~
in Xru/IIji'j
"rlfP rmrl IIrf' Poi il Ls.
techniques-through an almost ide micall incage orlay pranilio nel"s-LO the Shao lin Mo naslcl")'. In his l i84 pre face to Hllllli Cnmbtlf Clllss;r, Cao I-Iuando u explains t halthe manua l he annOlatl.xi had bee n authored mo re than a century earlier by one Zhang Kongzhao (style: J-Ie ngq iu). I-Ie ru nher notes lhat Zhang Kongzhao sllIdied hi s Sh ao li n method witll Zil ang Ming'e, who is g i\'en as author o f t he preface to XUflnji's Acu/J1l11rlure Poi"rs. The latter manual also mentio ns Zhang Kong-.l hao's name.!. Fina lly, preced ing these lay disci ples, the two manuals ide ntify the same Shaolin cle ric as the sou rce orthe ir teachings . This is t he monk Xua tu i, whose na me appears in the title X1w l1ji's ACII/nm cru re Poil1rs (fi g ure 22) .6 T he /-If/lid Combar Qllssir's and XUfll1ji's Acu/JUnrru re Poinrs' clai ms of com mon ori gin s are borne out b)' the ir teachings. The two m a m tals expo und lhe
116
Fist Figh li ng a nd Sel f-Culli va lio n
same fi ghting principles and employ an identical martial vocabulary. There is also textual convergence-almost ha lf the tex t, as well as some illuSLration s, are identical. The re is no doubt, the n , tha t. Ihe two boo ks d o no l. me rely re n ect the same oral tradition , but also d e rh'e fl-om t he same written Le Xl. 7 Judging by Cao I-I uandou's dating of Zhang Kongzhao, this o ri g inal manual of I,he Shaolin style mus t ha\'e bee n autho red in the se\'e l1leenlh cent ur)'. The Republican pe l-iod witnessed the publication o fnuflle rous tre atises I.hal., j Wit. Iike J-Jand Combnl Classic and XU(l nji's J\ rlljnmcfllre Points, clai m 10 record the orig i nal Shaolin Fis t. The most famou s is Serrel Forumilis oj flip Shoolin J-Itm d Combal Mel/wd (SlulOlin qU IlIIS/1Il mijll/!) (I915), which is still regarded by some as an aUlh(:mic composition . 1-I 00\'e n~ r, scholars have shown that most o f these publications have nothing to do \\,ith the monaste ry. Serref Fonn/l ills, for example , ex pounds a sOllthe rn C hinese style knO\."n as the I-long Fist (I-Io n gCJuan), \\'hich is relat ed to Shaolin by lege nd onl),. AccOI'ding 10 laI c Qing lo re, (he I-lo ng Fi st \,'as creal ed by Shaolin mo n ks \\'ho fo ught 1he Mand lu invaders. Tile latter s UPIXlsed ly bUl'Ilt ti le 1ll0 naste l)', \\'llCrcupon the monks escaped 1.0 (he sout h , \\'he re I hey established t he I-Tong Fist linl."age. We will reI \lrn 10 Ihis lege nd , wllicll was celebrat ed in nine tcc ntll-ce Il1(11)' fic tion, Triads' li1.erall l rc, and manual s of southe rn style fi ghting. Ile re, suffice it \.0 note Ihal i1.s influe nce o n &-('/'1'1 Form IIlf1s belies ti le lat ter's aut he ntici t)'.~ Whe re as most Re publican Shaol in ma nua ls deri ve from laI c Qin g lo re, //a lld Combal Qassir and XlUmji's Aru/lulIrlurf J-'o;lIfssharc a se\'emeenl h-cenl u 1')' rrame or rde re nce. The mart ial techn iCJues they me ntion were pracliced dLi ring the late Millg, and eve n the legends they paraph rase d ate froilltilal pe riod. Conside r, ror example, t he open ing paragra ph o f //f/IIlI Combtll Clllss;r: The hiswr yor hand combal o rigin:u ed :tll he Shaol in Monaslcry. E\'(~ r si nee th e Son g empe ror [Zhao l Tai zu slmlied I here, I he monaslcry's rame spread througho ul I hc land . Thereart e r, I here have been ~ Wcn Fami ly S(.-,\'c nt Y-1\\'0 PoSlu re Movin g Forl1l ,~ ~Thirl )'-s i x Poslure Locking For m," "Twen t)'- fo u I' 'I'l l rows Pat on I lorse, ~ ~ Ei g lll Evasive M a n e ll\'(~ rs, ~ and ~TwcJ\'c Posturcs Close- Rall brc Fi sl. ~ Lli l iong's hard ~ Eight Th rows .~ Sha ndo ng Li Balli ian 's leg Icc h Ilique, Eagle C law Wang's grappling tel:llnique, own wond errul aspc cts. I lowe\'e r, the), are all g ui It)' of e ith er emphasizi ng the top /0 the neglel;l o r tile bonom , or 1.lle bottom 1.0 tIle neglect or the top. Eve n ir one sUl;l;essrull ), relies on li le m 10 ove rcome a n opponent, thc), GlIlnot be con sid ered p erfect in ever), respecLlI The en tire paragra ph has bee n bonuwed rrom tile sixteenth -century gen eral Qi Jig uang's Esselliials oJ Ihe Hand Comix,l G assic (Qua il j illg j;e)'ao) (ca. 1562).10 The on I)' diffe rence concenlS the Shaolin 's role in the e\'Olmio n o f bare-handed fighting. The late Ming gene ral did not associate t he mo nasle ry
Iland Combat
117
with empty-handed techniques, me mioning their staff method instead. Furthe rm ore, QiJig uang did not relate the Song dynasty fo under, Emperor Zhao Taizu (reigned 960-975) to the monastery. r.,'ling period lore all.ribu led 10 the emperor a popular bare-handed tcchnique known as ;'; Zhao Taizu 's Lo ngRange Fist" (Z hao Taizu changquan). As befitting a Shaolin manual , Hnnd Comvnl Qnssir twisted the lege nd , Ilaving the emperor st udy his met hod at the monaste tyll The late Ming cont.ext of H nml Combat Ckus;( a nd X,ulIIji 's Ar:ujJUl1 rt llre PoinlS suppo rt.s Cao 1-luandolt'S 1784 claim that the manua l he annotated had b ee n autllo red more tllan a ce tltut·y ea rlie r. It \\'o u ld seem that tIle two manuals de rived from an earlier I,ex t tllatllad been autllol'ed arou nd the Ming-Qing transitio n. Funher supporl for thi s time frame, as \\"CII as for the manual's Sllaolin provenance , is provided by tIle name ;; Xual~i ," to which bOl h manuals allribute Iheir teachings. A 1631 Shaolin stele inscription a lludes to a monk nam ed XlIa l~i as a dllliffilm (superint e nde nt), \\'hich term was common ly applied 10 mililary appointees in the monastery's internal admi nistration. It is Ii kc1)', therefore, Ihal XlIa l~ i was a se\,e nteent h-centu ry Shaol in fighti og mon k, as asserl ed by the treatises tllat pllrport to record his teacllings. 12 1ft lie Slmolin method recorded in botll man lll.lls dates from as early as the se\'C nt.ee nt II cenllll)', we arc st ntck b)' its complex it y. //allfl Comval C{assir and XU(ll/ji's Ar lljJUll rlu re POinls depict a soph ist icated figh ting syste m. They expOi lnei un derlyi ng principles such as "the \\'Cak defeating the strong" (1'110 di qia I/g) a nel "the soft subduing the hard" (roll slll'l/ggal1g); th<.")' analyze fu ndamen tal techn iques such as stepping (vu), throwing «(/ip) , se izing (na) , and th rowi ng ofT balance by hooking the 0P lxment's legs (gllall); a nd they provide detailed instructions for the prolx: r maneU\'e ring of each body pa rt: the head, e)'es, neck, shou lders, arms, hands, c!test, waist, bUllOCks, legs, knees, and fect. '111e twO manuals concur that in certain insta nccs ~close-range hand combat can O\'C l"Come long-range hand combat" «(lu(IIu/a sheng dumgql/(m), for "s ho rt-range makes it easier to reach the ad\"ersary's bod y,"' ~ The /-/"nd Comb"l Qassiri ncludes an e ntire text- missing from the other man ual-titled "Comprehen sive and O t-igina l Trcatise of the Shaolin Monastelfs Qose-R{mge Fist Body Method" ("Shaolin si duanda she n fa tong zong q uan pU")," For its ]><"11"1, XUflnji's Acujmnrl llll! Poinls elaborates on a nothe r short-range style ca lled "Yue Famil)' Close-Range FisC (Yucjia duanda),'5The e mphasis both manual s place on "close-range hand combat'" is t)'pical of late Ming and early Qing military literaUlt"C, which usually disting uished Ix: tween two types of hand combat: "Ion g-range" (dltlngqlllln) and "d ose-ra nge" «(luanda), Sixtt.."Cnth- and st..'"\'e mcemhce mury military eXlx: tlS allude to \
II'
Fist Fighling a nd Self·Cullivalion
t raditional medicine, where it described sensiti\'c spots along the body's internal ci rcuits of energy (qi). Acupuncture treatment is applied to these points, which arc not only receptive to lI-ea tme m but also susceptible 10 it~ u ry. It is 1.0 t.hem, lhe manual exp la ins, lhal lhe accomplished Shaolin warrior directs his blows. The author employs lhe ZJwflllgzi mClaphorofCook Di ng to explain Ihe tcchnitlllc. TIl{: lcgcnda l)' cook's knife remained as gOlXI as new, t:\'C1l after nineteen yc."1rs of bUldlc l-ing, rO I- it had alh'a),s follO\\'Cd the nat u ral cavities in t.lle oxen's body. Hand combat should simi larly target acupuncture points: T he book [Zlwflllgu'l says: "strike in Ihe big hollows, guide lhe knif(' through the big openings,~ Wh)' does il sa)' so? Becau sc:~ when Cook Di ng nil up oxen ~ he no lo nger saw Il le who le ox." 17 I sa)' i. is. he sanH' wi. h ha nd comba!. Wh),? Because I a m looking ror m)' opponcnI'SSOrl poi1l1s, arupunet lire poi1l1s, and I hose rorbidden 10 Sl rike and I engr;l\'e 1h(·m in m}' mind's q'e, Fo r this reason , Ihe mo mCI1I I lir, m)' hand. I am able 10 targf't m)' opponent's (~ mp l )' poilll s, and Sl r ike;u h is arupunet ure poi nts, "no longer seeing the whole p{'rson," I~
Ti le manual ident if-ies aCILplinCt lire poi nt s I he slri king of wh ich wi ll ca lise immediat.e o r postponed dea th , as we ll as those leading to lemporal), or permane n t pa ra l),sis, The re is even a poim that causes the adversary 10 "cry 10 death ," and anothe r that makes hi m ~ I a u gh 10 death." (Twcnlielh-cen lu!')' manuals of the Emei style similarly recogni 7.e a ~ I a u ghing-waisl ac up u nctu re poin, " (XiflO)'(1O ).'lIe), whic h , when struc k, ca uses ~se riou s iqj tll)' and/or uncon,rollable laught.e r,"I!!) Thei r exact lOCal ions are marked in i lI uStnllions, which lhe X/ulflji's A r llpullrlure Poillii rcadc r is adviscd not to divulge "lest wicked people int.en tionall}' usc the m to ilyurc pc.."Op lc" (figu rc 23). EXrxHlllding as Lhc)' do a n e ntire fighti ng philosophy as wcll as its dive rse applicatio n s, I-Iand Combal Classic a nd XUllllji's ACII/JIII/clllrt! l .Joill/.s fcalu re a rich technica l vocabula r y, as the lauc r's pl'crace d e mo n strates: The re are va r ious hand combal SI)'Ies. cad i witl l il.s own strcngl h: Sume excel in palm mel hod (z./wlIg): The M According Palm," ~ Fl ippi IIg Pilllll ,~ ~OfTe ri ng Palm .- MSa lul illg Pa lm ," "Obsl fUeling Pall11 ,~ ~Sweep in g Palm.~ "Si ngle Palm .~ "Double Pa lm ,~ and ~ Mandarin - D uck Palm" all dirre r, Some excel in fi sl meLhod (llltall): The M Accord ing Fisl," "FI ippi ng Fist,'" "Supportin g Fis t,- ~ I nserling Fisl ,- "Pulli ng Fisl,- "Shearing Fi sl,~ ~Acco mpanied Fisl,- and "Reve rsin g Fisl- all dirre r, Some excel in elbow method (d/OII): The ~F l ipp i ng Elbow.- "According Elbow," "I lo rizontal Elbow,- "Straiglll Elbow," ~Anglc.."{l Elbow,~ Da s hin g Elbow,'" and "Back Elbow- all val)'Some excel in bod)' method (shell): The ~Advanc i ng Body,- " Rt~ treal ing Budy,'" "Stre tching Bod),,- "Contracting Bod),," ~ Le i sured Body,-
Iland Combat
Fl c. 23. War n ing to read e rs not to d i\·tlige ra ta l poi n l.'i in X rwlljis ACIlPll11CII/ rt Poilll5.
"Dodging Bod }',~ "Growin g Bod )'.~ and MLeaping Bod( are all dissimila r. So me excel in knee me l.hod (xi): The kLdL-Thrust ing Knee, ~ " RighlThrus tin g Knee," "Kneelin g Knee.- kBac k Knee,- "Co n trac ti ng Knee," and "Re ce ivin g Kne e- are all di stinc t. Som e e xcel in leg m e thod (/11/): Th e MSinglc Leg,- "Two Legs,"Changing Legs," "'Spinning Leg.- "Drilling Leg,- "Thrusting Leg." Foll owing Leg,- "Facin g Leg," and "Upside-Down Leg- are a ll dilT{~ re nL Som e e xcel in ste p me thod (bll): The kLong SLeP ,~ "Short Ste p,"An gle d Step,- ~ S l rai ght Step.- kDodge-Lean-Bac k Ste p.- "Re,·erse Ste p,-
11 9
120
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self-Cullivalion
"According Slep,- "Exchangi ng Ste p,- - Trac ing StCp," -Full Step,"Emply Scep,- "Cur ved Sle p,- - Direc t Ste p," and -Cyli ndric;!1 SIt~ p - arc all di st.i n guis hable ,~
The XUflnji's A r:uj)uIlClure PQ;lIls' d isCllssion of va rio LIS palm postures is accompanied b y an illustra tion lhal betrays Buddhi st influence (co mpare fig ures 24 and 25). AI leasl in ils grapll ic desig n , ifnot in its specific finger positions. t. he variOlls palm stances resem ble the depictio n of symbolic hand gestures (Sa nskrit.: lIludrii; Chincse: )'im.:iflnlfj in Buddhi st script u res. The pall.crn ofa hand eme rging from a cloud , or a 10 tllS, is shanxI by hoth. We know of cou rse Illal hand gesl u rcs wert> pract.iccd at tile 511aol in r-.'Ionastery, not on Iy hecause, as MicllcJ SI rick mann Ims sllown , tl lcy "'ere a n integra l clement ofTantric rit u als (I,'hidl had a pc n 'asi\'e in fluc ncc o n e h inese Buddhism)? but more spt..Y ificaily because Ihey fig ured in the Shaoli n's V'!irap;"l l.li cult . Recall thaI in his I\\·cJ ft II-cenlu ry V-U rap.'l I.l i stele, Shaol in's a bbo t Zl.Id llan no ted that the Ill art ia I deit.y's I)()\\'e rs \I'e re in\"Oked t.h rough pa lm sig ns a nd oral spells. Fo llo\\'ing I hei r ex posit ion of ha nd combat pr inciples, the t \\'0 man uals dela it sped fic fighl i ng st )'Ics, fi rst of which is the Dr u nken Eight-I mlllort a Is Fist" (Zui baxian quan) (fi g ure 26).~2 Th e e ig ht Daoist immortals have been borrowed from lai c Ming lo re, in whi ch the), were depicled a s carefree, often M
Fw . 24. Palm postures bctl"a)'ing t he influence of Hu dd hist Inulims (from X1/{wji s
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121
I land Combat
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la scivious, d ru n ks. Nm'e ls and pla),s usua lly assoc ia te each of the insouc iant sa i il lS witll a gi \'e n emble m: a flme, a ([ owe r basket, a gou rd , a whisk, etc. The ma rl ia l a rlisL mimics wielding the icon in his trai n ing routine, which, even as it. appea rs in toxicated , is pe rfectl), sobe r. The ~ D r u nken Eight- Immorta ls Fist," someti mes re fe rred to as the "Dnlllke n Fist," is still pt
122
Fist Figh ti ng a nd Self-Cultivation
\ •
Flc. 26. Tlte MEigltt-lrnmonals Dru nken Step- in Hand Colllhal
Classic.
(jet Li) Fealiess (2005) ha\·e famili ari zed Western audiences wilh I-Iuo's '·Confou ndin g-Track Fis t." T he modern sl)
Iland Combat
123
From anolher angle , the techn ique's dil'erse appellations reflect the large body of lore lhal g rew around iL Mizong quan is su rround(.""(1 by legends, many of which associate it with the Shaoli n rll{onastery, Accordi ng to one, the tcchnique was crealed by a Tang pedod Shaolin monk-in some l'Crsions lIe is the monaste ry's wtcla ry deity V-urapal,l i Uinnal uo) him self-who was so impressed wilh lIle agil ity of an ape-Ii ke creature t hat he named his fighti ng I.echniC]ue after him: "Wi lei-Beast Fist ~ (Nizong quan), Another I radiI ion associates Ihe historical monasl,e ry with the fictional protagon ists of the M ing novel Water Mmgin . The heroic LuJunyi is sa id to hal'e developed thi s deceplive met hod at Ihe Shaolin Monastery and later transmitted it to his disciple Van Qing. When Ihe oul law was escapi ng from gOI'ernmenl troops to t he 1).;.ndilS' haven al Li angshan , he relied on it, to hide hi s foot pl'ints in the snow, calli ng it t he "Con fo unding-Track Fist" (Mizong quan). Van Q ing's d isc iples nam(."{llhe lechniquc in honor of thei r masler, "Van Qing Fist," but in deference to its Buddhist provenance refe rred 10 il a lso as the "Tantl'ic Fist" (Mizong q uail), The repeated allusions 10Shaolin in the legends su rround ing Mi zongqu an (Confounding: rrack Fist) suggest Ihal the monastery might have played some role in its evollll ion. Furlher supporl for Ihis hypothesis is fo und in Ihe little \I'e knO\I' abolll Ihe modern slyle's hi slorica ll ineage: Scholars usually Irace the tech n ique 10 an eigiltee lll.h-cc niury Shandong mart ia l artist nanH',:d Sun 'long (slyle: Li Kuan) \\'ho migh t have studied at lhe Shaolin MonasleryY II is possible, I herefore, I hal Ihe M izong quan (Confounding: ['nlCk l-iSI), wit h lI'hich we are familiar loday, deri\'es-alleast pal1.ially-from the Miquan (Confounding fi sl) recorded in //(111(/ COII/lml Gassic and XUflllji's I\ru/JUlI('tllrt! /.Joillls. A t.hird fighting style , desnibed in IImnl Combtll Gassic btl1 missing from XI/a nji's I\ rll jJunclure Poinl.s, is the Plum Flower fist (Me ihua q uan), which is characte rized by a five-positions fcct romine, named after I he flower's fi\'C pcta Is, 211 E"en t.hough it figures prominently in today'sShaolin n:.-. gimen , the Plum Flower Fist probabl)' did nOl o l'ig inate al the monaster),. That il is memioned in Hand Combat Gassic onl)' (and not in XlIlIllji's Aru/nwcl1lrt Poillf.s) mighl i ndicalC that it was nol. 1).;' 1'1. of tile o l'igi nal scn :! mcemll-Ce ntul')' Shaolin text, which had servcd as t.he manuals' source. furthe rmo re , studies of other Qing period manualsas well as t.he Plum Flowcr practitio ners' famil )' genealogies-suggeStlhat Ihe I.ech n ique was original I)' dC\"c loped in Xm.hou ,Jiangsu , by membel'S of the Zou famil)', who l ransmiucd ilto Henan, on their way to Hebei, around l700. ~J It is likel)', therefore, tha t the Plum Flower Fist was incorporated into lhc Shaolin mania I ans-and imo Cao I-Iuandou's Hallli Combat Classic-no earlier Ihan lhe eiglucenlh cellllll')'Whelher o r not Shaolin monks practiced it in earlier times, the Plum Flower Fist was finnl )' entrenched in their monastery's vicinity by the mid-eighI.cemh centul')'. Ti lled / IlIrOlill('l iolf 10 Marlilll Pmclice (XiwlI xu), one of the style's earliest manuals was authored by a Henan milita ry expert named Yang Bing (b. 1672) who had ranked third on the go\'ernmem's highest mililar)'examinalion and had sened in the metropolitan garrison, Yang rumpi led his Plum Fist
Fist Fighling and Self-Cullivalion
124
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M,\,' 4. SOIllC Il c nan sit t~ s associatcd wit h the Qing manial an s: Tati i QU;1ll originawd al Chc tyiagou ; Wang Zongyuc . aulllol' ofTatii Quan classics , lallglu al Luo),;l ng and Kaifcng; Chang Nai7.hou COIll I)()scd h is Illarl ia l a n s Il'cal iscs al Sishlli ; Ya ng Bing compiled his Plllm Flowcr manuals ;\t Nei huang Count }': a nd nagH;! 1';11111 fig ured in 1hc I~ag\la Upri si ng at I I Ha ,
treatise in 1742 aft.er he had relircd 10 his native 13alizhuang village, in Nei· huang Coun t)', northe rn I le nan (map 'I),~ Sc\'eral decades laler, t he tech niqllc \Vas men tioned in offkial re pons of rebe llio us activit ies in I he province: Members of t he failed 1813 Eig ht TI-ig ra ms upri sing in Ilua Count)" norlhern I Ienan , siudied the Plum Flower Fisl., t One reason for the re lati,'e wealth orin formal ion on Plum Flowcr history is the method 's association with the la te n ineu:. 'e mh-cemu ry Boxel-upr isi ng (Vihc quan). Hy that time , the term '" Plum Fist~ designated nOI only a tt.'Chniqlle, but. also an o rga nization . The north C hina plai ns witnessed the spread of Illi lilaI'), brothe rhoods with relig ious O'.enones, wh ich were someti mes refelTed to as "Plum Flowe r Fis tA ssociations (qllalllw;)", a nd sometimes as HPlum Flower Fist. Religion (qualljiao) ."' ~'lcmbcrs or these g roups-wllich combi ned mania I practice witll rei igious \'e neration of \'al iant deities sudl as tile J Olin/I!)' fo fhe H~"s hero ic Sun Wukong (Monkey)- pla}'C:.: d an imponam role inlhe eadyswges oCthe anti·Christian Hoxcr 1"C\'olt, arousing lhe atten tion of scholars, whose fiel dwork has uneanhed Qing pel-iod sources on the Plum Flower Fist.!!:! We may conclude our brief comme nts on Hllnd Cnm/mf Cla.ssic and XlIllnji's ACIt/Jltllclure Points with Cao H uandou's 1784 introd uction to the laueI'. Cao's autobiog raphical pI"Cface shed s light on hi s social hackground, wh ich was probably shared by other lite rate ma nia I a nislS_ The Shaolin practitioner was born into a ramil y or s mall landowners belongi ng to the lower echelons of the local ge ntry, The clan was promine nt e nough to ha\'e its own school, wh ich Cao alte nded, and the immediate fa mily was sufficiently alTluent for his father to hire him a pri\'ale mania I ans in structol-, with wi10m the boy pracliced afte r
Iland Combat
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school. Nevenheless, C"10 repealed I)' failed lhe licemiale exams, and hence he could nOl aspire lO an educalional , lelalone a gO\'ernment, career. '·Ie chose, lherefore, the martial arlS as hi s ,'ocalion: I land combat is an excellelll method for prot ect ing one"s body and pre\'cllling humiliation. It originaled al the Shaolin Monasle r y. ~1 }' fellow towns man Zhang Kong-Lhao once mel a myslerious person (Jinn!) who t ransmi[ [cd i[ [0 him. Tl tis tcclmique alOIH! readies divine subtlety. A[ the [i me [here we re man)' wllo St udied ii , but only three who rcceivcd [;"1as[er Zhang'sl authentic transmi ssion: ChengJinglao. 1111 Wojiang, and Zhang Zhonglue. Afterward il branched inlO nume rous suhslyll's. gradually losing [he original m(!thod . Sometimes. gifted prart i[ ioners rise [0 promincncc, and. for a while, become famous. J lowe\'er, for [he most part , the), strain their musdes and expose Ihdr iX)Iles, waste [heir ene rg)' ("i) and usc force . None oflhem has hea rd of ;"1a s[er Zitang's tech n ique's ingrn iOlls applinu ions. of tile sublle t), of ils Ii mil less [ran sformat ions. Pract ici ng [he ;"'{a ster's lland combat Illr tl lod. one guards his spi ril be[l\'('en [he e)'ebrows , and d irects his "i to the lower bell),. Fighling, il is like a beautiful woman plucking flowers. Resti ng, it n :sembles a lil e ralus hl)'ing down his brus h. It could be compared to Zhuge Liang's (181-234) scl tolarl), cap an d feat hc-'red fan , to Yang YOll'S (221-278) eleganl sash and dignified robes. I low could it poss ibly have sharp edges? We are four brothers in my famil )" me be ing thi rd. My eld<."St brother is Yanchull , 5t)'I(' Peiyu. 111 our native village the weak were insulted and t he few bullied . I was always afraid of bei ng a bused, and llterefore I was devoted to tile martial art s. My fatllcr did not objccl to Ill)' train ing. On tile contraq', lie invited from afar an olll$l.andi Jig martial artist to teach me. At the timc I was thi r tccn, and I \\~t S studying the class ics in our clan school. When I wou ld rCllIrn from school I would practice wit It him. When J was eight een I obtaincd Mas tcr Zhang Kongzhao's lhllld Comhat Classic (Qlla /I )illg) , wh ich he compi Icd wh ile scn 'i ng under my da n's remote greal-unde in I lug uan Count y (in Southeastern Shanxi, n ear I lenan's border). I lOok it with me lO school and im'estigatL't1 it day a nd ni ght, treating il as if I had obtaincd a rare treasure. When I arri\'ed at tlte "LShaoli n Close-Range I land Combat] Tcn Pr inc iples ofStriki ng, -~5 my resolution was fi I'm and my spi rit conccntratc..>d. I pondered il strenuously, until sudde n I)' I dreamt that two o ld men cxpla ined ilLO me. Tltereaner J dreaml abOllt lilem sCl'e rallimcs. My body grew suppler and m)' hands became livelier. ~'f )' mind grasped the subtlety of "cultivati ng qi" (/iallqi) . When J reached twenty-eight. because I had repeat<.>dl)' taken the licentiat.e exa ms and fai led, I left Ilome and looked for success els(~
126
Fist Fighling and Self-Cult ivalion
where. Ilowe\'e r. on se\'eral occasions I sulTered illness and was oblig(~ d t.O reulm. Thereafter I dedicat ed myself LO the pract ice of Lhe manial arts. I wandered alt over the Yang tze and I luai river basins, the coastal region s. and the South. I encoulllcred numerous people. I cannot C\"en count alt the formidable ad\'ersaries I fou ght. Luckil}' I was nC\"er defeated. Now I have reti red to Illy nat in~ home. As I t hink of things past, I still feel that Illydisquiel has nOt dissipat ed , for which reason I deeply conceal Ill)'self. Since Illy friend s atl wished for me to dissemi nate this teaching. I could not poss ibly keep it a sen el 10 myse lf. Therefore, using what I had obtai ned by daily practice, I copiously annOlaled the /laud Combal CI(luic. ~10reover I illu st rateel eadl po sit ion wit II a drawing.... ny lller!'1 y east in g a glance the rc ade r can unde rs tand it. making it most suilable for pran ice. I low(':\'er, Ille s ubllel), of t he Illet IlOd's appl kat ion de pencls ('nt irel), on "' internal streng lll"' (lII'ill). It GlIlllOt be ex hausted bywords. Ukea n old hunchback who catches cicadas," li ke archerYangYouji who shot lice.~~ When one's resolution is not dist racted , whe n h is spirit is conce llIraled, he will begin to acqu irf' t he ag ilit y of "'mi nd conceh·ing. hands responding"' (dl'xi ll Ji llgslwlI). At this point there is Sllre to b(~ no stra ining ofmll scics nor exposure ofbol1es. Would not this be almost like tracing Ma ster [Zl tangl Kongzltao's aut he nt ic transmission to its source? I have respeci fully prefaced t he ma nual's origi liS; the time: Qialllo ng's reign's fort r- n illt II , jiacltl'tI )'Car (178'1), auspiciolls mid-tent h mo nth . Cao Iluancloll , style : Za idon g. Y' Cao I luandoll 's prerace re\'c:tl s the multi rarious mles the manial arts have pla),ed in hi s lire . I lis in iti al ime resl was due to the viole nt atmosphere in his na ti\'e village, whe re the weak we re bullied and humiliated , bm he also practiced ror medical reasons ( he had surre n.xi repeatedly rrom illness) and as a form of self-c ullivation . In add ition , Cao as pired in his mania I practice fo r whal. could be desCl"ilx::d as anis tic perrection . I-Ie docs not hide his cOllle mpL for crude lechn iques lhat rei}' on rorce on I)' a nd inml\'e "'stl
Iland Combat
127
plctciy cclipscd the monaslcry's ancicnl slarrmc lhods, and inSlead oran armed disp lay, lhe disli nguishcd gUCSl \vas clllcnaincd by a sparring dcmons\.ration: In the ewni ng \\-e ret limed to the 5haolin \ 'Ionastet)', and paid our respe<:ts at the Jin naluo I Iall. The deity's image i... mOSt awesome_l ie W(!"".;lrs thin gannems. and wields a sto\"C poker (/IIWgUII). Tradilion has it thaI once he displarcd his di\
Ming Foundations By thc time seventcenlh-centul'y Shaolin monks were llIming their atlemion to it, hand combat had alrcady becn hig hl)' dc\dopcd_ The Ming iX=riocl witnessed the emergencc or indh-idual bare-handed slyles, which were identified
Fist Fighli ng a nd Self-Cult ivalion
128
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--'"7-;,0;
FIG. 27. Shaoli n mon ks demons tnlti ng t heir fist ICdllli(luc:s 10 I hI' Manchu official Lin Qing j wood block illu stnllion d aled 1849,
by their own training routine of fi xed poslUons (sll/). Late Ming military e ncyclopedias-the \'ery sa me compilations that lauded the Shaolin starre num erate 0\'(:: 1' a doze n quan styles, includi ng rSong r Emperor Zhao Tai zu 's Lon g- Range Fist," "Colton Zha ng's C losc· Ra nge Fist," "'Acolyte Worshipin g Guanyi n Miraculous Fis t ~ (To ng-.li b..'l. i g ua n)'in she n q ua n), MZhang Fe i M irae ulo us Fi st'" (Zhang Fei she n qua n), "Sun Famil)' Armored I-ISt" (Su njia pig ua quan), "Ruler's Fi st'" ( Bawang qua n), "Six-Step Fist" ( Liubu quan), "Deco)' Fi st" ( E qua n), a nd "Monkey Fis t" ( I-Io u qua n},tOB)' the ca rl)' sixteenth eemur)" at lcast some fighting schools alread)' had handwritten , if not published , man uals. In his Trealise Oil Mililfll)' Aff(lir~;, Ta ng Shunzh i (1507-1560) q uotes from a handbook of the "' Wen Fam il )' Fi sl."t t The most comprehens h'e account of Ming period un armed fighting is Qi Jiguang's ( 1528-1588) Essenlials of IlIi! I-Imlll Comhal Classic (QUlIII jing jie)'(w), i nduded in h is New Trealise of Milila I)' Efficient)' (jixiao xillsltu). Qi was among the most successful a nd innovath'e generals of sixteenth-centu ry Chi na. I-Ie played a moUor role in the suppression of piracy along China's southeaste rn coas LS and in the pacification of its northern borders. In his M
Ft(:. 28. Shaolin monks ]>crfonni ng fo r \'isit ing dig nita r ies: carly n incll..'C nI h-CC'- nll u,}' Slmolin fresco.
t' ./ Ft G. 29- Shaolin mon ks perfolllli ng for \'isiting dign ita lies (de tai l).
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Fist Figh li ng a nd Self-Cullivalion
New Tre(l lis£ oJ Miiilmy EJjicienC)" the re now ned general covered every aspect of mass wa rfare, from the selection a nd tra in ing of troops to discipline. command . tactics. logi stics. and \\'eapOIll-}'. The book did not regu rgitate earlier military compilations- it \\'as based upo n llie co mmander's hard-won experie nces in the bauJefie ld. Completed in late 1561 o r early 156<), New Tref/ lise alludes to ca mpaigns won by Qi on ly a feh' montllS earlier.12 Qi 's Esstnfif/Is of Ihe I-If/nt! Com/XlI ClflSsic is not only a su rw..'}' of conte mpo rary bare-ha nded tedllli'lues, hut also the ea rliest exta ll\. manual of a given style. The ge ne ral sun'e}'Cd six tee n spmTing methods, all of whic h , he concluded , were ;'g uilt y of eillie r empllas izi ng I he lOp 1.0 tI le neglect of t he hot tom , or tIle hOl.lom t.O the neglect. of lhe 10p."I' To amend the deficiencies of individual s tyles, Qi c reated a synlhesis. I-Ie c hose \\'hal he considered Ihe Ihin y-two Ix:st postu res of all slyles, explica ting each with a n illustration and a rhyming formula . I-I is t reat ise is t Ile re fore a lland book of II is o\\'n standardi zed hand COIllbat tech nique. I-land combat , Q iJ ig uang argued, cou ld Ix: used fO!' troops' t raining. The experie nced gene ral was \\'ell aware I hal ba re-Ila nded me t hod s were llscless i n Ihe banleflcJd . lI e suggesled , howe\'er, thai the}' \\'e re not witho ut merit in inSl i II ing courage. Morem'e r, bare-Imnded pract icc \\'
Il a nd Combat
131
eve n have been sus pect for their associ ation with the lower classes. Qi 's apprehe n sion of sparring is obviolls from the rel ucta nce with which he included it in hi s New Trea/ise 011 Mili/a ,.y Efficiency. I-l is hand combat manual was insened into the book 's last chapte r, pt·eced ed by a disclaimer: ~ Bare handed leciltliflue s see m irrcle\
132
Fist Fighling and Self-Cullivalion
A green lion's open-mouth ed lunge; A carp's snapped-bac k nip. Spri nkling nowers over I.he head; Tying a rope aroun d the waist; A fan moving with the wind ; The rain dri\~ng d own t.he nowers. The mon st er-spirit then mes tilC - Guanyi n Palm ,And pilg rim counters with the -Arhat Fecl.T he" Long-Rangt: Fi st.- st rc tching. is morc slack, of COllrS(~ , I low could it compa re with thc "C lose-Range Fist 's- sharp jabs? T he two of them fought for many roumlsNone was the stronger, for they are e\'{~ nl y mat ched, ~'
Possibly !he clea rest indication th a t l)';"l l'e~handed techniques heca mc an int eg ral clemen! of lai c Ming cultlll'e is provided by encyclopedias for daily usc. T he sixtee n! h cen tury wit nessed the e mergence of a new gen rc of houscholel manuals, wh ich we re int e nded not only for the male bu rea ucratic clit,c , but al so fo r ol[le r segmenLS of soc iety tllat had received a modic lllll of edt tcation: women, me rchalHs, a rti sa ns, and Ihe like. Sometimes referred to as Co mpll'll' Books of M)'riad 'n nlSUrtS ( H'l11l000 (I'WlIsh II) , I hey covered ever), aspeci of knowledge necessary for maintaining a household , from practica l ad vice on Illak ing a Ii ving to educa t ion , ritual , and enlerlai nlllel11. Generously ill ustrated and oflen published in simplified or shonhand characters, the encyclopedias fealu red enlries on such diverse topics as fanning, livestock breed ing, trade , arit h me tic, d ivina tion, nutrition , heah h, ca lligraphy, III usic, jokes, and e\'e n romance.!> l I louse hold e ncycloped ias a lso de\'Oted space to hand combm , which was con side red useful for health a nd self-de fen se. The 1599 and IG07 editions of the All-Purpose Comyl H'll)' ( H'll1l)'ollg z/umgumg), for exa mple, Iist.s one by o ne lhe famous bare-handed lecl\ll iques of the day such as ~ r Zhao] "1:'1 i ZlI 's LongRan ge fi sl,- "\Ven Family Moving fi st," MSa nd-Washing-Wa\'es f isC (LangHtaosha q ua n), and "S pear~Se i zin g fi st- (Qingqiang q uan). For the ir readers' be nefil, the edi to rs selected c ho ice position s from these varyi ng styles, expl icaling eac h with a rhyming fo n n ul a a nd an ill ustration. !." [videmly, such manuals as All-pjlrpose COITecl Wa)' mirmr the growing popularity of barehanded fi g hting, even as they contributed to its di ssem ination, Ming pet;od unanned techniques, wh ich are recorded in sixteemhce ntury literature , sen'ed as the fo undation fo r new bare-handed styles thaL em erged in the ensuing cen tut-)', Some of tile most imponant. manial syste ms with which we are familiar toda)'--:r aiji Quan (Supreme Ulti mate Fist), Xingyi Quan ( fonn-and~ll1lelll fist), a nd, of cou rse, Shaoli n Quan-originated in the se\'e l1leelllh ~ce lllul-y Ming~Qing tran sition period, ForOll!' purpose, it is significant tha t much o f thi s dc\'e!opmcllt took place within range of the Shaoli n Monaster y,
Iland Combat
133
Other Fighting Styles In the winler of 1930, pioneering manial arLS historian Tang I-lao ( 1897-1959) traveled to Chen Famil}' Vi llage (C het~ia go ll ) in Wen Count }' of northern I-Ie nan. Tang, whose resea rch combined textual scholarship with fieldwork , was sea rching for mal.e dals on lhe odgins ofTaiji Q uan, which was known 1.0 have heen developed atlhe village. He uneanhed there IWO Qing docume nts suggesti ng thal lIle foundations of lile \\'orld-renowned tecllnique had been laid in the se"e ntee nth cen lur}': a fami I}' h istot'}, thaI attri but.ed t he Chen ba rehanded st)'le 10 t.he dan's nimh-generalion ancestor, Chen Wangting (ca. 1580-ca. 16(0), and a poem b}' the laue t' describing hi s invention of a qll(/ll technique. Mosl sc.holars ha\·e acccptcd Tang I-lao's view t hat Chen Wangt ing's marlial arl was cil her thc samc as-Ot' lhe immcdiatc ancestor of-t he Taiji Quan \\'ilh \\'hich \,'e arc fami liar toda}'. c\'e tlthough in Chen's su rviving writings I he te rm /(jiji docs not appear. ~.6 Chc n Wangting had sen'cd as an official in the ~'ling d )'nast)'. During the 16lOs and 1620s he had bcen appoi nt ed regional inspector for Shandong, Zhili , and Liaodong. He also had firsthand bailie experience, having participated in several militar),confrontalions \\,;th the Manchus along the nortllern bo rde rs. B)' tile Qing invasion of 1644, Ilo\\'e\'er, he was living in retirement at his native vi llage, where he dedicated himsclfto the perfection or his bare-handed techniCJue. Musing o n his experiences, he versified , ~ I sigh, as I think of those ),ca rs; Wh C Il , dad in armor and wielding a spear, I swept awa)' t he band its' hordes, repeat(.'d I)' pUll i ng lIl)'scl fi n danger.... Now, old and withered, I havc not hing \Cfl blll lhe I Daoisl1 book Yellow CO llr/ ~ ? to keep me compan)'- \-Vhen bored, I in\'cnllechn iCJ ues of hand combal ('11/(1/1); during the bus)' season, I lill the land; taking advantage of Ill)' leisure, I inst ruct a rew di sciples and descendams, e nabling them 10 become easil)' as strong a s dragons and tige rs."!>8 Che n Wangling cn::ated hi s b are~ h a nd ed st),lc in the vici nil)' of the Shaolin Mona ster),; his nali\'e Che nj iagoll village was located approximalc1), thirl)'-fl\'e miles norlh orthc tcmple (see map 'I). MOI'eO\'c,· he laid thc fo un dations of Taiji Quan during t.hc \'e ry sa mc period , the seventecnth celll. ur)', whe n lhe Shaolin monks wcre turning their attention to hand m mbal. It should not comc as a surprise, lilc refore , tllat Il is Taiji Quail sllared common lrails-such as an cmpha sis upon "close~ range hand combat" (d llanc/a)with Shaolin Quan. The te rm laij; (supreme ultimate) figures ill Shaolin's H and Comval Classic (figure 30), JUSt as the monaster),'s legend of lhe stafTwieldi n g Vaj rap a l~i found its wa}' into the C he n famil)" s militar), writings. Ltl "Most people," wri tes Malsuda R}'uchi , ~ bc l ie\·e th at Taiji Quail and Shaolin Quan arc complete.i), d ilIe re m fonn s of h a nd com bat. AClUall),. in t.heir basic poslUres, hand methods, leg methods, a nd other fighting aspects, the two st),les a re emire.i), alike:'oo Taiji Quan was not the on l}' barc ~ h a nd ed st),le th at emerged at the Shao-
Fist Fighling and Self-Cult ivalion
134
-FI(;. 30 . The "S uprcmc U hilll;u c Eiglu Su'ps" in J-/mltf CoII/ImI Clll.uic.
[in Monasl.ery 's vicinity. Beg inning in the seventeenth cemu ry. and all th rough the Qing period , I lcnan was a hotbed ofmarlial ans. Along the Yellow Ri\'e r basin (from Sha n x i through Ile na n to Sh andong), numerous fight.· ing sl)'lcs eme rged, ma n)' o f lhe m in lhe COllteXl of sectarian rebellion. The intimate conncction bClwcen mania I an and religious scclariani sm in t.he no r th Chi na plains is allested b),collllllon nome nclalu re. We have seen above t ha t Plum Flower was the namc of a ba re-h a nded st)'le (qllllll) as well as a religio n (jiflO), and our earliest evide nce of Eight-Trigrnms Pal III ( Bag ua Zh ang) comes from the relig iolls upi-ising oflhal name. In 1786 and again in 1813. the Eighl-Trigrams sect n:.: bclled in Hebc i a nd Nonhern Henan. The confessions of its caplllred members, man)' of whom came from Hua County. Henan , provide us with the ca rl ieSl acco ulllS of lhe bare-handed St)'1e of lhat name. 6 1 Anothe r unanned st}'1c tha t fi g ured in Qing period Henan is Xing)'i Quan ( Form-and-l lllelll Fis t), a lso known as Xin)'i Liuhe Quan (Mind-an dilllelll Six- Harmon ics Fi st). Qing period manuals and fa mil)' histories s uggest lhat il was c rca ted b)' Ji Jike (n. 1(50), who was a native of He nan's neighborin g Sha nxi prO\·ince. Ji is sa id lO ha\'C created his e mpty-han ded st),le onlhe basis ora speal' melhod , in wh ich he had excelled. Following the
Iland Combal
135
Manchu conf]uest, he was re poned to hm'e said that bare-hande d fighting was more appropriate than anned combat for peaceful times. By the e ighteent,h cemury, at any rate ,ji 's Xing}' i Quan had been transmitte d to He nan , whe r e a local subs tyle eme rged. One of the ea rliest e xta11l Xingyi treatises, Mind-and-/ ntent Six-/'/al'1llOtlies Fist's M al/Ilal ( Xill)'i Litlhl! QUflll 1m), was likely authored in H e nan, whe re it \\'as disco\'ered by Tang (-lao in the early twe ntie th century, The manual ca n ' ies four pre faces-d a te d 1733, 1735, 1754 , and 1779-all by H enan authors,a.> According 1.0 some Xingyi manuals, ji ji ke had spe nt more than le n years at the Shaolin Monas t.ery, whe re he studied-and ("'"\'en taug ht-fighting.f.'l H oweve r, this claim s hould be treated cautiously. \Vhercas the fi g hling style's H enan con nec t ion is ce rl ai n , its found e r 's person a l affiliation with the mo naste ry should b e f]uestioned , if for no othe r reason than because it is a suspi c ionsly recu lTing mOlif in the hag iographies of nume rous martial artists. During the Qing pe r iod, a S haolin connection appears \.0 have become a prerc'pli sil.c in t hc 1ll)'1hology of I he mal'l ial arts, as , he inventors of ne w fight ing styles werc supposed 10 ha,'c traveled 10 the monaste r y and mastered ilS lcch n if]ues before c real ing I hci I' own supe rior ones, The legend;'li'}' founder of the Inte rnal Sc hool (Ne ~ia) , Zhang Sanfeng (fl, 1400?), is sa id \.0 have thOrollghly studie d the Shaotin sl)'le be fore '" revcrsing" il s princ iples. t1 1 Similarly, Wang Lang (fI , scvcntcc nlh ccn tury), presume d c reator of the Pn lying Mall1i s Fist (Tanglang Quan), is believcd 10 Ilave rcsidc:.'CI a l the Shaolin Monaslery, where he was repeatedl), defeated by its o Ul.'ita ndi ng m ania l a rti sts, Leaving Ihe m o nas te ry in despair, \Vang spe nl sC"eral r ears on the roa d , umil hc happene d one day upon a praying mantis catc hing a c icad a, Imitati ng I he in st.'CI's foreli mbs, he inve nted hi s unif]uc st),le, whe reupon he returne d to Shaolin and finall), overcame h is monastic rivals of o ld ,tl.!'t I f we turn our auemion from the considcral ion of individual styles to Ihe examination of literature, we arc agai n struc k b)' He na n 's Significance, Even though , as we will sec below, imponant bare-ha nde d treatises wel'e composed e lsewhe re, some of the most influe mia l o nes were authored within a day o r t.wo's mule ridc from t he Shaolin r"lonas tcry, C ha ng Na iz hou (fl. 1740) pe nned hi s martial arts t reatises at Sis hui , some thin)' miles nonh of the m o naste r y, and Wang Zongyuc (fl. 178 0), albeit a S ha nx i na tive, probably authore d his t.heoretical Ta~ i Quan essa}'s either i n Luo)'a ng or in Kaifeng, where he resided in t.he 1790s,f.6 Likewisc , Chen C ha ngxing (1771 - 1853) and Chen Xin (18491929) compiled their Taiji manual s in I-Ie na n p a nd , as we have seen , Yang Bing (b. 1672) authored his Plum Flower one in the province 's Ncih uan g Count)' (see map 4), The X ing)'i manual Mi1!d~1lI/(MlIle1ll Six-f/arlllolll'es Fist was probabl)' wriuen in the province as well. We may conclude, therefore. that Shaolin hand combat prospered in a regionthatllad played a m
136
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self-Cullivalion
teemh ce nlUry witnessed the emergence of new bare-handed slyles, which, th ree hundred )'e.... rs later, \\'c re to spread all m'cr t he world . The origins ofTaiji Quail, Xing)~ Quan, and Shaolin Q uan - the earliest vestiges of which are record ed in /-land CQII/bal Qassic and Xu(mji$ AClI/J!lnClurt PO;lIls-can he Iraced eq ual I)' to the Ming-Qing transitio n era. Thei remergcncc was a{:companicd hy I he art.iculal.ion of a neh' martial arts phi losophy a nd mytho logy, 10 which we should now lu rn.
CHAPTER
6
Gymnastics
Shaotin monks did not tllrn the ir att e ntio n to hand combat because it \Vas m it it arily erfect ive. In re at comb.'l l, b.'l re -ha ndcd fi ght ing was no t as useful as the staITthatthe monks had bee n pnlclicing for celllilries, no t nearly as lc tlml as swords and spears llmt tile), had a h\'a}'S employed in baule, and ccrt ai nly not as dangerous as firc:.'a rms that, having been i Iwe nl c...'<1 in China several centuries earlie r, were be ing reintrod uced to il by the Portug uese in the sixt.eenth cenlury.1 Rathe r, Shaoli n monks \\'e re intrig ued b)' the philosophical and medical dimension s of the new bare -handed slyles. The lat e Ming and early Qing techniques of Shaolin Qua n, Taiji Quan , a nd Xingyi Quan were couched in a rich vocabu lary of ph}'Siological a nd spi rit ua l self-cultivatio n. They were marked by a unique s)'lllhesis of marl ia l, Iherapeut ic, and re lig io us goals. Pnlclilioners were no longe r imcn~! s te d in fi ghting only. Thc)' we n:: mo tivated instead by conside nllions of health, a t the sa me lime that they soug ht spiritual realization . In lhis chapter we examine the late Minga nd early Qingsynthesis o ffi ghl.in g, heali ng, and relig ious sclf-c ulti\
13i
138
Fist Figh ling a nd Self-Cult ivalion
An Official- Cum - Martial Artist Wa ng Zu)' uan (ca . 1820-after 1882) might illustrate the il1lercst of somc Qing officials in manial praClice. A scholal-of some repu tation and thc holdcr of a mino r bureaucrat ic POSt, ,"Vang \\'as an amateu r martial artist who had becn practicing si nce h is early tee ns. I-lis demtion to his ho bby was such thaI. in his Ihinies he I. ra\'clcd t.o the Shaoli n Tc mple, \\'hcrc hc st ud icd for several mont hs. Thc training Wang rece inxl at thc monas tc ry stoocl him in good stcad in his lat er yea rs. Still a low-ranking burcaucrat in his six tics, hc notcd , ~'Wh cncvcr I chase m y super iors, rus hing be hind thc m , I am as light-footcd as a young man. i-Iastc n ing to knee l down for sacrifice, I have ncvcr failed in propricty, This may dcmonst ratc the strcngth I havc gai ncdl by Ill)' martial practice]."2 Thc Shaolin mania I a .... s provided at least onc Confucia n official with thc stami na necessary fo r the perfor mance ofil is I'itlla l d ulies, \\'llic ll martial arts d id Wang st lid )' a l Sllaoli n ? A Iikcl), answcr is providcd by a manual hc pu blishcd in 1882, wh ich hc I il lcd IIluslmlnl EX/JOSilioll oj In lallal 'I«lmiques (Nrigong Ills/mo). Thc t rcat-isc \\'as nOI authorcd b)' Wa ng, It had bcen iss ued as cady as 1858 b)' onc Pan Wei l'u unclcr another name: 1~lIli(/1 Tf'rli"//;qll es ofGumrling Life (H'I>isheng )yIOS/Hl ). Ilowcn: r, \\'hen Wang happe ned upon it , hc rcalizcd it was idc ntica l to a manuscript hc had o bl aint.'(J atthc Shaolin Mo nast.c ry in 1854 or 1855. Ilc t.hcrcfo rc p ublis hed Pa n 's man ual ancw, rcstoring its o r iginal Shaolin title: IlIllstmtfYl EX/JOsitioll oj /"'I'n/(/I '/erlllliqll es,~ Wang's manual out Ii ncd sc\'cra l sets of gYlllnastic excrcises that i mcgral.cd limb mO\'c mc nLS, breathing, Illassage, and mcditation. One training program , "f o rmulas of thc Divided Externa l 'ICc hn iq u c~ r fc n xing waigong j uc" ) included scvcntcen exe rc iscs, wllich were assigned (:adl to a di ffcrem Ixxl)' part : thc mind, body frame , head , facc, cars, eyes, mo uth , tonguc, teeth , nosc, hands, fcc t, shouldcrs, back, abdome n , loins, and kidneys. Il cn~ arc a fcwexamples in a tran slation tha t was made by the Westc rn p hysic ian Jo hn Dudgcon as ea rl)' as 1895. Althc time Dudgeon was leach ing a natomy and physiology at. the Ton gwc n Academy in Ikijing. Apparc ntl), he practiced the cxercises wit h a local i nslructo r: TI I~:
111': ,\ 0: I. - Close the ears wit h th e hands, ICI I he index finger fold i l.sel r o n tile midd te one and ti l nun Ille two bones at tIle ba(' k of the skull with Ih e in dex finboc r 1.0 make the m sound, This is called sou nding the ~ h ea\"elll )' drum: Note: This is to remrn'e Ihe harmful air rrom t.he ~wind pool - acupuncture opening in the region oflhe mastoid. 2. - Twisll.he neck wil.h the hands and glance back to the rigtl t and len and alli le same time rolal e tI le slloulders and arllls twenty-four limes eac h-to re move the obstnlctc..>ci air in the stomach and spleen . 3. - Inlerlock ti le Ilands and grasp tIle back of the neck, t.h en look upwards and let the hands wreslle with the neck-to remo\"e pain of the shoulders and indisti nctness of \'ision,
Gymnastics
139
Rub the hands until hm, then rub the face with them , high a nd low, aU over, no spot to be left un-rubbed; then spit on the palms and ru b them warm and apply the m several limes 10 the EKe. \ Vhile rubbing. t he breath , by tile maul h and nose, is 10 be dosed. The aim Ofl his exercise is 10 brig hten I he countenance. The more rou rub Ilu! better the color. Thi s is I.he cure for wrinkles; with Ihis aClion you will have none. Til E EA R: I. - Place I he hand.;; 0\"(:1" the ears, Ihen ruh I hem righl and left and upand down st:\'Cral times. Tl lis is 10 Ileard istinc ll ya nd prevent deafness . 2. - Sit Icvel on I he ground wilh one leg benl and the Qt her extended . St rctcll fori h Il le arms Ilori rolllall), wil h I he hands perpendicularly towanls I he fronl as if pushing a door, and twi st the head 7 limes to each sidc , 10 cure ringing in Ihe ears. I THE FACE:
The exercises arc not di rectly related to fighting. App
:\Iy late father had him leach me, and withi n less Ihan a rcar I signi fica n11)' rega ined Illy SI re ng l II and was able 10 Ii fI ten JUII (approximalely 300 pouml s). Dlu·in g the xiI/chou year ( 1841 ) I re turned to m)' native town [Fus han , Shan d ong I to preparc for the exami nal ions. I traveled together wilh I he Lai),ang [marliaI arlistJ Xu Quanlai , and I thorough I)' stud ied hi s tech n ique. Du ri ng the Xian fen gjifiJill (18!J4) ycar, I starcd with my late cider brother in Guanzhong (Shaanxi). whe re I mc tthe Li n tong natin! Zhou Bin. Zhou was the mosl famous martial artisl in Guanzhong. I rrcljucntly traveled with him, and we alsoj ournc),ed logether 10 I lcnan , whcre we visited Ihe Shaolin Temple. \\'e sl ared tllere for ovcr tl lrce months, and olJLained the monastery's IIl!u/mud {Expositioll} oj Intenwl '1edmiqu£s (Neigollg til) as well as spear and starr manuals before hC'dding back. ~
140
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self·Cullivalion
What was the source of the gymnas tic exercises \"la ng studied al lhe Shaolin Temple? Did they odg inalc allhe monastery or wcre they adopted from elsewhere? 10 an swer this questio n h'C Illllsljolirney two thousa nd years back to t.he origi ns oflhe C h inese gymnas tic tradi tion . Ancient Foundations Chi nese gymnas tics ha s bee n illlimalely re lated \0 medical practice. As ea rly as the fi rsl c:cnhll-ies Be E, physicia ns recommended calisthenic exercises called d(IQ),ill (gu iding a nd pulling) as a \001 fo r the prc\'cn lio n and c ure of disease. Vao)'ill gym nas tics combined limb movements with hrca l.ll -
ing techn iques. The exercises \\'crc conside red be neficia l fo,' "no urishing I ire" (),fl1lgsheng), and the)' we re pract iced in co l~un c l ion wit h ot her me t hods - dieta ry, phannacolog ica l, hyg ie nic , a nd sex ual-that were intended \0 protec t a nd increase vi ta lit y. A brie f Zltu(llIg1.i pa ssage d ating from ca. 200 BCE illustrat es tile t rad ition's goa l of lo n gevit y: To pant , to puff, to Ilail , 10 sip, 10 spit Olll tile o ld hreath and draw in III{· npw, pract icing brar-hangings and bird·st retchi ngs, ]ongc,·il y his only co ncern-sllcl l is Ille lifr fa,·ored by t]1(' scllolar who prac tkes gymnastics (r!I1O)· jll) , Ihe man who nourishes hi s body, who hopes 10 Ih'C 10 be as old as ]>engzu , for more Ihan eigh t II1Indre d years. fo WII,u is me rely parap llrased in lhe LJllumgzi is elaborated upon in recen liy discovered manuscripts. Arc haeologica l excavations in tombs dating from Ihe mid-second ce ntury BCE have unea rthed Iwo man ua ls of cal isthen ics: the }.Jull_ illg Book ( )'illshu) and lhe handsomely dmwn Jl/uslralions of Gllillillg alld 1.J.llllillg (Dao)'in Ill), showi ng tha t as ea rly as the Western Ila n (206 BCE-8 CE), therapeutic gy mnaslics had bee n high ly de,·cloped. The twO handbooks o mline dozen s of dflO)'in stn:: tch ing and be ndi ng exen::: ises, Wl lich wel·e recomme nded for me n and women alike. Most exc rc iscs wel'c practiced from a standin g JXlslu re , but some wcre concillct(:(i sitting. Thc m:yority wel'e i)'"lre-hand <.:d , but othe rs made lise of a pole and possibly a ba iL One featu re dllO,),ill gym nastics share d with late impnia l h and combat was the nam ing of individ ll allraining romi nes afler the anima ls they pllrponed ly im itated , In addition 10 Ihc bear that. is memioncd in the Zll1lllllgU, the llIustratiollS of Guitling and 1.J.lIllillg d escribes cra ne, monkey, g ibbon , mcrlin , dmgon , and possi bly tunic poslUres .1 The We slem Ha n manua ls assig n speci fi c exercises for the c u re an d pre,'e n tion o f gi,'en illnesscs. They a llude to the treatmen t of such pathological condition s as " dcafne ss,~ "fe,'c l' is hncss," '" upper-side acc u mulation ,~ '" illlernal hotncss,'" and " knee pain. ~a The Pulling Book reco mmend s the following cu re fo r stiff shouldcrs: '" Ifth c pa in is located in the u pper part fofthe Sllo uld e rl on e s hould rotate it ca rc full y 300 times, Sho u ld it be fou nd toward Ihe bac k, the n o nc s hou ld pu ll the sho ulder to t he fro nt 300 times,"9 A sim il ar associ alion of sp ecific ca l is the nics with pa rtic ular healt h di sorders lasted illlo
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the Eastern Han (25-220) whe n the re now ned physician I-Iua Tuo (ca. 190265) created "fi "e-a n i ma ls" exe rcises, each intended for the relief of a d ifferell t set o f symptoms: Wu Pu ofGuan glin g and Fa A of Pengclu~ ng were bOI h pupils of I lua Tuo. Wu Pu followed exaclly Ihe ans of I lua so Ihal hi s palients g(~ ner ally gO t well. I lua Tuo lauglll h im I hal I he body sllould be exercised in e\'crypan hUl Ihal Ih is should nOI be: o\'Crd onc in any way. MExerci se,M he said, Mhrings aholll good d igestion , and a free nowoftllc blood. II is 1ike a door pi\'ol ne\'cr rOIl ing. The re forc Ihc ancient sages engaged in d(l()yill exe rcises, Lfor exam plcJ by mov ing Ihc head in the manner ofa bear, and looking had. Wil holll lurn ing lhe ncck. By stre tching ;It the waiSI and moving Ihe d iffercll tjoillls 10 Icft and righl onc can make il difficuil for people [ 10 grow) o ld . I ha\'C a metluxl,M said I Ilia Tuo. " know n as llu! 'play oft hc fh'c ani ma ls; Ihc tiger. the deer. Ihe bear. the apt'" a nd t he bird . It can bc used to gCI rid of diseases. and il is be neficial for all st ifTness of t he join t s or an klcs. When t hc body feel s i II. one sllould do 0111' of t he exerciSC's. After perspi ring. one wi IJ sense the body grow light a nd t he stomach will manifest hunger. Wll Pu followed this advice II i ms(' lf atld att ained an age greater t Itan ni Ilet y }'C I wit h excellent hearing, vision , and leclh .lo M
Breat.hing techn iques were an integral cleme nt of (illO)"ill gymnastics. Since external ai r ('Ii) was considered vita l for the body's proper fu nctioning, it was lx;lic\cd t.hat t.he more a person o bta ined of it the belieI'. Practitioncrs usually inllalcd tllrougll t. llc nose and then shutthcir momhs. tl)'ing to hold the air insid c t.hei r bodies for as long as possible. Various methods wel'c devised for ca [eulating the time a person sh ould hold his breath. Somctimes it was measu l'(:.x l agai nst a fellow practitioner's no n na l breathi ng, it bei ng rcconllnen(k.-xltilal il be held fo r as ma n}'as l\\cl\'e o r more regular btX:athing cycles. Theair was 10 Ix; ex haled slowl)' a nd ge nt l)' through the mouth , the a mount going Out Ix;ing smaller t.ha n that wh ich came in . I n add itio n to these u.."Ch niques of brea(liillgair, some practitioners app.'lrelllly a(e a ir. Medie \'<11 te..xtS describe tIle immol1a ls as fcedi ng o n pu re breaths rather than o n coarse foodstuffs such as grains. As J-Ienri Maspero andJosepll Needham ha\'eshown, some adepts probably learned to push ai r illlo their intestinal 1I'<1C1. This was perhaps one n~ason why swallowing saliva figures in dao)'ill gym nastics-it made it eas ier to g ulp d own ai ... 11 Whether it was pumped into the respiratory canal or digested illlo the intesl.i nal tract, the extem a l a ir had to be circulated inside the bod }', nou rishing its \'arious pa rIS. The brea th was g uided therefore by meditation in prescribed int.e mal routes. O ne or its destinations was tile so-called " lower cinnabar field " (dalllirm) under the na n~ l , wh ich was chose n in pan because of its DaoistsignifIcallce . Reversi ng the natural process of aging was tile goa l of DaoistadeplS, who auempt.ed to regai n their vita lity by re turn ing to the ir e mbryonic origins. By
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s ubvening b iologica l time it was jXlssible to regai n t hc fc tus's lim itlcss potc ntial for g rowlh. Si nce the embryo \\'as fed thro ugh thc u m bil ical cord , it was necessary to e mu late h im, breathing through thc na\'e l. t2 T itlcd ~cmbr}'onic t"Cspiralio n" (Iaixi), lh is physiologica l praClicc ha rked back to thc fcc u nd imagcr y of t he infant in the Daoi sl Hhy am} ils Power ( DnOIlejing) (ca. fou nh cent ury BCE): O ne who possesscs vi r tue in abundance is comparable 10 a new born hahe; Poiso nou s i nsect s wit lnot sl ing il ; Fe roc ious a n imals willnOI po unce on it ; Predatory birds witlnot swoop rlown on il . Its ho nes are wea k a nd ils sincws supple re i its hold is firm. It dm..'"S nOt know of tIle u nion o f ma le and re ma le yel its male me mber will s ti l~ T h is is because its virili ty is at ils height. It howls all day ret docs nOI b('col11(' hoarS{' : T h is is beca usc it s ha r mony is al its height. To know harmon}' is called t ll(' consla nt ; To know t he co ns tant is caUrd discern m f'n l. t ~ Mo rc th a n a millc nn ium a ft c r its fo rmu lat ion , ~cmbl )'onic respirat ion" was to innue nce t ile la t.e im pe ri al m a ni a l a n s. T he term ~ I owcrc i nnabar fiel d " figures in late Ming and ca rl)' Q ing ba re-ha nded fight ing Styles suc h as Shaoli n Qua n , TaUi Quan , a nd Xing yi Q ua n . The re, however, the navel's significance is cx plai ned not o nly i n te r ms of brea t.hi ng bUI also ill ten ns of Illcchanica I bala nce. Quail prac titio ne rs cons ide r the na,·cI as t.hc body's rentel· of gravity, a nd t hL")' recom me nd l.lIl"I1ing from ii , ra the r tha n fro m the cheSI or shoulders. Thi s e m phasis u po n the lowe r a bdome n is related 10 the significance of th e legs i n C h inese fighting. U nlike Wesle rn boxi ng, which m akes usc of the a n ns o n I)' (a nd in wh ich the c hest is o fte n the ce me r ofattcmion ,) ql/(II/tcchn iq ucs m ake a bu ndant usc o f kic king. U (IO),ill brea th ing teci lnifJues unde n ,·c lll a sign ificant transfonn ation during the m ed ieval pe riod, whe n the e m phas is sh ifted from the manipulation of external qi (a ir) to the c irc ula tio n o f intemal 'Ii (the body's inbom vita lity 01" ene rgy). Pe r haps because ho ld ing the breath for prolo nged pcriod s led to accid e n IS, prac Lilione rs tumed the ir a tte ntio n to thc flow of one's own "primary ,'ita li ly" ()'ltanql), whic h was bestowt."tI ujXln each pcrson at birth and was cons ide red id e nt ical to the pl-imo rd ia l e ne rgy ofh ea\'(~ n and canh . One could eithe r fo llow b}' med itat io n the na tura l fl ow of e ne rgy with in the Ixxl)" or onc could ac tively a lter its course, d irecting it to specific locations. T he internal qi could be guided , for example , to a n a iling arca, t hcreby c u ring iLl I T hese techn ifJu es we l"C to exe rt a profo und influe ncc o n t hc later cvolution of una r med fig h ti ng. In latc impe l-ia l ha nd comba t , thc martia l artist concentratcs h is internal e n e rg)' for d efe ns h·c and olTe n si,"C pu r poscs a likc. He m ay muster his 'Ii
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FIG. 3 L. Massaging and qi drculalion in Ihe ll'callncllI orindigcsLion, rl'om Ilw 1578 /lrd PJIfJI'lIix's MarrQW (ClIijfllg slli ).
1.0 receive a blow, the ..eby lesse ning the pain and possibly p ..t.....'eming iqj ury, or he may direcllli s interna l powe r lO augmem tIle strength of an llllack, ro .. example, a performe .. who smashes Slo nes with hi s bare hands is said to have circulated llis qi int.o his palms. TIle imernal ci rculatio!) of qi was facil itated by massaging---cithel' self-applied o r pe l-formed by others. Massage was I'died u pon to ctll"e a varicI.)' of health disorde rs from o bstructio ns to the internal flow of breath to irtiured te ndons a nd dislocated bones. It was a lso used to warm u p the body, spreading c ne rgy to its oute r layers, so tha t the skin would retain ilS )'ou lh.' ~ Us ually, kneadi ng was com bined with qi ci rculation as in the following rcmt."(ly for indigestion, from the sixlec mh-ce lllul-y Retl Phoenix's M arrow (Qlifollg S'III) (preface 1578): "O nc should lie stra ight, facing upwards. He shou ld apply massage wilh both hands to his upper and lowe r alxlomen, I-Ie Sllould circu late his qi 0'11 11(/1) thereby capsi7,ing the ri,'cr and churning t he ocean six ti mes n 16 (figu re 31), Th c Z/l'IulIlgzi's refe rence to the C hinese Methuse la h Pengzu (who supposedly lived eigh t hundred yea rs) ind icates that as early as the fi rst centmies BeE, gym nastics were considered userul no t o nl)' for safeguarding one's natu ral life spa n but also for ushe l-ing divine lo ngevity. Some pre-Qi n autho!1i expl icitly associated qi circulation with the quest for transcende nce,' 7 Du ring the ensuing
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medieval period, the supcmonnal e ffi cacy of physiological exercises was furt,he r elaborated, as daoyin g)'mnaslics \\'Cre harnessed 10 the search for immortality. This evolution look place largely within t he COnlc-xt of the emerging Daoist faith, which incorporated lhe ancient gymnastic tradition into its religious regim e n. Daois m integrated ca lislhe nic.s with olherdisdplines----eth ical, riwal , mcdilati\'c, and alchcmical-thalled \0 transcendence. Even as 1h(~y retained their t he rape utic imponancc of old , (/(lO),ill exci-cises wcre now pan of a rei ig io lls system I hal was directed lOh'ard ete rnal Ii fe. The signifi ca nce of physiologica l cul tivation in Daoism ultimately derives from the ce ntrality of the body in the religion's conception of immorIal it y, AsJ oscpll Need llam liaS e mphasized, \lle CII inese d id not conceive tile possibi I it y o f et e rnal life e rUo)'ed by a d ise mbodied soul , For I hem, Iiberat ion look the form of';mal,c rial immorLalil y~-e l er nallife ofa biologica l en tit y.l~ Daoisl immorlals (;I.·ian) were nOI spirilual be ings. Th(~)' possessed physical bod ies, a Ibei l more rell ned I han Illose of ol'd ina I) ' creal ti res. By an a I'd UOLIS process of self-cull ivaI ion , I he i mlllorl als t ra nsfOl'lned lliei r perish able and heavy bodi Iy bu ildi ng blocks into d urable a nd light subs\ ances-so Iigh! th ey could ny. II is exact I)' because Daoist e te rn al life , ....'s not mcrel y spirit ualt hal sp iritual sel f-cultivation d id not suffice. In order to e njoy liberalion , it was necessa ry 10 creal e wi t hin ti le mortal bodily frame a nc\\' physiological e ntit)' I hal \\'ould ascend i nlo i mmoJ"lal it y. l lence the Daois! signi ficance of physiolog ica l exe rcise-gymnastic, sexual , dietary, a nd alchemical. ' 9 Wh)' did C hinese conceptions of immon alilY differ f!'Olll Western ones? Why did I he former e nvision "mate ria l immoJ"lalily" whereas the lauer imagi ned "s pi ri lual e le rn it )'''? The answer is rela led 10 fundamentally diverse con ce p tions of nature. The C hinese did not esta bli sh a dicholOmy of spirit. and ma ue r, of god creator and created world . For t he m , t here were only gradalion s of spirituality, which se parated refi ned beings such as the immortals fro m g ross matler. From another pe rspec ti ,'e, t he body cOlllained numcrous spirits th at were bdie,'ed to dis pe rse upon death. To prescn'e a post.-mortcm personal idemity, il was necessa t·y to sustai n t he physical bo dy that held lhem together, as He nri Maspero has noted: If the Daoi sts ill their search for lon gev it ),. cOllce in:d it 1101 as a spiritual but as a material immortalit y, it was not as a delibcrate choice betwL"C1l different possible solution s but becau se for the m it was thc onl), possiblc solution. Thc Graeco-Roman world early adoptL"{llhc habit of sctting Spirit. and ~bller in opposit ion to one another. alld the religious forll1 of this was t.be conception ofa spiritual soul attachcd to a material bod)'. But t.he C hinese never se parated Spirit and Maucr, and fo r them the world was a continuum passing from tI le \'oid al tl lC onccnd to thc grossest mancr at t.he other; hence " solll~ never took up this anlitlwtical char-Ine r in relation 1.0 matter. MoreU\·e r. tl lere werc too man}' souls in a man for an)' one of them to coulller·balance, as it were, the bod)'; there
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were two groups of sou ls, t.hree uppe r ones (hUll) and s(."\'en lower o nes (/)0), and if there we re d ilTe rences of o pinion abo ut what became of them in the Ot her world, it was agreed that t hey se parated at death, In life as in death , t hese multi ple souls were rat Iler ill -defi ned and vague; aft.er deat h. when t.h e d im litt.le troo p o f spi r its had dispersed , how cou ld they possihly be re-assembled inlD a unit )'? T he body, on the co nt rary, was a un it)" and se rved as a home for tl l(!se aswell as other spiriu. T hu s, it was on I)' by the pe rp
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Wangli ng, alluded lO il as a source o f inspiration .) The Scri/)fllre a/fhe Yellow COllrf outli nes lechn i'lues o f bn.""a lh ci rc ulatio n tl lat are cou pled with viSlla Ii 7.al io n of the body's illle d o r divinilies, By nOlll' ish ing h is corpora l d eities the ade p t is able to produce \\'ilhin ll imself a d ivine e mbryo that ascend s in to immortal ity, The sCI; pt,ure 's lang uage is esole d c, describi ng t he p hysiological ci rc ulatio n of bodily nu ids as a celeslia l jounu.1 ' th rough t he heaven ly pa laces of t hc body's illle rnal d i\'inilies. The fo llO\v ing br ief excel'pts (in Pa ul Kroll 's t. ranslation) describe the Sh'allO\vi ng o f sa liva ("num inou s Iiq tlor") followed by med italion o n a sp lee n goddess (" the pe rson with in the yellow court"); Thl" mout h is theJade Pool , the Officer of Creat est A.cord , Ri nM' wit h and gulp down the numi nous Ii
Tile pe rso n wit II in t ile yel low coun wears a po lychrome-d amask j ackel, A vola nt skin of pur ple fl oweri ng, in gossamer of cloud y \"ilpOrS, Venn ilio n a nd azu re, wit It green wil Itcs, num inous boughs of halcyon bl ue.~!
Eve n as I hey s u ffu sed dtloy;n gym nasI ics with a rich 1ll)'S t ica I language, Daoist p ractitione rs cont.i nued to sl.rcss thc excrciscs' tllCrapcu tic \'
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ternal org ans. They al so wrOle the characte r "sun" on a piece of paper, which they burnt and mixed in h'aler. By drinking the potion it was possible to assi milate the luminary's e ne rgy. Evide mly, the process of absorbing cosmic qi was not devoid of magic o\·ertones.~6 Me tJux ls of qi circulation arc el~oy in g re neh'ed popu larity in comemporaq' China , where they arc com monly n~ ferred 10 as Qigong {which could he rende red as Qi tccllnifJue, Qi efficacy, 01' Qi skill}. The ancient Clli ncse 1.<:cllnifJues are also bt.""Comi ng increasingly popular in the West. Even though the Chinese state has auempled lO couch Qigong in sci (~ntific terms, end owing it wit.h an aura of secula r modernilY, its practice is not de"oid of religious hucs. David Palm er has a.-g ued thai despite I he party's express ai ms, "Qigong became a conduit for t.lle transmission , moderni:r. a lion and legitimization of religious conce p ts and practices with in the Communi st regime."27 The latent religiosity of Qigong could eve n burSI fo ..... h in a messia n ic zeaL Emerging from Qigong ci rcles, t.he re nO\\'ned Fal ungong sect has pronoull(:ed the im mi nent arri'".I] of the apocal}1lse. ~~ The I'd igious aspect of Qigong is Iikd y d ue, at least pan iall)" 10 the hi slorie ll im paci of Daoi sm on dflO),ill gymnastics. Daoism e mbedded 1he ancie nt exe rcises of qi ci rcu lat ion in a rich wlCabul ary of rei igious transcende nce . As \\'e will see , the religion was 10 exe rcise a sim ilar influcncc on the latc imperia l martial art s. When , during the lai C Mi ng a nd the early Qi ng, t/(lo),ill cal isthenics we re int eg ral.ed into marl iall raining, they colored it with the spirilual hues of Daoist self-cullivation. Even I ho ugh the Daoisl language d id nOl shape the aspirations of all martial arlists, il d id influence al.least sollle laIC imperial slyles of Iland combat.
T he Late Min g Synthesis All through the medieva l 1)(: I'iOO , l/aoJin literature had not been related 1.0 I1gh ti ng. Whcthe r thc}' al'C p l'Cse rYcd in the Daoisl canon or have been disco\'en:d in archaeological exca\'a tio ns, the avai lable man ua ls of gymnaslics and breathing do not PI'CSUIllC to e nhance mil itary skills. Their a"owed goals are twO only: he..'llth and spil'itua l libcration . Whe n lillOJill was imegratLxi imo the newl}' em ergi ng methods o f hand combat, during the late Ming and cady Qing, it was thoroughl}' transfo nned. The ancie nt gym nastic tradition acfJuired a martial dime nsion, a nd quail fi ghting techn iques were enriched Wilh a therapeutic and a rei ig ious sig ni fi ca nce. A synthesis was created of figlning, healin g, and sclf-c ulli\'ation . Tang I-lao was the first schol ar to nOle the contri bution of gymnastic.. and breathing tcch niques for the emlution of the late imperial martial arts. The sel'e lllce lllh-celllury Ta !ji Quan , he pointed OUl, was created bycombining the M ing styles of bare-handed fi ghti ng with the ancie nt dllO)'il1 methods of gymnastics and bre..'lthi ng:
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Taiji Quan is a product orlhe :\'fing-Qing Iransilion period. It inhcrit<..'(.\, developed. and created a sy nthesis of t he various ~1ing bare-hande d styles that were practiced by the people and Ill(~ military, combining t hem wit h t he ancient me l hods of gymnast ics (d(ltJ)';Il) and brcathi ng (tulia). It. absorbed [he ancient mate rial philosophy of J ill and Jfmg as well as t he C hi !lese fu ndame lll al medical conce pt of meridians U illgluo) lin which the qi f1owsJ. creal ing a bare-handed t echniqll(~ that (~qually cultivates t he internal and t h e externa l.... After it i llIegr.l1 c d 1he method s ofgYlllnastics and breat hing, Taiji Quan was nOI m(~ rel y able 10 advance t he motion ofj oinl,s ami llllL'ic lcs, Inll it was also capable of
coordi natin g movement and breathing, e nhancing tlu! performance of the internal organ s ... . In Taiji Quan training the three aspects of co nsciolLs ncss, movement , and brcat hi ng arc harmoniously integrated. The holistic approac h to training and the e mphas is upon the unit )' of the internal an d the exte rnal arc the hallmarks orTaiji Quan practin·.~kJ
Lin Bo), nan has argued similarl)' that (lao),;11 gymnastics transformed the lat.e itlllx: rial mart ial arts. Un like Ming hand com ba t t hilt was i ilt e nded for figh ting onl)" Qing bare-ha nded styles \\'Cre a lso meant to cu re and prevent illn ess. The \'ery a(lject i\'e "mart ial ~ is misleading, or limi ting, when applied 10 the n ew synt hesis. fighti ng is only one aspcct of the bare-handed Sl yles Ihal emcrgt.xl during I he SC\'CnlCCnlh-cellllLl) ' M ing-Qing t mnsit ion: Durin g the ~1ing period , Ihe variolls hand combat styles were all onesided. special izi ng in act llal fight ins on I}'. H}' cont n i SI, Qing qllall styles emphasized d i\'Crsc Ira in ing, c real in g a partic ula rl}' 1 horough s}' nthesis wit h t he mel hod s or daoyill and )'(lIIgshellg r nourishing t he \'it;\1 principle~). This inleg t~U ion was mOl ivaled b}' a double-purpose: firstly, il added efficacy 10 lite barc- Ilandcd figlll ing mel Ilods: secOildly, il Sl renglhened I he bod y, pre\'enl ing and c uri ng dise;lse .... The Qing widespread in tegralion or (/flO)'ill I rai ni ng and mania l practice de monsl r~lle s thaI the recogn ition or t/flO)'in's effi cacy became more cOl11l11on. Dno)'i /! tran srunned ti le popular mart ial ans in te rms of contellts. method s or training, and goals. The manial arL'I we re no longer fighting method s only. They were trans rormed . rath e r, into a physical aClivity tl lat is variously practiced . tllat e nl la nct.'S bOI II sk ill and strength, and that is efficaciou s in elt rin g and preve nting illness. E\·idently, by Qi ng limes the martial arts evolved in lo a completely unique method of physical educatioll, :IO Even though the sc\'enteemh ce mlLry was ph·otal in the imcgration of hand combat and gymnastics, thc s}'mhesis was not born o\'Crnight. Thc proccss of combining gymnas tics, breathing, and fighting probably sp..'lnncd sevcral ccnturies, It is likely that as early as the mid-~'Iin g (the fiftccnth and sixtccnth
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cellluries), some quan styles incorporated aspects of tJllo),ill, The imegration was accele rated with th e appearance ofShaolin Quan and Taiji Quan in the last decades o f the Ming and the ea rly Qing (the sC\'e n tcenth cemury), and it rea ched maturil Y in the eighteenth and nine teenth centuries. by which lime most. bare-handed styles ,,'Cre colored by therapeutic and rdigious hues, One indication is lhe prevalence in Qing literature of the term ~imerna l slrenglh" (neili), \\rhich \\ras sought b}' Ihe " illle mallechn iques" (Ileigong) ofbrealh ing, med ilatio n , and e nergy ci rc ulation , Wa ng Zuyuan 's handbook, for example. is t.itled J/luJ/m/ed E).1){)si/io1! oj In/emal Tedmiqlles, and in h is preface 10 the Shaolin manual H fU/{1 Combat GflJSic (1784), c.. tO I-Iua ndo u explains that "the subI let.y of I he method 's applicat ion depends e ntirely on ;lI/enUlI s/rmg/h."" A Iriple synlhesis of relig ion, hea ling, and fighting is first allesled in late M ing sources. Tile ea rl iest extant. Iland book tllat integl'
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fi g hte r depends on the qi or the h'hole body concentrating on one point ," writes Chang Naiz hou. '~ The manipul ation or 'Ii implied a harmony or mind and body, intent and mO\·em e nt. Qi c ulti vation was a rorm or me ntal concent ra tion, sulxluing the body to the pe rrormer's will. The idea was e.x pressed poeticall y in the late Qing Taiji Quan classic ~ Song orthe Circ ulation or the Primordial Qi," he re in Doug las Wile's lrans lation : Thc mind (Ji) ami qi are rule rs, And thc bones a nd ncsh are ministe rs, The waist a nd legs arc com mande rs; Thf'" hands arf'" \·angu arrls . Andth e eycs a nd sk in arc spics. Thc rulc r g i\'cs orders and the ministe rs act; The commandcrs gi\'e orde rs and t he rule r ans. Thc spies mll st immed iately r{'pOrt to the commander. And the command e r issues orders to ti lt' t roops. RlLler a nd rollower work tog{'t h('r; Abo\'f'" and below act in harmony, And the whole body is onf'" flow or qi.Y.. fi ci ion mirrored t ile be lie r tllat e ITect i\'e figh t ing depended upon qi c irc ul at ion. The C/tlSsijiel/ Allllw/ogy of Qillg AlItf(/ol,.s (Qillg hai lei rlmo) tell s of o ne Iron-fi st nian , who "chose a large sto ne sla b, pOSitioned himselr, circ ul at.ed II is 'Ii (yllll'li) and struck . A dea fe ning crack w"s IleaI'd, as the Slone slab split. in lhe middle .~" Memoi rs of the Tia nqi ao e nte rta inment district in Beijin g s imilarl)' auributed the fil S of pe rforming anists 10 ime nlal energy. The followi ng description of a martia I anist n ick nl.inl
Gymnasti cs
I:) I
includin g those resulting rrom fallin g, figluing, a sprained waist or a choked chest. Indeed , h e him self b ecame so powerrul only becaus(~ he took it.. TrUlh is, hi s -All Nourishing Powcr-Incrcasing PiW had no miraculous effeCl.s what.soc\·cr, but swallowing it did not ca use Illtl(:h damage cit h c r.~'IB
IntcrnaI cncrgy could hc channeled nOI only ror offensi\"C bUI also ror d efensivc purposcs. Thc ahililY1.0 h'ilhsland a blO\." is often analyzed in Qing manuals in lennsor qici rculalion . Ti le (..... rl ys(.~·e nl ee nlll cenlu ry Sinews Tmnsjorll1(1li()/I Clt/ssir teadlcs a systematic mctllod or qi cul\ivaliOiI Illal I'esu Its ina body resilienl 10 il'U ury. Training procecds rrom qi circulalion a nd massaging to pounding or thc body wilh increasingly harde r objeclS rrom a \\"ooden pestle and a \vooden malle I 10 a pebble bag. The pracl ice is expecled 10 rorge a hody "as hard as iron and ston e,~ so much so tha I one \\'ould be a ble 10 ~smash a liger's brain \\'ith h is fist" and "cuI an ox's neck wilh hi s palm."~9 By Ihe mid-eighteenlll ce ntury SUell melilods \\'ere com mo n ly p ract iced, as is attesled by vernacular nct ion. Wu Jingzi's (1701-1754) U1Iojjirial l-l islor)' oj til' Sd/Olars (Rlllill waishi) cclebnu.es a valiant he ro who rei ics o n qi ci rcul al io n 10 wil hSland COil 1'1 torture. !U Qing mel ilods or harde ning t he body were knOl\'n by I he generic labels or Golde n Bell Armo r Uill7.hong 7.hao) a nd Iron Cloth Sh irt (Tiebu shan), implying Ihat the practitioner manipulated h is 'Ii into an impenetra ble shiekl. lI There were some, even among thc burea ucratic e lil e, who bel it.'\,ed Ihal such t.echniques could avert inj ury not only rrom bare-h anded blows bUI also from sharp weapons. A go\'e rnment officia l n amed Rua n ZU1:lng (fl. 1890), who se rved as ci rcuit. attendant of Xuzho u,Jiangsu, commcnted on the Golden Bel l Armor: "whe rc thc qi mo\·es. C\'cn a fierce chop cannot penetrate. Bm ir o nc loses conce ntration, tlle n tile blade wi II e ntc r."12 Tile pll)'Sical exerciscs orharde nin g were somelimcsjoi ned by rilua l proced ures. Some manial artisls enhanced thc efficacy or qi circulatio n Wilh charms, spells, and prayer 1.0 va liant d eities. A DaoiSl pl-iest wh.o became c llla ngled in thc 1813 Eight Trigrams upri si ngwas said \.0 ha\'c practiced lhc Coldcn Bell Armor by"swa llowingcharms and ci rc ulali ng his qi"' (chifll )'ll1lqi).'s Latc n inclt.'Cnth-centu ry me mbers or thc Bi g Swords III il itia likewise praclic(.-d breatll ing Led in iques and pounded the ir bodies with bricks, wh ilc allhe same limc swa ll.owi ng charms that were burnt and mi xed in waler. ll Hardening the body was simulta neously a manialtcchnique and an invulnerabililY rilua l. Th e associa ti.on .or somc qi-circula lion tecl ln iqucs witll ri tual pr.ocedures miglu suggcSt tl lal thc concepl or qi was occasi.onally col.ored with a su penlOrmal aura. We ha\'e seen lhallhe qi implied di\l~ rse lhings to dilTerent manial anists. Il was a me thod .or breathing and a techniquc or me ntal c.oncentration, and it sLiggesled a harmon)' or illlelll and aClion as well as an unh indered delivery .or rorce. Il is possible, howc\'er, lhal some praclitioners-especially th.ose imQI\'ed in seC'-a rian acti\'ilics-alll-ibuled lO lheit- hidde n qi miraculous iX'wers as wel L
Fist Fighli ng and Self-Cult ivalion
152
An early Boxcr leadcr, a Buddhisl monk named Xincheng, repon<.-dly boasted in 1899 thal "my whole bo<:l}' has Qigong (Qi efficacy); I can resiSl spears and g uns. Whcn t.he hard and precious f Buddhisl g uardia nsl possess my body, lhe roreig ncrs cannOl oppose mc ."I~ Il appears that for monk Xincheng, the te rm Qigong implicd divinc po\\'e rs similar to lhose oflhe g uardian d eities that possesscd him. If it could on ly be Lapp<:d , lile qi cou ld make one invul ne rabl e t.o bullcts. If thc cxa mplc of monk Xincheng is ind ical.ive of others, then the integratio n or martial trai ning and i I1vul nera bility rituals migllt have heen faci litaled by thc cxt raordina l), po\\'c rs that \\'CI-C somc timcs a\lributcd to the qi. From tllis pe rspectivc, lile re lig iOtlsly impregnated wlCabula ry of d(lO)'in might have g ive n some fighl ing Icchniques a mag ic t\\'is t. ' 6 Qing fiction, at any rale, is replele \\'it II I.ales of sllpernonnal fits ,Ilat we re accompl ished by Ihe It idde n powe rs of qi. Considc r, for example , tilC foII O\\'ing SIOI'y of a man ial anisl \\'110 reIies o n hi s qi to lcvilal e: Lian Fangjun possesscd d ivine slrenglh (slim"). Often. during the afternoon sies la , hr- wou ld rei ir(' 10 a secluded room, where he wOllld sit cross-legged 011 an iron cha ir. After approximately halfan hOllr h(~ would Sl relcil II is arms, gradu ally lift ing I he dmi I' upwards. The chai r would floal a lon g lime high abo\"e ground , and Lian's body would not Sl ir. Th is was d ue 10 I he COllcen! ral ion , and I he ci rculal iou, of qi (qi(lIIqi lIei)"II,,).I?
C hinese medical theol), had the qi flow in prescribed channels calk-d jil/gfllo (me ridians). The channels we re dOl ted with cavities (xuetlflo), wh ich wel'c po ints se nsitive 10 acupuncture treatme nt . The concept was adopted b)' hlle imperial martial artists wllo IIc1d that the points responsi\'c to tlle l-apy wCl'e eq uall )' susceptible to i'-Ull!")'. The sig nifica nce of acupuncture points in Shaolin hand combat has been noted ca rlie l'. The te nn Mcavities fig u red ill the very lille of the Shaolin handbook XU(lIljis Serre! Transmission of An l/JUI/cture Poillfs' I-land Combal Forlllit/as. I-I owe\'cr, the conce pt was t.."qua ll)' im ponant in other b..""Irehanded sl),les. It fi g ured promine ntl), in the late Ming melhod of the Ime rnal School Fisl (Ne ~ia QUOIn), lhe fore most ex pone nt of which was Wang Zhe ngIlall ( 1617- 1669). The two sun'iving accoun ts of tIle I mernal School- i-luan g Zongx i 's epitaph for Wang Zhengnan a nd i-lua ng Ba~ia's The II/Iemal School Fisl Mel/wei (Neijia qlUmfa) ( 1676)-detaii some of lhe cavities it targeted. Accord ing to Huang Zongxi , "in su-iking opponents, "'lia ng Zhengnan made usc of acupunClllre IX)ims-dea th points, mUle points, a nd vertigo poi nts-jusl. as illuslraled on lhe bronze models of the cha nnc1s."t8 The imponance of acupullcture poin ts in e mply-handed fighting is one indication of l he imegralion of medicallheo ry illl.o lhe late imperial manial arts. In some empty-handed Sl)'IeS, lhe ma nial goal oftoning the body for bailie is indislinguis ha ble from lhe med ica l objecti\"C of p reventing illness . The M
Gymnas ti cs
Sinews Tmnsjormation Classic, for insta nce, ou Llines a method of hardening the body that is supposed 10 b e equa lly erfecti\'e against martial ac.h'ersaries and disease. By a combina tion of 1i ci rculatio n , massage, and self-pou nding, the pract.itioner is expected t.o ga in "intema l robustness" (lIeiz/tullng) that would eli minate all illness. Medication figures in th is training regimen. The Sinews Transformation Qassic provides s pecific I-ecipcs for "internal robus\.ness medicines" 1.0 be consumed in cOI"Uu nction \villl pllysical exercises_I'.l Otller mi litary treatises like\\'isc deh'e into medicaltheol-yand (h-ug production. The st.'Conrl fa scicle of X1umji's Secret Tra ll-HI/issiQ1I oj ilcupunrture Poillls' Hmui Co mhat Fonnulas is ti t.led "The Secre t Volume of Treating \.I/(;·apon Cu ts, Fighling h~ u ri es, and Broke n Bones." In addi tio n to o utlining eme rge ncy treatmen ts for a varie ty of \\'oll nds, it also discusses moxibust ion and p ulse taking.''''' The handbooks' IlH..d ica l o l-ien tatio ns \\'ere matched by the practitioners' th e rapeutic expectations. We ha\'e opened this chapter with the nine1.e enthcen tu ry WangZu)'uan, wllo sc manialjourncy to the Sl laolin Te mple originated in his fat her's concern for hi s hea h h. A cent my earlier, Cao Huando u's practice ofShaolin fight ing \",ts mOL iV
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self-Cult ivalion
154
(8 engCluan), Exploding Fist (Paoquan), a nd Sheari ng Fi st (J-Iengquan ) with t,he five elemenlS of me tal , Waler, h'ood , fire, a nd eanh respl.'"Ctively; and, as indicated by its name, the Eight Trigrams Palm (Bagua zhang) re\'Olves in a concent ric movcment around the eight config u rations that are d escribed in lhe Q(lssie oJOumges ( Yijing) ."·
The identity of microcosm and maCl"ocosm that charact eriz(~s much of Chin ese thought pcnniucd mania I aniSLs [0 I-e-enact within theirown bodies the p roccss of cosmic c\'Olution. Begi nni ng with I he firSI cent uries Be E Clm.sic oj ClwlIge.f and c ulminating with Zhotl Dunyi's ( 1017-1073) lJiogmm oJfhe Su/mllle Uililllale (Ta iji III), Chincse philosophy usually descrihed the history of the univc rse in I.crms of diITcrentiation fl-om a pl-imOl-dial u nit y ca lled I(liji (supremc lilt imal.e) . In tllis crea tion proccss, several slages, or fon:es, were discernible, including the yi n and the ymg, t he fi \-e d e me nts, a nd the eight trigrams. In slldl Qing fight ing st )'lcs as Taiji Q ua n- \\'It ich is consciousl)' named afte r the cosmo logy-the practitione r rc pealS thc process of un iversal evolutio n b)' a prescribed se t of movemc nts_ Tl lc train ing I-Ollt i ne opens in the ql liescence of [he p rimordial/fliji and procccds through the interplay ofJill and y(l "g, five clemcnts, and cigh t trig rams, to the profusion ofthc myriad phe nome na. Radler than ending in this stat c ofmuhiplici ty, thc mani al artislthen heads back in time to the origins of thc universc, reccd ing from thc myriad things to thc eight trig nuns, contracting furth e r 10 thc two cosm ic principles yill and ),(lIIg, and cu lminat ing in I hc tranquilit y of I(liji_ As ea rly as the Ming period, the conccpt offi\"c cle ments was incorpOral(:d into martial arlS literature, It appeared, for example. in Tang Shun zhi 's ( 150715GO) discussion of spear fi ghlin g, ~~ Ilowc\"Cr, t he complete re-Cn aCll11e ll1 of cosmic evollll.ion within the mania l a n s likcJ)' appea red no ea rlier lhan lhe Qing. Among its eariieStlextual records is Yang Bing's Plulll Fist manual/Illroduclion 10 Marl ifll Praclice (1742), in whidl he quotes \"Crbalim from the Classic oj Changes: "In the Changes the re is the supreme ultimate (taiji ), which produ ccd the two fo rms. These two fonns produccd the fo u r e mblc ms, and thesc fo ur e mble ms produced the e igh t u-ig ra ms.-:.6 Sc\'cral decad es laler Wang Zongyue (n , 1780) l"Cpeatcd in his Taiji Quan essays the fuller vcrsion of cosmic crealion as it had b ecn fonnulatcd by the Song thinker Zhou Dunyi_ Wang ide ntifies spccific Taiji Quan postures with the e\'Olmionary stages lhc Jin and lhe ya llg, the five elemenlS, and the eight u-igramsY Thus, Chinese cosmology enriched the mania l ans with lhe vocab ulary of a mystica l union. Ilractitioners re-cnacted the process of cosmic differemiation, then re\'ersoo it to ach ic\'c oneness with the primordial ullity of laij·i. The ir spirilUal goal was exp lici tly stated in late Q ing manual s, such as the following Taiji Quan classic in Douglas Wile's translation: Tlte cars a nd eyes, hand s and fee l_be ing divided illlo pairs are like Jill and JUlIg, and thei r uniting inlO one is like {(liji. Thus the exwrnal becomes concenl.raled in the illlernal, and the inte rnal expresses itself
Gymnastics
externally. In this way we develop within and without , the fine and the gross, and wilh penelrat.ing understanding, we realize the work of the wise men and sages. Wisdom and knowled ge, sagehood and immortality. these are what \\'e mean by fulfillin g our intrinsic nature and establishing life. I lerein lies the pe rfect ion of spirit and divine transformalion. The way of heaven and t lie way of humanit y is si mple sinceriIY.'.8 Tile cosmological \'ocabulary ofm}'Slica l union \\'asjoinoo by lhe Daoistlanguage of immort.alit.y. Allea.. t some Qing martial artists emplO)'ed the terminology of Daoist "inner alchemy" (neidan) in I heir military Ire atises. They described rna rt.ial slrengtll as Ille by-product of an inne r elixir leading 10 elernallife. Cl lang Naizhou \\'(;nl. as far as claiming Ihal '"" inner alchcmy" was I he foundation of manial Iraining, follO\ving the Daoisl schemc or lhr(.'"(; stages in Ihe smelt ing or the in ncr el ix i t~ (he firsl stage or re fin ing essence UillW and Iranslllllling il into l)J""eath (qi), Ihe second stage or refi n ing breath and lrans muling il into spil"il (slim), and the Ihird stage or rdi ning spirit and reluming il 10 Ihe primordial mid (:':-1/). The same s tages arc OUI lined in al leasl some manlla ls of X ingyi Qlmn,W Before we exami ne 1\\'0 lexls Ilial illtlstral e Ille impact ofg),mnasticson t.he late imperial marlial ;\l1.S, a qualirying comment is in order. I have argllt..xlthal Ihe foundal ions or tal e imlX!rial bare-handed slyles such as Shaolin Quan , Taiji Quail, and Xing)'i Quan were laid d uring I hc Iat C Ming a nd the early Qing 1"J)' the inl.cg ration or Ming hand combat wit.h an ancient gymnastic traditio n that had largely (,·voh'ed wit.hi n a Daoist contcxt.. This is not to sa)" however, that aspects eith er of d(/o)'ill grm nastics or or cosmological thought did not fig ure in some fightin g tec hlliC(ucs as carl}' as ancient times. A surveyor classica l Chinese warfare goes lx:)'ond ti le scope or lilis stud}'. FenCing, hO\\'C\'er, merils a brief memio n. Sc llola rs lta\'c poin ted out tllC sig nifica ncc Ort.lle sword in Daoist rit ual . As early as the first ce nturics CE , Daois t priests ascribed magic powers to the blades the), cmployed as liturg ical impleme n ts. Considered the inca\'llatio ns of dragons, swords could (I y, and Lhe}'wc re 1X! lic\'ed 10 IX! e ffi cac ious against wale r creatu res; Cc I-long (282-343) recommcnded the daggel' as a talisman against dragon s, crocodiles, and thc like. GU The sword's role in exorcistic ritual s was matched b)' the daboratc cc re monies t hat accompanied its produclion. The forg ing of a divinc bl ade was conducted according to intricate rilLlal rules rese mbling those tha t surrounded the concoction or the elixir. Precious swords, in add ilion , fi g ured in the relations between priest and rule r. The Sha ngqing pau-ia rch Sima C he ngzhc n (647-735) preselllcd his pa1.ron , the Tang emperor Xuanzong, with t h irteen divine sword s, each e ng raved Wilh the name ofa different deity.51 To this da}" sword dances arc a n integral element or Daoist ri tual. The ir prima'1' goal is exorcis tic. Demon-expelli ng swordplay purifies the altar i n the fundame ntal Daoisl r ile of olTCI"ing UillO). The swol-d dance ro11ows a minll1ciy prescribed choreography, which COITclates the priest's steps with cosmic powers. Widding his magic weaJXln , t.he p.-ies t pronounces:
156
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self-Cult ivalion
I h old my precious sword , whose name is Dragon Source; F h~ hin gas I un sh eathe it, it illu mines lhe Nine I I ean~ ns_ Wit h the roar ora tiger, ilcomes t1 1rt>ugll space; It mounts on high to the Great Void. Sun and moon, wind and clouds emerge on eit her side: Auspicious cloud s of energy carr y t lie Eight Immonals. Wh en ordi na l, mort al s see it, ca lam it ies di s.'J.ppear; Wh en pen'erse demons hear it, tl leygo down to the N i IH~ Springs. T he ;"iost I I igh gave me t llese sec ret inSl.rucl.ions: Wa lki ng the constellat ion, I circu mambul ate ! he a lt ar. I lea\"enly Worthy Who Responds as Shadow to U gh!.(/.! Tllal ! IIC sword ca n subs! it.lIte for t he priest ill Ilis grave is I he clearesl indica t io n of t.hei r int i mate relat io ns hip. The seeker of eterna l Iife may feign d eal h by t ransform ing his sword int o a re plica of hi s body. \Vhereas Ihe weapon remain s entombed , he is liberated to immonali ty. Detailed g u ide lines for the p e rfo rm ance of the me tamorphosis arc provided by Daoist scripl ll rcs, in wh ich t he adept addresses h is s\I'ord: "w it h you I replace my person so lhal Ill )' bod )' may be invisible; I am going to hide myself, ),o u \I'ill e nter my t omb.''6~ l ienee, if t lIe sta rr was Ille s)'mbol of t Ilc Hudd hist priest, tl lc sword was I he e mble m of hi s Daoisl counterpa rt . (In Japan , hO\\'e\,e r, t he sit uation \I'as different , for sword smanship did flouri sh the re in a Buddhis t (Zen) ideological COn1.ext).61 The ce n trali ty of the sword in Daoist religious practice migh t have conIrib uted 10 the incorpo ration of (/(IO)'i1l g)'mll astics into fenc ing. It is likely I ha l. as carl)' as I he f'irst ce nt uries CE, breathing methods, and possibly even qi-circu lalion lechniC)ues, fi g ured in sword trai ning. A h im is provid{:d by a sho rt sto r y thaI is antho log ized in AIII/ai.s ofWfI mlfJ l /lle ( WII File rhullqi ll) (ca. second ce ntury). Ils protago ni st is a n outstandi ng sword swoman who is invited by t.he king ofYue to in struc t h im in fe ncin g. The sword swoman 's exposition of t.he art is re plete with the (/aoJi II ,·ocabu lary of bre;llh ing, 'Ii, and sp iri t (slum), as well as the cosmolog ica l termi Ilology of )'ill and J(lIIg:
nut
Tlte art or swords man ship is ex tremely sub! Ie and el usive; it s principlt.-'S are most secret and profoun d . The Dao has it.s gate and door. ilS ),ill and JUlIg Open the g;.l1e and close the door; ),ill decl ines and ),(mg rises, Wlt en prac tici ng the art or face- to-face combat. conce ntrate your spiril i nl.er n
Gymnastics
1:,)7
the flow, never atlack fromall)" :\'laste r ), of Lhi s art allows one to match a hundred, and a hundred LO match a Lhousand. If r our I lighness would like to test it. I can d emons trat e for )'our(~ dificaLioll , 65
The story of lhe Vue swordswoman suggests liial fencers espou sed breathing tedlniques. It. mighl indicale, funhennore, lhal s\\'On:l training was considered by some a melilod of spidlual CUlli\·alion.juslas lile concepL'I ofJin and )'fmgcould facilitate the swdy of swordplay, lhe praclice of fencing could illuminate cosmological principles. It. is inslHlCli\'e, lherefore, Ihal medie\'al fiction associated swordsmanship Wilh lhe Daoist immol'lalil }' techniques, The Tang Slory "The Old Man of L..'lnli ng" (~ Lanlin g laoren") ccle!:H:ales a s\\'01'(1 maSler whose demonSt mtion of t he al'l is preceded b}' a penetrating discourse of "nourishing life" (),(lIIgsheng). The swordsman-the nalT
The Illustrated Exposition of Illterllal Techlliques Ef}uipped wilh infnnnalion on {lao)'in gymnaslics, we may return to Wang Zu)'uan 's IIllLstmted Exposilioll o/Internal Techniques (1882), which demonsu-aLes lhe lradilio n's innuence on lhe Shaolin mania I ans. E'·en though Wang was under lhe impression Utat the Shaolin melhods he studied originated at the
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Fis t Fighling a nd Self-Cullivalion
monaste r y, they can all be traced to earlier manual s of gymnastics and brealhi ng. The vadous train ing routi nes in the IlLuslraled ExI)QsiliOlI-like its immediate source, Ewmliai Techniques of Gllmding Life--derh'e from dao)'in trealises that are pennc.·l led with a Daois t \"Ocabulary. Following l :"lng I-lao, I will illustratc the dmryin pedigree of Wang's techniqucs by his ~Twe l \'e-Sec [ion Brocad e" (Shie r duan jin), wh ich , as suggested by its name, incl udes \wc!w! (:..x(:.rcises . The ope ning fixe rc."ld as follows: ( I) SIT DO WN, \' O UR n ' ES SIIUT AND YO U R MI ND OR SCU R ~: (M/W;XI.V). C LE NC H \' OUR FI STS
(troCII)' CONTB I PLA TI NG Q u n : TLY
(j1."G~·/)
T ilE DIVI N ITIES : GIi
Sit cross-legged , simi t ing YOllr eyes Iigl u Iy and d ("aring rour mind of all t houghl s. When sit t ing Sl ra igluen your spine: T he \\~l i s t shoulclnot be loose; the bod)' should nOI bend. Clellrldng jiSIS: By clench ing Ii rmly your fisls you will be able 10 close I h(" gate a nd expel Ihe de mons. COIl/PIII/llmillg fJlliPII)~ By Slopping all Ihoughls YOLI will vis ualize Ihe divinilies (rims/un). (2) C L A I' \' OUR TEETII (laJllcw) TIIIRTV-SIX T1:' I ES. EMIIRA CE K UN I. UN W ITII 1I0TII IIANI)S: Ci.l
Clap Ihe upper lee lh againsl Ih(' lower leel h. making a sound. II should ring Ihirt y-s ix times. By clappi ng Ihe leel h you will assemble Ihe bod y's int e rior divinil ies, pre\'cn l ing Ihem from being d is pe rsed . Kun lu ll is Ih c head . Embrace firmly your napc wil lt bOllt Iland s, II Ie Icn ringcrs crossed logclilcr. AI OllCC cO\'cr lighlly you r oUler ears wil h bOI h palms. Counl silenlly ninc nosc breal hs. Ex hale and in halc gcnlly, wil hoUl c m ill ing a sound. (3) U : n AND RIGIIT. S O UND TilE I I EAVENI.\" DR U M (Til E O CC IP U T ) ,\U!) l nI.Y
TW ~: N"\'- FO U R
TIMES:
Re me mbe r lu counl n inc in halal ions and nine cxhalal ions from Ille nuse. Tl wse com ple led . release your crossed hands, and with bUil t pa llll s cover your cars. Fold r ou I' i ndcx fin ger on your middle fi nger an d press il tighlly. Wilh rour index finger tap repealedly t he back of the br~li n. It should sound lilt! a drum . Repeal!.h is in this same fas hion with bOlh hands, tappingon the left a nd o n ti le riglll Iwenl y-four timcseach for a tOlal offort)"eigh !. vibrations. Again , release you r hands and clench your fists. (4) LIGIITLY SIIAKE". TilE I I EAVENL\' P II.LAR:
TIle I leavenl), Pillar is l ile nape. Lower your Ilead and turn your neck . Loo k sideways on your shoulde r. Then, Oil left and righl sh a ke Iwenl y-fou I' times cadI . (5) LE T TilE RED DR AGON ( TilE TO NGUE) S TIR Til E S ALIVA. G A R GLE TWENTY-S I X T I ME S . \VIIE N TIIE D IVINE \ VATER ( Tlt E SA LIVA )
Gymnastics
FILL S T i lE MO UT II , DIVIDE EACII :\ IO UTIIF UL INTO TIIREE , AND SWA LLO W . \VIIE N TilE DRAGO N ( TilE SALIVA) MO VES, Til E TIGER (T ilE Q/) NATURALLY FLEES :
The Rt:d Dragon is I.h e long ue. Press your palate with your lOngue. Then sljryoLir enti re mouth-up, down , and on both sid(." Sproducin g the saliva naturally. Gargle allhe mouth lliiny-six times. The Di\
The shavcn palcs and monastic: robcs in Ihc dra\\'inf,'S Ihat accompany Wang's Ircalise (figurc 32) suggcsI a nudd hisl affi liation. Nc\'enhcJess, even a cursory reading rcvcals Ihc cxcrciscs' ol-ig ins in a DaoiSI-relaled b')'llll1astic tradition. Staple dflQ)'illl'Olil incs arc all includcd in thc -l kche-Scclion Brocade:' Clappi ng
Fa.:.
~p.
T hc fi rsl
exercise of I he Twelvc·Secl io n Ilrocadc in Wang ZUyllan's 1882 //IlUlrated Expusition. T he wra pped I hllmbs-im ilaling a newborn babybetray the cxercise·s Daoisl anccsl r y.
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Fist Figh ling a nd Self-Cullivalion
the teeth and swallowing the sa li"a, bn:athing a nd directing the qi 10 the" Lowcr Cinnaba r Field." Furthennore, the manual Wang had o bk.ined at the Shaolin Temple expounds Daoist meditation techniques: the ~o bsc u rc mind " (mingxi n) method of dea l; ng the mind of all thoughts; thc techniquc of clcnching the fists, lhat is, unwrapping the thumbs in imita tion ofa ncwborn haby (thc reby expel ling the demons); and , most not.iceably, tile meditat ion of"acwalizin g tile divi n itks" (clIlIshen) , namely, ,; suali zing lhc body's corporal deities . It is not surprisi ng there fore that the "Twelve-Section Brocad c" can be traced hack t.o ea rlie r daoyin manuals. "The method 's original name," the text not es, '\,'as ' Eight-Sect.ion Brocade' (Baduan ji n)."71 The laller is familiar to LI S in Daoisl lite ratu re dat.ing a lltlte loJay back to the Song period. A twelfth-century e ncyclopedia of in nc r alchemy, The Pivol if/ht IVa)' (Dao shu) (ca. 1150), o ulli nes an cad y version of t.he exe rcise.72 That the technique was already ridicult.xl in Song limes is likely lhe best indica tion of its popul arity. I-long Mai's ( 11231202) collection of lX)pular lore Slol'its I-Ie(ll"(/ b)' )'ijiflll ( )'iji(1II =1Ii) tells of an adept I\'ho leams to his dismay t.hat the ~E i ghl -Scc ti o ll s Brocad e" may lead to premature d eath . The troubling nel\'s is brought 10 him by his servant , who lurnsout to be a Daoi sl sage in d isguise." Despite I long Mai 's lwei ft.h-celll IIry warning, in bo t h China and in the West t he "Eight-Sect ion Brocade" is st.i II wide ly pracliced. The gymnastic set exists in sc,'eral va rielies, standing and sitting.;1 The scaled ve rsion thaI Wang Zuyuan dcscribed in his n inelccmh-ccn t lit) ' manual can IX! I..lced back through a n COl 1'lie r Qing manual , IlIIlIIorlalily 7eachings /0 Bnlefil/lte H~rltl (Sho//. shi ("/111(111 =hen) (177 1), and twO lal.e M ing ones, Eiglll Trealises 0/1 G IUIf(/illg Lift' (ZulIshmg baji(lII) ( 1592) and Hed Phoenix's Marrow (O'ifong sui) ( 1578), a ll the way to a I wclfth-cenI.ury Daoi st encycloped ia, Ten Compi/alions 011 Clilliva/ing Perfeclion (Xillzliell shishu) (completcd ca. 13(0), in which the exc n:ises arc accompanied by d mwings. 7~ The Song e nC)dolX!dia attributed the kEight-St..'Ctio n Brocade" to Ihe scmidiI'in e pair ofimmorlals Zhongli Quail and Lli Dongbin , whom Dao is!. mylho logy had credited willi an enli re corpus of a lchem ica l a nd pl l)'Siologica l writings. il1 Thus, Wang Zuyuan's manua l illustrates the depth of Daoist influcnce o n the late imper ial martia l arts. By the nine teenth centu ry, Buddhi st monks atLhe Shaolin Tem ple were practicing gy mnastic methods that had becn reco rded in Daoist sc ripture s, th at h ad cmh·ed in Daoist circles , and that had bee n attributed to DaoiSl immorta ls.
The Sinews Transfonllation Classic One section o f the IIhu/mll!t/ E)''/JOsilioll oj IlIlenlll/ Tedllliqu es is titlcd "The Sinews Transfomullion C/a.ssic's Twd\l: IIIlIstrations."77 It incl udcs twelvc excrciscs that are conducted in a standing posture. The first form , wh ich is callcd ' - WciI.UO Offeri ng his [Vajra j-Cl ub" (Weillio xian clm), has been fash ioncd aftcr the d eit)" s iconography (compare figures 33 and 34). Wc ituo has becn among the
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Gymnas ti cs
FIG. 33. Sh:1olin SI:1 II1('" o r \ \'ei' 110 (Skan
mo st p opu lar llItcla ry divinities o f C hinese Budd h ism , Orig inally a Hi n du wa lTior-Weituo is a m is tra n scriptio n of tile Sa ns kritSkanda-he has been inco rporated in to t he Budd his t pantheon as tile g ua rdian of mo naslel'ies, whe re his image is usual I)' statio ned o pposite the Budd ha Sa kya mu ll i 's, Facing h is superior, Weillio p resses his pa lms rc\'erelllly, hi s club lying hori zontally aCl'Oss hi s elbows, just as in the exe rcise that bea rs his na me,18 Despite thei r unde niable connectio n to Buddll ist myt ho logy, We iw o 's exe rcises a rc al so related to Daoist g ymn astics, The twcl\'(..... form rom i ne featu res th e co m mo n t/flO)'i n asp ects of brcathing, swallowing t he sa liva, circu lating the qi, and gathering the b od y's intel'lla l spi rits, Indeed, Iike tile entire text of the II~ /uslmled Ex/XJSilioll , the l wcl n~ exe rcises d id not origi nate at the Shaolin Te mple, As betrayed by t he ir li tle, they dC I' i\'ed from tile late M ing manua l Sinews TmnsJorllla/ion Cla.ssic. The la u e r sUr\'i\'es in CJui te a few editions (manuscript a nd
Fist Fighling a nd Self-Cult ivalion
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TE-
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• FIG. 3<\. -Wcillto offering hi s [demonfelling[ dub Daoguang (lB21- 1850) ed ilion of the Sim'lIIJ 1hllls!onrwliol/ Classic. M
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p rimed a like) , wh ich allcsl to its po pularity in Qi ng times (see appen di x). Weiluo's exe rcises were bo n "Owed fro m a n early n ineteenth-centu ry edi tion, fo r Lhey did nOt fi gu re in ea rlie r o nes?) T he o r igi nal ,"e rsio n o f the Sinews Trans/ormarion Clllssir was likely aut ho red in t he ea rlyse,"e lllee nth ce mu ry. As Ta n g I-lao has suggested , the key to its d ati ng is p rovided by a postsCl"ipt dated 1624 th at accom panies some ed ition s a nd is sig ned by the PUI-plc Coagulation t.,·lan of the Way (Zi n ing d aore n), Zong he ng , fro m ML Tia m a i, in Zhejia ng. 80 Nothing is known of Zonghe ng, a nd a ll wc ca n infc r a bo Ul h im is his self-percep tion as evinced by h is sobl; fJ uc l. Th is is ma rked by a ta llla lizin g a mbigu ity that is perha ps inten tional just as it is t)' pica l o f Ming re lig ious syncrelism _T he term ~ Ma n of t he Way" (daoren) wa s lIsu a ll y applied to Daoist p riests, bm it could also d esig nate a Buddhis t mo nk, and ML Tia lllai held a n efJ ua ll y e m inelll position in
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the sacred geog raphies of both faith s. It \\'as the she of dozens of Daoist and Buddhi slshd nes, the most famOll s of\\'llich \,'ere the Daoist Tongbai Temple and the Buddhist Cuotling Monas te l"y.81 This ambiguity not\Vith standing, "Purple Coagul ation" does have a dear Daoisl ring. Purple is thc color par excellence of Daoist mythology. It is the elixir's hue, and by imp lication thc colol" of e\'crYlhing from dcities and divine l:h"llaces (many of which arc locatcd within the body) \0 sacred scriptures. Coagulation (ning) is a stagc in thc alchem ical product ion of t he elixi r. and it al so dcsignatcs thc mcditativc tcchnitlues of concocting tll(! ~ inn e r elixir."St I"kncc, thc "Plll-pic Coagu lation Man of the \Vay" could be rendered as tile" Purplc EI ixi r Daois t." 'I'l l is rei igioll s pc n namc is certa in Iyj ust ified by the manual 's tcachings. The Sillt'Tvs Trwls!or",alio" Class;c is premised upon thc Daoist notion of an int,crna l bod ily tran sfonn a tion. Its go.:"ll is "internal mbustness" (neizll/uU/g) that \Vi II mak(; the body rcsilie nt to iqjuI'y, that will eliminatc all illncss, and that will ultimately lead to immonalit y: TIl(' ("ont ra st bet wccn intf'l"nal and eX lernal is t IIlIl bet ween robust ness ami f'uff'cblemcllt. 'I'll£' d iITercnce bel wec n robustness and enf("('blemellt is t hat robus tness lasl s. Comparing Ih(" int e rnal and t he external. the ('xternal might be dispensed with . I ntern al robu st ness is called Ii nn ness Uifln ): ex ternal robust ness is called valor ()'o llg). Finn , and simuhalleously \'a liant, is tnily \, tlianl. Valiant , and simuhancous ly finn, is trul), firm . Finnlless and \";1101', valor and fi rmness-by tla.'S(' an impe ri shable body of te n thousand cons is ob tained . It is the d iamond Villgflllg: Sanskrit : 1H1jm) bod)'. An)' pract ice of i nl ernal robust ness invol\'es t h rce principles: The fir st is called ~G uarding the Centcr~ (shollz,llOlIg). -G uarding the Cen t er~ is not Iling but tile accunlulat ion of qi. Ti le qi is accumulat ed by the eyes, ca rs, nose, tonguc, body, and mind ()'I). The meth od's subtlet y is apparent in the following massa ging technique: During the massage OIlC should loose n his g
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Fist Fighli ng and Self-Cult ivalion does nOt escape. ~1a ssagin g it , it las ts. \ Vhe n the qi is stored at the <:enwr it does nOL spill to the sid es. When the qi acc umulates, strength (Ii) nat urally accumulates: when lhe qi is re ple te, st rcngt h naturally fills the e ntire body. This is what ~'t e ncius called : -L The qil is in the highest deg ree, vast and unyielding, filling the space be tween 11(!lt\-e n and Earl h. It is my nood-li ke qi.-8'
Despitc some Buddhi sl and e\'e n Conruci a n allu sions (Ihe rormer's u(ljm; Ihe laue r's "nood-like qi-), the lexl's Daois t ol-ie nt ation is u nmi slakahle, ~ Guard i ng thc Ce nte r" (SIIOIt1.hol1g) is a Daoi st me thod or concelll ral ive medilat io n / I whic h is accompanied he re by tlte common (lflO)'illlt!c hniques or qi circulalion and massagi ng. Furthermore, t.he rOI-g ing or ~ inlernal robustness" in volves irradiation by the hea\'e nl )' bod ies, as Ihe Sillt'ws Tmnsjmll(lfioll CI(lssir resort.s 10 t lIe medieva l Daois t me tllods or e ne rgy a hsOl'plion: The su n's essence, the mOOll'S spirit-these twO cosmic energies (q l) mix togPt Il('r, givi ng bin II to t he myriad things, A mong the anciel11 s, IhoS(~ who excelled ill absorbing these e ne rgies had all, afler le ngthy praclice, attai ned immortalit)" Tl lf' tllf'IIIOd is secre t, and most people do nOI kn ow it. E'·PIl irt he), do know it , lack ing finn will and constant mind, the), are wasli ng in vain Ihei r time, The re rore, those who ha\'e maslered il a re few. A II I hose who engage in illl erna l Irai ni ng_ rrom Ihe carl)' stages of Ira in ing u nt i I they ma sler Ihe lech niqlle- indeed I hrollgholll their line'S (a nd whet her bus)' or not ) -rerrain rrom invoh·c mc llt in worldly trlat I.e rs. I r one does not tem po rari I}' sll spc nd Ili s absorptiOlI pracI icc, t.hen it should not be d ifficu lt ror him 10 obtain Ihe im mortals' way_ Those who pracI icc absorpt ion , inhalc thc essc nce of Jill and )"rmg 10 increase tlleir spiritua l consciousness (she1l1.hi)_ TIlliS slagn,ulI sub stances a re gradually eliminat ed _and pu re ones increase daily_ The rlI)Tiad di seases arc pre vented , and great be nefit accrues, Tlti s is til e absorption rneli lod : Ti le sun's essence should be inhaled at. t.he first orl.lte IUllar monlh , whe n th e moon is in ilscarliest, a nd il s qi Ita s been renewed. II. is possible tl len lO inl la le ti le sun's L"Sscncc_ The moo n's s pi ril. sllou ld be in llaled al tl lc fi rtccllI II or tllc lunar mont It, when the me tal and water ele me nts arc allheir rullcst. and the moon's qi at. its most prospe rous. II is poss iblc thcll to inhalc the mooH·s s piril. H~ Within a celllury or its compilation, the Sinews TmllSfonllDfioll Cll/ssic's me thod of rorging an invulncrable body was a lready widely practiced, as auesled by bOlh martial ans lileralUre and popul a r fi ction _ Chang Naizhou (fL 1740) alluded 10 the late Ming manual in his own military writings. as did WlI Ji ngzi (1701-1754 ) in his nO\'eI Unofficial l-/;sfOI)' of fhe Scholars_ It is noteworthy that both authors apparently assumed their readers' ramiliarity with the teachings
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of the "Purp le Coagulation Man of the Way.K C ha ng Naizhou compared his own exte rnal method to the Sinews Tams/ormalioll G assic's internal technique. and WuJingzi attributed the stre ng th of his knight errant p!"Otagonist Feng Mingqi to his rel iance on il.l!6 It is perhaps noteh'orthy that the laller has bt~e n modeled after the his t,ol"ica l martial artist Gan Fe ngchi (fl. 1730) with whom the novelis t, might ha\'e bee n pe rsonally familiar ( both were Nal~ing natives) . 11, has been pointed OUlthat Wu tc ndcd to lea\'c clues-in this instance the character " feng"-I.o hi s protagon ists' ide ntit y. S1 The Sinew,., Trans/OIl/Wlio1l Gassir is the earliest extant manual that assigns da O)'i1l gym nastics a ma l1 ial role. Its Iikel}' autllor, t.hc ~Ptl rple Coagulat ion Man of tile Way," was the firSI.1,0 expl icitl}' associatc mil ita I)', tIICI"apcUl ic. and rcl ig ious goals in one training rout.ine. As sud l, t.lle manuailioids an ilnponant position in the histol), of C hinese hand combal . From the perspecti\e ofShaolin fighting, hO\\'c\'er, the Sinews 'nrl1ls/ormation GflSSir bears another significance, Evc n though it had been authored o utside the monas ter)', the manual formulated a legend that \\'as eve ntually adopt cd by the Shaolin monks the mselves, namel), t Ilat tlICi r rnal1 ial MIS were created by tile Blldd llist sai nt Bodhidharma.
The Bodhidharma Legend It has been poinl ed OUI that forge r)' played a signiflca lll role in the sinici z
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Fist Fighli ng and Self-Cult ivalion of Lian g lin somh China] to the Kingdom onVe i l in the northl_ lie faced the wall lin meditationl at the Shaolin \10naste r y_ One d ay he addresM!d his disciples saying: Why would nOt eac h of r outeII us what he knows so t hat we can evalua te II is level of sel f-cul tivation. The monks then proceeded to expound e ac h what he had attailU_,,(1. The master declared: "So and so will receive my skin; SO and so will recei"e my fl esh; SO and so will receive my bom!s.- Only to I luikc he said: "You will recc i\l:~ my ma ITOW (SIlI).- People of lat e r gene rations arbit rarily ex plained this ,L~ a metaphor for the di sc iples' de pth of spiritual atlainment. Th(!}' fai led to reali z(! t hat he meant what he said. The master's words were no metaph o r, Afte r his nine years ofmcditation were complc ted , the master poi nt ed the way to Ni r vana, I lis re mains were e nshrined on Mt. Xiong(·r l in Western Il cnanl, Tl len carl")'ingone slloe lIe re turne d to th(' west. Lat t:r, the brick wall he faced in meditation was d a maged by wind and rain , When the Shaoli n monks re paired it , tlley di scO\'ered insidea metal case, , , , Il idde n inside it were tWO scroll s, one titled Marrow Clm IlSillg Clrusic (Xislli jillg), the Ot he r title d Sillnvs Trfmsjol"l)wlifm Classic. , , , The Marrow CIUI IISilig Classic was llande d o,'e r to I Iuike and along wit h hi s cassock ami bowl became part ofa se cre t transmission . In lat er gene rations it was rarely Sf'e n, Only the Sillnvs "f Irms/orilla/ion Classic remained as the corn e rstone of t he Shaoli n Monastery, treasuring forever t he master's vi rtue, Ilowe" e.-. because it was writt e n ent ircly in the language of Ind ia, Shaolin monks could not full )' understand it. O ccasionally one o r a nOt lle r would unde rst and some twe tll ), or t hirt )' percent of it, or even fort )' or Ii ft )' pe rce nt . Ilo\\'e \'er the secrets the), Uti raveled were not ora 11)' trans mitt ed to fut lire generat ions. Thus, e ac h Sllaoli n mon k int e rpre te d and pe rfonned ti lC classic as he plcased. [vcntually, th e Shaol in mon ks St rayed into side pat hs, ilnd san k into trivial itics. Tllerefore, ti le), fa iled to e nt e r ti le tr ue Dl tarma Gate of Buddhisill. To this day, if th e Shaoli n mon ks excel in mart ial com petitions onl )' til is is because of tllei.. limit e d undc rst.andi ng of I he Sinelvs Tra/lSjol'lllfl/io" Classic. Tllere was among thc Silaolin c rowd a monk of u nsurpassed wisdom wllo l'e Oec ted tllal if ti lC Grcat ~'I a st c l' Bodl lidlla r ma had lefl a sacred !\Criptu re it could no1. possibly contain I r iflc tl."Citniques only. Since the Sltaolin monks could not re ad it , a translator had to be found. The refo re, he held the Si"ews Tm us/oll/mlio" Classic to h is bosom and traveled fa r 1.0 all the famous mountains. Qne day he arri\"("(1 .. at the land of Shu [Sichua nl and climbe d ~'IL [ me i, whe re he e nCountered the Indian holy monk Pramiti .oo The [Shaoli nJ monk lold Pramiti of the Sinews Tmlls/omlfllio/l Classic and ex plained the purpose of his "isit, whereupon the Indian holy monk said: - Indeed the Buddhist patriarch's
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mind transmission is contained in this scripture. I lowL"\'er, the scriplure's wordi ng can not be accu ralely translat ed ror the languag(~ or the Budd ha is esoteric. By COlllrast, the sc ript ure 's mean i ng can b(~ rendered. It is illlelligible to t he com mon person , leading to sa int hood. Thereupon. Pramiti explained point b), poi nt tile Sinews Tnmsjonllaliol! Classic, and minutely ren de red il.s meaning. Pra mil i COIl\,inced Ihe Sllaol in monk 10 sla)' on I he monnlai n. where he guided him in selr-cultivalion . Arl e r a hundred dars 11l(~ mon k's body coagu laled illlo hardness (ninggu ). Arler anOI her hundred dars il was replel.e lwilh SlrenglhI. Arte r anOlher hundred dars il rull), extended. l ie had ohtained witat is known as Il le -SI urdincss orl he Oiamond (lmjra):' l ie had e ntered unobSlrucled Ihe realm or B\lddhisl wisdom. Indeed t lie Si new,~ Tmnsjo/71wlioll Classic prO\'ided him wil h a ro undatio n. The [Shao lin I mon k was resolved 10 sink no more i 1110 worldly affai rs. Therefore he rollO\\'ed t he [ Indian ] holy mon k on a pilgrima~,.e 10 I Ill' sac red isla nd s. 91 Nobody knows wllere lIe disa ppeared 10. XII I io ngke mel him across Ihe seas, and rece h'ed his secrel doclrine, l ie ha nded il over 10 Ihe Bu shr-Iwardf'd I le ro, and I hf' Uushr-Uearded I lero handed il O\'er 10 me .9~ Wilen I PUI Ille Sillews 7i"fll/sj0/71Wlioll Classic inlo pra('t icc, I oblained ma rvelou s res ull s. Ol1iy Ih e n did I realize thaI it.s words were :tuli lenlic a nd nOI e mpl )'. II is a pil)' li lal I did nOI obtaill tile secret.s of Ihe Marrow Cleansillg Classic. 01 he rwi se I would han! bccn able to roam Ihe Buddha realm . It is likewise reg re tt able Ihal I was Jacking in resoh·e. and so, unlike Ihe [Shaolinl monk. I re mai ned mi red in worldly mailers. I have merely relied on lhe Six-Flowers lrifle lechnique to make:! name for m yself." I wi ll ah\~ tys be as hamed of I hi s. Neve ... Ileiess, si nce Ille world is liard I)' fami lia r wit II 111is classic's wonderful leacil ings. I respec tf ull}' submil III i.s pre face , explailling its d e rival ion rrom bebrln n ing 10 e nd . I Ilope Il ial Il le readers would strive afler Buddhahood. I wish Ihey would nOllimil the mselvcs 10 the CUI1\'CIlI.iona I pu ["s uits of I.l Ie 11U man world. If Il lCY all attain I~uddha Iloud t.llen Iller would accomplis ll Il lc purpose for wll icll the Emi nent M:tsl.er Budllid II" I"I1m handed down til is classic. Ir tI lL'}' Ilold thaI martial Il eroislll suffices 1.0 make onc ramou s, IIiSlory f urn ishes man)' examples or such he["ol.."'S . Is Ilotl.his a good enough reason to keep thi s classic? Third da), uflhe third Spring month, Second year or the Tang Zlumgua n reign (628) . Preface compiled by LiJing, Yaosh i.91 Qing bibliographe rs we re quick 10 nOle the numerous errors and anac hroni sms that pro\'oo the preface was spuriolls. For example, the Taihe reig n p eriod was assigned to the wrong emperor, a nd the Indian translator Pramiti
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Fist Fighling and Self-Cult ivalion
(n. 705) was not yel bom at the time he supposedly renden_ x llhe manual into
Chinese. Most conspicuous ly, the creator of the Sillews Tmllsjonllalioll Classic treated a fi ctional protagonis t of a famOll STang story as i fhe had really existed. The Bushy-Bearded Hero (Qiuran ke) \\'as not a historical figure , and there is no way he could have handed the manual to LiJing. Evidently, the "Purple Coagulation Man of the Way" did not get his his lOI), right. The Qing scholar Ling Tingka n (1757-1809) dis missed him as an "" ignorant village mastt!c"95 Even though l.he compiler of the Sinews Tm nsjOnllafioll Oassice\'ide ntlywas not \'ery learned , he did a ttempt some allus ions to Buddhist hagiography. The lege nd of Bodhidharma's return to the \-\'est is melltioned , as is his farewell confe re nce in which he metaphol'ica lly bestO\\'ed his marrow (5 11/) on his chose n di sc iple J-Iuike. II is possible t.llat tile latter Ilad attracted the autllor's at I.e oI ion b ecallse Ille I.erlll "marro,\'" Ilad figured in the Oaoist dis(."Ourse of internal bodily Iransformat.ion. An influenlial six teenth-century manual of inne r al che my \\'as Iil.lcd , for examp le, the Refl Phoenix's Marrow (Chijf'llg SII/). Be that as il may, t he "Purple Coagulat ion Man of the \Va( had Bodhidhanna bestow on h is successor- along wil It t.he Si1lfTUS Trfl1lsjormaf ioll Classic-a Mu rrow QUIII Sing CklSsir (Xisllijing). A text bearing that title (a nd prefaced by lIuike) was added to some edit ions of tIle Sinews Ttansjormalioll ClflSSic by tIle nine l.(..'c n th centur("1 Jt likely contribut ed to the prevalence of the Ie I'm ~ Illarrow" in thc t\\'ent.ietll-century discourse of pllysica l educat ion a nd national rejuvcna1ion. Republican reformers sought to rcvitali 7'(; the nat ion 's ~ marro\\' '' by a combinat.ion of t.raditional martjal arts and \'' 'estern spons. 97 I n case Li Ji ng's authority would 1101 su ffice, thc HPurplc Coagulatio n Ma n of the: Way" manipulat cd another national he m 10 enhance his book 's prcstige. It tu rns oul that the g rea t Song ge ller,,1i Vue Fei ( 1103-1142) had b{:cn ini tiat.cd into t he mystcries or the Sinews Tra llsjorlllfl/ion Of/ssic. Th is is rCVCl! led in a second preface , which spurrcd a w;we of all usion s to the patriotic hero in laler military literaturc, n y the e ighteenth century, Vue Fe i had been Cl"ediKxl with the ilwcnt.ion of Xingyi Quan , a nd by the nine tecnth cClllury the "Eight, Scction Hrocadc" and wcapon tCdl niCJues wcre attri buted to him as wcll. u8 Thc Sinews Tra llsforllla/ion preface is sigm.-d by Vue Fei 's historical IieUle nam, Ge neral Niu Gao (1087-1 147 ): I am a military man. I cannOI read as much as a singlc writtcn character. I like handli ng t.he long spe ar and the broadsword. ManeU\"Cring on Ilorseback a nd drawing Ille bow make me Ilapp)"When the Central Plains we re 10s1 lto theJurchensJ, emperors Ilui zong ( I'. 1101-1125) and Qinzong ( r. 11 26) were taken capti\'e to the nort h. Prince Kang crossed the rivc r Lto the somhJ on a clay horse, and lhere were various disaslers i n Jiangnan . I rcspond(."(i to the call of my comllla nder, I.he junior gua rd ian , Field ~'Iarsl la l Vue Fei , and I was dl.'Signaled his second in com mand. I scored se,'eral viclOri(!s, following which J was appointed general-in-cl lief.
Gymnasti cs
I reCalllha[ several years ago. aning on the junior guardian's command, I went on the ofTen sive, and lhen Il(~aded back to [ l l lub(~ il. On my return route I suddenly nOLiced a wand(~ ring monk. I lis appeara nee was o[ her worldly, of [he same [ype as [he arhal.s (hwlul1I). In his hand s he held a le[ter. The monk elllered [he camp, and entrusted me with delivering i[ [0 [hejunior guardian. WIl(~ n I inquired for his reason, he relor[ed: MCeneral! Do you know [11ll[ [lie junior g uardian possesses divine st ren gth (.{lie llli)?- I rc plied that I did nOt , nU[ added [ha[ I did see my commander [lie j unior guardian drawing a hundred stones bow, which is somc[ hing an ordinary pe rson cannOI do. The monk said: - Do rOll [h ink [Im[ [lie j unior g uardian's di\'ine s[rengl h was bestowed upon him by hcan:nr 1 answered Ihal il musl be so, wllf"reupon he re[or[ cd : -No, 1 ga\"C i[ [0 him ! In his youlh Ihe junior guardia n Slild ied wit h me, Once Ile Ilad all ai ned eX Iraord inary pow('rs, I exhorted him lojoin me in following Ihe Way. l ie was nOI cOI1\'inn~d howP\'er, and S[ ro\'e in stead for acll ic\'c mcn l.s in lile 1m man world. [\'e n I hough he will become fa mOll S, il will be hard for him to realize his broals, Thi s is he;wen's will. This is falc . NOlhi ngcan be done aboul il! Today, Ille general is in dange r, ~'Iay I lronble roulo deliver him Ihis lellPr, Pe rh aps il wi II prom pI sci f-cxami nal ion , I hercby pl"{:'\'enl ing hi m harm, I learing Ihe monk 's word s, I \\~ l S complc lely laken aback. 1 asked for his name, bUI he did nOI an swer. I inquired where he was J:,'Uing 10, and he said: - 10 Ihe Wesl , 10 look for Masler Bodhidlmrma.- I was awed b)' lhe monk 's divine aura, and 1did 1101 presu me 10 urge him 10 slay, Suddenly, he vanished like Ihe wind . ThejLlnior b'1Jard ian l"Cce ivcd Ih e leiter. I Ie had nOI fini shed reading il whc n he broke i nto leal's. - My Masle r is a didne monk,M he said to mc, MlftlC docs nOI wail for me, il means Il lal myelld is Ilear,M Tl len lIe look a voluille from in side Ili s gown. and llanded il 10 me, exhorting mc wil h the followin g word s: -Treasure this book. Choose it worth), disciplc and transmit it to him , Do n011e1 the Dharma Caleof [ntcring t.ile Way be dosed. I f tile book's IranSlll iss ion ceases, thi s wi II a mOll nl 10 a betray;! I of th e divine mon k,Before severa I montlls Ilad passed , til e j unior guardian fell prcyas predi cted 1.0 thc (.'vil prime mini ste r's tnunpe d-lip charges. I am grie\"Cd thallhe irtillslice done to the j unior guardian has 1101 bt.."Cll rt.."{ircsst..>!1. Nowadays, fame mean s no more than dirt 10 mc. Thcreforc I no longer wish 1.0 Iive in the IIll man world. I d lc risll tile jun ior g uardian's command , and J do not wish to carelessly be tray it. I lowc\'(:! r, I rcgrcl thatas a mililary man I lack pe rception , I do nOI know who in this world is capable of becoming a Buddha. and could therefore be emruswd with lhis volumc. Since it is hard to idcmifr such a person, there would be no benefit in r;:lIldom tran smi ssion. Today I will hide this volume inside a
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f ist Figh li ng a nd Self·Cullivalion
brick wall on :\'h. Song Lwhere th e Shaoli n \ 1onaSICI)' is locdled], allowing a pe rson d es tin ed to reac h the Way to find it himse lf. Tha i p erso n will u sc it to open wide Ihe Dharma Gale o f EIlI(~ rin g the " fay. T h us. h opefu lly, I will be spa re d the g uih of random transmission, and I will be able to face th ejunior g uardian in heaven. T h e IKclfth rea r o[lhe Song Shaoxing re ign ( 1142). Preface compiled by the resol ut e gen e ral, Niu Gao I h>jiu of Tangy in . set'\'ing under [he com mand of the subduing grand fidd marshal , 1he ju nior guardian Vue LFciJ,'J9
Ni l! Gao's preface is plagued willi 1he same .machronisms thaI made sello laI's r idicule LiJing's. The genera l could not have been familia .. wi\h the posthumo us temple name Qinzong, which \\'as bestO\\'ed IIpon Emperor Zhao 1-) uan in 1161 , some I\\'e nl y yea rs a n er il \\'as supposcdly wrilleo. loo Some errors a rc due 10 the author's rel iance o n popular lore. )-lis portraya l ofNil.l Gao as ill it.e mt e-an impossibi lily j n t he case of a C h inese general (cerlai nly one W\lO writ.es p refacesl)-dc l'j\'CS from popular nm'cls in \\'hich Vue Fe i e mlx)(lies c ult lire wlle reas Ilis uneducated Iie ut.e na nt St a nds for t he li nt ramme led powe rs of nat.ure, This image re fl ected the in fl ue ncc of t he early Ming Waffr Ma rgill on the lat.e Ming Vue Fei story C)'clc, The frie ndship be twcen the civilized Song J iang and tile savage Li Kui inspired ti le rc lmionshipofVue Fe i and Ni tt Gao as po rtrayed in the lX1pular narra ti\'es lha t had se rved as a sou rce for the Sillews 'iirlllsjol7llfllion ClfLssir, Til e motif of Pri nce K:lllg'S day horse was likewise 001'1'0\\'(:.'(1 from lX1pula r lite rat.ure, According to a legend freque ntl), q uoted in Mi ng nction, the flllure Sout.he rn Song empe ror hapfx!lled to be sleeping in a Kaifeng temple when the J u rdlcn army invaded, rn le loca l god appea.-cd in ti le princc's dream and u rg{.·d him to escape: "A ho rse is wa iling for rou o utside," he said. Prince Kangwoke up, strode outsidc, and found the promised stall ion. I-Ie 1-o<.Ic sc\"(:n hundn:..'(1m iles in o ne day and crossed the I-i\"(: r to the solllh , wheI"Cupon the an imal ga lloped no furthe r. When he dismounted, the pl-incc disco\'ercd it had Ix:en made of day.1lI1 LiJing's preface si m ila rly d rew o n colllemporary nction: (-l is legend ary Six-Flowe rs Formation (Lillhll a zhe n) was celeb rated in mania I novels such as Waler Mfl rgill, a nd he h im scl ffigured in a large body ofh istorica I rom ances o n the Sui-Tang t ransition , as well as in the widely infl uential mythological novel Invesliture of lIu Gods (Ff!ngslum Jtl11Ji).l1r.! Xli Hongke was described in Min g-Qing lore as a Daoist priest ofmirac u loliS fig hting skill s, and even the Ind ia n pat ria rch was eu logized in conte mporary li teratu re. Bodhidhanna's sanctity was the s ubject o f at least two late Min g nO\-cis: The Wanli period ( 1573-1 G19) BodhidlUll'1luls Origins llnti Tmnsmission of fhe Lllml) (Dllmo rhu.shel1 dl1lfllltieng z.lman) and The Conversion of Ihe EllS' (V OIlgrill ji) ( 1635 )_III~ The Sinews Tmnsfol'mlllioll Classic betrays therefo re an intimate connectio n Ix:tween martial a rts my thologya nd popular lore. Its invu l nerability techniq ues
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are auributed to cha racters whose mania I prowess-or in Bod hidharma's case sainthood-had been celebrated in conte mporary fiction. In later period s, the martial arts remained si milarly related to popular cult u re. We have seen above that the Qi ng tecilllillue of the "Confounding Fist" was associated wit h the Wa fer J"vlnrgin's Van Qing, and othe r protagoni sts oflhe sa me novel were likewise ned ited with fighting me thods. Li Kui was celebra ted as the creator of a ball.leaxc techni'lue, and , as suggested b}' its name, the tied-wrists method of "Wu Song Breaks Manacles" (Wu Song \.tIO kao) \o,'as inspired hy a n episode in which the handcurred he ro o\'erca me armed bodyguards who had been hired to assassinate him. In Ihe modern t,e chnique, the manial artist's wrists are manacled , forci ng him 1,0 rely on his legs, hips, sho ulders and ell)()\\'s.Ii)l E\'en as he man ipulat,es manial he roes such as Li Jing and Ylle Fei 1.0 enhance his manual 's prest ige, the aut hoI' criticizes t heirspi,"it ual shortcomings, and his disappoi ntment is \'Oic(;"<1 by the protagonists themselves. It 's a pit )', Li Jing exclai ms, tll<\t lie I\as re mained m ired in \\'ol"ldly arrairs, making a name for himself b y hi s mil it ary ach ie\,e nle nts on Iy. Niu Cao simi lad)' lamen ts that Vue Fei has railed 10 rollow h is Budd hi st master in sea rc h or rel igiolls salvat ion. I lad lie adllered to tile monk 's advice and abando ned his m ilital)' career, his lire might h.\\'e bee n saved. The Sinews Tmnsjorlll(llioll Qfl.ssir is ma rked thererore hy a t.e nsion be t wee n ils (hm l goa ls or Illi litary pelfect ion and spiritilililibe ral ion. Olhe r manuals or fi ghting likewise belittled t hose who rai led to real ize I he ir re ligiOUS e nd. The sentiment is suggested, rorex(1 a di freren tsLrategy. In stead o r cla iming to ha\'e created a style better than Shaolin's, the author censured the monks ror ra iling to rathom-as he did-the depths of their methods. From this pe rspecth'c the manua l's forgery is a meaSlll"C of the monaste ry's sc\'emeelllh-cc llllll-y ra me. Wh)' did the "Purple Coagu lation Ma n or the Way" auribllle the Shaolin ~.'I o n aste r y techniques to Bodh idhanna? It is possible that hi s myth of origins resulted rrom ignorance orShaolin condiLions. As a n o utsider to the monastery, tile author or the Sinews Trans/ormation QlIss;cd id not know that the mon ks considered V~ rapal~ i the proge nitor or the ir ma rtial arts. I-Ie had assumed
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Fist Fighli ng and Self-Cullivalion
that lheir figh ling techni'lues had been credited to Bod hidhanna, whom he knew to be thc source orthcir C han teadlings_ I-Iow(.·\'cr, as much as conrusion might have contributed to it, his Icge nd \\'as primarily due to his Daoist heritagc, A" e.'1 r1y as the medic\'al period, Daois t a uthors attributed d{lQ)'in gymnaslic lech niques to t,hc Buddhis t sa inl. The ele\'e nth-cemury Daoistencyclopedia Seven Slips from ([ CLomly Salchel (YIlII)i qiqi([lI) i nel udes a treat ise or e mbryonic respiration that is aSCl"i bc d to Bod hid hanna, a nd the Slmg His(01)' lists two breathi ng and gymnas tic manuals (noh' lost) under his name: IkKlhidharma:~ Formula oj Emll,)'onie Respimliol! (Pulillamo /(fixi )Ile) a nd MOllk Bodh ifl/ianl/ll :~ Visua/aalio" Me/hot! (Sellg P/ilidllmo ("llllxillngJfI),tV6 The Indian saint 's Daoist literal lIrc must havc e l~ oye d cons iderab le populal-it)', as is suggested by t he crit icism I hal had b een le\'cled against it. The Yua n monk Pud u ( 1255- 1330) warned his lay d e \'olees nOI 1,0 consume ti le rake Bod llidl la nna script tl res. I!)7 Daois l aUll IOI'S miglll Ilave a lhlded 10 Bodhidha l'llla 1x.'Callse or his posit ion as palriardl ora scilooli lial influenced tlle ir leachinf:,rs. It has been pointed o ul Ihat C han conlribul ed 10 Ihe (."\'olutio n or Daoisl meditation, especially in inner aldle my ci lDes, One slage or Il le inne r aldle mical process is known as the "Barrier or Nine Years," in re ferencc 10 I hc legend or Bodhid hanna I\l(:ditalin g in front ofa wall ror Ihallenglll of time,tOtl I 100\'C\'er, in addition 10 lx:inga Chan sym· bol , Ille foreign monk mighl IliWC re presenled broader Indian inflile nccs. In thaI case, lhe allribution of drw)'ill excrcises 10 Bodhidhanna migh1 illi rror the auIh ors' awarencss of IXlssible )'ogic cOlllribmions 10 Danis1 gymnastics. Scholars ltave noted tllat. mULual borrowings bel\\'(.'Cn (/110)';/1 ca listl len ics and Indian yoga are not. implausible, Some Tang texIS mcntion "Bra ha manic gYillnastics" (/-tJII/omell r/IIO)'ill) and "Ind ian massagc" ('lilll/vl/ummo). I lo\\'C\'cr, which clcments of tile I nelian tradition migllll la,'c influe nced C h incsc gymnastics, and how cxtens ive ulCir contribution m ighl Ila,'c becn , goes beyond tl lc scop e or this s1ud)'. IIJ'J Whichcve r the rcasoll for the Daoisl imc rcst in the BuddhislSaim, the Shaolin Illon ks Ilad nC\'er associated him with their mania l ans. All through the st.....'elltee nlh ce lltur y, thcy d early d isting uished between Bodhidhann a, whom 11K'}' vcncraled as the pall-iarch or the C han school, a nd V~"'p..'ll)i , whom thcy worsh ilx:d as tile di,~ne progeni1or o f the ir fi gh ti ng ted ln iques. It was no earlier then t.he mid-Qi ng t.hat Shaolin monks grndually a bsorlx."!! the Daoist legend of thc C han master as the sou rce or the il- ma rtia l tmdition. As the Sh,ews Tml'.!iJ0ntlll/ioll OrMc became widely IXlpular in mililar)' circles, and as the monks the mseh'Cs began 10 practice it, they start(:d auributing their methods to the Indian saim. Weituo's l\\'Ch'e exercises were asCl"ilx."!! to Bodh idhanna by the mid-1850s (when Wang Zuyua n obtained them at the tcmple), a nd s(,."·..cral dc:."Cades later another train in g routine, "The Eightcc n Arhats Ha nd " (Sh ioo Luohan shou), was assign(.-d. 1.0 hi III as wel l. I to Nowadays, the Shaolin arsenal reatu res a weapon that Ix:ars the saint's name: The "Bodhid han na Ca ne~ (Damo z.llang) is a T-shaped ins trument, the boUOIll point or which is orten capp(."!! wiu l a metal spike (figu re 3_1j).111 Beyond his association with specific tcchn iques and weapons, Bodhidharma g radually emerged as the ultimate ancestor of the monastery's manial
Gymnastics
FI G. 35. The Simolin MBodhidhanna
173
C:\Ile~
(cou rl csy KlIlIgFII 7(,i Clti
1l1~I g:azine) .
tradition. [\'en lhough Liley sLi l1 cn::d it Vajrapal:li with the il' staff me thod , in lhe imagi na tion of most Sllaolin monks tile India n sai nt lias O\"el"Slladowed the Indian deily as the source of thc:.: ir mi lita ry \'ocation . Th is pcl'ccp tion was mi rrored in popular fiction begin ning with Liu T ie)'un's ( 1857-1909) Travels oj1..11 0 Gan (L(loCfln )'olyi), wh ich traccd Shaolin ha nd combat through I-Iuike to lhe Indian palriarch. m Shaolin mo nks e\'e mua lly accepted the Daoist legend of Bodhidharma as the progenito r of their ma rtia l arts.
Relig ious Sy nc retism and the Martial Ar ts That the Buddhis t Shaolin Temp le's ma rti a l arts should be attributc:.:d 10 a Buddhi st sai m by a Daoi st is a measure of Ming syncretism, '" The three religion s unite into one"' (Sa l ~ i ao heyi) was the sloga n of the late Min g, which
174
Fist Figh li ng a nd Self·Cullivalion
experienced tolerance and mutual bolTowings be tween Confucianism, Buddhism , and Daois m. To be sure, lhe te nde ncy to find common trailS in the th ree faiths had exi sted in ea rlie r times a s well. However, during the sixteenth and l he sc\-c nlee lllh cC llludes lhe s}'llcrcti stic u rge reached an unprecedented height , e ng ulfing lhe e mi.-c soc ie ty, from commone rs who wors hiped side b)' side lhe tli rcc rei ig ion 's deities \0 lead ing i mclleel ual s who arg ued t.hallhe three faith s \\'c re no 1ll00-C tha n diffe rent paths 10 Ihe same ultimat e tru th. The Ico-ConfudanJiao I-lo ng (1540-1620) advocated lhe st. udy of DaoiSl and Buddhi st sc riplUrcs, for they cou ld e lucidate Ihe mean ing o f t he Confucian d assics, and Lin Zh aoen (15 17-1598) advanced onc st.cp rurthe r, arguing Ihal thc Ihrce I'eligion s \,'cre cqui va lent and hc ncc inIc rchangeable,l1 s The spiril or I hc age was cert a in ly cspouscd by t hc "P IIrplc Coagu lalion Man or the Wa y,~ whose spil'itual goal was phrased in tcrms or immo rlalil Yand Buddhahood alike, I-l is post.script to thc Sillt'ws Tralls/orlllatioll C/assiris Iypical , addressing bo th D.wist and Buddhi st I'cadcrs: I have been swd)rillg t hc Silll'lvs Tm IIS/01'1I/(/lioll CklSSir beclUse I real ize tllat in tilC t\\'O sr llool s or Budd Ilism and Daoism Il lose who sec k th(' Wa), are as numerous as catllc's hair, bill I hose who oblain il are as f't!W as the unicorn's ho rn , This is due nOI 10 Ihc Wa), bei ng hard 10 achie\'C, but to the adep ts not recognizing il sgalc, Lac king a roundalion, in e llan rucd it at ion tllcre is tile dan ger or il lsan il ), : in g),mllasl ics 1hcrc is tllc fcar ofex llaus lion; in sex ual praclices Il lcrc is Ihc spcclcrof' premature deatll ; and in d rug laking Il lcrc is II ,C anxicl), of' bcillg parched-all bccause people ha\'e 1101 rcad Ihc ISinnvs 'Ihm,ifol'malionJ Classic, Ift hL,)' obtain il and praclice il-irlhc)' la ke i. andcxpand upon it-then on a large scale they will rc nde r Ihc slal c meri. orious scn'icc, a nd on a small selic thc)'wi tt prolCcl self;lIld famil y. Thc fartm;rwiII by it diligently lill the land , and through its praclice Ihe mcrchan. will ear!')' heavy load s on longjollflle),s. Thc sick will rcgain hi s hc.tit h, and t lie weak will be st re ngl hen ed , Ti le ell ild Icss will a bu ndan.l), rcproduce, a nd the old will rC\'e rt to his)'oulh. Th e hU lllan will progress into it Buddll a, a nd tile murlal will be Iran sform ed inlo an immorlal . Little practice will bring modes l resuh s: thorough prac tice willicad to grCitt accompl ish ments, Th e Sille1.vs Tmllsjol'lIInlioll Classic is indct."{1 .he world 's ultimate t reas ure, I II The Sinews Tm ns/ol'lIlflliotf Classic suggests that the e mergence of the lale impe rial martial arts might ha n ! bee n related to Mi ng sync rcti sm. Its au thor's fasci natio n with the Shaolin fighting techn iques was do ubtJess sustained by his tolerance or thei r religious practice. An a tmosphere of spi r itual ind usi\'Cness miglu have contributed to the Buddhi st monks' acceptance of Daoist teac hings as well. Ir leading Buddhis t thinke rs suc h as Zhu H ong ( 1535-1615) could pmmote Confucian and Daois t \'a lues, the n Shaolin monks could j ust as well prac-
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lice the gym nastic exe rci ses of the "Plil-ple CAagu lation Man of the Way""113 Syn cretism pe nn iued seif-Sl}'led Daoists to slud)' Budd h ist-related fighling,j ust as it encollraged monks to ilwesligate DaoiSl-reialed gym naslics" A cli mate of religiolls exchange mighl ha\"e cOllldbtued lherefore to the i 11legrat ion of dflo)'in and hand combat. A fic t.ional counteq)."lfl of the Shaolin fightin g monks might iIIust rale the ir readi ness t,o ab sorb Daoist-inspired ted lniques" \Ve Ilave seen in previolls cilapters \.hat, the I ile rary e\'olution o f lhe si mian ,,'ardor Sun Wukong shared signifIcant si mila rities with the dC\"c!opment oflhe Shaolin martial aI'\s" Throughout Ihe ea rly \'e rsions of llis JOIlI'1I1!] 10 the H~/, llle" Monkey Novice Monk" Ilad bc:.'Cn armed like the Sllaolin monkS\\'itll a stafr. Then, in tI le 1592 novel, he tried Ilis hand in fis t fight ingj ust whe n his torica l Shaolin monks wcrc beginning 10 explore il.. Sign ificantly, in the Ming \"e rsio n, ~'Ion kcy \\'as in itiatt.-d inlo Daoist immort al il y leachi ngs as wel l. A Daois t masterd isdosed to him 110t only the magic tecll n if[ues of !ransfon na!.ion and clOI ld soa ring, but also tIle mysteries of concocl ing the inner elixi r. Evidently, the author 1X!l'ccived no contradiction bet wccn hi s simian prot agon is t' 5 maste ring Daoi s!. immortal it y tcchniques and his ascendi ng to tile Western I:"l radisc as a Blldd ha. 11 6 It is Iikely that Shaolin mon ks likewise felt no compunction in engaging in gymnastic exercises Ihat bore a disti nct ive Daoist Oamr. Syncreti sm might have provided , therefore, an intellectual fou ndat ion for t he lat e Ming C\'o lut ion of e mpt y-handed fighl ing. That M ing Shaoli n monks che ri shed I he sy" cret istic incl usive ness of 1hei I' age is vis ually anest,e d . Among the monasle r)"s a n treasu res is a sixteenthce ntu ry stele tit led "Tile Primo rd ia l Unity of the Tllrcc Re ligions and I he Nine Schools lof p re-Qin th oug ht ],~ which renders the contemporary religious trend by a fusion of headd resses. It features an ade pt wl lo wears both a Confu cian cap and a Daoi st kerchief a t tile same time as he displa)'S the Budd hist. tonsu rc (figu re 36). It lias Ix:e n poi med o Ulth al lolerance of otiter faiths docs not. preclude thei r Ix:ing conside red inferio r to o ne's own .1I7 This is ccnain ly true of the Shaoli n stele t hat rese lTCS the pride of ccmer to t he Buddhist. shaven pale, while relegating the othe r religions' emble matic head gears 10 lhe sides. Even as they accepted t he va lid ity of m her spi ritual palll s, Sllaolin mo n ks probably regarded the ir own as supe r"io r.
Mytho logical Structure Th e te nde ncy to define nO\'c1 fi g hting tcchn iques in reference to Shaolin's establi shed reputation is best exemplified by the se\"c meemh-cemttry Imemal School Fi st (Neijia Qua n), wh ich was ta ugh t by Wang Zhengnan ( 1617-1669) in Zhejia ng. 1"lua ng Zongx i (1610-1695) a nd his son I-luang Baijia ( 1643-?)who left LI S the ea rl iest accounL,\ of the school -contrasted it with lhe Shaolin method, which they designated "externa l." In h is 1669 epitaph for Wang Zhengnan, 1"l uang Zongx i wrote tha t "Shaolin is famo us for its hand comba.t.
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M FIG. 36. MThe Primordial Unit }' of t he Three Religions a nd t he Nine Schools as depicte d in a Shaolin stele d ated 1565.
Howeve r, its techniqucs are chie fl y offe nsi\'c, wh ich crc.--a tcs oppol"lu nili cs for a n opponelllto exp loit. Now the re is a nothc r school t hat is calkxl 'imcm al ,' which ove rcomes mon:=mc nt with stillness. Auad:.crs arc effortlessly r<=p ul scd. Thus we di stingu is h Shaolin as 'cxtcmal...•tt 8 The l-Iuangs aU I; blucd Wang Zhe ngn an's sc\'e meemh-cemu ry Inle mal School to a mystet"ious Daoist immOrLal na med Zhang Sanfeng (fl. 1380), who had li\'ed twO and a half ce llllll-ies ea rl ier, According to I-Iuang jill-, Zhang had s Uldied the Shaolin st)'1c before creating h is own more sophisticated me thod. "T he Exte m al School flouri shed at Shaolin .M wrote Huang B a~ia, "Zhang Sa.nfen g, ha\'ing maste red Shaolin . rC\'e rsed its principles. and this is called Lhe Internal School. .. tt9 Very little is known of t he his torical Zhang Sanfeng (whose name was ol"igina lly wl-iuen with a d ifferent character for Jellg), except that he had bee n acti\'e during the early Ming in the Daois t monastic complex o n
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Mt. Wudang in I-I ubei. 1-I 0\\'c"cr, il is clear rrom thc carly rcoo,-d s lhat hc had notJling 10 do wilh thc marLial ans.1W \Vhy thcn did thc I-Iuangs, or Wang Zhcngnan, attribute the Illlc mal School to thc obscu rc Daoist? Zhang Sanreng's associalion \\'ilh a militat-)' god was likely one rcason ror his choice as cre'1t.m or the Internal School. Thc saint had resided althe WlIdang temple complex, which had bee n dcdicatcd to lhe cu lt ora '~A.liant d{~ ity, lhe Pcrrec t Wa n;or (Zhel1wu) (a lso knOh'l1 as the Dark Warrior (Xuanwu». Begi nning in the ele"enth Cenltlt-)', some Chincse empcrors allrihuted their successes in battle t.O the manial god , \\'ho was extolled ror warding ofT nomadic itw,lsions. More(wer, the lhird Ming emperor Che ng-w (I". 1403-1424) credited the martial dei ty with hi s successrul usu rp.'lion or the throne, ror which reason he embarked upon a massive temple conSlrUclion on Ml. Wudan g.l ~ l I-luang Zongxi, a t any rale , expl icit Iy Iinked Ihe Perr(.'Ct V,rarrior's fighting techniCJlIes \\'it h Ihe Daoisl sa i nl 's I nl ernal School. "That night ," he wrol e, "Z hang Sanreng dreamt Ihal the Primord ial Emperor (The Perfect Warrior) translllined the techniCJlIcsorhand com b.. .U 10 him , and Ihe fol)cM'ing morning he single-handedly killed o\'er a hundred b..·mdit.s."122 Another, more sign ificanl, reason ror ned il ing Zhang Sanfe ng with sevc n I.eenl.h-cenl u fy marl ial a rl.s was his rd al ion \0 I he M i ng royal film ily. Thc sai nt 's hagiography had seve ral Ming e mperors seeking his blessing, and in the popular imagination hi s miracles were inexl ricably linked 10 1.he glory of the d)'nasl)"s ea rly da)'s.12' I lis reside nce 011 M1. Wudang was similarly lied 1.0 th e Ming rortunes. As Yang Li zhi has shown, the Wudang monaste ries functioned as a ramily shrine or the ru ling housc, be ing directly supervised by Ille illl pe rial palace. Roya l birthdays a nd o Ilie r fami Iy events we,'e cdebra! cd al.l.he Wudang temples, whe re the Daoist priests p rayed for the d ynasty's longe\'ily. l~1 Wriling somc twell l), rea rs afte r the Manchu conCJ ue sl of IG44 , the I-luang's choicc or Zhang San re ng as lhe founder of the Imemal Sehooland o r Ml. Wudangas the martial arts' binhplace-a mo Ullled loa polilical stateme n t. I-luang Zongxi em plored lhe Daoi sl saint as a symbol of his Min g loya l ism. Douglas Wile is likely ,-iglit in hi s a sse n ion lhat by combining the myth ic figures or the Pe rfect Warrior a nd Zhang Sanfeng with the rigillco us martial artist WangZhengnan , "tllc H ua ngs auempted in an environ ment of st rict ce nsorship to issue a spi t-itual rallyi ng cry aga i nst alien aggression."125 Huang Zongxi was among lhe lead ing i mellectuals of the anti-Qing resistan ce movement . He scn 'ed lhc Ming a U through its disastrous It:treallO lhe Somh, and throughout his lire he re ma in(.-d steadrast in h is refusallojoin lhe new administration. Scholars ha,"e imerpreled hi s e pitaph for Wang Zhengnan as a political maniresto or his Ming lo)'ali sm. Hua ng expn~ sly dispensed wit h Qi ng tt: ign yea rs in his daling orlhe martial artist, and lie voiced admiralion ror lhc lattcr's \"Ow or "egelat-iani sm lhat rollowed the Mi ng's d e mise. Wan g Zhengnan rcfused to prostilute his fi ghling skills, declining repeated invilations to serve in thc local )'
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up his post and retired to his home," \\'rote I-lua ng Zongxi. ~ Those who admired his skill thougllllhat beca use he \vas poor he could easily be compromi sed. The high-ranking military orfldals all p.'1id their respects, but he was completely unaffected and ig nored 111cm. I-Ie contin ued todig in the fields and haul manure as if unaware 111a11lC possessed a skill that could gai n h illl an casierli\'ing.... May lhose who read thi s in scription , leam from his lifc."'2t. I-luang Zongxi 's son , Baijia , had studi ed fighting wilh Wang Zhc ngnan , whose tech nif! lies he recorded in hi s / lIlernal Sr/lQol Fist M efhod (Neijifl ql/{mJfI) (1676). I-l is interest in the Inte rnal School \\'as kindled , like his father's, by I he Manchu conquest. In his ad\"enlUrnus }'o uth , Huangfil.s sought 1.0 rely on Wang's military ans 1.0 defea lthe invaders: "Allhe lime I was hot-t.empe red and impe l uous," he re mi ni sced. ;'1 bel ie\'ed Ilia I I he affairs of Ihe world could not be e ntrusted to tho se contemptible Confucian scholars, but req ui red me n " 'ho couldj lllllP on Ihe ir horses and sla), Ihe e ne my, jump off and caplun: (he king. Thi s is the on l), life \\'o ... h li vin g."' 27 The ferven t natio nalism of fatller a nd son III igllt sl\ggesl 1.l lal b)' MiIII e rna ' " I hey were senetl), all udi ng 1.0 their na(i\'e land. As Douglas Wile has nowd , Ihe Int e rnal School that was associ at.ed wi th the indigenolls Daoi sl relig ion might h ave represemed China, as opposed to the Exte rnal Schoollhal \.,.as atlilialed with the foreign Buddhist faith , and b)' implicalion might have stood for the Ma nch u im~ld ers.I~~ TIlliS, ifit ,,'e re not for Ihe Qing conquesl, wc might have known nothing ofWa ngZ hc ng nan's marl ial arLoThe Ma nchu im~\de rs t u m ed the allemion of sc holars such as the Il uangs 1.0 fi ghting techniques that, having originated among the unlclI.ered masses, had been previously considered un worthy of documentation. In this rcspect, the Ming's de mise comribmed inadverte ntl y to nmr!ial arts historiography. As me mbers of tllc eI ite lamented the ir fal.a l disdain for military tra in ing, they prO\'id(.'d us for Ihe firsl.lime wilh biographi es of uneducated martial anisls such as thc Inte rna l School's Wang. We will sec below that the collapse of the Ming has e nriched our knowledge of Shaolin fighting as well. I-Ie re, suffice it to note th at as Qing schol ars began to invesl.igate fo lk figllti ng tedlniqlles, they in\'cstcc:i the m witll mt..' (iical , philosophic al , and religious significa nce. The thc..'O riza tion impul se that characterized the late im perial mania I arlS was due at least pania lly to tlleir practice by me m be l'S of the elite. E\'en though tile broade ning of the mania I ans inlo sel f-conscio us systems of thought was wcl lunderwa)' during the last decades ofMing I"l\le-as evinced, for example , by the 1624 Sinews Tm ll.sjonllafioll Ga.s.sic-it was d o ubtless g iven a fresh impetus by the dynast)·'s fall. There might ha\'e bee n yel another motivation for the Zhang Sanfe ng legend. The I-Iuangs might ha\'e attribllloo the Internal School lOa Daoist immortal to counterbalance the EXle m a l School's affiliation with a Buddhist saint. Zhejiang natives Ii ke the "PUI'ple Coagu lation Man ohhe Way;' I-luang Zongxi, and I-luang Baijia might ha\'e been famili ar with the legend he had nealed of Bodhidhanna as the master ofShaolin fighting. The COITclation between their myt h and his legend is, at any rale, striking. Wllether or not this had been the
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FI(:. 37. The St I'UCtu rc of man ial ans Illy! hology (d l';lwing b)' Noga Zhang-Hui Shahar).
I luangs' intention , t he Zhang Sanfe ng genea logy matched the Bo dhidhanna a ncest l)' ina perfect I}' IWl"mon io us structure . On the one hand was an "Ext.ernal " sc hool associated with Budd hi sm a nd attributed to an Indian patriarch who supposedl}' meditated on the sacred ML Song; on the mhel" hand was an "In ternal" sc hool affil iated with Daoism a nd ascribed to an immortal who reputedl)' secluded himself on tile Ilol}' Mt. Wudang. Thi s flawless s}'mmctr}' of direct ions (exte rn al and internal ), religions ( Budd h ism and Daoism ), saillls (Bod hidha nna and Zhang Sanfeng), a nd sacred peaks (Song and Wudang) wasjoi ned, on the geographica l ax is, b}' a rorrdation of north and soulh (figure 37). Because ~k Song was the morc nonhe m of t he twO peaks, lhe "Exlernal"' School was named the '"Nonhe m ,"' whel-eas ilS ~ I nte mal "' rival ca me 10 be known as the "Solllhcnl."' Like C han Budd his m a thousand years earl ier, Ihe martial arts we re g radua ll}' imagined in terms ofa "Nonhem Schoo]"' and a "Sou lhc nl Schoo[."'~"j Claude Levi-Strauss has a rg ued that the meani ng ofi nd ividual mythological mOlifs is detennined b}' the stmcturc into wh ich they combine,just as in music the sign i fica nce of 1>''1 nicula r tones is embedded in the melody they consti Ulte. 1W Th e Bodh idharma lege nd a nd the Zh ang Sa n feng myth matched in a perfectl )' harmonious meiod}', which was likely the so u rce of their ongoing appeal , long afte r the fighting techn iques themseh'es were forgotten . I-luang Baijia lamented tlta t with Wang Zhengnan·s demise his fighting t(.""Chniq ucs
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Fist Fighling and Self-CuI! ivalion
would be lost, and it is dear that by lilC eighteen tI l centu ry the Internal School no longer existed .I'! Nc,"c nheless, the fascination of the Zhang Sanfeng myth was such that other manial styles ha\"c assumed his school's mamle. By Ihe second half of lhe ninetcclllh CClllury, Taiji Quan had been traced 10 Ihe DaoiSl saim, only 10 be followed by olher manial styles such as Xingyi Quan and Bagua Zhang. l ~t The m)'lholog ica l SlnlCIUre tha t "'as created in Ihe s(~\'cn lccnth centu ry still captiVales lhe imagi nation of martial artists. even lhough t.lle term "Inle rnal Schoo l ~ designatcs new figilling melhods.
Conclus ion Tile founda! ions of t Ilc modern C lli nese mania] arts wcre laid during tile lale Mingand the eadyQing by the inlCgration ofMing bare-handed fighl ing 1Cchn iCJues \\'ill\ an ancienl gymnastic tradition 111<1t Ilad largely evolved in a Daoist cont.ext. In va r ying d(,'g rees all of the bare-handed styles familiar today incorporal.e as perts of dflOyill ca li sthen ics, combining limb movemen t with bre alhing and the internal circ ulat ion of the vit al ene rgy qi. The absorplion of daoyin gymnastics tran sformed not on ly the training routines bUl also the very purpose oftlie martial arts. narc-handed styles such as Shaolin Quan, Taiji Quan , Xingyi Quan , and nagua Zhang arc not inte nded for combat on ly. Ralher, lhey combine movement and mental conce mf'ation for fighting, healing, and religious scl f-cultivation. Tile vc r y tcrm "martial " is in t his sense misleadi ng. Chinese hand combat is a self-con sc io us system of mc ntal and physical sclf-cultivat ion that has dive rse application s of which fighting is bm one. It. is Ii kcly that. as pect.s of (/tw)'in gymnastics were absorbed into armcd or unarmed fig illin g prior lO Ihe sixtee mh cellltll·y. FmuJ'e rcsearch may well reveal that breathing and qi-circula tion methods figtll'cd in ancient hand com bat, as Lhey almost ce rla in Iy did in mcdie \",1 fen ci ng. However, at presen I. ou r evidence of the imegration dates from t he late Ming. The Sinews Transjorlllation Classic of 1624 is cU lTemly thc earliest available manual thai selfcon scioLisly com bines mililary, thel1lJX!utic, and religious goals in one training program. Compiled by the Self-style d ~ PLl rple Coagulation Man of the Way," lite t reaLise exemplifi es the impact of Daoism on barc-handed fighting. Its goal is an ime m a l bodil)' transformation t h at will make onc invulnerable to il"Uury, that will eliminate all illness, and that will ultimately lead to immortality. Dao)';n gym n astics scn 'cd as a \'ch idc for the Daoist innue nce on the late imperia l martial arts. Whether it was practiced by thc lait.y, by Daoi st adepts, o r b}' Buddhi st monks, hand comh..'H drew heavily on Daoist physiological and meditati\'C~ techniques. T raining roUlincs such as the "Twelve-Section Brocade"'-which were intcgrated into thc Shaolin monastic regimen---can be traced back to ca non ical Daoist scriptures. Invcsti ng the martial arts with therapcutic and religious significancc, thc creators of bare-handed techniqucs relied ulxm wide-ranging somccs, from
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Dao isten cyclo pedias and med icalliteratll re to the classics o f Chinese ph ilosophy that articulated the cu lture's trad itio nal \,'orld\~ew" TIle \'Cry names of stich fighting techn iquesas Taiji Q uan and Baglla Zha ng\,"ere borrowed from Chi nese cosmolog)', be u-ayi ng the slyles' spidLUa l aspi rations" In the two mani.."ll arts, t he practitioner re-e naCL" the process of cosm ic diffcrem i.."llion-from the primm"dial unit,)' tJu o ugh the interplay o f the ),ilt, the )'ang, and t he eight ldgrams to the myd ad phen omena-only 1.0 ren; rse the cou rse of h istory, thereby ach ieving myst ical u n ion with the Supreme Ultimate (Taiji)" To the degree tllat \.hese fighting techn iqucs sel f-consciously express pll iloso phical tenelS, tllei .. articulat iOIl belongs to t he h islOr)' of ideas. Eve n I ho ugh t he agen t of t he man ial ans is t he body, thei r evolution is in this respecl the domain of intellect ual history" Ti le late Ming broade ning o f empl )'-lla nded styles into self-conscious syste ms of though l was li kely o ne reason for theil' growing popu larity" Sevelltee nt h-ce nllll")' Shaolin monks d id nOI tum the ir auention to hand comba t beca use it \,'as Ill i li ta ri Iy effecl i\"c. In rca l baH Ie, ban..... hand ed fight ing was not as usefu l as t he staff fig hti ng Ihe mon ks had previo llsly lit il ized, not to me nt ion fig h t ing \\'it h shar p \\'Capons o r firearms. Ral her, Shaolin monks were probabl y fasci nated b)' ti le med ica l, re lig ious, a nd pll ilosoph i("al opport Ii nil ies that \,'ere ope ned b)' the new empl }'- Imnded lecli lliq lles. T he S)'111 hesis of martial, t he rapelitic , a nd religiolls goa ls has bee n a pri mary reason for the popu larit), of ha nd comba t botll in its nal i\'e land and in lhe modern \A/cst. 1f mode rn Ila nd com bat is nOI o nl)' a fight ing method bm also a syslelll of tl loug llt, tlle n it is nO! surprising t hal its eml ution was partially sp urred by inI.cl lecl.lIal de\,elopme lll.s. La le M ing syncretism provided a ph i losophical lou nd ation fo r t he imegralion or bare-ha nded figh ti ng and til/o)'i ll cal isthenics, pc rmiui ng Daoi st mystics 10 explo re Budd h ist-relal.c...xlmartial arts and a llowin g Silaolin mon ks to study Daoist g)'mnasl ics. ImellcCluall.rends \\'Cre joined b)' political up lle
CH A PTER
7
Suspect Rebels
I N T ilE SPRI NG of 1679, Gil YanwlI ( 161 3- 1682) traveled to the Shao )in
Te mple. The re no\\'ned hi storian had turned hi s at te nt ion to mil ita I'Y a ffai I'S fo llo\\'ing tile Manchu conquc'st, whic h h ad d e monstrated to the Chinese el ite the falal conseque nces o f it,s d isregard for warfare. The d e mise of tbe native Ming rul e and the establishme nt of the a lie n Q ing d ynasty ( 16441911) created a surge o f int erest in mil ita ry question s- fro m the strategic sig nifi cance o f di ve rse provinces to Ihe popul a r martia l a rts. It kindled lluang Zongx i 's cur iosity abOlLl I he .. illl e rna l" flg lni ng tech n iq lies of Wa ng Zhe ng nan . and it promptl.'(i Gli Ya nwu's ilwesligat io n of the Shao lin "ex t.e rnal " martial arts. At the monaste ry, Gu ca re full y exa mined the historical records o f the monks' militar)· ac ti vities. lie tra nsc ribed the Ta ng steks thai recorded the ir he ro ic suppo rt o f Li Shim in, re lying o n t.he m as o ne source for an essay on Huddhisl warfa re,1 The scholarly satisfa ctio n that accompa nied Gu 's visit was matched b)' a se nse of moral puq>ose, I-I is research trip was motiva ted by imellecUia I cu riosity and sentime nts of loyalty to the Ming a like. Shaoli n mo nks had been famo us fo r their unfa iling suppOrt of the forme r regime, for which they fo ught. through 1.0 its biller end. During the fil"St decades o f the Qing d ynasl.Y, the ir mo nast.e ry was regarded by ma ny as a symbol of its p rl.'(ieccssor. In this resp<..'C1. Gu's Shao lin u'ip n::se mblcd his re pea ted pilg l'images to the Ming l"Oyal tombs-he had paid his respects at the dynasty's bu r ia l grounds no rth of Beijing no fewer than six times, and a t the Na l~ i n g mausoleum of ils founder no fewer t.han se \'en. ~ Indeed , more than three decades a rte r Be ijing's rail , th e mo nastery's desola tion testified to the de mise of its erstwhile patrons. Gone were the days when a Ming official complained that Shaol in's sple ndor was \00 ext.ravagant fo r Buddhi st meditation-the temple Gu visited was in ruins. The lo fty halls o nce bedecked with precious gifts from imperial donors were overgrown with weed s,
182
SUSpe<::1 Rchcls
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and the sounds of clanking \\'e apolll'y had been silenced. Where hundred s of Ming soldie rs had once tldined , on ly a lla ndful of old monks remained , complaining to thei r g uest of hars h trea tment by tIle new authorities. Gu vented his frustration in a poem lllatlikened tI le natio n's and tlH~ monastery's fate. If on ly a new Prince o f Qin ( Li Shimin) could be found , both would be succored. Assis ted by the likes of lhe Tang monk l-Iuiya ng, he would o\'enhmw the fore ign aggressors and restore lhe monaSle l'}' lO its fonne r glory: Lofty rises the Wuru Pea k,' ;"1 ,~es t.ic lies the Shaol in ;"1onaslcry. Once its warrio rs roamed t h(~ cart h, Famed for heroism si ll(:e Ihe Sui. Grand buildi ngs rese mbled an impe rial palace, ;"1onast ic robes reflect ed fa il1' ga nnCIlI s. Budd hi st crisp chimes pierced the hean!lls, Cll anlampss llone 0 11 emera ld pe aks .
.. . Today how desolat e it appe ars, Descrted and overgrown with weed s. Fro m broken walls wande ring bees emerge, In empt}' halls wild ph easanl s caw. They tell me of harsh new o rde rs, La nd allot me n!'s by corrupt offic ial s. Taxes increa sed e"e n 0 11 a monas tic eSI:u e , Ca rin g not wh ich dynasty had bestowed iL Short of rice g ruel , the monks leave, No t even on e or tWO have re mained . All things undergo rise and declin e, Their fortunes depend on I leaven. Could t here be no hero, Resolut ei}' rest oring the mona stery from il.'> ruins? J alll sendin g il note to tile like of l luiyang: Wait for the ar rival of a Qin prince! 1 Did eu reall y bel ie\'e that aflc l' they had been con solidating the ir 1"lI1e fo r decades, t he Qing could be O\'e l,thmwn ? Or is hi s poem a merl': famasya con scious ex pression of wi shful thi nki ng? I t is h ard to answer this question , which has b een as ked of the his toria n's mher writi ngs as well . 5 However, he c1ea rl)' made no pretcnsc that a Shaolin upri sing did occ u r. The poem is not a d esc ription of what IUllf happe ncd , but of what should havl':. It. cannot. be taken as evid e nce that the monks had resisted the Manchu s. What Gu Yanwu had refrained fmm claiming, other, less educated authors had not. Qing p eriod lore glorified the Shaolin warrio rs as fearless rebels. A widespread lege nd, which o l'ig inated in South C hina, attributed the foundin g
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of dlC I-leaven and E"lnh Soc iety (Tiandihui) {'' Triads'' in Western literature) to lhe Shaolin monks \IIho had escaped persecution oy the Qing government. After imperial force s had bumed dO\\'11 the Shaolin Temple. it went, a handful of manial monks managed to escape to the South , where they established the secret society for lhe plil-pose of "o,"c nhrowing lhe Qing and restoring the Ming" (frill Qingfll M il/g). During the Qing pe l-iod, I he Hea'"e n a nd Earth Society was Ihe largesl and mos t. powc l-[ul hrotherhood in South C hina. Flaun ting an overt ly anI i-Manchu ideology, the society was va l-iOlISly e ngaged in mutual aid and in cri minal activil.ieS, which led 10 re peal,c d anncd dashes with Ihe stale. Co Its foundation m),th sur"iw:s in divcrse n i ne teclllh-centUl'y \'e rsions, some of them in the inl.errogat ion records of ca pt ured membe rs, Ig noring tile inco nsistencies Ix:twcen Wlrying accounts, tile legend may be briefly summad zed as follows: During the re ign of the Kangx i e mpe ("(lI' (r, 1662-1722), the historicall)' unide ntifiable Xi Lu barbaria ns defeated the Qing anllY, The <:o u rageolls monks of the Shaolin Te mple-w rong ly kx-ated by some versions in Gansu PrO\~ nce-came to the e mpe ror's reSClle. Af1erslllxl ll ing the relx:ls, the), were invited to the capita l 10 he honored \\'ith imperial POSI.S, I"')ich they declined , expressing their desi re to resume their humble monki sh lives. Once back al the temple, the heroic wa rriors fell pft.')' to political intrigue. Government fo rces led by traitorous officia ls se t the monastery o n fire, killing most or tile mo n ks. A hand ful managed to esca pe to the Sout h, nndi ng (i n some version s) refuge at a temple whose name resonates with Shaolin-Changlin. Swearing an oath ofhrot he rhood wilh lhe loca l cle rics, tlu,,:y esta blished the I leaven and Eartll Socie l)'- A magic incc nsc burne r emerged fro m tile sea , pn:widing divine sanction for thei r e nterpri se. It was inscribed MO\'en h row the Qing, Restorc the Ming.'" The lege nd has been \'ariously approach(:d by scholars, Some have searclled in it for dues on ti le SOCiety'S historica l origins in Somh China (con'elati ng \'e ri RabIe namcs from itS dil'c rse I'e rsions witll in fonnation culled from other sources); some hm'e ana lyi.cd its myth ic structure; some havc high lighted its indebtedness (0 popula r na lTalil'es such as HYlfer M argill; some have emphasized its com mllnal ity with the messia n ic lore of m i Ilcnarian SCCl.s,~ \Vh ichel'er approach we assume , it is clea r that the legend's immediate b..'lckground- historical and folklol'ic al ike-lies in South Ch ina, Two exa mples may suflice to make the point. The motif of the Shaolin Monastery's burning is like ly re!alL"'d to FLuian lore concerning the conn agra tioll ofa loca l southenl Shaolin Temple,uand the name Changlin , which is me mioned in sCl'era l l'ersions, has lx:(;n shown to designate a hi stor ical monastcry in tllat pn:wince. Some scholars consider it the source of the brotherhood ·s foundation myth,ll) Bea ring in mi nd its southe rn prOI'c na nce, is the secrct socicty's myth rdel'a lll to the history of the Shaolin Te mple in He nan ? On thc most general level , the legend min'ors thc mona stery's fame. By the eightecmh CCnlury. the Shaolin Temple had acqu ircd mythic proportions in the imagination of
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warriors nationwid e. We ha\'e see n in pl-eviolls c hapters t hat a Shaolin connection became a pre requis ite in the hag iographie s of Qing martial artists . C reato rs of novel fighti ng tech niques sOllgllttO e nlla nee thci r p restige by assodating the m with the te mple , and milita l-y a uthors went as far as forging their wri ti ngs to provide them with a Shaolin pedigree. The temple 's legend ary milit.ary s tand ing-coupled with ilS famed support of the ~'Iin g- mad e it a symbol of c hoice for anli-Qing brothe rhoods suc h as the 1·leaven and Earth Society. The Shaolin ance stry e nhanced I he soc ie ty's military standing at Ihe same timc as itcolorcd it with an a ura offen'e nt Ming loyal ism . Evc n as il aueSLS10 Shaolin's fam e, the m yth be l rays the temple 's pr"C(~ariolis pol ilic.a l condit ions undcr t.l lC Qing. To be sure , as \\'C lla\'e it , tile stmy is spurio us: Shaolin monks ncve r fought o n be ha lf of tile dynasty, no,",vas their monaste ry c\"C r dcstroycd by il.. Ne\'c rtheless, \\'ittingly 01' unwil1ingly, the legend mirrors thc te nsions thai ha\'c c ha raclCri zed Ihe temple's relations with the Qing rcgimc. It ,,'ould ha\'c been suq) l-is ing if a legend of a Shaolin upri sing would II..bl), not un warramed. Shaolin's was a nuid community of wh ich rcsident deric'> occupied no more than a fraction. As members of the itinerant world of the "riw;rs and lakes," Shaolin walTiors did come in touc h with potential rebels. Even though
Fist
186
Figh li ng a nd Self-Cullivalion
the monas te ry ilsclr was ne\-er ilwoh-ed in a re lx:llion , some orits a lumni might have b ee n,
Late Ming Destruc tion The desolation lhal was re\'calcd to ell Yanwu at the Shaolin Mo nastery was also witn essed by o\.he r visilors d lu-ing the first decades orQing rule, "Arter the upheaval only a handrul or monks lla\'e rc mained ," lamented Ye Feng (16231687 ), "Who will preach here the Dharma?" '2 From tbe 1640s th rough the 1680s, the Shaolin Monaste ry llad been largely desened. Most or its monks Ilad left, a nd the m-uoril y orl.he build ings had been railing apart , some orthe mo st preciolls o nes be ing pasl repair, Zha ng Siming visit ed Shaolin in 1684: Wh en 1 a rri\"(xl al I he Icmplc, I dis(:O\'c red thai long ago it had b{'en con sllmed by Ihe end·or-era's fires Uil'lw o: kal/}(Iglli). The Dharma Il all was overgrow n wil h wcC'd s, and I IIC' disciples had SGll lerecl. Siglting 111('1"1'" ror a long I imC', I lei Ill)' legs c"".-I IT)' me w{'st or I he Thousand Bllddh as Ii ali. The re I saw piles ordirt O\'ergrown wilh Ihkk bushes, scattered Iiles and rallen bl'" am s Ihal we re ex posed 10 the wind and Ihe rai n , Monk Yun shi point cd them OU I 10 me, la me nti ng: ~ T his used 10 be the Wh ile-Attircd Mah iisattva IGuanyin l lla ll. II \\~ I S built during Ihe reign ol'l lle Nortl tern \Vci c mpe ror XiaO\\'en (r. 47 1-'199). II \\";IS a gra lld building, Being S U ~(,C I 10 Ihe bandits' turmoi l. il has been reduced 10 this s lalc! ~" The Budd h ist concept or the kalpiil.'1Ii-the co smic fire lhat will b u I'll Ih<: world 1.0 ash es althe eon's e nd-was applied by Zha ng Sillling to the devastation or the monaste ry lhal had accompan ied the Ming's de m ise. This same metap horwas a[so used bySlle n Quan ( 162'1- 1684 ), W[ I O nonethe less remai ned hopefu l tha t the monasle l-Y's heritage wou ld not be extingu ished: 1 havc h ea rd Ihal thc Shaolin Te mple Several times lms endure d I he e nd-or-era's ashcs, Broken sleies cO\'cred by moss, Shaucred wall s exposed 10 lhe blue sky, De nse, the monasteq"s ancie nt cypresses, Forcver protec i its d ivine spiril. tt The Qing-appoimed go\'ernor of He nan left tiS a similar record of the monaste ry's dismal condilio ns in mid-ce ntury, except that his LOne was less sympathetic, WangJie (ca, 1620-ca, 1700) a ppare ntly disd ained the mi serable few monks who had rema ined amongst the ir monastery's ru ins: "Today the
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monas tery is f alii ng apan. As I h'as visiLing one or two ofilS di lapidatcd monks' rooms, I orde red the I1m·ices to demons tratc thei r manial skills. Their pe rformance was no bener than that of Slreel beggars. It was not worth watchi ng." The gove rno r proceeded to detaillhe circumstanccs under which the monastery had b een destroyed in the 16405: Du ri ng the Chong-Lhen reign ( 1628-1643) the tra it or Chuang ( Li Zic hen g) plunde red like a vicious tiger. Liang Song mountain bandi ts I" rose in swa rm s, each sacking anoth e r region. At Songyang lon tll(! so uthern slopes of~,tt, . Song] IGthe re was one LiJiyu (?-1647), who agitated tpn thou sand men and stationed the m atop the - Impe rial Fort;"1ountain Lt he Shaoshi Peak ove rlooking the Shaolin MonasH!ryi. l ie burned a nd looted e\·er pvhe re, but he parl icularly hated the Shaolin mo n ks, whom he regarded as 1>OIcnii ail horns in his side. l ie pn!tendf'd, 1herefore, to befrien d t hem , se nding d ai I)' mone}' W the ir abbol. The mo nks believed h im and oITe' red no resislance . Onp day Li se nt a messa ge W Ihe monks tha t he would like 10 commiss io n t lie ceremon y of Ih e Ti lousand Buddl las Supplkal ion for his bi rt hday. All the mon ks sho uld pre pare t hClllseh-es for his arrh-a L 'S. purifyi ng t he msel\'cs , bu rn ing incense, and reei t ing t he script un_ T he n, leading several hundred men clad in armor, Li entered lhe mo uastery a nd slole I,is way to ti le SUlra I lall.Jusl as tile monks wcre bcati ng Ihe d ru ms and prosl ral ing 1he mseh·cs in prayer, 1he bandilS drew t Ileir swords and bUlcll cred Illem . Ti le monks we re not prepared, a nd Illey were wiped OUI to a man . 17 Wang's is the onl y account in Shaolin's h istor y thaI sugges1.s a lension 1:)(> tween t he monks' reli g io us d lllies a nd the ir milita r)' vocation. According to him , LiJi ),lI had b ee n able to slallglllCl" the cle l·ics because they had been e ngaged in a Buddhis t ceremony. E\-e n tho ugh the monks m ade no consci.ous c ho ice to fa\'or thei r relig io us role o\-e r the ir military one-after all thc y had been d eceived by t he I-Ie nan wa rlo rd- in thi s in sta nce t he ir two f unction s clas hed. Th e monks· pe rfo rma nce o f the i r rit ual d u ties Ilampe l-ed the ir e fficac y as wa rriors. Their ide ntity of Budd hi st priests coil ided with the i r role .of soldi e rs. LiJi)'u, who butchered the Shaolin monks, e me rged in 1640 as .one .of the stro ngest wa rlords in northe rn H e n a n _ Like other loca l b...'l ndi l.s, he tried 1.0 maintain his independence, shifting his allia nces in acc.ordance with thc rapidl), c hanging military situa tion _ I-Ie had a ll ied h imself with Li Zic he ng (in 1611 ), submi tted to the Ming but c.olluded agai n with Li ( 1643), dashed with Li ( 1643), yielded to the Na l~ in g regime of the S.outhe rn Ming (summcr.of 1644), and finall y s urrendered to the Qing (December 1644), wh.o did n.ot tnL~t him and had him executed three years la tel·. 18 (At one point, incidentally. Li had befrie nded the would-be founde r ofTaiji Qua n , C hc n Wangting). 19 Thc warlord 's
188
Fist Fighling and Self·Cullivalion
decision to diminale lhe Shaolin monks \\'as due to tactical considerations no less than to thei r famed suppono[the Ming. Li had eSLc"lblished his base alOp the Shaoshi Ileak's "Impcdal Fon,~ \\'hich 10\,'cre(\ o\'er the temple. As WangJic not.ed , the bandit leader cou ld nOl afford a "potential thorn" in such proximit.y 10 his side. If it. was Li Jiyu \\'ho dcalllhc Shaol in monks Ihe final blow in Ihe cady 16405, their ran ks had I))' then already been decimated. Alllhmugh lhe 1630s, Shaolin monks had been drafled for lhe largely unsuccessful government campaigns againsllhc rming bandit s. In 1635 they had been enlis\(:d \0 train a local III ilit.ia in Silanziiou Counl y, \\'cstcm He nan , ' nK")' \\'Cre able 10 score alleast one vicl.ol), before b eing defeated by the vastly larger armies of t.he " ~'llis lim Fellow" ( L,lO I-Iuihui ), Ma Shouying, who was one of Li Zicheng's dosest allies,~'U At approximately the same time, the Shaolin stafT expert I-Iongji-who had been Cheng Zongyou's instructor-was killed in battle, \Ve arc told that he "led his troops to a decisi\'c viclory o\'cr Ihe bandits. Then , chasing Ihem faraway, he ran into fresh outla\\' conlingems. I-l is supjXln Iroops did nOI alThe, bllt to the end he was not willi ng 10 re lreat. As Ihe band ils s\\ellcd in numbers, he strllggkx l \\'il h them 10 his dcal h. Thus, he did nOI IX:lray hi s IShaolin 1 heritagc,"21 Shaol in's conlribul ion 10 the la ic Mi ng banditry campaigns is al1esl.Lxl by a stele e rected some Ihree decades lal er. Daling from 1677, the inscripl ion t:"i nces I he monks' Iingeri ng senl imenls of loyah y IOWaI'd I he Mi ng, for il was dedicat.ed 10 the 1ll0naSICI) "Sea rl y M ing ablx )I , Ningnlll Liaogai (1 335- I4 2 I).22 On it wcre inscrilx:d tile names of somc sc\'e n l)' martial monks (Wit selig) who had fought under the command ofl he Ming ministcl' of war, Yang Sichang ( 1588-1641 ). Mosl came from the Shaolin Monaslcl)" but some came from its acljace nt. subsidiary, the Yongl ai sh rinc. Yang had assuillcd pc rson al field comlIland of t he banditry camp..'1ign in 1639, o nl y to Ix: fOUlCd by the rcix:1 armi t::S of Zhang Xianzhong and Li Zichc ng in 164 1, whereupon he cOlllmiued suicid e. ~' Th e monks must h",'c fou ght for him around 1640. Til e Shaolin insniption is mo"i ng. Unl ike tile grand Slone monuments lhal. had been built during the Tang and the Ming and had record ed the mon ks' support ofthoSt: d)'nasties, thi s one could nOl.lla\'e earned them i mperia I recognition. Ifanything, thc Qing aUlhOI-ities would ha\'c been angered by a me morial to their predecessors' steadfast wa lTiors. Tile l\lImble epitaph was motivatcd, thcleforc, by a sincere wi sh to record the names offaJJell comrades, Its amhor, himself likely a fig illing monk , was not highly educated , as is evinced by an orthographic error in the mini ster's name, si !J!. instead of si IiiIJ (figu re 38). Even though the Shaolin Monastery had been destroyed prior to the 1644 invasion , it is not impossible th at the advance of the Manchu army had caused it some further damage. A possible hint-it is no more than that-is provided by an inscription dating from 1653 that commemorates the reconstruction of the monaste ry's Un h'crsal Chan Courtyard (Shifang Chan Yuan). Situated outsidc thc monaster)' proper, across from iL~ main gale, the Chan Courtyard had scn'cd as a hostel for pilgrim s, During the Ming pe-
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FIG. 38. DC lai l ora Shaolin SIde dawd 1677 COllllllC lllol,ui ng dlC Illonks who had roug hl undc r Y;lIlg Sich;lIlg ; nOle I hc ol'l hog"ap h ic crrOi' in I he lIl inislCI"S namC.
riod, it. h ad b ee n re novated by the sw ff ex pe n genera l Yu Da),o u .21 The n , in t he 1640s, it was bu rned dow n " by the a rmy" (bing) , as t he insniplion p utS it. Th e cho ice o f the te rm o\'e r the com mo n derogatory ap pellations fo r re bels (zei o r kOIl , bot h mea n ing ba nd its) m ig ht indicate t hallhe troops in q uestion we re Ma nchus, which t he a utho r d iscree tl y refrai ned fro m na m ing. Ifso, lhe Q ing dyn asty h ad so me ha nd in the mo nas te ry's devastation. 25 We may nOle , in co nclusio n , tha t the d is ma l fate of the Shaolin Tem p le was sha red al so by o the r He na n te mples th at had allied the mselves Wilh lhe Min g dyn as ty and wc re the refo rc ta rgeted by its a(h·ersaries. The monaslic co m plex atop Ml. Fu n iu in the province's southwest was destroyed by the I'o\'i ng ban dit arm ies.c'6 We h a\'c scen in chapter 3 that its monks had been fa m ed fo r their fig h ti ng skills. Having bee n tra ined at the Sh aolin Te mp le , Ihey we re ra n ked second only to it by Ming mil ita l'y ex perts,
Q ing Suspicion Qing author ities e nCOli ntered diffic ulties in th e ir attempts to appoint an abbot to the Shao lin Mo naste ry, The ir first choice had been monk I-Iai kuan (1596-
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Fist Fighling and Self-Cullivalion
1666), who had held the postdul"ing the last }'ears of the Ming_ In 1646 he was officially approached by the Mini stry of Rites, but lie declined the offer due to a "leg illness." This lame excuse most likely concealed the Shaolin monk's refllsal 1.0 cooperate with the ne\\' I-egime. By 1657, however, I-Iaikuan had changed his mind. 27 We are told that he had "completely rec::overed ," wherelIpon he assumed the monasle l-Y's leaders hip, handing illO his discipk Yo ngyll in 1661. The la\.l.er fi lied the office fOI- thl-ee years before de part.ing abruptly 1.0 I-lebei, lea\'ing no heir behind him. The monastery was 10 remain wit ho ul an officially appoint(:d abbola llthrough 1999- three hund red years laler-when Yongxi n \\'as assigned Ihe IXlst by t he communi st au thorities,28 We d o not knO\\I wilYYongyu resig ned h is POSt, but ,,·e ma)' conjecI1I re Ilial Ilis decision was re lal ed 10 ti le monastery's uneasy relalions wilh Ille Qing, of ",Ilicll tlle re are oilier ind ications. Bel ween 1652 a nd 1654 Shaolin monks conducled a se ries of elahorat e requiems, which \\'e re su pported by d onors fm m I hree He nan counties: Deng fe ng, Yansiti , and Gongxian, As Wen Yuc!teng has s ugges l.ed, I he masses we re mOSI Ii kely direclCd 10 I he sa lval ion of I he souls of Ille vict illls from the Ming·Qing c
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J9J
relations Wilh lhe regime, if il were nOl for the officials' apprehension of the monks' military activities. E\'en as it respected the Shaolin Te mple's cultural legacy, the dynasty remained deepl)' suspicious of its mil itary tradilion . Unlike the Ming officials, who had emplo)ed fightin g mon ks in the ba.ulefield, Qing autho rities neve r condoned the military activities of Buddhi st clerics. The same Qing emperors who patronized the temple's restoration carefully curht.xl ils military pracl.ice. We ha\'e see n in chapler 2 that the Yongzheng e mperor took advantage of t he temple's reno·.ation to tighten gO\'ernml!11I control. He orde red Ihe d esl ruction of Shaoli n's subsid im'y sh I'illes, therehy w(!eding o ut fa ke mo nks who "do e\'il and create d iS lUrban ces."~~ Th{: d emolition of the monastery's surrounding slu'ines was meant to separate the Shao lin monks fmm the unruly communil ), of it.ine rant manial anisls, \\,110 \\'ere deelllt.x l JX>lentially dangel"Ous. Yongzheng's successor was equa lly w'lI'y of the Shaol i n mon ks' III il itary act ivities. The Qianlong e mpe ror, who had bee n moved to poctry by the monaster y's scenery, was outraged whe n he hea rd in 1775 that the newly in stalled gove rnor of I-lenan , Xu]i ( 1732- 18 11 ), llad e nlisted Shao lin monks to t rai n hi s tl"OOps. TI\e empe ro r prompt Iy forb ade tile Illi lit ar), d e ploymen t of Buddhi st de r ies. An impe ria l decree asserted that monks sho uld d ed icate the ir lives to religiolls ends. That. a n official sho uld a be t their vio lations of nuclcl histl,l\\' by ha"i ng Ihe m i ns t ruCI hi s sold ie rs was pre post erous: As Ihey Ilave left Il lei r fam ilies, mon ks need SI ricll), adllere to 1he mo nas l ie reg ulal ions , cull ivaI ing Ihe vi r! ues or harmony and forbearance. I Tow could they possibl), pracl ice dole nt lech n iques, showing ofT fierceness a nd rial! nl i ng Sl re ngl h? The re have been some officials in charge who have hea rd or lShaolin's r(,nown ], and have ded scd ways 10 i rnperceptibl), ella Ile nge our norms. I low cou ld Il le), di srupl the mOll ks' vocal ion , COl ltin g them 10 d emons l rate and hav ing I hem sci I 1he ir rnilila ry ski lis? I lavi ng mOll ks Irain Ilis so ldiers is nOI on I)' beyond Ont! 's aut horil)" il also ma kes him into a laughingstock. I lo\\' could XuJi be as ignorant as l ha l ?!~~ Itself unwilling to embrace the Shaolin mon ks, the dynasty was fearful they would joi n its enemies. Fighting clerics wCI'e suspected of colluding with band ils, and worse sli II of associating with sectarian rebels. The speclel' of rei igiously inspired up"i si ngs loomed la rge in the minds of Qi ng officials, who lelentlessl), purs ued the " h(: te rodox~ sccts. Whe ther the ir fears of messianic revolls we re inml;abl}' j us tified goes beyond the scope o f this study. Recent scholarshi P has s uggested that man)' of so-called ~ WII ite Lotlls Sects" that were targe led by lhe Slale had not been inmh'Cd in rclx:lIious activities, Those that were might ha\'e in some cases resorted to a nns due to the gO".'ern mem's perseCUlion. '! Be that as il may, for ollr plll-pose the /Jerce/JfiOlI of im minent dange r was mo re significant than its unce rtain basis, for it proved detrimental to lhe
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temple's relation with lhc regime, Here is Vaerlu warning lhe Qianlong e mperor in 1739 of the Shaolin monks'joining the " hcterodox" seClS, The le mple, explai n s the vice minis te r of h'ar, is a breeding ground for rebels: In t he provinces under our supen'ision, such as I Iuguang, Shandong, I lenan, and the like, the proble m oflile - heterodox sec ts ~ (xieji(lo) is common. The people of I Ienan are part icularly ignorant and easily swared. The villagers are agitated wh etl(~ \'(' r some good-for-nothings drift from somewhere. Daoi st and Buddllist types makc a namc for themsel\"t~ as healers, claiming to c ure ill ness hy cast.ing spells and Ot her evil magic. Ot herwise the}' pre tc nd to hring good fort tine and ,u"Crt disaster, as they burn incens(: and they sacrifict' to the Big Dippt' r: they read Sun'as and they supplicate the Buddha. Stupid men and foolish women a re i mmed iat cly incit ed by such pc oplc into joining tit(-' heterodox sect s. The heterodox sec ts are gradually t ransm il1t'd from a si nglc locality to numerou s others. Disseminatf'd across dh'c rsc arcas tht'y attract di sciples, cvent Lmlly spread ing in f'''t'ry direct ion. Onct' t hc St'rt ari ans are numerou s enough , all types ofc"i l issue. It ise nollgh for somcolw to recklessly draw all illicit plan , for disaster to follow, as thc criminals gang together.... Furt Ile.-more, t lie StU rd y rOUt li s of I lcnan arc acc ustomed to violence, man }'S tudyin g the martial arts. For exa mple, under the pretext of teaching the manial ans, the monksofthe Shaolin T(!mple have been ga t he ring wort h lcss dregs. Violc nt cri minalt Y]lCs will fully study (:"j] cus tom s, wh ic h bccomc a fa shion . J letcrodox SectilriilllS large t sud I criminals , tcmpt ing t hc m to j oin t heir sect,S, thereby increasing t.lleir nLLmbers.-'~ The aUlhorities' wa riness of thc monaste,), is auested by the imclTogalion records of sllspected re bel s. In 1757 a BlIddll ist mo nk named XuJi 'an had been arrcsted in Anyi Coumy, southe rn Sha n xi, after meeting with sec· tarians. Thc unfOrLunate cleric, who had been too poor to purcha sc an onlinatio n ce r li fkale, Ilad been itine ra nt for yea rs . Vet of all the monastcries in which he had sojourned , it was his association with the Shaolin Te mple some lWelll)' yea rs ear/ier! -tha t aroused his imerrogator's concc rn. All thc more so, si nce the search of the monk 's meager belongings yielded a Shaolin-related documem thal sccmcd suspiciously seditious, I-l is notebook contain ed the militant couplet: "Inca rn ated at Shaoli n hi s divine powers great; The benevolent one repelled the million-strong I-long army."${; Monk Xu told the story-wilh which tIle magistrate had not bee n fa miliar -of t.he Shaol in llitclal'y divinity V<9rapal.li , We have seen ill chapter 4 that the "aliam god was bclic\'ed to ha\'e defeated the Red Turban s ( I-Iongjin), who threatened the monas tery, The monk explained that he llad copied the Shao-
SUSpe<::1 Rchcls
]93
lin couple t during his sojoum at the temple_ That it had remained among his belongi ngs for more than th'e llly years might ha\-e been purely accidental. l-lowe\'er, it mighl ha\'e signified, as the magistrate suspected, that for monk Xu the legend of lhe Shaolin g uardian spir it h ad acqui red an eschatological significance _ If t.his was the case----our evidence is not su fficient to ascertain whethe r it. was or not-the Illyth that had p.-ovided Shaolin monks with a divine excuse for \·iolence llad si milad}' fi g ured witll in a sectari an environment_ Qing period millenarian groups might ha\-e incOl-porat ed the Buddhist g uardian spirit int.o thei r 1)'"1ntlieon, imag ining him to lead hi s Shaolin troops in a war of redemption_ Was t.he Qing-fearjust ifi ed? Did Shaolin monks or Shaolin affiliat es join in rebel lion? It is hard to answe r thi s q tlest io n, for t he sources at o u r di sposal arc likely bia sed_ The official accounts arc tainted by prejudice (against the monastery), whe reas it,s monks, if they h ad ever been involved in an in surge ncy, \\'ould not. have recorded it. Bea.-ing this me thodologica l p.-oblem in mind , our e ilinog rapilic st lid }' of t lie monaste ry docs lend at least some cred e nce to the gO\'e rnme nt 's apprehe nsion _ \Ve have seen in chapter 2 that Shaol in's is a flu id co mmu nity, of wh ich resident mOil ks are il small Illi norit y_ Most Shaolin g raduat es- lay and cle rica l alike-leave the temple to pursue itinerant military ca ree rs, at the same time as their monasllc fe llows regularly 1rain \\'il h outside rs. As it re nowned ce n ter of the martial arts, Shao li n alt.racts countless practitione rs who go there to learn new techniq ues, test th e ir skill s, and meet old fri e nds. It is thus ext remely diffic ult 10 separate the monastery from the large r martial community. To t.he degree that QingofTI cials conside red folk martial a ni sts as dange ro us, they could no t but sC I'Lllinize the Shaolin Te mple. Guard ing agai nst the society of the "rivers and lakes" rC'luired supervision of its monastic hub. Qing officials were full y aware of the profession a l and the social ne tworks that lied the monaste ry to the larger ma rti a l communit),. Following the failed Eig ht Trigrams uprising of 18 13, some rebels apparently sought shelter in the Shaol in Temp le's viei nil)'. Respondi ng to the J iaqi ng e mpcror's (r. 1796- 1820) urgcnt que ry on the matte r, GO\'ernor Fang Shoucho u elaboraled o n the monks' associa tion with suspectcd c riminal s: "The Shao lin Te mple is silliated in He nan 's De ng fe ng Count)', at the foot of Ml. Song. Remote and de solate, the area is suitable for h id ing_ If/)ers()//S similar to them. wifh whom fhl!)' have bet!n /mroiollsly ftulliliar a.-ri\"e there, the monks arc sure to we lcome them, and offer them s h e lter."~7 Because thc}' be longed \0 the same manial community, Shaolin monks were likely to ha rbor their fellows who had bee n implicated in rebe llion. The Qing go\'ernment was not conce rned, then, with the Shao lin Tc mple itself ignitin g a rebell ion. The fear was rather of its association with rebelseitlle r that its itinerant alumn i would join in in su rgencies or that its resident mOil ks would gi\-e shelte r to their former col leagues_ I-Icnce the gow;m ment's repeated attempL'\ to seve r the ties be twccn the monaster), and the larger
194
Fist Fighli ng and Self-Cullivalion
marlial commu n ity. I-Icn~ is the De ng fen g Couilly magistrate I-Ie Wei (fl. 1830) wa rning the Shaolin monk s not to collude with o utsiders: After the mon ks ... read ou r ord e r and are informed of iL" conte nt s, they should all purify thei r he arl s and cle anse lhe ir minds. Each one sh ou ld burn i ncen se , culti\'ate the way, and c hant lhe Slilras, as we ll as pl ow a nd we(~ d th(~ land. As to the va rious types of lay people, Ill(' monks are forbidde n to collude wit II t Ilem in s(~c re t . Nor arc lhe monks allow(x\ to interfere in out sid e matt e rs, harboring c riminals, and insligating t rouble. If t hey d a re pu rpose1y di sob(~ y, and I the ir c rimes I happe n TO be exposed, we a re Slire to consid e r the m more serious and punish I he m acco rdingly. As to the lay people, they should nOt be pe rm itted int o the monaster y.... T e nant farme rs s hould res ide el sewhere . T hey should nOI be allowed 10 li\'e nea r 1h e mon ks. )/I
far from b e ing limil ed 10 offic ia l circles, t he perception that Shao lin mo n ks Wf'I'I' relal cd 10 Ihe o llilaw COIllIll UIl it Y\\'
SUSpe<::1 Rchcls
]95
the famous temple. The rerore they need not ma ke p retence. The abbot laughed and a sse llle (l.~l0
Epilogue ContemlXlrary visitors would be hard-pressed 10 imagine Shaolin 's dismal nine tcenth-century condition s. Tod ay's Shaolin Te mple is as flo u rishing as it has eve r bee n. Paved wi tl l marble and decorated willi gold , each year it att racts mo re than a million IOU l'iSIS rrom around the glo be, The monastery is surrounded b y dozens or martial arts sellools, \\'llc l'e le ns of Ihousa nds of aspi ring at hletes vie to become China's martia l a n s champio ns, The tou rists and the swcle nts have Iransrormed the Oe ng reng County econo my, establ ishing lhe te mple as its most impo rtant fin a ncia l asset. The mo naste ry's economic pO\\'c r is matc hed by its po li tica l clOIl\. Conte mpo rary Shaolin monks nestle as comro rt ably in the regime's e mbra ce as did the ir Ming iU1CeSto rs fi ve ce nturies ea die r. The mo nastery's abbo t , Yo ngx in, is conc urre ntl ya me mber or China's People's Congress a nd the vice pres ide nt o r the C h inese nuddhi st Associiu ion. Il is po litica l influence ma y be gauged b)' h is abilit )' to rorci bly re move (in 2000) some twenty thousa nd peopl e rro m the ir reside illial shacks a round the temple, thereby restoring Shao lin to what he-and rei low officia ls- regarded as its pr ist ine bea ut )'. The te mple's links to the regi me arc a lso evinced by il.s place on dign ita r ies' to urs. The likes orthe Russian preside nt Vlad imi r Pmin a nd the ronne l' U. S. secrc lary o r Slat e l le n ry Kissi nge r a re ma rched I h roug h the Shaol i n Temple, whe re Ihe)' are e nte rla ined with ma ni a l de mo nstratio ns and are ccrc mo nio Lisly orre re d a nt ique swords. Il ow did the Shao lin Temple e me rge rro m the ashes or civil war,Japanese occupatio n, and the Cultural Re\'ollllion to become a n il1lc m ational sports ce nte r? Th e answer to this question goes be)'ond the scope o rlli is lxx>k, whieh docs n01. co v(; r the te mple's twentie tll-centul'y Il isto ry. N<......·enllcless, a rew p reliminary obsen 'ations may be made, ir noth ing e lse as suggestions ro r ruture research. T hl! Nalionai Arts (glloslm): Shaol in's n,-'\'i\'a l has bt."Cn relatcd to a fundame ntal change in the state's auitude to the ma nia l arts. Unl ike the Qing d )'nasty, wh ieh suspected manial a rtists orcollusion with rebels, twentieth-century gove rnm en ts-whether nationa list or communist-considered the ir a n a natio nal treasure. Beginn ing in the Re publican period ( 19 12- 194 8), the native fig hting 1.ec hniques were hera lded as the mea ns ror rebu ild ing the bodies and the spirits or the C hinese citize ns who we re raced with the o nslaught o f\Veste rn atllie tics. Their H:ry name-"'Nationa l An s" (glloshll)-auests to the i ncorporalio n of the manial arts into the rea lm or nationa lly sa nction(.--d cultu re. as do the repe.'Hed aue mpts to include the m in inte rna tional sponing events.1I The martial arts ha\'e evide ntly become a sou rce of national pr ide. At Ihe time
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Fist Fighling and Self-Cullivalion
of wriling it is uncenain whether the Chinese martial ans will be featured in t.he 2008 Beiji ng Olympics (possibly as a demonstration sport). It is dear, though , that the games loom large in the minds ofShaolin officials. who plan to reopen in 2008 their Nonllenl Sllaolin Temple in the outskirts of Beijing. 12 The Media: Reality has imilaled fiction as lhe rise of the Shaolin Temple has followed dose UfXln the grO\,'ing popularity of t he movies and tile td(~v i sion series dedicat.ed 1.0 it. The inle m ational success of the kung fu genre is among Ihe most str iking aspects of contemporary cinema. I-long Kong mo\~eS-W llicll have exerled a signi ficanl in fluence on I-Ioll y\\'ood filillmaking -ha\'e played an e nonnous role in spn:.--ading the martial ans' fam e. both williin Chi na and around li le globe. Tile modern media lias thereby recreated Ille Sllaolin legend for conlemporal-y audiences. Pa rticularly notewort.llY in Ihis respect has been Li Liar~j ie 's (Jet Li 's) 1982 blockbuster SI/lwlin 1f llljJlf, whicll lias heen brie fl y mentioned in chapter 2. Tn tIle \or.\ke of tIle movie's success, I housands of aspiring ath let es flo cked to the monastery, laying the fO il ndalions for Ihe mill'Iia] ans schools thai \,'ollld mushroom around it. The t.e mple's revival has been intimately linked, there fore. to the flowering of the kung fu genre. Erollomir RfJ017": Wllereas t.l le Ming dYIll.\sly promoted Shaolin's milit:l q ' power, Ille Communist regime apprec iates its economic significance. Even I hough some of its alumni lultlt'joined the PRC milit ary. the monastery is valued primarily as a financial assel. The sp(.'c tacut ar success or the Shaolin 'Ib npIc as a tou rist and as a sporling attraction has had fa r-reaching implications for Ihe pre\~ ou s l )' depressed De ngfe ng County econolllY, resulling in em husiaSLic governme nt supporl. Stale-sJXlnsored atte mpts to revive Olher martial arts cent.e rs-such as the Funiu Monasteries me mioned in chapler 3-ha"e been modeled on the Shaolin example. The temple's revival needs 10 be int crpreted, t. IICrefore, in te nns of tile econom ic reforms thai have so dralll:ltica lly changed conte mporary Cllinesc li\·es.
CO N CLUSIO N
History, Religion, and the Chinese Martial Arts
TilE HI STORY OF the Shaolin Te mple is no t. ide lllica lto the evolution of the Chi nese ma rtial ans. The monaste ry made import a nt contributions to the d evelopment of late impe ria l ri gilling, armed a nd unarmed alike, and its military hi story mirrored tre nds th at have tran sformed the martial arts in ge ne ral . Ne\,ertl lCless, the Ilislo ry of the mania l a n s is larger than the lCm pi c's. The righti ng techniques with wh ich we are familiar to d ay-stich as Ta Ui Qua n , Xi ng)'i Quan , am/Shaolin Qua n-e me rged d u ring the sixteenth and 1he se\'e n tee nth ce nturies by a combin ation of economic , religiou s, and political fact,o rs that far exceeded the mOlUlste ry's reach. At the sa Tlle time, t hese bare-handed styles drew on a n a nc ie nt g ymnastic tradition that had matured ce nturies be fore the monaste ry's fou nding. Il a nd combal is in some respects the remote desce nda nt o f {/(lo)'in ca li sthe n ics thai had flou rished prio r to the a rri\'al o fHuddhi sm in Chin a. From ano the r a ngle , the hi sto l'y of the Sh aol i n Monastel'y involves
19i
198
Conclusion
late d to Buddhism and dolence on lhe one ha nd , and those that concern martial ans history and ilS relalion to n ati\'e religion on the other.
Buddhis m a nd Vio lence "Th roughout [asIA"ia," wrote Frederick Mot e, "lhe Buddhist relig ion of compassion t.hat rega rds the laking of any life as a g reat evil has oft(~ n appealed to warrior socie ties."! Tile ci rcumSlances unde r \\'hich the Indian-born fait h Ilad b ee n in\"Olved in violence-across Clllt urcs, historica l pe riods, and geographic regions-doubtless diffef(,. d. Ne\'ertheless, the Shaolin military tradition might shed light on ol her inSlances of Buddhi st involvement in warfare. At least. some of the clemel1l.s thai had fas hioned the temple's martial history might h,l\'e figu red-in di verse combinations and varying d egrees-in othe r cases of monast ic viole nce. '1''''0 factors stand OUI in t he early history ofShaol in monasl ic warfare: econo mic I)()\\'er and strat egic sign ifica nce, The temple'S vast ho ldings reqllin.x l III ilitar), protect ion , and ils cOlllmandi ng posit ion on a road leadi ng \.0 th(; impe rial capi tal e mbroiled il.s monks in a bailie wilh nationwide consequences. Til e monast.e r),'s mi lilar}' h iSIOI), was tlllls a re flection of insl illl1.ional wealtl1 as \\'ell as geograpllic proxi mit )' to ti le nex us of pol itical pOl\'er. Tllcsc in itial re asons for the monks' mili tar), activit ies were qllickly joined b)' a t.hird: sanction by the political authoritics. Even though it likely had no t bcen the Tang emperor's il1l.c nlion , Li Shim in's leiter ofl.hanks pro\'(..'d to be a momentous cvcnt in the hi slory of the Shaolin Temple. I li s approbation prot.ect.ed the monks' military activity from thc i1l1.cr\'ell1.ioll of the po litical authorities, arguably e\'e n from the wnuh of the Qing rulel"S a mille lln i1l1ll IaleI'. Fo r despite thei I' stubbo nl suspicion of it , Qi ng officia ls refrained f!'Om ann ihilat.in g the te mple. The emperor's appro....:I1 , moreO\'cr, licensed their milit
Ilistory. Reli gion , and Chincsc Martial A rts
199
of Buddhist thinkers who had explained that killing was in certain drcumstances merciful. Rather, they found in Vajrapal.li 's muscular physique a selfevidem and tangible proof that the relig ion of compassion required military protection. The iconograph}' of the military gods left no doubl that the Buddlla himself had sanctioned the anned defen se of II is failh. Solicit.ing \.he military might of the VCI'c)'ond the mon astery 's walls. LaIC Ming pocu-y suggestS that practitioners of slyles other than Shaol in sometimes i Il\'ested thei r techn iq ues with a Buddhi st mean ing. At leas\. some manial artistsemplo),ed the "ocabularyof enligllten mem todescribe the master), of lheir an.
R eligion and Martial Arts H is tory The manial arlS hi storian is confronted by a me thodological problem. To the degree that the fighting techniques of individual warriors-as distinguished from the u'aining methods or regular armies-had e\'olw,x. l among the unlettered masses, their e\"Ollilion might ha,'e escaped the writings of
200
Conclusion
the literary elite. Whereas the strategic ma neuvering of armies-the socalled "art of war" (bil1gfrl) - had bee n investigated by Chinese authors as early a s the Zhou pe dod , the humble techniques of the individ ual peasant had rarel y been deemed h'orLhy of docume ntation . Ou r hi story o f the martial arls is st rictly speaking a chronicle of the scallered literary references 1.0 Ille m. Ne\\' in fo rmation , de l-ivin g fmm a rcllaeological di scoveries or le xt ual re"e lat.ions, may alle r our unde rstand ing of mart ia l arts e\'olut ion . Beadng th is reservation in mind , the a\'a ilable sou rces d o indicate Ihal tIle trad itions of Iland combat unde["\\'e nt a sig nifica nt tran sformat ion durin g I hc lat.e Ming and the ea rly Qing. This de\·e1opme nt was twofold. First, during Ihe sixteent.h and the se,·e ntee nth centm-ies, the qur", techniques of barehanded fighling g reh' in populal-ity, becom ing more prevalent than tht':)' had c\'e l" b een. Sllaolin monks, wllo Ilad trained fOl· gelle ra tions in lhe arts of II Ie sla fT, b ega n luming t.he ir att e ntion to hand combat in the sixteenth cent u ry. Secondly, those bare-handed stylcs with \\'hich we
Ilistor y, Reli gi on, and Chincsc !\Iartial A rts
201
Chflngesand, in some cases, Buddh ist scdplllres" The resu lt was a u nique amal-
gamation of physiological and spil"itua l \"(xabu lades" Beginning with the seventee nth centu ry Sinews Tm nsjol'lIlfllion Qflssic, fighti ng manuals simultaneollsly employed dive rse rcligiOtL" le n ninologies 1.0 anicu lale Iheir spidwal g.oals" The imagination of Daoisl immonality, the cosmology.of the Supreme Ultimate, and I he vnc
202
Conclusion
What th is book rcvea ls, then, practitioners have already known: The Chinesc marlial an is a multifacetcd S}"!Hcm of physical and mcntal sclf-c ultivation t hat has diverse applications, from hea lth a nd \\'ell-being to theatrical performance, from compctili\'e spon to l'eligioliS self-cultivation, from self-defense 10 armed reh ell ion, It is thi s \'ersatil ity that has aCCOlinted for the I radition's vitality in I,he face of dramatically changing soc ial and political condi tions. The martial arts' unif[ue combination of military, therapelltic, and re ligious goals has madc thcm att.ractin! to thc yo ung and the old, women and men. rcbels and sc!lolars, Ille aHluenl. and tl lc ncedy, in d ivcrsc sodel ics arou nd IIIC globe,
Appendix
Some Editions o r the Silll'llJS "HrJII.iforlllfllioli Classic
(The best mode rn edit io n is included in lJ,OIl1J/JlIO (hfUtl/long )'fmgshmg :hnldifll/ 'I! ~~ f!lJ..l'Je U '1:£$ ~~ (Hll re rlflssirs of Cllim'M Im tiiliOlw/ mt'lh(}(/s for tlo rlrishillg life), cd ir ed by Ditl gJ ihlla na /I~ CI OIl. , PI'. 202-330. B (" ~ i n g: Rcnm in l i)' u, 1998.) ( I ) Earlr Qi ng. poss ibl)' S(.'\ 'enl cenl h-ccnlu ry, man usc ri pt cd i t ion. Tile postscript
is unda ted . T he conunent ~Sl orcd :lllhe Narrating-Antiquities Libra ryo fQian Z UIl\"a n~( m ig lu ind ica te rh:ulhc ma n uscr ipt be lo nged 10 the l ibr~lIr orQian Ceng $Ie (style: Zun w;:lIlg ~ E) (1629- 1701) (c\'cn tho ugh the book is nOliislCd in his cXla ntlib rary cata logue), Copy OIl rhe Natio nal Cenlral Lib rary, Taipei.
by Zining daorcn
~1ll:il!A
(2) Qing ma nusc ri pl edition , The posLScripl by Zining d ao rc n is und;rled . K"ngxi Ix: rio d ( 1662- 1722) p rcrace al u'ib ulCd 10 the Re cluse fro m the Clo uds Sirrine (Yunl a n yinshi '2ifH!! ~) Wa ngJi no'ya ng ff:j;(~, Co py ,II the Shang hai Libr"r)" (3) Ea rl y nine teenth-cen tury p ri me d ed itio n. T he o bsel'\'< lI1cc (011 p. 62,,) of the laboo o n Empe ror ~'I innin g's ~* name idc mi ll es il as belo ng ing to his Daogu a ng (1821- 1850) re ig n pe riod. T he t\" c!ve exe rcises o f MWe ituo Offe ring His C l ub ~ (whi ch were la le r inco r po ra ted illl o the JIlIt5lmled ElptJsilioll oJ /lIIel7la/ "iechlIiques) a re included , as is I.he IHanvw-Cleal/sillg Classic (Xislli fillg ttMJ!t.t). A ppc ndi x by MiI.1r. La izha ng (b izha ng sh i * f,f tt). Co py a l the Sh ang hai Library. M
(4) 1875 p r i nted edition tilled Guardillg LiJetmd Ihe Sim!'ws Trml.!iJorl/latioll Classic ( Ueishe1!g Yijill jillg &i1:. YlWJf;fI! ). Pa n \Ve iru's Esselllini "iecll"iques oj CIWIl/ illg Life ( Weisllellg )"(1Osllu il!j~~Uj) of 1858 is incl uded . On this ed itio n (wh ich I havc not see n), see Tang l-lao , "Wo g uo tiyu zi liao j ie ti ,M pp. 68-69; and Dud geon , MKung-fu or iI,·ledical Gymnaslics,M pp. 503-519.
203
204
Appcmlix
(5) 1875 manuscript e dit ion. Photograph ic reproduction titled The IllUSlralefJ Sh!ews 'nflllsjormaliol! Classic (Hllilllben l'ijill jillg iitliill*JhIDJ~), in the series J ing~ dian wuxue xilie ~AJt,[;·~*'tJ. Taipei: \'iwen , 2000. The postscript by Zining daoren is undated. (6) 1884 primed ed it ion titled 1'1/£ Meallillg of 1//£ Sillews Tralls/ormalioll ClflSsic ( l'ijil! j ing )'i MM~.N), included in \'0 1. 34 o r I he Cnllecle(1 Hooks from Ihe SweejJing LeaveJ lI-fOlllllaill Hf'-lidellu (S(lo)'e slwlI fling h)} A¥llllJi). The postscript by Zining daoren is dated Tianq i xIllr "t h yea r, jim.i rp r (IG24). J udg ing by another post scrip!, this edition was ba:>.ed on a n earlier 1825 edilion co llated by one Zlm We nlan fJl;t ~¥J. Copy at the Shanghai Library.
Notes
Introduction
I. The co mparison has been made by Wile, Losl T'ai-rhi QflSS;(.f, pp. 25- 30. On rht' Repllblic;m discourse ofnarion building and manial training, seC' also Morris, MIlJ'/Vw oj th e Nalion, PI'. 185- 229: and ZIIolIgglto jil/dni 1i)" 1 51/;, pp. 127- 14:; , 265- 296. 2. Ulach , IlisIOr1(IIIS Cmp. p. '15 .
I . nle Monastery I . On the Shaolin Mona srery, see Fu Me i. SOllgsl1ll (pre fa ce 1612); J ing Ri zhcn, Shuo SOllg (preface 1721) ; a nd Siwoli" si z.1Ii (pre face 17'18), compiled by 't'
205
206
NOles lO Pages 10-11
6. See Ching, ~lJ nited Nations, Divide d Shao lin ,~ p. II. 7. Fu Mei, SOl!g sl!u. 9 .35a. 8. Fu 's SOl1g PIU CO\'ers all the mo untain's sacred sites (Buddhist and Daoist alike). However, it.~ b ulk is d edicat e d to ShaolilH'elate d mate rials. 9. See Shaolil1 si qimifodiflll bi/llla ; Slwolil1 si shike )'isllll, ed . Su Siyi ('I al.; and the th ree-volume ZJIO I'ggUO SIIao1i11 si, gen. cd. Yo ngx in . 10. Fa nl's (638-689) SI upa. for example . sheds impo rlant light on the ('\Dlut ion of Chan genealogy; on this slllpa (which is located o u tside the Slupa Foresl proper), see Wen Yllcheng. Slwolill fimggll, pp. 99--105: and Cole, ~ I t's All in t he Framing: D('si re and Innocence in Early C han Narr:u ivcs-A Close-Rcading of Ihc Biography of Chan Maste r Fa Ru.~ II . Chavannes ( 1865- 19 18), Le T'ai ,hall , p. 3. 12 . See Naquin and Chlin -fang Yii . Pilgrims (lnd Sacred Sites ill Chil/a. p. II. 13. See Kroll, ~ Ver ses from on Hig h .~ p. 225. 14 . See Fu Md, Song .f/lll , '1.2b-3a. 15. As early as 676, Empress Wu co nvinccd the thcn reigning Emperor Gaozong to perform the fi'IIgslwII sacrifice o n Mt. Song. B owcH'r, bccause o f the Tibetan inc ursion the pla n was called o ff. Evc ntually, thc c mprcss pc rformcd thc sacrifice therr in 69 6 in the name of he r ow n Zho u d yna sty. SCt' Fu t>.ki, Songs/w, 4 .5b. See also Wech sler, Offerillgs oJjadl' miff Silk, pp. 188- 189, 192, and Chavanncs, Le 'fai d um, pp . 194 - 202. 16. See Wen Yuc llc ng. Slwolill Jallggll , pp. 5-7, and Faurc, ~ Rclics and Flesh nodi cs,~ pp. 154 - 155. 17. Tht: te mplc's d a ting is unclcar. It could poss ibly bc traced b"lc k to thc second ce nt u ry CE. Sce Fu Mc i. Song Sllll, 3.8a- b. Scc a lso the Cllt ry ~ Zho llg y u e mi ilo ~ in Zhollghua Oao)iao da ciliiall, p. 1667. 18. See Yang Xuanzh i, LIIO'p"'gqie/all)i (ca. 5'17). 5.228. Scc also Yi-t 'tlllg Wang's t ran slal.ion or Yang I lslIa n·ch ih , A Record oj IJllddhisl MOllas/nies ill Lo-Jllllg, p. 248. Yang Xuanzhi docs not allude to t hc Shaolin Monastery. \ Vcn Yuclle ng, SIUlofiu filuggl/ , pp. 14- 16, speculates lhat Yang's Daochang Monastc ry is thc Shaolin Mo nastery. 19. See Fau re, MRel ics and Flesh B odies,~ pp. 155-165. 20. See Yam po lsk)" TIl e Playo" l1 SII/m oj Ihe Sixlh PlIIriw'Ch, Pl'. I-57. 21. For a summary or mode rn scho larship see McRae, 1711! Norl!Jn'll School (II!II the For/l/a/ioll oj Early GlI'UII JJllllllllism, pp. 15-19; and Fau re. Le {mile lie IJo(/hi(/lla 11IU1. 1'1'.13-22. 22. See Faure, MRelics and Fles h Bodies,~ pp. 156-1 57. On Fal'U and Hu ian (also kno wn as L'loan) see McRae, 17le No r/hem Scllool and Ihe Forma/jou of Early Gh'w! Buddhism, pp. 43-44 and 56-59 respeClivcly. 23 . See respecliYel), Yang Xuanzhi, LlloJa lig qieltm ji, 1.26-28, and Yi-t'ung Wa ng's t.ranslat ion , A Record oj Bllddhill Monasleries ill La-)'ll ng, pp. 20-21 ; Daoxua n , Xu CarJSlmg z.h um!, T{//~!o shinsl!!l daiz.OkJo (he reafte r M1-), no. 2060, 50 :552a ; a nd C/lllmifa baoji, compiled by Du Fei, T, no. 2838, 85:1291c. 24. This is Mc Rae's tran slation (The NorlhEIi School, p. 16); the original is Daoyua n,jil!gde c1!UnI!deng III, T, no. 2076, 51 :219b .
NOles to Pages \4-17
207
25. See. respeClh·e1y, Pei Cui (ca. 670-736), -Shaolin si bei ~ rThe Shaolin Monastery Stele~ ) (728), in Qu,,,, umg well, ed. Dong Gao, 2i9.1253; and Gu Shaolian (fl. 800). MSong yue Shaolin xin z..'l0 chu ku j i- r Record of the ReconstruClion of the Song ~·l ountain Shaolin [\'Iona stery's Kitchen and Storeho u se~) (798), in Fu i\·le i, SO/lg shu.20. 13h. 26. This is Griffith Foulk's translation in his "Sung Comro\·ersies Concerning the ·Separate Transm is.~ ion ' ofCh 'an," p. 246. The original is Daoy uan,jillg(/I! d/lum{limg lu. 7; no. 2076. 51:2 19b-c. The Shaolin ste le that cites this text dates from I ~H6; see Wen Ylicheng-. Slwo/illjallggll, p. 47. 27. The earliest stele in question dat es fro m 122'1; see Wen YudH'ng, Shrwlill fimggu. p. 49. and Xi" bi(1II Sluw/ill si !m, p. 83. 28. See Daoyttan. j illgdl! dllllllf{/mg III , 'J: no. 2076, 51 :220b. 29. The earliest Shaolin stele of the Reed-Flom ing Bodhidharma dat es from 1307. howev('r earlier (thirteenth-century) paintings llave been prcsen·cd e lsewhere. See Lachman. MWhy Did the Patriarch Cross the Rh·er?- The 1307 Shaolin stele is reproduced in lhollK1JIIO SI/(/O/ill si, 2:75. I am not convinccd by Ladllnan 's argument (p. 255) that the s talk-riding motif mig ht ha\·c cx istcd as e arly as thc eleve nth ce ntury. COlO Shiha ng. at any rate, suggests that it origin:ued during the 1129Jin ca mpaigns agai nst the Sout hern Song. The latt e r's de fc nses oftl1e Yangtze I,'ere sa id to he so weak that the ('nclllY cou ld -Cross the Ri\·cr on a Stalk of M Rt'cd. See Cao Shiha ng, ~ Yiwei dluiang )'u chi ro ubiancai- liangge zhuming Chanzong gush i de lishi t a!~ iu .30. Sec Shahar. Cm:z.)'j i, PI'. 30- '15. 31. Sec Fu i\·lc i. Song S/lll , 3. 2'lh- 25a ; \Ve n Yuchen g. Shao/i1/ jllllt;gtl, PI'. 169172; and Xiii billli S/II/o/illsi zlli, PI'. 39-42 . 32. See Faure. ~ Relic s a nd Flesh Bodies.- p. 162. 33. See , for exam ple, Du Mu's ( 1459-1525) accoun t o f his visi t to llle monaster}, in his j ill xiI! lill/a IIII> 20. 8a. Com pare a lso Du Mu. VOiI millgsJllIlI ji, 1.18<1- 23". 34. Sec Wen Yuc he ng, Slwolilijallggll, pp. 50-5 1. 35. See U ~i situ, 114 .3040; Ware, trans., MWei Sholl on Buddhism,- 1'1'. 155- 156. Compare also Daoxuan, XII Ca05l!IIgzlllwII (ca. 660), 7: no. 2060. 50:551; and Pe i Cui, MS haolin si bei ,- in Qllall Tallgwe", 279.1252; Tonami Mamoru, 77II!Slwolill MOIllIslel,' Stell! 011 MOUllt Song. pp. 32-33 . See a lso Wen Yucheng. SllIIOlill jallggtl, pp. 9- \3. The II ~i situ and Pei Cui refer to Shaolin 's fo unde r as Bawo; Daoxlliln refers to him as Fomo. Som e scholars ha\·e reconslructed his Sans krit name as Buddha bhad!"a, assuming that. hi s full Ch inese name was FowooolUo. 36. Daoxuan alludes to a w,1Il paiming by BaUlo. whose biography is included in Zha ng Yanyuan 's (fl. 8:,0) Lidai millg 111/11 ji (UffOIr/ oj Famotl.S Pl/ililings 77ll"Ough Ihe Ages) . See Daoxuan. Xu Caasellg tlllwII , T, no. 2060, 5O:55Ib; and Acker, Some rang mid pre-Tllllg Tl!xts, part I. pp. 18'1-186, part 2, 7.93. See a lso Pell iol, MNOles sur que lques anistes des Six Dynasties e l des Tang,M pp. 236-265. 37. See Daoxuan , XII Ca05ellguu/(/ll, 1; no. 2060, 50:607b-608a and 50:484bc; sec also Wen Yucheng, SI/(/o/illjallggll, pp. 3'1-37. 38. Sec I'd Cui, MShaoli n si bei,- in Quail Tang wfm, 279.1252, and Da Ta/lgd(l
208
Notes to Pages 18-21
eien si Sa1!tmtgfiiSlIi Ulllan (688), by I-I u ili and Yancong, "/; no. 2053, 50:253c. See also Wen Yucheng, Slwolin Janggu, pp. 24-28. AnOlher reason for Xuanzang's c h oice of t he Shaolin Mo nastery was its p rox im ity 10 his nalin: village. See Daoxuan, Xu Caosellg UUUII!, T, no. 2060, 5 0:'Ei7c. 39. Sce Yang Hsilan-c h ih. A Record of Bllddhist MOlla steries ill Lo·yallg. pp. S. 7. Scc a lso C h·cn. Bllddhi.mt ill Chill": A fi istoriclli SlIn'ey. pp. 162-163. 40. Th is is Yi-t ' u ng Wa n g's 1ra ns la l io n (Yang I-Isfmll -c h ih , A !lemHI oj Btuldllist lHol!(utel"ies ill Lo·ymg, pp. 5-6). 4 1. For a general s un"C y see G h 'en , Buddhism il! Cllilltl: A /-listOlicol Sul"Vt)" pp. 170- 177. 42. See Pei Cui, wS haoli n si bei,~ in QUIII/ 1ill/gwell, 279.1252. 43. See Gernet. Buddlli.fln il/ Chiluse Soriel)" pp. 142- 150. 44. The empress's leuer concern ing Ihe - Incarna te d ".fai1reya Huddha S1Upa~ (WXiasheng Milefo ta~) was engraved in 683 on a Sh aoli n s tele. It is 1r.11lscrilwd in Fu Mei. Song slw, 20.6'la-b. T he empress's poem \\',IS writ len when sl l(~ was SI ill Em peror Gao7.0ng's consort . Tit led ~Co n gjia x ing S haoli n siw rFollow ing 1h(' Em peror's Carriage as he Graces t he S haoli n Mo n as te r y-), it is incl ude d in QUfHl Tfmg .rili, :,}.58. On 1he empress and 1he Shaoli n t\'lo nas te r y, see We n Yu ch (~ ng, Shaalill fimggll , pp. 87-90.
On her Uuddhisl policies sec We ins tei n , Buddhism III/dn- Ihl' Till/g, pp. 37-<17.
2. Scrving the Emperor I. S(' t~ lI arvey, Illt rodll rtioll to JJllddh isl Etliirs, PI'. 69, 94 ; and De micvillc, wLc Uouddhisrne etla gLlerre,~ p p . 3 47-348. 2. Se c Vasuba nd h u's Abliidlum nakosas(islra. t ran sla te d illlo C h inese by Xu a nzang, Apidalllo juslle 11111, T, no . 1558, 29:86b, and into Frenc h by Louis de La Va lice Poussin, L 'tIbliidlwrm akosa de \'tlsllbamlhll. 3: 152 . 3. Sec 1he fi rr h-ccn l LIE')' Ma haya na code (\\'h ic h \\';.IS proba b ly compi le d in Cll in ; see also De m ic"ille, wLe Uouddhis rne cl la guer re,wp. 353, a nd l-I arve),. IIItmti'ICtioll to 11,ultlhisl E,hir.s, p. 254. 4. See respec tivel y I-I u~ i ao, CalJMllg vlllall. "/; no. 2059, 5O:34'1c, 1n1l1S. Ro bcn Shi h, lJiogm/)hies des moin~;minel/ts, p. 153; a nd DII "/rlllgr/a Ciell si &lIIuwgJashi ziluall. T, no. 2053, 50:253b. discussed by \Vein ste in , 1111lldllism 'Imler,he T lillg, p. 24. 5. See Daoxua n , Xu CaosellgvIUall, "/; no. 2060, 5 0:646c. See a lso Zhipan's allus ion to monk Daopi ng (fl. 756), \\'ho m lunla r il}' joi ned lhe war against An Lusll an, earni ng the IiI Ie Lord of l he I m pe ria ll Il sig n ia Genera l inCh ie f (Fow tOllgji (1271), T, no. 2035, 49:375c). 6. See lizhi tOllgjiall, 182.5686-5687, 18 6. 5833-583'1, 187.5858, 188.5904; see a Iso Wei nslei n, Bllddlrism IIIlder th e Ta "g, pp. 15'1-155 n . 1. 7. Zithi tOllgjimt , 239.77 16-771 7;Jill 1(wg shu, 15.45 4 ; X iII "/rwg sllII, 213.5993. See also the biogrnphy of t he reg io n a l m ilila r y leade r Li I-Ian zh i (842-899). who bega n It is ca reer as a wa nde r ing mo nk (XiII Tallg sllu, 187.5442-5445). On C h inese fig lni ng mOil ks see als o Gu Ya nwu , wS haoli n seng bi ng ,~ in h is Rithihr jishi, 29.21 a22b; Demieville, " Le Boudd h is me e lla g u e r re,w pp. 357-368, and We n Yuche ng, Slraalillfilllggu, pp. 14 1-142.
NOles to Pages 21-26
209
8. See I-lao Chunwen, TlIng IlOlIqi IVlldlli Song dill Dlmhwmg seng lIi Hi! shehlli slumghuo, p. 104. 9. See Feng Pei hong, MP. 32'19hei 'j un j i ca n j uan .'M 10. Wei n stein, JJuddllism IIIlder Ihe Timg, p. 5. II. See Schope n, MTwo Problems in lhe 1-l islOry o rlndia n Buddhism,M p. ~~O. 12. Its authenticity h as heen \'erified by such carerul historian s as Du Mll (1459- 1525), Gll Ya nwu (16 13-1 682), Wang C hang (1725- 1806), Nilda Nobont (1904 -1 966), and Tonami 1\
'0-'" ,)
, )_ .
17. The Tang revolt bega n in 617 al Ta iyua n . Shan x i. 18. Guangwu is situated near I-Iu lao, where Li Shimin d e fe ated Wang Shichong's a ity, Do uJiande_ 19. My translation rotlO\\'s Wang C h a ng's Lranscriplio n in his }illslli (Itibial/, 77. 16b- 17b. Com pa re a Iso QlI(m Ta llg well, 279.1252, a nd Tonami, T he SllfIolil/ M al/aSlel )' Siele all M OUlII SOIlg, pp. 29-30. 20. G ernel , Buddllism ill Chilll!Sl!Sociel)', p . 117. 2 1. On Lhe Sui p e riod origins orShao lin's es la le, see Pe i Cui 's history a s t rd nscribed in \ VangCh a ng,jj,zsJlicllibiall, 77.17a. 22. See Tai/Jillgllllflll)"lI ji, 5.7a . 23. See Ibid., 4.201. 24. The forL is firsl menLioned in Lhejill H islo l)', and accordin g LO Pei Cui it was eSLabli shed duri ng lhat pe riod. See jilu/llt, 119.3011. See also SOllg shu, 45.1372; ZllOushu, 15.246; a nd liziliiollgjj{lII, 117.3694, 170.5291.
210
Notes
to
Pages 2r:.-30
25. Ou ring the medieval period the Shao li n eSlate itself was some times referred La as Cypress Valley Fort (rather LImn Cyp ress Valley Estate). See for example Li Shi min's leiter lO Ih e Shaoli n mo nks (Iex i 2 below). 26. TheJiu Tallg sllll (54. 9 234) refe rs 10 I-Iuan yua n as a cou nty (xioll); Pei Cui, like I he Shaolin gO\'ernmenl doc u menl of 632 (Iexi 4 below), rc fe rs to it as a prefeclure (::Iwu). Li Shimin's gene ral WangJunkuo passed through Huanyu an (i.e., I h rough I he Cypress Va tley [Slale) as eart y as OClOber 620. Howe\'cr, he d id not stalion IroOpS Ihere (compare Jill Ttmg .f/lll, 5'1.223'1, and Zi:.hi IOllgjioll, 1885889). This enabled \Vang Sh ic ho ng 10 reca l'l ure I he SI ralegic mounlain estate, which lIe conseq uenlly losl 10 the Shaolin mo nk s, o n ~'iay 23, 621. 27. See Wen Yucheng, SllfIo/ill fimggll, pp. 357-:{GO. On Fan Zhongxill, sec Mill gliO relllUll do (idiall. p. 1392. 28. The date oft he monks' \' ic tol")' is p rov ided by t he magistrmc vcrdict of632 (text
32. M)' tr;lIlslalion is based on a n o rig ina l r ubbing, \\'hich I o btained II'hen I visited the monastery in 2000. Com pare a lso the transcri ptions in Wang CI1illlg's ]ills!!i ('uibiall,
33. Li Shi m in's eXlant prose is included in QU(II/ Tlmg wen, 4.13- 10.5 1, and his poetry in QlUm Tallg Mli, 1.1-20. On his IHiLing and ca ll igraphy, see Zhao Keyao and Xu Daoxun, Tallg Tai:lmg:/Utall, pp. 392-403. 34. See Ziuli to,lgjiall, 189.5918. 35. See Daoxuan, XII Gaosmg:/uwlI, T, no. 2060, 50:633c. See also De m ic"ille, MLe Bouddhisrne ella guerre,- p . 361. 36. See lexl4 below. 37. The prohibition o n mo n ks receiving ho mage from lheir parents was re-
NOles to Pages 30-33
211
voked in 633. On Li Shimin's policy to ward Buddhism , see Weinstein, BUlldhism Uwler the T(lIZg, pp. 11-27, a nd Wechsler, -T'a i~Ts un g,- pp. 217-219. 38. See Wechsler, MT'ai-Tsung," p. 219. 39. See N iida Noboru. T o So hiJritslI bwul/O I/O kellk)'li, pp. &.'-l0-838. 40. Li Shim in's "i nst.ruction" is t.ranslaled in Twitche ll , M'\·lonastic Estates in T'ang Ch i na.~ pp. 131-1 32, and Tonam i, 77u SI/(Iolill M Ollaste ,)' Stele 011 M Ollllt SOllg. pp. 17-18. It is transcribed in ji/lSlli wibillll, 74.1 a-2b; Niida, To So horitSIl IJIlllsllO 110 Jumk)'li, pp. 831-832: a nd Tona mi, TIll! S//(Io/ill M Olillstf!/)' Stele 011 M Ollllt SOllg, p. 16. 4 I. See Twitchell, Mi\1o nas t ic Estates in Tang e h ina,M pp. 126-130; and Gernel, Buddhi~1Il ill a,inese Sodet)'. p. 123. On similar ~'Iing in.sc ript ions, see Brook, Pm)'illgjor PmlJ(!l; p. 174. Accordi ng to Ikook, the in scripl ions were some l imes meanl to prevent the monks from selling t he estate. 42. See Gernet. JJuddhi.fln jll CIliIU!.fI!Soriel)'. pp. 142-1:.10. 43. In thf' former case the land was inl e nded for Ihe SUPtX>1'1 of an individual monk. after whose death it rC'.'cned 10 Ihe sial e; in Ihe laller il was used fo r lhe upkeep of 1he monastery. See Niid a. To So iIOrilslI bllllsilo 110 kl'llk)'li, pp. 832-833; TwilChell, Mj'vlonast ic Estates in ra ng C h ina,- pp. 133-1 34; and Gernel, BIl(ldhism ill CllillllSI' Soriel)'. pp. 66-73. 135- 134. Niida co nsiders Il le 6 32 o fficia l kiter as ('vidence 11lalllH' Iwujf'1I liall s),stem had been implement ed in s('\'('n lh-c('nlury Henan . 14. T h e abbrC'.'iatcel forms shallg haifll and ),il Ollg sland respccli\'ely for lh(' honorary tit les silallg haifll ),il Ollg da ji(lI/gi llll and ),itollg t/a jill IIgjrtll. S('e Zhon{Jguo lidai gumu.hi dll fit/iall, Pl'. 51, 272 . 45. This is Penelope Ilerbcrl 's l.ransi;uion in 1onam i, 1711! SlIGo/in J\1011l1s1CI)' SIPle 011 M oulIl SOllg. PI'. 24-25 (slig ht Iy 1'C\'iscd). 111e o rig inal is I r~ln sc l'ibcd in Wang Chang, jill sili cuibiall, 74.5:t-5b; a nd Tonarni , 171~ SlIGo/iII M Ol/aster)' Slille all Morllll Song, p. 21. <\6. The Icttcrs arc transcribed and lranslaled in Tona mi. 171t Slll/olill M OIIllSIf!/)' Slele 011 M Oil III Song, PI'. 16, 18.22.25. Th(' second is Iranscribed also in \V:lIlg Ch ang, jillslli fnibiml, 7<1,6a-b, Tonami (pp.
212
NOles
to
Pages 33-37
in scription as transcribed in Wang C hang,ji1uhi cllibian, 77.18b. See also Tonami , The Siwolil! M Ollastl!l)' Stele 011 M Ollllt SOllg, pp. 47-48. 52. Tonami, TIle Slwolill M OllflSter:J' Stl!le 011 1HOIllit SOllg, pp. 47-52. 53. eu Shaolian's histo ry is tilled -So ng )'ue Shaolin xin zao chu ku ji Mr Record of the Reconst rUClion of the Song ~'Iollmain Shao lin Monastery's Kitchen and Store· H house ). It \\~IS inscribed on a Shaolin siele , which IOday is badly damaged. However, the texi in full is lranscribed in sllch Ial e ~'Iin g sou rces as Fu i\'le i, Stmgshu, 20.13a1Gb. eu Shaolian's biograph), is availab le in XiII Ttmg shu, 162.49!).1-4995. Compare alsojiu TangsJlU, 13.396. 54. The gOI'ernOI" was accom pa nied b), t\\'o lo\\'er ran ki ng offic ials. Lu Yin and Yuan You. I-lis visit is dated Huichang, fifth year, second mo mh, t\\,ellly-sixth day. The visi t was recorded o n I he nalTOW side of t h(! same stclc a s C II Shaolian's le tter. 1 am gratefu l to A'de who poi nl ed to me Ihis insc ription , whic h , to the best of m y knowledge, is nowhe re transcribed. On Wlizong's suppression of Buddh ism , see Wei nstein, Buddhism Ulldl'f Ilu '/"flllg, pp. 11'1- 136. 55. My tran slatio n is based 011 a n orig inal rubbing. Compan' also the tr,mserip' t iOlls in Tonam i, TIl " Slwolin MOllfl.f/l!l)' SII'II' 011 M OIIIII SOllg, p. 2'"1; and X II Changqing, Siwolill si)'11 7JIOIIggII0 well/lllfl. p. 10'1. 56. As is evident from the usagc of his pos tllumo us t(' mple nanl<', Taizong. 57. Of the SCl'en texts insc ribed o n the Shao li n stc k , the list of th irtcen mo nks appears last. ThllS conceivably it could havc becn addcd to 111(' stele at a later datt!. 1n particula r, the referencc to t he Ta ng raises the sll spic ion tllat tile list of tllirtc('n monks might have been com pilcd after that perio d (a ll til(' o the r d ocu ments on I he stele are dated by reign pc riod s o nly). Nonctl lclcss, lai C ~Iing selloi;lrs sudl as DII Mil and eu Yanwu concluded that ~ thirt een monk s had been recognized for H Iheir lllc rit. Sec Du Mll. ),ou millgslwllji, 19a j and C ll Yanwu, ~Shaolin scng b ing,H in ell Yall\\'U, Hiz.ltilu ji.slli, 29.2Ib. 58. Daoxuan, Xu GaosclIg z./uwlI, T, no. 2060, 5O:553c. According to Pei Cui, H Scngch ou served as Shaolin 's abbot. See his ~S ha o lin si bei as tran scribed in Wang Chang,jillslli (llihiall, 77.16b. 59. The origi na I has JUII. wh ich eqlla Is thin y jill. A Tang p e rio d jill equa led ap· pro:.:i maldy one a nd a ha If English po unds. 60. Clw{J)"e "illl! wi, 2.2 1-22. The sto ry's rcleva nce 10 Shaol in histOry h as been pointed alit by Kuang We n nan, HShaoli n x iwu de faduan ji zaoq i Dilojiao WUShU,H p. 10 ; and A'de, H Jinnalllo wang kao,- p . 99. 61. This is, for exam pie, the Iypical iconograph y o f the Fou r Lokapalas, divine guardians of the universe, also known as the CaUlr Mahar~as (C hinese: I-Iushi Si Tianwang). See Stei n , Sen'lIidll, 2:870-8i6; CeIlY, Gods oj Northl!l'lI Blltiliitism, pp. 166- 168; and Demieville, HLe Bouddhisme e lla g ue rre,- pp. 375-376. 62. The C hi !lese -ji n 'gil ng- renders the Sanskrit's secondary meaning of M d ia· H mond. See Mo nie r-Williams, Smukrit-EIIglish Dieliollll,)', p. 913; and -jin 'gang- in FOgUllllg da t:idillll, 4:3532-3533. V~ rap5.l)i is some times identified with Indra. See LamoLte, "Vajrapal.li in India,- pp. 1-9. See also Frederic, Les diell).· (/u Bout/(Ihisme, pp. 209-211; and CeLLY, TIle Gods oj Nortltem Bllt/tlltism, pp. 50-53, 200.
NOles to Pages 37-49
2 13
63. See ~kon go~ and Mko ngo syo ,M in :"'loc hiz lIki Shi n ko, BuH )"o tio ijilfll, 2:1309 and 2: 1333- 1335 respectively. See a lso Fred e ric, Us tiieux ti ll Bo utitihismf, pp. 60-62. M 64. See ~Ji n 'gang lish i ~ a nd ME rwa ngzu n in FoglI(mg do citiion, 4 :35~H-3535 and I: 190- 191 respeuh'ely: see also Frede ric, L es diellx till BOluldhisme, pp. 247-249. 65 . Stein, Serinida. 2:876. 66. Yu,JOU nlC)' to tile 1I't>.st. 2: 167. T he orig ina l is Wli C he ng'en, Xi)"oll ji, 36.412. 67. Strick mann, Cllille..v M llgim/ M edicine, p. 6 7. 68. See MNaluoyan Ii ch i j in'ga n g,M -N a ill oyanlian ,~ and ~J i n 'gan g lishi Min Fab'1umg ria ci dial!, 3:3029-3030 a nd 'I :353'1-3.535 respectively. See also ~Nil r;\}'al~aH in Monier-William s. S(lI!.writ-ElIgli.fh Dicliollflr")', pp. 536 -537, and -Na rae nkongo- in l ellgahu r/aijitl'll, p. 9m. 69. See '} )j(}/lIOIIijijillg, compiled in C hina by thc Ind ian mo nk Alikiqa, 'I ; no.
90 I , 18:88Oc-881a; o n ]his SUI ra see St r ickma nn , M ali/ms el IJ[(IJ/(/mi'ls, pp. 133-1W. . . 'T, no. ?__ }?8 ,!J- 4 :3, }Oa . }mg)'IIl)"I, 70. }"1f/U'... 7 I. See A' d e's [ra nscrip[ io n in h is -J in na luo wang kao,- p. 99. 72. See Kieschnick, MUudd hisl Vegelarian ism in C hi n:(; Goossac ["[ , L'illl"rtlil till boeuf en ali lie, PI'. 51-7 1; a nd WI' J-i aar, - Uudd hisl-1nspi r<'d Opl ions,- pp. 129- 137. 73. Chen \..i-Ii , IHast" "limgs lI'eslml Clutlnbrr /(OI1l(IIICI', pp. 46- 47. Compare also ]he play's ]h i n eetl] h-cenl u ry : ajll ve rsio n, Wang Sh iru, The M ool/ (illd I/If' lilhn'; 'l7le StOJ)' of Ihe \lestml \l'ing, cd . a nd lran s. Sle phe n 1I. Wesl and Wilt L. Ide m a, pp. 2:~ 2-2 34.
74 . See Sha ha l', - Lucky Dog:- and Wel le r, UesiSftlllCl', Chaos fllld COl/lml ill OI;'W, pp. 134-135. 75 . See Kieschnick, HUudd h isl Vegelarian ism in C hi na .~ 76 . Sha piro, Ollt/flWS of the M arsh, 1:75. 77. See Ching [Che n Xing 1 lua [. - I 100\'Jel Li Saved l he Shao lin Te m pl e.~ 78. Uloc h, Tlu llistoriall's Cmft, p. 45. 79. See Ge ne C hing's eS§;I)'s ~T h e 'O ne' o f the To p Tc n: Shao lin C r.llldm aSlcr Lia ng Yiqll a n ,~ - 13,0 00 Wa rriors orTag uQ,- a nd kl n 1he Dr,lgon's De n.~ 8 0. See C hing [Che n Xi ng HuaJ. HShao li n Te mple's Prod igal So n-; and J akes, M MK icki ng the Habit. On o [.he r Vn iled Sla tes Shao l in Te mples. sce Chin g. kShao lin M Brothers Co Wesl,M a nd C hin g and O h, MShao lin's Seco nd Wa"c. M 8 1. See Ge ne C hi ng's essa)'s "T he Wo rld He ritage o r Shao l in and -U nite d Nations, Divide d Shaolin.k See alsoJa kes, kKicking the H abil.~ 82. The empe ror's edict is includ ed in the 17'18 Slmo/in si ;)Ii, Melien/wI/,M 4b-5a. See also Wen Yllche ng, SIwo/j" f anggu, pp. 3'11-342: and Zho ll \\'e iliang, Mr.-·Iing_ Qing shiqi Shaolin wllshll d e lish i liub ia n,M pp. 8-9. On the Yo ng zhe ng e mpe ror, see Zeli n. HThe Yun g-Che ng Reign,k p. 202 . 83 . See 1·lua ng Ch a ngilln , MLi"lzong diyi d ao chang. Mpp. 53-54. 84 . See Wa ng Sh ixing, l'u z./ii, p. 6. 85. T he magistra te's wa rning wa s e ng raved o n a Shao li n stele, ror which tran scription I am indebte d LOA' de . 86. Ibid.
214
Notes to Pages 49-60
87. Quoted in Kang l'Ollg Qian .fliiqi dllmgxiang Il!nmill fallkallg tlou::.heng zilino, 2:6 19. 88. The warni ng was e ng rm-ed on lhe back side ofa stele, wh ich contains a 1595 lett er of patronage by the De ngfe ng County magistrate. I am grateful to A'de for poimingit to me. 89. See Shahar, emz)')i, pp. 30-45: and Welch, 1711! Plrle/ia ofChillese Bud(lhislII, p. 16. On meat-eating monks, see also Kieschnick, TIll! Emillell/ MOllk: Blu/(lhisl l(/eals;'1 lHedieval C/linl'.se f/agiogmph)', PI'. 51-63: and Fau re, '171l! fled 17m!fl(I: 111U/(/hisl Approac/1I',s (0 Sexuality. pp. 151-53. 90. '!lIe ot her guardia n deilY men lio ned is Kapila (j i'lpiluo shen). See CU(lIIg hOllg millgji. '1: no. 2103. 52:298a; and Soper, lilera1)' Evidell(e for End)' BIU/(Illist Arl ill China, pp. 74, 229. I am graleful lo Susan Bush fo rthis reference. 3. Defending the Nation I . See, for example. Zhu Gllm:he n (1557-1632), }'ollgrhIUllIgxifiOpil" 28.673; luixillg slJi (ca. 1650), 12.101 ; a nd PiIlg)'flO zlllUtll. revised by Feng Menglong (15741646), 10.59. 2. See)i" PillgMei ri/ulfI, 90. 12<1<1 . 3. YII Darou, ~A poem, with prologue. sell I 10 Il l(' Shaolin monk Zongq ing,~ in his llumgqi lang xu)i, 2.701. ". See 11 011 A nguo's pref:lce 10 Ihe SI/(/Olill lJIlI/fa rlWII umg. On Cheng Zongyou SC I' a lso Lin Uoyuan , lJlongglio li)'11 sM. p. 337. 5. Chen Jiru ( 1558-1639). for example, \,'ro te the pre f:lcc to Cheng·s SIIl'slli (1IiSlor), of arche r y). 6. lIuang n a~ia's martial ins tructor. Wang Zhc ngnan (1617-1669), received no formal education a nd ea rned his livel ihood as a manual labore r. Sec Iluang Zongxi's epitaph for \Va ng in his Nalllei welldillg, 8.128-130; and \Vi le, T'ui a/is A ncestors, pp. 55-57. 7. The t iUes of t he ot her 1h ree manuals included arc jucJmllg xiII Jtl (Essent ials of the c rossl)O,,' method) ; C/ulIIgqiallgffl XI/fill (Select ions of the long spear me thod); and Drmdfloffl XUlIIl (Selection s oflhe broads\,·ord melhod ). Che ng's SIUloIilllflmJa is ava ilable a lso in an editio n titled SlmolilllJlllljlll! (The Shaoli n stafffo rnllllas), wllicl l carr i(~ s a forb>ed preface attribul ed to the ea rlie r Yu Dayou (1503-1579). 8. Yu Dayou. ~A poem. with prologue. sen I to lhe Shao lin monk Zongqin g,~ in hi s Zhengqi lang xu)i, 2.7a. 9. A spear manual a ttribmed to I-Io ngl.huan and titled M ellgfii Itmgqilmgfa is included in Wu Shu, Slml/bi III, PI'. 11 3-124. 10. Cheng Zongyou. Slmolill lJImfa, 1.1 1>-2b. II. l\-lao Yu a n)'i, WI/bei zlli, 88.la. 12. Ibid .. chapters 88-90. 13. See Cheng Zongyou, SIUloIill gmifa, 2.1 a. 3.8h. For the relevant conversions, see" M ing \\'eights and Meas ures,- in 1711! Cambridge HisIOI)' of Chilla, \'01. 7, p. xxi. 14. Che ng Zongyou, Slmolill gmifa, 3.8a-b. 15. Ibid., 1.5b-6b.
NOles to Pages 62-65
2];,
16. Ibid ., 3.7b-Sa. 17. Ibid., I.I b-2b; 3.7b. IS. Tang Shlln zhi. Wu biml, 5.39b. O n Tang Shun zhi , see Good rich , Dicl ioum)l oj Miug Biograph)" 2: 1252- 12!">6. 19. See res pect ively Qi Jig ua ng, j ixiao xhu/lI/." shi/xl j llml ben, 14.229; 1\., ao Yuanyi, Wubei :I!i, chaplers S8--90; a nd I-Ie L ia ngc he n , Zlumji, 2.27. On Qi , see H uang, 1587 A }ear oj No SigllifiwlI(I!, p p. 156- 188; a nd Good rich , Vic/io ll(ll )' oj Miug Biog-raI)!!)', 1:220-224. On Mao, see Goodric h. D ic/iolltl'l)' oj M illg Biogm/lli)', 2:1053- 1054. On He,:w e Li n Boyua n , Zhollgguo /i)'11 .fili, pp. 319-320. 20. Wu Qiao, \lei/II sllilllm. 21. See Wll Shll, Slwl/bi III, pp. 109- 111 , fo r his in it ia t ion in to t he marl ial arts. On WII and his leacher Shi Dia n , see also Ma ~'I in gd a , SllI/oji(1II rOllggllo, pp. 88-111; Li n I\oplan, Zllfmgguo liyu .fili, pp. 339-3'10; Mauucla Ryilchi , ZhollggllO WllShli shiliil', pp. 2S-30; and MShoubi Ill ,~ in Siku da ridiall, p. 1633. 22. WIl Shu, Shollbi /11, prefacc, p. I. 23 . Ibid., p. 11 3. 24. Scc Goodrich , Dir/iollal), oj M illg Biogmpll)" 2: 1616- 1618. 25. Yu 's j ialljillgm LL sl h ave circu la t.c d a s a n ind e pe nde n t l'oluIII(' prior 10 1562, whcn Qi j iguang q LLol ed il in fLL It in his jixiao Xills/III: shi/xl jlum 111'11, 12.184- 219. 11 is also amilablf' in Yu's collecled wrilings, which \,'ere pu blishe d in lhre(' inslall1n(,I115 bCll,'ce n 1565 and Ihc cart)' \!">80s undcr thc titles Zllf'lIgqi 1t00gji, Zhl'1lGQi laug xllji, and Z!!l'IIl:,rqi lang yuji. Thejiall jillg is in the )'Igi; see the combincd 18-11 edil ion o f all 1hree i nSlalllllelll s. I lc I..iangc he n pra ises 1hej iall jillg in Il is ZlIl'lIji, 2.27. 26. I am nOI slIre of t he reason for this u$;lge in Vu's \,... il ings. Pe rl laps Ile applied M lhe I\urd MSl\"Ord ror MSlaffMbecausc lhe forme r had a lread y a ppeared in lhe name of 1he Sl arf me l hod ,j ingc hu Long Sword (j inbrchu changjian), \I'h ich he SI udied. Che ng M Dali s uggests Ihal MSllu rd signifies in th is instance !he e n lire marlia l arts lradilion ral he r Ihan I he concre le ll'eapon; see his Z/lOIIgglIO lillIS/III, pp. 121 - 123. In any C\'e 111 lhe lel!:t ofYu's Sward Classic leaves no do ub t tha t it is concerned with staff ftglning ( 1~ll her 1han fe ncing), as indeed Il'as d ea r to Yu's contemporaries Qi j iguilng and I-Ie I..iangchen. Sec also Tang I-b o , Slwolill \I'm/allg hao, p. 42; Tang I-lao, SIIIIO/ill Q1U1/1.shll mijlle kaoz.hcllg, pp. 67-69; Lin Bo)'ua n , Z/lOIIgglIO /i)'11 slli, pp. 317-318; Lin Ho), uan. M Tan Zhonggllo wush u za i Mingdai de fa zha n b ian hua,Mpp. 67- 68; and Matsuda Ryiichi. ZhOllgg1l0WIISilll sllI·fiie. pp. 7-9, 52-53. 27. The Yin/ Yang terminology fi g ures in Yu's SWim/ Classic, as in lhe 10 1'111ula: MThe Yin and the Yang should alte rna te, the !WO hands need be strnigh t,M Seejiflll jillg, in Zhellgqi Iflllg)'lIji, 4.3b. 2S. Yll Da}"Ou, M A poem , with p rologue, se ll! to the Shaolin monk Zongq ing ,~ Zllmgqi /llllg xllji, 2.7a-8a. An almost ide ntical accou n t o f Yu's " isi! 10 the monaste ry is found in his 1577 Mln scription o n the Re novation o f the Unil'ers.l.l Ch an Courtyard,~ Zlumgqi IrlllgXllji, 3.601-71>. 29. Tang I-lao located onl), o ne shared fo r mula in Yu's and Cheng's manuals: - j ill Ii fii.e guo, XiII Ii wei Ja- (M[Stri ke whe n] one surge o f [you r rival's] energy is M largely m'cr, and before another h as bee n gcne ra ted ). Compare Yu Dar ou, j i(lll
216
Notes to Page s 6:";-69
jing, in Zlumg'li f(mg)' lIji, 4.23a , a nd Che ng Zongyo u , Siwolin gwlja, 3.4a . See also Tang I·lao, Siwo/in '11111/1S1111 mijlle kfiOUleJlg, pp. 65-66; and 1\blSuda RylKhi , Zh ollgg uo WU.~IU sJl iliie, p. 53. 30. The Shaolin mel hod Or [ he ~ I-l idde n I-I and s~ (Yin sho u), d iscussed in Che ng's Shanlin glinfiE. is already me lllioned in Tang Sh u nzhi 's \\'II bia ll, '1ianji (5.39b), which was compiled approxima [ely [e n years prior 10 Yu's visit to Shaolin. 31. WLl Shu, Sho llbi III, p. 89. 32. T a ng l-lao. Sl[(lolin '1l1fl/U/UI mijlle k{WUleJllf, pp. 68 -69. Sec also l\-lau uda R yuch i, Zilongguo WII.s}11I .f/li/ue, p. 5'1. 33. On [hese roles -reI ig iou s, cu II ural , socia l, and po lil ical-sce, amo ng 01her s, WI ChLln-ra ng, ~ l\'l in g nuddhism WI Chllll-rang, The llencu)(I1 of lJu(/(i hism in China; a nd nrook , Pm)'ingjorPollier. 34. See Wu Shu , Sho llbi III, p. 109. 35. Included in Wu Shu , Sho llbi III , pp. 93-109. 11 is te mpl ing 10specuJalc Ihal Che n g Zlwnru belon ged [0 [he same exte nded ram ily as C lwng Zong}"ou. The rorme r's birthplace is give n as i-I a i)'a ng, by which o ld cou nl y namc Ih(' Jal1('r some[imes rcre rs [0 his n a tive place in Xiuning, An llui. 36. Sce C he ng's introductio n to his Ellie; '1ia llg/a, in Wu Shu , Shoubi fu, p. 93. 37. Sec, respccli\·c1y. Wll Shu , Sho llbi III, pp. 14 , 9 3, 110; Ch(,ng 7..onb')·ou , S/I([(}lill gllnja, 1.2a; a nd Sa nq i Yougong's ('pilaph inscribe d o n his bu r ial slupa and slill ex ta lit ill Shaol in's Stupa Forest (Tal in). On Shao l in il ine ranl wa r rio rs S('(' also Xie Z Ilaoz he ( 1567- 1624 ), 11'1/ l a -Z.II, 5.23a . 38. Ca iJ iude. for ins la nce. a lludes 10 a Shao li n mo n k a s a me mber o r Ille ~r i\" crs a nd l a kes.~ See C a iJiude. lI'obitlll sJliliie (pre fa ce 1558), 1.9- 10. Compa re .. Iso Wu Shu, Shoubi III . pre face p. I. 39. Yun YouK e, Jiallgl1ll f(JIIgtall, pp. 191 - 220. 40. See Ch e n i'ing )'uan , Q ialll(ll ll>eIlrt?1I xiake lIIellg, pp. 187-228. 4 1. Sec Nee dha m a nd Yat es, Scienumuf Cillilhatioll ill Chillfl, \"01. 5, pa rI VI. pp. 27- 29. 42. I-lua ng. /587 A }'etlr ofNoSigllijifallu, p. 159 . 43. See Millgshi, 9 1. 225 1- 2252. See a lso I lucKe I'. kM ing em'CmmCnl ,Rp. 69. t]t]. For general baCKground , see Ge iss, RThe C hia-chi ng Re ig n ,Rpp. 490-50 5; Kwa n-I'Ia i So,japfllle5e Pirn.c), ill A'lillK Cllilltr, and A nlo ny, Like Fmlh Ffool;'lgOII lite SUI, pp.22- 28 . 45. The ~ Se n g bings holl j iej i is in ch aple r 8 b. 46. On Zh e ng, see Good rich , Dicliollm)' of Millif 11iog/"tlph)', 1:20'1- 208. 47. Compa re Zhe ng Ruoce ng, jiallgllall jillK liie, 8 b.16b; Cai Jillde, IIbbiall sltilile, 1.9- 10; a nd Wa n Biao's e pilaph in Jiao I-lo ng ( 15'11- 1620), G lIOClu/O xiallzlumg lu 107. 82b. On Wa n , see Goodric h, Dictiol101)' of A'l illlf l1iog'mph)" 2: 1337- 1339. 48. TIuce sixlee nth-ce lllur)' ga zelleers a llude to the panicipation or kmonaslic troopsR (sellgbhlg) in lh is oou..le, e".en tho ugh no ne or lhe m specifies to wh ich monastery they b elonged. See t.he 1561 Zilljiallgtollg-Jli (cha p. 60); the Ji.ying pe riod ( 152215(6) Nillgbo f u uli (chap. 22); and the 1579 Hallg-J/o11fll uli (chap. 7). The releva nt pass..1.ge s rrom all three gazetteers are re produced in Millift/tii WO/iOII sllifiao, 5: 1831 , M
;
M
NOles to Pages 69-73
217
5: 1976, and 5:2073 respeuively. Compare a lso CaiJ iude, I\bbiml shilul', 1.9- 10. Zhe ng Ruoceng, jimllJ'lwl jing /ill', 8b.17a, alludes to a monastic viclory on "·Iount Zha, by which he is proh..1.bly refeni ng to ~'I o unt Zhe. 49. Com pare Zheng Ruoceng,jiwllJ'wlI jillg /iie, 8b.19a- 23a, wil h Zhang Nai (jinshi 1604), Wusongjia)"i 1110 man Uli, 238b-39b. For locations in Ihe I-Iuangpu River delta, see Shang/wi lis/Ii ditu ji. I I.ake il Lhat Wengjiagang is lOd ay's Wengjia village, near ZheJin. :i}. The four monks were C he la ng, Vife ng, Zhen)'uan, and Liaoxin. T heir stupa is no longer eXlall t. See Zha ng Shulo ng. Shes/ifill xioozhi, C(lIIS/lflll :hi, p. :10. I am grateful to Yang Ku n of t he Songj ia ng ~'Iu se ll III for Ihi s refcrence. 51. Zheng Ruoceng,jimllJ'UlIIjing /iie, 8b.21 b. :12. Ibid., 8b. 18a. :13. 1n t his respect Zhe ng Ruoceng's chron ide illusl rill es Ihe d ifficult y of separating historical and fic tiona l man ia l arlS narm tives. II is notcworthy IIml anOlhcr anecdote in Zheng's ch ro nicle, concern ing t he mon k GU1.ho u, was fic i ionally e mbc llished wit hi n fifty rears of its publica l io n. Comparc Zhcng Ruoccng, jifllllJ'WII jillg iiiI', 8b. 16b- 17a, wit h ZhLL Guo1.hen, Hmgr/llwllg ;\";(l0/lill, 28.673. 54. Zheng RLLocc ng,jitllllJlwll jilig/iiP, 8b.22b. 55. See Xlle VII, /Judfillism, \\'11/; and Nfl/iollfl/ism, PI'. 49-51, 55. 56. TI\'o Dcngfc ng Cou n ty d ocuments con fi rm thc panicipalion of Shaolin monks in these campaigns. T he d oc u men ts, d a tcd 1581 and 1595, wcrc engr.m::d in ston(' at the Shaolin Mo na stcry, whc rc thcy are still cxtan t. See W('n Yu("]wng, Slwolillfallggu, PI'. 292-293 , 300-302; a nd Zcng Wcihua and Van Yaozhong, MCong Shaolin si deji fang bei ta mi n brwcn ka n Ming d a i scngbing. T he panicip
R
M
218
NOles 10 Pages 73-79
64. See Millgslli lu, Wuzong reign , 86.1851. 65. On Zhu Yua n zhang's earl)' years al lhe monasler)', see Wu I-Ian, ZlI1l l'wwzilallg ziluaI!, pp. 11-16, a nd MOle. ""The Rise of lhe :o. ·ling O),nasl)" 1330-1367,~ pp. 44-45. 66. ClIshall )'ol!gjue IIeslumg gr.UlIIgiU, 2'1.16a. 67. The hells offire, blood. and knives. 68. C!ululI! )'ongjue lusllfmg gr./{mgiu, 24.16a-b. 69. 1·luang Zongxi, Nfl/l/ei wendillg, 8.130; and Wi le, T'a.i ...hi'sAuceslors, p. !"m. 70. See Z heng Ruoceng.jiallg'llall jillg me, 8b. 2'"2b; He Liangehen, Zlumji, 2.27; and Wcn Yucheng. Slll/oIill fimggu, p. 29B. 7 1. SeeA·de. M~'l ingdai Iamajiao),11 Shaolin Si.M On Ihe Til)Clan monk 's flglui ng [eeh niques. see C heng Zong)'O II , Sliao/ill gr.1I/jll, 1.1 b. 72. Sce Che ng Zong)'oll, S/lt/oIill gmifa, l.l b; Fu Md, SOl/g .f/llt, 9.33b-:H; and Wen Yuc heng, Slll/olili jallggll, PI'. 309-3 10. 73. See Cheng Zong)"oll. SIIaol," lJI"ifa, 1.1 b. 74. See ji1.11 slum ;),i, 6.Gb-7a. The jiz" slum ;)Ii crroncousl), has Bianqun llls tead of 8iandun. It alludes 10 V;~r:lp51)i by Ih('" sixu"cnlh-eclHury name he was g i\"en at the Shaolin Mo n aslery: jinnaluo, on wh ie ll set' cllaptcr 4 below. 75. See WIl Shu, SllOllbi /11, p. 110; and MOl :o..lingda , Slmo ji(1II (Ol/g gflO, p. 95. 76. :'\!aquin , Peking TemlJles mill eil)' I.ife, p. xxx i. 77. Zhang Dai (l597-c'l. 1(70) , Lflllg/Illt/ll wmji, p . 37, Iran slat('d by \Vul'f'i-Yi, MAn Ambivalent Pilgrim 10 Ta i Shan ,- p . 77. 78. Yun Youk e.ji(mgIUl mllglall, p. 201. 79. Iluang Uauia, Neijjfl qlltllif"tl, p . Ibi and Wilc. 1"ai-rhis AI/ft'sIOI~, p. 58, 80. See l\'1a Min gda, SllIIo jiall cOllg gao, pp. 68-76. 8 1. See Xu Me ngxi n , SfllI clltIO bei menglmwiall, 48.8b -9a, 51.9b, ilnd Mil Mingd,., SlI1.l ojifl/l COllggao, PI'. fi8-69. 82. SOIlgslli, 455. 13382. 83. See Slmillll qlUmulllall, <1.62 (Sidney Shapiro's I. ranslal ion, OIiI/(/lI'S of lite Mm~lI . p. 65), a nd I he 1.\·0 lat.e Min g vers io ns o f the Yang Fa m i Iy Saga: }'mlgjia jiallg )"all)"; (50 ch apte rs), by Xiong OanlLl (fl . 1550), 25.118-26.125, 38.1 79- 180, a nd )'{ mgjia ji(mg )'fm)"i (58 cha pte rs) (Pre face 1606), b), ji Zhenlun, 15.98-17.109; 3 1.1 89- 19 1; 36.212-21 3; see also MOl Mingda , SllIIo ji(1II cong g(lO, pp. 71-73. 84. Both mon ks fi gu re in a Southe rn Song lisl o f subjecl5 po pular among Slorytellers. See Luo Ye, Xillhiml :wiWtmglall/II, p. 4. Lu is rc fc rred lO in lhe story b), his nickname MTauoocd Monk ~ (Hua I-Ieshang). 85. See Wu Shu, SllOuhj /u, pp. 93-109. 86. Tang Shunzhi, ME me i daore n qUOIn ge,M in Tang Shunzhi , jingrltlwn xifmsheng IIHmji, 2.8b-9a. 87. il..1L Yu is in Ch a n gshu Coullly,j iangsu. 88. The ~ n oblema n M W"aS Zhang's fri e nd Li Zhu)'i, in whose house Li Lallliall s~journed. Z ha n g's poem was il mhore d fo r Li Zhu)'i's manual of Li Lalllian's Sly Ie. See MOl Mingda, Shuojiall COlIggnO, pp. 206-211. M 89 . The ~Six-Flowers Formalion (Liuhua zh e n) was altribmed lO lhe renowned
NOles to Pages 79-85
2 19
Ta ng ge ne ral Li J ing (571-649) . See Sawyer, TIle Seven AWilo')' Gassi(s, pp. 339, 341 , 344-345. 90. I ncluded in Yu an X ingyun , Qingrt!J1 slliji Xllilt, 1:399. 9 1. The origin s o f the Sh a Family Fisl are obscure. II is possihle, howe\'er, Ihall he fami ly in question was of 1\,1uslim des celli . See :'>.«a :'>.'Ii ngd a , SllIIo jioll cOllg goo, p. 21 0. 92 . M ini n g fa nt asies assu me s ur prising Iwisl s and lu r n s. Ni ne leelllh -cenlury Russia n a nd Chi nese gold h u n te rs o n I he ban ks o f I he Amu r were believe d 10 l\a\'e c reat ed a com mun ist repu b lic t he re. See Ga msa, - How a Re pu h lic o f Ch inese Red Be a rds Was Im"Cnt ed in Pa ris.M 9 3. \Va ng Shixing ( 1547- 1598), I'll zhi, p. G. T he :'>.'Ii ng suspic io n o f m iners \,'as not unfo unded. as m ine p ilfe ri ng wa s commo n. See To n g, Di.fonle" IIlI dll" Heaven, pp. 60, 64. As nOled above, in 1522- 1523, Shao li n mo n ks I,'ere d r., fle d to f'g lllihe mine r lllrned ba nd il Wa n g T a ng. 94. Z he ng Ruoceng, j iollgllolljillgliie, 8b.22b. See a lso I-Ie Liangche n , lhl'lIji, 2 .27; a nd Millgshi, 9 1.2252 . 9 5 . See SOllg xioll zhi, p. 837; a nd 1'1I11Jali si, p. 16. 9 6. A'de wro le of our I rip in hi s - Fun iu shan x i n gj i .~ 9 7. ~ F unil.l sha n Yunya n siji,~ lra nscr ibe d in t'IIIIJ(tllsi, pp. 38-40. 4 . Staff legends I. SCI' rc:spec li vcJ}' Wu Sh u, S),ollbi III, pp. 11 3-120; Tang: SIIU llZll i, -Enwi daorc n 'I u:t n gc,~ in Ta ng Sh u n zh i. jillgr/ulftll riml.siullg wf'IIji, 2.8b; Zhc ng Ruoce ng, j iangnall jing lue, 8\). 18\); a nd C he ng Zo nb,)'o u, Shoo/iII gUll/a, 3.7b. 2 . Zhc ng Ru oce ng,jiang7lO11 jillg liill, 8 b.16b. G u zho u mig hl ha\'c becn I rained a l a mo n asle!,)' o lhe r Iha n Sh ao lin . 3. Scc C he n g Zong)'Ou, SIIOO/ill gil II/a, 1.1 bj Fu Mc i. SOllg Shll, 9 .30b-31
220
Notes to Pages 8:";-88
are outlined in the Slwo/iI! si thi, 3 .9a-b and 3 .1Oh-lla res pect ively. The forme r provides 137 1 a s the renovation dale. The two e pita ph s, for the monks Jungong and Xungong. were in scribed on their respective stupas; the rele vant passages are tran sc ribed in Tang I-lao. Slwo/ill q!ltlllS/UI mijue haozlumg, pp. 55- 58, where he analyzes the m in cOl~junction wit h the ste le insc riptions. 9. Tang I-lao, Slwo/ill qlUlIISl1II mijue hauzhellg. pp. 56-61. 10. See A'de's tra nscription ofZuduan'sstele in "Jinnaluo wang kao,~ p.99. II. This is Leon Hun' itz's trans lation (slig htl y ahercd ), Srri/Jlu)"e oflhe wl us Blossom of Ihe Fi ne Dlwrm(l, p. 3 15 . The orig inal is Aliaofa 'iall/llUi jillg, J; no. 262, 9 :57b. See also A'de, M Jinnaluo wa ng kao ,~ pp. 98-99. 12. See Wenzai's 1517 l'C t"S ion as Iran sc rihed in A'd e, -Jinnaluowang kao,M pp. 100- 10 1; Fu Me i, SOllg .~III, 9.3 Ia ; a nd .ling R izhe n , SIll/a SOllg, 21.26b. 13. On the C\'olution of the G ua nbro ng and Z hi y! legend, see I-luang 1-lu;Ui(', ClUmgollg de 1"I'11l.I'f! )'14 shengt'o pp. 106- 116. The legend is mi rrored in I he i\-ling p('riod nove l S(HIf]"IIO ),(m),i, 77.()17-()1 8. whe re I he mo nk 's name is c hanged from Zlliyi 10 Puji ng. See also Moss Roberts' t ra n sla t ion, "'h l"t!l! Killer/oms, pp. 585-586. On Gll
~Jinnaluo
wang
NOles to Pages 88-95
221
26. On the twentieth-cenmry vicissitudes o r lheJ innaluo I-Iall , see Xin bwu SIUlolhl si tlti, p. 23; and Ching, ~S haolin Temple Re incarnat ed .~ 27. See Sltm!grIallg gu sai xiejlu//! silisi zltollgjiamJIIt, pp. 366-369. 28. On the dating of the Thous.'lnd Buddhas I-lall and ilS wall painting, see Shaolhl si qimifodiml bi/wa, pp. 19, 104; and A'de, -Qianro dianji bilma kao ,~ p. 51. whcrc hc argue s t.hat the painting mu st havc bec n co mple ted berore 1623. 29. Compare arhat images in Lllo/It//! //1/(/ and in Kent , ~ D e piCiions of the Guardiansofthc L'lw.~ 30. Demicvillc, MLe Bouddhisme e lla g u e rre ,~ p. 375. 31. Scc 1·lan"Cy, AI! IIIlrodliC/ioll 10 I1l1drl/ii.fl EI/iies, pp. 137-138. 32. Sec Dcmic"ille, MLe l~lIddhi s me e lla gu erre,~ pp. 380-38 1. 33. This is Mark Ta tz's tran slatio n, quot ed in I-Ian'cy, All /IIII"(J(/U(lioll 10 B!u/(lltisl Elhics, p. 137. See also Demi(",ille, MLe Boucldhismc e lla gll('I"I"(' ,M pp. 379-380. 34. Zimmcrman, M A l\'I;i haniSI Criticism of {'rlhas,istra; and Zi mmerman, MWar,~ in Uuswell, EII()"r1olJ('(iia oj I1l1ddhi.fllI, PI'. 893-897. 35. See, respect i\"e1y, Victoria , lPII al IIhr, es p. 1'1'.86- 91 , and YII, Buddhism, mil; (!lid Natio/!alism , PI'. 1%-149. See a lso Sharf, ~Th e Zen ofJapanese Nat ionalis lll .~ On Japanese lllonk- I\~\rri o rs, see Adolphso n, 171~ 1'" "1 allli Claws o/th~ Buddha. 36. See Cheng Zong)'Ou, S/wo/ill gUIIJa, lAb. 37. Yu Da),ou ,jiml jillg, 4.3:\. T his passage is quo te d by QiJig uan g (jixiflo xi/!shu 12. 184) and is echoed by Che ng Zong)'o u (SI/(/O/ill gllll/fI, 3.1a). Sec also Lin Ik>yuan, MTan Zhongguo wushu zai Mingdai de fa z han ,~ pp. 66- 68. 38. On Ihe c\'olul ion of t he j ounlf'J to tlte West cycle, see Dudbridge. Ilsi-)'1I (hi; and Dudbridge, MThc IIsi-)'1I cM Monkey and the Fruits o f the Lasl Ten \'e"rs.~ On Sun Wukong's origi ns, see Shahar, ~Th e Lingyin si Mo nkey Di sciples.~ On his religious cull, sec Sawada Mizuho. ~Sonbrokfl s.hin ~; and Elliot , Oli,u.se Spilil MediulII CIIlIs ill Sillgapore, PI'. 74 - 76, 80- 109, 170-17 I. 39. I sUSPCCI Ihal the English rendilions o r btmg :ts Mdub ~ or Mc ud gcl~
222
Notes to Pages 9:.-106
photographically reprocluced in Da Tallg SllllZflllg Jaslli qrl jillg sllihua. Sincc bOl h texts were originally disco\'ered at the Kozal~i .\'Ionaslcry in Kyoto, thcy arc somcti mes called t he M Kozal~ji \"ersion.- On the ir dating, see Dudbridge, I-/si-)'1t clli, pp. 25-29. 43. See Wang Shiru, Xi'dlmgji, 2.60-61: and Wang Shifu, Tlu Moon ami Ihe lilher. pp. 232-234. 44. Chen U-li, A'lasler TWIg's 1I ~/e", Clwmber RomallO!, p. 58. The original is Dong M .lieyuan, Dongjicyu(lll Xi:riflllg, 2.79. I ha\"C subst it llled -stafr for C hen Li-li 's -cudgcl (sec note 39 abO\"C). 45. See Chen U-li. l\I(l.f/er TlIIlg's lI'eslem C/umlber flommlU, pp. 45-46: and DongJieyuan. Dollgjie)'lul/I Xixillllg2.61-62; On the jie(/(lO, see -tOSIl Min j\·loch izuki Shi nk6, Bukk)'o daijilell, 4 :3879-3880, and i IIl1 st rat ion no. 1147. 46. See Luo Ye, Xillma/! ZlIiwt!llg lalllll , p . '1. 47. Th is is Sid ney Shapiro's t ra nslat io n (slight I)' altered) , Ollifmlls oj 1111' M arsh, I :75-76. 'I'll(> origina I is SIII/i/lll qllallZjlllall, 4.69-70. 18. See Wu Cheng'en , Xi)'ollji, 22.215-255; and Yu , j ollmey 10 IIII' WI'-sl. 1:129M 143. On MSha Monk and the MGod of the O('f"P Sand s,- s('e Dudbridg('. /-Isi-)'II fhi, pp. 18-2 1, and Strickma nn . CMllese Magi(fl1 Medifille, pp. 110-111, 312 n. 17. 49. See 7JwIIgguo IIlllsl111 dn ridiall, PI'. 103, 113. 195-196. !",o. See )'allgjia jiallIJ),flIl)'i (50 chapt ers), 38.179, and l'tlllgjifl jiflllIJ )'fillyi (58 cllapters), 3 1.190- 19 1. In the latter\'ersion (17.108) the monk is a lso armed with a s\\"ord. 51. Set~ MWulang wei scng,- in Luo Ye, Xillhiml ZlIiWl'llglmlfll, p. '152. Cheng Oali, 7JIOllggliO WII9U1. p. 96. 53. Fa)'un, Frill)'; mingyiji. 1: no. 21 3 1. 54:1169b. On the ring staff, see Kieschnick, The Impaci oj Buddhism 011 ChilieS#: Malerifll CllflrtI't!, PI'. 113-11:;. Sec also -shakuj6.~ in Mochizuki Shink6, IJllkk)'o daiji/ell, 3:21:;2-2153; and -s h
NOles to Pages 106-115
223
63. Compare de Grool, MBudd hisl :-"Iasses for lhe Dead at Amoy,M pp. 94-96; M and De an, "' Lei Yll-she ng ("'Thunde r Is Nois)'M), pp. 54-57, 63-64. 64. \Vang Qiao. who was the heir apparelllto Lhe Zho u dynasty king Ling, was reM puted to ride a white crane. I han! subsLituted "staITsM for "Slaves in Mathe r's MThe Mys tical Ascent of the T'ienl 'ai t-,·Iounlain s," p. 242: the orig inal is MYOll Tiantai shan fll~ ('" Poetic essa), on roaming [he Tiamai :-'·Iountains"), in Wen Xlum, 11.499. 65. See respect i\"el)', OU Fl! . in Qllflll Ttlllg slii, 232.2565; and Liu Zongyuan, in Qua,! Tm!g shi, 352.3938. 66. Daocheng, S"i.~1Ii J(lo/"", T, no. 2127, 54 :298b. 67. Zanning, SOllgGao5ellg uuu"', J: no. 2061, 50:847a. See also the same legend in Dao),1Ian, jillgderluumrimg III ( 1004 ), 1; no. 2076 , 5 1:259b-c. 68. Da TallgSallumgfashi qlljillg .fhillllfl, pp. 14 ,2'1,27,3 1,86 -87, 96. ln one instance. afler subduing nine dra btOns wi lh his mag ic ring staff, the monkey e mploys an Miron {xIng" (/ie{xmg) [0 beat [hem lip. Whe rea s the ringstaIT ser\"es him for figln i ng, the Miron ballg" is used [0 execllle punishme nt (p. 32). 69. Sun Wukong's wealXln is re fe rred 10 in 1he Ming pe riod Uljll playj mm,I')' 10 IIII' H
224
Notes to Pages 11:.-122
are mentioned in both manuals are C he ngJing lao and I-Iu Wojiang; compare Qwm jillg, QUUlZ fa ber:,'ao, preface la; and XlulIIji mi.vwlt, L3a. The latte r manua l a lludes also to anot h er milital")' expert. Chen Songq uan , wh o, Zh ang !\'Iing'e explains, was h is teacher; see Xum!)i mi~wu, preface 2a. 6. C.ompare Q!lilll jing, QlUmfa bei)'fW, 2.'1 a , 2.15a; and Xuallji mishOlI, illustra· tion s 1.1 a, 1.4 a. 7. See Tang I-lao a nd Gu Liux in , Ttlijiqlum )'fmjill, p . 15; and Matsuda Ryfzc hi , Zlwl1[J1J1lo WU.s/1II sllilile, pp. 34-35, 57-GO. S. See Siwolill qU{//Z~1I/ mij/l/!, p . 259, and Tang 1·lao, SlwoliJ/ qurmslw mijue hlw· ullmg, pp. 70-74, 99- 13S. The Siwolill qlUlII.V/II mijll/! re fers toO Hong("]Zzan as Wuqu an. 9. QU(lIzjing, QU(lIIfa bei)'flO, l.Ia. T his is largely Do ug las Wile's translation.of Ihp Qi .liguang's passage that had served as the QUfll/ jing, Qutmf(l bei)"(IO's source; spe Wile. Tai CIIi's Ance..ftor.f, PI'. IS-I9. 10. In Qi Jigua n g, jixiao xin,s/III: sltiba jUflll ben, 1'1.227-229; \Vile, Tai Chis A II· res/OJ'S. pp. IS-I9. II . Ming period lore attr ib uted to Song Taiw a lso slaff I('clz niques, in \\'11 iell tIle historica l emperor III ight have been versed ; S('c ~'Ia !\ Iingda , SllIIo jifln rang grlO, pp. 77S2. On contemporary Song Taiw pl~ ' C I icc, see Kash , ~ 111(~ Original Emperor's Long Fist Srstem.~ 12. The stele is t it led ~C h o n gx iu I le ngc uit in gj i ~ (~ R ecord of til(' suspended· emer ald pavilion's recon st ruct ion -). T he lGi7 5 t upa In scripl ion of 5haolin 's abbot :'\' ingran Gaigong (MN ingran Gaigong taming b('ijn all udes 10 Xuanji speci fi call y as a Mflghting mO llk ~ (WII selig). I lo\\,(.,\·cr, it writes his name xlulllwi lh lhe me tal rad· ical.1 am gratcfu ltoA'dc for bo th transc riptio ns. 13. Com pare Qilall jillg. Qllml ja bei)'ao, 1.21>; and Xllm!)i misholl, 1.1 Gil-b. 14, QUMI jillg, QUfIIl fa bei)'ao, 1.lOb-13<1 . 15. XI/mlji mis/lOll, 1.11 h- 12a . 16, Sec Qi Jigua ng, j i.tiao .till~lII: shiba jlltlll bell, 14.229; li e Lia ngchcn. lim!)i, 2.26; Cheng Zongyou. SI,aoli" lJIllrJa, 3. lb ; and Tang 5 hunzhi . It'll bilw, qim!)i, 5.37b. Sec a lso MdIWIU{fI- in llwllgglIO 1111151111 bflike QIU/II51111, p . 171. 17. See Watson, T/II! Complete I\'o rks ojOuu/IIg '[ZIt, 3.50-51. IS. Xu(wji miS/lOll, 1.3b. 19. Sec Shou·Yu Liang a nd Wen·C hing Wu, Kllllg FII £l£meIll5, p. 363. 20. XUatlji lIIis/lOlI, !.la-b; Nhe re the le rms arc still being used, I consu lted Shou·Yu Li ang a nd Wen·Ch ing Wu , Kllllg Fit Elemenls. 2 1. See Slrickmann, Matl/ms elmalldar;IIs. 22. Compare Qllatljillg, Qltallja beiJao 1.29a-31a; and X,UlllJi mislwu, !.lObli b. See also Mwi qllml,~ in ZItOllgglW wllsllil baikeQlulII5/111, pp. 131-132. 23. See SllId), of the HOllg KOIlg M(lrlial Arls Film, p . 216. 24. QII(W Jillg, QII(lII fa bei)'ao, U6b; compare Xltanji mislwu, 1.9b. 25. 1\'1atsuda Rrflc h i, ZIWIIggl10 wusllll sltilile, p . 127. 26. See Matsuda R),llc hi. liwIIgguo wlldlll sltiliie, pp. 123-125. See also -Yallqillg quan,M in lilOlIgguO WU~1U baihe qIU"'~III, pp. 122-123; and Lee, ~Th e Real Fists of Fu ry: l1le ArLisL~ and Artist'l' ofl\-1izong Quan .-
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to
Pages 123-130
225
27. See Malsuda Ryflch i, l../IOIIggUO lIJUS/1II shi/iie, p . 129. 28 . See Q ua Il jilljJ, Quail fa beiJlIO, I.I 8b , 2.1 9a . See a lso Yihequo 11 )'ullfiollg qi)'UOII fallSUo, p. 89 ; '" Meihua qu a n~ in l..JlOligglIO lUllS/III boilu qll fllUIIll, p . 122; and ClHtO 11tOllg Shaolill qu ml taolu jiaoc/lellg, 1:409- 453. 29. See YiheqUflll )"UlldollgqiJu{1II ({IIISIIO, pp. 83- 88; and ZhOll We iliang, YJ/olIgguo w/lShu sM, pp. 86-88. 30. T h e ma nu al is re produced in l'ihequmlJlllldollgqiJIUllIlonsuo, pp. 163- 169 . See a l ~ Esh er ick . O rigilu of the Boxer Uprising, p . 1'19. 3 1. See Naquin , IHiliellflri{/II Rebellion ill ChiI/O, p. 3 1. See a lso [ she r ick, Oligins Of the Boxer Ulnisillg, p. 149 . 32 . Se e l'iJII!qll(/I! )'UIU/OlIg qiJll flll tfllUlI o, pp. 83- 102; Eshe r ick, Ol"igills of the BoxPr U,nisillg, PI'. 148- 155 ; a n d Z holl We ilia ng, YJIOlIggllOWllshu .{lii, p p . 86 -88. 33 . This is a refe re nce 10 Ihe le n p rinci ples o f Shao lin d ose-range slriking, wh ich a re f'l abo ra tcd in Ql/ fIIljillg Qllaliffl briJ(lO, 1.I0b- 13a . 3<1. This is a n allus io n 10 I he Vlllallg-..i: -W he n Con fucius wa s o n his way 10 e h 'u , he p assed lhrOl lgh a foresl whe re he s,'lW a hunch back ca lcil ingc ica d as wil li a slicky p ole as easily as 1ho ugh he were g r.t bbing 1he m wil h his h an(l.~ See Walson , ColllpMI' Works 0fO/ualig '/"i u, 19. 199. 35 . Yang YOIUi was a fah lliolis arche r o f Il l('" Sp r ing-a ncl-AII I ullin period sl al e o f Chu . 36. QU(lIIjjllg, Quallfa beiJao, p rdlce, la- 2
226
Notes to Pages 130-13:)
4:). He Liangchen, Zlumji, 2.26. 46. \Vile, T'ai-elli's A,ICes/Ors, pp. 12, 18. Thc o rig inal is Qi .Iig uan g,jixiao xiu.s/lIt: shibajum! bell, 14 .227. 47. Wi Ie. T'ai-elli's Allceslor.f, p. 12. 111 c o rig inal is Tang Sh unzh i, lVu bian, fjimlji,
5.37a. 48. Qi J iguang, jixiliO )..1/1s/1I/: shibtl j uall bell, 1'1.227. Comparc also Wile, Taichi's AIIC"ef(ors, p. 18. Evclll ua lIy, the genc ral added ro u r chaplers to h is book. Never· thcless, h e kept th is commcn t, indicating tha t QU(III jillg jiP.')'ao was originally int ended for the last. 49. See Qi .I igua n g, jixiflo xill.s/III: sllisi jll(", bell. Scc a lso \\·Ia ~'Iingd a , Shun jim! cOIlggao, p. 310; and Wile, T'ai-dli'sAm:e.f/Or.f, Pl'. 16-17. 50. M a M ingda, Shllo jil'" eOllg gllo, p. 311. 51. See jin Pillg /Hei dllllfl, 90.12'1'1 . 52. The MFour_Le n :lsM (.fipillg) pOSllIre lig u rcd III Imc Ming armed and unarmed lighting alike. See C he ng Zong}'oll, Shoolill glmJa, 2.l b-2b; Tang Shunzhi, 1V'1 hiall, fjimlji, 5.37b; Qi jigua ng, j i.cioo xiluJIII: shibfl j,UlII hi'll, H.234-2:-J5; and Wile , T'ai-CIIi's t\lIres/or.f, PI'. 27-30. 53. This is AllIhollYYu's trans lat io n (jOlllllf)' 10 Ihe Wesl, 3:1'1-15) sliglllly altered; the original is WIL C h c ng'cn, Xi)'ouji, 51:594. Comp:l rc also \\Iu Chcng'en, Xi)'OII ji, 2.2'1, and Yu , n ej our,,1"j to Ih e \I ~sI, 1:97. 54. Wu lIuifa ng, II'twbaofjIU/IIs/IlI. 55. See SOlltai lI'tw),ollg.tllellg::ollg, I'l.Ia-ll>; and Wu Il u i ra ng. IVlmbflo fju/II/sllII, M M 1'.3<\6 and note 491. (Thc MSa nd-Washing-Wavcs Fisl and MSpc a r-Sc izing Fisl a rc mentioncd in thc 1607 cditio n.) 56. Sec Tang ]J ao a nd eu i..iuxin , Taijifjuall )"mljirl, pp. 179-183; i\-la lSuda Ryileh i, 7JlOligglIO wuslw slli/iie, PI'. 8 1-83; and 7JlOlIgglIO WII.sJ1II bflike fjIU/11S11ll. pp. 71. 91. 57. An infl lIent ia l Daois l dass ic, I hc Scripllm oJlhe Yellow Cow'/ (I1!umglingjillg) (ca. t hi I'd cent II l"y CE) oUllines rcspiralory Icch n iq ucs coupled wil 11 !lIcd ilillion on t he body's internal divinit ies. Sce Paul Kroll's partia l I ran slalion. M Body Cods ;lIld 1nne!' Vision.~ See a lso belm,', c hapte r 6. 58. Quoted in Tang I-lao a nd ell Li ux in . 'I aijifjlum ymljill, p. 180. 59. See Tang Hao a nd ell Liuxi n. 'I aijifjllall ),(I'ljill, p. 15. 60. Matsuda Rylich i. 7Jwnggllo 1I111.s/111 shiliie, p. 88. 61. Zh ou Weiliang, ZIWligglIO lIJu.s11ll shi. pp. 88-90. See also Naquin , M il/ella ri(1I! Hebelliol! ill Cllilla. pp. 3 1, 88, 3 13. 62. See MaL'iuda RYllChi , ZllOlIggUO lIJu.s11ll shi!r"ie, Pl'. 135-138; lind Zhou Weiliang, 7JIOI!gguO lIJusliu sM, p. 89. 63. See Ma Lila n ga nd Su n Yamin , MX ing)'i shizuJ i Lon g fe n g,~ Pl'. 36-37; and M .I i.l i ke~ in ZllOlIggUO lIJushu bflike fjllllllShll. p. 538. 6<\. The legend fi rst appea red in Hua ng Baijia, Neijia qllflllJa, p. la. See also Wil e, Tai-CIIi'sAI!eestor.f, p. 58. 65. See MaL'illda R)'ikh i. ZllOlIgglIO lIJUS/t1l s/Iilr"ie, Pl'. 183-184. Compare also Shou-Yu Liang a nd Wen-Ch ing Wu , Kllllg FII FJemelll.s, p. 447. 66. Chang Naizhou, Challg Shi lIJuji Slill, Lrans. Wile, Tll i-clii's AII/:es/ors, pp. 71 -
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Pages 135- 1<14
227
188 . See also Wells, ScIUNar Boxer: ClwIIg NadwlIs T hl!OI)' oj I llterl/a/ Mm1ia/ Arts. Wang Zongyu e's writings are included in Taijiqrum p u, pp. 24 -39 . According to Tang I-Iao and Gu Liuxin (Taijiquall )"(lIIjill, p. 183), Wang probably sllld ied Chen Family Tajji Quan wh e n h e resided in nea rby Luoyang and Kaire ng. 67. Their m a nuals a re included in TaijiqluIII P l', pp. 245 - 275 and 276-339 resp eClh·e!y.
6. Gymnastics I. See Ch ase, Firea r m.f: A G/obal H ist0r')' to 1700, pp. 1'11 - 150. 2. Neigrmg lusJUlO, p . 2. Wa ng's sc ho larly wo rks a rc listcd in the Q illg slli goo,
145,4 262; 147.4 334: 148.441 7. 3. See Neigrmg l usllllO, PI'. 2-3. We h ave no wa y o r knowing how accurate Wang's m emory was. Pa n's £uelliio/ Tedmiqllts miglll ha\"e dirre red rrom fh c I lIl/slmled E"1msitioll \Va ng had obta ined at the Shao lin Te mple. Howeve r, C\'cn irtll(' manuals wert" textually diverse, it is likely tha t the tec hniqucs were larg ely similar. Sec Tang I-lao, ~S on gsh a n Sh aolin chua n x i de he hu ji i d e li ca o,~ pp. 26-27. 4. Dudgeon , ~ Kun g-ru or t\-Icdical G)' mnas li cs,~ pp. 52 1-522 (slightl y r('viSf'd ); the or iginal is Neigrmglusllllo, pp. 21- 27. Dudgeon pro babl)'workcd o n an c ariicrcdit io n or t h(' sa me exercises: Pa n Wc iru's lI'risJleIIg)"OOsJlII ( 1858). Scc Dudg('on , ~ Kung ru or Medi cal Gy mn as t ics,~ p. 503. '. \, . I1110, Pl'. 1- 9_. ., I I'Igrmglus 6. Wa tson, ne Complell' 1I'0rks OJCllllflllg TZII, 15.16 7- 168 (slight I)' ahc red ). 7. Sec I la rpe r, Earl), Cllill~ iHedira/ L i leraillre, pp. 125- 14 2; 310-327. 8. Sec Ib id .. PI'. 310-327. 9. Engel ha rdt , ~ Lon ge" it )' Tcc h niqu cs and C hincse Mc dic i n c . ~ p. 101. 10. :--.Ieedh am a nd Lu . Scjellumui Ci"i/iullioll ill ChillO, \"01. 5, pari V, p. 16 1; lite o ri gi n al is S(lI/guo z.hi . ~ We i s hu ,~ 29.804 . II . See Mas pe ro, ~ M cthods o r 'Nouris hing the V it. all'rin ciplc ,' ~ p . '169 ; and Nee d h a m a nd Lu , Sciellrtt mId Cllli/iUltioli ill Chillo. \"01. 5. part V, p . 1'1!1 On qi, sec also Ku ri),a rn a, Expres.flllf:lles5 OJtllB IJO(I)'. 12. Mas pero, ~ Me thod s or 'Nou ri sh in g the Vit a l I'rin ci plc:~ pp. 4 59 -4 60; a nd Ne (~ dh a m a nd Lu , Scumu ami Cj"j/jUllioll ill Chi,w, vo l. 5. pan V. pp. 14 5-146. 13. Lau , Lflo 'fill: Tao TeG/lillg, p. 116 . 14. Mas pe ro . ~ l\'k!llOd s or 'Nouris hing the Vi ta l i'rin ci ple:~ p p. 465-484; Needh a m a nd Lu , Sciellceaml Civj/IUltioll ill Chillfl. vo l. 5. pan V. pp . 147- 14 8. 15. See Despeu x, ~ G )' mnas lics: T he A nc ie m Tradi ti on .~ p . 2'19; Dudge o n , ~Kung- ru or Medical Gy mnas lics,~ pp. 494-500; and Needham and Lu , Sciellu and CiviliUltioll ill China, YOI. 5, pan V, p. 155. 16. Chifellg sui, 2.25a. 17. Co nside r ror exa mple l.he rollowingslaleme m rrom the ~ I nward Training~ (lIciJe) dmpteror the GIIOIIU (ca. rOllrlh cemur)' BeE): ~con cellLral e the qi as ira spi rit (/1/ slum), and the myriad things will all reside within.~See i'ue u . To 8eromea God, p. 115. 18. Needh am a nd Ling, Sciellcealld Civilizatioll ill Chilla, \"01 . 2, pp. 139- 154 ; and Needh a m a nd Lu, Sci(!IIuuml CiviliUltio ll i ll a,illa, vol. 5, part II , pp. 71 - 127.
228
Notes to Pages 144-152
19. See Maspero, M~'le[ hod s or 'Nourishing the Vilal Pr indple;M pp. 445-448. 20. Maspero. quoted in Need ham and Ling, Science fllld Civiliz.o.lioll ill Chill(/. , \"01. 2, p. 153. 21. Seidel, MChronicle orTaoiSI S llidies,~ p. 261. 22. See Engel hardl, MLongevilY Tech niques and Chinese Med ic ine,M p. 77. 23 . Need ham and Lu , Sciellu alld Civiliullioll ill OlitW, vol. 5, part V, p. 27. See also Seidel. MChro nicle orTaoisl SlUdies,M p. 264. 24. Kroll. MBody GCKls a nd Inner Vi s ion ,~ pp. 153-154. On Ihe SoilJlure oflhe }-ellom COllrt, see a Iso Robine l, '/'{lot.ft M editatioll, pp. 55-96. 25. See Engelhardl. MLongevil ), Techn iques and C hinese t>.-Icdicine,M pp. 102103; and Harper. Earl), Cliillese Medicallitemtll rt, p. 110. 26. See Need ham a nd Lu , Sri('/I(:e (llitl Citliliztllioll ill Chilla, vol. 5. part V, pp. ISI 184: and Maspero. M ~-lel hods or'Nourish ing I he Vilal Principle;M pp. 506- 517. 27. I'aitner. Mr..·loderniI Yand Millenarianism in C hin:I ,M p. 79. 28. I'aitner. MMCKlernil Y a nd Millenarianism in C hina,M pp. 79- 109. Set' also M Che n. ljrl'al/iillg SIJau5, pp. 170- 1&1; a!ld ~'liu ra , MT lw Rcvival or Qi. 29. Tang I lao and Gli Liuxin , 1aiji'lllflll ),/II/jill , pp. 5-6 . 30. Lin Uoyuan , 1),OIIggIiO li)'11 slli, pp. 378-37!1 3 1. Q,WII iillg, Qllflll f a bl'i),ao, prcrace, I b, 32. Tang Shu!lzhi , j illgr/lllflll xifilisheng wI'lyi, 2.9a. See also Zhou Wcili:mg, ZIWIIClJIIO mllsllll sM, p. 91. 33. QUflll iillg, Qllall fa bei),ao, prcface, 1b, 34. Wile, Ta i-rlli's A II;esl ors, pp. 100- 101 ; I hc o rig ina I is C hang Nai zholl , Cluwg .)1111, 99 _ . _ 1- "" __ • 5/1/' wUjI"A' 35. Wile, T ai-rlii's f\Il rtSlors, p. 93; C hang Na izilo u , Clllmg SlIi wllji shu, 2.11. 36. Wile, (..osl Taj-eM Clas5ir.s, p. 56; Ihe orig inal is Iransc ribed in ibid., p. 133;
Ihe song is allribul.ed
10
Li Yi)'ll (1 832- 1892).
37. Qillgbai lei clltlo, 6:29 06.
38. Beijillg lao Tiul! qiao, p. 23. 39. See )'ijin iillg, in ZIIOIIg)JIIO dlllalli ol/g )'(w gshellg :dumt/iall, pp. 22'1 ilnd 209 resp ccli\'eir· 40. WuJingzi, Hu/illwai.s/li, 51.492. The rc rc rc ncc 10 qi, and \0 the Yijilljillg, is in 49.475-476. 4 1. The Iron CIOl h Shirt is the subjec i o ran iron ic I'u Songling ( 1640- 1715) tale; sec his MTiebu s ha n ra ,M in Limn/wi zlliJi, 6.757. 42. Quoled in Eshe rick , llOXUUPri5;IIg, p. 105. 43. His n ame was Zhang Luojiao. See C he ng Dali, MQingdai wlIshu ,M p. 72; Naquin, Mill,marill/! Hebel/io", p. 30; and Esherick, IkJUI"UIJlisillg, pp. 96-98. 44. See Esherick, Boxer Upri5illK, pp. JOel-lOg. 45. Esherick, & .v:er Uprisillg, p. 225; the original me morial by magistrate .Ii Guiren is in SI/alltiOllgiilltlm~fIj :iliao, 3:192. 46. On magic and the lale im pe rial mania l ans, see ZhOH We iliang, ZIwIIgguo wII5hu 5hi, pp. 92-93; a nd I-I ao Qin , -LUll wlishu wenhua )' ll zhongguo mil~ian mimi zongjiao de gua nxi,· pp. 205-208.
NOles to Pages 152-1 57
229
47. Qingbai lei dlllO, 6:2965. 48. Wile, T'ai ali's Allceslor.r, p. 54; the o rig ina l is Huang Zongxi, NOlllei wending, 8. 129. See also '·Iua ng Baijia , Neijia qllll/ifa, 1h, tra ns. Wile, T'a i Chi's All ceslor.r, p. 59. 49. }'ijill jing, in ZllOlIggtW dUWIIIOllg Jallgslumg t lumdiall, pp. 21 5-216. :.>0. XU(l llji misllOU. chapter 2. 51. QU(l1l )illg, QlI(m Ja beiJ{W, p rerace, lb. 52. See Wile, T'ai CIIi's Allceslor.r, p. 55. 53. See respeC I i\'f~ly Qillg slli gflO, 505.1 3922: and Naqu i n , SIWll/ullg Uebel/ion, p.
38. 54. See ZhoLl Weilia n g, lhollggliO lUlU/III ,f/ii, p. 98; and Zhollgguo Wl/s/III h(like qU(HL~hu, pp. 18-2 1. 55. See ZhOll Weiiia ng, Z/IOIIggIIO lilliS/III .vli, p. 98. 56. Compare I he Xilllll XII , in l'i/teqllf/ll )'III/dol/g qi)' I/(ll/ I(OISIW, p. 168, wilh I he }'ijillg, MXici slUlIIg,M XI . My I ra n slal ion rol lows De rk Bodde's in Fu ng Vu -Lm , HisIOI)' oJ C hillI'S/! Philo.VI/Jhy, 2:'138. See a Iso Z ho ll Weiliang, Zhol/gguo lUllS/III shi, p. 98. 57. See Wang's wrilings in T(lijiqllflll Pll, pp. 2-1. 30. Sec a lso 1:1ng I-lao and Gu Li llXitl , Ta ijiqlwlI Jalljill, p. 18'1; Z ho u Wci lia ng, Zhollgguo Mullu slti, p. 98; and ZhOllggM wuslw fxlike qllflllslw, p. 19. 58. Wile, L osl Tfii-rhi Classirs, p. 89; Ihe o rig ina l is Iranscrib<'d in ibid., p. 153. 59. Se(' Chang Naizhou, Olllllg Shi wllji Sltll, 3.35-36 ; and Wile, ,/,'fli-rll i 's A llreslors, pp. 111 - 11 2 . Chang ha s Ira nsmtUing ro r m (xiI/g) in lo bn'
230
NOleS LO Pages 1:)7- Hil
67. HallsJlII, 30.1761 , 63.2760,81.3336, and 87.3557. Sce also Ma M ingda, Slumjiau [()IIg grlO, pp. 46- 67; and Zhou We iliang, llWlIgglW wusJw shi, pp. 2 1-22. During the Han period, !;C\'eral wrestli ng form s ca lled j uedi (Iatcr known as xiallgjJ1l) we re also
practiced. Somc a pparently resemblcd modcrn Japane!;C sumo. See Zholl We ilia ng, lluJII/jh"f1w w/lsllU sJ,i, pp. 19-2 1, 31-33; and Chc ng Dali, llwlIglJlw wlis/m, pp. 189-19 4. 6B. 1lle !;C nt c ncc is rc plc te with Daoist tcch nicaltc r ms fo r mediull io n: millgxi u me ans dearing thc mind of a l! tho ug hL"; lOOgU mcans denching Ihe flSl , usually by pressi ng I he thumb aga inst t hc Ill idd Ic fin ger's m iddle !;Cctjo n, I hen wrapping il wil II , he ot her fi ngcrs; jillgsi is (Iuic t visuali7.at ion. See llwlIghtw J)aojifW (/(1 cit/ian, pp. 980 a nd 983 re spec t iveJy. O n wOgll, !;Cc also Engelhardt , - Lo ngcvity Tcc hniqucs and Chinese M edici ne ,~ p. 103. 69. Daoist cos mology ide ntifi es the he ad with the immo nals' abode alo p 1\11. Klln illn in no rthwes t Ch ina. 70. Nl'igrmglusJI/ID. PI'. 8-12. 1\1)' transla tio n pan ia lly follows Oudg<,on's (-Klingfll or Me dical Gym nas tics,- Pl'. 375-385) re nd itio n of the s(~t's SOll r('(', The EighlExercises Urocade. 7 1. Nl'igrmg luslHlO, p. 6. 72. Ze ng Zao (fl. 11 3 1- 11 55). DaD S""; Sc hippe r, cd . COl/rort/ana t/ II Tao-Is(mg (hereaft e r -DZ-), 1017, 35.l ia (Zeng Zao, lIow('\'el", docs no t me ntio n Ih(' na n\(' - Eight-Sect iOll Urocade-). Sec it Iso Ta ng I lao e t a l., Ik u/tU/1/ jill, p. 2; and Zhongguo gudai liyu slli, p. 347. 73. I lo ng Ma i, l'ijiall "1..1Ii, sec tio n )'i, 9.65 - 66. 74 . Sec Ta ng Jl ao c[ a l. . Ikuiuall jill; and Che n i'e ngchc ng and Fe ng \Vu , -The Eight-Sec tio n Urocadc.- Cont c mpo ra q ' Shao li n - Eig ht-Sectio n n rocad e~ is OUIIi ne d in C/lllmlfollg SIl(Iolill qua II lao/II jinocllmg, 5:29G-308. 75 . Sec Cao Lia n. ZWISJullgbiljiall, 1O.18 b- 22b, tran s. Dudgeon, - Kung-fu o r Medical C y Jlln as lics,~ PI'. 375-385; C"ift"gslli, 1.'15-56, 1rans. Despc ux , V I 1II0el/e dU /HICllix mllgt', PI'. 112- 126; a nd Xillz.hmsliis/IU, DZ. 263, 19.Ja-5b. Onlhe Shou sh i cilium "1../tm (\\'hich I have not seen), sec Tang I lao, -Songshan Shaolin chuilnxi de he IILl ~ i de ti c ao,~ PI'. 26- 27; and Tan g I-lao, - Wo Guo t iyu ziliao jic ti,- pp. 65-67. 76. The exe rcises arc attr ibuted to Zho ngli Q Uiln in Xill:..hell shishu, J)Z, 263, 19.1a. ZcngZao (fl. 11 3 1- 1155) a lludes to Ltl Do ng bin in a com mc nt1 hal is included in Ihe sa me \\'Ork (23.1b): ~ Mil s t e r Zho ngli's 'Eig ht -Sectio n Brocade' wa s wril1en on a Slone wa ll by the ha nd or Sir Lli [Do ngbi n]; thus were they p..1.sscd o n \0 the world .~ See l\-1a spe ro, - Me thods of 'Nourishing the Vita l Pri n c ipl e:~ p. 5 47, note 16. On the li1 e m!"}' corpus a tuibuted (0 the two immo rt a ls see Predagio and Skar, - Inner AIch e my,~ p. 469. 77. NeigrJ/!g tllsllllO, pp. 47- 70, a nd Dudgeon's tran sla tio n (which wa s made from the 'i eishe"lIg l'ljilljillK (18 75», pp. 529-541. On the H'eishmg r ijill jillg, see appendix, edition no . 4. 78. See Prip-Moller, a,illest! B uddhi!it M Ollasteries, p. 30, p. 34, plale 38. The mistranscription is We ituo instead of (Sa i) J iamuo fo r Skanda; see Noel Pe ri, - Le dieu We i-t 'ouo~; a nd Str ickma nn, Cllillfie Magiwl Medicille, pp. 2 18-227. See also Stei n, ~ Th e Gu a rdia n of the Gate.-
NOles to Pages 162- 168
231
79. Weimo's exercises first a ppeared in t.he Daoguang (1821- 1850 ) e d ition of the r ijinji llg, 2.29b- 39b (see a ppe nd ix, edit.io n no. 3), See a lso the mode rn e di ~ lion r iji l! j i llg, in ZlwlIgguo clW(IIIIOlIg )"llllgslllmg ullmdinll, pp. 225 -2~-S6 ; and Tang I-lao, ~ Son gs h a n Shaolin ch ua nxi de he huiji de ticao,~ p. 28. SO . Appe ndix. editi on 6, p. 37a. See a lso Tang I-lao, -J iu Zho ngguo tiyll shi shang fllhui de D arn o ,~ pa rt I , p. 24; and Gong Pe ngcheng (who mistake nly has Songhe ng inSlead of Zongheng), ~ D a mo Y~ i n j ing lu nkao,M pp. 73, 80. 81. Zi nin g daQt'e n is not me ntio ned in T ian ta i gazett eers such as the 'finll/n i slwI! quail uli o r the TOlIgVai s},j:IIi. 82. See, a mo ng ot he r e nt ries. ~ZijillM a nd -llillgshelt in t he Zhong/nUl DoojifW (/(1cid iall, pp. 122 1 a nd 1237 res pect h'CI),. 83. Co mpare Appe ndix, ed itio n 3. 1. 8a-lOa; Appe nd b::, ed ition 6. 1. 2b -~-S b; a nd lJlOllggUO clllum/ollg )'llllgs/umg zlielldiall, pp. 2 13-21'1. T he refe re nce is to D. C, La u , tra nsla tor, Mellrill.f, boo k II , pa rt A, p . 77. 84. The te r m a ppea rs as ea rl)' as sectio n 5 of tile lJaodl'jing(c.1. 400 n CE). The me dit ati\"(! techniqL Le is me ntio ned in the e1C\,Cll tl l-cell tury Daoist e ncyclopedi a }'ullji qiqia II, IO. lOa . It is de tai led in Wu Sho u)'ang's ( I :J63-1644), Ximifo hl'Z.lJIIg )'ulu. 16b- 2 Ib . 85. Compa rr Appe nd ix. ed it.io n 3. 1.I1 .. - 12a; Appe ndi x, ed it ion 6. 1.1 3a - 1401; a nd lJ/(mgg'uo rlwnlltollg)'nllgslumg z.JielUiinll. p. 21 5. On t hc Daoist d c me nt s in tllc Sinews 7JrlIIsJO l'lllafioll Qa,uir, see Gong Pe ngche ng, - Damo , rUin j ing lun kao, ~ pp. 78-84. 86. Se{' rcspec t ivel)'. Cha ng Naizho ll , Clumg Shi lImji s/lIt, p. 38; \Vile. '/"ai Chis A ncestors. p. 11 3; and WuJingzi. Hulill wnishi, 49.'175-'176. 87. See Cll Liu xin. ~ Wu s h u shishang de C an Fc n gch i ~; and li e Zehan . Hillin waishi rmwu benshi haoliie. pp. 12 0- 1 ~:!
Notes to Pages 168- 172
232
Zlumg tang dusllU ji, 68.335; Xu Zhe n, CIWji hlllluf, pp. 14-1 5; Tang I-lao,
Shaolin Wu-
dang hao, pp. 13-20; a nd Gong Pe ngcheng, - Damo ytiin j ing lllnkao,~ pp. 74-75,
79-S0. 96. It is included in a Daogu a ng (IS21-1 850) edit io n (Appe ndix , e d ition 3). 97. See Mo rris, M ar row oJ tIlt! Nfl/roll, pp. IS5- 229. 9B. See Mats uda Ryiich i. ZllOligglIO WUsJlII shilii..t, p. 135; Tang I-lao et aI., Bruill/HI jil" pp. 1.4 2: a nd ~ Yu e Fei in ZIIOIIIJlJIW wlIshll b(likeqtWIUh ll , p p. 531- 532. 99. C o mpa re A ppe nd ix, ed itio n 3, XII, 'la-5b: App e nd ix , e d it ion 6, shell),ollg xu, l a-2a; a nd 7JlOngglJo c!UulIltollg),allgshellg:hel/{l ifm, pp. 20S-209. 100. See Li n g Ti ngka n ,J iaolilfmglllelyi, 25 .1Gb. 101. See , fo r exam ple, the refe re nce to the legend in the story - Ma i),oll lang dll zh a n I-I u a kui ~ (-11Ie Oil Vendor wi n s I he f-l ower Q uee n ~), in Fe ng ~-Ic n g lon g, 'yillgshi /lImg)'an, 3.33. 102 . See Slmi/ll/ qllamJuu/II, 107.1621. Ide nti fi ed wit h the Buddh ist dd t}' VaiSraVat.la (Chinese: Duowen lia n or Pisha me n), LiJing fi g u res in the Fmgshm )"flll)' i (1 2.10 1- 14.128) as Nezha's falhe r. O n his Song pe r io d c u lt , sec Hansen , Ol(mgillg Gods, pp. 11 2- 11 3, 186 , 191. 103. See, fo r exam ple, Xu lIo n gke's po n n lya l in C hu Re nhuo (fl. 1700), Sui Tang )'all),i, 24 .19 6- 197. A I h iI'd novel I ha t fca t u re d Bo d h id hanna \\~ I S the BiogmI,hies oJ '/ivent)'-Four Ell/igMf'llI'd Arlwts (Ershisi :1111 dedao IUO/lflll ullum) (lG0 4). O n the India n pa tria rch in Ming fi ction , sec Du r:lIld -Dast(·s, L" UO"lf/lI till mail,." til! tlh),(llla, pp. 1- 2'13. 104. Sec res pec tively C h ing, - Black Whi rh,'ind A xes~; a nd Le ung ilnd T C Med ia, - Wu Song Brea ks Ma nacles.105. Sec ch apt e r 5 . lOG. See runji qiqiflll, 59. 12b- ISbj ilnd SOl/gshi, 205.5 185, 20 5.5188. A thi rd ma nua l liste d by t he SOllgs/,i tha t m iglu have been in fo r med by Dao ist bc lil.'fs is 130dhidlw rmll s Jjlood-\'essel.s "n uor')' las Uecorded b)" M Ollk Il!likl! (Selig I I!likl! Dt'IllO xIll!mai 11111), except tha t a n ex tanl " 'ork \\'ilh it vcr )' sim ila r title beil n no Dao istt races. St:e Dalllo dashi Xl u!/Iwi 111/1 (TIll! great mnSler IJOllhidlull'lIIas blood vessel them)'), (prc f;Ice 1153), ZZ editio n. Anothe r Dao ist-in spire d tex t tha i bea rs the sil illl'S na me is MGre at r.,·llIstcr Bo dhidha rm
NOles to Pages 172-177
233
M gesling t.hat the Mblue-ered monk is in th is inslance Milefo (Maitre}'a); see his MNei jillgTu,M pp. 146, 149. 107. tel' I·bar. Wllite Lotus Teacllillgs, pp. 101-106. 108 . See Predagio and Skar, Minne r Alchem}"M p. 490. See also Vao Tao-Chung, ~Quanzhen-Complele Perfection ,M pp. 588- 589. 109. See, for example. t he Ta ng period Shesliellg zlum/u, DZ, 578, pp. 2:1-3a. See also Despeux, ~G}'lJlnas[ics.~ pp. 231-232. 11mt dllO)'ill predalCc! the arrival of Buddhism in China poses a difficult y in a.~sess ing I ndian influences. The tradition's main feat lIres, such as brea[ hing. qi circu la[ ion. and li mb mO\'ements, had been fi rml}' establi shed by t he second cent ury BCE; see Need ham and Lu , Scie1lce (111(/ Cj"iliwtioll ill Chilw, \'01. 5, part V. pp. 280-283. 110. See, respect i\'e\y, NricrJIIg IlIslwOo p. 70, anc! Tang I-lao, ~Ji\l Zhongguo 1i}'11 sh i shang fuhui de Damo,M part 2 . pp. 27-37. Tang c1e monst mtes llml the earliesl wrillen M associat ion of t he ME.igill cen-Arhats 1-land wit h the Shaolin Te mple was made h)' 1he Sluwlin AI/lhrll/if" Tirlmiqllef (Slwolill uJIIgfa) of 1911 , which had serve d as 1he source for Ihe Ser rel Formulas of Ihe S/wolill Ilall(/ Combat Mrllu}(/ (SI/(/O/i1l qtwJuhll mijtU') of 1m 5. III. See C hing, MUodhidharma's Lege ndary Fighting Can(,.M It r(, ma ins 10 be investigat ed when the weapon was invente d . 11 2. Lill T'ieh-yi"ln (\..iu E). TraT'r/s of Lao 15(111. PI'. 73, and 2'18, nOles 4, 5. TIlf' Shaolin relcvance was first no ted by He nning, ~ R e n ec ti onson a Visi t 10 lhe Shao lin i\1ollaSter}" Mp . 100. 11 3. See Brook, MRe t h ink ing Syncre t ism ,M p. 22; and Be rli ng, S),1IfI"f./i( Uf'ligioll of Lill Chao-clI. 11 4. Compare lJIOlIgguO c/I/WIIIOI/g )"llllgshmg z.lielU/iall, p. 308; and Append ix, edition 6, PI'. 36a-37h. 11 5. Sec VLi, Uelu:wa/of 'JllddMsm ill Chilla, pp. 101-137. 11 6. See Vu , Thej ollrllc),/oille lI'est, 1:79-93. 1 am g ra te ful 10 Rania I lunlinglon for suggesti ng the analo!:."}'. Note also Vu's co mme nt , ~ It is quil e remarkable Ilow extc nsi\"CI}' the themes and rhetoric oflhoism appear in ever}' pari ofllle [joltnu!)' /0 the U~SI],M (ibid. , 1:36). 11 7. See Brook , MRe thinking Syncretism ," PI'. 20-23. 11 8. Wile, T a; C/li"s AIICes/Or.f, p. 53 (s lightly a ltered ); the original is I-luang Zongxi, Nlmlei wending, 8. 128. Compare I-luang Ba~ia , Neijia qlumfa, p. Iii; and the biography of the martial anist Zhang Songx i in Nillgbofll :iIi, 31.2289, both trans. Wile, Tai Otis A IIcestOr.f, pp. f>8 and 68 respectin·ly. 11 9. Wil e, Tai CliisAIICestOr.f, p. 58 (s lig htl), a h e red ); the original is I-luang Baijia, Neijia qumifa, p. la. 120. See Seidel. M A Taoist Immonal of the Ming D}'nasl}',M p. 504; and Lagerwe}" "The Pilgrimage [0 WU-langShan ,M p. 305. On lhe historical Zhang Sanfe ng, see also 1·luang Zhaoh an, iI'lil/gliai daos/t; lJwlIgSmifellgk(w, pp. 36-37. 121. See Lager we)" "The Pilgrimage to WlHang Shan ,M pp. 293-302. 122. Wile, T ai QtisAllcestor.f. p. 53 (slig hLl)' a lle re d ); lhe original is I-luang Zongxi, Nlllllei wt!lldillg, 8.128. See also Seidel, MA Taoisllmmo nal oflhe Ming Dynasty,M p. 506.
234
NOles lO Pages 177-184
123. See Seidel, ~A Taoisllmmonal o fl.he ~'Iin g D}' nas l }',~ pp. 4S5-496. 124. See Yang Lizh i, '" Mingda i diwang yu \V ud ang daoj iao guanli~; and Lage rwey, MThe Pilgrimage 10 WtHang Shan ,M pp. 299-302. 125. Wile, Lost Tai-<1Ii C!(lssirs, p. 110; see a lso Wi le, T'ni-
7. Suspect Rebels J. Sec Gil YanwlL ,j illsM IIIm::.;ji, 2 .29b-30a , 3.34b-35 b, and his ~Shaolin S('ng billg,Min Hi::.Jlillljislli, 29. 2Ia- 22b. G li aUl llored Ilis poem on 111(' mona slery in /11(' s pring of 1679 (sec Qian Bangya n. MGu Ting li n xian slle ng nianpu ,M p. 6'la). 1101,'c,"cr, i[ is poss iblc [lIa[ he h ad visi tcd the monas le r y ea rlie r as well. 2. See Peterson, MThc Life of Ku Yen-I\'u (1613- 1682), Pan II : Ku's lh\"eling Afte r 1657,M p. 209, and Good rich , Dicliollat")' of Millg IJiogm/lh)', 2:-122. 3. The Wuru Peak is situated beh ind Ihe mo nasle ry 10 ils norll,. 4. Gu Ya IlI,'ll, ~ Shaol in si,M in Gil Til/gilll slri ji III/hill/, 6.1212- 1216. Sec also Xu Changqi ltg's com mentary in his S/raolill si)"11 ZhO llggllO 1I¥mh,U/, pp. 230-23 1. 5. Sec Wakeman , elMt EllterpriSl!, 2:i77- i S J. 6. On the I-leaven a nd E..rt h Soc ie ty, see Ol\'nby, !JmlllBlilO(J(lswul &C/~I Sorielies; 1\:1 urray and Qin , OrigillS oftlu '/iamlilmi; and le r I-Iaar. Ui/lwl (11Il1M)'lhology oJ lhe a,ilIese Jil(1ds. 7. See l\"ILlI"ray a nd Qin , OrigillS oJI/le Tifllldi/lll i, pp. 151 - 175, 19i-228; te l' I-Iaar, Nilllal (/lid M)'lh%lD' of Iltl! Cllinl!Sl! Triads. 36S-388. 8. The connenion lo \lulu Ma rgin is argue d by Mu rray a nd Qin, Odgills of Ihe Tiwldihlli, pp. 169-172. Barend ler I-bar (Uillla! (l1Il1 M)"/lwlolD' oJlhe Chillese T,lads) analyzes lhe legend in the com ext of the la le impe rial messianic paradig m . 9. See tel' I-b ar, Hillllli alld MyOw!og)' of/hI! Chint!St! Triads, pp. 404-407. Whether a Southe rn Shaolin Tem pie d id ex iSI goes beyond the scop e of th is stud y. Curremly al least lhree Fluian cilies, "lilian , Quan zho u, and Fuqing, boasl the re m ains of what they claim had been t he authe ntic Southern Shaolin l c mple. The claims have been reviewed by Wen Yucheng and Zhou Wei liang. Both scholars conside r lhe latter hypOlhesis lhe most p lausible. A -Shao li n C l oi sler~ (Shaolin yuan ) had been silUaled in the western omskirlS of Fuqing CoulHYsince the SOlllhern Song.
NOles to Pages 18<1 -189 However, neither its relat.io n to th e He na n Temple nor its mi litary history are clear. See Wen Ylicheng, Shaolill Ja "ggu, p p. 37'1-385; Zho u Wei liang, ~i\'1 ing-Qillg shiq i Shaolin wlishu de Iishi liuhia n ,~ pp. 10- 14; a nd lhe less crit ica l FIUJi"g SIlfIolin Ji. T he Quanzholl case is argued b)' Che n Sido ng, XillIP' IUI" bige"glu, 1:201-281, and in QUfll1:.hou NaI! Shaoli/l Ji Jalljill. The ea rliest no\'el celebrat ing the SOLIt hem Shaoli n Temple was likely the late Qi ng SIumgclwo ding sheng lIIa/!lIia II qillg (Tlte $l/cred (/)",I(ISI)' 's IrifKxls flourish, IJIm/(l1I1 for len IIwltSaI!d Jean). See Hamm, P"per Swordsmen, 3'1-38, 56. 10. See Weng Tongwe n, -K.'l.Ilgxi chuye ">'i-Wan weh:ing' jituan ),ud an g j ianli Tia ndihui,~ pp. 433-4'19; a nd He Zhiq ing, Ti"mlililli qiJIWII JOlljilt. Barend leI' Haar disputes the Changlin hypot hesis in /liIllol ",ul MJlholog)' ofllY! Chillese TI1(l(/S, pp. 407-4 16. II . For a general SUI"\'e)', see An,'el l, -The T'a i-ch '
236
Notes to Pages 189-199
25. The inscriptio n is photog raphically re pro duced in Zlwngglw Shnolill si, p. 256. 26. See Song xinn Uli. p. 837. 27. The course of even ts is outli ned in a ~'Ii n i stry o f Rites d ocu ment dated 1657, which is include d in t.he 5lwo/in sf Uli, bIlUW, la-2a. See also We n Yucheng, Shaolin fimggu, pp. 331-333. 3'13. 28. See Wen Yuc he ng, Slwo/in fimggll, pp. 337-338, 34 3. 29. The ce remonies a re recorde d on a Sh ao li n stele dat ed iG54 t hat comme morates their comple tio n: see nlOngglio ShllO/ili si, beikfjlWII, p. 257. See also We n Yuch eng, Siwolill fallggll, pp. 332 ,343. 30. See Siwo/ill si tlli, rhenIum, 4b; a nel We n Yuche ng, Slwo/ill Jnllggu, p. 339. 3 1. See Wen Yucheng, Slwo/ill fimggll, pp. 3'17-349. 32. Shaolill .fi uti, eltel/ltall, 501. In II/is edic t the e mperor docs not ment io n tIle monks' military activities, o f wh ich we know he h ad been well awar(' fro m an (',Ifli er document. See his cor respo nde nce of 1726 with Ihe go\"crnorof I knan, Tian WetU i ng, in Shi%ollg :\i(/II Ihwl/gdi UllljJi )'1tz.1Ii, 9.9b. 33. Edict dated Qia n long fortiet h year, fifth mon lh , eighth da}' (June 15, 1775), in Qialllollgr!WO .f/lflllg),1l dmlg, 7:878. 34. Sce tcr B aal', lVllile LolliS '/"PflrhilllJS' On late imperial religion and re be lli on. see a lso Naqui n , Millenflriml UWf'lIiol/; Naqui n , Sha ll/lttlg IMJfllion; Eslterick, lJo.vl''' Uprisillg; [\-1an n a nd Ku h n. ~ Dy n as t ic Decl ine and Ih(' Roots of Re bd liOl1.~ 35. Qi an long fou rth year, tenth month , nine teen th d ay (No\'emb('r 19, 1739), in Kang r Ollg Qia II slliqi rlumgxia "g renlllill fnllkol/g dOltzhf'llg :,jlit/o, 2:6 I9. 36. Report b)' the An)'i Cou nt )' magistra te that \\'as appe nded to a me mori al dat ed Qianlong t\\'c llt ),-seco nd yea r, third mon th , t\\'cn t),-fo urth d a}' (Ma}' 11, 1757) by t he lI edong sa lt com missioner, Na J un ; /J.tjil ZOIIUIt, n umbe r 166/ jlum 9015/ 11110 66. 37. Document quoted in Z ho u Weiliang, ~ t\-li ng-Qing shiqi Shaolin wushu,~ p. 9, See also t he memorial date d J iaqing t \\'Cnt ie t h year. fi fr h mo nt h. nin t h day (June 10. 18 15) by the governor-general ofZh il i. Nayanche ng (1764-1833), in Nfl 11"-11)'; gollg z.ou)'i,40.2b.
38. The W;:I I'll ing W;:I S e ng raved o n a Sh ao lin slele; see chapter 2. 39. Liu T'ieh-)'lln, Travelsof l...ao '/l i lli , p. 73. 40. Lin Qing. H ong :nll!),illJllall/llji, seClio n I. See a lsoc ha plcr 5. On \V,lng , sec chap ter 6. 4 1. l\-Iorris, IHarrow of Ille Nalio/l, pp. 185-229. A manial art s d e mo nst ralion was included in the 1936 Berlin Olympics; ib id ., p. 179. 42. Menlioned as ea rl)'as lhe Yuan pe rio d . lhe No nhe rn Shaolin Te m ple was situ ated on Ml. Pan some fOrL), miles eas l of Be~ in g; We n Yuche ng, SJwofillJrmggu, pp. 230-233. Conclusion
I. MOle, Imperial Ou'/In: 900-1800. p. 81. 2. See Demieville, ~Le Bouddhisme e l 101
g ue rre ,~
pp. 375-376; Slr ickmann,
NOlI' to Page 201
237
Ma/!tms et mandarins, p. 41; C holL Vi-Liang, -Tantrism in C hi na ,H pp. 305- 306; and Hansen, "Gods on Walls,H pp. 80-83. 3. See ZhOlL Weiliang, ZlwI!gg!UJ l/JU91!1 ,{/Ii, pp. 86-88. See a lso the anthropoH logical exploration s of Amos, MA I-lo ng Ko ng Southe rn Praying i\·lantis Cuh ; and Boretz, Mi\bnial Gods a nd Mag ic Swords.-
Glossary
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243
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(spe ll ) Z ho tl Bin MHl
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Works Cited
Abbreviations
SKQS T
H'ill)'lumgr siku qU(lIlslw Tai silO slli lis/IIi doil.Ok)'o
1)Z
Sc hipper. Klistofer. cd. Colll'OtrittllUtill '/ oo-IS(mg
ZZ Vai tVilloll wkll:..okJo (Edit ions of I he f ijin jing (Sinews TrmujomUllioli Gassir) arc l isted in 1he Appendix)
Ackc r, Willia III R. n. Some 1"(1 ngrmd /m-Ttlllg Texis 011 alillest! P(lilllings. Vol. 2, ClwlIg )~I-yU{/II, Li fai millglultl rI,;. Lcide n: Brill , 19i' l. A'de I\IIJ~. ~ F uniu shan xi ngji- ~fl~ lid r ,-;C (Record of an cx pc d ir ion 10 M1. Funiu). CIWIIIII /liIi~24 (2002): 28-33. - - - , ~Ji nnalLlo ''la ng kao- RJJlIA! I Ji (A slUdy o f King Jinnaluo). I n SIII/olil) g(mgju wen); «(I'v,) , - - - , ~l\'l ingdai lalllajiao)'lI Shaoli n si - I~H~I!IHIJfJ~~&# ..~ (l\I ing period Tib etan Huddhism a nd the Shaoli n Mo nas te ry). In Slwolill gollgfll ll'tllji (q .v.). - - - . 'Qianfo dianji bi lilla kao- T- bti12:nl\~ ill.-tj (The Tho usand Buddhas' I-Iall wa ll painting). alan/ll f\iI~ 1 3 (1999): 48-51. Adolphson, lvli kael S. Tlu! Teet/, alld Claws oJ the I1l1ddha: MOllastie It'an'iOl:5 ami Solw; ilija/J(l/Il!Se Histo')'. H onolulu: Universil ), o r l-Iawai' i Press, 2007. Amos. Da niellvl. -A l'lo ng Kon g Southe rn Pm)'i ng ~-1allli s C u lt. - j Olll"11llf 0/ the A s;(w Martial Arts 6, no. 4 (1997): 3 1-61. Antony, Robert J. Like Frot/, Floating Oil the Sea: Th e IUn1t/ oJ Pimtes m ul Sca/a rCI:5 ;11 Lllte Im/len'al SOllt/, C/,ilw. C h ina Resca reh l'o-1onograph 56. Be rkeley: I nstitUle of East Asian SLUdies, Un i\'ersity orCaliro rnia. 2003. A/Jidwno jllshe hI/! 1W1l¥iillff mll Ja (Abhidha rma kos.'l.sastra). B)' Va subandhu. Translated by Xuanzang 1':9!!:. 1', no. 1558. Atwell, William . M'nle Tai-eh 'a ng, T ie n-ch ' i, and C h 'ung-ehe n Re ig n s, 1620-1644.-
24i
248
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M
M
M
m
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Index
aCllpllnCtllre. 11 7- 11 8. 138. 152,200 A'de. 85, 87 Allloghav:Ura. 199 AnllatS of Wu alld rue, 156
arhats. 15, 169; and slaffs , 89-90 Anll E:ct!lri.ses, 64-65, 77. 82 Marl ofwar,M 200 Asa nga,91 Ava lokildvara (Guan)'in), 42 , 85, 88, 128, 132, 186 Bacluanjin. SeeM Eighr-Seclion UrocadeBagua Zhang. SeeEiglu Trigrams Palm Uaigu zhuang. SuCypress Vallcy ESlat e
Ba tuo,9, 17,35, 207nn.35, 36 Hi andull. 75 bing/a, See"al't.ofwarBl oc h, Marc, 5 , 45 Bodhidhal'llla, I, 12- 17, 73, 190; and Daoism, 172, 232n.I06;and mania l arls mytholob'}>, 178-180; in [I.·l ing fi.Clion, 170; and SiliEws Tral!.~forlll(l'ioll Classic, 165- 168 - Bodhidhann
brO
273
Index
274
Cheng Zongyou. 56- 61, 64-68, 82, 97, 188; on Buddhism and martial arts, 62, 80, 114, 199; a nd Vajrapat.li lege nd, 83, 87-88 Chifeng sui. See Hed PluJel!ixs Ml/ mJw Ching, Gene, 45 Chuzu a n. See Fi rst Pat riarch 's Hermitage Classic ofClulIIgt'-s. 154, 200 Clouds Cliff Temple, i9 Colll'Cted Talks 011 the Niven (II!(I Lakes, 67 ~compassionate killing,~ 91 cosmology, 153- 157, 18 1, 197,200-201 crosshow, 57 Cypress Valley Estale, 2'1-26, 28-31 , 33, 51
Damo zhang. sPl'~ Uod hidh a rma Ca n e~ Daocheng, 107 DaO(/1' jillg, 142 Daoism: and Uodhidharma, 172, 23211. 106; and dl/D)'ill, 137, 144 147; eighl immortals of, 120- 121 ; and fencing, 155-157; and Illustrated E:c/XJsitioll of Intl'nw/ "ledllliques, 158-160; a nd marl ial arts, 3, 137, 147,149, 155, 180, 197, 200-20 1;ilnd [\'11, Song, 12;a nd Sin ews Trmufonlll/tioll Clussic, 161- 164 Ihoji, 15,5 1. 87 Daoping, 17 dao)'in, 137, 140- 147; and fe ncing. 156157; and lIIustrtlted E,'I,'positioll of Interlml Techniques, 158- 160; a nd martial arl S. 14 0, 142- 1'13. Hi157, 155, 180,197; a nd Sillews "lhmsjormatiol! Classic. 161; a nd raga, 172 Dao)'ill lu. See IIlustmtjollS of Guidillg al!(1 Pullillg Da T(/IIg StlI!umgfaslu' 'I" jil!gji. See Ma.'iter of the Law, Tripitaka Of the Creat T(mg, P rocures tl,e Scriplllres Demieville, Paul, 9 1 DictiolUlI)' Of tile 8uddltisl Calloll, 40 DongJ ieyuan , 43, 95-96 DOli J iande, 23-24, 27
Eight-Immortals Fist,~ 120-121 Drllllkell Masler, 121 Dudgeon ,John, 138 Duti , '18 ~ Drllnke n
Eight Immortals, 120- 121, I!",(j -Eig ht-Section Brocad e,~ 160, IG8 Eight Trig rams upri sing, 124, 134, 151 , 193 Eight Trigrams Palm, 134, 154. 180; and cosmology, 181, 197 Emel, 67, 75, 77-78, 118, 166 -Eme i daoren quan ge.~ Sl'e ~ Song of I he [md ,,·Ion k 's Fisl ~ Emri qiallg/a. See Eml'i S/",f//, MI'/h(}(1 Emri Spear Me/hod, 67, 77 e pigra phy, 4, II , 14-15,21-22,71.83. 85, 117, 188. SI't' (//so ~ Slmo) i11 ~'lo na sl ('ry Slde~
Erwangwll. SI'tI ~ ')\I'O V(,llerable Kjngs~ Essl'lllia/s of thl' I-Imu/-ComOOI ChlSsir, 116,128-131 I~sl'll/ial TerlilliqtU!s of G rumlillg Life, 138, 158.203 Expositioll of/he O"igino' Slll/olill Staff Meth(}(/, 56-62, 65-66, 83, 88, 97,
"' Facong, 95-96 Fa lu ngong, 147 Fan Zhongx iu , 27 fallgloll Mllg. See-subs id iary sirrine Illonks~
Fanyi millgyi ji. See Tl'lIns/(/le(/811lldhisl ,/imllill%g)' Fa ru , 13 Fa ure, Be rnard . 12 Fa),un . 102 Fearless, 122 feixi. Sa - fl ying Slarr fe ncing. 155-157. 180 figllLing mon ks: and ilinerancy, 67, 7576, 81; and meat die t, 42-51, 9596; in po pular fiction , 92-100. See a/.50 monaSlic lroops firearm s, 137,200 Firsl i'a lriarch 's He rm ilage, 16
-'7",
Index
Fists of PW)', 12 1 Five Holy Pea ks, 12 MrIying staff,~ 106-107 FOlllo. See Batuo Fu Mel, 10- 11 ,83,88 Funiu. 63 . 70, 7!"I, 79-80, 189, 196
Gan Fengchi, 153, 165 Gaozll, Emperor. See Li Yua n Ge Hong, 14 5, 155 Geng )'/1 slumgji. See Terlmiques Jor After-
Farming Pastime MGod of the Deep Sands,~ 97 Golden- Bell Armor, 15 1 gouqi(wg. SeP hooked spear G u Shaolian, 33 Gil Yanwll, 5, 182-183, 186, 190 G u ang'an, 58, 67 G u angong, 85, 97 G u anrin. Sf'eAvalokiteS\·ara Mgllardian spirit,~ 84-87, 89 Gui}'ijun. SePM Return toAllcgia nce Arm( GUI.labhad l~\, 20 /J110siw. SeeMNational ArtsGuzhou, 82-83 gymnastics. Sec dfl(yyil' ll aikuan, 189-190 hand combat: defined, 113; a nd Henan, 134- 135; in Ming li teratUfe, 131- 132; Qi J iguang's method of. 128- 13 1; 17,hcen tu f Y styles of, 133- 135; Shao! in evo llllion of, 3. 82,1 13- 127. See a Iso Illa rt ia I a r1s J-Irllld-Combflf Classic, 114 -126. 133. 136, 149, 153 handsYllloolism, 40, 42,120,199 He Liangch en, 62, 75, 130 I-Ie Wei, 48-49, 19 4 I-Iea\-en and Earth Sociely. See Tiandihui Mh elerodox- sects, 19 1- 192. See also sectarian rebellion Hi nduism, 20 I-lislorialls Crrift, 45 1-listOl)' of Arrhtry" 57
Histo')' oj IHOllastic NatiOllal Defense, 71 ho ly fools, 15,51,87 I-lo ng Fist, 116 I-lo ng ~h i , 160 I-Iongj i, .58, 188 I-Io ngj in. Set! Red Turbans Ho ng-Lhllan, 58, 64, 82 hooked spear, !"i), 82 I-hi Zongx ian, 69 I-Iu a T IIO, I'll Hli angBa~ ia,5,57, 76, \<19, 152,175-179 1-lli a ngZong:< i, 5, 57, 75, 152, 175-178 /-II/tmgt ill gji IIg. Sec Sniptll I"e oj tltl' l'l'lIotU Collrt
I-Il1ian,13 I-Il1ig uang,17 I-Iui ke. 13-14, 73, 166, IG8 J-Illili n, '10 J lui m ing, 95-97, 101 I lui neng,87 I-Iuiyang, 25-26, 33-34,183 J IliO Yll ar~ i a, 121-122
icchiill/ika, 91 JIIuslmled i~posilioll oj inln'Iwl Tech lIiqlles, 138-140, 1'19, 157-160 Jllllsimliolls oJe ttidillg Mltl PIII/il/g, 140
inunon a lil Y, 139, 14'1. 1'16, 155-157, li5 ; and martial .m s, 197,201; ,l1ld
Sillews TmllsJal'llw/iol/ Classic, 149, 163-164,17'1. 180 kl rn pc ri:tI ForI,· 88,187-188, 235n_ 18 Ind ra. 37, 212n.62 - in ncr alchc tn},,- 1<15, 155, 172 intellectua l hislo r y, 181 Ime rn a l School (Fist), 75,135, 152, li5-181 IIIlerllal Sdwol Pis/ Ale/lux!, 1<19, 152, 178 - ime rna l slrc ng lh ,M 126, 149 1ro n -CIOlh Shin , 151 ,22811.41 Jet Li. Set! Li L ianjie J iJ ike, 134-135 jiallghu. See Mri vers and lakes M Jiallgllll cOllgllm. See Collected 1'alk.soll Ihe Rivers alld u/lles jiallgl/all jillg lii£. See He Strategic DeJenS/! oJlhe jiallglllHl Regioll
Index
276
j ial! jing. See Swom Oa.JSic
J iapiluo she n. See Kapila J iaqing, Emperor, 193 jiedan. SeeM prohibilions' IUlire~ J in Yong, 22 jill'grlllg. See lIajm J in 'ga ng shen. SeeV~j r a p5 1) i jil!gde Clw.(lIIdellg III. See j illgrle Periotl Huord oJthe Tmll smi.uiOIl oJthe lamp jillgrle Period Huord oj tile Tmllsmi.ssio" oj the lamp, 13-14 J innaluo. See Kiqlll ara j ill PiI!g Mpi. See Plwn ill the Goide" Fast' J in zhong zhao. Si'eGolde n-Bcll Armor j i:riao xillsJw. See Nnl! Treatise Oil iH ili/m)' t'ffiriellry J iw (MI.), 75 j Olmll')' to the IIbt, 93-94, 124 , 131, 175 Kangxi, Emperor, 184, 190 Kapila,2 14n.90 Ki eschni ck,J oh n, 102 Kiqlllara Uinnaluo), 87-89,9'1, 114. See nlso N,j 1~I)'a 1.1:1; V,~ I~I 1'50 i Kroll, Paul, 146 kung ru (mov ies), I , 10, 196. See also 1J !~mhe" Mnste.~ Fearless; Fists oj f ury; 5//(lOlill Temple KUlig fu Tai Chi, 45 ~ Lime nt
on 1\'lo nast ic Troops,~ 74 Lee, Bruce, I . 121 Levi-S tra uss, Claude, 179 LiJ ing, 165, 167- 168, 170-171 LiJ i)'ll , 187- 188 Li La nti a n, 78 Li Lia njie, I, 44. 12 1, 196. 198 Li Shidao, 2 1 Li Shimin, 17,22-35, 45- 46,5 1-52.56, 71, 182- 183, 198 Li Xiaolong. See Lee, Bruce Li Yuan. 23 Li Zicheng, 71, 79, 185, 187- 188 LiangYiqua n, 4:; Lin Boyuan , 148 Lin Qing, 126- 127, 194 LingTingkan, 168 lion dance, 20 1
Li u Baoshan , 45 Li u Dec hang, 66-67 Li u Tie)' un, 173, 194 Li u the Sixlh & Litl Ihe Sc\'emh, 71-72 - local troops,~ 68 Lo ka p5 las, 51, 212n.61 , 2 19n.4 LQ/I/.f Sltlm, 85, 87 Ltl Dongbin , lGO Lu Sh i),i, 64 , 75 Lu Zh ishc n, 43-44, 50, ii, 96-99, !O1 litO/lOll. Su arhaL'; LII(T)'lmg qieltm ji. See Ileaml oj B lu/d"i.~t M Olloslf'lies in Lo-Jong ~h ~lingda, ~h
ii, 131
Sllollying, 188 Manchu . SeeQi ng Dynasly ~-la o Yuanyl. 59. 62-63 Mfl lTOlIrClnlll sillg OflSsir, I-I, IG6, IG8, 203 man ia l ans: and acupunc1Urc, 117liS, 152,200; and Buddh isl dc ilics, 37-'12, 52, 83-9'2. 108-J09, 198-199; and Uuddh is1 h,md symbolism, 120; and Huddllisl st' lrcll hi";'I 1ion, 2, 62, 78-80, I H , 199, 201; and cosmology, 153-155, l SI, W7, 200; and Dao islll, 3, 137, 147, 1'19, 155, 180. 197,200-201 ; imd Daois1c ig hl immorlals, 120- 121 ; and dflO),ill, 137, 140. 1'12-143, 147157, 180, 197; e ncyclopedias liS source o n,:;, 68.128; latc Ming/ ea rly Qing 1 ransro r m .. tion o r, 3, 137, 1'17-157. 180-181. 200-201 ; and the lite rati elile.:;. :;7. 64 , 66, 75.12'1-125.138,1 78. 18 1. 201 ; myt hology or. 4, 135, 170, 178-180, 200; and nation ·building, 5, 195, 205n.1; and Olympic games, 5, 196. 236n.41 ; and Qing (Manchu) conq uest,:;, 177-178, 181-182, 201 ; and rebell ion, 124, 134; religious goa ls or, 1,3, 126, 137, 147, 149, 171,180-181 ,200-202; and ritual, 151-152,201 ; and syncretism , 173175, 181 ,201 ; temples as public space ror, 7:;-76,81,201 ; therape u-
Index
tic goals of, 1,3, 126, 137,139. 147- 149. 152-1 53, ISO- lSI , 200202; in West, I. Sa also fend ng: hand comba t; spea r; staff martial arts fiction, 22, 67, 70,150.152. See also Water Margill; Yang FllIni/), Cellffals martial arts schools. 9-10 martial deities. 2. 37- 42. 52. 83-92 . 108-109. 198- 199; and animal sacrifice, 5 1, 214n.90 Ma spero. Henri. 141. 144 Massage. 14 3. 15 1, 153, 16.1 Master oj fhl' Law, Tri/)i/aka oj Ihe Creal '/(wg, Pm('u res Ihe SrriPIIl rt.f. 95. 107- 108 Mats llda Ryflchi , 133 medi cine. 11 7- 11 8. 140- 14 3. 152-153. SN'alsornartia l a rts, the rapeutic goals of l\1ci hlla qua n. Set' Plum Flol\'er Fist M mglii tallg 'liallg/a. See Sp('(Ir M ('l hod Jrom th e Dre(l millg-o/ Foliage Iiall Ming Dynasty: military decline of. 4, 6S; and mona stic troops. 73-80; and piracy. 6S-7I; a nd Shaolin . 7 1-73, IS6- IS9 Mizongquan. 121 - 123, 171 l\"lona stc ry of the Central Peak . 21 ~i':lonas ti c Armies' First Victory,- G9 monas tic tI"OOPS , 4, 73--S0. Sn (liso fighting monks ; piracy /IIullrei . See hand s}'lllbolism t.,·lllli an, 105- 106 mythology, 4, 135, 170, I7S-IS1. 200 Na llloyan (tian). See Narayat)a Naquin , Susan, 76 Na raya!)a, 40-42, S3--87. Sa also Vajrapat.li ~Nat.ionaIAns,- 19:; Needham, J oseph , 14 I, 144 - 14:; Ileidmi. See~inner alchem( Neigvllg tushuo. See Wustrflterf Exposition oj b !fental Tedllliques
Neijia (Quan). See 1merna I School Neijia qumifa. See hlter/1lI1 Sdlool Fist Method
'177
llei/i. See- illle rnai stren g th ~ New Treflt iy 011 Mililmy EJficim0', G2,
128. 131 Niida Noboru, 30 Niu Gao. 168. 170- 171 Northern Shaoli n Temple, 196, 23Gn.42 No rthern Wei . 17-18. 22 Olympic Games. 5 Pa lmer. David , 1'17 Pan Weiru , 138 Pei Cui . 2'1-26, 3.'-\ Perrect Warrior. Su Zhenwu piraq'. G4, 6G, 68-71 , 128 Pis hamen . Sf!fVai Snl val~a P/fltJorm S'llra oJlhe Sixth PI/trim"(h, 87 Plu m Flowe r Fis. , 123-12'1, 134-135. 15'1, 201 Plum Flowc r Religion, 124. 134, 201 Pflm/ illlhl' CoIdl'lI l'as(', 55. 131 Praying Man tis Fist. 135 Prince ofQin , 23. 27-30.183 Mprohibition s' knifc.- 96-97 public spacc, 76.81. 201 PlI'cn, 67. 7i PIII/illg nook, 1'10
Pu rplc-Coagllia t ion ~-Ia n of t he WilY. 162- 163, 165.168. 180; and sy ncrc ti ~.. n. 174-175 qi, 2, i8, 11 8, 125-126, 1'11 - 143. I4G-
1'17, 155; and JlhtSlmlell E).l'osilioll oj liller/ill/ Tedm iq tus. 159-1GO; and martial ans. 1'19-152. 15G, 180; and Sill ews 'I'm I/sJo l"'flllIIioll Classic, 163-16'1. See also dao)'ill Q iJ ig ua ng. 62-63. 68. 92. 10\ . 1I G- 117; o n hand combat , 128-131 Qianlon g, Em peror, 11 , 49, 190-\91 qie/mlsllel/.
See~g uardia n spirit~
Qigon g, 147. 152. See also daoyill Qin \Vang. See Prince ofQin Qing Dynasty. 48-50, 189-194, 198 Qiuran ke. See Bushy-Bearded Hero q"all. See hand combat Qllall jillgjiC)·flo. See EssenliaLs oj the Halld-Combllf Classic
Inde x
278
QUIlII jiltg. QUIlII JIl bei),ao. See HalldCombat Classic Ratnamali, 17 Hecord ofBuddlli.st MOllasteril's ilt l..o-),allg, 13, 18 Hecords of Militm)' 'n ifties, 62 Hed PliO/m ix's Mmluw, 143, 160, 168 Red Turbans. 56. 83- 85 , 192 MRet urn to A llegiance Arllly,~ 21 ring staff. 89. 96. 102-106; Su n Wilkong's. 107-108 ritual : and dao)'i/!. 14 6- 14 7; a nd fen cing. 155- 156; a nd man ial ar ts, 15 1- 152.20 1 ritual opera. 89 M Mriwrs and lakes. 67. 75-76 ,8 1, 185, 193 Huli n wlli.slli. See VI/offinal lIisIOl)' 011111' SrllOlll J"s RZA. <\6 Sanqi YOLlgong, 67, 71 Srhopen. Cregory. 22 Srri')/ UI"(' of the )'ellaw Colll1, 133. 1'15--1 '16 sec tarian rebellion, 3. 5. 49, 12,1. 134 , 185. 19 1- 193 Se idel , Anna. 14 5 sel/gbing. See monast ic t fOOl'S M MScng bing ShOll j ic ji. Sn MMonast ic Armies' Firs t Vi c t ol")t~ MSe ngbingtan.~ SeeM La me nt on l\'lo na stic Troo ps~ S(; ngc holl, 35-3 7. 39, 42 , 45 Sel/giia lIuguo slli. See lIi.stor")· oJ /I'lollaslic Nfl/iollal Defell$!! Sha H eshang. SeeMS ha Monk Sh a Fami ly Fist. 79 MSha il,lonk,M 97, 107 Slwolilt gu't/a dum w'lg See Exposi/ioll oJ the Origimtl Shaolin SlafJ Met/wi Shaol i n Martjal Arts Fes lival , 10 Sh aoli n Monas tery: a nd B{Kl h idharma . 1, 12- 19, 165, 171- 173; and Daoislll, 137, 157- 160; dieLary cllst.oms of, 42-52; epigraphy as source of, 4. 11 , 14 - 15,2 1-22. 7 1, 83,85, 117, 188; FirsLPatriarch 's
He rmitage in , 16; fluid comm unit y o f, 5, 45, 6 7, 80-81,185,193-194 ; hand combat in, 3, 82,113-127; .. I d e .. - ? •8.3malLla ltleS .Ill ,.36 - 4?_ ,!)_ 92 ; me d ieval estate of, 2, 24-26, 28-31,33,51-52, 198; and Ming d ynasty, 3, 71-73, 80,188; in mo dern pe rio d , 1,5, 44-47, 195196; and Nonhern Wei d ynasty, 17-18; and p iracy ca mpaign, G6, 68-7 1; an d Qing d ynasty, 3, 47-50 , 185, 188- 1921, 198; and Red Tu rbans, 84-85; 17'j, cenlll ry d csu'lIction of, 185-189 ; staff lig ll' ing in , 3, :.J6-66 ; st rategic loca tio n o f, 19,26, 52, 198; Stup" Fo res. o f, I I. 71, 73; and Sui d yna s!)" IS, 26, 29 ; and syncretism. 174 - 175, 181. 201; and Tang d )'nas!y, 22-34, 52; and to u rism. 9, 79,195-196; Tr' Ulslat ion I till in, 17; 20,h ccn . IIry d cs! rtlC! ion of, 27, 88; in Un ilcd Slat es, <16 ~S h a o li n Mo naslc r y St cie,R 2'2-35, <\5. Su also e pigra pl ly Shaoli" qlwllslm mijtlf, IIG ~Sha o li n si bc i.R See MS haoli n Mo nastcry R Stdc SlwoIi" 'temple (mo\';e), 4<1 -1 6 , 196, 198 "Shaq lla n gc. RSee MSong o f thc Sh" Fis t R She n sha she ll . See MC{KI o fth c Deep R Sand s She shi. Sce HiS/Or")' oJ ArclU! /"y Shi Dian , 64 , 67, 75 Shi Shangzh ao, 71 -72 Shi X iao long, 10 Shi YOllsan . 27. 88 Shic r dllan j in . See M Twe h"C-Scclion Brocad c Shishi J(w/all. Sce Blultlh i.s/ Essen/illis Shoubi /rl. Sce Arm Exercises SIIOUbo,157 SllIli/lll tlUUlII. Sce Wmer Ma rgill Sima C hc ngz he n , 12, 155 Sillews TmnsJon nalioll Classic, 139, 149, 151,11)3,160-165,180,201; and Bodhidh arma Icgcnd, 165-173; M
-'-g ,.
Index editions of. 203-204; and syncretism.173-175 Six Flowers (Formalion), 79,167,170, 23 1n.93 Skanda, 16 1 Song (Mt. ). 11 - 13, 179, 187 Song.Jiang militias. 201 SOllg MOImtail1 Book. 11 .83 ~Song of the fmel Monk 's Fist.M77, 11 3. 149 ~Song of t he Sha F ist.~ 78 SOllgshu. See Song MOlllltaill Book SOllthern Shaolin, IS4. 234n.9 spear. 57- 5S. 64. 67. 70. 82. 92, 130, 134. 139. 154 Spear Method Jrom tlu' Dreall1illg-oJ-Foliage H all. 64 staff: comparative perspective on, 105 106 , lOS; c rescent design of, 9798 ; as emb lem of the monk , 102- 105, lOS. 199; a nd fi c tional righting monks. 92-100; as magic II'capon, 105-108; in Ming arm)', 92, 130; Shaolin legend of, 83-92; Shaolin mct hod of, 56- 66, 139; tc rrninolob,)' of. 221n ,39; Yu Darou's me thod of, 64 - 66 Sto ries ileaI'd by )'ijirlll, 160 Siory oJlhe 1·Ii-stem Willg( DongJiC)'ua ns), 43,95 S(01)' oj the lI~stenl lV;IIg (Wa ng Shif u's). 95 Simiegic DeJellse oj tlu j iangnan IUgiOll, The, 69 Strickmann, [vlichel. 40 , 120 Stupa Forest. II. 7 1, 73 Msubsidia ry s hri ne monks.- 47- '19 Sui dynast)" 18,22,26,29 Sun Tong, 123 Sun Wukong, 92-93, 98,101,124.1 3 1; a nd [vi ing syncrel ism , 175; and ringslaff, 107- 108; a nd Vaj rapal)i, 94-95, 199 supreme ultimale, 133, 154 , 181, 197, 201 Sulra oj the Assembled Clumns, '10, '12 sword, 58, 155-156. Seeal.mb road swo rd Sword Classic, 64-66, 215n.26
sync re lism, 162, 173-175, 181 , 201
laiji. See supreme lilt imate Taiji Quan , 2-3,132-133,135-1 37, IS7, 200; and cosmology, 154, lSI , 197; and Daoism, 145-146, 197; and tlflo),i", 142, 147-150, 155; and Zhang Sanfeng, 180 Taizong, Emperor. See Li Shimin Tang I-lao, 3, GG, 84-85, 133, 1 ~15. 147, 158, IG2
TangSh ull zhi , G2, 77-78, 82, 11 ~1 , 128, 130, 1'19, 154 Tang d ynas t}', 22-3'1. 52 Tanl ric riuml , 120, 199. Sef'(I/so hand sy mbolism Tanzong, 25 - 26, 31, 33-35 1fflmi'llll'sJor Ajtl'I"-FflllIlillg Puslill/I', 57 Temple of I he C(!I)1 ral P('ak, 12 Tiandih ui , 18'1- 185 Tianw,ln g. SI'I' Lok
ion
Brocad e ,~
I ~>8-160,
180 - 1"\\'0 Venerable Kings," 37
UnoJjicifll lliSIO I)' oj lite Sdwllll's. 151 , 164 Va israva na, 108. 199,232n .102 vajm, 36-37, '10, 83. 87, 109, 212n .62; and Sinews Tm llsJolllUllioll Classic, IG3-164 , 167; We ilUo's, 160 Vaj rapal)i, 36-42, 56, 75, 114, 120, 123, 127, 133, 171-172; andjustifiGllion ofv io lc ncc, 52, 91-92, 199; as progen itor of Shaolin staff, 83-89, 108-109, 173; and sectarian rel ig ion , 192-193; and Sun Wukong, 94-95 Vasuband hu , 20
Index
280
vegetarianism, 43; disre ga rd ror by fightin g monk s, 42~ 5 2 Vish nu, 40 Wan Biao, 69 , 82 Wa ng.l ie, 1 8 6~ 1 8 7 Wang L1. ng, 135 Wa ng Lun, 153 Wa ng Ren ze, 24 ~ 25 , 28 Wang Shi cho ng, 23 ~29, 51 ~ 52 Wa ng Shi ru, 95~9 6 Wa ng Shijun , 47 Wa ng Shi x ing, 48 Wa ng Ta ng, 7 1 ~72 Wa ngZhe ng nan , 7 5~76, 1 52~ 153, 1 75 ~ 1 79
Wa ng Zo ngyue, 135, 154 Wa ng Zllyuan, 1 38~ 1 4 0, 1'19, 153, 157160, 194 Watl'rM(u gill, 4 3~ 44 , :,0 , 77,96, 123, 170- 17 1, 184, 20 1 H-eisheng ),(IOshu, Scc lli5ell/ial '/ ff/llliqlU's of GI~a rdillg Lifo Wei/uo, 160- 162 , 172 WCrI Yuchc ng, 190 We nd i, Em peror, 18, 26 Wellzai,83 ~ Whi/ c Lo tus SecLS,- IDt. (11£0 scCl.a ria n rebell io n White Lo tus uprising, 153 Wil e, Do uglas, 130, 150, 154 , 177- 178 !IIoliol/ . See pi racy Wu Che ng'e n, 93 Wu, Empress, 11 - 12, 18, 22 Wu .l ingz i, 151, 164 - 165 Wu Qi ao. See Wu Shu Wu Shu , 57, 63- 66, 68, 75. 77. 82 Wube; zhi. See Treatisl! of fllilitary Pre/xlmtiollS
Wu birm . See Treatise OIl Mi/ital)' Affairs Wuda ng (M I.), 177. 179
Wudi, Ha n Empe ro r, 12 Wudi , Lia ng Empe ror, 51 WUlai, 43, 51, 70, 75-77,96 ,98, lOt , 107 ~WlH a ng C l a n ,- 46 Wuyue. See FiYe I-Ioly Pea ks Wu r ue dlU llqill. See AII/wir Of \I'll alld }'iu
Wu zo ng, Empe ror, 22, 33 xiallghillg. See- lo cal 1ro o ps-
Xiaowe n, Em pe ro r, 17-1 8, IS6 Xingyi Q uan , 3, 132, 134-1 37, 16S, 200; and cosmo logy, 153, 197; a nd dflu)'ill, 142, 149; and Dao ism , 155, 197: and Zhan g Sanre ng, ISO Xisl/i jillg. See M(l mnv~Cleflllsi llg Classic xiuulIIg, ~ r ing staff Xu Ho ngke , 167, liO Xu J i, l9l Xu J i'an , 19'"1- 193 ,X ua llJ··l, 11-!), 11 7, '"' _ _ ' In . I " _ XI/flllji lIIisholl xlledno qlum jIll'. See XI/fl IIji's A.IIPl/lI.III'." Poi Ills X,1lI IIji's ArtIPIII/.tW." Poillts, 11 4-126,
13G, 1,19, 152-153 Xua nzan g, 17-18,2 1,30 , 92- 9 3 Xuanzong, Empe ro r, 32-33, 1!>5 Yae r!u , '19. 19'"1 ),akia, '10 , 59, lOS, 114 Yang Bing, 123, 135, 15'1 Yang Lizhi . 177 YangSichang, ISS. 190 Yang Wulang. 77, 98-99, 101. 107 Yallg Palllii)' Gene mls, 77, 98 kYang Family Spear,R 70 ),fllIgsilellg, 1'10, 14 8, 157 Yang Ihe Firlh. Set Ya ng \Vu ]ang Yanm ing, '16 Julia. See ),(Ikia Yijifln zili. See SlD lies H elml b)' Yijhm Yijillg. See CltlSsic of C/Ulllce.s Yijill Jillg. See Sillews 7hmsfonlwlio/l
Ck/SSic Yinre ng. 107 Yins/Ilt. See PI/flillg Book. Yinyuan , 10 3 Yiqil! jillg )"ill)"i. See DicliOllfll)' of Ihe Bllddhist C(l/WII
roga, 172 Yo ng la i sh rine, 18S Yo ngx in, I, 4G- 47, 190, 195 Yo ng.lhc ng, Empe ror, 47- 48, 190- 191 Yu Darou, 56 -57, 64 - 66, 68, 9 2, 101 , 189
Index Yllat~jin g,
21 Yuanxian,74 Yue Fei, 168, 170- 17 1 Yun Youke. 67, 76 Yunyan Temple. See Clouds ClifrTemple Yu zhai. SeeM lmperial FOrL~ Zen. SeeChan Zh ang Kongzhao, 11 5~ 11 6, 125-126 Zh ang Sanreng, 135, 176-180 Zhang Xianzhong, 185, 188 ZhangYic:hao,2 1 Zhang Yong, 73 Zh ang Yongquan, 78 Zh ang Vue , 32 Zhang Zhuo, 35-37. 40. 42. 45 ZhaoTaiw, 11 3, 11 6- 117. 128. 132, 221n. 11 Zhenbao,77 Zheng Ruocc ng, 69-70 , 75,79.82
281
Zhe nhua , 71 Zhenji. See R ffor(ls of Mili/OI )' Tnrlics Zhe nwll . 177 96 • •33 _ lt.Co;'10, _ ! ) -_ . ZI Zho ngli Quan , 160 Zho ng)'ue miao. See Tc mple or the CClllral Peak Zho ng)'uc si. See Monaste ry or t he Cen tral Peak Zho u Du n)'i, 154 Zhu i-Io uzhao, 73 Zhu Ytiu n. 72 Zhu Yuan zhang, 74 Zhu angzi. 118, 1'10, 143, 225n.31 Zi !ling daorcn. SlY! Pu rple-Coagulation .\Ian Ortlle Way Zishcng. Empress Dowager. 72 Zo nghe ng, iG2 Zudu an , 40, 42, 85,120 lll i '1"(111. Se(~ J)ll/llkl'lI )\1(1.$11'1'
<,-
About the Author Mei r Shaha r reec h'ed his doC!oratc in East Asia n Lang uages and Ci vii i ......"1l.ions from H a rva rd U n i\'crsil}'. He is the au thor of em::.)']i: CltillllW' lMigioll (lnd POpU/M Lilemllll'e (1998) a nd coed itor (w it Ii Ro bert Weller) of Um'llly Gods: lJivillily (Ind SorielY ;1I Chinfl (1996). He is cu rrentl), associate professor of Chinese s\ ndics in I he Depa rtme nt of Easl Asian St ud ies, 'I'd Aviv Unive rsi ty.
ProdUClion :--JOles for Shaha r / The Slwoiill
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