Religion on the Battlefield: Esoteric Buddhism and the Japanese Warrior

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Esoteric Buddhism and the Japanese Warrior

Chad KOHALYK 22 Feb 2006

Religion on the battleﬁeld


In a world where religious violence and militancy has bubbled over in the wake of the ideological combat of the Cold War, factoring r eligion eligion into the calculus of warfare is strategically ex pedient. Tactical decisions undoubtedly vary considerably if one believes god is on his side. Religious rites in warfare are found in all the cultures of humankind, thus I have selected one particularly ticularly fierce warrior culture, that of the samurai of ancient Japan, to explore the effects of religious belief on the battlefield. The question of whether religion r eligion was a factor leading to war will not be discussed here. The relationship of religion and the decision to go to war is beyond the scope of this paper. Rather, I would like to examine how religion was used while prose cuting war in early and medieval Japan; what kind of rituals were used to gain advantage on the battlefield; and how did these techniques come about. The popular wisdom is that Zen Buddhism holds the greatest religious influence over the samurai warriors of ancient Japan. This modern view is probably due to Zen’s influence over the

cultural arts of Japan (including the martial arts) and the relationship between Takuan Sôhô and the founders of the Yagyû Shinkage Ryû 1, one of Japan’s most famous sword schools. But an even older – and possibly more profound – impact was made by esoteric Buddhism.

Takuan Takuan Sôhô (1573 -1645) was an influential Zen Buddhist monk of the Rinzai sect and had personal relations Writings with Yagyû Yagyû Munenori (1571 -1646), founder of the Yagyû Yagyû Shinkage Ryû. See The Unfettered Mind: Writings of the Zen Master to the Sword Master which includes a letter from Takuan to Munenori instructing him in how to become a better human being through swordsmanship. 1

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Historians as well, tend to concentrate on Zen and the popular religious movements of New Buddhism during the Kamakura period. Reasons for the disregard of esoteric Buddhism’s impact on the warrior may have to do with both the warrior class (bushi) only being defined clearly during the Kamakura, and the lack of battlefield research. Zen may have had an impact on the home lives of the warrior, which in turn affected art and culture especially during the later Muromachi and Edo periods. But the warrior need needed divine assistance in the here and now when he entered on to the battlefield. The amount of information compiled regarding religious practices, es es pecially those pertaining to warfare, is pitifully small in comparison to the literature on biographies, religious beliefs and art. In Japanese esoteric Buddhism (“mikkyô” or “secret teachings”) the rituals themselves are by definition secret, thus reliable documentation of such practices is even more scant. Another difficulty encountered when investigating esoteric Buddhism in pre-modern Japan is the combinatory nature of Japanese religion which “consisted of intermeshed forms of Esoteric Buddhism, Exoteric Buddhism, Taoism (though not in the institutionalized form such as was then found in China), and various practices taking place in [so-called Shintô] shrines.”2 Still another obstacle in investigating esoterica and the warrior during the pre-modern era is the nebulous definition of the warrior 3, as delineated from the aristocracy and the common peo ple. Later periods have stark class differences, yet prior to the late Heian Period (794~1185) the warrior was not a distinguishable class. Obviously there were always fighters in the provinces battling the indigenous emishi, pirates, or defending the country from continental Asia. 2

Grapard, 1999, pp. 523.

3 To be entirely representative representative I have

chosen to use the general term “warrior” in this paper, which does not carry the various military and status related connotations of such terms as tsuwamono, musha, mononofo, bushi, hei shi, etc.

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As for the lack of records regarding specific ritual practices, ancient texts alluding to esoteric practices, and weapons and armour with religious engravings and inscriptions have been dated, givin giving researchers clues as to the period of the use of esoteric rituals. The inception of such rituals on the other hand, can thereupon only be estimated. Not only is there evidence of these “secret teachings” in the form of historical artifacts as well as incidents in chronicles such as the Taiheiki, a number religious practices are codified and preserved in the teachings of martial traditions originating from the mid-Muromachi period. Many of these martial traditions ( bujutsu ryû “martial tradition/school”) are still extant, and have been passed down from teacher to student through scrolls and oral teachings. These teachings not only contain information on the usage of weapons, grappling, combative horsemanship, swimming, fortification construction, strategy and signaling, but also esoteric rituals to increase one’s chance of survival on the battlefield. As for the combinatory nature of Japanese religion, though we may be focusing on Buddhist or Buddhism-related practices within the belief system of the Japanese warrior, it is important to remember that these practices were only a part of a whole, and cannot necessarily be compartmentalized for inspection separate from all other practices. “Ritual magic for practical benefits”

Esoteric Buddhism, or mikkyô, can be traced back to the second century and is traditionally considered to be founded by the Indian monk-philosopher Nâgârjuna (J: Ryûmyô). Dainichi Nyorai4 (Skt: Mahâvairocana) is considered the most fundamental Buddha in mikkyô, and is representative of the entire universe: all things within the phenomenological world stem from him. Dainichi Nyorai is also known as Rushana, of which an important statue is housed in Tôdaiji, completed in 752 AD. 4

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Although evidence shows that the warrior sometimes invoked the protective power of Dainichi directly, directly, most evidence indicates that requests were channeled chan neled through other deities or manifestations. For commoners and warriors alike Dainichi was too distant, or superior, to approach. Thus the manifestations of Fudô-myôô and Marishiten were used to indirectly access the power of Dainichi Nyorai. Fudô-myôô (pictured at left) is one of a class of deities known as Guardian (or Wisdom) Kings.5 He is a sco scowling, muscular, blueskinned deity with a halo of fire behind him; he carries a sword and a tying cord for binding. Fudô-myôô is a slave to humanity, and although he is armed, he uses his weapons in a good way. He serves as a symbol to remind the warrior to be wary of laxity while training. The fierce image of Fudô-myôô scares the warrior, reminding him to stay on the self-chosen path. In case the warrior strays, Fudô-myôô is armed, although he does not use his weapons against man. Instead he uses his sword to destroy the evil surrounding the warrior, evil that would draw the warrior from the path. (e.g. carnal desire etc.) The rope is for binding evil that cannot be cut, immobilizing it so that it may not reach the warrior.6 Fudô-myôô is a very central deity in Shingon Buddhism, an important sect of mikkyô that was founded by Kûkai in the beginning of the 9th century. He is most likely a manifestation of the Indian deity Shiva.

5 The Five Great (J: Godai)

Myôô are Fudô- (Skt: Acala), Gôsanze- (Skt: Trailokyavijaya), Trailokyavijaya), Gundari- (Skt: Kundalin), Daiitoku- (Skt: Yamântaka), and Kongôyasha- (Vajrayaksa).

6 Armstrong,

1998, pp.18.

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Marishiten (pictured at left) has been depicted as a beautiful woman sitting on an open lotus; a ferocious demon perched on the back of a boar or riding a fiery chariot pulled by seven seve n savage boars or sows; s ows; or a multi-armed woman with a different weapon in each hand standing on the back of a boar. Marishiten (Chi: Mo-li-chih-t’ien, Skt: Mârîcî) has obscure obscure origins and appears to be an amalgamation of Brâhmanical, Iranian, and nonAryan antecedents.7 She has filled filled many roles throughout Asia Asia in her 1500 year history of being a Buddhist “goddess” and throughout the centuries has been referred to as: ...a mote of light, Goddess of the North Star or the c onstellation of the Great Bear, the Queen of Heaven (residing in the constellation of Sagittarius), the Goddess of the Dawn, a healer, a protectress of travelers, a bodhisattva who has vowed to bring all sentient beings to enlightenment, and a warrior goddess. 8

Annen’s ninth century Marishi hihô9 or “Secret Rituals of Marishiten,” as quoted in Shôchô’s Asabashô states: Marishiten-bosatsu is Dainichi-nyorai’s fourth dharma-body. (The bosatsu) is manifested as this “homogeneous transformat transforma tion body” 10 in order to benefit all sentient beings.

Marishiten most likely developed within Buddhism as a “warrior protectress” for the purpose of attracting non-Buddhist warriors who worshipped the like of Durgâ, Candî, and Kâlî.11 7

Hall, pp. 45.

8

Ibid., pp. 2.

The Marishi hihô seems to be no longer extant, and is only known of through citation in other works. Ibid., pp.208. 9

10 A “homogeneous transformation body” (J: tôrushin or

mal etc. which the Buddha takes to save sentient beings. 11

Ibid. pp. 194.

tôruhosshin) is the form of a human, heavenly being, ani-

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Marishiten’s two foremost characteristics include her strong association with light or fire, and her role as a martial character. Marishiten is frequently associated with the sun or Sun God, and even modern Shingon priests who are ar e undergoing certain austerities will petition her while facing the sunrise, praying for success in training. It has been noted that the Lamas of Tibet would invoke her every morning as the sun rose.12 Japanese warriors would chant to Marishiten during sunrise in order to achieve victory on the battlefield. Warriors would also invoke Marishiten in other ways to attain magical powers that would assist them in battle. Invoking Marishiten could cause confusion in the enemy or prevent them from “seeing,” effectively turning the invoker “invisible.” Generally, the invocation practices of esoteric Buddhism include such rituals as sacred incantations (mantra) and hand gestures (mudra). These practices are considered to be a way to attain the religious ultimate, to “become a Buddha in this body” (J: sokushin jôbutsu). Mandalas are also important within mikkyô, especially the paired mandalas of the Thunderbolt (or Diamond) and Matrix (or Womb) Realms. Other practices included goma fire rituals and the kanjô rite in which water, representing the Buddha’s wisdom, is poured over the head of a monk symbolizing the transmission of Truth and of Buddhahood. The primary rituals used by the Japanese warrior were mudra and mantra, as well as invocation through inscription. Inscriptions could be of a multitude of t of things and are found on various implements related to war and combat. One prevalent type of inscription was bonji, modified Sanskrit characters. These characters were used as a representation of syllables used in Buddhist mantra to invoke the supernatural power of the deities. Bonji were found on items such as on the maku – which was a

12

Ibid., pp. 46.

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curtain used to enclose the command post on a battlefield – on fans, helmets and carved on the inside of armour. Many examples of bonji are found on that most emblematic weapon of the the Japanese warrior: the sword. Ôtake Risuke, the Head Instructor of the Tenshin Shôden Katori Shintô Ryû, notes: Whenever warriors entered battle they risked their precious lives and nothing was more reassuring to them than to come under the protection of the particular Buddhist or Shinto deities whom they believed in most. Therefore, it is quite natural that these warriors should have their sword blades engraved with images or representations of powerful deities. 13

Forging a sword is a very religious matter in Japan. The smith dr dr esses esses like a priest, and must purify himself and the smithy before setting down to craft a blade. The swordsmith himself would share the same religious beliefs as the swordsman, and would pray to the deities represented on a blade for success in combat and the safety of the bearer of the sword. The sword tang pictured to the left 14 is of Koryû Kagemitsu, the sword said to have been worn by the legendary Kusunoki Masashige (1294~1336).On the back is bonji which is read Kan-man. Kan

represents Fudô-myôô as Kan-man are the last two sylla-

bles of Fudô-myôô’s mantra.15 The front depicts an engraving of a dragon, entwined around a sword. The sword is a suken, or

13

Ôtake, vol. 2, pp. 21.

14

Ibid.

15

No-maku-san-man-da-ba-sa-ra-da-sen-d No-maku-san-man-da-ba-sa-ra-da-sen-da-ma-ka-ro-sha-daa-ma-ka-ro-sha-da-so-wa-ta-ya-un-taso-wa-ta-ya-un-ta-ra-ta-kan-man. ra-ta-kan-man. Ibid., pp.22.

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Chinese straight sword with two cutting edges, and is one of the attributes of esoteric practice. The suken is symbolic of Fudô-myôô, a manifestation of Dainichi Nyorai, who wields such a sword. These types of engravings are found on many different swords. The suken on Kusunoki’s blade has a three-pronged vajra for a hilt. The Buddhist vajra (J: kongôsho) is a symbol of the Thunderbolt or Diamond Realm, and embodies the incisive power of wisdom, which destroys hindrances to enlightenment. The prongs of a three-pronged vajra are linked to karma and its manifestations in spe speech, body, and mind. The dragon entwined around the suken is a kurikara. Kurikara

are engraved dragons which come in various types. This one is a male, because its tail

ends in a point, not a brush; he is an “ascending dragon” of the “belly visible” variety. The triple combination of the suken, vajra, and kurikara is the strongest possible way to invoke Dainichi Nyorai.16 Engr avings on swords became widespread during the early Kamakura period and depicted Buddhist images, bonji, kurikara dragons, images of Fudô-myôô and Aizen-myôô (Ragaraja), lotus flowers and leaves, and vajra. Over ninety-five percent of engravings on Japanese swords concern Esoteric Buddhism, with the remaining portion depicting neutral themes of flowers, animals, or scenery. s cenery.17

Kusunoki also carried a banner into war depicting the sansenjin, or “Three War War Deities”: Fudô-myôô, Aizenmyôô, and Marishiten. 16

17 Warner,

pp.57.

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Short sword inscribed with kurikara wrapped around a suken on one side, an d Fudô-myôô appearing on the other. (Suzuki, pp. 181)

Some classical martial traditions have within their curriculum “Marishiten spells.” These spells vary in function and ritual from tradition to tradition. Some examples include Teki to tatakau tomo kizu wo fuju no hô

(Ritual for Preventing Injury when Facing Enemies), which in-

cludes the spell known as as Teki no me wo karamasu hô (Ritual for Blinding Enemies), Tatakau toki makenai hô

(Ritual for not Being Def eated eated During Battle), and Teki to kyû ni tatakau toki

([Ritual for] Suddenly Battling an Enemy).18 Several of these spells presume the daily chanting of the Marishiten goharai19 towards the sunrise. The rituals generally consist consist of a series of mudra with the accompaniment of mantra to invoke the powers of Marishiten or Dainichi Nyorai. Another spell, more common throughout martial mar tial traditions, is the kuji-hô, or Ritual of Nine Letters. This is a protection spell consisting of nine mudra accompanied by a mantra: rin pyô tô sha kai jin retsu zai zen.

It is important to note that the actual Chinese characters, and

what deities the mudra represent, differ depending on the tradition.20 Normally the spell would be performed before battle, but when surprised by enemies the warrior could utilize a shorter version. In this version only the mudra names are intoned while using the right index (and some18 These rituals are contained

within the oral tradition of the Tenshin Shôden Katori Shintô Ryû. Hall, pp.283.

19

“Marishiten who Sweeps Away [All Difficulties].” Ibid.

20

Ôtake, vol. 3, pp. 18-9.

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times middle) finger to trace a grid of five horizontal and four vertical lines either in the air or on the palm of the left hand, depending on the tradition. Some traditions even add a Chinese character, requesting protection during travel, crossing over water, driving away disease, or prevention from getting lost at night in unfamiliar areas. Thus the warrior armed himself with charmed weapons and armour, and chanted spells to divine the proper day for battle and to protect himself from bodily harm. The ritual magic of esoteric Buddhism, with its ability to bestow practical benefits in the her e and now, was appealing to the Japanese warrior. The roots of warrior religiosity

By the Kamakura period (1192-1333) the warrior was already an established class and archeological evidence of his religiosity, in the form of inscribed swords and armour, is plentiful. Tracing the historical roots of these religious practices pr actices is problematic, and determining a specific sp ecific time period when the warrior “got religion” can only be estimated in the most general of terms. Although Japan absorbed Buddhism from the continent in the mid- to late sixth century, the deepest and most widespread religious religious practice was that of kami worship. Buddha worship was limited mostly to wealthy immigrant clan groups in and around the capital, thereby dividing Ja pan into two fundamentally different socio-religious groups whose leaders spiritual authority rose from the rites of the imported Buddhist faith, or from the worship of the indigenous kami. Already this early Buddhism was associated with rites that were believed to provide mysterious physical benefits in the here and now. The primary benefit the ruling class was concerned with was the ability of Buddhism to protect the state. As Japan adopted the Chinese-style penal and administrative structure, known as the ritsuryô system, Buddhism became the state religion,

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and temples were organized under an administrative bureau.21 Buddhist history became closely intertwined with kami worship as leaders fighting for control of the state realized that their primary source of spiritual authority would reside in their hereditary roles as high priests of kami worship. Clan chieftains, in order to validate their power, orchestrated connections between kami and Buddha and how they supported one another allowing Buddhism to spread into the indigenous socio-religious sector. One manifestation of this was the establishment of jingûji, (“shrine temples”) Buddhist temples within the precincts of the the nation’s most important shrines. The jingûji

were indicative of early trends in non-exclusivity towards native and imported religions.

Buddhist clergy would administer rites in front of kami for the purpose of guiding the kami to enlightenment. This was probably a strategy used to gain Buddhist converts in remote areas, including official representatives provincial governments.22 By the end of the Nara period (710~794) Buddhism and kami worship developed into a relatively syncretic, henotheistic system where the kami were considered above humans but still vulnerable to desire, and thus in need of salvation. The kami were also depicted as protectors of Buddhist law. The “exotic rites linked with impressive pagodas, bells and statues” were generally agreed upon as pleasing to any diety, kami or Buddha.23 Most Buddhist rites were essentially similar to kami rites in that they were meant for good health, rich crops, and protection from natural disaster. Marishiten makes her first appearance in Japan during the mid-Nara period around the year 737, in the form of a sutra invoking her power. Prior to that, the Nihongi, the second oldest book 21

Sonoda, pp.373.

22

Grapard, pp. 525.

23

Sonoda, pp. 411.

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of Japanese history completed in 720, references an event during Empress Suiko’s reign around 603: A Paekche priest named Kwalluk arrived and presented by way of tribute books of calendar making, of astronomy and of geomancy, and also books on the art of invisi bility and magic.

Although the actual contents of these books remains a mystery, it is tempting to draw a connection between the above-mentioned “art of invisibility and magic” and the Marishiten cult.24 Sonoda identifies two Buddhist movements during the Nara period which spread among the commoners and local gentry, flourishing outside the state temple system and the “protect the state” doctrine.25 The first is humanistic religious practitioners such as Gyôki (668~749), a priest of the Hossô Sect who carried out evangelical work among the people and completed many acts of public service such as building bridges, roads and reservoirs. The second movement, one much more significant in regards to the warrior is that of sanrin Bukkyô, or “ascetic mountain Buddhism.” This is the historical root of the indigenous Japanese religion of Shugendô, which by the seventh century already mixed Buddhist and Taoist practices, and later became heavily influenced by the esot esoteric eric sects of Tendai and Shingon. Practitioners of this kind of Buddhism did not concentrate on public service, but were reputed to have mystical powers gained through esoteric practices. En no Ozunu, an immigrant magician and famous mountain ascetic, was said to have enslaved gods and demons, forcing them to gather his firewood and draw his water or be bou b ound nd with spells.

It is also important to note that the mentioning of Taoist practices such as “calendar making,” “astronomy,” “astronomy,” and “geomancy” may indicate that the “art of invisibility and magic” (tonkô hôjutsu) referred to in this text may actually have been a Taoist Taoist esoteric practice. 24

25

Sonoda, pp. 408.

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The esoteric principles of Shugendô are sometimes classified as zômitsu, or “miscellaneous esoterism,” indicating the lack of a comprehensive and integrated curriculum of belief that the later schools of Tendai and Shingon had, which have been designated as manmitsu, or “fully developed esoterism.” One of the “miscellaneous” practices of the ascetic was the kuji, which was used for protection from bodily harm when entering the mountains. The teachings of the two movements of Buddhism and their popularity, being outside the domain of the state temple system, were consi considered dered as leading the people astray and the activities of Gyôki were legislated against in 717. Gyôki ignored the ban, and during the 720’s the government softened its position and actually used Gyôki and his followers to carry out certain public service projects. The early warrior, around the time of the popular movements Buddhism led by Gyôki, was a conscripted soldier required by the ritsuryô government to furnish his own weapons, clothing and whetstone, as well as cooking equipment, food, water, salt, and the respective containers. The Taihô Yôrô codes (718), which divided the entire country into kuni (provinces), formed the Hyôbushô, or “Ministry of War,” whose job it was to “oversee the mustering, arming, logistical support, and stationing of imperial troops.”26 As part of their tax service to the government, these draftees were deployed at defensive positions on the western coast of Kyûshû, or in the frontier provinces of northern Honshû to battle the emishi. Setsudoshi (martial training instructors) were appointed to oversee the ten-day training period of the soldiers which consisted of bowmanship, combative horsemanship, spear and sword techniques, grappling, combative swimming, field fortifications, martial strategy, and

26 Takeuchi, Takeuchi,

pp.645.

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weapon construction. Martial instruction harkens back to at least the time of an imperial directive in 668, appointing instructors and ordering extensive martial training to be conducted in modern day Shiga prefecture as a precaution against T’ang forces.27 Warriors were conscripted from the peasant population and trained with governm government ap pointed officials. As peasants they may have been exposed to the teachings of humanistic and ascetic priests proselytizing among the people, learning rituals for rich crops, healing, the warding off of evil and possibly bodily protection. As the peasants peasants were trained trained as soldiers, soldiers, they could have been exposed to the “state Buddhism” and a nd any of its rituals through not only their proximity to religious centers, by also through the setsudoshi during basic training. It may be hypothesized hypothesized that the ancient Japanese warrior could have been exposed to two entirely different kinds of Buddhism prior to heading to the battlefield. Unfortunately reliable documentation is sparse, and the exact ritualistic teachings of the ancient priests and setsudoshi is impossible to determine. The Heian Period (794 -1190) witnesses the introduction of the fully developed manmitsu

esoteric Buddhism which was brought over from China by the famous monks Saichô

(767~822) and Kûkai (774~835). Saichô had studied the Chinese Buddhist schools of Tientai (J: Tendai), Zhenyan (J: Shingon), and Chan (J: Zen). He brought the Tendai sect back to Japan and founded a small monastery which became the Enryakuji complex found on Mount Hiei. Kûkai, an esoteric master, brought back the Shingon sect a year after Saichô and was welcomed by the aristocracy who were concerned with “magic, manipulation of symbols, and medicine.”28 In 810 Kûkai performed his first ritual for the protecti protection on of the state and the emperor. The onmyôryô, or Bureau of Yin and Yang, was disbanded in 820 as the government became depend27 Warner, 28

pp. 7.

Grapard, pp. 534.

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ent on the Tendai and Shingon Sects. Examples of rituals performed for the government are the Daigen(sui)hô, which was performed to “protect from armed upheavals” and was used in 939 during the rebellion of Taira no Masakado; and the Daiitokuhô and Fudôhô, which were performed in 941 on Mount Hiei and in Hosshôji respectively when it was learned Korean pirates were sighted off the coast of Kyûshû. Documents show that such rites could be used for a multitude of purposes: to cause two persons to fall in love; safe childbirth; curing disease; to remove fear of death; and in the case of the Daiitokuhô, success in military endeavors. 29 Also during this period the Tendai priest Annen (? ~ 889) wrote several texts concerning Marishiten including the Futsûji bodaikai kôshaku. Most of the Chinese esoteric texts regarding Marishiten were brought to Japan during the ninth century, and by the latter part par t of the Heian Period the Japanese had all Chinese information on Marishiten. Commentators from later ages refer to a cult of Marishiten that existed during the late Heian, but these statements are unsubstantiated. 30 During the ninth and tenth centuries the syncretic combination of kami worship and Buddhism known as ryôbu Shintô was greatly accelerated by the henotheistic characteristics of esoteric Buddhism, which can be traced back to the early Buddhism of India. This was was exemplified by the construction of more jingûji from the mid-ninth century under the Twenty-two Shrines system. Additionally, hybrid religious practices such as Shugendô were encouraged. The hijiri, or traveling holy men, from places such as Mount Kôya, the seat of the Shingon sect, were particu-

29

Ibid., pp. 542-3.

30

Hall, pp. 258-9.

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larly active during the ninth and tenth centuries. The hijiri were organized groups but worked as individuals to make direct personal contact with the people in the countryside.31 By the tenth century, as the ritsuryô system declined and the government came under the control of the Fujiwara, rituals originally performed for the sake of the emperor were being requested by individual aristocrats. 32 Due to the banning of the conscript system in 794, military forces were replaced by the kondeisei,

a system of enlisting particular young men from the families of district chiefs. These “stal-

wart youths” were first appointed to military districts responsible for controlling emishi, the indigenous peoples of the Japanese archipelago, but since there were not enough of them to replace all the previously conscripted troops they formed merely a constabulary force for the purpose of protecting government facilities and operations.33 Landholders, who lacked protection once provided for by the government conscripts, took it upon upon themselves to protect their estates from the rampant lawlessness in the provinces. They lobbied for an order allowing certain governors to employ armed men in the ninth century. The issuing of police and military titles of a governor or his deputies came into practice in the tenth century and lead to the creation of a new warrior class. Military power became localized in the provinces, where training would take place far from the setsudoshi once employed ne near the capital. The Twenty Two Shrine system allowed more Buddhist penetration into the provinces, and: [A]lthough Shingon preachers and hijiri directed their religious lessons increasingly to the common people and thus developed a new base in addition to that of the aristo31 Tanabe, Tanabe, 32

pp.46-7.

Grapard, pp. 541.

33 Takeuchi, Takeuchi, pp.

646-8.

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crats, the basic nature of its religious offering remained what it had always been: ritual magic for practical benefits. 34

There were also simple, inexpensive rituals that would appeal to commoners. Suggesting that aristocrats were the only people interested ritual performances makes sense only by limiting all esoteric practices to only the expensive ones. Superstition Superstition cut across all classes and thus so did rituals that “offered good crops for the farmer, safe delivery for an expectant moth mother, er, and protection from one’s enemies for the warrior.”35 The Genke Kinneshû, although appearing in written form in the late 1500’s, actually dates back to the reign of Emperor Daigo (r. 897~930). Oe Koretoki returned from T’ang China bearing books, several of which were concerned with the military arts. These books were translated into Japanese in the the tenth century and included both Buddhist and Taoist esoterica. Later, the teachings became a part of the martial tradition of the Minamoto, and were well-guarded secrets until they were put to paper by the Ogasawara (a descendant family of the Minamoto) in the late sixteenth century c entury..36 Included in the Genke Kinneshû is the “Most Secret Method of Marishiten,” a ritual for divining the best day for battle, which also includes the kuji. There are also references to Dainichi Nyorai, and references to Marishiten as “Hokuto Daishin,” the Deity of the Dipper Stars. Miyazaki notes one way pre-Kamak ura warriors such as Kumagai Naozane (1141~1208) could have come into contact with Buddhist teachings was the ôbanyaku system.37 The ôbanyaku developed during the Heian and continued into the Kamakura Period. Heian officials and noble 34 Tanabe, Tanabe, pp.

52.

35

Ibid.

36

See Hall, pp.249-250, regarding the var ious ious legends of how these teachings were transferred to the Minamoto.

37

Miyazaki, pp. 458.

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landholders would summon their warriors to Kyoto for guard service. Service periods were normally three or six months long. Although Miyazaki goes on to describe the various Amida preachers Naozane visited, it is also possible that warriors could have been exposed to esoteric practices while visiting Kyoto, taking them back and teaching them in their home provinces. In the early Kamakura the famous Buddhist priest Nichiren (1222~1282) wrote a letter to the commander Shijô Kingo in the mid-thirteenth century stating the following: Marishiten precedes Sûrya [the Sun God] and, since Sûrya is a protector of practitioners of the Rengekyô [Lotus [Lot us Sutra], does it not follow that Marishiten is also [such a protector]? ... Marishiten als alsoo takes up the Lotus Sutra in order to assist all sentient beings. The characters - rin pyô tô sha kai jin retsu zai zen - are also derived from the Lotus sutra. 38

By the early Kamakura Period the use of esoteric Buddhist inscription on blades became widespread, 39 and the ritual of the kuji was well known by the mid 12th century as illustrated by Nichiren’s letter. The Taiheiki, Taiheiki, a chronicle concerned mostly with war during the early fourteenth century, descr descr ibes ibes the Prince of the Pagoda who hides in a temple from a band of warriors. The prince “silently recited incantations to hide his person from the eyes of men,” and when the warriors moved on in th their search he thinks to himself, “That I have been saved is due solely to the divine assistance of Marishiten...”40 Once the warrior class became entrenched during the Kamakura period the codification of martial skills developed giving rise to political units known as ryû, which are generally referred

38

Ibid., pp. 259.

39 The

practice of inscribing blades for protection in Japan can be dated to at least the beginning of the Heian period. Grapard (pp. 556-7) notes that during the rite of protection held the year after the first fire at the new capital of Heian, “pillars of various buildings were decorated with swords on which inscriptions were engraved. ... Some of the swords had been offered by Korea: one was called ‘sword to protect from enemies,’ and another was called ‘sword to protect the body.’” These swords were inscribed with dragons, emblems and constellations, indicating Taoist Taoist esoterica. 40

Craig McCullough, pp. 135-6.

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to in English as styles, schools, or traditions. Many of the traditions from this period have since died out. Such styles as the Nen Ryû (c. 1368) and the Kage Ryû (c. 1488) are only existent in the form of branch traditions which developed in later eras, whereas the Chûjô Ryû (c. 1368) is completely lost.41 Although the branch traditions do contain information on the religious practices of the warrior from earlier periods, the Tenshin Shôden Katori Shintô Ryû which has been passed down in an unbroken lineage since 1447 is an ideal source for understanding warrior rituals and beliefs. Sword engravings, banners and maku, and other archeological evidence corroborates the teachings of these ryû and what they claim the tradition of the medieval warrior was. Once the religious practices were codified within the curriculum of the martial ryû they were passed down through the centuries, from warrior to warrior, to modern times. During the milita samurai culture captured rization of Japanese society in the early 20th century a revitalization of samurai

the imagination of soldiers in the Japanese Imperial Army, leading to such rituals as the senninbari, or “thousand-stitch belts,” worn under the uniforms of Japanese Imperial Army soldiers and kamikaze

suicide attacks. Through propaganda Japan’s imperial rulers were able to widen their

tactical repertoire by harnessing the strength of religious fervor and directing it against their enemies. This represents uncanny foreshadowing of current strategic challenges and future conflicts yet to be fought. Religious influence on the battlefield nullifies any sense of the “rational actor.” The religious background of opponents on the battlefield should be studied, and the effects of religion on tactics accounted for in decision-making. This paper represents only a single case study in a field full of potential and relevant to today’s today’s conflicts.

41 These dates are approximate.

13th century.

The Chûjô Ryû is said to have been a family tradition passed down from the mid-

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Sources

Adolphson, M.S. The Gates of Power: Monks, Courtiers, and Warriors in Premodern Japan. University of Hawai’i Press, 2000. Armstrong, Hunter. “The koryu bujutsu experience.” Koryu Bujutsu: Classical Warrior Traditions of Japan, ed. Diane Skoss, 18-37. New Jersey: Koryu Books, 1997. Armstrong, Hunter (ed.). Donn F. Draeger Monograph Series No.3. Sedona: International Hoplology Society, 1998. Craig McCullough, H. (trans.) Taiheiki: Chronicle of Medieval Japan. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Grapard, Allan G. “Religious Practices.” The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 2: Heian Japan, ed. Donald H. Shively & William H. McCullough, 517-575. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Hall, David A. Marishiten: Buddhism and the warrior goddess. Dissertation. University of California at Berkeley, 1990. Miyazaki, Fumiko. “Religious life of the Kamakura bushi: Kumagai Naozane and his descendants.” Monumenta Nipponica, v47:4, pp. 435-467, Nov(1992). Ôtake, R. The Deity and the Sword: Katori Shinto Ryu, 3 vols. Tokyo: Sugawara Martial Arts Institute, 1977-8. Tanabe, Jr., G.J. “Kôyasan in the countryside: The rise of Shingon in the Kamakura period.” Revisioning “Kamakura” Buddhism, ed. Richard K. Payne, pp. 43-54. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i, 1998. Sasama, Y. Nippon no Gunsô [zukan]. vol.1, Tokyo: 1970. _______. Nippon Katchu Taikan. Tokyo: Satsuki Shôbô, 1987. Sonoda, K. with Brown, D. “Early Buddha worship.” The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 1: Ancient Japan, ed. Brown, Delmer M., 359-414. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Suzuki, K. Tantô. Tokyo: 1969. Takeuchi, R. “The rise of the warriors.” The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 2: Heian Japan, ed. Donald H. Shively & William H. McCullough, 644-709. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999. Warner, G. and Draeger, D.F. Japanese Swordsmanship: Technique and Practice. New York: Weatherhill, 1982.

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Religion on the Battlefield: Esoteric Buddhism and the Japanese Warrior

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