The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period of the Great Migration
ARHEO LOŠKI INST ARHEOLOŠKI INSTITUT ITUT BEOGRAD POSEBNA IZDANJA, KNJIGA 51
COLLÈGE DE FRANCE � CNRS CENTRE DE RECHERCHE D’HISTOIRE ET CIVILISATION DE BYZANCE MONOGRAPHIES
36
The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period of the Great Migration edited by
Vujadin I� & Michel K
Paris – Beograd 2012
Published with a support of the Ministry of Education and Science of Republic of Serbia (Project n° 177021)
Вiдповiдальний редактор: Костянтин Цукерман
© Association des amis du Centre d’histoire et civilisation de Byzance (ACHCByz) (ACHCByz) – 2010 52 rue du Cardinal-Lemoine – 75005 Paris
ACHCByz ISBN 978-2-916716-31-2
Arheološki Institut Beograd 978-86-80093-78-9
ISSN 0751-0594
Composition et infographie Artyom T-M T-M-V -V
Suivi de la publication Emmanuelle C
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Vujadin Ivanišević, Michel Kazanski. Préface ................................... .................................................... .................
7
I. e Balkans Balkans and the Middle Danube Ivan B. B. Occupation of the south Pannonian Pannonian soil during Antiquity and the Migration period: Šajkaška revisited ................................ ...................................... ......
11
Perica Š. e Danubian limes between between Lederata and Aquae and Aquae during during the Migration period ................................................................................ .............................................. ..................................
35
Vujadin I�. I�. Barbarian settlements in the interior of Illyricum: e case of Caričin Grad .................................. .................................................................... ..................................
57
Tina M. M. Late Antique settlements in Slovenia Slovenia after the year 600 ......... .............
71
Federico M. Byzantium and the Slavs in the reign of Justinian: Comparing the two recensions of Procopius Procopius’’s Buildings ................. ...................... .....
89
Jaroslav T. T. Cultural or ethnic changes? Continuity and discontinuity on the Middle Danube ca A.D. 500 .................................. ................................................... .................
115
Zuzana L L. . An early- 5th-century skeleton grave with gold neck-ring from Charváty (Moravia) ................................. ............................................ ...........
189
Eszter H. H. Cloisonné jewellery from the Langobardic Pannonia: Pannonia: Technological evidence of workshop practice ............................... ..................................... ......
207
Dieter Q. Martial writers – Intellectual warriors: Remarks Remarks on a group group of Late Antique male graves .................................. ............................................................... .............................
243
II. e Occident Joan P G. Pont Ponto-Danubian o-Danubian traditions of dress in early Visigothic Hispania : Chronology, Chronology, dissemination, contexts and evolution .......... .............
265
Eduard D. A propos des contacts contacts entre l’empire l’empire d’Orient et les Germains de l’Elbe au e siècle ................................ ................................................. .................
297
Dieter Q. e Alamanni and Byzantium from the 5th to the 7th cen century tury ......
317
III. e Northern Pon Pontus tus Aleksandr E. Džurga-Oba – a cemetery of the Great Migration period in the Cimmerian Bosporus ................................. ............................................................... ..............................
339
Damien G. e Empire’s Empire’s influence on the barbarian elites from the Pontic region to the Rhine (5th-7th centuries): A case study of lamellar weapons and segmental helmet ................................. .......................................................... .........................
349
Alekseï F. Byzance et la Crimée du Sud-Ouest au e siècle : relations culturelles et particularités du costume féminin ....................
363
Michel K. Radaigaise et la fin de la civilisation de Černjahov ..............
381
THE EMPIRE’S INFLUENCE ON BARBARIAN ELITES FROM THE PONTUS TO THE RHINE �5th�7th CENTURIES�: A CASE STUDY OF LAME LAMELLAR LLAR WEAPONS WEAP ONS AND SEGMENT SE GMENTAL AL HELMET HEL MET D G e question of the origin and dissemination of defensive weapons, in particular of lamellar weapons and of segmental helmets used in the Byzantine army in the 5th-7th century, has caused much ink to flow. It will be our aim to show the common origin of these arms in the Near East and their spread in the Empire from the Eastern Mediterranean before their passage to the Germanic tribes in the 6th-7th centuries. A study of the origin of the relevant finds suggests that they should be considered as a typically Byzantine production. A careful examination of funeral deposits will allow us to assess the Empire’s influence on the Germanic elites through the distribution of prestige goods and to determine how they spread. Such an analysis will also reveal the role of the PontoDanubian region in the diffusion of early Byzantine weapons to the barbarian chiefs.
I. O e first students of segmental helmets (Spangenhelme (Spangenhelme ) sought to trace their journey to Europe from the Black Sea region. R. Henning ( 1906) believed that these helmets were adopted by the Alans from the Huns, who subjugated them ca 370 A D; the Alans then transmitted them to the Ostrogoths in Crimea. Little was known about segmental helmets in the early 20th century, and the only two specimens discovered in an early Byzantine context, in Sveti Vid (Narona (Narona , Croatia), were attributed to to Germans. M. Ebert (1909) believed that segmental helmets reached Central and Western Europe without passing through the Mediterranean and the Roman Empire. Marks on a helmet conserved in the Museum of Art History in Berlin led A. Götze (1909) to conclude that segmental helmets, or at least their prototype, emerged from a crossing of Germanic and Scythian cultures on the Cimmerian Bosporus. e depiction of such helmets on a fresco from the “tomb of 1872� in Kerch (Fig . 1) seemed to support this theory. More generally, the sensational discoveries in Kerch burials led archaeologists to attribute the origin of many prestige goods to this region. Vujadin I� and Michel K eds, The Pontic-Danubian Realm in the Period of the Great Migration (Centre de recherche d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 36 / Arheološki institut, Posebna izdanja, Knjiga 51), Paris-Beograd 2012.
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Fig . 1: Segmental helmet on a fresco from Kerch (Rostovtseff 1913-1914/2003, plate LXXIX ). ).
Several scholars have considered segmental helmets to be of Sassanian origin. e Byzantines could have adopted this type of helmet and then spread it to Central and Western W estern Europe through trade relation relationss with the Germanic elites (A 1934; W 1949/50; A 1939). Forty years later S. V. Grancsay (1949, 276) suggested that segmental helmets could have been introduced into the Roman world by Sarmatian troops stationed statio ned in the Nile Valley. More More recently, M. Feugère (1995, 147) sought again to locate their origin among the Sarmatians, citing the helmets worn by the Syrian archers on the spiral frieze of Trajan’s Column. At the same time, M. Kazanski ( 1995) called this theory into question indicating that helmets found in Sarmatian graves were quite different and that not one of these graves produced a segmental helmet. It is our belief that segmental helmets originated in the Eastern Mediterranean and in the Near East. As early as the 10th century B C, the Hittites adorned their gods with segmental helmets as seen on a relief from Malatya in Turkey (G 1964, 15). e
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earliest specimen dating from the 6th c century entury B C was excavated in Sardis in western Turkey, the capital of ancient Lydia ( Fig . 2) (G, H 1992). e main features of a segmental helmet are already present: a conical helmet-bowl reinforced by riveted metal strips which come together under a circular plate riveted to the apex, and a T-shaped nasal plate. Only an oblong neck-guard distinguishes this Lydian helmet from its early Byzantine descendants. A segmental helmet appears on coins of the Parthian king Arsaces I (238-211 B C) (O 1982, 191). From Parthia, it reaches the steppe and the Kuban region where conical helmets, similar to those represented on Kerch frescos and on Trajan Trajan’’s Column, were discovered at Gorodskoj in privileged graves dating from the 2nd centur centuryy A D (G 2006, 446-450). e type of helmet worn by Syrian archers on Trajan’s column and some other eastern auxiliaries of the Roman army from the 2nd century A D is still found by archaeologists in the second half of the 5th century, at a time when the bulk of the Byzantine army was of oriental origin. is is also the time when a new type of segmental helmet, the Baldenheim type, makes its appearance, as we will discuss below be low.. As for lamellar weapons, many scholars attribute their introduction to the Avars, a Nomadic people of Central Asia who came into contact with the Byzantine Empire in the mid-6th century. Once settled on the Danube, the Avars supposedly spread this type of arms to the Germanic tribes of Central and Western Europe, especially to the Lombards who left lamellar specimens at Castel Trosino Trosino and Val di Nievole in Italy, Italy, and then to the Alamanni beyond the Alps. P. Paulsen (1967) considers the helmet found in Niederstötzingen (Germany) not as Avar but as Lombard or Byzantine, possibly produced in a Pontic workshop. According to G. Arwidsson, the lamellar helmet
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Fig . 2: Parthian or Lydian segmental helmet from Sardis (Greenewalt, Heywood 1992, fig.21)
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Pontic-Caucasian realm. Fig . 3: Helmets from the Pontic-Caucasian 1: Kertch, 2: Kishpek, 3: Illichevka, 4: Kalkhni
excavated in Kerch (Fig . 3 : 1), together with lamellar armour, could suggest a PonticScythian origin for lamellar armament. Regarding the origin of the lamellar weapons, O. Gamber (1964, 14-18; 1966, 17; 1968, 7-44) has shown that lamellar helmets were known to the Egyptians in the 15th century B C, to the Hittites in the 13th century B C and to the Romans in the 2nd century A D. According to H. Von Gall (1990, 64), such weapons were known in the Middle East as early as the Assyrian period. While the lamell lamellar ar helmet helmet is not not attest attested ed in in 3rd-4th-century Sassanian Iran (K 1995, 193), it is worn by eastern auxiliaries of the Roman army on the Arch of Galerius in essaloniki (Greece), built between 298 and 305 A D (L 1975). Horsemen depicted on the Arch wear lamellar helmets with a T-shaped nasal plate very similar to those found in the Eastern Pontus.
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e earliest lamellar helmet from this region was found in a 2nd-century A D Sarmatian ma tian grave by the stanica Tbilisskaja Tbilisskaja on the Kuban; it has a hemispherical bowl resembling sem bling the Roman helmets (S 2001, 263-265). Another Sarmatian burial, from Kišpek in Kabardino-Balkaria, dated between the late 3rd and the first half of the 4th century, contained glass-paste gems and a lamellar helmet with a T-shaped nasal plate (Fig . 3 : 2). Likewise, the early Byzantine fortress Il’ičevka on the Taman Peninsula delivered a helmet dated to the 5th-6th century (N (N 1986), with a hemispherical bowl and a T-shaped T-shaped nasal plate (Fig . 3 : 3). e figurative ears of the 5th-century lamellar helmet with a conical bowl found in Kalkhni in Dagestan ( Fig . 3 : 4) are clearly indicative of a Roman influence (S 1985). is feature is also present on a helmet from Iatrus (Bulgaria), dated to the early 5th century (G-F 2007, fig.13/1629). Helmets from Kalkhni and Iatrus could be contemporary contemporary.. ese figurative ears are reminiscent of Weiler -Guisborough Guisborough type type helmets and face helmets of the early Empire (F 1994). Archaeological evidences seems to suggest s uggest that the lamellar helmet was worn between the late 3rd and the 6th century between the Black Sea coast and the Caspian Sea in garrisons under Roman Byzantine influence long before b efore the arrival of the Avars. Likewise, lamellar armour is attested on the Black Sea from the 4th century B C: in Čirgirin, in Kerch and in Volkovicy-Romny. Since the 2nd century B C, it is present in Sarmatian graves, including the Tbilisskaja. e lamellae have have the same dimensions and disposition of holes as the early Byzantine specimens from the Balkans (S 2001, 275-277). e armour of the heavy horsemen on the wall painting from Panjikent is composed of vertical splints attached to a skirt of mail ( Fig . 4). is technique is
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Fig . 4: Panjikent wall painting (Raspopova 2006, fig.10).
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reminiscent of the armour of the Parthian cataphractus depicted depicted on a 2nd century A D graffito from Dura-Europos (Fig . 5), which is, in turn, very similar to that of the Sarmatian horsemen on Trajan’s Column and on the Kerch frescoes. Lamellar armours have been found in a Sassanian context in Dvin and in Aygavan in Armenia (K (K 2003, 331, with tab. 152), as well as in Qasr-i Abu Nasr, Nasr, in Iran (W, U, H 1934). It is quite possible that the Sassanians transmitted lamellar armour to the Byzantines. Although a lamellar helmet is featured on ceramic figurines dating from the late 3rd ce century ntury A D and on a fresco at Jamalpur (India) dating from the 2nd century A D, the reintroduction into the Mediterranean world of the lamellar technique by people from Central Asia and Far East is to be advanced with the greatest caution. is technique was preserved in the Caucasus until at least the 6th century. If the lamellar type may find its origin in Central Asia or in the Far East, we must bear in mind that a similar kind existed in the Mediterranean world long before Late Antiquity (K 1993, 59; 1995, 189-193).
Fig . 5: Graffito of Dura Europos (James 1986, fig.12).
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II. E E B A new type of helmet, of the so-called Baldenheim type, appears by the second half of the 5th century (B 2008; G 2009; V 2006). It has been found in many Germanic graves along the major European rivers: the Saône, the Rhine, the Danube and the Tisza, but also in the Elbe basin and on lake Léman. is segmental type becomes common in the Byzantine army between the second half of the 5th and the early 7th century. In the territory of the Early Byzantine Empire, these helmets come from border garrisons or fortified cities of the interior. e former are mostly complete while the latter are used and broken. e earliest specimens come from an Illyrian urban context. One helmet was found in an imperial fortress near Voivoda in Bulgaria ( Fig . 6), destroyed in the second half of the 5th century (V 1998), the other, in the late 5th – early 6th century destruction layer in the south annex of the basilica C in Heraklea Lyncestis in in Macedonia (Fig . 7) (M 1987). Other helmets from the Balkans are more recent. e helmet
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Fig . 6: Helmet from Voivoda (Vagalinski 1998, fig.2)
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Fig . 7: Helmet from Heraklea Lyncestis (Maneva 1987, fig.2).
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from Batajnica (Serbia), the only one deposited in a grave (V 1954), testifies to the Empire’s influence on the Germanic elites. Others come from the last occupation layer of Iustinian Prima (Caričin (Caričin Grad, Serbia), dated between the reign of Justin of Justin II and and the abandonment of the city in 615. Novae (Svištov, Bulgaria), Selenca (Serbia) and Vodno (Markovi Kuli, Makedonia) have produced several more fragments (a complete bibliography can be found in Bavant 2008). Since the publication of the Lepcis Magna Magna (Libya) (Libya) (P 1974) and the Heraklea Lyncestis finds, finds, the Byzantine origin of the Baldenheim type is widely admitted. e distribution map produced by Z. Vinski (1982, cf. 1984) shows a concentration of Baldenheim-type helmets in the western part of the Empire around Italy, but also their occurrence on sites with no known Germanic presence in the 5th-6th centuries. Recent studies focus on the identification and localization of arm factories. M. Vogt Vogt (after B 1993; 1994) argued for the existence of a western workshop, presumably in Ostrogothic Italy, but the publication of several fragments from Iustiniana Prima (Caričin Grad, Serbia) has invalidated this hypothesis. B. Bavant has demonstrated that all four arm factories identified by M. Vogt are Byzantine. ree of them could have been located in Constantinople or in area around the Sea of Marmara, in Nicomedia or Cyzicus. As for the fourth fabrica fourth fabrica , the western group of M. Vogt, B. Bavant has suggested localizing it in essaloniki. e author explains the stability of the Baldenheim type by the centralcen tralized control of production exercised by the comes sacrarum largitionum. largitionum. e question of the production of the lamellar weapons is more complex. eir appearance in the Empire has traditionally been dated to the second half of the 6th century. Placed in the context of the confrontation with the Avars, lamellar armour was considered as a means of resisting the penetrating power of their three-winged arrowheads. However, However, the earliest lamellae discovered discovered at the site of a military warehouse in Topraichioi (near (near Babadag, Romania; not yet published) come from an occupation layer dating from the second half of the 5th century, before the Avars’ arrival. What is more, the discovery of a large number of lamellae in in fortifications far from the conflict zone indicates the production of this type of armour by Byzantine arms factories (B, (B , I� 2003; B 2006; I�, Š 2006; M M� � 1995 and 2002). Several lamellar armours found in Viminacium Viminacium show show that they were supplied to the Gepids, positioned in the front line against the Avars. However, a recent find of lamellar armour in Spartaria Carthago (Cartagena, Carthago (Cartagena, Spain) along with early Byzantine pottery confirms its wide availability in the Byzantine army (V (V S 2008). Likewise, 7th-century lamellar armour was excavated in a Byzantine context in Crypta Balbi in in Rome (R 2001, 400). None of these finds can be related to the Avars.
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III. D G : e presence of armour plates in graves at Bdinci (Vă 1976, 141-146) and Stara Zagora (Bulgaria)1 as well as of a helmet in the Gepid grave in Batajnica (V 1954) attests to the imperial influence on the barbarian elites. Depositing weapons in a grave as an offering was neither a Roman nor a Christian funeral custom, but this did not preclude using imperial prestige goods for this purpose. In the Conceşti grave (Moldavia) from the early 5th century (M 1929, 123-137), the deceased was buried with a late Roman crested helmet, a funeral wreath in a Roman fashion and a treasure of silver objects carrying marks of of the imperial workshop of Constantinople. Latin inscriptions on weapons from the bogs of orsbjerg, Nydam Nydam,, Vimose and and Kragehul confirm the influence of the Later Empire on the Germanic elite (E 1863; 1865; 1867; 1869). In the Byzantine context, segmental helmets were commonly worn by regular troops and by the Gothic foederati Gothic foederati , eventually left behind in abandoned fortresses or deposited in graves by the foederati the foederati after their retirement. Byzantine coins are frequently found in graves with the helmets. An imitation of a solidus of Anastasius in the grave in Gellep near Krefeld (Germany), a real solidus of Tiberius II in Morken (Germany), a solidus of Leo I
in Planig (Germany) (P 1964; B 1959; K 1940) confirm the density of links between Byzantium and the West West Germanic principalities as of the second half th of the 5 century. At the other end of the continent, the segmental helmet of Kerch (Crimea) was excavated with a lamellar helmet and a coin of Leo I (A 1932; A 1939), while the grave of Batajnica (Serbia) contained a coin of Anastasius. Lamellar weapons are known in the Balkans, in Central Europe and, to a lesser extent, in some western graves. Apart from the Balkans, all finds come from funeral contexts. e great majority of lamellae attributable attributable to the Avars, most often isolated plates, come from women or children’s graves. e presence of lamellae in in male graves on the Avar territory is rare and of full body armour, even rarer. J. Kovačević ( 1977, 115-116) has highlighted the apotropaic value of isolated lamellae deposit, deposit, which is also current in Altaic graves. By way of contrast, the complete armour finds can all be related to Byzantium or its Germanic allies, with the only exception of the goldsmith’s grave from Kunszentmárton, of Avar origin. Coins are often present in graves along with lamellar armour: a coin of Maurice at Szegvár-Sápoldal, a coin of Heraclius at Hajdúdorog (Hungary) and Ostryj-Mys (Russia), Roman bronze coins at Kölked-Feketekapu B (Hungary) and Szekszárd (Hungary) (B 1979 and 1980; G 1992; K 2001; R 1999). Likewise, lamellar armour was found in the destruction layer dated around 550 in the Byzantine fortress of Tsibilium Tsibilium (Abkhazia) (K 2006). Coins of Heraclius were found with a lamellar helmet . These specimens of lamellar armour and lamellar helmet have not yet been published. I would like to express my gratitude to Dr Dr.. Dieter Quast for having informed me of this discovery. discovery. Publication is imminent. 1
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in a grave at Sînpetru-German (Romania) (D 1960; G 1992). While the discovery of a lamellar helmet and a segmental helmet along with a pierced coin of Leo I in Kerch (supra (supra ) suggested to P. Paulsen (1967, 133-138) the possibility of production of the famous lamellar armour from Niederstötzingen in a Pontic workshop, the growing body of evidence rather points to its manufacture within the Empire. e depiction of a horseman carrying lamellar armour and a segmental helmet on the Isola Rizza dish (Italy) confirms the wide spread of the lamellar type from Armenia to Germany and the Empire’s cultural impact on barbarian bar barian elites. *
*
*
A critical analysis of theories on the origin and spread of early Byzantine segmental helmets and lamellar weapons reveals the important part played by the Ponto-Danubian area. It is the barbarian tribes who provided soldiers for the imperial army that became the main vectors in the spread of early Byzantine weapons in the Barbaricum from the Steppes to the Rhine. ese weapons, produced by the imperial fabricae for the use of the imperial army, were considered as prestige goods by barbarian elites. ey were diffused by the same trans-continental routes, including the Silk Road, the Rhine and the Danube, which promoted cultural transfers from East to West. It would only be fair, however,, to recall a movement in the opposite direction: the study of shield bosses shows however the spread of western Germanic weaponry weaponr y into the Empire. If the Eastern Empire was fairly susceptible to the Caucasian and Oriental influences, the western Germanic peoples showed little receptiveness to a direct impact of a foreign culture. Only the elite and the foederati the foederati showed showed attachment to imperial prestige goods, to which they attributed a particular symbolic value in funeral offerings.
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B A A W. 1932: Beiträge zur Entstehung des Spangenharnisches. Ein Ein alttürkischer Waffentschri hriftft für Hi Histo storisc rische he Waffe affenn- und Kos Kostüm tümkun kunde de 4, 1932, 49-55. fund aus Kertsch, Zei Kertsch, Zeitsc A G. 1939: Armour of the Vendel Period, Period, Acta Acta Archaeologica Archaeologica 10, 1939, 31-59. A A G. 2001: Das römische Wegengrab von Silistra (Bulgarien) in Stein&Sinn Stein&Sinn,, Burg&Mensch,, Wien, 2001, 130-136. Burg&Mensch B B., I� V. 2003: Iustiniana Prima – Caričin Grad , Belgrade 2003. B B. 2008: Fragments de casques de type Baldenheim trouvés à Caričin Grad, Mélanges de l'École l'École Française Française de Rome 120/2, 2008, 327-353. B K. 1959: Das Grab eines fränkischen Herren aus Morken im Rheinland (Kunst (Kunst und Altertum am Rhein 4), Köln 1959. B K. 1993: Zur Herkunft der frühmittelalterlichen Spangenhelme, in J. P, dir., Actes dir., Actes du XII e e Congrès international des international des sciences préhistoriques et protohistoriques (Bratislava 1991), 1991), IV, Bratislava 1993, 199-207. B K. 1994: Die frühmittelalterlichen Spangenhelme und die nordlichen Helme der Vendelzeit, Jahrbuch Vendelzeit, Jahrbuch des Römisch-Germanischen Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuse Zentralmuseums ums Mainz Mainz 41, 1994, 471-549. B I. 1979: A Szegvár-sápoldali lovassír lovassír,, adatok a korai avar temetkezési szokásokhoz (Das Reitergrab von Szegvár-Sápoldal. Beiträge zu den frühawarischen Bestattungssitten), Archaeologiai sitten), Archaeologiai értesitő 106, 1979, 3-32. B I. 1980: Studien zum frühawarischen Reitergrab von Szegvár, Szegvár, Act Actaa Archa Archaeologi eologica ca 32, 1980, 31-95. B I. B I. 2006: A Contibution to the Study of Lamellar Armours, Starinar 55, 2006, 161-177. G G C. H., H A. M. 1992: A Helmet of the Sixth Sixth Century B.C. from Sardis, Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 285, 1992, 1-31. C D. 1961: Archäologische Denkmäler der Gepiden in Mitteldonaubeck Mitteldonaubecken en (454568 u. Z.), Z.), Budapest 1961. D E. 1960: Mormînt din epoca avara la Sînpetru-German, Studii și cercetări de istorie veche și arheologie 11, 1960, 423-434. E M. 1909: Die frühmittelalterlichen Spangenhelmen von Baldenheimer Typus, Praehistorische Zeitschrift 1, 1909, 65-77. E C. E C. 1863: orsbjerg Mosefund , Copenhagen 1863. E C. 1865: Nydam Mosefund , Copenhagen 1865. E C. 1867: Kragehul Mosefund , Copenhagen 1867.
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