The Rummindei Inscription and the Conversion of Asoka to Buddhism

The Rummindei Inscription and the Conversion of Asoka to Buddhism Author(s): J. F. Fleet Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, (Apr., 1908), pp. 471-498 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25210589 . Accessed: 28/03/2012 19:35 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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471

XV.

THE RUMMINDE? INSCRIPTION AND THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. By

J.

F.

FLEET,

I.C.S.

I. The Rummind?? rilHE

text

of

(Retd.),

Ph.D.,

C.I.E.

inscription.

the Rummind?i

styled at first inscription, of Padari?," to have been appears first published in the Anzeiger for B?hler, by Professor the 7th January, and Historical 1897, of the Philosophical Section of the Imperial of Sciences, Vienna. Academy A translation of it was given by M. Barth in the Journal des Savants, 1897. 73. The record was fully edited by an excellent Professor with in the B?hler, facsimile, 5. 1 ff. Some terms in it difficult Indica, Epigraphia "

have

the As?ka

edict

been

examined in the Sitzungs Pischel by Professor of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences, 1903. 724 ft". And Mr. Vincent Smith has favoured us with one

berichte

translation

in his A ?oka, 145, and another in an Rummind?i hitherto Inscription, known of As?ka," Paclariy? Inscription, published in the Indian 1905. 1 ft*. From this last Antiquary, article we learn that the broken which bears the pillar article

of

entitled as the

it

"The

stands close to a mound of ruins, near the inscription a of which there is a of shrine as known top goddess Rummind?? is close on the north of ; that this mound another mound which marks the site of an ancient village or small town ; that the tapp?, the subdivision, itself, including a number of villages, also is known by the name Rummind?? and the ; record is to be that, consequently,

THE RUMMINDEI INSCRIPTION AND

472 as

known

the

Rummind?i

the

from

inscription, the name

better

as

than

nearest

the

of

Padariy? inscription inhabited village, about a mile to the south. In connexion with the statement that Rummind?i is also the name of verse 683, the tapp?, I may observe that the Suttanipata, tells us that Buddha was born :? Saky?na g?m? janapad? " a in in of the the Lumbin? ; Lumbineyy? village Sakyas or I add that the record district." may country, territory, " " as an classed cannot of A??ka, be properly edict as it does not commence with inasmuch any of the in the edicts, and that there presented it as a record framed by to mark fact, anything : to have been drawn at all it appears up by formulae

and

authorities, As?ka. The the

special

fact,

which

incised

interest was

by

them

which recognized

on

the pillar

attaches

to this

as

as

soon

is not, in the king the

record

the

local

set up by

record

lies in was

that discovered, that, as there is no reason for supposing it was the pillar does not stand in the very place in which traditional set up, the record locates the exact originally was born,? the Lumbin? Buddha site of the place where and of the Divy?vad?na or Lumbin? vana grove or garden v.l. Lumbinivana, and the Lumbinivana, the Lalitavistara, in The name of the village as given of the Nid?nakath?. form of the Sanskrit is the Prakrit the record, Lummini, : and, the change of I to r- being a very common Lumbin? of the at once that the first component one, we recognize ancient Lummini.1 the name is Rummind?? modern Lumbin?, from the which I give text of the inscription, The facsimile as

accompanying follows:?

1 The

name

Rummind??

B?hlers

Professor

appears

to

be

not

in the Tarai, Antiquities sketch-map, Mukherji's ' ' towards miles about Rurain-dei twenty-four is. It may the inscribed the place where pillar Lumbini district. of the ancient stretch

unique.

article,

Babu 1, shews

plate the west-by-south give an indication

runs

P.

C.

a village from of the

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM.

473

Text.

3

l?jina visati-vas-?bhisitena Piyadasina hida Budhe j?te Sakya-munr?ti mah?yite cha usap?pite sil?-thabhe k?l?pita sil-?vi-gada-bhich?

4

hida

1 2

D?vanapiy?na ata?a agacha

Bhagavam cha athabh?giye

5

=ti Luihmini-g?me

j?te

ubalike

kate

And throughout. is exactly laid down by the same as that my reading 3 I take ch?, not that in line writers; except previous as another the form of cha, 'and,' but as forming with There are, however, the word bhich?. syllable preceding The

text

is clear

and

in

certain

expressions of which pretation The

that

the

record,

regarding *

*

tirst term

for notice

calls to

equivalent

neuter

nominative of

the

the

inter

I differ.

*

is

This

unmistakable

singular verb nominal

the

Sanskrit of

*

is mahiy

ite, line 2. the mahiyitam,

the past participle passive or 'to be joyous happy; in high honour/

mahiy, to prosper, thrive ; to be held has been taken here as meaning This word 'homage ' ' was done/ worship was done/ reverence was done/ And, be cited in which mahiy, instances might without doubt, is explained and commentators which by grammarians as

used

'in

the

sense

of p?j?,* and has etc/ increase, growth, is fully equivalent to that of 'to be which ' ' as a religious to do p?j? But does object/ worshipped ' ' : it denotes mean to do religious worship not necessarily or to great, also the act of paying influential, respect whereas is venerable And, mahiy people. ultimately being vriddttau, a meaning

'in

p?j?y?m, the sense

of

root from which we have also mahat, numerous we can in which, there passages 'great/ ' to be made great, to be honoured/ see, it plainly means

connected

with

the

are


474 :?

Thus

M?navadharmasastra, Brahma-l?k? nityam himself

in

4.

mahiyat?* this manner, and

:?

260

Vyap?ta-kalmash? (a Brahm?n, conducting with acquainted becoming "

the V?das), becomes freed from sin, and is ever glorified in the world of Brahman," t?na svarg? ?u?r?shate Ibid*, 5. 155 :? Patirh y?na " ; if (a woman) mah?yat? obeys her husband, by that she is exalted in heaven." Ibid.,

8. 313:?

marshayaty=?rtais=t?na Yat=kshipt? " ; if (a king), when he is reviled by those svarg? mahiyat? in distress, he is on that account bears it with patience, in heaven." magnified in the above three passages In rendering the word by "is glorified, I have simply followed exalted, magnified," Dr. Burnell, endorsed Tlie Ordinances by of Manu, vol. Manu Professor B?hler, Tlue Laws 25) ; the (SBE, of ' ' But it is obvious in the three cases. latter using exalted ' ' here. that the idea of being is inadmissible worshipped S.

Again, ? 83,

we 6027

in the Mah?bh?rata have :? Sarva-vy?dhi-vinirmukt?

ed.), (Calcutta Brahma-l?k?

a man who bathes "(O best of the Bharatas!, mahiyat?; the at freed from all ailments tirtlia of K??i?vara) becomes in the world of Brahman." and is exalted So, also, we have in the R?m?yana ed.), 1. ? 1, (Bombay :? ; sa-ganah pr?tya svarg? mah?yat? Sa-putra-pautral? which reads this tale, the R?m?yana, (the man who in heaven he dies, he is exalted when confers long life),?

99 "

along with his sons, his sons' sons, and his followers." mah?t 2. ? 12, 37 :? Viv?sa R?masya Ibid. (Gorresio), " the entered man? ; (Sumantra) mahiyam?nam griham R?ma." of the high-minded to 2. 38, Visv?mitra says Bhattikfwya, :? bhavat=?tim?tram. R?ma Mah?yyam?n? " all measure bh?mih ; honoured (who by thee beyond at the sacrifice of demons the voracious didst overcome honoured And

house

in the

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. the gods), the earth, even before ashamed thus

is

It

plain

Rummind?i done/ quite was done/ the

certain

'it was as

A??ka

Lumbinivana

whatever

of a hero, is not (thus possessed the heavens adorned by Indra)." mean in the that mahiyite may

inscription as much But

475

cannot he

unless

honour

honoured,

'it was have was

was

worship worshipped, " " at done worship a

be the apparent may purport statements in the Dipavamsa and

Buddhist. and

And, of bearing

the Mah?vamsa, had not become

it certain that he his records make a Buddhist when he visited the village Lummini,? in the : to his anointment after the year twenty-first sovereignty it clear

they make only about

(see page the middle of the to Buddhism,

converted

or lay-worshipper. In these circumstances, ' was here, not worship

and

it was

496

that

became

that he was a Buddhist disciple

f. below) thirtieth year

as take mahiyite meaning ' was but honour done/ :? I take the whole And phrase l?jina.ata?a " literally by the king, agacha mahiyite,? by himself, " as the king come, honour was done,"? having meaning the honour of coining did (this place) in (here) person." on a state progress was Aa?ka the through part of : he was districts northern of his dominions making a tour in connexion a dhammay?t?, as with his duties a king, in accordance with a practice which, as he plainly tells

us

I

done/

rock-edict (see more fully page 490 eighth He was encamped laid down for himself.1 near the village Lummini. And, attracted by a told him in connexion with site at that place,

in his

he had

below), somewhere what

1

was

it was of course, tour that provided this identical the possibly, in the Divy?vad?na, the story ed. Cowell and Neil, 389 if., of under how Asoka went the guidance of the Sthavira round, Upogupta, at which to the various Buddha hail resided, with the places commencing ' in order to honour them and to mark them out for the Lumbinivana, basis

Quite for

benefit

of future

generations.'


476

in the case he paid that site a visit, and, naturally enough a monarch,1 on its of so liberal-minded conferred favours of the interesting in recognition event which possessors that the site there, and made arrangements on be marked out and protected. It was doubtless the same occasion in the Nigliva that, as is recorded 5. he visited the of Kon?kamana, 5), (El, inscription St?pa on which he had previously the favour either of conferred

had

occurred

should

so as to make it to be restored it twice as large causing an endowment or of as it had become, which doubling was attached to it. *****

for notice is calling expression have in line 3,? silavigadabhicli?. Previous of this record have examiners as a variant, met with in the edicts, of clia, The

one which

next

the it, they have found this they have proposed

taken ' and.'

the

we clUi

Before And sil?-vigadabh?. compound : in various ways to interpret a to mark sun,' (slab) bearing big

'a stone (1) as meaning as a scion of Buddha the point that tradition represents 'a as stone of Ikshvaku the Solar Race ; (2) meaning because Hiuen-tsiang horse/ says that the A?oka pillar which

saw

he

by the figure faultless block text

was surmounted garden ' a or as flawless ; (3) meaning the from which the pillar, which of stone/ was The made. afterwards, immediately in

the Lumbin?

of a horse

mentions seems also to have been made, that we might suggestion *sil?vin + gardabh?, the of a Sanskrit here find equivalent ' none a stone she-ass.' of those proposals has received But substantial any justification. the has Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar, however, expressed opinion,

but

1 in And, Indian kings. kings making and vice iiers?.

without

going

farther

into

the

matter

of ancient the general behaviour with in accordance fact, numerous of Vaishnava instances The inscriptions give us or priests, or sanctioning to Sai va and other temples grants


477

" must 20. 30?, note 14), that (JBBRAS, sil?vigadabhich? or railing made that of stone," and be an enclosure " or bhittik?, is probably connected bhitti bhich? with " ' a wall/ in which I take the word bhich'i. is the way Just = as we have in this same record agacha for ?gachcha other analogous forms might Ixj (and various ?gatya,? = bhittik? so for bh?cli? stands bhichch? cited),? through such forms as *bhitti?, *bhittiy?, *bhity?. as have Before that, we might vigada representing ' an or in the sense size unusual vikata, having aspect/ ' ' ' a stone great the result of huge, large, great ; with wall.' But the natural for such a meaning expression That

so obviously be mah?-sil?-bhich? that such can hardly be admitted. Again, using vikata possibility ' to have, in another meaning which it appears unusually ' a stone ornate wall/ we might handsome/ say possibly " in the sense of something like a Buddhist But railing."

as that would a

this,

also,

somehow

naturally in which

into I

sil? take

not

does

of such a railing which The syllables

traces

seem

stand

-f avi them.

before

-f goda The

: and

satisfactory

at Rummind??

have

no

been

reported. divide quite that is the way

bhich?

: and

cites ?abdakalpadrunia of pr?ch?vo, to avi the meaning Dan din as assigning ' ' an enclosure, it cites the fence, wall ; and hedge, as to goda the meaning of Sabdaratn?vali assigning ' a a screen/ It cover, ; would, vyavadlv?na, covering no doubt, be satisfactory if we could quote passages from are two avi which these and in texts, words, gada, actually But we can hardly think that found in those meanings. or the authorities the Sabdakalpadruma, cited by it, those meanings in order to enable us to explain invented the Rummind??

I do not hesitate inscription. Accordingly, and to explain the whole to use those meanings, expression ' a stone wall which as denoting. is an enclosure and ' or in other a screen/ a stone terms and surrounding


478

' be built wrall ; exactly what would naturally screening round such a site as that with which we are concerned. *****

are demand The remaining which attention expressions : are fiscal terms two words in lines 4 and 5 which plainly the record says :?" the village Lummini was made ubalika and athabh?giya."x we have bali, the understanding that in ubalike On 1 term this has been rendered tax, impost, royal revenue/ ' ' as meaning free of taxes/ from assessment/ exempt '

revenue-free/

to quite well, according the for ubbalika orthography period, *udfxdika. Professor B?hler, however, u lwhhrirhJcliala, on the analogy out of that, pointed ' ' other and unbridled, unnidra, uncurbed/ sleepless/ as have the basis would of *udbalika, words, *udbali, or 'one who zutkmnta into baler to be analysed udgata, use of it in has gone up from, left, the taxes/ and that the ' ' taxes be from would unidiomatic. the sense of exempt " ubalike free of taxes," while rendering by Accordingly, be explained that the word he thought may perhaps = or *apabalikah\ as in support of which *avafadikah P?li Miiller's he cited Grammar, p. 42, as suggestion a contraction ava and apa to u. of of instances giving cannot be that such a word as udbalika It is certain * ' as meaning from bali : exempt explained grammatically or avdlndika does not of apabalika and the suggestion The

base ubalika

the inscriptional as = to a Sanskrit

would

stand of

seem very satisfactory. In these circumstances, to complete is It otherwise.. permissible

word

I treat

this

the ubtdikc

1 It as find the locative that in ?fame we might may be observed quite mean :?" at the village as the nominative, and so the text might much It is, however, an ulmlika was made, and an afhaJrii?tfiya." Lummini in question from that for the two words to suggest difficult any meanings 'was to we should caused : moreover, then ex|>ect k?ldpite', point of view than kate. rather be made,'

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. of

the

text

479

an Anusv?ra.1 by supplying to rind here a vernacular word

into umbalike, that, I venture

And, doing ' free from rent/ which may be traced in Southern umbalika, in the Kanarese India etc, umljali, ummali, umhilige, ' a rent-free grant/ a plot of land or as either to applied a and in the Telugu umbtda, umbtdike, umbali, village, and

the Tamil

with

umbaliklcai,

more

or

less

similar

meanings.2

In athabh?ffiye, Sanskrit blulgya,

the '

second

entitled

component to a share/ The

the represents first component

forms is capable of representing either atlm, attha, Prakrit ' or of ashtan, attlia of the attha, which, alongside eight/ is a Prakrit form of artha, wealth, 'substance, property, etc/

the here for artha, as 'loaded athabhlgiye meaning ' ' a recipient with in of wealth/ and benefits/ sharing view of the the On wealth, partaking bounty/ king's as it stands for ashtan, that the term has been rendered ' meaning having lands) granted eight plots (of tlie fiscal ' ' to it/ and in its ; the latter (revenue-free) entirety that, just proposal being based on the curious assumption as we now say "sixteen the whole annas" to denote of so in shares" have been used may anything, "eight On

the

term

ancient I find

view

has

that

been

it

stands

rendered

times. the

of this term in the M?nava explanation 7. where it is 130, dharmas?stra, said:?Panch?sad-bh?ga tam? bh?gah ?dey? r?jn? pasu-hiranyay?h dh?ny?n?m=ash " ?va v? ; the shashth? a fiftieth dv?dasa take king may 1 In our text, the Anusv?ra is shewn in bhayaraiii and huhmini, but is from dPr?naihpiy?na. omitted 2 It would to derive vmhaH from un, api>ear that grammarians propose ' ' to eat, enjoy,' with a present hali in the sense of 'a gift, ; so that the is 'an we But not need that primary meaning enjoyment-gift.' regard as conclusive; as it does seem not to account proposal es|xicially for the second in the form ?lati, fta/i. satisfactorily eomf>oncnt, except is the use of the Dr?vidian More forms : noteworthy / in the Kanarese can be cited, however, instances in which that letter has been substituted for a Sanskrit /.

THE RUMMINDEI

480 share or

of

indeed

the

cattle

a

and of

twelfth, of As?ka the

gold the

INSCRIPTION AND ; an eighth

share, I take

or a sixth, it that in

grains." in the in the grain share royal one was which the village district included Lummini this would And I share while that, eighth.1 royal gather in the case of such privileges have been reserved ordinarily as those which even A??ka this right was conferred, the

time

in this instance, relinquished made absolutely and entirely

and

was the village Lummini as the State. against

rent-free

*****

Some

be made the various may regarding in who is record. of the mentioned this appellations king name was His to works according literary personal or in A?oka A?okavardhana. The latter form is found the

remarks

Vishnu-Pur?na,

Bh?gavata-Pur?na, works describes

in the book 24, and 4, chapter 12. 1, 13: and the former of these son of the him as a son of Bindus?ra

The shorter form, As?ka, Maurya king Chandragupta. verse 326, in the V?yu-Pur?na, is found 2, 37, part chap. in the Samanta and the Mah?vaiiisa, in the Dipavamsa in the Divy?vad?na, and in of Buddhagh?sha, p?s?dik? the Jain Parisish tapar van. name has not yet been his personal known, And the earliest found in any records of his own time. in it is the of of mention inscription Jun?gadh epigraphic a A.D. in date which 150, Rudrad?man, falling containing " " " and A?oka the Maurya Chandragupta king speaks of " the Maurya (El, 8. 46 f.). In his edicts, as in the inscription which we have before As

is well

the

us,

which

appellations and Priyadarsin. 1 It

forms of only by Prakrit in Sanskrit be D?v?n?mpriya is no question about there his

is mentioned

king

would But

to point out is hardly necessary ' it i.e. shares,' eight per cent.,' eight as frecl}' : compare jyanch?sad-bh?rja 8. 'a sixth share/ in, e.g., shad-bhaga, '

that, while ashtabhnga might mean ' * an eighth also means share just in the verse and above, quoted 304, 305, 308.

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. The

identity.

Piyadassana, just as may person,

uses the names Piyadassi, Dipavamsa and Dhamm?s?ka, As?ka, As?kadhamma, one and the same to denote suit its verses,

of (6. 15) as a grandson The same work, and a son of Bindus?ra. tells us (6. 1) that he him as Piyadassana,

whom

Chandragutta mentioning was anointed

481

it describes

218 years after the death to the sovereignty him as As?kadhamma, of Buddha, informs and, mentioning us (5. 101) that he reigned for 37 years. And the edict and other places (see page 495 which we have at Sahasr?m for D?vanampiya the date of 256 years below) gives certain

events

of Buddha, in his career

eighth

after

his

the death

after

anointment, still his issuing and which further

was

Piyadassi that manner, he was alive the death

details

with

a year of Buddha)?

which carry back the year, the twenty in which D?v?nampiya

to almost

proclamations explain how

than

later when

the

time?

his

in

dated it was (255

that after

ended

reign according to the Dipavamsa. the statements of the Greek Again, was a contemporary of writers show that Chandragupta of Syria and became Seleucus I., Nicator, (b.c. 312-280), B.c. 326 and India at some time between king of Northern 312 : and we do best, as I have intimated before now (this 1906. 985), if we take B.c. 320 as his initial year. Journal, The of of

Dipavamsa, 24 years.1 Bindus?ra:

a reign to Chandragupta assigns not state the length of the reign and the Mah?vamsa Buddhagh?sha

5.100, It does but

28 years; and the same II) give from statements made in the Dipavamsa, 11. 5, 12, 13, about king Mutasiva of Ceylon. There was this then a period of four years 1906. 985, Journal, (see

p. 21, (Tumour, is deducible period

note), 1 So

during also

Vinayapitaka, Mahavamsa doubt

that

which

line

A?oka,

having

seized

the

sovereignty,

: see his in Oldcnlierg's Buddhagh?sha Samantajuisudika, in this Journal, 1906. 985, note. The 3. 321, quoted 34 years ; but there can l>e no (Tumour, p. 21, line 11) gives this is the result of some early mistake. copyist^


482 was

reigning

without

He was

anointment.

then

anointed,

( 24 + 28 + 4 = ) 56 years after the initial date of in ; that is, in B.c. 264 (or 263). And, Chandragupta accordance with of rock-edict that, the thirteenth perfect as his contemporaries, mentions, Dev?naihpiya-Piyadassi Antiochus of Syria, Ptolemy of II., Theos, Philadelphus of Gonatas Macedonia, Egypt, Antigonus Magas of Cyrene, and

II. of Epirus, to them.

Alexander

with

whose

dates

fit

in exactly

that reference

There works

that the A?oka of literary is, thus, no doubt and the Jun?gadh is the Dev?naihpiya inscription of

Piyadassi group, The

though fullest

the

edicts

and

the other

the name A?oka

is not

of inscriptions found in them.

that

of this king in his records is appellation that which we have here in the Rummind?? inscription,? " the king Dev?naihpiya-Piyadassi." : the The full style, however, was not always employed :? occur deviations following or intentional, an omission, whether accidental (1) With ' " we have of the word meaning king/ Dev?naihpiya " the Kals? clause of the text of in Piyadassi opening 1 (El, 2. 449) rock-edict clause of the ; in the opening

2 (ibid.) ; and in lines text of rock-edict Sh?hb?zgarhi 2 and 4 of the circular part of pillar-edict 7 (ibid., 270). " " in the inscriptions have We the (2) king Piyadassi at the Bar?bar Hill caves (IA, 20. 364), and in the Bhabra or Second

Bair?t

1. plate " The (3)

CII,

edict

(Cunningham,

Inscriptions

of Asoka,

15).

" ex is found, king Dev?nampiya quite of clause the in the opening ceptionally, Sh?bh?zgarhi 1 (El, 2. 448). text of rock-edict " " alone is found (a) in lines 14, 22, (4) Dev?naihpiya and Jaugada texts of rock of the Dhauli respectively,

edict 10 (ASSI, 1. 121); as we of

(b) through the whole

can judge by the extant portions) 13 after the opening clause, rock-edjct

of all in which

(as far

the

texts

the full


483

and (El, 2. 462 ft'.) ; (c) in the Dhauli 1 1. in the edict 125, 127); (ASSI, (d) separate Jaugada 2 edict of Dhauli and clause the separate opening Jaugada 8 of text the Dhauli (ibid., 127), and in lines 4, 5, 7, and of the same ; (e) in line 10 of the circular part of pillar style

is presented

edict

7

(El,

2.

271);

the

in

(/)

Queen's

edict,

and

evidently in the Kosamb? edict (IA, 19. 125 f.) ; (g) in both (we

places

can hardly

in line 1 as well

doubt),

as

line 6,

of the S?rn?th edict (El, 8. 168) ;l (h) in the Sahasr?m, R?pnath, and Bair?t edict (IA, 22. 302) ; and (i) in the and Brahmagiri, Sidd?pura, (El, 3. 138 ff). In the appellation Piyadassi, or

sees

Jati?iga-R?in?svara

edicts

=

'one who Priyadarsin, 'one who is of gracious a formal biruda recognized

affectionately/ freely there has been generally mien/ or secondary if not quite, to name, almost, amounting as a subsidiary and A?oka used his name, personal by name for all practical in the proclama purposes personal tions issued by him.2 And this appellation has been customarily 1

The

treated

restoration 1 can

without

translation.

of

the extant the full style from simply syllables he admitted the use of hardly simply against in line 0 and in the face of so many other to indications that it is by no means It may also be remarked certain in line 3 may be restored into P?tafipnf?. pata syllables or to l>e found elsewhere, in Sanskrit either api>ears appellation

d?iH? in line " Dev?naiiipiya" the contrary. that 2

the This

in P?li, in the cases of a Th?ra 19. 5) and one of the (D?pavariisa, only 38 f. ; Mah?variisa, Buddhas 2). (Nid?nakathii, previous is not The other form, Piyadassana, by the D?pavariisa, presented to have in the of Asoka, ami seems l>een used found in the inscriptions conveniences. work for metrical It has not the same Ceylonese simply ' to the sight.' dear or grateful It is found ; its meaning purport being as an ordinary In one of the Nasik elsewhere inscriptions epithet. 4. 108, No. (ASWI, 18; El, 8. (?0 : line 3-4) king G?tnmiputta-Siri-S?ta " kanni is desoril>ed n&pafipnna-chafla-inatlata-Hasirikapiya-damna, lovely to the sight is and grateful like the orb of the full moon." The epithet applied frequent the case 114,

line

5. ? 24, 1, and is to Sit? in the R?m?yaua (Gorrcsio), probably occurrence As a proper it is presented in literature. name, of a mythical Chakravartin ed. Senait, by the Malmvastu, 12.

of in 1.

THE RUMMINDEI

484 The

appellation to the gods/ has

INSCRIPTION AND

' = dear D?v?naihpiya, D?v?n?rhpriya, an as been treated differently, epithet.1 a with for using it without preference

started Prinsep :?" Thus translation (JASB,

6,

1837.

however, of the gods" beloved Piyadasi, " and the heaven-beloved 259),

directly,

"

spake king Devj?nampiya Piyadasi Almost 581-4, 590, 596-9, 603-8). he introduced translations,?" king

1838.

258, 259, 249-56, of translating the enjoyment Now,

continued,

7, 1838. 257, " 7, (ibid., king Piyadasi been And has the 262). practice " 2 it by of the gods." Beloved of the appellation D?v?nampiya (ibid.,

585;

was

to As?ka. In the first place, the text not confined :? Hill cave inscriptions in the N?g?rjun? (IA, 20. 364 f.) is Dashalath?n? abhishit?n?, D?v?naihpiy?n? ?naihtaliyarh " as as by Dashalatha-D?v?naihpiya, meaning interpreted soon as he was anointed," the appellation and as assigning =

to Dashalatha,

Da?aratha,

who

according

to

the

Vishnu

a grandson is of A?oka. however, That, : elsewhere the appellation open to question D?v?nampiya it qualifies stands before any other name which ; always and this point, coupled with the free use of the appellation Pur?na

was

* in the sense of dull, later use of this word curious silly, stupid, : H?machandra in well known Abhidh?nachint? is his foolish,' simple, and it as synonymous with verse mftrklia, 353, gives miUlha, matii, that seems to be a fairly universal The idea underlying similar words. are under intellect the special one ; that people of weak protection of heaven. use of the Jain variant is well illustrated The promiscuous dtvCtnuppiya from Dr. Barnett's I quote which in the Antagada-Das?o, appreciative is The in our Oriental Fund Scries. Translation translation epithet 1

The

there applied chamberlains

; but also to (23), to city (38), to (37), to a saint (36), to a prince's waiting-man of of a gang (45), to friars (65), and even to the members

and to queens and princes to kings, of course, of tokens of dreams" readers (19), to "the

folk in general a king's barber (87). hooligans 8 that Except

as would Smith D?v?nariipiya regard or as "a mere and Piyadassi of kings" epithet and Gracious substitute for both "His Sacred Majesty" title,"1 and would of the do not preserve words 1005. 4), which any reminiscence (IA, terms. original

"a

mere

formal

Mr.

title

Vincent


485

by itself to denote A?oka (see page 482-3 above), suggests " as that we should perhaps here translate by Dashalatha, soon as he was anointed (i.e. A??ka),"? by Dev?naiiipiya circumstances anointment been made in such having on page 497 below. that may But, however shews that the the be, (11. 25) appellation Dipavaihsa also to A??ka's contemporary, Dev?nampiya belonged and often (e.g., 11. 14, 19, 20, 29, 30, 39) Tissa of Ceylon, an inscription uses it alone to denote that king. And 1. 60 f.) that, among shews (Epi. Zeylanica, from Ceylon it belonged to Vankan?sikaother there, Tissa, kings indicated

and Gajab?huka-G?mini, this Further, appellation extent interchangeable ' In rock-edict 8, king.' texts say and Mansehra went forth on naihpiyas

Mahallaka-N?ga. seems to have with

the

been

word

the K?lsi, :?" In times gone where

to a certain l?jan,

r?jan,

Sh?hb?zgarhi, by, the D?v?

text the Girn?r pleasure-tours," and Jaugada texts (see page 488 below) and the Dhauli 1. times gone (ASSI, 199) present r?j?no, l?j?ne:?"In that the forth," etc. : which suggests by, the kings went at least to Chandragupta and Bindu belonged appellation if not to also other before them. And five s?ra, kings in lines 5, 6, 10, 11, in the Jaugada text of the times, is presented edict 2, l?jan the dev? against separate

of the Dhauli text (op. cit., 128). nampiya to which At the same time, the extent this appellation was used above to denote A?oka marks it as more than a mere case. in his It has been to customary epithet use

the

appellation

without

translation

in

of Ceylon. it seems And Dev?nampiya-Tissa to adopt the course which itself suggested use the appellation and to without Prinsep, in the case of Aa?ka also. With

this

introduction,

the Rummind?? J.R.A.S.

1908.

inscription 32

I as

the

case

of

appropriate at first to translation

translation my give follows ; substituting

of the

THE RUMMINDEI

486 nominative original

for

the

INSCRIPTION AND

instrumental

construction

of

the

:? Translation. he was twenty of coming (here) was Because Buddha born here, the Sakya a caused stone surrounding and screening wall

The

when king D?v?nampiya-Piyadassi, did the honour years-anointed, (this place) in person. saint,1 he

to be made, and a stone pillar to be set up. Because the Blessed the village Lummini One was born here, he made share free of rent and entitled to the (king's) eighth (of the grain).

II.

The

In connexion discussing

conversion with

of A?oka

a remark made

the meaning of mahiyite, now determine must

we

purposes, career at which

he

became

converted

to Buddhism. on page 475 above in and for some other the

in A?oka's stage to Buddhism.

it clear (6. 18) that Buddhism makes Dipavamsa not his original creed, but leaves the matter otherwise however doubtful. The Mah?vaihsa, 23, line 3),2 (Tumour, him as starting the describes Br?hmans, by favouring The

was

1

to of the extent The question are presented forms which complete of peculiarities texts in consequence In the present case, wc complex.

or may we must or restore or less imperfectly in original of spelling, is liable to be somewhat " must write "Buddha for certainly which more

of the original, and the omitted Anusv?ra of supply " " " to write with the double ; and it is proper Piyadassi nor authority as is neither for substituting, necessity " " " for the of this record have done, translators S?kya" Sakya previous : well form is substantiated the the latter of the original by Mah?pari and other early texts the Vinayapitaka, ; and there is no nihb?ua-Sutta, " " of the form until very much in support later times. evidence S?kya see my tribal in this of this remarks the general On name, question the "Budha" " D?v?nampiya ss. But there

1905. 645 ff. ; 1906. 161 If. Journal, 2 in his Comj>are Buddhagh?sha 3. 301. ed. Oldenberg, pitaka,

Samanta{>?sadika

; see

the Vinaya

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. as

had

father

his

(28, line 4 ff.)* was held which

done.

that

This

100 years

work

latter of

the Theras

states

also

the Second

the

after

487

death

is, at the

Council,

of Buddha, time when

118 years that later,? a calamity to the sovereignty,? to-be anointed it was arranged would befall the faith, to remove which should be born that the great priest Moggaliputta-Tissa seems was at first actively to suggest that Aa?ka and this that

foresaw

was

A?oka

The D?pavariisa and the Mah? to to the of A?oka conversion appear place to the in the fourth year after his anointment

hostile

to the Buddhists.

vaihsa

both

Buddhism

sovereignty. ment as that

But

published after his

his

records

shew

that

such

any

state

is not correct.

fourteen

The

:

of A?oka

rock-edicts

in and after anointment.

the thirteenth Edicts

1 and

were

and

framed

and

fourteenth years 2, indeed, do not been framed some

and may possibly have But edict 3 says (El, 2. 450, Girn?r text):? what " idaiii a?apitai? Db?dasa-v?s-?bhisitena ; by me, maya contain

dates, earlier.2

this

twelve-years-anointed,

command

been

has

issued."3

the statement In the same way, edict 4 concludes with the "By twelve-years Dev?naihpiya-Piyadassi, king to be written." And this has been caused anointed, 5 the king Dhammamah?m?tas edict

been

says

:? in

:?" By me, thirteen-years-anointed, have for dhamma) (High Ministers

created."

1 ; loe. cit., 294 Compare, again, Buddhagh?sha * It from pillar-edict been inferred has, however, issued before the thirteenth year. 3 This and in the edicts of both similar passages as if the records were been translated subsequent : for instance, have been events the above words

f. 6 that ?eries

no edicts have

were

sometimes

ones, registering thus rendered

past (El, 2. order

twelve this following I had been anointed years, 466) :?" When was given the edicts were framed and actually But certainly by me." as synchronous records of current issued by proclamation, before acts, on the rocks and pillars are the dates ; and brought together being better translated accordingly.


488

are not

The remaining rock-edicts them mention events of earlier statements

in connexion

date, them.

with

dated.

But

and present

two

of

important

that edict commences the king by reciting was the when countries he conquered Kalinga eight years and goes on to say that, from the time when anointed, were the king those territories had zealously annexed, The

13th

for dlvamma, and had and the words recital, " a that which follow it, including declaration Dev?naiiipiya to of all the conquest be the chief holds dlvamma by that the make the clear king's conquests," thoughts point dhamma, dhamma.

protected inculcated

were

had

felt

And

love

that

of dlvamma by the miseries led into the direction was added to the the war by which Kali?ga

first

that attended empire.1

as is regarded which The 8th edict contains something : it commences by reciting (El, 2. 456 f., still more noticeable aihtaraih Girn?r r?j?no vih?ra-y?t?ih text):?Atik?taih 2 eta abhiramak?ni magay v? an?ni cha et?ris?ni nay?su so Dev?nariipiyo dasa-vas-?bhisito ahuihsu r?j? Piyadasi " ten =?sa dhaihma-y?t? saihto ay?ya saihbodhiih ; in times gone by, the kings went and there were hunting

forth other

Dev?naihpiya-Piyadassi, king went to samb?dhi anointed, dhamma!1 for touring There

have

been

1 Those

miseries

are

various

on which on pleasure-tours, : this amusements similar when

he

; therefore

was

(there of

discussions

ten-years is now) this this

passage, on the use in it of the term samb?dhi, based principally ' en true, or perfect understanding, knowledge, proper, ' one of at least with ; plain expression lightenment

were

carried

indicated

in the ; 100,000

edict were

: " 150,000 living beings times as ; and many

slain

{as captives) away " died ; etc. many 2 It seems as an irregular to treat this word spelling necessary hardly as well an original The ? implies of niyydsu. ny : Childers gives niy?, ' * to go forth : and from n?yd we might as = niry?, as niyyd, surely have become which would iiaydsti. nyaydsu,


489

that shew taken edicts, together, in the ninth felt a preliminary call to Buddhism to and was after his anointment the year sovereignty, to in eleventh converted that faith the year. definitely

opinion A?oka

the

that

two

aam identical word, practically the same sense, is found, not only b?dha, with exactly : in the in Buddhist but elsewhere also literature,1 we are 3. told:?Jn?narh Mah?bh?rata, 17,375 ? 312, " tattv?rtha-samb?dhah is the proper under ; knowledge " : of true in the same work, again, standing meaning 12. ? 17, 531, we have :? Ajn?t?n?m cha vijfi?n?t=sam " bodh?d =buddhir =uchyat? is so called wisdom ; (as from a knowledge and proper resulting) understanding Now,

a

similar

and

of things not (generally) But it may be urged known." that we have here, not samb?dha, but samb?dhi ; that seems form is the latter to Buddhist to be) confined (or we have also the appellation in which Sarii literature, as synonymous buddha the name Buddha with itself ; and that in that literature it denotes (see this Journal, " the of the of the 1898, 620) stages higher insight to Arahatship." stress may be laid on Further, path the point that, in the place of the ay?ya of the Girn?r 2 all the other versions forms from the verb text, present which idea the of the niklcham,= nishkram, suggests ' technical Buddhist the nikkhamana, nishlcramaiia, forth going of asceticism

from

the

house-life

to

the

houseless

state

and wandering But any force mendicancy/ which the latter argument is at least reduced have might of fact the the the Girn?r of instead that, nay?su by all text, connexion verb

the with

other even

versions the

present

pleasure-tours,

there forms

again, from

in the

nikkliam.

1 For *With

in the Vinayapitaka, instance, Mah?vagga, the qualification, which also just applies is illegible in the Jaugada text.

1. 6, below,

17, 18. that the word


490 It

is not

known

that

it was

except year

after

may edicts

be taken

But

it does

in

whole

not

the 8th

framed

the anointment

was

the

when

that not

of A?oka

all

the

than

framed

;

fourteenth

to the sovereignty. It series of the rock

at

once, and not in instalments. that edicts 6 to 14 were framed

follow year

along

was

series

earlier

was

each set of the whole

incised

fourteenth

rock-edict

with

edict

in a collective

5, and that the form in that

published the case. that that was year ; and it seems improbable We know from the seventh that A?oka was pillar-edict

up to at any rate issuing his formal proclamations And the twenty-eighth it is that the year. quite possible was even 8th rock-edict framed later than that, and at

still

a time when,

Buddhist, really become a declared having a technically not unnaturally not introduce to a previous in term in referring his stage from the all that we need really understand

A?oka

might quite correct career. But

in the

to samb?dhi

reference had

then,

viz.

the

in the eleventh

8th

rock-edict

is that A?oka the propriety

realized

year,

fully to dhamnva. of attending This much at any rate is certain, whatever be may renounce not did A?oka house that doubtful the ; namely, life and take up the life of asceticism and wandering at time in the the 8th rock-edict, mendicancy specified did

eleventh was

then

do

year to

his

after

substitute

anointment. tours

of

What dlvamma

he for

on to the goes pleasure-tours. explain of the said tours of dhamma nature ; it says :?" On takes place : the interviewing these tours this is what and Samar?as, and the giving of B?mhanas (Br?hraans) to them ; the interviewing and the of Elders, of gifts And

distribution of

of the

gold

the

edict

to them

of the ; the interviewing of dhamma ; the inculcation ; about dlvamma.1'

country-side people and the making of inquiries for the dhamma :?WThat was The remains question and which forms so these tours were which instituted,

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. constant an exact

a topic of all the edicts definition of dhamma

? The answer

is given by pillar edict, from the dates in the first

in the

second

as we gather and in the twenty-seventh of that series, we are there told after the A?oka: anointment of year :? 2. ?ha 249) (El, Piyadasi l?ja h?vam D?v?naihpiyc bahu s?dhu kiyarii dhamme chu dhamm? =ti ap-?sinave the sache d?ne "thus saith kay?ne day? s?chay?=ti; ' : dkamma : but it is king D?v?nampiya-Piyadassi good will be said, to what does dhamma ? : the answer amount to evil passions,1 many beneficial is, little addition deeds, " and truthfulness, charity, compassion, purity/ This definition is plain and instructive. And a perusal

which

was

491

framed, fourth edicts

of the rock and pillar edicts makes it clear that it governs, the dhamma which is inculcated and provided throughout, in any way the not is Dhamma, properly rendered Law," or any by "the Religion," such expression. It is the ordinary dharma of kings, is laid down in the Mana vad harm asas tra, 1. 114, as which one of the topics of that work.2 In the rock and pillar for by Buddhist

them.

That

dhamma

the Faith

is not

; and the term "the Sacred

1 of is difficult. The word One it, ?sinava, apdsinave component it as occurs in pillar-edict has explained 3. M. twice Senart again as ?srava, such forms as *?*iram, *ds?ava (Inters, de Piyadasi, through as meaning is given 2. 13). And the P?li equivalent, dsava, by Childers 'human sin, passion, corruption, depravity/ = as = app-?sinave and has has taken apdsinave M. Senart alp-?sravah, 2. 15). moins de mal the term rendered (op. cit., by "le possible" took it as = ap?xravam B?hler Professor (with apa as the first component) " " it by sinlessness of ap?sravatvam, in the sense and rendered (El, 2. 249). seems to apa standing for to point bahu in bahu-kay?ne The clearly = is explained And ?sinava, whatever appa may be its etymology, alpa. we are in the third where told in the second passage pillar-edict, n?m? = ti atha chamdiye (El, 2. 250 f.) :?Im?ni nith?liye ?sinava-g?m?ni " hot these ?sinava kddhe mane ; namely, isy? ; verily constitute things harshness, anger, temper, 2 = cha dharmam Ii?j?aA Buhler's this is Professor

pride, envy." " =?khilam and ; rendering,

The Laws

the whole of Manu,

duty of a king 25. 28. SBE,

:

"


492

Buddha is not mentioned at all, and the Sarhgha a in in the latest of the pillar-edicts once, passage only the next it on a par which (see paragraph) simply places all the other creeds. with is an The twelfth rock-edict edicts,

of A?oka's to treat all beliefs desire express declaration with And the toleration and impartial encouragement. distinct of both the rock and edicts the was, object pillar or any other not to propagate Buddhism religion, particular to proclaim

to govern his of A?oka in and with the duty accordance kindly righteously of pious kings, and with considerateness for all forms of to his certain and belief, religious acquaint subjects with but

the determination

realm

measures them

he had taken

to that end, and to explain co-operate with him.

which

how

to

they might shall come directly to the proclamations issued by We must first notice a declaration A?oka as a Buddhist. the made by him as to the duties of the Dhammah?m?tas, Ministers for the whom of dliamma, High appointment We

was

in

made as recorded of their

fourteenth

with

all

the

year rock-edict.

after his anointment, A general description edict (El, 2. 467 f.), and

in that is given statement that

functions

commences with

the

in the fifth the

sects.

This

statement

concerned they were in the is amplified

in the framed pillar-edict, there says (El, 2. 270, line A?oka year: twenty-eighth " are with 4 f.) :? Dhammamah?m?tas occupied My : they are occupied nature various affairs of a beneficent circular

part

of

the

seventh

ascetics and of the creeds, both of wandering : were are those who they appointed living the house-life me the should in be drder that they occupied with by so also with B?bhanas of and affairs the Sarhgha,

with

all

(Br?hmans), ?j?vikas, the creeds: different with m?tas

various are

the other

(Jains), and (all) the Nigganthas various Mah?m?tas (are occupied) : Dhammamah? but my (affairs)

specific and all these (just mentioned) occupied with to the We have here the only reference creeds."


493

that is to be found in the rock and Sarhgha : 1 and, as has been is not edicts Buddha said, pillar here in them at all. The Saihgha is mentioned mentioned on equal terms with Br?hmans, we can etc. And Jains, see that, in the twenty-eighth his after year plainly Buddhist

was

A?oka anointment, with the impartial the

express

and

topic of the even if he had

that, the Buddhists, towards interests with theirs. that A?oka

sects treating all the religious and encouragement is which

still

toleration

twelfth

rock-edict

2. 470),

begun to feel any leaning at least not identified his

then

he had

We are, indeed, the Third Buddhist

convened

(El,

told

sometimes Council

in the

or eighteenth and year after his anointment, to propagate missionaries the faith in the then despatched But in that assertion. there is nothing border-countries. of A?oka, In the records of the there is no mention seventeenth

Council; And

and it is at least difficult to find fairly any to missions

allusion

by attributed

to him.

the

Council,

in the

books.

nor

by Buddhagh?sha, occurrences in question three authorities agree that it was

convened is not

the missions

Mah?vamsa

described

at fills

the Council

and sent out

mentioned

by

all. out

In a

respect verse by

42, line 12) that it was held rakkh?y " the protection of king As?ka under A?oka is mentioned in connexion that, of stating the date of it. by way

(Tumour,

merely

A?oka

with

connexion

The who

Moggaliputta-Tissa the missionaries.

r?jin?,

the kind

by the Dipavamsa, are the the Mah?vamsa,

nor

beyond

of

neither

them of

in the

saying -As?ka " ; but, with it

1

the reference is to the Buddhist It is assumed that here really But the word any community whatsoever, sarhgha may denote Samgha. is explained and under M?navadharmasaatra, 8. 219, by M?dh?tithi and corporations of merchants, 'communities mendicants meaning ' and so forth The term Chaturv?dins, monks, (SBE, 25. 293, note). of the seventh the text be taken samghafhasi, pillar-edict, might affairs of (oil recognised) "the communities." meaning

as or in as


494

are Buddhist records only records of A?oka which :? a as are and mark him the following Buddhist or The Bhabra Bair?t edict: Second (1) Inscriptions de Piyadasi, 2. 198; IA, 20. 165. In this, the king, the M?gadha Community Sarhgha, the Buddhist addressing The

in Magadha, says :?" Ye know, Sirs !, how great are my and reverence the Dhamma, and favour towards Buddha, : was said that the Saihgha Sirs !, by the everything, : so was far and Blessed Buddha indeed, truly well said can foresee, I ought to feel confident (?)x Sirs !,as I myself true religion will thus endure for a long time." the edict goes on to mention by name certain Buddhist and the king to the Bhikkhus texts which commends the

that And

Bhikkhunis, This them.

and nuns, for constant study by of later is not dated : but it is plainly

the monks record

framed in the twenty pillar-edict be to referred, along with eighth year, and is certainly Nos. 2, 3, and 4, to some time in the period of six years in No. 5 below. wrhich is mentioned the

than

date

seventh

(2) The S?rn?th edict: El, 8. 168; and see JASB, this prescribes, 1. 1. other things, Amongst a and Bhikkhunis to which Bhikkhus in line 4 f., penalty were to be subjected if they should break the rules of the 1907.

No.

Sarhgha with No. in lines

: and

a passage it closely in line 9 f. connects was 5 below. If this record dated, the date was 1 and 2, and has been lost.

(3) The fragmentary

edict: S??chi : the extant

This 2. 87, 367. El, of it, however, remnant

is very mostly

1 1. plate in Inscriptions CII, 15, of Asolea, lithograph Cunningham's into tarit rotare does not seem : and the alteration of that taritave shews as tavitarc = tarif nm, or satisfactory. I take the word either necessary ' Or we might be strong.' to have authority, of tu, t?t tun %the infinitive " with to give praise,"? I ought st?tum,? take it as = stavitunu jierhaps of st to ft, f, instead of tth, th. an exceptional change as = drisfyam, the we seem to have disfyatli clause In the preceding ' to see.' of V?dic dri?t |K)tential


495

coincides

with line 4 f. of No. 2. Here, again, the date, if any wTas recorded, is lost. IA, 19. 126. This, also, is very (4) The KrJsambi edict: : but the extant here, again, fragmentary portion mostly coincides with line 4 f. of No. 2. It seems not to have

been dated. (5) The and Bair?t

edict which in Northern

IA, 20. 155

we

have

at

Sahasr?m, B?pn?th, 2. 166 ; de Piyadasi, and at Brahmagiri, Oidd?pura, and India

(Insers,

; 22. 302), in Mysore Jatinga-R?m?avara This

138).1

record

(JA, 1892, 1. 486 ; EI, 3. lecture on the good results of in matters of religion. It is dated 256 is a

energy displaying as it quotes inasmuch years after the death of Buddha,2 a short sermon which, it says, was delivered 256 years or the Buddha.1 i.e. Vivutha, Vyutha, previously by VyQtha, last record is, by reason of its date, perhaps This the most vamsa

important tells us

of all

the

records

of A?oka.

(6. 1) that A?oka was 21*8 years after the death

The

anointed

Dipa to the

of Buddha, and sovereignty of he for 37 the time that years (5. 101) (from reigned see was his anointment). that this edict framed We thus ? 218 = and one (256 ) 38 years after his anointment, This last year, more or less, after the end of his reign. seems at first detail somewhat the But sight puzzling.

1

see also Epigraphia For the Mysore 11. Mk. texts, Carnatica, 14, 21, 34, and plates. ' 2 The of course, is at some time in the 257th year current, meaning, ' when 256 years had been completed. 3 As some remarks on page Norman 13 f. above, by Professor regards I think it clear I have mode 1907. 521, and note 2) (see this Journal, to render to concede that my pro|iosal that I am prepared the ap|iellation is not to he regarded as final: the etc., Vivutha, by "the Wanderer" to l?kh?petavaya which we must indicates that we must assign meaning some and so perha)>s find for vivasetar?ya, for Vivutha, etc., meaning is not connected with the idea of 'wandering which forth.' But the that the appellation denotes and that the Buddha, points will remain, 256 years

mean

the period

elapsed

since

his death.


496

text, Brahmagiri the explanation.1

which There

is the was

discloses version, "somewhat of period

clearest a

and a half years," during which A?oka or lay a Buddhist or an Up?saka, disciple That was himself. much without exerting worshipper,2 " somewhat more than six years," followed by a period of a period of one year, during including signalized specially

more

than

was

a S?vaka

two

which A?oka, having joined the Saihgha, did exert himself (we are told) their followers

the result ; with strenuously of Jambudvipa (India) with to be false,? and (it follows) as

established versions

differ

the from

a

which preamble, a from place named

municated in Mysore, Ayaputa, in charge We

have,

true

the

doctrine

that

proved of Buddha was

the Mysore in presenting issued edict was com that it was

those

Further, religion. India of Northern

tells

us

that

the and

the gods

were

Suvannagiri, at Isila the High Ministers, to the Mah?m?tas, the not directly by A?oka himself, but through who were and the Mah?m?tas, i.e. the Prince, of

the

district

which

the well-known

further, an image

included statement

Suvannagiri. of I-tsing,

as a Buddhist dressed of A?oka mentioning we see all these details monk.3 And, together, putting :? as follows that the facts were and became a disciple to Buddhism A?oka was converted or lay-worshipper the 30th year about half-way through

1 I still

some day, to demonstrate this matter to find leisure, I think that anyone, of the texts. Meanwhile, comparison in the light of what them who will examine the originals, see that the facts were as I state them. I say, will readily 2 sdvakc : in the Sahasr?m, is perhaps in the R?pn?th text The word In the Jatinga-R?mesvara it is npdsake. and Sidd?pura texts, Bair?t, In the Brahmagiri is hopelessly this part of the record text, illegible. be decided cannot this word all the rest is remarkably clear, text, while hope

by a critical able to read

hardness to some exceptional cither ; owing way apparently or almost left unincised, it seems to have been at this point, is in favour of up?sake. preference 3 73. Records Religion, Takakusu, of the Buddhist

of the rock so : but the

THE CONVERSION OF ASOKA TO BUDDHISM. his

after

to the

anointment

little more

A

sovereignty.1

497

soon after the consequently he year, formally joined the more 5 A after than little Buddhist that, years Samgha. 37 years when he had completed early in the 38th year,? custom and something over,2? he followed a not infrequent the Indian of ancient and, taking rulers, and abdicated, than 2? years commencement

of

and

later, the

33rd

vows

to spend his remaining of a monk, withdrew days in ;perhaps (see page 485 above) installing religious retirement as his successor, and anointing him with his own Da?aratha And

hand.

from

that

he

sent

the 39th

one year

retirement, forth this

in

later, early

notification, year, proclaiming as the true and established In Northern religion. he was still had formed his own dominions, India, which intermediaries. able to iasue the edict without But, any in communicating it to a foreign power in Mysore, where he had to send unknown, quite possibly he was personally

Buddhism

of the officials of the district it through the channel in which he was living in retirement. And to that necessity 1 So also, and mature "his 22.

practically, consideration

conversion

falls

Professor of about

the the

B?hler, Sahasr?m,

basing

the

R?pn?th, year twenty-ninth

result

on

and

Bair?t

of

302

his

later :

texts

his

(IA. reign" the Mah?vamsa,

3. 138). ; compare El, Originally, guided by it in the fourth year (IA, 6. 153a). placed Professor the expression s?san? in the Dipavamsa, Kern, d?y?do treating was that Atoka in the seventh 7. 13 if., as meaning still, year, only " " a to the Faith, it to be not improbable but holding that pretender he had in the twenty-eighth l>ecome a convert the seventh year when was has nevertheless the opinion that the issued, pillar-edict expressed he had

edict must etc., Sahasr?m, hturn i >8A?oka as a decided and

note

be placed Buddhist

after zealot

the

latter

{Manual

date,

because

of Buddhism,

it 114,

3). has been shewn that the Sahasr?m, above framed etc., edict was 256 - 218 = 38 years after the anointment of A?oka. On the other side " we have 29$ +2? +6 = 38, with an indefinite but small "somewhat more to be added in connexion with the 2} and the 6. 2 The statement of the D?j?avariisa, that he reigned for thirty-seven of course does not mean (from the date of his anointment), years thirty seven years exactly to the day ; but it does mean that he had completed It

thirty-seven

years.


498 we

owe

merely which

the to the

interesting

result

locality, his

but perhaps

that

we

can

to the actual

not point, abode in

we may find it in days: a (see IA, 1902. 71) forty feet by measuring cave-temple, in 1820 a Jain image and a stone and fifteen, containing then in which exists couch, and occupied by a Bair?gi, A?oka

spent

S?nagiri, Suvarnagiri, the site of the ancient

closing

S?ngir,

one of

city Girivraja

the hills in Magadha,

surrounding Behar.

The Rummindei Inscription and the Conversion of Asoka to Buddhism

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