# 2012 University of South Africa All rights reserved Printed and published by the University of South Africa Muckleneuk, Pretoria LIN2602/1/2013±2019 98919822 3B2
LIN205 Style
Contents Page Introduction to the course Study unit 1 1.1 1.2
1.3 1.4 1.5
2.6 2.7
3.6 3.7 3.8
1 2 4 7 8 10 12 15 18 20 21
Language families
23
Introduction What is a language family? The Indo-European language family The comparative historical method Language families of Africa 2.5.1 The Bantu language family 2.5.2 The Khoesan languages A language profile of South Africa Summary
Study unit 3 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5
What is language change?
Introduction Language change 1.2.1 Phonological change 1.2.2 Morphological change 1.2.3 Syntactic change 1.2.4 Semantic change 1.2.5 Pragmatic change Attitudes to language change Themes and threads Summary
Study unit 2 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5
(vi)
24 24 27 29 32 34 34 36 39
New words
41
Introduction What is a word? Borrowing Compounding Derivation 3.5.1 Greek and Latin derivations Conversion, clipping, blending and acronyms Why do languages need new words? Summary
41 43 44 47 48 49 51 53 55
LIN2602/1/2013±2019
(iii)
Study unit 4 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 4.7
Language variation as a source of language change
57
Introduction Language variation in Martha's Vineyard 4.2.1 The Island 4.2.2 Labov's sociolinguistic investigation of Martha's Vineyard Language variation in New York City Comparison of the two studies: change from above versus change from below Labov's contribution The sociolinguistic interview Summary
58 59 59 60 65
Study unit 5 5.1 5.2 5.3
5.4 5.5
Introduction Types of language contact Codeswitching 5.3.1 The markedness model of codeswitching 5.3.2 Borrowing versus codeswitching 5.3.3 Codeswitching versus language mixing and mixed languages South African case studies 5.4.1 Case study: Tsotsitaal 5.4.2 Case study: District Six Summary
Study unit 6 6.1 6.2 6.3 6.4 6.5
6.6
7.5 7.6 7.7 7.8
(iv)
English as a global language
Introduction The spread of English Historical perspective World Englishes Varieties of English in South Africa 6.5.1 SAE 6.5.2 BSAE 6.5.3 SAIE Summary
Study unit 7 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4
Codeswitching and mixed languages
New languages: pidgins and creoles
Introduction The pidgin: a language in embryo Where are pidgins spoken? Characteristics of pidgins 7.4.1 Vocabulary 7.4.2 Phonology 7.4.3 Morphology 7.4.4 Syntax The birth and growth of creoles Decreolisation: the death of a pidgin The development of Afrikaans Two African case studies
71 71 73 75 76 76 79 83 84 86 87 90 93 95 97 99 100 100 103 106 113 113 113 114 116 118 119 119 121 122 122 125 125 126 126 129 130 134
7.9
7.8.1 Fanakalo 7.8.2 Mauritian Creole Summary
134 136 137
Study Unit 8 Language shift, language death and language revival
139
8.1 8.2
140 140 143 143 146 147 149 151 153 155 155
8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6
Introduction Language shift 8.2.1 Case study: Indian languages in South Africa 8.2.2 Case study: European (immigrant) languages in South Africa Language death 8.3.1 Structural changes in dying languages 8.3.2 Does it matter if languages die? Language maintenance and revival 8.4.1 Case study: The revival of Malawian Chingoni Summary Concluding thoughts
References Glossary
157 162
(v)
Introduction to the course What is Linguistics? Linguistics is the scientific study of language. But language can be looked at from many different angles. Depending on your point of view, language can be any one of the following: a means of communication, a symbolic system, a marker of the social group to which a speaker belongs, an important aspect of culture, or a code that must be cracked by the language learner. Linguistics looks at the structure and function of language at any of the following five levels: phonology (speech sounds), morphology (the internal structure of words), syntax (grammar), semantics (meaning) and pragmatics (using language in communicative situations). Language is not something concrete that can be dissected in a laboratory in order to find out how it works. lnstead, linguists have to make assumptions (informed guesses) about the nature of language based on careful observations of the utterances that people produce when communicating with one another. By collecting examples of real language in use in a wide variety of contexts, both spoken and written, linguists hope to find answers to many questions about language and human communication. Listening carefully to how people speak and collecting your own examples is an important linguistic skill and will really enrich and deepen your learning experience. One of the key figures in modern linguistics, Otto Jespersen, explained the importance of spoken language data as follows: ... a correct apprehension of the essential nature of language can only be obtained when the study is based in the first place on direct observation of living speech and only secondarily on written and printed documents. Jespersen, O. 1924 Preface to The Philosophy of Grammar This module falls within the domain of linguistics which we call historical sociolinguistics (or sociohistorical linguistics) ± the study of the relationship between language and society in its historical dimension. The terms and concepts you will learn in this module are applicable to any language, and the examples are taken from many different languages. Glosses and translations are always provided if we use examples from languages other than English. If you know any other languages, we encourage you to apply these general language features to the specific languages with which you are familiar.
What is this module about? ln this module, LlN2602 Language in a changing world, we aim to make you aware that language is not static, but is always changing. This module will describe how language
(vi)
change affects you and other people in the world, and how changes in the world have changed language. ln order to understand the dynamics of language change it is very important to understand the historical and social contexts in which it occurs. We have attempted to give you all the relevant background information that is required to understand the linguistic changes that are described here. However, it is also important to remember that while the historical background is necessary and relevant to understand the language changes that we will be discussing, this is not a course in history. The focus in this module is on how language changes over a period of time and what causes these changes. Examples are drawn from many different languages and language varieties around the world. While Linguistics describes language features and phenomena that are general or found in many different languages, in this module we always try to relate language phenomena to the multilingual context in South Africa and other parts of Africa. Linguistic diversity in multilingual societies is a theme that we will follow in all your study material in all your linguistics modules from first-year to third-year level. Linguistic diversity also gives us unique perspectives into the mind because it reveals the many creative ways in which humans organise their experience. This module assumes that you are familiar with introductory morphology and syntax as covered in the LIN1501 module on Grammatical patterns and principles and with basic sociolinguistics as covered in the LIN1502 module on Multilingualism: The role of language in South Africa. However, we will usually remind you of important definitions covered in these two modules. You are also encouraged to use the multilingual glossary at the end of the study guide, which has an alphabetical list of linguistic terms together with their definitions and Afrikaans equivalents.
Your study material for LIN2602 Your study material for this module, LlN2602 Language in a changing world consists of this study guide, Tutorial Letter 101 which contains assignments and administrative information, and an electronic course website, MyUnisa, www.unisa.ac.za/myunisa where you can introduce yourself, discuss the course material with other students, submit assignments and look for additional resources. This study guide is your primary source of information. There are eight (8) study units so you need to plan ahead so you have enough time to cover all of them thoroughly. Each study unit begins with an introductory page to orientate you to the material that you will be covering. There is a quote to get you thinking, and then a list of the outcomes of the study unit. These will give you an idea about what you have to achieve by the end of each study unit. Understanding, defining, illustrating and explaining important concepts is part of any university study. We have listed the important linguistic concepts for you in the table at the beginning of each study unit and given you a brief overview of the study unit `in a nutshell'. There are a variety of tasks for you to complete in each unit. The tasks are very important as they will give you a chance to engage actively with your study material and take short `mindbreaks' from reading. The tasks vary in nature, for example you will have to explain concepts and give examples, analyse data, extract and list important information on a particular topic, collect your own linguistic examples and give your opinion on more thought-provoking aspects of the study material. Space is provided in the study guide so that you can use it as a workbook. Feedback is given after every task to help you assess
(vii)
your understanding and knowledge of the work and check that you are on the right track. lt is very important to work through these tasks, not only to prepare you for assignments and the exam, but also to help you to relate what you are studying to your own experiences and circumstances. Summaries and suggestions for further reading are also provided at the end of each study unit.
Outcomes for the module LIN2602 After you have worked through this study guide you should be able to: . relate language change to historical change in the world, in various contexts and settings; . explain the factors influencing language variation and language change; . explain how linguistic differences mirror social differences; . identify the ways in which languages can influence each other in multilingual contexts; . take a descriptive view of language variation, focusing in an objective way on the varied range of usage that actually occurs in practice; and . analyse language data at any of the following linguistic levels: phonological, morphological, syntactic, semantic and pragmatic; and . collect your own relevant examples of spoken and written language. Another objective of this module is that you learn and practise certain academic skills. These skills include the following: . Reading skills ± interpreting an academic text and identifying key ideas, optional additional reading and browsing related websites. . Writing skills ± presenting and communicating information clearly and coherently, using linguistic terminology and academic discourse conventions appropriately, justifying your answers and opinions, and synthesising information from various sources. . Analytical skills ± interpreting language data, tables and graphs, using your powers of observation and your linguistic knowledge to solve unfamiliar problems. . Research skills ± gathering and organising information efficiently, drawing conclusions from relevant evidence, gaining familiarity with basic sociolinguistic and historical linguistic research methods. Bear in mind that societal change and language change are around us all the time. Language change is, in essence, about the dynamic and creative nature of languages and the human beings who speak them, and that is what makes this topic a relevant and exciting one for linguistics students in South Africa, and all over the world, in the 21st century. We hope you enjoy the course! This 2012 edition compiled by Dr PJ Sanderson and edited by Mrs DR Mabule, Ms HA van Zweel, Ms L Terblanche and Ms M Roman 2007 edition compiled by Prof LA Barnes, Mr JHM Mfusi and Dr IR Ribbens, edited by Dr BE Zawada, and Mrs DR Mabule
(viii)
Study Unit 1 What is language change? `When you're finished changing, you're finished.' Benjamin Franklin (American scientist, inventor and philosopher 1706±1790)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1
recognise that language changes in response to changes in society;
2
identify changes at various linguistic levels;
3
distinguish between different attitudes to language change;
4
explain and illustrate the following concepts: language change phonological change morphological change syntactic change semantic change pragmatic change standardisation analogy
reanalysis morphologisation grammaticalisation broadening narrowing semantic shift prescriptive attitude descriptive attitude
In a nutshell In this first study unit you are introduced to the concept of language change. We live in a world where everything around us is altering constantly. Language is also subject to change and the central theme of this module is that language changes because society changes. In this study unit we look at some historical changes and changes in society that have had an impact on language. We focus on all the levels of language from sound change, through morphological and syntactic change to changes in meaning and use. We also reflect on varying attitudes to language change.
LIN2602
1
1.1 Introduction We live in a rapidly changing world. We all have to cope with change as part of our daily lives. Alvin Toffler (1970:11) sees change as `the process by which the future invades our lives'. In his book, Future Shock (1970:18), he has this to say about the challenges of change: Western society for the past 300 years has been caught up in a fire storm of change. This storm, far from abating, now appears to be gathering force. Change sweeps through the highly industrialised countries with waves of ever-accelerating speed and unprecedented impact. All around us we see changes taking place. Consider fashions in clothing. Every year new fashions appear. If we look at the clothes that are worn this summer we see that they are different from the clothes worn last summer, and if we look back ten years, we will see an even bigger difference. If we were to look at the pictures of clothing in a fashion magazine of a hundred years ago, we would see that the fashion was very different indeed from today's fashions. It is not only fashions in clothing that are constantly changing. If you think about popular music, you will notice that change is taking place: today we have kwaito, RB, maskanta, rave, rap, house and hip hop music (and probably other new styles I've never even heard of!). Back in the 1960s it was the Beatles and Elvis, rock and roll, bopping, jiving, the twist and the shake. Further back in the Twenties the latest dances were the charleston, the foxtrot and the quickstep. In the 19th century the waltz took the world by storm as the latest craze in dancing. Even the cars we drive today are vastly different from the models we drove a few decades ago. The popular cars of today, like the Toyota Prius, are very different from the famous Model T Ford that was produced earlier in the 20th century. In the 19th century, before the motor car was invented, people drove horse carriages or rode on horseback. We live in a changing world indeed. All around us there is change ± change in fashion, change in education, change in politics, change in the structure of society, change in technology ... The world changes constantly, and one change leads to another. All these changes impact on our lives. Change in one area may cause change in another area. For example, before the printing press was invented, all information was written by hand, books were rare and only a few religious scholars could read and write. Now books are not only printed in the hundreds of thousands, but are transmitted in new ways ± read out loud on radio or CD, adapted for television, and downloaded from the internet onto cell phones, tablets and e-books. With the computer, the internet and internet-enabled cell phones, we now have almost immediate access to vast amounts of information. Never before in the history of the world was so much information available in such a short space of time. We live in an age when information is power. The period since 1900 has seen the greatest changes in the world. In every aspect of life sweeping changes have occurred, including world wars, the rise and fall of communism, the end of colonialism, and the struggle for the establishment of the rights of women, children and minority groups. Politics, religion, science, medicine, technology, education and social structure have all been deeply affected by change and these changes have inevitably left their mark on the language we use.
2
Just as other things in the world are subject to change, so language is not immune to change. Sociolinguists believe that changes in language are closely related to the changes around us in society. The movement of people from one place to another, the rise and fall of different groups and civilisations, the pressures of globalisation and new technologies, and our own efforts to continually redefine our identities all bring about changes in language. It is this relationship between change in society and change in language that we are going to examine in the following study units.
Task 1.1 List and briefly describe any four recent changes in your community or society. Have any of these been reflected in language change? Think of changes such as new clothing, new transport, new technologies, changes in politics and education, words that have `fallen out of fashion', a change in language preference in your family or the mixing of languages at home or at work. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback There are no right answers to this task, but its purpose is for you to start thinking and acting like a linguist by becoming aware of language and language change, listening to what people are saying, and thinking about the kind of language used by the people around you. Some of the changes you may have noticed could include the appearance of new words to refer to new inventions or new fashions, or borrowings from other languages spoken around you. Your community may also be speaking one language more often or codeswitching (mixing two languages) more and more. People may be swearing more or using language in a different way, for example when texting on their cell phones. __________________________________________________________________________
LIN2602
3
1.2 Language change Languages thrive and assure their futures when they continue to adapt to reflect the new realities of their speakers as they live through changing times. But how far back can historical linguists look as they trace the history of language? Scientists generally agree that the first humans (homo sapiens) appeared on earth about 40 000 years ago. Unfortunately we do not know anything about the languages these people spoke. By 10 000 BC the pace of change (which had been very slow up till then) began to accelerate. The wheel, which brought about significant changes in the lifestyles of the early humans, was believed to have been invented by the Sumerians who lived in Mesopotamia (present-day Iraq ) in about 3 500 to 3 000 BC. The earliest form of writing is also said to have been invented by the Sumerians around this time. Although the language which the Sumerians spoke has long since died out, it is still preserved in a written form. This form of writing, known as cuneiform, consisted of wedge-shaped characters written on clay tablets with a wedge-shaped implement. This writing system was taken over by the Babylonians who conquered Mesopotamia around 1850 BC, and in the course of time it was adopted as the basis of many other writing systems, including the modern Roman alphabet we use to write English and many other languages. Other early systems of writing developed independently in the ancient civilisations of Egypt, India and China. The first form of writing in Egypt was a type of picture writing called hieroglyphics. Initially hieroglyphics consisted of symbolic pictures. Later the pictures acquired a phonetic value: each picture was associated with a sound. FIGURE 1.1: Cuneiform writing (above) and Egyptian hieroglyphics (below)
Courtesy of Florida Center for Instructional Technology, downloaded 18 January 2012 from http:// etc.usf.edu/clipart.
4
Once people had learned to record events and thoughts by means of shapes on clay or stone, we were able to study solid evidence of past languages. Not only did writing enable our ancestors to record history but it also enabled modern linguists to trace the early development of languages in the world. Writing had an immense effect on the development of civilisations. It has played a major role in the development of literature and virtually every branch of science and technology. Writing has also had an effect on the development of most languages. Although written language was based on spoken language, it has gained a life of its own apart from spoken language, and in many ways has also influenced spoken language, particularly in literate societies. The idea of what the `correct' form of a language is, is largely derived from the fact that languages can be written down and the written forms can be standardised. This means that, over time, the written form develops certain norms of spelling, punctuation and grammar that are followed and are taught in the schools. Often this standard form is taught as the sole representative of the language and deviations from this norm are viewed as `incorrect' or `inferior'.
Task 1.2 Here is the opening extract from the Lord's Prayer from different periods of English. You will notice that English has changed considerably in the last thousand years (in fact, it is hardly recognisable as English to the speaker of Modern English). Try and identify some specific ways that the English in Examples 1, 2 and 3 is similar to or differs from Modern English in Example 4 ± focus on spelling, word meanings, grammar, etc. 1
Old English (c 400 AD to c 1100): FKder ure, u e art on heofonum, si in nama gehalgod. To becume in rice. (West Saxon text, end of tenth century, in W.B. Lockwood 1972:132)
2
Middle English (c 1100 to c 1500): Fader oure at is i heuen. blessid bi i name to neuen. Come to us i kingdome. (In C. Jones 1972)
3
Early Modern English (c 1500 to c 1800) Our father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come. (King James Bible)
4
Modern English (from c 1800): Our father who is in heaven, may your name be sacred. Let your kingdom come. (A modern rendition) Note: is an old symbol for th. (Mesthrie 2000:114)
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
5
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback The most obvious difference between Modern English and the Old English in Example 1 are the English letters Y (the vowel in cat) and `th', which no longer exist in Modern English. Many of the words differ markedly from Modern English, for example FYder `Father', gehalgod `blessed' and rice `kingdom' (but notice how similar these and other words are to Afrikaans Vader, geheilig and ryk ± more on this later). There are also significant differences in word order, for example To becume in rice (literally `Let come your kingdom') where Modern English has Let your kingdom come and FYder ure where Modern English has Our Father. In Example 2, Middle English, the spelling of some words differs from Modern English, for example oure, kingdome and heuen, but the words are generally more familiar than they were in the Old English extract. The word order still differs, for example Come to us i kingdome would not be grammatical in Modern English. Example 3, Early Modern English, is fairly recognisable, although we don't use the word hallowed any more (only Halloween, and maybe in the idiom hallowed halls). Are is now used instead of art, who would be used to refer to people rather than which, and your would be used instead of thy. The word order matches Modern English fairly closely. __________________________________________________________________________ The sort of change that has occurred in English over the years has occurred in most languages of the world. As we will see in this module, language change can occur to varying degrees, from the smallest sound change to sweeping changes that turn languages into new languages over time. In first-year Linguistics you learnt about the various linguistic levels (see Figure 1.2 below). The phonetic or phonological level describes the sounds of language; the morphological level looks at the smallest meaningful elements of language (e.g. prefixes, stems and suffixes) that make up words; the syntactic level deals with word order and grammar; the semantic level deals with meaning; and the pragmatic level deals with the ways that language is actually used.
6
FIGURE 1.2: Linguistic levels LEVELS OF LANGUAGE Phonetics, Phonology
Morphology
Syntax
Semantics
Pragmatics
speech sounds
parts of words
grammar
meanings of various kinds
language use
Some examples of language change at each of these linguistic levels are discussed below.
1.2.1 Phonological change Phonological (sound) changes often occur in languages. For instance, there are many words in English like light, night, dough, drought, where the gh sound used to be pronounced like the Scottish ch in loch or Afrikaans g in lig `light'. Today the gh is silent in the pronunciation of these words, but the spelling has remained the same. Spelling is often a clue to an earlier pronunciation, so the final g in words like long, sing and ring used to be pronounced, as did the now-silent b at the ends of words like climb and lamb. One of the main reasons for phonological change is simply to make words easier to pronounce. An example is inserting a vowel in between two consonants to provide some extra time for the tongue to travel between the two consonant articulations. You may have heard people pronounce film as fillum, athlete as athalete, triathlon as triatholon and so on. In English we also often delete `troublesome' consonants, so fifth is pronounced fith, sixth becomes sikth, vulnerable becomes vunerable, etc. You will learn more about these kinds of phonological changes in the module LIN2603 on Sounds and Sound Structure. Words that are borrowed from one language into another often undergo sound changes if the original sounds do not occur in the borrowing language. Japanese doesn't have an l-sound for example, and so borrowings from English like helicopter, waffle and milk become herikoputaa, waffuru and miruku in Japanese. Likewise, words borrowed from English into Zulu tend not to contain a th- [K] or r-sound as Zulu did not have these sounds originally: English
Zulu
Catholic
ikatolika
South Africa
iSotafilika
paraffin
ipalafini
factory
ifeketili
Task 1.3 See if you can identify the sound changes from Latin to English in the following examples:
LIN2602
7
Latin
English
ferre
to bear
frater
brother
pater
father
pes
foot
primus
first
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback The changes you may have noticed in the examples above include f ? b, p ? f and, if you were looking closely, t ? th. Lists like this tell us that sound change over time is often quite regular. By this we mean that all the examples of a particular sound changed in the same way. All the Latin p's became English f and all the Latin d's became English t. While most sound changes are regular, sporadic changes may also occur. These affect just one or a handful of words without affecting the sound system as a whole. Also notice that many of the Latin words have given rise to related English words, e.g. ferre `to carry', for example, can still be seen in words like ferry and transfer, which relate to carrying. __________________________________________________________________________
1.2.2 Morphological change Changes may also affect the internal structure of words. An example of a change at the morphological level is that some unusual plurals in English have become more regular. This just means that an exception to the rule changes so that it follows the normal rule. At school you probably learnt that the plural of formula is formulae and the plural of index is indices and the plural of cactus is cacti. These days, even in written English, you will commonly find that these plurals are now formed in the usual way, by adding -s or es. We refer to this process as analogy, which simply means that an existing morphological pattern is followed even for new words or for former exceptions to the rule. By analogy with the existing morphological pattern dog±dogs, cloud±clouds, horse±horses, we now say index±indexes, cactus±cactuses and formula±formulas. The American past tense form dove as in She dove into the water is based on analogy with other English word pairs like drive and drove. Sometimes speakers misinterpret the morphological structure of a word, leading to reanalysis, where a word with one morphological structure is interpreted as having a
8
different morphological structure. Task 1.4 will give you an example of what we mean by reanalysis.
Task 1.4 (a)
Have a look at the following early English words. Define the two words using full sentences based on the glosses below: naddre `poisonous snake' napron `small skirt worn over clothes to keep clothes clean' A naddre is a .............................................................................................................. A napron is a ..............................................................................................................
(b) What are these words in modern English? How might this change have happened? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback These days we refer to adders and aprons, not naddres and naprons. What happened here was that in speech, the phrases a naddre and a napron were mistakenly reanalysed by speakers as an adder and an apron, and as a result these words lost their initial n's. The same happened to the Arabic borrowing naranj, which is now orange in English (but kept its initial n in Afrikaans naartjie `mandarin orange'). __________________________________________________________________________ A final example of morphological change is the process known as morphologisation, where a full word becomes a bound morpheme such as a prefix or suffix. An example of this is the Old English word lic `like, having the characteristics of', which was used in compound words like foederlic `father-like' and manlic `man-like'. In Modern English the word lic has become the suffix -ly, giving us words like fatherly and manly. Morphologisation has taken place as the -ly is now a suffix and cannot stand alone on its own as a word. (If you have difficulty remembering the meaning of terms like bound morpheme, prefix, suffix, etc. you may want to look back at the study guide LIN1501 on Grammatical Patterns and Principles or consult an introductory Linguistics textbook or a Dictionary of Linguistics.)
LIN2602
9
1.2.3 Syntactic change The rules of syntax (or grammar) of a language often undergo changes over time. In Task 1.2 you observed some of the changes that have taken place in English over the last 2000 years. An example from Shakespeare's Hamlet, written in about 1601, shows that there have been significant syntactic changes even in the last 400 years: Hamlet:
What man dost thou dig it for?
Gravedigger:
For no man, sir.
Hamlet:
What woman then?
Gravedigger:
For none neither.
Task 1.5 (a)
Try and write the four lines above in Modern English: Hamlet: ........................................................................................................................ ....................................................................................................................................... Gravedigger ................................................................................................................ ....................................................................................................................................... Hamlet: ........................................................................................................................ ....................................................................................................................................... Gravedigger: ............................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Open a book of Shakespeare plays or any old text in your own language and `translate' a few sentences into more modern language. Note down some of the syntactic changes that have occurred. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
10
Feedback Your answer to (a) might look something like this: Hamlet:
Which man are you digging it for?
Gravedigger:
It's not for a man, sir.
Hamlet:
Which woman then?
Gravedigger:
It's not for a woman either.
Besides the changes in word order, the pronoun thou is now you and the auxiliary verb dost `does' is no longer used. Also note the use of the double negative none neither. This would be considered ungrammatical in many varieties of Modern English. In (b) the idea was for you to find your own examples. If you can not do so at this stage, you should not be too concerned, but bear the following in mind: 1
You will find that we give many more examples of language change from different languages as we work through this module. Examples from other languages will always include a gloss (word-for-word translation). 2 Learn to listen to what people around you are saying. The purpose of the tasks in your linguistics study guides is often not for you to reproduce the material that you have read, but to acquire the skill of seeing patterns. Make notes of all the examples that you come across of words or phrases that have changed their meaning in your lifetime and you will eventually build up a whole set of examples that you can use to illustrate your discussions. __________________________________________________________________________ In the same way that words can be reduced to morphemes through the process of morphologisation, words can also change their function from content words (words that carry the main meaning in a sentence) to function words ± words with a purely grammatical function. This process is known as grammaticalisation. An example is the English word wilt, which in Shakespeare's time was a verb meaning `want': Hamlet:
But wilt thou hear now how I did proceed? `But do you want to hear what I did next?'
In Modern English `will' is now an auxiliary verb with a purely grammatical function, usually to indicate intention or future tense: He will play for Mamelodi Sundowns from next season. Another example of a syntactic change is when a new grammatical construction enters the language. Millar (2007:185) suggests that a completely new construction has appeared in English in the last 20 years, where reported speech is indicated as follows: I'm like `What's going on?' `I asked ``What's going on?'' '
LIN2602
11
According to Millar (2007:185±6): It's too early to tell if this new construction will establish itself in the language, although the fact that it is now found in the language of young people throughout the English-speaking world suggests that it may; if it does, you will be able to tell your grandchildren that a completely new syntactic structure appeared in English during your lifetime. English is also a good example of a language that has gradually changed its overall word order from Subject Object Verb (SOV) to Verb Subject Object (SVO). This means that the verb no longer appears at the end of the sentence, but in between the subject and the object. Old English word order allowed sentences like: Eanred mec agrof Gloss:
Eanred me carved `Eanred carved me' (inscription on an eighth century gold ring)
Make sure you can identify the subject, verb and object in the sentence Eanred mec agrof and in the corresponding Modern English Eanred carved me. SOV word order became increasingly rare in Old English texts, while SVO patterns became more and more frequent. This shift in word order is not unique to English. Exactly the reverse has happened with Chinese, with a gradual shift from SVO to SOV word order. While Modern Chinese is not consistently an SOV language, it is much more strongly SOV than its archaic ancestor (Millar 2007:190).
1.2.4 Semantic change One of the most noticeable changes in language is semantic change, where the meaning of words and linguistic expressions changes over time, becoming broader, narrower or shifting completely. Some examples of each of these processes are given below. Broadening means that the meaning of a word is expanded to refer to `more' than it did before. For instance, the word holiday is derived from holy day, the day on which a religious festival takes place. Today the meaning of the word has been broadened to refer to any day on which we do not have to work. Another example is the Middle English word dogge which was used to refer to a specific breed of dog. Today the Modern English word dog refers to all species of dog and not just one particular breed. Computer terminology is also full of words that have had their original meanings broadened: the word mouse originally referred only to a small rodent but now also refers to a device used to operate the computer. A Sepedi example is tsÏhekase (`Checkers') which means not just a plastic bag from a Checkers supermarket, but any plastic bag. In Sepedi the word nwa means `drink', as in o nwa meetse (`he/she drinks water'). But the meaning of nwa in the following phrase Malose o nwa dipuku (literally `Malose drinks his books') actually means that Malose studies from his books. The word nwa (`drink') has broadened its meaning to mean not just literal drinking but also `drinking up knowledge', absorbing knowledge and making it your own. In contrast, semantic narrowing means that a word becomes used in a more specific sense than it was in the past. For example, the Middle English word meat was a general word for 'food' and was used to refer to all types of food. Today the word meat refers only
12
to the flesh of animals. It has acquired a narrower, more specific meaning. Another example of narrowing is the Sepedi word lerema, which used to mean `hunter' but now refers to a particular person who is an expert in hunting and not just any hunter. Semantic shift occurs when words (or lexical items) undergo a shift or change in meaning. For example, in the Middle Ages the word bead meant `prayer'. Because of the custom of saying repeated prayers and counting the number of prayers by means of little wooden balls on a rosary, the meaning of bead shifted from prayer to the little wooden balls on the rosary. Today beads are made of plastic, glass or other materials. Apart from changes in meaning, old words may disappear from a language altogether. The following words taken from Shakespeare's Romeo and Juliet, written in the 16th century, are no longer used in English today: wot
`to know'
wherefore
`why'
fain
`gladly'
mammet
`a doll or puppet'
Task 1.6 In a language of your choice, give examples of the following lexical changes. Identify your language and use a gloss as in the examples discussed above. (a)
the broadening of the meaning of a word ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) the narrowing of the meaning of a word ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
semantic shift ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(d) word loss ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
13
(e)
Now try and decide whether the following semantic changes are examples of broadening, narrowing, semantic shift or word loss: ....................................................................................................................................... Sanction is a word that originally referred to a religious decree (from the Latin `sanctus' meaning `holy'). In its more modern sense, sanctions are a penalty imposed by one country upon another as a form of political power-play. ....................................................................................................................................... The word robot was first recorded in about 1920, referring to a machine designed to carry out mechanical tasks. While this sense is still in use, robot also refers to a traffic light in South African English. ....................................................................................................................................... The word riot used to refer to extravagant or outrageous `partying', as in the phrase `riotous living'. A riot now refers to a limited demonstration of civil disobedience, e.g. Burning tyres were used to block the highway during a riot over poor service delivery. ....................................................................................................................................... Betwixt is an archaic word meaning `between'. It is no longer used in Modern English although it survives in the fixed phrase `betwixt and between'. ....................................................................................................................................... A springbok is a small Southern African antelope, the national animal of South Africa. This word is also now used to refer to the South African national rugby team and its players: Brian Habana will wear the Springbok rugby jersey for the last time today. .......................................................................................................................................
(f)
The table below illustrates some of the changes in meaning that occurred when Afrikaans developed from Dutch. Do these examples illustrate broadening, narrowing, semantic shift or word loss? Dutch meaning
Afrikaans meaning
kombers
`rough blanket used on ships'
`soft blanket'
kombuis
`galley' (i.e. a ship's kitchen)
`kitchen'
vlei
`valley' (i.e. a place between mountains)
`wetland between high areas'
Feedback In the examples in (e) above, betwixt is an example of word loss, while springbok and robot cillustrate broadening. Sanction and riot illustrate semantic shift. In (f), the
14
examples illustrate that a semantic shift took place in many words as Afrikaans developed from Dutch. __________________________________________________________________________
1.2.5 Pragmatic change One of the most obvious ways in which language is changing is at the pragmatic level, as far as the norms of usage are concerned. In the early 1990s, for example, Unisa Linguistics lecturers addressed their Afrikaans students as u (the polite form of the pronoun `you', like French vous) in the tutorial letters. These days a friendly jy (`you') would be seen as more appropriate. Afrikaans speakers report that the respectful u (`you') is falling away altogether, even in the most formal domains such as between teacher and student or doctor and patient. Whatever language you speak, you may have noticed that formal titles and forms of address are falling away and that first names are becoming more acceptable, even when addressing older or higher-status people in your community. A gradual relaxing of politeness norms has been seen in many different areas of life, and terms that were formerly offensive or taboo are becoming more and more acceptable. You may even sympathise with the writer of this complaint: The email from a work acquainttance (whose face I can't quite recall) addressing me as `hon', the perky intern who calls me `babe', the Antipodean junior doctor ... who repeatedly referred to me as `mate'. Why this vogue for rampant overfamiliarity when it's least appropriate, nay, completely inappropriate? I might barely know them or actively want to keep a professional distance. I certainly don't feel anything like affection for all the people who inexplicably feel the need to smother me with their verbal embraces ... Would everyone please stop. Beatrice Hodgkin `Being called babe' Easy Living November 2011. Another example of a pragmatic change that has taken place is in the accepted standards for written communication. Although letter writing is still a powerful tool for communication, it has changed its `look' over many years. The following are examples of extracts from formal letters written by Batswana chiefs to British administrators and by British administrators to other British administrators (These examples were taken from the Batswana archival materials with a reference code at the end of each letter.) Notice the abundance of politeness markers in these letters:
LIN2602
15
Letter 1 May it please your excellency, I beg to draw your attention to the condition of certain parts of the interior from my own point of view as a missionary and as a devoted subject of Her Majesty the Queen. It occurs to me that perhaps some of the sentences in this communication may appear at a distance to be strongly expressed. My apology, it could be due to my sense of the magnitude of imminence of the question, which alone could have induced me to write at all. With every expression of respect, I remain, Your Excellency's humble servant, John Mackenzie. (Letter from John Mackenzie to Sir Henry Berkly, High Commissioner for the Zulu in South Africa 2 May 1876) HC 48/1/2
Letter 2 Chief Ellenberger, I have received your letter of 22nd March and I was very much pleased chief to hear you speak of the trees saying that I should look after them, which I will do. And I wish you to help me also chief if you see anyone cutting down trees prevent him from doing so. Say to him `Sebele says that the trees must not be cut down, that he has forbiddin it'. Please inform the people chief. I also ask chief, that the government help me to protect them. Greetings chief, to you and your children. I am Sebele, chief of Bakwena. (Letter from Sebele chief of Bakwena to Ellenberger 7 May 1897) HC 125/1±2
Contrast the level of formality and politeness of these letters from a hundred years ago with the following `letters' sent via e-mail (electronic mail) and sms (cell phone `short message service'):
16
E-mail 1 On 2011/11/17 5:29 PM, ``Penny Sanderson''
[email protected] wrote: Hello this is your new class mom speaking. I've just chatted to Debbie (other new class mom) and our first job is to organise a gift voucher for Khanyi and Kate for all the emails and organisation and behind-the-scenes things they have done for the class and the school this year. If you want to contribute R10 or any amount of your choice please give it to Debbie or me by next Friday 25 November and we will make sure both class moms get the same thing. But no obligation, only if you want to ... Thanks Penny
E-mail 2 On 2011/11/18 10:19 AM
[email protected] replied: Fab, I will get to you today Pens, love your mail !!!! I am happy to get the voucher for you x Nonthando
sms 1 Hey ma, I jst found out dat iv gt toastmasters 2nyt from 6 till 8. So u can cum n fetch me n I hav 2b bak 18er. N call me wen u gt here at skul. Luv ya Mpho Hi Mom, I just found out that I've got toastmasters tonight from 6 to 8. So you can come and fetch me and I have to be back at 18hrs. And call me when you get to school. Love you, Mpho
sms 2 I can't hide this from u anymore,I don't wanna hurt u,but I'm sori I have 2 tel u b4 u hear it from sumbody else. I know it'l not sound real bt its de truth de whole honest truth. Its not my fault don't blame me. Here it goes ... . Plz acept it with ur whole heart xmas is over. :( I can't hide this from you anymore, I don't want to hurt you, but I'm sorry I have to tell you before you hear it from somebody else. I know it will not sound real but it's the truth, the whole honest truth. It's not my fault, don't blame me. Here it goes ... Please accept it with your whole heart, Christmas is over.
LIN2602
17
Task 1.7 (a)
Briefly explain the differences between formal letter writing that you were taught at school and the letter writing in the e-mail and sms examples above. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Write down an example of a sms in the language that you normally use to write. If your sms is not in English, give a gloss or word-for-word translation. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback From these examples, one can notice clear differences in the spelling, punctuation and writing style in the e-mail and sms communication as opposed to the formal letters. Letters usually have a form of address like Dear X, followed by the main news and a formal ending of some sort, like With every expression of respect, I remain, Your Excellency's humble servant, John Mackenzie. Conventions like capital letters for names and standard punctuation are usually followed. E-mail can be quite formal and follow these written norms, or it can be more sms-like as in e-mail 2, with plenty of abbreviations like ur for your, minimal or exaggerated punctuation, and its own special symbols in the form of `smileys' such as the sad face at the end of sms 2. The main point to note here is how the pragmatic norms of communication have changed with the coming of new technology and the fast pace of modern life. __________________________________________________________________________
1.3 Attitudes to language change Language changes all the time, but not everybody accepts change graciously. While some believe that `the spoken language is the language', others feel it is their duty to
18
make sure that the standard language is protected from too much change. Crystal (2010:2) reminds us that `Language belongs to everyone; so most people feel they have a right to hold an opinion about it. And when opinions differ, emotions can run high.' Language teachers tend to hold particularly strong opinions about how language should and shouldn't be used. For example, you were probably told at school that you shouldn't split infinitives. A split infinitive occurs when an adverb is inserted between the word `to' and the verb. So, to thoroughly believe is a split infinitive, while to believe thoroughly is not. According to Is it Good English by John o'London (1924:18): ... the English-speaking world may be divided into (1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Those Those Those Those Those
who who who who who
neither know nor care what a split infinitive is. do not know, but care very much. know and condemn split infinitives. know and approve of split infinitives. know and distinguish.
The school teacher's view, like (3) above, would be an example of a prescriptive approach to language, which prescribes or dictates how people should use the language. Crystal (2010:2) describes prescriptivism as `the view that one variety of language has an inherently higher value than others, and that this ought to be imposed on the whole of the speech community'. The standard form of the language is the form that is most highly valued by prescriptivists. A prescriptive grammar book will give clear rights and wrongs as far as grammar is concerned. As linguists, however, we prefer to take a descriptive view of language. We don't tell people how to talk or write, but we are very interested in how people actually do use language. Linguists therefore fall into category (5): they know what split infinitives are, and they neither approve nor disapprove, but they would be interested in collecting linguistic evidence of whether people do or don't adhere to this rule in different places and contexts.
Task 1.8 Try and decide whether each of these extracts is taking a prescriptive or descriptive attitude to language usage: (a)
This authoritative dictionary is an indispensable aid to writers, editors, journalists, publishers, and all those concerned with the written word. It provides rulings on a variety of problems, including spelling, punctuation, capitalization, abbreviation, foreign words and phrases commonly used in English, and ensures an up-to-date and consistent style in material intended for publication. (Jacket copy, The Oxford Dictionary for Writers and Editors 1981)
(b) I have been correcting several Scotch accents in my friend Boswell. I doubt, Sir, if any Scotchman ever attains to a perfect English pronunciation. (Sir Alexander Macdonald 1776)
LIN2602
19
(c)
A correspondent asked me to give him certain precise rules in punctuation. I replied that I knew of none, and if I did I should refuse to be bound by them ... Much must be left to taste ... (John o'London Is it Good English 1924)
(d) In sentences like _____ did you speak to?, whom is commonly used in writing, and in more formal styles of speech; but who is more acceptable in informal speech. The rules which govern acceptable speech and writing are often very different. (Crystal The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language 2010:3) ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Extracts (a) and (b) illustrate a prescriptive attitude with clear rules and infringements of rules. Both suggest that there is only one way to write or speak `correct' English. Extracts (c) and (d) take a descriptive stance ± they allow for variation in usage without laying down authoritarian rules. While linguists are descriptive and not prescriptive, Crystal suggests that both views have a place. Teachers can't teach several varieties but must take a prescriptive view, but ideally, the prescriptive view needs to be based on descriptive facts about current language use. The prescriptive approach `provides a focus for the sense of linguistic values which everyone possesses, and which ultimately forms part of our view of social structure, and of our own place within it' (Crystal 2010:3). __________________________________________________________________________ There is a common view that language change is equivalent to a drop in standards. Older or more conservative people react to teenage slang or new journalistic catchphrases and conclude that their language is being abused to the point of decay. This phenomenon repeats itself every generation, with older people bemoaning every change as a lapse or a misuse or a result of sheer ignorance. Despite the very strong negative attitude to change that prevails, Aitchison (2001:6) points out that there are three possible ways for us to view language change: as slow decay, as evolution or `survival of the fittest', or as a kind of treading water, where the language remains in a substantially similar state despite the small aspects of the language that are changing at any single point in time. We will return to this point later in this module.
1.4 Themes and threads You can think of the material in this module in the form of a journey through time and space. We invite you to travel with us to explore the way language has changed in the past and continues to change all over the world. The central theme of this module is: Changes in language are the result of changes in the world and in society.
20
There are a number of sub-themes related to this central theme. Although each study unit may focus on a particular sub-theme, the sub-themes are threaded through all the study units. The units are presented progressively, so that each study unit builds on the knowledge gained in the previous study units. As we go through a journey of exploration, the broader picture unfolds and various sub-themes are introduced at different points and are slowly woven into our picture. The following sub-themes are covered in the next seven study units: . . . .
Language families. Language variation and change. Social class: the effect of class structure on language variation and change. Contact and change: the effect of contact between people or groups of people on language change. . Dominant and minority language groups: the effect of prestige, political and economic power on language use. . The rise of world languages and lingua francas. . Language birth, language shift and language loss.
1.5 Summary In this study unit we gave some thought to the way in which the world is constantly changing, with change in one area often leading to change in another area. Sociolinguists believe that changes in language are closely related to the changes around us in society ± the movement of people from one place to another, the rise and fall of different groups and civilisations, the pressures of globalisation and new technologies, and our own efforts to continually redefine our identities. Languages developed some time after the first humans appeared on earth about 40 000 years ago. Written language began much later, around 3 000 BC. Not only did writing enable our ancestors to record history but it also enabled modern linguists to trace the early development of languages in the world. We saw that written forms of language tend to become standardised, with certain norms of spelling, punctuation and grammar that are viewed as the `correct' or educated variety. We also explored how language change can affect all the various linguistic levels: phonological, morphological, syntactic, semantic and pragmatic. We concluded the unit by contrasting prescriptive and descriptive approaches to language and language change. Prescriptivists view one variety of language as having an inherently higher value than others and see clear rights and wrongs as far as grammar and word usage is concerned. As linguists, however, we prefer to take a descriptive view of language, focusing in a more objective way on the varied range of usage that actually occurs in practice.
Further reading Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 1 The prescriptive tradition
LIN2602
21
Chapter 8 Geographical identity Chapter 9 Ethnic and national identity Chapter 10 Social identity Chapter 65 Linguistics Fromkin, V, Rodman, R & Hyams, N. 2006. An Introduction to Language (eighth edition). International student edition. Boston: Heinle.
22
Study Unit 2 Language families `Language is the archives of history' Ralph Waldo Emerson (American Poet, Lecturer and Essayist, 1803±1882)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4 5
explain the method that historical linguists use to decide whether languages are related; explain which types of words should and should not be used when deciding whether or not languages are related; match the languages mentioned in this study unit to their appropriate Indo-European, Bantu or Khoesan families; describe the family relationships between the 11 official languages of South Africa; explain and illustrate the following concepts: language family related languages proto-language the comparative historical method Romance languages
Germanic languages Indo-European languages Bantu languages Khoesan languages lingua franca
In a nutshell In this study unit we will see that language change that continues for generations can cause a language to diverge over time into several distinct but related languages. In this study unit we introduce you to the idea of language families and focus our attention on the Indo-European, Bantu and Khoesan languages, which are all represented in South Africa. Careful comparison of vocabulary items with the same meaning allows historical linguists to identify correspondences between certain languages and to speculate about the common ancestor of these languages.
LIN2602
23
2.1 Introduction Current estimates put the number of languages in the region of 7 000 (www.ethnologue.com). One of the issues that makes the exact number difficult to gauge is the difficulty of distinguishing separate languages from dialects of the same language. Another issue is the rapid disappearance of minority languages. We saw in Study Unit 1 that all languages are in a constant process of change. This means that languages that have been around for centuries or even longer have changed so much that they are no longer recognisable as the same language. Movements of people over time leads to division into separate dialects that continue to change until they are no longer mutually intelligible and thus become separate languages. As Millar (2007:219) comments: `the remorseless processes of language change invariably produce ever-greater differences between the regional varieties of a language'. The result is that one language breaks up over time into several different languages, forming a language family ± a cluster of languages that have a common parent language and are therefore all related to one another.
2.2 What is a language family? Those of you who are familiar with more than one language will know that languages usually have very different words to refer to the same things. For example: English
Setswana
Xhosa
eagle
ntsu
ukhozi
giraffe
thutlwa
indlulamthi
drought
komelelo
imbalela
airport
boemalafofane isikhululo seenqwelo-moya
These words have nothing in common except their meanings. Their forms are completely different. This is because language is essentially arbitrary, which means that there is no intrinsic connection between the sound of a word and what it means. In a language family, however, most words are very similar in form because they derive from a single, older form. Sets of similar words are an indication that two or more languages are related and come from the same language family: Sepedi
Sesotho
Setswana
ntsÏhu
ntsu
ntsu
`eagle'
thutlwa
thuhlo
thutlwa
`giraffe'
komelelo
komello
komelelo
`drought'
boemafofane boemafofane
boemelafofane
`airport'
tswalelo
tswala
`to close'
kwala
These lists show that Sepedi, Sesotho and Setswana are related languages. It is important to note that related languages do not have to have similar grammatical structures, nor do speakers of related languages need to be genetically or biologically
24
related (McGregor 2009:304). And even in related languages, not all the words will necessarily be similar in form.
Task 2.1 Look at the following data and identify the word that is the `odd one out' in these word lists from related languages. Can you suggest why one of the languages has a completely different form to the others? Sepedi
Sesotho
Setswana
tselanathoko
pheifomente
tselanathoko `pavement'
santa
lehlabathe
motlhaba
`sand'
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback The odd one out in the words for `pavement' is Sesotho pheifomente, which if you say out loud, you will realise is a borrowing from English. The same applies to Sepedi santa `sand', which is borrowed from English/Afrikaans. Borrowing happens readily when languages are in contact with one another, and borrowed forms need to be disregarded when trying to establish whether languages are related or not, as these would be words that entered the language later, superseding earlier words. __________________________________________________________________________ One example of a language family that you may know is the family of languages known as Romance languages, including French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian and many others. All these languages derive from Latin, the language of ancient Rome (founded in 753 BC). The political success of the Romans turned Latin into a world language because as the armies of the Romans invaded other territories, they imposed their language on the people they conquered. Latin was used in all the parts of the Roman Empire and it became the dominant language of Western Europe until the end of the 5th century AD. After the Roman Empire collapsed and was overrun by other tribes, Latin came into contact with numerous foreign forms and began to change. During the Middle Ages, the Roman Catholic Church continued to use Latin. All church services and ceremonies were conducted in Latin, and it was the language spoken in monasteries. As these places were the main centres of learning during the Middle Ages, Latin became the language of scholars. By the 16th century Latin was used all over Europe by scholars, diplomats and scientists.
LIN2602
25
While the Classical written Latin was used in the church, the everyday spoken Latin (lingua Romana) started to undergo changes in the former provinces of Rome. In each province a particular dialect or variety of lingua Romana began to develop. Within a few hundred years, speakers of Latin in Spain, France and Italy could no longer understand one another because the dialects had changed so much. Over the centuries these varieties of Latin developed into the various Romance languages. Now, centuries after the Roman Empire ceased to exist, traces of Latin can still be found in French, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Romanian, as well as in other languages that have developed from Latin. By comparing the following words for the numbers 1, 2 and 3, you can see for yourself that the following languages all stem from and are all related to Latin. Latin
French
Italian
Spanish
Portuguese
Romanian
1. unus 2. duo 3. tres
un deux trois
uno due tre
uno dois tres
um dos trez
un doi trei
The Romance languages of today represent developments (involving a great deal of phonetic, syntactic and semantic change) of spoken Latin. As a result of the voyages of exploration starting in the 15th century and the colonialism of the 17th, 18th and 19th Centuries, the Romance languages have spread all over the world and it is estimated (Crystal 2010:297) that 3 out of the 7 billion people in the world speak a Romance language, or one of the Creoles based on French, Spanish or Portuguese. Every language family has a common ancestor known as a proto-language. Proto- is the Greek prefix meaning `first' or `original', as in English prototype. In the case of the Romance languages, the proto-language (proto-Romance) is basically the same as Latin and we therefore have a lot of written evidence of what the proto-Romance language looked like. In the case of some other language families, however, the protolanguage is not documented and has to be hypothetically reconstructed by working backwards from the set of related languages.
Task 2.2 (a)
Have a look at the following sentences, all of which mean the same thing. Three of the five are from the language family known as Germanic. Which ones belong to the Germanic family and which two examples are unrelated? You could also try and guess the five languages just for fun ... 1. This is a good book. 2. Mae hwn yn llyfr da. 3. Dies ist ein gutes Buch. 4. Dit is 'n goeie boek. 5. Ez egy jo  ko È nyv.
...............................................................................................................................................
26
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... (b) The Germanic language family probably originated some time around 500 BC in northern Europe. What would the ancestor language of Germanic be known as? ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Examples 1 (English), 3 (German) and 4 (Afrikaans) are from the Germanic language family while 2 (Welsh) and 5 (Hungarian) are not. Many of the words are similar in these three Germanic languages, for example book, Buch and boek. In question (b) the ancestor language of all the Germanic languages would be known as proto-Germanic, just as the ancestor language of the Romance languages is proto-Romance. __________________________________________________________________________
2.3 The Indo-European language family Even further back in time, both the Germanic languages and the Romance languages, as well as other language families like Celtic (including Irish, Scottish Gaelic and Welsh) and Indic (north Indian languages such as Hindi, Bengali and Punjabi) derived from a single parent language. All of these families and several others belong to a huge language family known as Indo-European. This implies that all these languages are derived from a single common ancestor language, Proto-Indo-European. Linguists suggest that this language may have been spoken around 4 000 years ago in a region near the Ukraine, but these conclusions remain unproven.
LIN2602
27
FIGURE 2.1 Simplified family tree of the present-day languages of the Indo-European language family Proto-Indo-European
Celtic, e.g. Welsh, Irish Gaelic
Germanic
North Germanic, e.g. Swedish, Danish
West Germanic, e.g. English, German, Yiddish, Dutch, Afrikaans
East Germanic, e.g. Gothic
Italic or Romance e.g. Spanish, French, Italian
Greek
Albanian
BaltoSlavic, e.g. Russian, Bulgarian, Lithuanian
Armenian
IndoIranian, e.g. Persian, Urdu, Hindi, Gujarati
The Indo-European language family consists of over 400 languages spoken from Ireland all the way across Europe and into northern India (the diagram above represents the language families in approximately their west-to-east distribution). Some of its branches, like Tocharian and Anatolian, are no longer spoken and are not represented in the diagram above. Some branches like Germanic and Indo-Iranian contain large numbers of languages and several distinct sub-branches as indicated for the Germanic branch. Other branches, like Greek, consist of just a single language.
28
FIGURE 2.2: Distribution of the language families of the world
(downloaded 13 January 2012 from http://www.freelang.net/families/index.php)
2.4 The comparative historical method Building up a picture of the proto-language is one of the tasks of the branch of Linguistics known as comparative historical linguistics. But how would this kind of hypothetical reconstruction be done? Aitchison (2001:25) explains that reconstruction is aided by the fact that sound changes tend to be consistent or regular rather than haphazard. Within a particular dialect, for example, all the [s] sounds at the beginning of words will become [j] (sh) sounds, while all the [s] sounds in the middles of words will become [z] sounds. Different dialects will undergo different sound changes, but these too will be regular. According to Aitchison (2001:25±27): If we find consistent sound correspondences between words with similar meanings in languages where borrowing can be ruled out, the correspondences cannot be due to chance. We therefore infer that the languages concerned are so-called `daughter languages' descended from one `parent'. For example, English repeatedly has f where Latin has p in words with similar meaning such as father:pater, foot:pedem, fish:pisces, and so on. There is no evidence of a LatinEnglish cultural bond. When the Romans first came to Britain, the woad-painted natives they found did not yet speak English, which was brought from across the Channel at a later date. So borrowing can be eliminated as the source of the regular f:p correspondence. We conclude therefore that Latin and English are both descended from the same parent, which must have existed at some earlier age. Of course, one single set of correspondences, such as the f:p set, is too frail a foundation on which to set any firm conclusions, so this must be backed up with others such as s:s in six:sex, seven:septem, salt:sal, sun:sol, and t:d in two:duo,
LIN2602
29
ten:decem, tooth:dens and so on. The more correspondences we find, the more certain we become that the languages concerned are genetically related. When we have assembled correspondences from two or more related languages, we can begin to draw conclusions about the parent from which they sprang. ... We take the majority verdict as our major guideline, and then check that we have not proposed anything that is phonetically implausible. For example, a number of IndoEuropean languages have s at the beginning of certain words. English has six, seven, sun, salt, sow (`female pig').Latin has sex, septem, sol, sal, sus and so on. Greek, however, has an h in place of the expected s, with hex, hepta, helios, hals, hus. Since Greek is the odd one out, we conclude that the original sound was probably s, and that Greek changed an original s to h. We confirm that s to h is a fairly common development (and note that the reverse, h to s, is unheard of). Our hypothesis can therefore stand. We shall of course look for further corroborative evidence, and amend our theory if we find any counter evidence. What Aitchison describes here is the method known as comparative historical reconstruction. This is one of the methods that has been used by linguists since the nineteenth century to classify related languages and language families. According to Harrison (2003:214), there are three major goals of comparative historical linguistics: . To identify instances of genetic relatedness amongst languages . To explore the history of individual languages . To develop a theory of linguistic change. Historical linguists view the last goal as the most important. According to Harrison (2003:214), the kinds of questions a theory of linguistic change would try to answer include Are there some kinds of linguistic change that are impossible or improbable? Are some kinds more likely to happen than others? How does linguistic change begin? and How does linguistic change move through linguistic communities? Some of these questions will be discussed in more detail in later study units. In the quote from Aitchison above, she mentions that in order to claim that two languages are related, borrowing must be ruled out as the reason for similarities between words in two languages. In practice, this is sometimes difficult to do. However Campbell (2003:273) mentions that basic vocabulary (such as words for family members and body parts) is less likely to be affected by borrowing than cultural vocabulary referring to the manmade objects and cultural practices of the language group, and is therefore better for establishing similarities than cultural vocabulary. Besides mistaking borrowed forms for related terms, two other possible pitfalls that linguists might face when attempting comparative historical reconstruction are illustrated by the following task.
Task 2.3 Historical linguist Doug Deep has made the following claims in the latest issue of the South African Journal of Historical Linguistics. Do you see any problems with his claims in (a) and (b) below?
30
(a)
The similar words for `mother' and `me' in six South African languages show that these languages are related: Zulu
Sesotho
Xhosa
Setswana
Afrikaans
Sepedi
`mother'
umama
mme
umama
mme
ma
mma
`me'
mina
nna
mna
nna
ek
nna
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... (b) Further proof of genetic relatedness comes from the similar words for the words `cry', `whisper' and `motorbike' in these languages. Zulu
Sesotho
Xhosa
Setswana
Afrikaans
Sepedi
`cry'
-khala
lla
-khala/-lila
lela
huil
lla
`whisper'
-hlebeza
seba
-sebeza
seba
fluister
sebela
sethuuthuu
motorfiets
ethuthuthu
`motorbike' isithuthuthu sethuthuthu isithuthuthu
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback One trap that Doug Deep has fallen into in (a) is that he has used babytalk-type words to support his claims of alleged relatedness. You may remember from LIN1502 Multilingualism that children across the world tend to use repeated syllables containing sounds like m, p, b, n and d in their first words as these are some of the easiest sounds to produce. According to Campbell (2003:273): it has been recognized for centuries that nursery formations (so-called Lallwo È rter, the mama-nana-papa-dada-caca sort of words) should be avoided in considerations of potential linguistic affinities, since these typically share a high degree of cross-linguistic similarity which is not due to common ancestry. You may also have noticed that the Afrikaans term ek (and fluister and motorfiets in (b)) is not in fact similar to the others, so Doug should not have included Afrikaans as part of the alleged language family. In data set (b) Doug has used onomatopoeic words where the sound of the word imitates the thing it describes. So all the words for `motorbike' (except Afrikaans motorfiets) imitate the repetitive engine sound and all the words for `whisper' start with hissing (`fricative') sounds like s and hl. Onomatopoeic words for animal noises, bird sounds and verbs referring to crying, hitting, shouting, whispering, snoring, etc. are
LIN2602
31
frequently similar across languages, simply because they attempt to replicate natural sounds. As with borrowed terms, babytalk words and onomatopoeic forms must therefore be disregarded when comparing languages using comparative historical reconstruction. This is because cross-linguistic similarities may occur in these words which are not due to historical relatedness. __________________________________________________________________________
2.5 Language families of Africa For the linguist, Africa is a fascinating continent because of its amazing variety of languages. According to Webb and Kembo Sure (1999:27) there are over 2 000 languages spoken in Africa. These come predominantly from four language families. In the north are the Afro-Asiatic family (which includes Arabic and Hebrew) and the NiloSaharan family. South of the Sahara we find the small Khoesan family (also spelt Khoisan) which includes the San languages and Nama, and the very large Niger-Congo family, which includes over 1 500 languages (Grimes 1996), including all the African languages spoken in South Africa. In addition to the languages of African origin there are a number of European languages, imported through colonialism, and various new varieties that have arisen as a result of language contact (see Study Unit 7). FIGURE 2.3: Distribution of African language families
Berber Arabic
Songhay Hausa Fulani Yoruba
Amharic Igbo
Oromo
Lingala Kongo
Niger-Congo B (Bantu) Khoi-San Austronesian
lag
Niger-Congo A
Chewa Showa
Ma
Nilo-Saharan
asy
Swahili
Afro-Asiatic
Sotho Xhosa Afrikaans (Indo-European)
(downloaded 13 January 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_language_ families)
32
Task 2.4 Have a look at the following basic words in six African languages (data from McGregor 2009:308). Gloss
Bemba
Kanuri
Chichewa
Shona
Swahili
`woman'
umwaanakashi umwaaume -tatu ameenshi -kulu -suma umuti
kamu
mkazi
mukadzi
mwanamke
kwa yaskI nji kura ngIla kIska
mwamuna -tatu madzi -kulu -bwino mtengo
murume -tatu mvura -kuru -naka muti
mwanamme tatu maji kubwa nzuri mti
`man' `three' `water' `big' `good' `tree'
(a)
Which languages would you group together as likely members of a family? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) What does the little hyphen mean at the beginning of the words -tatu and -kulu and -suma in Bemba? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback There are many resemblances between all the languages with the exception of Kanuri. For example, the word for `three' is the same in Bemba, Chichewa, Shona and Swahili. The word for `tree' has the letters m and t and the word for `man' has the letters mwa in three of these four. The word for `big' is similar in all five of the languages, but this is the only word where Kanuri is similar to the other four. If you were a historical linguist, you could therefore tentatively group Bemba, Chichewa, Shona and Swahili together as related languages, even if you had no knowledge of the proto-language from which these derive. To answer question (b), you need to reflect back to LIN1501 on grammatical patterns and principles. The hyphen here means that the forms -kulu and -suma in Bemba are bound morphemes, occurring as part of larger words rather than standing alone. Because the hyphens are at the beginning, we know that other morphemes would be attached in front of these morphemes. __________________________________________________________________________
LIN2602
33
2.5.1 The Bantu language family The Bantu language family falls into the Niger-Congo family and is found in the southern half of Africa, stretching from Cameroon to Kenya and southwards to South Africa. The name Bantu was coined by Wilhelm Bleek in about 1857 and means `people' (as in Zulu abantu, Sepedi batho, Venda vhathu etc.). Note that the term `Bantu language' is an accepted linguistic term for the family of languages in sub-Saharan Africa. (The term Bantu subsequently acquired negative connotations in apartheid South Africa through its association with repressive policies such as `Bantu education' and is no longer used except in a linguistic sense.) The Bantu languages share similar vocabulary, but also a similar grammatical structure, where nouns are classified into several different noun classes. All the South African Bantu languages fall into the family known as the Southern Bantu languages (Herbert & Bailey 2002:57). FIGURE 2.4: Simplified family tree of the Southern Bantu language family Southern Bantu
Nguni, including Zulu, Xhosa, Siswati, Ndebele, etc.
Venda
Sotho, including Sesotho, Setswana, Sepedi
Tsonga, including Ronga, Tonga, Tswa
Inhambane, including Chopi and giTonga
...
(based on Doke 1967 cited in Herbert & Bailey 2002) Notice that, of South Africa's official languages, four fall into the Nguni sub-family, three fall into the Sotho sub-family, while Venda and Tsonga each fall into their own separate sub-families within the Southern Bantu group.
2.5.2 The Khoesan languages Traill (2002:45) explains that the term Khoesan languages is somewhat misleading in that it is made up of three unrelated groups of languages, the Northern (e.g. Ju), Central or Khoe (including Nama, Cape Khoekhoe etc.) and Southern families (including /Xam, /'Auni and Khomani). The Central or Khoe languages are genetically related but the San languages of the Northern and Southern families are not related either to one another or to the Khoe languages. Although some of these languages are still used by communities in Namibia and Botswana, and to a lesser extent in South Africa, most of these languages are extinct or highly threatened (see Study Unit 8). Genetic relations between the various groups are not always clear due to a lack of historical evidence and the difficulty of accurately transcribing languages with so many different click sounds. The language of the so-called `Cape Bushmen' was /Xam, one of the Southern San languages. WHI Bleek and Lucy Lloyd studied this language from 1857, relying on the bilingualism of /Xam speakers who could speak Afrikaans due to their employment as farm workers (Traill 2002:38, see also Skotnes 2007 Claim to the Country: the archive of Lucy Lloyd and Wilhelm Bleek). Forty years later, however, Dorothea Bleek visited the few remaining speakers of /Xam who were working as farm or domestic workers near
34
Prieska, some of whom knew very little of their language. Several other San languages, including /'Auni and Khomani were spoken in South Africa but have largely been wiped out as their speakers were killed or merged with Afrikaans-speaking or Bantu-speaking language groups (Traill 2002:36). Traill (2002:29) explains some of the history of the Khoe languages in South Africa: In the early seventeenth century there were about eleven closely similar Cape Khoekhoe varieties spoken from the Cape of Good Hope in the west, along the southern Cape coast and its hinterland as far east as the Fish River (Elphick 1985:51). Estimates of the number of all South African Khoekhoe (including the Nama) in 1652 vary between 100,000 (Elphick 1985:23) and 200,000 (Wilson 1969:68). Within sixty years of that date `the traditional Khoekhoe economy, social structure, and political order had almost entirely collapsed' (Elphick 1985:xvii), and smallpox epidemics in 1713, 1735 and 1767 had ravaged the population, wiping out virtually all the western Cape Khoekhoe. And within 100 years of 1652, the western Cape Khoekhoe language had begun to disappear, being gradually replaced by Khoe-Dutch (Nienaber 1963:97ff), and the Eastern Khoekhoe varieties had been absorbed by Xhosa through political incorporation of the Khoekhoe chiefdoms (Marai 1968:111). This is the dramatic background to the extinction of the Cape Khoekhoe and the death of their language. However, far from vanishing without a trace, the Cape Khoekhoe have had a profound effect on the genetic features of many South Africans. Their language has exerted an influence on the development of Afrikaans and has extensively restructured the phonological systems of Xhosa and Zulu, greatly enriching the lexicons of these two languages in the process. Examples of Khoekhoe words include dagga, karos, kierie, kudu, kwagga and eina. They became part of various varieties of Afrikaans very early on and were later borrowed into South African English. A number of place names and words of Khoekhoe origin are given below.
LIN2602
Gamka
`lion river' (ka = river);
Keiskamma
`shiny stream' (kamma = stream);
Tsitsikamma
`clear stream'
Karoo
`dry'
Kareedouw
karee + douw `shrub' + `mountain pass'.
35
Task 2.5 Match the languages on the left to their appropriate language families on the right. Latin
Khoesan
Nama Romanian Tsonga Xhosa English
Bantu
/Xam Greek Ndebele
Indo-European
/'Auni Hindi
Feedback Nama, /Xam and /'Auni fall into the Khoesan family. Tsonga, Xhosa and Ndebele are Bantu languages and Latin, Romanian, English, Greek and Hindi are Indo-European languages. __________________________________________________________________________
2.6 A language profile of South Africa South Africa, with its unique language policy of 11 official languages, is certainly a most linguistically diverse nation. This complex multilingual situation presents enormous challenges for language planners, politicians and educators. In such a melting pot of languages and cultures it is not surprising that language contact situations have led to the development of many new linguistic varieties, and the possibilities for crossfertilisation and influence are endless. A brief language profile of South Africa is provided below. The majority of our population have as their mother-tongue one of nine languages belonging to the Southern Bantu language family: Zulu (23,8%), Xhosa (17,6%), Sepedi (9,4%), Setswana (8,2%), Sesotho (7,9%), Tsonga (4,4%), Siswati (2,7%), Venda (2,3%) and Ndebele (1,6%) (the numbers in brackets refer to percentages of speakers as reflected in the 2001 census data downloaded from http://www.statssa.gov.za/ census01/html/ RSAPrimary.pdf). In terms of the conventional South African racial classifications (black, coloured, Indian and white), almost all of these speakers are black Africans, though the census data shows that there are mother-tongue speakers from all four race groups for each one of our 11 official languages, a fact which tends to be overlooked. In the north-west of the country we still have some remnants of the ancient Khoesan languages (with their unique phonological feature, the click sounds, found nowhere else
36
in the world). These include the Nama speakers in the Richtersveld, Gordonia and Namaqualand and a handful of speakers of /'Auni and Khomani near the Kalahari Gemsbok Park. Because of our colonial heritage, over the past three and a half centuries a considerable number of European languages have been brought to this country and have taken root here in varying degrees, for example, English, Dutch, Portuguese, German and Italian. The first 80 Dutch settlers arrived in the Cape in 1652, bringing with them various dialects of Dutch. The Dutch settlers came into contact with the indigenous people who were speakers of Khoe languages and owned cattle which they traded with the Dutch. As time went on, the need for more food and supplies arose and more Dutch settlers arrived in the country to work as farmers. Slaves were brought to South Africa from Dutch colonies in the East to supply additional labour for these farms. Many of these slaves spoke Malay-Portuguese, a type of pidgin Portuguese spoken by Malay speakers to communicate with Portuguese traders, soldiers and sailors. However a simplified form of Dutch, influenced by Malay-Portuguese, was often used as a lingua franca (language used for communication between speakers of different mother tongues) amongst the slaves. Gradually this variety of Dutch was adopted as the mother tongue of the slaves and they lost the ability to speak their original mother tongues. That was the beginning of a variety of Dutch called Cape Afrikaans (Kaapse Afrikaans). Remnants of MalayPortuguese can still be seen in present-day Afrikaans in common words such as: baie
`much, very'
koejawel
`guava'
makou
`a type of duck'
blatjang
`chutney'
bobotie
`a traditional Cape Dutch mince dish'
sosatie
`kebab'
piesang
`banana'
As a result of ongoing contact between Dutch, Malay-Portuguese and Khoe speakers, by the end of the 19th century the varieties of Dutch spoken at the Cape were far removed from standard Dutch. A movement arose towards establishing Afrikaans as a standard language. Although Dutch and English were accepted as the two official languages of the country when the Union of South Africa came into being in 1910, there was a strong movement to have Afrikaans accepted as an official language and eventually in 1925 Afrikaans replaced Dutch as one of the official languages of South Africa. According to the 2001 census, almost 6 million (or 13,3%) of South Africans have Afrikaans as their mother tongue. The Cape became a British colony in 1806, and another language, English, was introduced to the Cape. English was introduced into South Africa largely by the group of 5 000 British settlers of 1820 and by subsequent waves of British settlers throughout the 19th century. English became the official language of the Cape Colony in 1822. English is the mother tongue of 3,67 million or 8% of South Africans according to the 2001 census. This includes half a percent of black South Africans, 19% of Coloured South Africans, 94% of the Indian and Asian population and 39% of the white population. Each of these has its own ethnolect of South African English (Lass 2002:104), which we will look at in more detail in Study Unit 6.
LIN2602
37
We also have small groups of speakers of a number of Indian and Asian languages. Mesthrie (2002:161) describes the sociohistory of the Indian languages in South Africa, from the arrival of 150 000 Indian farm workers between 1860 and 1911. Among the languages that these workers spoke were the Indo-European language Hindi, as well as Telugu and Tamil from the south of India (Mesthrie 2002:161). These languages were used as home languages until the 1960s, but are being increasingly replaced with English, though many younger speakers can still understand their heritage language and continue to use it for cultural and religious purposes.
Task 2.6 Look at the following chart reflecting numbers of speakers of the 11 official languages in South Africa in 2001 and answer the questions that follow: FIGURE 2.6: First home language by number of speakers
(based on data from Statistics South Africa, 2001 Census in brief downloaded from http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/). (a)
What are the three most spoken home languages in South Africa? .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Which three languages have almost the same number of speakers? ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
Which language has less than a million speakers? (Hint: there is only one) .......................................................................................................................................
38
(d) Approximately how many South Africans speak Sepedi as a home language? ....................................................................................................................................... (e)
Approximately how many South Africans speak a language from the Bantu language family as their first home language? (Hint: There were a total of 45 million people in South Africa according to the 2001 census) ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback The three most spoken home languages in South Africa are Zulu, followed by Xhosa, followed by Afrikaans. Sesotho, Setswana and English all have approximately the same number of speakers with approximately 3,5 million speakers each. The only official language with under a million speakers is Ndebele (Venda and Siswati have just over a million each). The chart shows that there are just over 4 million Sepedi speakers (4,2 million according to the data). To answer (e) you need to know that all the South African languages except English and Afrikaans are Bantu languages (see section 2.5.1). The chart shows that there are about 6 million Afrikaans speakers and about 3,5 million English speakers and a small number of speakers of unspecified `other' languages. The hint tells you that there were 45 million people in South Africa at the time, of which 9,5 million were not Bantu language speakers. So about 35,5 million South Africans have a language from the Bantu language family as their home language. __________________________________________________________________________
2.7 Summary We saw in this study unit that movements of people over time can result in languages dividing into separate dialects that continue to change until they become separate languages. The result is a language family ± a cluster of languages that have a common parent language and are therefore all related to one another. We discussed the IndoEuropean language family, a large family of over 400 languages spoken from Ireland all the way across Europe and into northern India. All its subfamilies, including the Germanic, Romance, Celtic and Indic languages, are derived from a single common ancestor language, Proto-Indo-European. Building up a picture of the proto-language is one of the tasks of the branch of Linguistics known as comparative historical linguistics. Because sound changes tend to be consistent or regular rather than haphazard, sound correspondences between words with similar meanings in two different languages suggest that the languages are related. The more correspondences we find, the more certain we become that the languages are genetically related. However, it is important to rule out cases of borrowing, which lead to similar words even in unrelated languages. Babytalk and onomatopoeic words should
LIN2602
39
also be disregarded when attempting to prove genetic relatedness, since these typically share a high degree of cross-linguistic similarity which is not due to common ancestry. Among the African language families that we focused on were the small Khoesan family, which is made up of three unrelated groups of languages, the Northern (e.g. Ju), Central or Khoe (including Nama, Cape Khoekhoe etc.) and Southern families (including /Xam, /'Auni and Khomani). Most of these languages are extinct or highly threatened. We also looked at the very large Niger-Congo family, and in particular at the Bantu language subfamily, which includes all the African languages spoken in South Africa. The Bantu language family is found in the southern half of Africa, stretching from Cameroon to Kenya and southwards to South Africa. We concluded the study unit with a look at South Africa's multilingual language profile. Among our 11 official languages we have nine languages belonging to the Southern Bantu language family: Zulu, Xhosa, Sepedi, Setswana, Sesotho, Tsonga, Siswati, Venda and Ndebele. Colonisation also left us with English and Afrikaans, a dialect of Dutch which developed over time into an independent language.
Further reading Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter
50 51 52 54
Families of languages The Indo-European family Other families Language change
Skotnes, P. 2007. Claim to the Country: the archive of Lucy Lloyd and Wilhelm Bleek. Johannesburg & Cape Town: Jacana and Athens: Ohio University Press.
40
Study Unit 3 New words `Words are the leaves of the tree of language, of which, if some fall away, a new succession takes their place.' John French (Earl of Ypres 1852±1925)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4
describe various processes used for forming new words; explain why languages might need new words; analyse new words in terms of the word-formation processes used; explain and illustrate the following concepts: word form lexeme borrowing compounding head-initial compound head-final compound
derivation inflection conversion clipping blending acronym
In a nutshell In this study unit we will look at how and why new words emerge in languages all the time and at some specific word-formation processes that give rise to these new words. By creating, borrowing, combining and recombining words in new ways, languages can be endlessly novel in the words they use to describe our continually changing world and worldviews.
3.1 Introduction One of the most noticeable examples of language change is the appearance of new words in a language.In this study unit we will look at how and why new words emerge in languages all the time. We will also look into some specific word-formation processes that give rise to these new words.
LIN2602
41
Read the following article on some of the new lexemes that have recently been included in Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary for the first time:
New Dictionary Words for 2011 SPRINGFIELD, MASS., August 25, 2011 ± In yet another sign of our era's communications revolution, social media has found a home in this year's update of Merriam-Webster's Collegiate1 Dictionary, giving word watchers everywhere something to tweet about. Social media and tweet are just two of over 150 new words and definitions that have been added to America's best-selling dictionary in 2011, available now in print and online at MerriamWebster.com. ``From the dramatic events of the Arab Spring to the scandal that brought down Congressman Anthony Weiner, tweet is a word that has been part of the story,'' says Peter Sokolowski, Merriam-Webster's Editor at Large. ``We've been tracking words like social media and tweet for years, of course, and now we feel their meanings have stabilized enough to include them in the dictionary.'' Tweet and social media join other technology-related terms including crowdsourcing (the practice of obtaining information from a large group of people who contribute online) and mcommerce (``a business transaction conducted using a mobile electronic device''). Pop culture brings us bromance (``a close nonsexual friendship between men'') and cougar (``a middle-aged woman seeking a romantic relationship with a younger man''), a word whose usage was bolstered by Courteney Cox's hit TV series Cougar Town ... The additions also include an interesting pair reflecting the changing nature of parent-child relationships: helicopter parent (``a parent who is overly involved in the life of his or her child'') and boomerang child (``a young adult who returns to live at his or her family home especially for financial reasons''). http://www.merriam-webster.com/info/newwords11.htm downloaded 4 November 2011
The following new words were found on a website called Wordspy that aims to keep track of new words. Whether these will survive long enough to become an established part of the language and appear in future dictionary editions remains to be seen.
42
NEW
Janopause
n. The practice of abstaining from alcohol for the month of January. Also: janopause. NEW
ineptocracy
n. A government or state ruled by people who are incompetent. Also: inept-ocracy. UPDATED
brightsizing
n. Corporate downsizing in which the brightest workers are let go. Also: bright-sizing. Downloaded 18 January 2012 from http://www.wordspy.com/
So where do all these new words come from? Many of them are in fact existing words that have acquired new meanings by the process of semantic change. As we saw in Study Unit 1, semantic change can include broadening or narrowing of an existing term and semantic shift. For example, the word cougar in the Merriam-Webster article has broadened from its initial meaning of `puma' (an American wild cat) to include a secondary meaning, `a middle-aged woman seeking a romantic relationship with a younger man', and tweet now also refers to short electronic communication `chirps' as well as a bird's chirping. But many of the other words are completely new to English, for example crowdsourcing and brightsizing. Before we look at some of the ways in which words can enter a language for the first time, we need to look in more detail at what we mean by a `word' in Linguistics.
3.2 What is a word? You may think that everything that can be written down with spaces on either side of it is a word. So the sentence you have just read contains 20 separate words. In Linguistics, however, we need to distinguish between word forms, different forms of a single word, e.g. baobab and baobabs, and the underlying abstract concept that links related word forms together. Because we know intuitively that baobab and baobabs are two different forms `of the same word', we say they are different forms of the same lexeme BAOBAB. A lexeme is thus an abstract notion that includes different word forms such as singulars and plurals. In other words, the lexeme BAOBAB can be realised in speech or writing either as the word form baobab or as the word form baobabs. Bauer (1988:2) explains that `the lexeme is, in a sense, what all the word forms associated with it have in common'. Lexemes are usually written in capital letters to distinguish them from actual instances when a word form is used. Dictionaries will have one alphabetical entry for each lexeme and will list the other possible word forms alongside it. For example, the `lookup function' on my computer offers the following definition of baobab from the Encarta Dictionary: English (U.K.) The lexeme BAOBAB has its own entry and the alternative word forms of this lexeme (in this case only baobabs) are listed in brackets after the pronunciation guide: baobab (noun) [ba Ây o} bab] (baobabs) a tree with a thick short trunk and edible fruit. Native to: southern Africa and northwestern Australia. Latin name: Adansonia digitata
LIN2602
43
Task 3.1 Here are some more examples of lexemes and their associated word forms. Try and think of three more examples from your own language and write them in below: English
Sepedi Zulu
DIVE
dive, dives, dived, dove, diving
GO
go, goes, went, gone, going
CHILD
child, children
RUTA THANDA
ruta `learn', rutega `able to be learnt, learnable', rutisÏa `cause to learn, teach', rutwa `be learned' thanda `love', thandana `love each other', thandeka `lovable', thandisisa `love deeply', thandwa `be loved'
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Don't forget to write lexemes in capital letters and to provide glosses for each word form if your examples are in a language other than English. __________________________________________________________________________ As we saw above, new lexemes in a language are created all the time, noted by ordinary people, by websites that like to keep tabs on new usages and eventually by the publishers of dictionaries. The first and possibly most obvious source of new lexemes is to take these from other languages by the process known as borrowing, although of course, these words are copied rather than borrowed with the intention of being returned ...
3.3 Borrowing Since about three-quarters of the world population is multilingual, people often come across words (usually nouns) in another language that they like or find particularly useful or that have no equivalents in their own language. They then take these words over into their own language, either exactly as they are or with a degree of phonological adjustment to make them easier to pronounce in the target language. For example, English borrowed the word cougar in its original sense of `puma' from the Guarani language of Paraguay, changing it in the process from Guarani cuguac Ëuarana to simply cougar. African language speakers in South Africa will be very aware of all the borrowed words from English and Afrikaans that have entered their languages as a result of two centuries
44
of daily contact between language groups: Zulu and Sepedi, for example, have borrowed words like the following: Zulu
Sepedi
isuthikesi
`suitcase'
isudi
`suit'
ujinja
`ginger'
isositshi
`sausage'
ibandeshi
`bandage'
sutu
`suit'
lepokisi
`box'
mmasepala
`municipality'
Borrowing also occurs in the opposite direction, with Northern Sotho words like lekgotla `a conference' or Zulu words like muti `medicine', fundi `expert' and eish `an exclamation meaning something like ``oh dear'' entering South African English. Afrikaans has also borrowed from many world languages as you can see from the following examples (adapted from https://aie.ned.univie.ac.at/node/13021 and glossed): French:
ommelet `omelette', kommandant `commander'
German:
blits `lightning', angs `anxiety', nar `clown'
Portuguese:
aia `nursemaid', kiepersol `type of indigenous tree', kraal `pen for animals', sambok `whip or cane', bredie `stew', ramkie `Khoisan guitar', tamaai `enormous'
Khoekhoe:
oorbietjie `oribi', koedoe `kudu', kwagga `Cape mountain zebra', geitjie `gecko or lizard', kambro `succulent plant endemic to SA', gannabos `succulent shrub in Cape coastal regions', Karoo `semidesert region in SA', aitsa `expression of surprise', arrie `expression of surprise', eina `ouch', kierie `walking stick or cudgel', gogga `insect'
Malay:
baadjie `jacket', baie `very', baklei `fight', blatjang `chutney', doepa, `muti or magic potion', kabaai `loose gown often used as a nightgown', katel `bedstead or bedframe', koejawel `guava', nonnie `young woman', piering `saucer', piesang `banana', soebat `plead or beg'
Bantu:
konka `drum or large tin', donga `ditch', indaba `council', aiko à na `no or not at all', tollie `young ox'
English speakers `have long been among the most enthusiastic borrowers of other people's words on earth, and many, many thousands of English words have been acquired in just this way' (Millar 2007:22). These days, English is itself a language of prestige and borrowings are therefore pouring from English into languages like French, German, Spanish, Italian and Japanese in vast numbers (Millar 2007:24).
LIN2602
45
Task 3.2 (a)
Spot the English borrowings in this excerpt from a German fashion magazine. You don't need to know any German to do this! Retro-Kurven zu sexy Taille Schlank schummeln: Retro-Formen treffen auf Colour-Blocking, wertvolle Edelsteinfarben werden kontrastiert mit fro Èhlichen Polka-Dots. Wir zeigen die Highlights der Dessous-Trends im Herbst. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Take a dictionary of your own language that mentions the origins of words as well as their meanings. Choose a page at random and write down all the borrowed words and the languages they come from. These will usually be indicated in some way after the word as coming from another language, e.g. Afrikaans or [Arabic]. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Fashion magazines all over the world are borrowing English words like `supermodel', `in' and `catwalk'. The German extract, although it is very short, uses English retro, sexy, colour-blocking, polka-dots, highlights and trends. The full translation is as follows: Retro-curves for a sexy figure Slender alternatives: Colour-blocking highlights retro figures, precious gem colours are contrasted with cheerful polka dots. We show you the highlights of the lingerie trends for autumn. For question (b), the page I chose from The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (1993) has Tempranillo `a grape variety' from Spanish, temps `a ballet step' and temps perdu
46
`the irretrievable past' from French, tempura `food fried in a light batter' from Japanese and temura `a method of interpreting the Hebrew scriptures' from Hebrew. The fact that all of these are in the dictionary means that they have been borrowed and have now come to be used as an accepted part of the English language. A random page from Doke, Malcolm, Sikakana and Vilakazi's English-Zulu Zulu-English Dictionary (1990) has borrowings such as -pristi from English `priest', -profetha from English `prophet', -pulangwe from Afrikaans plank `plank', -pulani from English `plan', -pulata from English `plate', -puluho from Afrikaans ploeg `plough', -pulupiti from English `pulpit' and -punu from English `spoon'. __________________________________________________________________________
3.4 Compounding Another frequent technique for building new words is through compounding ± the joining together of two or more complete words to make longer words like sandcastle, cell phone, suntan lotion, world-class, or do-it-yourself. Compounds can be written as single words, hyphenated or written with spaces in between, but what they have in common is that they always combine existing full words (not morphemes) and combine their meanings in some way to create a new concept. . Head-initial compounds have the main element (or head) of the compound as the first element of the compound, for example a Toyota Corolla is a kind of Toyota, where Toyota is the head of the compound. These are rare in English, but common in other languages. In Sepedi mothomoso `black person' is a head-initial compound formed from motho `person' + moso `black'. In Xhosa, umninimzi `head of a homestead' is a compound formed by combining umnini `owner' and umzi `homestead'. Umninimzi refers to a particular kind of owner (not a kind of homestead), and umnini `owner' is therefore the head of the compound. Another Xhosa head-initial compound is intakomlilo (`Southern red bishop'), which refers to a kind of bird and is formed by combining intaka (`bird') and umlilo `fire'). . Head-final compounds have the main element of the compound as the last element of the compound. English tends to prefer head-final compounds, like tree house (a type of house, where house is the head of the compound) and yellowwood tree (a type of tree, where tree is the head of the compound). . Some compounds have two heads, with both parts of the compound carrying equal weight, e.g. bittersweet or blue-green. . Some compounds have no head. For example, the word forget-me-not is a type of flower, but the word flower doesn't occur in the compound at all, so there is no head. Putt-putt is a game of miniature golf, but there is no head as the word game or golf does not appear in the compound. The Sepedi for `donkey' is molahlwaleboya, which literally means `discarded skin', from molahlwa `discard, throw away' + boya `skin'.
Task 3.3 Circle the heads (main elements) in the following compounds and decide whether they are head-initial, head-final, have two heads or no head. Look at the glosses if the compounds are in language other than English. Italian
LIN2602
guastafeste `spoilsport' from guastare `spoil' and festa `holiday'
47
Chinese
bok choy `Chinese cabbage' from bok `white' and choy `vegetable'
Afrikaans
vraagteken `question mark' from vraag `question' and teken `mark'
Zulu
ugandaganda `tractor' from -ganda `tread hard'
English
vacuum cleaner
English
spring clean
English
Colgate-Palmolive
Welsh
brws danedd `toothbrush' from brws `brush' and danedd `teeth'
Feedback Italian guastafeste is a compound with no head, as it refers to a kind of person who spoils the fun. Zulu ugandaganda `tractor' is also a compound without a head as it is a kind of machine that `treads hard' but does not include a word meaning `machine' or `vehicle' in the compound. Since there is no head in these compounds, you didn't need to circle anything here. Bok choy is a kind of `choy' or `vegetable' so it is head-final, as are vacuum cleaner (a type of cleaner) and spring clean (a type of cleaning) and Afrikaans vraagteken, which refers to a kind of mark `teken' used for punctuation. You should have circled the final element of all of these compounds. Welsh brws danedd is a head-initial compound, as it refers to a kind of brws `brush'. The head is therefore brws. The company name Colgate-Palmolive is a compound with two equal heads, both of which should have been circled. __________________________________________________________________________
3.5 Derivation Besides compounding or taking over entire terms from other languages, a very common method for creating new words is by the process known as derivation. As you learned in LIN1501 Grammatical patterns and principles, derivation is the process of creating new words by adding affixes (prefixes and suffixes) to existing words. So from the lexeme LINGUIST we can create new words such as linguistics, psycholinguistics, sociolinguistics and so on. From the lexeme HUMAN we can create new words such as humanist, humanities, humanitarian, inhuman and many more. Derivation produces completely new lexemes with a new meaning ± HUMANIST, HUMANITY, HUMANITARIAN, INHUMAN. This distinguishes it from the process known as inflection ± where the alternative word forms which have a purely grammatical function, such as human for the singular and humans for the plural. There are three other important differences between inflection and derivation: . Derivation causes a change of meaning. A human is not the same as a humanist. . Derivation sometimes changes the part of speech of a word, e.g. from noun to verb. For example, human is a noun, but inhuman is an adjective meaning `cruel'. Inflection never changes the category of a word, so human and humans are both nouns.
48
. Inflectional affixes tend to have a regular meaning. For example, the plural-s in English always changes a singular noun into a plural noun wherever it appears. The-s in the word creates, changes the verb create into a third person singular verb form that goes with he, she or it. Derivational affixes are less regular in meaning. The -ist of pianist seems to refer to `someone who competently uses' the piano, as does the -ist of violinist and typist. But the -ist of oral hygienist doesn't refer to someone who competently uses oral hygiene, but rather to someone who cleans their teeth to promote oral hygiene. And a humanist can mean either `someone concerned with the wellbeing of people' or `a person who believes in human rather than supernatural morality' or `a student of Roman and Greek culture'. The precise meaning of the derivational affix -ist is therefore very difficult to define and seems to have several different meanings. These distinctions between inflection and derivation are summarised for you in the table below: Inflection
Examples of inflection
Derivation
Examples of derivation
Inflection creates new word forms of the same lexeme
language ? languages.
Derivation creates new lexemes with a completely new meaning.
educate + -ion ? education
Inflection never changes the part of speech of a word.
language = noun languages = noun
Derivation sometimes changes the part of speech of a word
educate = verb education = noun
Inflectional affixes tend to have a regular meaning
The -s indicates the plural form.
Derivational affixes are less regular in meaning
-ion can be used to convert a verb to a noun (e.g. act ? action) or can create a new word that signifies a state (e.g. pigment ? pigmentation)
3.5.1 Greek and Latin derivations It is also possible to use affixes from foreign languages to construct new words. English has hundreds of thousands of scientific, medical and technical terms formed by combining existing Greek and Latin morphemes. Since scientists of an earlier age were all familiar with Greek and/or Latin, many of the terms that were developed for inventions, new concepts or discoveries were formed from Greek and Latin elements, e.g. supersonic, neutron and penicillin. An awareness of Greek and Latin affixes and how they work will help you build your English vocabulary, and sharpen your awareness of nuances in English usage. For example, a knowledge of Greek prefixes, lexemes and suffixes like those below is very useful for working out the meaning of words in English. (Remember that a prefix is attached before a lexeme and a suffix is attached after a lexeme.)
LIN2602
49
Greek prefixes
Greek lexemes/roots
Greek suffixes
a(n)ant(i)diaexepiprotomonoditri-
ot(o)rhin(o)laryng(o)phobos hydrobios phonos algesi(a) hem(ato) path(y) cardi(o) tele cyclos demos kratia
-itis -ology -otomy
`not' `against' `through' `from, out of' `upon' `first' `one' `two' `three'
`ear' `nose' `throat' `fear' `water' `life' `sound' `pain' `blood' `disease' `heart' `far' `circle' `the people' `power'
`inflammation' `the study of' `to cut'
Task 3.4 (a)
Try to work out the meaning of the following English terms after looking at the table of Greek prefixes, roots and suffixes above. otorhinolaryngitis telephone hydrophobia analgesic democracy ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Think of an English word that contains each of the following Greek prefixes and write it down alongside:
50
a(n)-
`not'
ant(i)-
`against'
dia-
`through'
ex-
`from, out of'
epi-
`upon'
proto-
`first'
mono-
`one'
(c)
di-
`two'
tri-
`three'
Now devise a new word for `the fear you feel when you are about to write your first phonology exam' ... Would this be an example of inflection or derivation? .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback If otitis means `inflammation of the ear', rhinitis means `inflammation of the nose', and laryngitis means an `inflamed throat', then otorhinolaryngitis means `inflammation of the ear, nose and throat'. The next time you see this word on a doctor's certificate, do not think that the patient is very ill, s/he merely has a common cold! A telephone is an instrument for `hearing sounds far away', hydrophobia is `fear of water', an analgesic (literally `without pain') refers to something like aspirin that is used to lessen pain. Democracy (literally `people's power') is a form of a government in which the people have a voice in the exercise of power. Question (b) has many possible answers, including amoral, anti-apartheid, diagonal, exodus, epidural, prototype, monocle, dilemma, tricycle, etc. For (c) I suggest protophonologophobia, but you may have other suggestions! This word would be an example of a novel derivation. We know it is formed by derivation, not inflection, as it creates a new lexeme with a new meaning. __________________________________________________________________________
3.6 Conversion, clipping, blending and acronyms The last four methods for forming new words covered in this study unit are described briefly below: Conversion is the process of turning a word from one part of speech into another part of speech without adding any derivational affixes, e.g. nouns become verbs or verbs become adjectives. For example, a batsman can sky the ball (`hit it high into the sky'), where the noun sky becomes a verb or you can be quizzed (`questioned') on where you were last night, where quiz becomes a verb. Clipping is a process of word formation where a shortened form of the word is added to the language or replaces the original longer word. For example, cellular telephone becomes cell phone or even cell, violon cello becomes cello and influenza becomes flu. Blending involves taking parts of words (not necessarily meaningful morphemes) and combining them to form a new word, e.g. a biopic is a biographical film or `moving picture', edutainment is a mixture of education and entertainment, and brunch is a meal you eat sometime between breakfast and lunch. Acronyms are words formed by taking the first letters of a longer phrase, for example AIDS is acquired immune deficiency syndrome, and SMS is the short message service available on your cell phone.
LIN2602
51
Task 3.5 (a)
Have another look at the following new words mentioned in the Introduction to this study unit. Can you identify the word-formation process that was used to create each of these words? Choose from borrowing, compounding, derivation, conversion, clipping, blending and acronyms. social media crowdsourcing m-commerce helicopter parent Janopause
(b) Now try and identify the word-formation process for these new words: happify
`to make someone happy'
....................................................................................................................................... regifting
`to pass on an unwanted present to someone else as a gift from you'
....................................................................................................................................... blog
a web log or `online journal of one's thoughts'
....................................................................................................................................... blog
`to write a web log or online journal of one's thoughts'
....................................................................................................................................... BRICS
Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa
....................................................................................................................................... Karaoke
`singing against a prerecorded backing track', from Japanese kara `empty' and oke, an abbreviation of okesutora `orchestra'
.......................................................................................................................................
Feedback
52
social media
compound
crowdsourcing
compound
m-commerce
clipping (m is a shortened form of mobile) and compounding
helicopter parent
compound
Janopause
blending January and pause
happify
derivation from happy
regifting
derivation from gift
blog
clipping of web log
blog
The verb blog is formed from the noun blog by conversion
BRICS
acronym
karaoke
borrowing (Interestingly, the Japanese term is a blend and also involved clipping of the borrowed word okesutora to oke) __________________________________________________________________________
3.7 Why do languages need new words? In many cases, words are borrowed because they refer to something that is completely new to a particular language community, like cougars to the early American settlers and sausages, suits and suitcases to Zulu speakers of an earlier age. David Crystal (2008) suggests that a few hundred new words have been introduced into English in recent years as a result of a brand-new technology, namely the Internet: There were dozens of new applications of old words, such as spam, menu and mouse. There were dozens of new coinages, especially using new prefixes and suffixes, such as e-books and e-voting, webcam and webcast, spybot and mailbot. The -bot is from robot. It refers to a bit of software that automatically performs a certain task. There were a few dozen new abbreviations, several of which have become popular in text-messaging, such as cu (`see you'), afaik (`as far as I know') and thx (`thanks'). And new spellings could also sometimes be seen ... Again, such things may not last. The novelty might wear off. Or it mightn't. But when you add all this up ± every new word, ending, spelling ± it doesn't amount to very much. A thousand or so linguistic novelties, possibly. That is a few drops in the linguistic ocean of English. Besides borrowing terms to refer to things that were formerly unknown, new words are sometimes borrowed for reasons of prestige. A borrowed term from a prestigious language gives added prestige to its user. For example, the English have for many generations associated the French language with refinement, elegance and high culture. This accounts for the large number of French borrowings into English ± negligee and lingerie, joie de vivre and savoir faire, mousse and mayonnaise, ballet and soirees. By using borrowed words like negligee and lingerie (rather than nightie and underwear), English speakers like to think they are displaying their elegance and refinement. Similarly, those who use Greek and Latin terminology feel they are demonstrating their intellectual natures or their scientific knowledge. A third reason for coining new words is for the sake of politeness or political correctness. New words or euphemisms become necessary when old words acquire too many negative connotations. For example we prefer not to say a slum but rather an informal settlement (which doesn't sound quite as bad), and retrenchment is now referred to as rightsizing a company. According to Hughes (2000:44), while we might think of taboo as a phenomenon that only happens in primitive or long-ago societies, taboo is alive and well in all languages:
LIN2602
53
Despite the exotic origins of the word taboo, the notions of things sacred and unmentionable occurs at every level of civilization and in all kinds of environments. Feared or prohibited semantic areas vary greatly, including the name of God, reference to death, disease, madness, being crippled, as well as such common aspects of physicality as copulation, the genitalia and the varieties of excretion, even the most trivial of embarrassments, which in some societies include reference to underclothes and humble occupations. (Hughes 2000:44) The apartheid government (like other oppressive regimes) was notorious for its continually-changing set of euphemisms. The word apartheid (literally `separateness'), possibly coined around 1917 (Hughes 1995:2) replaced the word segregation, and became the rallying cry of Nationalists calling for racial separation of whites, blacks, Indians and coloureds in South Africa. The word apartheid later gained a set of euphemistic variants, including separate development, plural democracy and multinationalism. As Hughes commented drily in a 1987 article in the Star `The fact remains, however, that more is needed than semantic subterfuge to remove a system so iniquitous, ubiquitous and tenacious'. As our society becomes more and more politically correct, we are using euphemisms not just for vulgar or unmentionable topics, but for issues like poverty and race. `Western society has since added other areas of taboo, such as matters of race, financial collapse, poverty, going to prison, even trivialities which include fatness and shortness. Hence terms like ethnic for racial, coloured folk for blacks, technical correction for crash, recession for slump, financially underprivileged for poor ... These are clearly more conscious, indeed highly contrived, part of the explicit agendas of political correctness. (Hughes 2000:49)
Task 3.6 (a)
Look back at section 3.7 and list three different reasons why languages might need new words. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Keep a list here of 10 new words you encounter in your own language over the next few months. Write down where you heard them, e.g. on the radio, in a magazine, from a friend etc. and the word-formation process used in each case:
54
....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback New words are needed when a language group encounters something for the first time, possibly a new piece of technology or a new disease, or even a new issue that has recently arisen, like cyberbullying. Words can also be borrowed from high status languages for reasons of prestige, because they sound more impressive than the existing words or because they capture a shade of meaning that is not present in the existing word. New words are also sometimes deliberately coined when the old words develop negative connotations and are then avoided by speakers. You may have some other ideas on this topic. __________________________________________________________________________
3.8 Summary We began our investigation of new words by distinguishing between different word forms of a single word, and the underlying abstract lexeme that links these related forms together. New lexemes are created all the time, and this study unit focused on different word-creation strategies that languages can draw on when creating new terms. Words can be adopted from other languages by the process known as borrowing, or alternatively two or more complete words can be combined in some way to create a new compound. A third very common method for creating new words is by the process known as derivation ± adding affixes to existing words, and we tried to draw a clear distinction between the two morphological processes of derivation and inflection. Other word-creation strategies that we identified include conversion ± turning a word from one part of speech into another part of speech without adding any derivational affixes, clipping or shortening words, blending parts of words to form a new word, or using the initial letters of a phrase to form an acronym.
LIN2602
55
We also discussed why languages might require new words. In many cases, a new word becomes necessary to refer to something that is completely new to a particular language community, but new words may also be borrowed or coined for reasons of prestige, or for replacing words that are taboo or have acquired negative connotations.
Further reading Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopaedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter
56
3 The magic of language 16 Grammar 18 Dictionaries 54 Language change
Study Unit 4 Language variation as a source of language change `Around the next corner is always a new linguistic experience, waiting to be observed.' David Crystal (linguist and author 1941±)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4 5 6
explain how particular language varieties reflect social class and social values; explain the relationship between language variation and language change; distinguish between change from above and change from below; reflect on Labov's contribution to sociolinguistics as a discipline; explain in broad terms how to conduct sociolinguistic research; explain and illustrate the following concepts: language variation linguistic variable generational change change from below change from above
hypothesis pilot study methodology vernacular variationist theory
In a nutshell In this study unit we will focus on how variation between different dialects and sociolects can lead to language change. We will examine some interesting linguistic research conducted by the renowned American linguist, William Labov in the 1960s. We begin in Martha's Vineyard, an island off the east coast of the USA. We will examine the changes that took place in the pronunciation of the islanders. We then proceed to equally interesting research which Labov conducted on the pronunciation of New Yorkers. These two studies represent two different types of language change: change from below and change from above. These changes are examined within the variationist theory of language change which asserts that language change is born out of language variation. We also look at some studies of social variation in the South African linguistic context and investigate how sociolinguistic research is conducted.
LIN2602
57
4.1 Introduction No language is totally homogeneous. You learnt in the LIN1502 course on Multilingualism that language can be a powerful marker of individual and group identity. The language we choose to speak in a particular situation can send subtle messages about how we choose to portray ourselves and the relations between us and those we are speaking to. For example, many people control more than one dialect (local accent, word choice and grammar that marks the geographical area they are from) and can select the most appropriate dialect for the particular communicative situation in which they find themselves. A speaker of standard Venda, for example, may prefer to use his Tshironga (Southern Venda) dialect when returning to his home village or switch to BSAE (Black South African English) at work. Individuals may choose different vocabulary and pronunciation depending on who they are addressing, the formality of the situation and how carefully they are speaking. You might pronounce the word tune as tyoon on some occasions and as choon on others. You might sometimes say gonna and sometimes say going to. Or you might be on your best behaviour and want to impress someone by asking To whom am I speaking? instead of Who am I speaking to? The different classes within a society are also reflected in language, giving rise to different sociolects (socially-determined language varieties). Similarly, a slang variety will mark in-group identity, usually of a younger, non-conservative group in society. Selecting jargon associated with the workplace will mark one's inclusion in a particular expert group such as IT professionals, plumbers or linguists. Even men and women use language in different ways, as do different generations of language speakers. Older speakers use a more conservative form of the language with some elements that are falling into disuse, and teenagers tend to use more new forms. In the example below, De Bose (1992:157) gives the example of a parent using standard American English and the teenage child using Black American English: Parent:
Where have you been all day? Where have you been?
Scholar:
We just went up the mall. We was, just walkin' around. We just lookin' at the mall ... we just lookin' around and we got us sumpn to eat and stuff.
At any one point in time there are therefore several different forms of the language that exist simultaneously. This is referred to as language variation: wherever you look you will find small differences between speakers in their pronunciation, vocabulary and grammar. Language variation is therefore a normal feature of any language. (Look back at your study guide on Multilingualism: The role of language in South Africa if you need to refresh your memory about different kinds of language variation.) For generations, linguists had very little idea what to make of this kind of variation. According to Millar (2007:335): ... The very high degree of variation within a single community was, for the most part, simply ignored: at best it was considered to be a peripheral and insignificant aspect of language, no more than erratic and even random departures from the norms, while at worst it was regarded as a considerable nuisance, as a collection of tiresome details getting in the way of good descriptions. (Millar 2007:335)
58
In this study unit we will examine the linguistic research conducted by the renowned American linguist, William Labov, which changed this view of language forever and transformed our understanding of language variation and language change. Labov was one of the pioneers of a new branch of linguistics that was just beginning to establish itself in the 1960s, namely sociolinguistics: Sociolinguistics, which may be briefly defined as socially-focused language study, emerged in the 1960s as a response to the former inattention to social concerns. The key dynamic in the social study of language is linguistic diversity, that is, differences in language form. A central concern of the discipline of sociolinguistics is the way in which these linguistic differences mirror social differences. Given the fact that some hierarchical ranking of differences within populations seems to be a universal of human societies, it is not surprising that language should be exploited as a resource for marking social boundaries. Such exploitation may be conscious or unconscious. At the same time that this boundary-marking function of language variety operates at the level of the social group and may be used by the group to distinguish between us and those who are not us, the sociolinguist recognises that language simultaneously functions as a cultural resource for individuals who are engaged in a constant process of (re)negotiating individual social roles and relationships. Language diversity acts at once, then, as a social resource (in shaping social action) and as a social problem (at the level of the nation-state where linguistic diversity is often seen as a barrier to the integration of populations). (Herbert 1992:1±2) An important reason for studying variation within a language is that it provides us with evidence about language change in action and about how far changes have progressed, as well as where and by whom these changes have been taken up. The two articles we focus on deal with the changes in pronunciation of the speech sounds (aw) and (ay) on the island of Martha's Vineyard, USA, and the pronunciation of the (r)-sound in New York. The basic research methods and principles in these articles, focusing on observing variation among speakers of different ages and classes, are still in use in sociolinguistic research today.
4.2 Language variation in Martha's Vineyard 4.2.1 The Island The focus in this study unit is on a small island off the coast of North America called Martha's Vineyard. This island was the location of the movie Jaws, directed by Steven Spielberg. The film features a man-eating great white shark that attacks swimmers (search Jaws filming locations on Youtube if you want to see footage of the island). This island is part of the State of Massachusetts and it lies about four kilometres off the east coast of the United States of America. Martha's Vineyard has a permanent population of about 15 000. Every summer about 60 000 tourists, known as `summer people', flood the island. The eastern half of the island, Down-Island, is more densely populated by permanent residents, and is also the area most visited by summer people. Tourists have bought up almost the entire north east coast of the island and raised property prices to almost double that of mainland
LIN2602
59
America, a fact deeply resented by some of the old inhabitants. The rural, western part of the island around Chilmark is known as Up-Island. Most of the original population of the island live in Up-Island, working in the fishing industry. FIGURE 4.1: Martha's Vineyard
Photograph courtesy of http://www.destination360.com/north-america/us/massachusetts/ marthas-vineyard Map courtesy of http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Martha's_Vineyard_map.png#filelinks
4.2.2 Labov's sociolinguistic investigation of Martha's Vineyard William Labov visited Martha's Vineyard in the 1960s to investigate the way the islanders spoke. He recorded the speech of various islanders, excluding the summer visitors, and looked specifically at the way in which they pronounced certain words. Approximately 30 years earlier another linguist had visited the island while conducting a survey for the Linguistic Atlas of New England, and had interviewed members of the old families on the island. When Labov compared this 30-year-old record with his own preliminary observations, he discovered that the vowel sound ou in words such as out, trout, pound, seemed to be changing. The vowel sound in each of these words is a diphthong, which is actually two adjacent vowels. He noticed that some speakers were sometimes centering this diphthong so that it sounded more like the vowel in bird. A similar change was affecting the diphthong (ay) in words such as white, by, writes. In fact even individual speakers used a range of pronunciations that varied in the degree of centralisation. Labov refers to these sounds as the (aw) and (ay) variables because these were the sounds that varied from speaker to speaker (linguistic variables are conventionally written in round brackets). A linguistic variable always has alternative pronunciations (or alternative grammatical forms) called the variants of the variable. This means that a linguistic variable can be realised in various ways without changing the meaning of the word. The variants of such a variable usually correlate with prominent social variables like class, gender, ethnicity or age group. In the case of (aw) the one variant was the standard USA mainland pronunciation like South African English out, while the other variant was the centralised form which sounded more like South African English hurt. Labov recorded hundreds of examples of words containing these vowel sounds and classified each one using four categories of centralisation that his ear could distinguish, namely 0 (no centralisation), 1, 2 and 3 (maximum centralisation). When the scores for each (aw) and (ay) sound were averaged for each individual subject, each received an overall rating between 0 (no centralisation) and 3 (maximum centralisation in every case).
60
Labov plotted the results of the (aw) and (ay) pronunciation survey on a series of charts showing age, geographical distribution, ethnic group and occupation. These comparisons showed that geographically, the centralised vowels were far more widespread in the rural, western Up-Island than in the more densely populated Down-Island. In terms of occupational groups, it was the fishermen whose speech showed the highest number of local diphthongs. In other words, the change was most noticeable in the speech of the fishermen. Unlike earlier generations of linguists, Labov was not satisfied with identifying the existence of this variation, but believed there was some underlying reason why particular speakers chose particular pronunciations.
Task 4.1 Look at the data in the table below and answer the following questions: FIGURE 4.3: Centralisation of (aw) by age level on Martha's Vineyard (Labov 1972:22)
(a)
Age range
Average centralisation rating for (aw)
75+ 61±75 46±60 31±45 14-30
0,23 0,37 0,44 0,88 0,46
Which two concepts are being mapped against one another in this table? .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Which age group shows the least vowel centralisation? ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
Which age group shows the greatest degree of (aw) centralisation? .......................................................................................................................................
(d) Given the tendencies evident in the data, what would you guess the average centralisation rating would have been in the 1933 data from 30 years earlier? ....................................................................................................................................... (e)
Which age group does not fit the general pattern or trend in the data? .......................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
61
Feedback To answer (a), you need to look at the title of Table 4.1 and the headings of the columns. These tell us that the table is mapping age range against average centralisation of the (aw) variable. To answer questions (b) and (c) you need to refer to the previous page where it explains Labov's method of assigning every vowel a rating of 0 (no centralisation), 1, 2, or 3 (maximum centralisation) and then calculating average ratings between 0 and 3. Lower averages are therefore indicative of less centralisation. Labov's data indicated that the over 75s showed the least centralisation at an average of 0,23 and the 31±45 age group displayed the most, with an average of 0,88. Centralisation is therefore increasing gradually in Martha's Vineyard. This phenomenon is known as generational change ± a language change that increases with each new generation of speakers. Because the pattern seems to be one of increasing centralization over time, we could predict for Question (d) that the data from 30 years earlier would have even less centralisation than the oldest generation's average of 0,23. In fact the average centralisation for (aw) for the 4 speakers interviewed in 1933 was just 0,06, indicating almost no centralisation at all. Surprisingly, the speech of the under-30s was less affected than that of the 31 to 45-year-olds and doesn't fit the pattern of increasing centralisation. __________________________________________________________________________ So what conclusions did Labov draw from these findings? He noted that, compared with mainland America and Martha's Vineyard in the 1930s, a change was taking place in certain diphthongs on Martha's Vineyard. This change seemed to be most advanced in the speech of the Up-Island fishermen. Labov concluded that the change he observed had probably originated from this small group of working-class fishermen, and had then spread to other people on the island, particularly those in the 31 to 45 age group. The islanders were not particularly aware that this change was happening. In other words, it was not a conscious change. Historical evidence indicated that centralised diphthongs had always been present to some extent in the fishermen's speech. Instead of representing an innovation (i.e. something totally new), the vowels appeared to be a conservative, old-fashioned feature in the fishermen's pronunciation. This vowel shift or change in some ways represented an old-fashioned pronunciation prevalent in mainland America in the 18th and 19th centuries. While the pronunciation of these diphthongs had changed over the course of 30 years in mainland America and on Martha's Vineyard, the fishermen had retained the older pronunciation and started to exaggerate it. Martha's Vineyard had been very isolated until about the 1940s, with a subsistence agricultural and fishing industry. After 1940, declining fish stocks, war, and better educational and economic opportunities drew young people increasingly to mainland USA. Summer tourism became the main economic input and there was more and more contact between the island and the mainland. The people of Martha's Vineyard had started to lose the old diphthongs. In fact they had begun to speak like the neighbouring mainland Americans, but this change appears to have been reversed. Why should such a change be reversed and then move in the opposite direction with an exaggerated pronunciation of the old vowels? The answer, Labov suggested, was connected with the
62
rise in popularity of the island as a tourist resort. The old inhabitants saw the tourists as an intrusion and a threat to their traditional way of life. They disapproved of them and regarded them as foreigners. The fishermen were the most close-knit social group on the island and their occupation was independent of the summer people. The older inhabitants of the island admired the fishermen, who appeared to exemplify the virtues traditional to Martha's Vineyard. They viewed the fishermen as independent, skilful, physically strong and hardy. In short, they epitomised the good old Island virtues as opposed to the soft, consumer-orientated society of the summer visitors. The fishermen came to represent the old, traditional Martha's Vineyard; this led a number of inhabitants of Martha's Vineyard to subconsciously imitate the speech characteristics of the fishermen in order to identify themselves as true islanders. This hypothesis was further supported by Labov's findings that the local pronunciation was far stronger in those inhabitants who were planning to stay on the island permanently. These were mostly in the 31 to 45 year-old group. Those who planned to leave the island (including many youngsters) had vowels which were more similar to the mainland USA pronunciation. The spread of this change in pronunciation on Martha's Vineyard seemed to have taken place in a series of overlapping stages. Labov identified these stages as follows: Stage one: An aspect of the speech of a particular social group differed from that of the standard dialect of the area. In this case, the speech of the fishermen retained certain old diphthongs which had ceased to exist in the standard speech of the area. Stage two: Another social group on the island started to model itself on the first group and subconsciously adopted and exaggerated certain features in the speech of the fishermen. Because the fishermen were regarded as representing traditional virtues and commitment to the island by those who lived permanently on the island, the fishermen's diphthongs were subconsciously copied and exaggerated as a sign of solidarity amongst islanders against the despised summer visitors. Stage three: The new speech feature gradually took hold among those who had adopted it. The local diphthongs were adopted as the standard pronunciation by the 30 to 45 yearold age group. Stage four: The process began to repeat itself as other social groups started to model themselves on the group which had now adopted the linguistic innovation as norm. In this case, those in the 30 to 45 year-old age group were taken as models by other groups on Martha's Vineyard. In Labov's interpretation, centralisation in this context had become a linguistic marker of a commitment to living permanently on Martha's Vineyard. This is why the youngest group did not conform to the pattern, as many young people were intending to leave the
LIN2602
63
island to study or get jobs on the mainland. Their vowels were therefore much closer to those of mainland USA. By the age of 30, most of those who were intending to leave the island had already left, and the remaining group was highly committed to staying and thus adopted the vowels that indicated that positive attitude. The type of change that occurred on Martha's Vineyard is sometimes referred to as change from below. This means that a non-standard feature `which is widespread in non-prestige speech begins to creep up the social ladder into the mouths of prestige speakers, gaining ground steadily until it becomes accepted as the prestige norm, with the older prestige form becoming stigmatized in turn' (Millar 2007:360).
Task 4.2 Use the following questions to help you revise the main points of Labov's research in Martha's Vineyard. (a)
In which group did the change originate? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Why should the adult population (between 31 and 45 years old) of Martha's Vineyard start subconsciously imitating the speech of this group? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
Why had the original inhabitants of the island held on to the old speech habits and not changed their pronunciation in line with that of the people around them? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(d) Why should such a change be reversed and then move in the opposite direction with an exaggerated pronunciation of the old vowels? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
64
(e)
What is the type of change that occurred on Martha's Vineyard called? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback (a)
The vowel change originated in a small group of fishermen who subconsciously exaggerated a tendency already in existence in their speech.
(b) Because the fishermen were regarded as representing traditional virtues and values by those who lived permanently on the island, the fishermen's diphthongs were subconsciously copied and exaggerated as a sign of solidarity amongst islanders that distinguished them from the despised summer visitors. (c)
The old inhabitants saw the tourists as an intrusion and a threat to their traditional way of life. They disapproved of them and regarded them as foreigners.
(d) This was connected with the rise in popularity of the island as a tourist destination, and the islanders' need to maintain a separate identity that distinguished them from the tourists. (e)
The type of change that occurred on Martha's Vineyard is called change from below because a non-prestigious speech feature spread `upwards' into the speech of higher social classes. __________________________________________________________________________ Labov's study of language change on Martha's Vineyard is regarded as one of the classic studies in sociolinguistics, as it delves deeply into the social meaning of different values of a linguistic variable. Mesthrie (2000:84) describes it as `a clear illustration of the interplay between linguistic and social factors in a relatively simple setting' in which `the variation boiled down to a change in community norms ... arising out of a stronger sense of ``us'' (islanders) versus ``them'' (mainlanders/tourists).'
4.3 Language variation in New York City We will now look at another type of change that Labov discovered in a famous sociolinguistic study that he conducted in New York City. In this study he investigated the variable occurrence of (r) in the speech of New Yorkers. He noticed that some New Yorkers pronounced the (r) in words such as beard and bear, while others usually left it out. (In Standard South African English, [r] is not pronounced after a vowel). Listen to an American TV programme if you want to hear the pronunciation of (r). Individuals always used a combination of pronounced and unpronounced (r) sounds, which Labov suspected was not random variation but correlated with social status. In a science like Linguistics this type of suspicion or guess is called a hypothesis. In order to check his hypothesis, Labov carried out a pilot study, which is a small-scale investigation designed to give some idea of whether or not the hypothesis is supported. Sociologists have found that salespeople in large department stores subconsciously imitate the pronunciation of customers, particularly the customers who have relatively high social status. Labov hoped that if he picked three New York department stores, one
LIN2602
65
from the top of the price and fashion range, one from the middle and one from the bottom, the salespeople would reflect the social pattern of the (r) variable in the pronunciation of New York speech. The choice of method used to collect and analyse data in research is known as the methodology. The three stores that Labov picked were: Saks (a top of the range store in the centre of the fashion area), Macy's (a middle of the range store) and S. Klein (an inexpensive store in a poor area). This would probably be equivalent to picking Stuttafords, Woolworths and Pep Stores in South Africa. According to Labov (1972:208), observation of the vernacular gives us the most systematic data for analysing linguistic variables. The vernacular is the speech style in which the minimum attention is given to our own speech, resulting in the most usual, unmonitored style. Mesthrie (1992:42) points out that the vernacular is not usually the `lowest' or most informal speech style. Most speakers can adjust their styles upwards or downwards as the occasion demands, using more formal styles or more informal ones. The vernacular usually lies somewhere in between. Labov devised a clever way to elicit vernacular speech from the sales staff. Hepretended to be a customer and asked a salesperson Excuse me, where are the women's shoes? When the answer fourth floor was given, he would pretend he hadn't heard and ask the salesperson to repeat the answer. This normally led to repetition of the words fourth floor, usually spoken more carefully and with more emphasis the second time. As soon as he had received these answers, he quickly moved out of sight and made a note of the two pronunciations and other factors such as the age, sex and ethnic group of the salesperson. In this way he was able to make a note of how each person pronounced the words fourth floor and to see whether they used the variable (r) or not. After carrying out 264 such inquiries in the three stores, Labov was able to correlate the pronunciations of the salespeople with factors such as their age, sex and ethnic group. His results showed an interesting correlation between the status of the shops and the frequency of (r) after vowels. He noted that the overall percentage of (r) was higher in Saks than in Macy's and higher in Macy's than in S. Klein. So far Labov's hypothesis was confirmed. Those of the highest socio-economic groups tended to insert (r) far more frequently than those in the lower socio-economic groups.
Task 4.3 Research is done in a very structured way and you need to become familiar with the elements of sociolinguistic research. For Labov's pilot study in New York departmental stores, try to identify the following research elements: (a)
Write down Labov's hypothesis (Tip: a hypothesis is always a clear positive or negative statement). ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
66
(b) Give a brief description of Labov's methodology. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
Imagine you are Labov. Write down an (imaginary) example of what your raw data (notes) might have looked like after interviewing two salespeople. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(d) In the figure below the use of (r) by the employees of the three stores is compared by means of a bar graph. The shaded area represents the percentage who used (r) in all utterances and the unshaded area represents the percentage who used (r) in some utterances. (The percentage who did not use (r) is not shown.) (N = total number of people interviewed.) Look carefully at the bar graph and then answer the questions that follow. FIGURE 4.4: Overall stratification of (r) across department stores (cf. Labov 1972:51) Saks 32
Macy's 31 S. Klein
30 20
17
4 N = 68
N = 125
N = 71
In which store did the most interviews take place? ....................................................................................................................................... What percentage of the Saks staff used (r) all the time? .......................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
67
What percentage of the Saks staff never used (r)? ....................................................................................................................................... In which shop did the salespeople use (r) the least? ....................................................................................................................................... Was Labov's hypothesis confirmed by the data or not? .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Labov's hypothesis was that the amount of (r) insertion depended on one's social class, with the highest classes using more (r) than the middle and working classes. His methodology was to collect samples of speech from three different socioeconomic groups of salespeople at three different New York department stores. By pretending to be a customer he got the salespeople to use the phrase fourth floor and then repeat it more clearly. As soon as he had received these answers, he made a note of the pronunciation and other factors such as the age, sex and ethnic group of the salesperson. His notes or data probably looked something like the following, mentioning where he collected the data, information about the salesperson and his or her pronunciation ((0) indicates that (r) was not pronounced): Store:
Saks
Date:
1 August 1969
Informant A Age:
approx 25
Sex:
male
Ethnic group:
white
First pronunciation:
fou(r)th floo(r)
Repeated pronunciation:
fou(r)th floo(r)
Store:
Macy's
Date:
2 August 1969
Informant P
68
Age:
approx 55
Sex:
female
Ethnic group:
white
First pronunciation:
fou(0)th floo(r)
Repeated pronunciation:
fou(r)th floo(r)
In Question (d), underneath the bar graph we can see that N = 125 for Macy's, meaning that 125 interviews were carried out in Macy's. 30% of the Saks informants used (r) all the time and 32% used it some of the time, making a total of 62% who used (r). Hence we can deduce that 38% never used (r) after a vowel (even though this isn't shown on the graph). Similarly, we can add up the shaded and unshaded percentages and calculate that 51% of Macy's informants and 21% of S. Klein informants used (r) at least some of the time. These findings clearly indicate that (r) was used the most by Saks employees (where the upper classes shopped) and the least by S. Klein employees (where the working class shopped). This confirmed Labov's hypothesis that the (r) variable was correlated with social status. __________________________________________________________________________ We have seen that there were different pronunciations of (r) in the different stores, but what evidence was there that a change was actually taking place? Labov noticed an interesting point which seemed to indicate that change was occurring: there was a difference between the vernacular speech (the first, most unmonitored utterance of fourth floor by each salesperson) and the emphatic speech (the second utterance) in the data from Klein's store. At Klein's, there was a significantly higher proportion of (r) in the more careful, emphatic repetition of the words fourth floor. It seemed that these assistants had at least two styles of speech: casual style, in which they did not consciously think about what they said, and the more careful, formal style, in which they tried to insert (r), which they felt was socially desirable. When they were speaking more carefully, they were obviously trying to use what they considered a more prestigious pronunciation. After his pilot study at the three departmental stores, Labov went on to do a more detailed study of speech patterns in New York City. He studied the pronunciation of a large number of people from all sectors of New York society, divided into social classes on the basis of their socio-economic status (occupation, education level and income): upper middle-class (UMC), lower middle-class (LMC), working class (WC) and lower class (LC). He then identified four speech styles, ranging in order of formality. The four styles were casual speech, formal speech, reading connected prose aloud and reading word lists aloud. He then observed the speech of a range of subjects from each of the social classes in all speech styles and noted the degree of the variable (r) used by each subject. When he analysed his results (as shown in Figure 4.5 below), it was clear that the frequency of (r) varied directly according to social class: the higher the social class, the greater the amount of (r) insertion. It was also clear that (r) for all classes varied according to the level of formality of speech: the greater the level of formality, the greater the frequency of (r). But the most interesting feature of these findings was the speech behaviour of the LMC, where there was an enormous difference between the percentage of (r) in casual speech as opposed to more formal speech and reading aloud. In fact, the LMC used (r) more than the UMC speakers when reading word lists aloud (note the second-highest line crossing over the top line in the graph in Figure 4.5). The graph below clearly shows this unusual result.
LIN2602
69
FIGURE 4.5: Stratification of (r) in New York City(from Labov 1972:114) % (r) pronounced
Casual
Formal
Reading
Word list
Style What is the significance of the overuse of (r) in the formal speech of the lower middle class? Why should the LMC use (r) even more that the UMC? Labov suggested that the reason for this is that members of the LMC tend to be socially and linguistically insecure and anxious to improve their social status, with the result that they try to copy the prestigious pronunciation of the UMC. When they are consciously thinking about their pronunciation (i.e. when they are using formal speech styles) they then try harder to copy the speech style of the UMC and consequently use (r) even more than the UMC would normally use it. Labov claimed that this overuse of the prestige variant by the LMC indicated that a sound change was in progress. Let us summarise the results of the research done in New York City: the variable (r) was socially prestigious as it increased according to social class and formality of style. This increase in (r) in more formal speech styles was strongest in the language of the LMC (especially LMC women) who imitated and sometimes exaggerated prestige features (including (r)) found in the speech of the UMC. Because the LMC were consciously trying to imitate the UMC use of (r) in their speech, the type of change that was occurring in New York is termed a change from above. Change from above involves a linguistic change that is introduced from a higher social class and spreads into the speech of those with lower socioeconomic status. The study of New Yorkers' use of (r) represents a change from above, where a lower class, the LMC in particular, consciously imitated a prestige feature in a higher class, namely UMC.
70
4.4 Comparison of the two studies: change from above versus change from below Labov's two classic studies of language change described above represent two types of language change which sociolinguists term `change from above' and `change from below' (`above' and `below' refer simultaneously to levels of conscious awareness as well as position in the social hierarchy). Change from above involves new sounds introduced from the dominant social class. In this case it is the lower or non-dominant classes that generally consciously model their speech on sounds used in other speech communities that have high social prestige. This prestige is based on factors such as education, income and lifestyle. When people subconsciously identify with a particular group, they often start to imitate features of their speech. The study of (r) among New Yorkers represents a change from above, where lower classes, the LMC in particular, (in many cases consciously) imitated a prestige feature in a higher class, namely the UMC. In the case of Martha's Vineyard the changes that took place were an example of change from below, because they involved a variable that was below the level of consciousness and that originated in the speech of a lower class. Certain groups of the islanders, the 31 to 45-year-olds in particular, identified with the fishermen and subconsciously imitated a feature of their speech, thus spreading the centralised (aw) into sectors with higher socioeconomic status. An important distinction between change from above and below is the direction of the change in relation to the standard dialect of the area. Change from above tends to move in the direction of the generally accepted norm, while change from below tends to move away from it.
4.5 Labov's contribution As we noted in section 4.1 Labov is credited with putting the discipline of sociolinguistics firmly on the linguistic map. Labov's studies are the basis of the variationist theory of language change. According to this theory all language change is preceded by variation. This, of course, is not the same as saying that all variation leads to change. In many cases it does not, but what this theory emphasises is that change is born out of variation. There must be variation in order for change to take place. Certain varieties used by one group are adopted (and sometimes exaggerated) by another group and so change spreads. According to this theory, in order to study language change it is necessary to pay careful attention to the language system (linguistic variables relating to pronunciation and grammar) as well as the social system (such as social class, age and gender), as the two are closely interrelated. For instance, on Martha's Vineyard the variants of the (aw) variable relate to factors such as age group and attitude (a commitment to living permanently on the island). Most studies in the variationist model argue that society is stratified in terms of class, which is defined in terms of socio-economic factors such as income, occupation and level of education. This stratification is marked by shifts towards the more prestigious linguistic variants. The upwardly mobile LMC are concerned with increasing their status. Their language is characterised in terms of overuse of certain prestigious variables. Working-class speech, on the other hand, often expresses solidarity rather than consciousness of status and upward mobility. Trudgill (1972) suggests that male
LIN2602
71
working-class speech tends to be associated with roughness and toughness, which are considered by many men to be desirable masculine attributes (but not desirable feminine attributes). The subconscious changes (changes from below) are generally initiated by LMC men imitating the speech of working-class men because they tend to admire the supposed masculinity of their speech. These suggestions are supported by the changes on Martha's Vineyard where the speech of the fishermen was admired. He goes on to suggest that conscious changes (changes from above) tend to be initiated by women as women are consciously striving to speak `better' and selecting more prestige variants. In New York the change was led by LMC women, a grouping defined in terms of both gender and class. What was Labov's contribution to the theory of linguistic change? Previously linguists were unsure how language change originated and spread. Thanks to the work of scholars such as Labov, we are now able to observe changes happening with far greater accuracy than before. We can see how they spread and trace them to their point of origin, that is see where and how they began. Besides his influence in shaping the new discipline of sociolinguistics, other innovative aspects of Labov's contribution were that he . recognised the importance of the linguistic variable as an indicator of individual and group identity . recognised that vernacular speech provided the most valuable and natural data for sociolinguistic analysis . used a quantitative (numerical and statistical) approach to variation to highlight different language norms in different social groups . showed for the first time that a linguistic change that is in process will manifest itself as linguistic variation. The type of studies done by Labov have not been carried out to any great extent in South Africa. There are therefore still many opportunities for researchers who are interested in investigating language variation and change in the South African context.One of the reasons for this is that in a multilingual country like South Africa, the class distinctions that are a basic component of Labov's studies are not so clear cut, and the concept of class and ethnic group sometimes overlap. However, it is important to remember that while we have eleven official languages in South Africa, `each language label represents a range of language varieties which is often quite extensive' (Herbert 1992:3). Herbert (1992:3) gives the example of attempting to teach standard (KwaZulu-Natal) Zulu to Zulu learners in Gauteng for whom this variety is so far removed from their own that it is like learning a foreign language. A diversity of varieties is therefore a significant feature of all our languages.
Task 4.4 Some studies of South African Indian English (SAIE) have been based on Labov's approach to variation. Mesthrie (1992:44) explains that the varieties of SAIE differ quite markedly across different classes. Upper middle class SAIE is not very different from SAE, but working class SAIE as spoken by older, less educated, rural speakers has many linguistic characteristics that make this variety unique. In the example below, can you identify any linguistic variables relating to pronunciation or grammar that characterise this working class variety of SAIE?
72
Q:
How often you go to Durban?
A:
Where we go! Hardly we go, visit Durban too. Sometime 'olidays, my 'usband take his brother's house an' his sistern-law there an' all of his connection. My connection-all staying Merebank. Sometime holidays we go, but this year 'oliday we had y'know, like we had some problem an' all like we want to go visit, I don' like to go stay that two-three weeks an' all ± they living 'ard life like us too, they earn little bit money too. (Mesthrie 1992:44)
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback As far as phonology is concerned, you probably noticed the missing h sounds at the beginning of words like 'olidays, 'usband, the missing t in don' (don't) and the missing d in most occurrences of an' (and). Further research might show that initial (h) is a linguistic variable that may be present in upper middle class SAIE but absent in the working class variety. The syntax is also different from SAE. For example, SAIE seems to use more -ing forms than simple present tense forms, for example they living 'ard life (`they live a hard life') and My connection-all staying Merebank (`My side of the family all stay in Merebank'). Whether this variation in SAIE represents a change in progress remains to be seen. __________________________________________________________________________
4.6 The sociolinguistic interview Over years of collecting sociolinguistic data, Labov also gave considerable thought to how to conduct a sociolinguistic interview that would lead to informal, spontaneous, natural dialogue like that of the SAIE example above. One of his ideas was to ask a question that would encourage the informants to talk about their own personal stories. One way to obtain natural, informal speech samples is to ask the informants if they have ever been in terrible danger or nearly died: Were you ever in a situation where you thought, `This is it'? The so-called `danger of death' question is said to be one of the best questions for eliciting personal stories in the vernacular, but there are several other possibilities that have been tried and tested in sociolinguistic interviews: Did you ever have a dream that really scared you?
LIN2602
73
Did you ever get blamed for something you never did? What do you like best about living in X? (Tagliamonte 2006:40) The interviewer should use a variety that is informal and that approximates the vernacular of the informant. This allows the informant to relax and feel comfortable. Here is an example of a question posed to a teenage informant: So, like, have you ever had like a really freaky experience? (Tagliamonte 2006:41) Letting the informant talk without interruption is also important, asking short, follow-up questions to keep the conversation going (Tagliamonte 2006:47). Importantly, the sociolinguistic interview needs to tailor itself to the cultural norms of the informants, for example with regard to appropriate forms of address and avoidance of taboo subjects. You can practise your sociolinguistic interview technique any time that you are at a family gathering or waiting in a long queue. Start a conversation by asking a personal (but not too personal) question and showing interest in the answer. Keep asking follow-up questions and listen out for interesting linguistic variables. In fact, sociolinguistic interviews can provide much more than just information about language use: In the end, the data that you will collect using these strategies will be more remarkable than you can imagine. I never cease to be amazed at how poignant sociolinguistic interviews can be. In fact, some of the wisdom, sayings and thoughts of people whose words I have analysed have been etched in my memory forever. (Tagliamonte 2006:48)
Task 4.5 Is there any evidence that the interviewer in Task 4.4 (Mesthrie 1992:44) is following Labov's advice for a successful sociolinguistic interview? ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback This interviewer is following the guidelines for a successful sociolinguistic interview by asking a short, personal question that will keep the informant talking. He also makes sure
74
that he does not interrupt the informant while she is talking. The interviewer has adopted an informal SAIE variety himself, omitting the do in the question How often you go to Durban? Mesthrie says that most styles of SAIE omit the do, resulting in questions like You saw me? rather than Did you see me? In this way the interviewer is adopting the vernacular and making his informant feel at ease in order to collect speech samples that are as informal and natural as possible to serve as data for sociolinguistic analysis. __________________________________________________________________________
4.7 Summary In this study unit we saw that language can be a powerful marker of social identity. Individual speakers frequently control several varieties and can select the most appropriate variety for the particular communicative situation in which they find themselves. The discipline of sociolinguistics focuses on linguistic variation, that is, differences in language form. A central concern of the discipline of sociolinguistics is the way in which these linguistic differences mirror social differences between speakers. We looked at two classic sociolinguistic studies carried out by the American linguist William Labov. The Martha's Vineyard study illustrated the type of language change known as change from below, where a linguistic change spread gradually from a nonstandard dialect into the prestige variety. The New York study illustrated change from above, where a prestige variable spread into the speech of the middle and working class. Labov is credited with putting the discipline of sociolinguistics firmly on the linguistic map and his variationist theory of language change emphasised the importance of the linguistic variable as an indicator of individual and group identity and showed that a linguistic change that is in process will manifest itself as linguistic variation. We also focused on the various elements of sociolinguistic research, including the research hypothesis and methodology. We concluded by discussing the best way to collect sociolinguistic data, using an interview technique that makes the informant feel comfortable and elicits informal, spontaneous, vernacular language data.
Further reading Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter Chapter
LIN2602
8 Geographical identity 9 Ethnic and national identity 10 Social identity 54 Language change 59 World languages 60 Multilingualism
75
Study Unit 5 Codeswitching and mixed languages The use of multiple languages permits people to say and do, indeed to be, two or more things where normally a choice is expected. Monica Heller (Canadian linguist and academic)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4 5
distinguish various types of language contact situations; distinguish between codeswitching, language mixing and mixed languages; show how codeswitching in multilingual societies and individuals can lead to language change; illustrate how mixed language varieties such as Tsotsitaal lead to language change; and explain and illustrate the following concepts: superstratum substratum contact-induced language change codeswitching marked choice
unmarked choice markedness model of codeswitching language mixing mixed language Tsotsitaal
In a nutshell In this study unit we look at situations in which languages come into frequent contact and begin to have an influence on each other. We explore how bilinguals use two languages as a resource to express aspects of their social identity. The purpose is to show that multilingual situations with a high degree of language contact can lead to codeswitching, mixed languages and eventually to language change.
5.1 Introduction In a monolingual country, the country has only one main spoken language. However, even countries such as France, Britain and the USA that claim to be monolingual in
76
fact accommodate a diverse variety of dialects along with a number of minority languages. Incredibly, the Ethnologue: Languages of the World (Lewis 2009, http:// www.ethnologue.com) lists 364 languages for the USA, 62 for France and 56 for Britain! Most societies therefore accommodate various language groups within a single nation, and between 70% and 80% of the world's population is thought to be bilingual or multilingual (Millar 2007:387). Language contact is therefore part of the social fabric of everyday life for hundreds of millions of people in the 21st century (Sankoff 2001).
Task 5.1 (a)
Just for fun, search the Ethnologue table at http://www.ethnologue.com/ethno _docs/distribution.asp?by=country to try and find any countries with only one language listed. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) According to the Ethnologue table mentioned above, which three countries had the most languages? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
How many languages would you estimate are spoken in South Africa? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback (a)
The only `genuine monolingual' countries I found were the British Indian Ocean territory, the Falkland Islands, St Helena, the Vatican City and North Korea, most of which are islands and all of which are highly isolated either politically or geographically from the rest of the world. In our global world, these are the only conditions under which a monolingual state seems to be able to exist.
(b) The countries with the most linguistic diversity are Papua New Guinea with 830 languages, Indonesia with 722 and Nigeria with 521. (c)
LIN2602
According to the Ethnologue: Languages of the World (http://www.ethnologue.com) there are 40 different languages spoken in South Africa. As we saw in Study Unit 2, the linguistic situation in South Africa is complex, with 11 official languages
77
and other languages that are spoken as L1 but have no official status, such as the Khoesan languages, Hindi and other Indian languages, Greek, German, etc. There is a high degree of bi- and multilingualism in South Africa due to extensive contact between speakers of various languages, especially in urban areas. The multilingual situation in South Africa is, in fact, an ideal `research station' for studying various language contact phenomena. __________________________________________________________________________ A striking feature of the African continent is its linguistic diversity. Here is a sample list of the total number of languages spoken in various African countries: Country
Approximate number of languages spoken
Nigeria
521
Cameroon
279
Chad
133
Cote d'Ivoire
93
Ethiopia
88
Central African Republic
82
Burkina Faso
70
Congo
66
Benin
56
Gabon
43
Angola
41
South Africa
40
Botswana
40
Egypt
27
Algeria
22
(Source: http://www.ethnologue.com/ethno_docs/distribution.asp?by=country downloaded 28 February 2012)
In terms of its sociolinguistic composition, Africa as a continent is characterised by the following features: . A large number of languages coexist within each country. . Many African countries use an ex-colonial language as a lingua franca or common language of communication (like Portuguese in Mozambique and Angola). . Generally in African countries there is a low level of literacy and many people are not literate in their primary language (L1). There are many population groups whose languages are not written languages.
78
The above features lead to the use of various kinds of language mixing as a common form of communication. The most obvious of these, as we saw in Study Unit 3, is the borrowing of words from neighbouring languages. However, as we will see in this study unit, there are many other forms of language mixing and language change that result from language contact.
5.2 Types of language contact Linguists distinguish between superstratum (Latin for `the level above') and substratum (Latin for `the level below') contact situations. As the terms suggest, a substratum language is a language which has lower power or prestige than another, while a superstratum language is the language that has higher power or prestige. Both substratum and superstratum languages may influence each other in a situation of language contact. For example, in a colonial situation, words from the superstratum colonial language would be borrowed into the indigenous languages. The reverse can also occur, with the minority substratum language influencing the language with more political or economic power. An example is the borrowing of words from the language of an immigrant group into the majority language, e.g. Yiddish words like schmuck, schlepp, chutzpah, bagel and kvetch and exclamations like Oi! and Enjoy! appear in certain dialects of English, including South African English. The type of language change we are referring to here is known as contact-induced change, in other words change that would not have occurred without the contact between two or more languages. According to Sankoff (2001): Language contacts have, historically, taken place in large part under conditions of social inequality resulting from wars, conquests, colonialism, slavery, and migrations ± forced and otherwise. Relatively benign contacts involving urbanization or trade as a contact motivation are also documented, as are some situations of relative equality (Sorensen 1967, Sankoff 1980). Language contacts have in some times and places been short-lived, with language loss and assimilation a relatively short-term result, whereas other historical situations have produced relative longterm stability and acceptance by the bi- or multilingual population. The question for the linguist interested in understanding the relationship between social forces and linguistic outcomes is, to what extent do these kinds of social differences result in different linguistic outcomes? (Sankoff 2001:640±641) According to Thomason (2001), language contact is a matter of degree, and the degree of contact can influence the degree of language change. As shown in the list below, possibilities range from casual contact with little contact-induced language change to intensive contact with dramatic influences of the languages upon one another:
LIN2602
1
Casual contact where there are only a few bilinguals who may not even be fluent. This results in borrowing of mostly content words, like the Italian musical terms that have entered English ± sonata, staccato, crescendo, etc.
2
Slightly more intense contact where a greater proportion of the speakers are bilingual and are reasonably fluent. This results in borrowing of content and function words, and adoption of some speech sounds from the source language, especially in
79
3
4
borrowed words. An example is the borrowing of clicks into Xhosa and Zulu due to contact with the Khoesan languages in South Africa. More intense contact, with even more bilinguals and positive attitudes to the language. This results in borrowing of content words, function words and affixes. Structural changes can also occur to the language, including sound changes like the addition of new phonemes from the source language, loss of original phonemes, and changes in word order and other aspects of grammar. An example of this level of contact would be contact between the various South African languages, e.g. between English and Afrikaans, between Sesotho and Afrikaans or between Zulu and English. Many words have been borrowed, both at an earlier stage and on an ongoing basis. Word order patterns have also been borrowed to some extent, with Afrikaans, for example, now allowing some SVO instead of the usual SOV word order. Intensive contact with extensive bilingualism and positive attitudes to the source language. This results in heavy borrowing and large-scale structural changes such as sweeping changes in word order and grammar, loss or addition of rules, etc. An example of this heavy degree of contact-induced change is the relationship between Urdu, Marathi and Kannada in the Indian village of Kupwar. Urdu and Marathi are Indo-European languages and Kannada is a Dravidian language, so these three languages have very different sentence structures. In Kupwar, however, the pervasive contact between the three languages has resulted in all three having the same word order and sentence structure, so that they now no longer follow the rules of Urdu, Marathi and Kannada spoken elsewhere. In effect, in Kupwar the vocabularies of three different languages can be slotted into the same grammatical structure (Millar 2007:397).
It is clear from the categorisation above that two of the critical factors affecting the amount of contact-induced change seem to be the degree of speaker bilingualism and the attitudes of the speakers to the other language(s). Other critical factors are the length of the contact (years, decades, centuries, etc.), the relative sizes of the speaker populations, and the degree of socioeconomic or political pressure placed on speakers to shift to the dominant language (Thomason 2003:689). However, it is important to note that it is not always predictable why some language contact situations result in extensive mutual influence while others leave the languages unaffected: It is easy to find contact situations in which, despite (for instance) great pressure on and universal bilingualism among speakers of one language, very little contactinduced change of any kind has occurred. One such example is Montana Salish (also called Flathead), a Salishan language spoken in northwestern Montana. Of the several thousand tribal members, fewer than 70 fluent speakers of the language remain, and all of them have native fluency in English as well as in Montana Salish. Nevertheless, the English intrusion into Montana Salish is minimal: a few loanwords ± some of them dating back to the nineteenth century, when few if any tribal members ± spoke English and no detectable grammatical influence of any kind. (Thomason 2003:689)
80
Task 5.2 Choose any two local languages in your region and classify the degree of contactinduced change between them using Thomason's (2001) 4-point scale above, from casual contact to intensive contact (or the fifth possibility ± no contact-induced change). You can focus on how one language has affected the other, you don't have to describe changes in both languages. Describe the sociolinguistic situation (substratum and superstratum languages, language statistics, the frequency of bilingual speakers, attitudes of speakers to each other's language, etc.) and provide some linguistic examples (borrowed words, borrowed speech sounds, syntactic changes etc.) to help support your argument regarding the degree of contact-induced change. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Thomason (2001) argues that language contact is a matter of degree, and that the degree of contact can influence the degree of language change. Your argument should try and describe both of these factors. While casual contact usually results in little contact-induced language change, more intense contact results in more noticeable changes or even dramatic influence of one language upon the other. You need to give actual concrete examples of how one language has affected the other, for example you could look in a dictionary to find words borrowed from the other language, or search the internet for websites or articles discussing the influence of one language on the other, or give examples of actual conversations or written text that demonstrate this influence. You need to state clearly which of the abovementioned categories your two languages fall into (1, 2, 3 or 4), or perhaps the contact situation is an exception to the rule, where a
LIN2602
81
language has been maintained largely untouched by other languages with which it is in contact. __________________________________________________________________________ So how do we know if a particular language change is a result of contact with another language? Sometimes it is easy to identify a word as being borrowed because it contains sound combinations that don't exist elsewhere in the language. An example is the nyasound of English words like Tanya and lasagna and nyala. These words are clearly borrowed from other languages (Russian, Italian and Zulu respectively) because English doesn't use this sound combination. In other cases, however, it is not so easy for linguists to tell if a particular language change in Language A is a result of contact with Language B. Firstly we would have to show that a word or structural feature of Language A matches that of Language B. It would also be necessary to show that Languages A and B were spoken in the same area at the same time. Then we need to show that there are a number other features of Language A that are similar to Language B but do not occur in other languages related to A. If there is only one feature of Languages A and B that is similar, this is unlikely to be a result of contact-induced change. However if there is a whole range of similar linguistic features, then it is likely that these similarities resulted from language contact.
Task 5.3 Try and answer the following true or false questions, arguing your point logically using the information you have been given in this study unit so far. (a)
True or false? The influence of Khoe on Afrikaans in South Africa is an example of substratum influence. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) True or false? If Language X and Language Y fall into the third category of `more intense' language contact above, with many fluent bilinguals and positive attitudes to both languages, we can conclude that extensive borrowing and significant contact-induced grammatical changes will take place in at least one of the languages. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
82
....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback The statement in (a) is true. Dutch and later Afrikaans was the superstratum language, the language of the socioeconomically powerful group of settlers, and as we saw in Study Unit 3, it borrowed words and place names from the indigenous Khoe. Substratum influence in a language contact situation means that the language of a minority group influences that of a more powerful group. You should have realised by now that very little about languages and language change is completely predictable and so the statement in (b) is false. While category 3 contact may well lead to heavy borrowing and structural change in one or both languages, the Montana Salish example in 5.2 above shows us that this is not always the case. While there is often a relationship between the intensity of the contact and the degree of contact-induced change, some language contact situations leave the languages unaffected. __________________________________________________________________________
5.3 Codeswitching One kind of contact-induced language change that you probably encounter every day is codeswitching. Codeswitching, as you saw in LIN1502 Multilingualism, refers to the `use of two or more languages in the same conversation, usually within the same conversational turn, or even within the same sentence of that turn' (Myers-Scotton 1993:47). Codeswitching is thus the shifting by a speaker from Language A to Language B, allowing the speaker to express his or her identity in terms of two different languages. For example, a person may start a conversation in Sepedi, but use certain English words and phrases as a replacement for Sepedi equivalents, as in the examples below: Lehono ke swanetsÏe go ya court. Ke swanetsÏe go phakisÏa ka gore e thoma ka nine in the morning. `Today I have to go to court. I need to hurry up because it starts at nine in the morning.' Bana ba sekolo ba rata go gossip. Ke ka fao ka mehla ba le in conflict with one another. `School children like gossiping. That is why they are always in conflict with one another.'
LIN2602
83
Although there are Sepedi equivalents for the English phrases above, e.g. kgorong ya tsheko for `court' and go seba for `gossip', the English equivalents are selected here in order to express the speaker's bilingual identity and the presence of a bilingual hearer. In McCormick's view (1995:194), codeswitching can often be seen to serve specific purposes or have certain stylistic or social effects. Its function differs from one situation to the other. For example, it can be used to quote another speaker, to have the last word in an argument, to emphasise a point, to indicate one's expertise on a topic or to explain a term. In other words, the shift in language is meaningful in some way within the context of that particular conversation. For example, a person enters a bookshop and addresses the person behind the counter in one of the African languages. The salesperson responds in English, alerting the customer that the salesperson is in fact not a mothertongue speaker of her language. The customer then switches to English for the rest of the conversation as a result of this new understanding of the speech situation and the salesperson's identity. The importance of language(s) in negotiating and highlighting different facets of our identity is captured in the following quote: Who we display ourselves to be, as relevant from moment to moment in the conduct of the interaction at hand, can change from moment to moment in the interaction itself. We are not just typecast by a single category of social identity throughout an entire encounter. Our social identity of the moment is situated in the interaction at hand; we perform it as we go along and we do so co-jointly with the other interactional partners. (McKay & Hornberger 1996:292) Codeswitching is thus a valuable linguistic and social resource that bilinguals can draw on in their day-to-day interactions.
5.3.1 The markedness model of codeswitching After extensive fieldwork in Nigeria and Kenya from 1964±1973, Carol Myers-Scotton (1993) developed a model of codeswitching which identified several different types, including the following: . Codeswitching as a series of unmarked choices between different languages . Codeswitching itself as the unmarked choice . Codeswitching as a marked choice The unmarked choice refers to the language choice that would be most usual or most expected in that context, while a marked choice is one where a speaker chooses a language that would not be expected in that context. This model is therefore referred to as the markedness model of codeswitching. Codeswitching occurs as a series of unmarked choices between different languages when a change of topic or the entrance of a new speaker make a codeswitch an expected choice. For example, an Afrikaans conversation in the Unisa Linguistics tearoom would often be switched to English when I as an English speaker joined the circle, even though I understood Afrikaans perfectly well. A change in topic, such as a discussion about academic matters, might also produce a codeswitch from an African language to English.
84
Codeswitching itself as the unmarked choice means that no meaning need be associated with any particular switch as the joint use of the two languages is the norm for bilingual speakers in that particular context. The Sepedi examples above fall into this category, as a mixture of English and Sepedi is the conversational norm amongst bilinguals in South Africa. The mixed Afrikaans and English that is described in the District Six case study in 5.4.2 below is also an example of codeswitching as the unmarked choice. Codeswitching as a marked choice occurs where it would not be expected, for example in the South African National anthem where four different languages are used to express a particularly multicultural national pride. Codeswitching as a marked choice can also be used as a strategy to put social distance between speakers or to express irritation. Here is a Swahili-English example from Myers-Scotton (1993:134): Bus conductor:
Fugueni madirisha! `Open the windows'
Passenger:
That is your job.
Bus conductor:
Wewe mjinga sana. Kama wewe unaketi karibu na dirisha, mbona untaka mimi nije hapo kufungua hili dirisha? `You are a real fool! If you are seated near the window, why on earth do you want me to come and open this window?'
Task 5.4 Collect three of your own examples of codeswitching. Using the markedness model of codeswitching described above, decide whether your examples illustrate codeswitching as a series of unmarked choices between different languages, codeswitching itself as the unmarked choice or codeswitching as a marked choice. Justify your decision by referring to the context in which the conversation took place. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
85
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Remember to mention the languages used and provide English glosses for the portions of the utterance that are not in English. Don't forget to explain the context in which the conversation takes place (who is speaking to whom, in which setting, what is their relationship, etc.). You also need to explain your decision regarding whether codeswitching is marked or unmarked, i.e. why it is an expected or unexpected choice in that specific conversation. __________________________________________________________________________
5.3.2 Borrowing versus codeswitching While borrowing involves single words from another language that become an accepted part of the language and would be used even by monolingual speakers, codeswitching is used only by bilinguals. This sometimes makes it difficult to decide if a single-word switch is a codeswitch or a borrowing. Not all single-word switches are borrowed words that have been fully accepted by the speech community. As we saw in the SesothoEnglish codeswitching example earlier, there is a single-word switch to English for the word court, even though Sesotho has an existing equivalent kgorong ya tsheko and has not `borrowed' the word court on a relatively long-term basis. Lehono ke swanetsÏe go ya court. Ke swanetsÏe go phakisÏa ka gore e thoma ka nine in the morning. `Today I have to go to court. I need to hurry up because it starts at nine in the morning' Thomason (2003) suggests that there is no clear-cut line between the two phenomena. In fact, Thomason suggests that codeswitching is one of the ways in which borrowed words enter a language: A code-switched word or other morpheme becomes a borrowing if it is used more and more frequently ± with or without phonological adaptation ± until it is a regular part of the recipient language, learned as such by new learners. ... The addition by borrowing of a new word for a new concept, like bok choy in English, must begin
86
with a single use and continue with increasing usage by the innovating speaker(s) and by other speakers, and the addition by invention of a new word, like photocopy, must follow the same path. (Thomason 2003:696) Sankoff (2001:649) agrees that bilinguals' ability to draw on lexical items from both their languages `can reasonably be considered as the beginning point of lexical borrowing'. Codeswitching is therefore a process that can lead to language change due to its daily use by bilingual speakers.
5.3.3 Codeswitching versus language mixing and mixed languages Auer (1999) believes that a wide range of language alternation phenomena can be positioned a continuum. The continuum ranges from codeswitching at the one extreme, to stabilised mixed varieties at the other, with language mixing somewhere in between, and a range of intermediate possibilities in between these three. This continuum is represented in Figure 5.1 below:
!
!
FIGURE 5.1: Continuum of language alternation phenomena
CODESWITCHING
LANGUAGE MIXING
MIXED LANGUAGES
While we saw in 5.3 that codeswitching involves language switching that can be used in creative ways by speakers to serve particular functions within a conversation, language mixing involves very frequent switching in which it is difficult to tell what the primary language of communication is. Language mixing therefore corresponds to `codeswitching as the unmarked choice' (see the markedness model in 5.3.1 above). While each switch is not intended to be meaningful,the pervasive switching that characterises language mixing is important as a signal of bilingual identity. According to Auer (1999:318), `The very fact of selecting a mixing mode from the repertoire (to the exclusion of other, more ``monolingual'' modes) can of course be of social significance; for instance it may signal group identity'. Language varieties that are strongly characterised by language mixing will often have a particular name within the community, for example the mixing of Hebrew and English in Israel is called Heblish (Auer 1999:318). It is usually only proficient bilinguals that will engage in language mixing, and Auer (1999:318) therefore suggests that language mixing requires a higher bilingual competence than codeswitching. The situations in which language mixing becomes a code in its own right are usually where a bilingual group wishes to differentiate itself from the communities of both individual languages. For example, the Sesotho-English female friends below use language mixing to assert their modern, urban, bilingual identity and differentiate themselves both from Sesotho monolinguals and from English monolinguals: Mmule:
LIN2602
MatsÏatsÏi a chentsÏitse (changed), banna le bona ba a reipiwa (raped), ga go sa le motho yo a lego safe. We are all the same, we are exposed to violence and rape. Ditsotsi di gaketsÏe, they are out of control. Ba dirwa ke
87
gore ba na le more rights than anybody else. Ga go fair gore bona ge ba swarwa ba protect ke molao. `Nowadays things have changed, men are also being raped, there is no place where a person is safe. We are all the same, we are exposed to violence and rape. Tsotsis (thugs) are ruthless, they are out of control. The problem is that they have more rights than anybody else. It is not fair because when they are arrested they are protected by the law.' Matlakala:
It is true mogwera, ga re safe. Government e swanetsÏe go dira something ka taba ye, but it seems, ba bangwe ba di law enforcers ga ba na taba. Ba itirela security ko dintlong tsÏa bona, what about us who cannot afford those security walls? `It is true my friend, we are not safe. Government must do something about this, but it seems some of the law enforcers do not care. They make their own security for their houses, what about us who cannot afford those security walls?'
In the case of mixed languages (sometimes called `stabilised mixed varieties'), certain switches become obligatory in the language. The Michif language of Canada, for example, is the mixed language spoken by the descendants of indigenous Cree, Nakota and Ojibwe women and fur trade workers of European ancestry (mainly French Canadians and Scottish Canadians). As explained in the extract below, noun structures are taken from French while the verb structures are from the indigenous language Cree. In general, Michif noun phrase phonology, lexicon, morphology, and syntax are derived from Me Âtis French, while verb phrase phonology, lexicon, morphology, and syntax are from a southern variety of Plains Cree. (Plains Cree is a western dialect of Cree.) Articles and adjectives are also of Me Âtis French origin, but demonstratives are from Plains Cree ... The number of speakers is estimated at fewer than 1,000; it was probably double or triple this number at the close of the 19th century, but never much higher. Downloaded 7 March 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michif_language Stabilised mixed varieties therefore develop a more fixed grammar, and are less open to individual creativity than language mixing. They are also much rarer than language mixing. The speakers of stabilised mixed varieties are usually not fluent bilinguals but may be second or third generation speakers after first-generation mixed marriages. The only African example of a mixed language is Mbugu or Ma'a, a language spoken in Tanzania, which has a Cushitic vocabulary and Bantu morphology and grammar. Because mixed languages come from two different parent languages, it is not possible to classify them as belonging to either language family.
88
Task 5.5 Decide whether the language variety described below is an example of codeswitching, language mixing or a mixed language and explain your answer. Read the interview transcription. Tengo que ir al bus stop para pick up mi hija. (Overheard in the U.S.) `I have to go to the bus stop to pick up my daughter.' RAY SUAREZ:
Spanglish, The Making of a new American Language. The author is Ilan Stavans, the president of Latin America and Latino culture at Amherst college. Welcome.
ILAN STAVANS: Thank you. RAY SUAREZ:
What is Spanglish?
ILAN STAVANS: Spanglish is the encounter, perhaps the word is marriage or divorce of English and Spanish, but also of Anglo and Hispanic civilizations not only in the United States, but in the entire continent and perhaps also in Spain. It is the way of communication where one starts in one language, switches to the other back and forth or perhaps coins a few new words or thinks in one language and reacts in another one. It is a very creative jazzy way of being Latino in the U.S. today. RAY SUAREZ:
But is it really a language? I don't want to sound pedantic, but is what's being made by this encounter a language?
ILAN STAVANS: Not yet, not quite. Perhaps we're in the process of becoming one. We are closer to being a dialect. There is really not one Spanglish. There are varieties of Spanglish. Downloaded 23 March 2012 from http://www.pbs.org/speak/seatosea/americanvarieties/ spanglish/book/ Spanglish is a type of codeswitching/ language mixing/mixed language (choose one) because ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
89
Feedback Spanglish refers to the growing use of English vocabulary, phrases and syntax in the everyday speech and writing of Spanish-English bilinguals, especially in the United States. Often Spanish and English are used interchangeably, even in the same sentence. This is obviously codeswitching, but the fact that the variety has a name, Spanglish, suggests that it is an example of language mixing. Language mixing entails fluent bilinguals selecting codeswitching as the unmarked choice, with very frequent switches back and forth. __________________________________________________________________________
5.4 South African case studies Ntshangase (1995:291) makes the point that languages are `important social and historical phenomena which bind, and sometimes mirror cleavages within, communities'. Language varieties with extensive codeswitching and language mixing are used in various South African cities to reflect speakers' multilingual urban identity while at the same time identifying the social barriers between speakers and non-speakers. These mixed varieties are used to identify speakers as members of an innovative, vibrant, urban culture. Hudson (1980:27) cites Le Page who believes that `... each individual creates the systems for his verbal behaviour so that they shall resemble those of the group or groups with which from time he may wish to be identified'. This implies that speakers tend to adopt and assume multi-dimensional identities depending on who they are with. Slang, codeswitching and language mixing are important strategies for enacting shifts in a speaker's identity to resemble the group with which he or she wishes to be identified. The following examples serve to illustrate this point (all names have been changed, translations are provided in square brackets where necessary): Conversation 1:
90
Setting:
English-medium school in Pretoria, after school
Participants:
3 black male youths, aged between 17 and 18, all of whom attend English-medium schools
Mpho:
Wassup [What's up], Blacks?
Thapelo:
Yo, cool my man! I'm cool!
Sgabi:
Yo bra [Hey brother], cool man! What you been up to lately?
Mpho:
Ag [Oh], just this and that ... Hey, have you guys heard Bonga is having a 411 [party] this weekend? Has he invited you guys?
Sgabi:
Neh [No], not me ...
Thapelo:
Me neither, bra. Wassup wid de brother, has he forgotten who his homies [friends] are?
Sgabi:
Clearly!
Mpho:
For sure! Eish [oh dear], how soon we forget! Anyway, it's cool, it's cool. We'll gate-crash.
Sgabi:
Yeah, right Bro, which one? Maki? Or maybe Carey?
Thapelo:
C'mon man, why you go and diss [insult] the brother like that?
Conversation 2: Setting:
The township (Mamelodi), at Mpho's house
Participants:
5 black male youths, aged between 17 and 18 (Mpho and Sgabi attend English-medium schools and appeared in Conversation 1, while Lehlogonolo, Miles and Kuni attend a local township school)
Mpho:
[to Sgabi] So, bro where's your bra [brother], Thapelo, today?
Sgabi:
Ag, com'on nigga he's your blood too. Anyway, don't know. Last saw him walking his REGTE [real] home yesterday afternoon. Maybe the brother c ... .
Kuni:
[arrives and joins the two] Heita ma-outie [Howzit guys]. Hoezet! [Howzit]
Sgabi:
Neh, grand outie. [No, fine, brother]
Mpho:
Sharp, bra. Fede? [Great brother. And you?]
Kuni:
Neh, grand!
Lehlogonolo and Miles [arrive]: Hola, hola ma-gents! [Hi, hi gents!] Mpho:
Heit! [Hi!]
Sgabi:
Hola! [Hi!]
Kuni:
Hola [Hi]
Lehlogonolo: So, u-waa uSipho vandag? ... [So, how is Sipho today?] Mpho:
Eish, loyo! Uyankhinya, serious! [Oh no, that one! He gives me the creeps, I'm serious!]
Lehlogonolo: Entlek, why nina ungathi ni ne beef so? Zikhiphani, vele? Or maybe ni banga i-aidie? [Actually, why do you look so angry? What's wrong? Or maybe what are you fighting about?] Mpho:
Haa, uyabona ke ... [Ah you see now ...]
It is clear from Conversation 1 above that Mpho and Sgabi use a form of English slang at school. Words like diss and nigger show the influence of Black American English, as do the pronunciation and word choice of phrases like Wassup wid de brother? There are also borrowed words from other South African languages, e.g. smaak `like' from Afrikaans and Eish `oh dear' from African languages. In Conversation 2, back in the township, the conversation starts off in English but soon shifts to a mixture of local languages and slang as a way of locating themselves socially as urban black youth. When asked about their adaptations in identity, they both argued that they did not wish to be perceived by their peers (particularly in the township) as arrogant `coconuts' (i.e. black people acting white), but that they wanted to be seen `as
LIN2602
91
part of the black youth culture' (their words). As Joe explains in a mixture of English, Zulu (italics) and Afrikaans (capitals) below, language choice is dependent on where you are and who you are with: It depends ukuthi unobani. For instance if nginabangane bam kuya ngokuthi bathole sikhuluma ni ± if bafike ngikhuluma Zulu bazajoyina if islang sabangane ONS SAL ALMAL WITIE. The situation ukuthi unabobani. `It depends on who you are with. For instance, if I'm with my friends it depends on what we are discussing ± if they find me speaking Zulu they will join me ± if it's my friends' slang, then we will all speak it. The situation depends on who you are with.' (Joe with shebeen friends, cited by Finlayson & Slabbert 1997:399)
Task 5.6 (a)
Do you speak more than one language? Which language do you speak with which groups of people? Do you use different languages to express different aspects of your identity? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Do you speak more than one variety of your mother tongue? Describe the varieties, with examples of each. Do they involve codeswitching/language mixing? Which language varieties do you speak with which groups of people? Do you use different varieties to express different aspects of your identity? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
92
....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback This is your opportunity to think about how your own language usage is part of the identity you assume when interacting with different groups of friends, family members and colleagues. Try and use linguistic terms like dialect, accent, sociolect, codeswitching, language mixing, etc. to give your answers more weight. __________________________________________________________________________ Two South African case studies are presented in 5.4.1 and 5.4.2 below.
5.4.1 Case study: Tsotsitaal Tsotsitaal or Flaaitaal is a mixed language variety spoken predominantly by males in the black and coloured township areas of Gauteng (Johannesburg, Pretoria, the East and West Rand). Tsotsitaal is a spoken rather than written variety and it differs from place to place. It is known by any of the following names: Iscamtho, Withi, Sepantsula, Lingo, Lingam, Isikhumsha, Shalambombo, Hili, Himbul, Taal, Hova, Sjita, Setsotsi, Tsotsitaal and Flaaitaal (Makhudu 1995:300). The name Tsotsitaal literally means `thugs' language' as it was used by gangsters and thugs to conceal their conversation from police and other people who were not part of the group. Today Tsotsitaal is spoken across a more diverse group of township residents, men and women, working class and professional. According to Ntshangase (1995:295), these languages are growing in numbers of speakers and functions, beginning to appear in radio and print adverts, songs and plays and even in classrooms: Nowadays in deep Soweto, possibly up to 500,000 youths speak Iscamtho as their main language or one of their main languages. Some of them have learnt it from birth, and master Iscamtho better than any other language. As the South African Constitution provides for everyone to be educated in his/her native language, linguistic problems in the educational system are an important issue in Soweto: children considered by the authorities as being Zulu- or Sotho-speakers are educated in those languages. But the languages used at school are the standard ones. As a result, many pupils face comprehension problems, as they don't really know those rural standards. Some can miss up to 30% of the information which they receive. And teachers are so far not allowed to use Iscamtho, although many of them do it informally. (Downloaded 5 March 2012 from http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Tsotsitaal) According to Makhudu (1995), Tsotsitaal is a mixed variety in so far as it seems to have been initially reliant on Afrikaans for structure and a variety of languages for its vocabulary. According to Msimang (1987:82), Zulu continues to have far-reaching influence on the vocabulary of Tsotsitaal as it contains borrowed words that have undergone semantic shift, new words that have been coined from Zulu roots and Zulu-
LIN2602
93
ised English borrowings. An example of the former is the word ilahle which means `coal' in Zulu but means `a stolen vehicle' in Tsotsitaal. Ipilisi means `a pill' in Zulu but refers more specifically to mandrax or cocaine in Tsotsitaal. Makhudu (1995) illustrates several interesting phonological and morphological characteristics of Tsotsitaal, including a tendency to replace certain sounds in borrowed words with n or m. For example English beer becomes miya, and Afrikaans baadjie `jacket' becomes maikie. Many words are formed by reduplication or syllable-repetition, with semantic shift from the original, so English nice, for example, becomes naiza-naiza `party', Zulu thenga `buy' becomes thenga-thenga `a cheap woman' and Afrikaans snaaks `funny' becomes snakanaka `a fool'. Morphologically the language draws on English, Afrikaans, Zulu and Sesotho, for example using Afrikaans -kie or Zulu -wana to form diminutives like dronkie `drunkard' and ntsundwana `a suit'. Tsotsitaal uses Sotho -eng to form locatives like bareng `drinking place', and English -s to form plurals like ntwanas children.
Task 5.7 (a)
What is the difference between a mixed language and a mixed language variety? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Tsotsitaal words and phrases are beginning to appear in the mainstream media. For example, a well-known MTN cell phone advert used the phrase Ayoba, a slang word expressing excitement or agreement or used simply as a greeting. SA Tourism had a Sho't Left campaign, challenging South Africans to undertake more domestic tourism. Sho't left is derived from everyday South African `taxi lingo'. A taxi commuter wanting a ride to a destination close by will say Sho't left, driva ± meaning `I want to get off just around the corner'. Would you agree that the appearance of Tsotsitaal in print means that Tsotsitaal has become a standard language? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
94
....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback A mixed language (see 5.3.3 above) refers to the rare situation in which certain switches become a stabilised, obligatory part of the grammar of the language. The Michif language of Canada, for example, is a mixed language spoken by descendants of intermarriage between two different parent languages, and requires verb forms to be in one language and noun phrases to be in another. A mixed language variety, on the other hand, is a more creative, less rigid combination of elements from different languages, such as Tsotsitaal, which draws on English, Afrikaans, Zulu and Sesotho vocabulary and morphology. Mixed varieties like Tsotsitaal are unlikely to become standard languages as they are essentially innovative and constantly changing, using vocabulary, morphology and syntax from a variety of languages. Their vocabularies are so fluid that dictionaries would probably be out of date before they were printed (but see Molamu 2003 Tsotsi-taal: A dictionary of the language of Sophiatown). They are unlikely to become standard languages that are taught in schools because speakers use them primarily for informal in-group communication and because both speakers and non-speakers view them as stigmatised varieties. The appearance of Tsotsitaal in South African advertising is an attempt to appeal to the wallets of the upwardly mobile urban township dwellers who constitute a growing market for South African goods and services. __________________________________________________________________________
5.4.2 Case Study: District Six The linguist Kay McCormick has undertaken detailed research on the Cape Town community of District Six, noting the `deft weaving' of English and Afrikaans that characterises the local dialect of this area (McCormick 1995:193). District Six is an area of Cape Town which was settled from the 1830s onwards by former slaves and immigrants from Europe and other parts of Africa. The inhabitants spoke a variety of languages including Dutch, English and Yiddish (McCormick 1995:197). By the midtwentieth century the main language of the area was a variety of non-standard Afrikaans with many English borrowings as well as a large proportion of English-Afrikaans codeswitching. The locals refer to their dialect as kombuistaal `kitchen language', and contrast it with `suiwer Afrikaans' `pure, i.e. standard Afrikaans' and with English, which is the language with the highest prestige in the area. Their own dialect has low prestige outside the area but is valued as a language of neighbourhood solidarity. According to McCormick (1995:193): At times it [language switching] is conscious and the listener is aware that the speaker is enjoying playing with the languages, juxtaposing elements from each to create a particular effect. At other times language switching appears to be quite unconscious, with none of the participants noticing where switches occur ... That, of
LIN2602
95
course, can happen only if frequent switching is part of the normal way of talking in the community. Where it is, it can become a marker of the community's sense of identity ± it has done so in District Six. In District Six, language mixing is so entrenched that the variety can be seen as a fairly stable, widely used mixed code, with codeswitching as the unmarked choice. Here are some examples: Example 1 `Kyk hier: ons coloureds het opgegroei om te praat kombuistaal, ne Ã? Which is Afrikaans en Engels gemix. `Look here: we coloureds grew up speaking kitchen language, right? Which is Afrikaans and English mixed.' Linguistic Informant, District 6, 1980s (McCormick 2002) Example 2 My ma het nie gewerk nie, my ouma het nie gewerk nie ± she was a housewife. `My mother didn't work, my grandmother didn't work ± she was a housewife.' (McCormick 1995:194) Example 3 Want you see what the children are today? Hulle word so impatience vir ons en die ... and dan gaan ek maar kamer toe, then I go lay down otherwise then we get into trouble, dan word ons twee miskien in trouble nou weer. `Because you see what the children are today? They get so impatient with us and the ... and then I just go to my room, then I go and lie down otherwise then we get into trouble, then maybe the two of us would get into trouble again.' (McCormick 2002:182±183)
Task 5.8 Where would you locate the District Six variety on the continuum discussed in 5.3.3 above? Circle the most appropriate term and explain your answer more fully below.
!
!
Continuum of language alternation phenomena CODESWITCHING
LANGUAGE MIXING
MIXED LANGUAGES
............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
96
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback The District Six variety seems to be one of language mixing. Firstly the examples (particularly Example 3) involve very frequent back-and-forth switching in which it is difficult to tell whether the primary language of communication is English or Afrikaans. We are also told that in District Six, codeswitching is the unmarked choice, which implies that we are dealing with language mixing rather than codeswitching where each switch serves a specific function. The pervasive switching that characterises language mixing is important as a signal of bilingual identity, and the case study explains that the District Six identity is a bilingual one that differentiates itself from either standard English or standard Afrikaans. The final clue is that the variety has its own name, kombuistaal, which suggests that its speakers see it as a marker of communal identity. Usually names are only given to language mixing and mixed languages, but since the degree of language switching is left up to individual speakers' creativity, rather than dictated by stable grammatical rules, this would fall into the category of language mixing. __________________________________________________________________________
5.5 Summary In this study unit, we have discussed the way in which languages may influence and change each other in a situation of language contact. Speech sounds, words and grammar from the superstratum (high status) language can be borrowed into the local languages, or alternatively the minority substratum language can influence the dominant language. We saw that language contact is a matter of degree, and that the degree of contact between two groups can influence the degree of language change. Typically, casual contact will result in little contact-induced language change, while intensive contact can lead to dramatic influences of the languages upon one another. We also looked at codeswitching and language mixing in multilingual societies as part of the continually-changing repertoire that bilingual speakers can draw on to express their fluid identities as members of a range of social groupings. Codeswitching refers to the use of two or more languages in the same conversation, and can often be seen to serve specific purposes or have certain stylistic or social effects. We
LIN2602
97
looked at various types of codeswitching as distinguished in the markedness model of codeswitching, and saw that while codeswitching and borrowing are different phenomena, codeswitching is often the cause of loanwords entering a language on a more permanent basis. We made a distinction between codeswitching that serves a particular conversational purpose and language mixing, which involves pervasive and frequent codeswitching that signals bilingual identity. In the much rarer case of mixed languages like Michif or Ma'a, certain codeswitches become an obligatory part of the grammar of the mixed language. We explored the way in which slang, codeswitching and language mixing are important strategies for enacting shifts in a speaker's identity. Finally we looked at two South African case studies: Tsotsitaal is a mixed language variety spoken predominantly by males in the black and coloured township areas of Gauteng, while Cape Town's District Six has its own form of language mixing involving non-standard English and Afrikaans.
Further reading Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 54 Language change Chapter 60 Multilingualism
98
Study Unit 6 English as a global language The English language is nobody's special property. It is the property of the imagination: it is the property of the language itself. Derek Walcott (West Indian poet and playwright 1930±)
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4
discuss the forces that have played a role in the development of English as an international language; explain and critically evaluate Kachru's circle model of World Englishes; describe the linguistic features of the varieties of English used in South Africa; and explain and illustrate the following concepts: language of wider communication World Englishes Inner Circle Outer Circle Expanding Circle
South African English (SAE) Black South African English (BSAE) South African Indian English (SAIE)
In a nutshell In this study unit we examine the forces that have played a role in the development and spread of English ± the language most widely spoken in the world today. We look briefly at how various political and social upheavals and technological innovations in the world influenced the English language and at the ways that English has changed and been localised in various regions of the world. We look at the debate between those who promote a single global standard for English and those who accept different regional standards. We conclude by focusing on the linguistic characteristics of three South African varieties of English.
LIN2602
99
6.1 Introduction From humble beginnings 1 500 years ago the English language has grown and changed in many ways. At the beginning of the 21st century, English is now used as a global language and can be regarded as the lingua franca of the world (a lingua franca is a language used to communicate when people do not share a common mother tongue). Today English has become the primary language for international communication.
6.2 The spread of English Hasman (2000:3) maintains that three factors that have contributed to the spread of English are: . English usage in technology, commerce and science . Its ability to incorporate vocabulary from other languages. Almost 80% of the vocabulary of English is foreign. English has borrowed, and continues to borrow, words from other languages such as French, Spanish, Hebrew and Arabic, HindiUrdu and Bengali, Malay and Chinese and languages from Africa. . The acceptability of various dialects of English. As Kachru (1992:230) explains: `The ``seeds'' of the language were ``spread'' in enormously diverse sociocultural environments and the resultant varieties of this language show this diversity'. The list below contains the `Top 10' languages in terms of number of first language speakers. Where available, numbers for second language speakers of these languages are also given. (If you have access to the Internet go to http://www.ethnologue.com to consult the Ethnologue for a more accurate update of the number of speakers of various languages.) In calculating figures for first language (L1) speaker numbers and distinguishing between these and second language (L2) and foreign language speakers, statisticians have many problems to overcome. For example, it is not possible to obtain statistics systematically from all countries in the world, not all people interpret questions about language use in the same way and not all people give honest answers, but these issues are beyond the scope of the present discussion. However, considerable efforts have been made to establish approximate figures for present-day usage.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Language
L1 speakers
L2 speakers
Mandarin Chinese Spanish English Hindi and Urdu Arabic Portuguese Bengali Russian Japanese German
940 391 370 370 284 206 206 158 127 92
± 350 million 1,5 billion 585 million 250 million ± ± 150 million ± 200 million
million million million million million million million million million million
(Crystal 2010: Appendix III) Although there are 7 000 languages in the world, half of the world's population speaks only 10 of them. English is the single most dominant of these 10, due initially to British
100
colonialism and nowadays due to the global reach of American media.In the table above we see that only Mandarin Chinese and Spanish have more speakers than English, but neither is used as widely as English because English is a language of wider communication in many parts of the world, in other words a language that people commonly use to communicate across geographical, language and cultural barriers. English therefore has many more second-language (L2) and foreign-language speakers than first-language speakers. As a language of wider communication it fulfils many functions ± it is used in a variety of domains and has developed the vocabulary to express concepts in all fields of modern-day activities. This strength of English, its ability to incorporate vocabulary from other languages, or what David Crystal (2008:143) refers to as its `vacuum-cleaner' nature, is a theme that you have already come across when we discussed borrowing in Study Unit 3. Hasman (2000:3) describes some of the global functions of English: When Mexican pilots land their aeroplanes in France, they and the ground controllers use English for security reasons. When German physicists want to alert the scientific community to new discoveries, they first publish their findings in English. When Japanese executives conduct business with Scandinavian entrepreneurs, they negotiate in English. When pop singers write their songs, they often use lyrics or phrases in English. When demonstrators want to alert the world to their problems, they display signs in English. More statistics: . McArthur (1998) lists 113 geographical areas where English is currently used regularly on a widespread basis. . English is now the language most widely taught as a foreign language ± in over 100 countries. . An estimated 1.4 billion people live in countries where English has official status. . It is estimated that more than 70% of the world's scientists read English. . About 85% of the world's mail is written in English. . About 90% of all information used on computers is stored in English. . English is the language of popular culture as embodied in music lyrics, television and film. . Statistics reveal that most of Unisa's 375 000 students conduct their studies through the medium of English. Look at the following map:
LIN2602
101
FIGURE 6.1: English-speaking countries
Canada
United Kingdom Rep. of Ireland
United Sates
Malta The Bahamas
Belize
Jamaica Trinidad and Tobago Nigeria Guyana
Philippines Sri Lanka Singapore
Australia South Africa New Zealand
(Downloaded 20 March 2012 from http://www.24point0.com/ppt-shop/media/catalog/product/ cache/1/image/9df78eab33525d08d6e5fb8d27136e95/w/o/world-map-countries-on-english-isan-official-language-and-widely-spoken-ppt-slide.jpg)
Task 6.1 In your view, why is English (with 370 million L1 speakers) the dominant global language today even though Mandarin Chinese (with 940 million L1 speakers) has more native speakers? ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
102
Feedback While Mandarin is spoken mainly in China, and mainly as an L1, colonisation spread English all over the world. During the 20th century the number of people using English as a second language (ESL) has steadily grown, due to the economic, political, technological and cultural power of English and the global mobility that the language provides. __________________________________________________________________________
6.3 Historical perspective In order to understand how a language that began in Britain 1 500 years ago when Germanic tribes invaded Britain has today assumed such a significant role across the world, we take a brief look at the history of the people who occupied the British Isles and try to find reasons for the rise of English to a world language. From humble beginnings this language (spoken by rural people who worked on the land with iron ploughs and drove two-wheeled horse-drawn chariots) has become the language used most often in today's global world. Many hundreds of years ago the language we now know as English developed on a tiny island known today as the United Kingdom. The original language(s) spoken by the native inhabitants of the British Isles belonged to the Celtic family. The island had a stormy history of repeated invasions and conquerors who sought to take control of the land, starting with the Romans in 43 AD. After the Romans left in 410 AD, powerful Germanic invaders from across the sea poured onto the island. These invaders were Saxons, Angles and Jutes. The Jutes and Angles came from what is now known as Denmark, while the Saxons came from what is now known as Germany. The Anglo Saxon invaders drove the Celtic people out of England into Wales, Scotland and Brittany (northern France). The Angles and the Saxons introduced a new language to Britain known as Anglo-Saxon (also known as Old English) and this can be regarded as the beginning of the English language that we know today. During the end of the 8th century AD Britain was attacked by another wave of invaders, the Vikings who came from Denmark and Norway. They spoke related north-Germanic languages such as Old Norse. The Danes settled in the eastern part of England, and, with the establishment of homes and families through intermarriage, they in turn influenced English. Words pertaining to the sea, battle and social and administrative systems were introduced. With two cultures in close contact for such a long time, a large number of words for describing the same object or situation existed. In many cases both words have been retained, with a slight difference in meaning, as can be seen from the examples below:
LIN2602
Old Norse
Old English
dike
ditch
raise
rise
scrub
shrub
skirt
shirt
103
1066 is an important date in the history of England because this is the year that William the Conqueror from Normandy (present-day France) crossed the channel between England and France, defeated the English at the Battle of Hastings and was crowned king of England on Christmas Day. A scholar describes the period of social upheaval and transformation after the event as follows: During the next four years William succeeded in destroying most of the Old English nobility in a series of campaigns to subjugate the whole country. Important positions in the King's court and government were filled by William's Normans who also confiscated many of the great estates formerly owed by the English nobility. English churchmen who had been responsible not only for the conduct of ecclesiastical affairs but also for the maintenance and development of the great centres of learning were replaced by French bishops, archbishops, abbots, and monks. The literature produced for the upper social and political classes was written in French, not in English. (McLaughlin 1970:44) After the conquest of England the ruling class of England were Normans who spoke a variety of French. The French language had a profound effect on the development of English, with extensive new borrowings in the areas of culture, law, fashion and food among others (e.g. beauty, geometry, grammar, medicine, music, noun, painting, paper, pen, poet, romance, sculpture, story, accuse, adultery, arrest, arson, attorney, bail, blame, convict, crime, brooch, button, cloak, collar, diamond, dress, embroidery, jewel, ornament, pearl, petticoat, appetite, bacon, beef, biscuit, dinner, feast, fry, grape, gravy). In the latter quarter of the 15th century the technology that was to play such an important role in the spread of English in the twentieth century was introduced when William Caxton set up his printing press. Suddenly it was possible to reproduce written texts, and in the next 150 years nearly 20 000 books appeared in English. Printers had to make decisions about spelling, grammar, vocabulary and the writing system and this process helped to develop a standard form of spelling and punctuation. By the late fifteenth century English had already established itself as the language of literature and learning. It was during this period that decisions were made about what constituted standard English, and what did not. The speech of the London area was chosen as the standard dialect. Crystal (1988:187) gives reasons why this particular dialect was chosen: The East Midland area was the largest of the dialect areas, and contained more of the population. In particular, it contained London, Cambridge, and (on the borders with Southern) Oxford ± the main social and political centre, and the main seats of learning. The presence of the Court in London was a compelling attraction for those who wished for social prestige or career opportunities. The East Midlands 'triangle' was a wealthy agricultural area, and the centre of the growing wool trade. And it was also conveniently positioned between the Northern and Southern dialects, acting as a kind of communication `bridge' between them. This last point was even recognized at the time ... The clinching factor was William Caxton, who in 1476 set up his printing press in Westminster, and chose to use the speech of the London area as the basis for his translations and spelling. By the end of the fifteenth century, the distinction between `central' and `provincial' life was firmly established. It was reflected in the distinction between `standard' and `regional' speech ± the former thought of as correct, proper and educated, the latter as incorrect, careless, and inferior ± [an attitude] which is still with us today.
104
Task 6.2 Make a list of the reasons why English became standardised around the 15th century. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback The invention of the printing press was the most critical factor, as this allowed texts to be written in a particular form with particular spelling and then distributed widely. The London dialect became the basis for Standard English due to the economic and political power of the capital city and the location of the London printing houses. Certain norms of spelling, grammar and punctuation began to be evident in written documents, and were then passed on from generation to generation within the literate classes, and the idea of standard versus non-standard English began to emerge. __________________________________________________________________________ The latter half of the 15th century is also regarded as the beginning of the Renaissance (the French for rebirth) and during this time new attitudes and a sense of freedom (political as well as religious) manifested itself. A spirit of exploration led adventurers to travel to other parts of the world, and many of these areas were colonised. The 16th century is often referred to as the Golden Age of English, when English began to be used as a literary language instead of Latin and Greek. The writer who had the profoundest effect on the development of English as a literary language was the poet and playwright, William Shakespeare. He exploited the language as no other writer before him had done. Many everyday expressions used today were introduced by Shakespeare, e.g. hoodwinked, tongue-tied, a tower of strength, a fool's paradise, good riddance. The Industrial Revolution of the 19th century further helped to advance English as the language of global trade. By 1860 the British had direct influence over many territories throughout the world. In North America the numbers of English speakers had overtaken those in the British Isles. It was also during this period of colonisation that so many varieties of the language were born when the English carried their culture and language to other parts of the world (the colonies of America in North America, the Caribbean, and later to Australia, New Zealand, India and Africa).
LIN2602
105
6.4 World Englishes With the spread of English around the world, many new varieties of English have arisen. Robert Birchfield, the editor of the Fourth Supplement to the Oxford English Dictionary, believes that The English language is breaking up, and has been since the 18th century, into quite a number of different dialects. In due course they will be as different as French and Spanish and Portuguese are from one another. (Time Magazine, 19 May, 1986)
Task 6.3 What variety of English is spoken in your region? If there is more than one variety, choose one. Is it an L1 or a L2 variety? Try and describe some of the linguistic features (phonology, vocabulary, grammar etc.) that make this variety unique. Collect an audio or video sample on your phone to illustrate this variety. Provide a written transcription of what is said in the audio or video clip, explaining any non-standard words or phrases that are used. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Use this opportunity to listen closely and observe the linguistic features of one of the varieties of English you hear around you. In my area of the Johannesburg northern suburbs, for example, I tend to hear an L1 variety of SAE spoken by white and increasingly by black speakers. The accent is slightly nasalised, and is also characterised by a tendency to pronounce t sounds as ts, e.g. See you tsomorrow! In the middle of words, t sounds are often pronounced as d, e.g. in words like Peter and
106
pretty. This dialect has borrowed words from Afrikaans (e.g. ja `yes', braai `barbecue', pap `mealie-meal porridge') and from Yiddish (e.g. schlep `burden/effort') and also uses the word no to mean `yes', e.g. How are you? No, I'm good thanks. __________________________________________________________________________ New varieties or types of English are often referred to as different `Englishes' and several academic journals are devoted to the study of new varieties, for example World Englishes and English World-wide. Kachru, a major Indian linguist, has written extensively about the varieties of English in the developing world. Together with Larry E Smith from Honolulu, Hawaii, Kachru launched a journal called World Englishes: The Journal of English as an International and Intranational Language. The journal's editorial stance is that all `world Englishes' belong equally to all who use them (whether in its standard or any other form), and that ways of speaking and patterns of discourse are different across nations. This has important ramifications for users of the language worldwide, as it suggests that all users of English have the right to help shape it. This view is in opposition to the school of thought that believes that only first language speakers have a monopoly on the language and can make decisions concerning its usage and `purity'. The spread of English around the world has been represented by Kachru as three concentric circles. Each circle represents different phases of the spread of English and different ways in which the language has been acquired and is currently used, including the depth of penetration of English at various societal levels (see Figure 6.4 below). The core, or Inner Circle, is where English is the primary language ± the United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, Australia and New Zealand. These varieties were essentially the result of British colonisation ± the movement of English-speaking people from one part of the world to another and therefore did not contribute to a significant increase in speaker numbers. However, the transplantation of English to new contexts brought English into contact with a variety of other languages and a variety of non-Western cultures. The Outer Circle represents the spread of English through British and later American colonisation to multilingual settings where English became the language of the powerful elite. Over time this resulted in a host of second-language speakers of the language as the local elite saw English as a window to the scientific and technological developments of the western world, to Christianity, to rich literary traditions and to expanding educational opportunities. However, English was not always accepted without resistance, and in many Outer Circle countries there is tension between enthusiastic acceptance and a more negative view of English as `an intruder, slowly nibbling away at the linguistic domains that rightfully belong to local languages' (Kachru 1992:246). English is nevertheless an official language in all the Outer Circle countries, including Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, Namibia, Malawi, Singapore and India. Each of these has a range of varieties of English, including a form that has become accepted as the regional standard. The Expanding circle includes countries such as China, Thailand, Japan, Israel, Greece, Poland and others that recognise the importance of English as an international language but do not themselves have a history of colonisation by members of the Inner Circle nor does English have a special place in their language policy ± that is, it is not an official language.
LIN2602
107
Task 6.4 (a)
Look back at the map of English-speaking countries in Figure 6.1. Which of Kachru's circles does this map reflect? How do you know? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Kachru did not put South Africa into his model. Where do you think South Africa fits and why? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
108
FIGURE 6.4: Kachru's three-circle model of World Englishes The `Expanding Circle' China Egypt Indonesia Israel Japan Korea Nepal Saudi Arabia Taiwan USSR Zimbabwe
1,088,200,000 50,273,000 175,904,000 4,512,000 122,620,000 42,593,000 18,004,000 12,972,000 19,813,000 285,796,000 8,878,000
The `Outer Circle' Bangladash Ghana India Kenya Malaysia Nigeria Pakistan Philippines Singapore Sri Lanka Tanzania Zambia
107,756,000 13,754,000 810,806,000 22,919,000 16,965,000 112,258,000 109,434,000 58,723,000 2,641,000 16,606,000 23,996,000 7,334,000
The `Inner Circle' USA UK Cananda Australia New Zealand
245,800,000 57,006,000 25,880,000 16,470,000 3,366,000
(Kachru 1992:233ff. Note that the speaker numbers are from 1988 and are now out of date.)
Feedback The map heading tells us that it reflects countries where England is an official language and is spoken by a significant population. This means that it covers both Inner Circle countries like the UK and Australia and Outer Circle countries like Nigeria and Singapore. You might argue that South Africa falls into the Inner Circle as it was a former British colony, with a group of several thousand British settlers. The period of British settlement in the early 1800s is roughly the same as that of New Zealand. However, one difference
LIN2602
109
noted by Leith (1996), is that in the Inner Circle countries, substantial settlement by firstlanguage speakers of English largely displaced the precolonial population. In South Africa, English did not displace the other languages but became part of a multilingual melting pot. In this respect it is more like an Outer Circle country, where `sparser colonial settlements' maintained the precolonial population and allowed a proportion of them access to learning English as a second or additional language (Leith 1996:181±2). In South Africa English is one of the official languages (so we can't be in the Expanding Circle) and is the most common language of education, business and politics. A regional standard known as South African English exists and several dictionaries have been published detailing the vocabulary and pronunciation of this variety. As in many Outer Circle countries, the advancement of English into more and more areas of South African life is contested by those who wish to retain and promote indigenous languages. The situation is complicated further by the South African trend for L2 speakers of English to raise their children in English and send them to English schools. __________________________________________________________________________ The in-between nature of the South African example points out that Kachru's model, while still widely influential, is not subtle enough to capture all the different ways that English is used across the world. According to Jenkins (2003), there are grey areas between Inner and Outer Circle countries and also between Outer and Expanding Circle countries: The model is based on geography and genetics rather than on the way speakers identify with and use English. Some English users in the Outer Circle speak it as their first language (occasionally as their only language) e.g. in Singapore. Meanwhile an increasing number of speakers in the Expanding Circle use English for a very wide range of purposes including social, with native speakers and even more frequently with other non-native speakers from both their own and different L1s, and both in their home country and abroad. (Jenkins 2003:17) A further problem with Kachru's model is that it implies that the situation is uniform for all the countries within a particular circle, although this is clearly not the case: Even within the Inner Circle, countries differ in the amount of linguistic diversity they contain (e.g. there is far more diversity in the US than in the UK). In the Outer Circle, countries differ in a number of respects such as whether English is spoken only by an elite, as in India, or is widespread, as in Singapore; or whether it is spoken by a single L1 group leading to one variety of English as in Bangladesh, or by several different L1 groups leaning to several varieties of English as in India. (Jenkins 2003:17±18) Another scholar who disagrees with Kachru's model is the British linguist Randolph Quirk (1920±). Quirk and Kachru have fundamentally different views that surfaced at a 1984 conference on standards of English. Quirk argued for the need to uphold standards in the use of English in both Inner Circle countries and those outside the Inner Circle. Quirk believes in the virtues of Standard English, arguing in favour of a British-based international standard that is understood and valued everywhere, especially in written communication. He disapproves of the trend towards greater tolerance for variation in
110
language use, arguing that it is educationally disadvantageous. He therefore makes a clear distinction between native speakers and second language speakers and argues that Standard English must be based on an educated, native-speaker variety. He acknowledges that while Standard English can be spoken in a variety of accents, it should be an internationally intelligible, high-status variety, without elements of vocabulary or grammar that are particular to certain localised dialects. He also believes that Standard English should continue to be the variety of English taught in schools all over the world: It is silly to think that teaching Standard English invades a child's dialect space. Children arrive in school not only used to hearing lots of Standard English: they actually arrive in large measure already speaking it, since most of the vocabulary and most of the grammar of most dialects are shared with Standard English. The teacher helps to adjust, polish, and amplify the children's language (to parental pride and joy), equipping them to join the vast community for whom Standard English is their most precious bond. Randolph Quirk Independent Sunday 18 April 1993 Downloaded 30 March 2012 from http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/morethan-just-talking-proper-randolph-quirk-argues-standard-english-is-about-wordsand-meanings-not-accents-1456061.html Kachru, on the other hand, argues for the recognition of both L1 and L2 varieties of English such as Nigerian English, Singapore English and Jamaican English ± varieties which in his view are in no way inferior to Standard British English. His view is that Inner Circle values and norms should not be used to define the lives of people in other circles, and argues for a variety of norms rather than a single standard. Kachru rejects terms such as interference (influence of L1 on L2 learning) because he regards these as terms that reflect English from the view of a native speaker. Kachru tries to emphasise the `WEness' of English speakers (in other words he concentrates on what they have in common) instead of concentrating on the `us' and `them' (i.e. differences between) users of the language. Kachru is therefore clearly opposed to the model adopted by Quirk, which views English as having only one recognised centre (England) that sets the standard, and views diversity in the Outer and Expanding circles as deviations from the standard. Instead Kachru believes that the norm-providing centres have multiplied in the last century, and have led to creative use of English in various contexts and societies throughout the world: It does look as if the principal energies of the English language, as if its genius for acquisition, for innovation, for metaphoric response, has also moved away from England ... (Steiner 1975 cited in Kachru 1992:248) Kachru's rejection of the `single standard' notion supports his belief that the language varieties used by Outer Circle countries reflect the cultures of the users and meet their communicative needs. Many other scholars agree with Kachru's view: The rise of these new varieties [of English] leads to a continual enriching and renewal of the language and the literatures written in it, since these varieties often export some of their original innovations back to the original users, often to the dismay of the latter. (Romaine 1992:254)
LIN2602
111
Not only has `English' become international in the last half-century, but scholarship about English has also become international; the ownership of an interest in English has become international. We are no longer a language community which is associated with a national community or even with a family of nations such as the Commonwealth aspired to be. We are an international community. (Brumfit 1995:16)
Task 6.5 (a)
Contrast Quirk's view and Kachru's view on Outer Circle varieties of English. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Have a look at the quote by Derek Walcott at the beginning of this study unit. Does he fall into the Kachru camp or the Quirk camp? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Quirk uses Inner Circle values and norms to define a native speaker-based standard for English, viewing second-language varieties as non-standard varieties resulting from interference with other languages. He believes in a single international Standard English that should be taught at school, would be understood by everyone and would unite the global community of English speakers. In contrast, Kachru views the diverse varieties in the Outer and Expanding Circles as new norms, with their own `world Englishes' that belong equally to all who use them. By asserting that English is `nobody's special property', Walcott is placing himself firmly in Kachru's camp. The West Indian poet from St Lucia in the Caribbean won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1992. He uses an `Outer Circle' variety of English in his poetry, and recognises the right of Outer Circle countries to own their own varieties of English and use them creatively in regional literature. __________________________________________________________________________
112
6.5 Varieties of English in South Africa The varieties of English currently spoken in South Africa include South African English (SAE), Black South African English (BSAE) and South African Indian English (SAIE). English was brought to South Africa by the British military from 1795 and by a more permanent group of settlers from 1820. English is viewed as important for economic advancement in the region and is often used as a lingua franca in government, business and public administration.
6.5.1 SAE South African English (SAE) is itself divided into several different varieties based on geographical origin and social class. Lass (2002:123) notes that `the morphology and syntax of L1 varieties of SAE have not been well studied, and it would be premature to give any kind of detailed account', but the phonology and vocabulary of the variety have been studied in detail by South African linguists such as L.W. Lanham, Roger Lass, William and Jean Branford, Vivian de Klerk, Rajend Mesthrie, Ian Bekker and Bertus van Rooy. According to Lass (2002:106), one of the phonological features of SAE is that the [I] vowel in kit (and hit and it) is not the same as the [I] vowel in fit and pit. In words like bath and rather, SAE uses the vowel in bar, or even the vowel in bore. South African English also tends to use an [e] vowel in words like hat, so we are easy to identify as `South Efrican', or even just `Seffrican'! At the lexical level, we are unique in referring to traffic lights as robots and traffic officers as speedcops. We are the only English speakers that use the term loadshedding (`planned power cuts') and the only ones that use just now to mean `soon'. In many of the local varieties of English, South Africans use sorry to express sympathy, even when they are clearly not to blame: Lecturer:
(trips over extension cord)
Class:
Sorry.
Loans from Afrikaans and other local languages are common, as david crystal discovered on his travels: And at various times, in South Africa or Zimbabwe, I was offered mealie-meal, sadza, biltong, and bunny-chow ± respectively, fine maize-meal, a type of thick porridge, salted meat, and curry in a hollowed out half-loaf. It is an unusual experience, checking in a dictionary before you eat something. (Crystal 2008:145)
6.5.2 BSAE According to De Klerk and Gough (2002:356), Black South African English (BSAE) is an L2 variety of English commonly used by the L1 speakers of South Africa's indigenous African languages. In many schools, English is the medium of instruction either from the start or after 4 years of mother-tongue education. However in many cases, the teachers are L2 speakers and exposure to L1 English speakers in classrooms is limited. This has
LIN2602
113
resulted in certain characteristic pronunciation and grammar, with influence from African languages, becoming the BSAE norm. Some of the phonological features of BSAE include a reduction of English vowels, as African languages in the region have only 5 or 7 vowels (De Klerk & Gough 2002:360). For example, the vowels in lot and port are both realised as the o-sound [ ], resulting in lot and pot. A very noticeable feature is the word stresses, which tend to fall on the second-last syllable, resulting in words like seVENty. At the syntactic level, BSAE has fixed phrases like can be able to, in fact and each and every. Another feature is the insertion of `extra' articles and pronouns and prepositions (She was carrying a luggage, My Standard 9, I have enjoyed it very much, He explained about the situation). Extension of the present progressive tense is also common, e.g. She was loving him very much. Codeswitching and borrowing are also common features. According to De Klerk and Gough (2002:357), this variety is increasing in prestige as the socioeconomic status of black South Africans improves. It is also the variety most used for government communication. However, the increase in black South Africans attending suburban English-medium schools is resulting in an increasing number of youth speaking SAE rather than BSAE, sometimes as their only language. It therefore remains to be seen what the role and status of BSAE will be in the decades to come.
6.5.3 SAIE South African Indian English (SAIE) is a variety of English used by about three-quarters of a million South Africa Indians, usually as their first language. According to Bughwan (1970:503), `English was first transmitted to Indians by native speakers of the language English ± missionaries, British teachers and English-speaking sugar-estate owners'. Mesthrie's research on SAIE gives a picture of a community that is `now largely urban, largely moderately educated (with seven to twelve years of schooling), with a majority of people having Tamil and Bhojpuri as ancestral languages' (Mesthrie 1992:38). SAIE is therefore a second-language variety of English that has become a first language variety over time. SAIE shows signs of influence from the original Indian languages. Some examples of SAIE words borrowed from Indian languages (taken from Mesthrie 1995:254±5) are given below: isel
`a winged termite, flying ant' (Tamil, Telugu)
dhania
`coriander' (Bhojpuri, Gujarati, Urdu)
bhajia
`spicy fried snack' (Bhojpuri, Urdu)
nikah
`Islamic wedding ceremony' (Urdu)
thanni
`a popular card game' (Tamil)
ihanda
`flag hoisted by some Hindus after prayers' (Bhojpuri)
Semantic shifts often occur in SAIE where the meanings of words differ from Standard English:
114
lazy
`unintelligent'
interfere
`to molest'
hint
`to speak ill of' (not necessarily obliquely)
independent
`stand-offish, haughty'
raw
`uncouth, vulgar'
healthy
`fat, overweight' (not a conscious euphemism)
goodwill
`compulsory payment to landlord to secure accommodation'
There are several different varieties of SAIE, dependent on the age, background, social class and level of education of speakers. Mesthrie (1992:44) gives the following examples of SAIE, the first from a 55-year-old, rural, working class speaker and the second from a 60-year old urban, working class speaker. Q: A:
How often you go to Durban? Where we go! Hardly we go, visit Durban too. Sometime 'olidays, my 'usband take his brother's house an' his sistern-law there an' all of his connection. My connection-all staying Merebank. Sometime holidays we go, but this year 'oliday we had y'know, like we had some problem an' all like we want to go visit, I don' like to go stay that two-three weeks an' all ± they living 'ard life like us too, they earn little bit money too. (55-year-old, rural, working class speaker)
Q:
Tell me about the time you had a heart attack.
A:
I went an' bought one soda water. So I had a soda water in the cafe Â, I took my coat out, took my jersey an' all out, I chucked it on the table. I sat, sat, sat ± I said no, I felt I must reach home. I didn't trust anybody to drive that van because it was lent to me from somebody else. So somehow or other I managed, I jumped into the van, an' I drove the van an' came, I just came an' parked here an' lied down. (60-year-old, urban, working class speaker)
Task 6.6 Look closely at the speech samples above. Can you identify any of the distinguishing characteristics of SAIE? Focus on pronunciation, grammar, word order, word meaning etc. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
115
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback As far as phonology is concerned, we have already commented on the missing h sounds in words like 'olidays, 'usband in the first example and the missing d in most occurrences of an' (and) in both examples. The syntax is also different from SAE. Notice, for example, that there is no do in the first question `How often you go to Durban?' Mesthrie says that most styles of SAIE omit the do, resulting in questions like You saw me? rather than Did you see me? SAIE also seems to use more -ing forms than simple present tense forms, for example they living 'ard life (`they live a hard life') and My connection-all staying Merebank (`My side of the family all stay in Merebank'). The past tense form of lie down in the second example is lied down, which would not be used in Standard English. Some of the prepositions are omitted, e.g. Sometime holidays we go (`Sometimes we go in the holidays') or differ from Standard English, e.g. it was lent to me from somebody else (`it was lent to me by somebody else'). The word order is also sometimes noticeably different from SAE, e.g. Hardly we go (`we hardly go'). According to Mesthrie (1992:115), objects are often placed first in SAIE, resulting in OSV word order, for example, And ginger we should plant. Repetition of words for emphasis is also used in the second example, for example I sat, sat, sat (`I sat for a long time'). Mesthrie (1992:52) explains that this kind of reduplication is a favoured device in SAIE to indicate intensity or frequency, e.g. waiting-waiting we got so fed up (`we got fed up with waiting for so long'). SAIE also has particular words that distinguish the ethnolect from other forms of English spoken in South Africa. One of these is the phrase an' all meaning `all of them/everything/ everybody'. Another example that is not found in the extracts is the frequent use of y'all as the second person plural pronoun, as in I'm cross why y'all not eating (I'm upset that you (pl.) are not eating'). In the examples, you may have noticed the word too is used much more frequently and in a different way to SAE, e.g. Hardly we go, visit Durban too. __________________________________________________________________________
6.6 Summary English is now used as a global language and its L2 speakers alone number over 1,5 billion. It can be regarded as the lingua franca of the world due to its importance in technology, commerce and science and its ability to borrow words from other languages and continue to change and adapt to new realities. English is spoken in both standard and non-standard varieties in many different parts of the world. Looking back at the history of English, we saw that Germanic-speaking invaders introduced a new language to Britain known as Anglo-Saxon or Old English. This
116
language was later heavily influenced by French during the Norman occupation of Britain. By the late fifteenth century the invention of the printing press allowed written English texts to become more accessible and contributed to the acceptance of the London dialect as the standard. Colonisation in the 19th century spread the English culture and language to other parts of the world. This ongoing spread of English has been represented by Kachru as three concentric circles: In Inner Circle countries English is the primary language as a result of British colonisation; in Outer Circle countries English is an official language but coexists with other languages and has many second-language speakers of the regional standard; while in Expanding circle countries, English is recognised as an important international language but is not an official language. We identified several criticisms that have been raised in relation to Kachru's model, and noted the disagreement between Kachru and Quirk relating to whether English has only one recognised centre (England) that sets the standard, or whether the norm-providing centres have multiplied in the last century. We concluded our investigation of World Englishes by looking at some of the linguistic and sociolinguistic features of the varieties of English currently spoken in South Africa: South African English (SAE), Black South African English (BSAE) and South African Indian English (SAIE).
Further reading Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 56 The language barrier Chapter 59 World languages Crystal, D. 2003. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. (second edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2003. English as a Global Language (second edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (or see sample at http://www.sprachshop.com/sixcms/media.php/ 811/English_as_a_grobal_lang_sample_ch.pdf) Jenkins, J. 2003. World Englishes: A resource book for students. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.
LIN2602
117
Study Unit 7 New languages: pidgins and creoles A LETTER FROM PARENT TO TEACHER dearest teacher,pls i not like how u give my son 0\10 in the english ezam. i have look at d thing he write and everytin correct.so what is the why that u now give him 0\10.i teach him english everyday and he has know it well well and her hand written is dey correct. so pls what is d y for little mark ... Joke downloaded from http://www.onlinenigeria.com/jokes/ad/1-3644
OUTCOMES After you have worked through this study unit you will be able to 1 2 3 4
discuss the sociolinguistic conditions that lead to the birth of a pidgin language; distinguish between a pidgin and a creole and describe their linguistic characteristics; explain the process of language change that results when a creole remains in contact with the standard language on which it is based; and explain and illustrate the following concepts: pidgin creole lexifier language base language decreolisation
creole continuum basilect mesolect acrolect Fanakalo
In a nutshell In this unit our attention is drawn to new linguistic varieties that arise as a result of contact between two or more language groups, such as Portuguese traders along the African coast and slaves forcibly relocated from West Africa to America and the Caribbean. We look at the birth of new pidgin languages and their development into creoles. The linguistic characteristics of pidgins and creoles are also investigated. We also investigate how and why creole languages decline and move gradually closer to standard languages. We conclude our investigation by focusing on two case studies, namely Fanakalo in South Africa and Mauritian Creole. Although both originated from language contact situations, they have developed in very different ways.
118
7.1 Introduction The origins of language in the human species happened so long ago that we can only speculate about how and when it happened, although it is thought to have occurred in Africa. However, sometimes we can get a glimpse into how the process may have happened by studying the birth of new languages in more recent times. In this study unit we focus on the `makeshift' languages that arise when the need for communication overcomes the barriers between speakers of two different languages.
7.2 The pidgin: a language in embryo A pidgin can be defined in various ways but in essence is a simplified language used in restricted contact situations. Pidgins are found in many places in the world, for example Nigerian Pidgin English in Nigeria, Bahamian in the Bahamas and Tok Pisin in Papua New Guinea (see also 7.3 below). Pidgins arise in situations where there is temporary contact between two groups of monolingual speakers who belong to different communities and who have limited social interaction. This type of situation is typical of hunters or traders who are in occasional contact with speakers in whose area they hunt or trade, but are not permanent enough to learn their language or interact socially with members of the community. A similar situation may also arise when members of one community move to another area to find work there but do not engage in much social interaction with the dominant group. These situations are characterised by the fact that the contact is often temporary and limited to certain contexts and by the fact that the two groups are of differing social status. The dominant group does not take much trouble to teach their language to the members of the group with which they have come into contact, nor to learn the language of the less powerful group. In such language contact situations a new language is often created which has a limited vocabulary and a simplified grammar. This language is never spoken as a mother tongue and is consequently a very unstable language (i.e. it can change or fall into disuse very easily) and is used only as a secondary language. Some linguists believe the word pidgin originated in the Chinese English pidgin language in which the words talk business became tok pidgin. The main characteristics of pidgins are drastic reduction in the vocabulary, sound system, morphological and syntactic components. This does not mean, however, that pidgins are arbitrary combinations of words. They are clearly rule-governed and as such need to be acquired. The pidgin is therefore a language in embryo: it has all the basic elements of language. Ferguson and Heath (1981:532) define a pidgin as follows: A form of language, reduced in vocabulary, simplified in grammar, and typically containing elements from several languages, which arises for restricted communication functions between speakers of different mother tongues. Naro (1978:314) defines a pidgin slightly differently from Ferguson: The term PIDGIN may be defined as referring to a rule governed system of verbal communication, used by two or more groups, which neither is nor pretends to be the native linguistic competence of any speaker or group. In most systems of this type, it is possible to identify one natural language as the source of the great majority of lexical items used; this is the BASE language.
LIN2602
119
Naro (1978) makes the observation that pidgins are rule-governed languages rather than an arbitrary mixture of languages. He also makes the observation that pidgins are no one's languages ± they are always second languages. Note, however, that Naro (1978) does not identify under what conditions pidgins are formed. To be able to account for the type of situation in which pidgins are developed we need to take a closer look at language contact situations. Before a pidgin can be created, there must be contact between people who do not know each other's languages. This suggests that pidgins arise amongst adults rather than children. There must also be a need for monolinguals belonging to different speech communities to communicate with each other. The contact situation must be temporary and relatively informal. Although language contact is a necessary precondition for pidgins to develop, it is not a sufficient one. By this we mean that not all contact situations produce pidgins. In fact, most contact situations do not produce pidgins.
Task 7.1 (a)
What normally happens in a language contact situation when monolinguals belonging to different speech communities need to communicate with each other? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) What are the main differences between a pidgin and a lingua franca? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Contact situations frequently lead to bilingualism or multilingualism, where speakers of one language learn the language of other community members and speak to them in their own language(s). Many examples of multilingualism can be seen in South Africa
120
and it is not uncommon to come across people who can speak three or even more languages such as Zulu, English and Afrikaans. In pidgin contact situations bilingualism does not occur. The speakers of different languages do not learn one another's languages. They simply use a limited variety based on one or more of the languages involved in the contact situation. Another possible outcome of a contact situation in which speakers are not able to understand each other's language, is for everyone to use a third or common language, known as a lingua franca. As we saw in Study Unit 2, a lingua franca is a language used to communicate when people do not share a common mother tongue. For instance, when students from different parts of the world study together in the United States of America and speak (reasonably) correct English to each other, they are not using a pidgin, but a lingua franca. In India, English is often used as a lingua franca between members of widely differing Indian speech communities. Swahili is an important lingua franca in East Africa. The term lingua franca therefore has a much wider meaning than the term pidgin. Each pidgin functions as a type of lingua franca (because it is used for communication between members of different speech communities) but a lingua franca is not a pidgin. The key characteristic of a lingua franca is that it is a fully-fledged (developed) language with mother-tongue speakers, such as English, whereas a pidgin language has no native speakers. __________________________________________________________________________
7.3 Where are pidgins spoken? Pidgins and languages descended from pidgins are spoken all over the world, including Africa, the Indian Ocean, the Caribbean, Southeast Asia, Melanesia and Australia. Perhaps the most well-known pidgin languages are those like Jamaican which arose amongst the slaves who were imported from West Africa in the 17th Century to work on farms and develop the new colonies in the West Indies. Later, when it was discovered that cotton grew well in the southern states of North America, slaves were also employed on cotton plantations. It was difficult for these African slaves to keep their identities as they came from different areas and language groups and were mixed together in the colonies. In fact there is evidence that slave owners deliberately broke up families and tribal groups to minimise the risk of rebellion. Obviously there was a need to communicate with fellow slaves and their overseers, so in this situation pidgin languages arose rapidly. These pidgin languages were based on the colonial languages (English, French, Spanish and Dutch) but were influenced to some extent by the African languages. They were used throughout the Caribbean and the southern states of North America, such as Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Virginia. The Portuguese expansion around West Africa starting in the 15th century gave rise to a number of pidgins in Africa. Portuguese-based pidgins arose as a result of contact with Portuguese-speaking sailors. These include Cape Verdean Creole, Guinea-Bissau Kriyol and Angolar. Over time most of these pidgins disappeared and in parts of Africa that the Portuguese colonised (such as Mozambique and Angola) the local population learned to speak Portuguese and became bilingual. English-based pidgins in former British colonies in Africa include Nigerian pidgin, Ghanaian Pidgin English, Cameroon Pidgin English and Krio in Sierra Leone. French-based pidgins are spoken in the Indian Ocean
LIN2602
121
Islands of Mauritius, the Seychelles and Reunion. There is also scholarly debate over the extent to which the early forms of Afrikaans can be considered a pidgin, resulting from contact between Dutch and other European settlers, the Khoekhoe substratum, and Creole-Portuguese and Malay slaves (see e.g. Roberge 2002).
7.4 Characteristics of pidgins A pidgin is very clearly a second language and the speech rate is usually slower than in an ordinary language. A further important characteristic of a pidgin is that it is unstable. If the contact between the groups ceases or if the groups break up, the pidgin will disappear. According to Singh (2000:17), `social instability may have been a defining feature of the environments that produced pidgins'. For example, on a sugar or cotton plantation, the composition of the group fluctuated as many slaves died and large numbers of new slaves from different language backgrounds were brought in or as plantations changed hands. A major source of variation in pidgins is the influence of the speakers' mother tongues on the pidgin. Each group speaks the pidgin in their own way. Pidgins are seldom used in written form. They are normally oral languages only. The most important structural characteristic of pidgins is simplification. This is a result of the fact that, in order to serve the purpose for which they were created, pidgins must be easy to learn. This leads to their drastic simplification which affects all levels of the language. Ferguson and DeBose (1977:105) describe simplification as follows: ... modification that seems intended in a fairly obvious way to make utterances easier to perceive, understand, or produce may be regarded as simplifying processes if they omit material, reduce irregularity, or make sound-meaning correspondences more transparent. The objective of simplification is therefore to help the learner understand what the speaker is saying. From this characteristic it follows that pidgins will have a limited number of linguistic units and that the phonology and grammar will be highly simplified. However, it appears that there are clear limits to simplification beyond which a language does not seem to be able to function. For instance, no normal language seems to be able to function unless there are at least five different vowels. This type of restriction leads to great structural similarities in the phonology of pidgins throughout the world, since most of them have five vowels. On the syntactic level it seems that the most basic structure of most pidgins is a subject verb object (SVO) word order. A brief overview is given below of how the simplification process affects the vocabulary, grammar, phonology and syntax of pidgins (based on Hudson 1980:62±65).
7.4.1 Vocabulary The vocabulary of a pidgin is often based on the language of the dominant group. The dominant language, that is the language from which most of the vocabulary is introduced, is referred to as the lexifier language of the pidgin. One reason why the dominant language tends to be the lexifier language is because the dominant language
122
introduces a number of new concepts (with their original names) into the culture of the non-dominant group. Thus in Khoi (or Khoekhoe) Pidgin Dutch most of the words are Dutch. Among the most common lexifier languages of pidgins are English, French, Portuguese, Spanish, and Arabic.
Task 7.2 English is the lexifier language of Hawaiian Pidgin English. See if your knowledge of English allows you to translate the following example from Hawaiian Pidgin English (Hint: The speaker is comparing life with a road. Try reading the sentence aloud; this will probably make it easier to understand): Samtaim gud rod get, samtaim, olsem ben get enguru get, no? enikain seim, olsem hyuman life. ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback You probably recognised a few words like samtaim, `sometime', seim `same' and hyuman life `human life', but notice the spelling is very sound-based, unlike Standard English with all its idiosyncrasies and inconsistencies. However, you probably couldn't follow the meaning. The gloss is provided below: Samtaim
gud rod get, samtaim,
olsem
Sometimes good road get, sometimes all the same ben
get enguru get, no? enikain seim, olsem
hyuman life.
bends get angles get, no? any kind same, all-same human life. The English translation would run something like this: `Sometimes you get a good road, sometimes you get, like, bends, corners, right? Everything's like that. Human life's like that.'
LIN2602
123
This example shows clearly that knowledge of the lexifier language does not enable you to understand the pidgin. It still needs to be learnt. __________________________________________________________________________ Because of the trend towards simplification, a pidgin is characterised by its limited vocabulary and, consequently, pidgin speakers can only discuss certain topics (Hudson 1980:62). The small vocabulary implies that knowledge of the context and the topic of the conversation play an important role in the interpretation of an utterance. Because the vocabulary is small, each word has a wide meaning. The meaning of the Tok Pisin word han illustrates this point (Tok Pisin is a pidgin/creole language spoken in Papua New Guinea): han bilong dok (`hands belong to a dog') `front paw of a dog' han bilong pik (`hands belong to a pig') `shoulder of pork' han bilong pisin (`hands belong to a pigeon') `wing of a pigeon' han bilong diwai (`hands belong to a tree') `branch of a tree' plantihan (`plenty hands') `centipede'.
Task 7.3 (a)
Based on the example above, can you identify the lexifier language of Tok Pisin? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) Where do you think the language Tok Pisin gets its name from? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback Because you can see from the glosses that Tok Pisin is based on English vocabulary, e.g. han `hand' and bilong `belong', you can deduce that English is the lexifier language of Tok Pisin. In fact, 80% of the vocabulary of the language comes from English. The language gets its name from the phrase `talk pidgin'. __________________________________________________________________________ As in speech addressed to children (motherese), reduplicated phrases are also typically present in many pidgins. For example in Nigerian Pidgin, reduplicated words include koro-koro `clear vision', yama-yama `disgusting', and doti-doti `garbage'.
124
7.4.2 Phonology As pointed out above, the simplification of the phonological (sound) system of pidgins leads to certain similarities among pidgins worldwide. For example: the phonology of Tok Pisin and many other pidgins shows only five vowels. In Tok Pisin, for example, this leads to a neutralisation of the contrast between the English words work (Tok Pisin: wok) and walk. The contrast between these two words is now expressed on the morphological level: the word wokabout (`walk about') is used for `walk' and wok means `work'. The number of consonants phonemes is also reduced in pidgin languages. For example, the contrast between [p] and [f] is neutralised in Tok Pisin by the loss of [f]: The word laugh thus becomes lap and leaf becomes lip. The reduction in the number of phonemes (sounds) also leads to the loss of the contrast between [s], [l] and [tl]. This means that the English words watch and wash are both pronounced as was in Tok Pisin.
7.4.3 Morphology The simplification process is seen on the grammatical level in a sharp reduction of the inflectional morphology of the lexifier languages in pidgins. Inflectional morphemes are used in standard languages to: . signal relationships between words in a sentence, for example, the agreement between a subject and a verb in sentences such as The dog walks / The dogs walk; . provide additional grammatical information such as tense, case, number, etc., for example English cat ± cats, dog ± dogs The loss of inflection in pidgins manifests differently in different types of languages but the results tend to be very similar: a type of telegraphic speech. This simplification implies that important meaning distinctions can no longer be expressed. For example, the loss of the English possessive suffix the dog's paw in Tok Pisin is compensated for by using the word bilong. Thus the Tok Pisin phrase han bilong dok `hand belonging to a dog' refers to a dog's paw. The affixes expressing number (e.g. the -s added to nouns in English to denote the concept `plural') are similarly lost in the pidginisation process. Thus Tok Pisin expresses the concept `more than one' by a numeral: two boy bilong yu (`your two sons'). This last example illustrates that important concepts that are expressed in the lexifier language by an inflectional morpheme are expressed in the pidgin using a full word. A similar loss of inflectional morphology or grammatical morphemes is seen in African pidgins in a loss of the Bantu noun prefix system. For instance, the fifteen noun classes that occur in Zulu are reduced to one contrast in the Zulu-based pidgin Fanakalo (see 7.7.1), namely the contrast between the singular and the plural which is marked by maor zi-. A few nouns that refer to human beings take the prefix um- the singular and the prefix ba- in the plural. The loss of the noun class markers means that the concord system of Zulu is also lost in Fanakalo. There are two possible reasons why the inflectional morphology has been lost in pidgins: . It is easier to interpret a language where one form has one meaning. (The plural morpheme -s in English has three forms: -s, z and -ez as in cats, dogs and horses) . It is easier to learn a language with limited morphology such as English or Afrikaans than one that has a complex morphology such as Latin or Zulu.
LIN2602
125
Grammatical categories are often represented by function words rather than by inflectional endings as in, for example, Cameroon Pidgin English: a di tok
`I'm talking'
a bin tok
`I talked'
a go tok
`I will talk'
a bin don tok `I have talked'
7.4.4 Syntax As pointed out earlier, many pidgins have SVO sequence even if one of the donor languages has, for instance, a VSO sequence. There are, of course exceptions: Naga Pidgin, spoken in northeast India, is reported to have a SOV basic word order. Nearly all pidginised forms of English have an SVO sequence. The auxiliary verb used to mark tense is lacking in most English-based pidgins. For instance, an auxiliary verb such as has in He has gone would be dropped in pidgins. This is usually compensated for by adding adverbs like today or tomorrow. The verb to be is frequently omitted altogether in pidgins: beam very strong `the beam is very strong'. me angikele nau
`me hungry now'
Changes in word order to express questions, commands or statements seldom occur. The following example from Tok Pisin illustrates this observation: yu klinim pis
`You are cleaning the fish.'
yu klinim pis
`Are you cleaning the fish?'
yu klinim pis
`Clean the fish!'
7.5 The birth and growth of creoles As we noted above, pidgins are only used in restricted or limited communicative situations, such as trade. They have restricted vocabularies and grammars and they come into existence so that people who speak different languages are able to communicate in limited contact situations. There are no mother-tongue speakers of pidgins. If a pidgin no longer serves a useful purpose, it can fall into disuse and die. For example, once the trading situation no longer exists there is no need for the pidgin to continue to be used and it dies. If the contact between groups of people becomes more permanent and regular, as in the case of colonisation, the groups learn one another's languages and become bilingual and so the pidgin falls away. There are however other situations where the pidgin language does not die out, for instance, when a generation of children adopt a pidgin as their mother tongue. This type of situation can arise when a man and a woman who are speakers of different languages marry. Both know a pidgin language but neither learns the other's language. The pidgin is then adopted as the home language and becomes the mother tongue of their children.
126
When a pidgin acquires mother-tongue speakers (i.e. children grow up and speak it as a mother tongue), it starts to undergo various changes (this process is known as elaboration). It then grows into a fully developed language which we call a creole. All pidgins have the potential to develop into fully-developed languages. Pidgins can be regarded as languages in embryo ± all the necessary linguistic elements are there in a restricted form. Under the right circumstances a pidgin can be creolised (that is, develop into a creole). Once a pidgin is adopted as a first language (that is, there are mother tongue speakers) and it starts to be used for a wide range of functions (it is used for other situations than trading), it begins to develop into a creole. A good example is the Caribbean creoles. These first started as pidgins which were used as a means of communication between master and slaves. Because many of the slaves came from different linguistic backgrounds, pidgins developed as a means of communication between them. Gradually the use of the pidgin expanded to cover more and more situations. In the case of mixed marriages the pidgin became the main means of communication between them and it was then passed on to the children as their first language. Once the pidgin was adopted as a first language, it developed rapidly and the old African languages fell into disuse and became forgotten, leaving the way open for the new creole to become a fully developed language. Another example of a pidgin that has been creolised is Nigerian pidgin, an English-based pidgin and creole language spoken as a lingua franca across Nigeria. According to Wikipedia, The language is commonly referred to as `Pidgin' or `Brokin'. It is often not considered a creole language since most speakers are not native speakers, although many children do learn it early. ... Ihemere (2006) reports that Nigerian Pidgin is the native language of approximately 3 to 5 million people and is a second language for at least another 75 million. Variations of Pidgin are also spoken across West Africa, in countries such as Equatorial Guinea and Cameroon. Pidgin English, despite its common use throughout the country, has no official status. Nigerian Pidgin, along with the various pidgin and creole languages of West Africa share similarities to the various dialects of English found in the Caribbean. Some of the returning descendants of slaves taken to the New World of West African origin brought back many words and phrases to West Africa from the Jamaican Creole (also known as Jamaican Patois or simply Patois) and the other creole languages of the West Indies which are components of Nigerian Pidgin. Downloaded from http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nigerian_Pidgin on 19 March 2012 As the above extract suggests, it is not easy to draw an exact dividing line between a pidgin and a creole. The point at which the pidgin is adopted as the mother tongue of some speakers could be regarded as the birth of a new language, but like all babies it still has to grow and mature. Once the pidgin becomes a first language, its development is greatly accelerated. Its speakers may start to use it in new ways, for example, for teaching children or for storytelling. It undergoes rapid alteration and expansion in its grammar, vocabulary and phonology. The structure of the creole becomes more complex. Mature creoles can be regarded as fully developed languages because they can be used in all normal communicative situations, i.e. they have a full range of functions in all domains. Some creoles have been accepted as the language of government and
LIN2602
127
administration as in the case of Tok Pisin and they also become literary languages. A creole may even become a national language of a country. For instance, Sango is a Ngbandi-based creole spoken in the Central African Republic, Cameroon, Chad, Congo, and the DRC. Originally used by river traders, Sango is a Bantu language with some French lexical influence used as a language of wider communication in the region. It is the most widespread language in the Central African Republic with 400 000 mothertongue speakers and a further 1,6 million second-language speakers (1988 census). It has been declared the national language of the Central African Republic and is used in all domains, including as a language of instruction in many schools.
Task 7.4 Based on your reading of 7.3 and 7.4 above, can you summarise the major differences between pidgins and creoles? Try and think of at least six points of difference: Pidgins
128
Creoles
Feedback The table below shows some of the difference between pidgins and creoles that you may have identified: Pidgins
Creoles
(1) No first language speakers
Have first language speakers
(2) Used in a restricted communicative context only
Used in a wide variety of communicative contexts
(3) Unstable and variable due to influence of different L1s
More stable
(4) Normally only spoken
Spoken and written
(5) Relatively slow speech rate as everyone uses it as L2
Normal speech rate
(6) Very limited number of lexical items
Wide range of lexical items
(7) Simplified phonology, e.g. simple vowel systems and fewer consonants than base or lexifier languages
More complex phonology, but still tend to have fewer vowels and consonants than base languages
(8) Simple morphology with few inflections
More inflection and derivation
(9) Reduced syntactic complexity
More complex syntax
7.6 Decreolisation: the death of a pidgin It is possible to compare the development of a pidgin to the life cycle of some living organism (such as a plant or animal). The pidgin is the embryo, or egg, stage of development, the stage between conception and birth. Just as an animal needs two parents for conception to take place, so the pidgin is born out of the contact between two language groups. Often one of the two parent languages of the pidgin is more dominant than the other, and it plays a bigger role in the composition of the pidgin. We call this the base language. If the base language of a pidgin is English, we call it an English-based pidgin. The next stage is the creole stage. For a creole to be born, the pidgin must be adopted by mother-tongue speakers. The creole then has to develop and grow to maturity. Once the creole has grown to maturity, it becomes a highly developed language which can function like any other normal language. It can be used for a variety of communicative situations. It can be written. It can develop a literature. And it can become accepted as an official language of a country. The next stage is the decline of the creole, known as decreolisation. Decreolisation normally occurs in a situation when a creole exists side by side with its base language. For example decreolisation has occurred in the West Indies where English-based creoles exist side by side with Standard English. In such a situation speakers of the creole may start to adopt the base language, particularly if there are economic advantages in being
LIN2602
129
able to speak the base language. Education also plays an important role here. The base language has a higher status and is a language of education. Because of their origins, creoles are often regarded as low prestige varieties. and once speakers of the creole become educated, it is likely that they will start to adopt the standard language. If this process continues throughout the creole-speaking community, the creole will disappear completely, that is, it will have been decreolised and the speakers will all have adopted the base language. The process of decreolisation usually takes place slowly and unevenly. Some members of the creole-speaking community adopt the base language which is more prestigious, whereas others do not change their language so rapidly in that direction. Older, working class or more rural community members typically still use a `deep creole', that is the process of decreolisation has hardly touched them. This situation can be described in terms of a creole continuum, in other words a range of varieties of the creole in various stages of decreolisation. Normally three stages are identified in the creole continuum: the basilect or `deep' creole, which is most like the original creole, the mesolect(s) or various varieties in which decreolisation is beginning to take place and the acrolect where decreolisation has progressed the furthest. The acrolect is the form of the creole that is closest to the base language. All three stages can exist simultaneously in a creole-speaking community as speakers may be in different stages of decreolisation. FIGURE 7.1: Creole continuum, with examples from Jamaican Creole basilect ? Creole mesolects ? Creole ? acrolect ? Base language Mi a nyam ? Me a eat
Me eatin' I eatin' ? I am eating ? I am eating
The process of decreolisation may lead to the development of new language varieties. In the United States of America the pidgin languages of the slaves gradually developed into a creole which they adopted as their mother tongue. Because of contact with mothertongue speakers of English and increased levels of education after the emancipation of the slaves, the creole varieties started to become decreolised with the result that Black American English is a decreolised variety of English. It is a dialect of American English which has grown out of a creole variety. It retains certain creole elements, although it is no longer regarded as a creole and is moving closer to standard American English. The case of Afrikaans is quite a complex situation in which the creole varieties of the Dutch spoken by the Khoekhoe and the slaves started to be decreolised through contact with mother-tongue speakers of Dutch. At the same time the mother-tongue speakers of Dutch were influenced by these creole varieties. As a result many creole elements have been absorbed into Afrikaans. For instance, constructions like the reduplication of verbs (sing±sing, dans±dans) which do not appear in Dutch can be traced back to MalayPortuguese elements in the variety of Dutch spoken by the slaves. The influence on Afrikaans of these creolised varieties led to Afrikaans absorbing many creole elements. Afrikaans is sometimes referred to as a partial creole language.
7.7 The development of Afrikaans Afrikaans has its roots both inside and outside of South Africa. The European roots of Afrikaans come via the Dutch Republic consisting of the United Provinces. The officials,
130
soldiers and workers from the Dutch East India Company Dutch who came to the Cape from the Dutch Repblic in the 17th century, brought with them the various dialects of Dutch. The slaves who came from the East brought with them various eastern languages which had an influence on the development of Afrikaans, and the Khoe speakers who formed the indigenous population of the Cape influenced the development of Afrikaans as well. Many of the officials and soldiers who were employed by the Dutch East India Company at the Cape resigned and began farming. These farmers were called the freeburghers. The freeburghers mainly became stock farmers and they gradually moved away from the Cape into the interior in search of pastures for their stock. They lived on the eastern border of the Cape which they continually expanded. Although these settlers came from various European countries (The Dutch Republic, Germany and France were the main countries of origin) and spoke various varieties of Dutch and other European languages, they adopted Dutch as their mother tongue. The variety of Dutch that they spoke however was influenced by the different varieties of Dutch and other European languages which the settlers brought with them. The type of Dutch that they spoke is called Border Afrikaans (Oosgrensafrikaans). The slaves came from various linguistic backgrounds and from countries diverse as India, Madagascar, Benin, Angola and Liberia amongst others. One of the languages which most of the slaves knew to some extent was a creolised variety of Portuguese spoken in the East which was called Malay-Portuguese. It originated from a type of pidgin Portuguese spoken by Malay speakers who wanted to learn Portuguese but had not quite mastered it. Malay-Portuguese was the language which was used to communicate with Portuguese traders, soldiers and sailors. It was well-known in the East and even many Dutch sailors could speak it. At the Cape the slaves began to speak Dutch with their new masters and with their fellow slaves. Dutch was often used as a lingua franca amongst the slaves because many of them spoke different languages. Many of the slaves did not learn Dutch from mother-tongue speakers, but from the fellow slaves who spoke a type of learner Dutch. This type of Dutch was simplified (as it was not their mother tongue) and it was also influenced by elements from their various mother tongues (particularly Malay-Portuguese). Gradually this variety of Dutch was adopted as the mother tongue of the slaves and they lost the ability to speak their original mother tongues. That was the beginning of a variety of Dutch called Cape Afrikaans (Kaapse Afrikaans). The slaves remained mainly at the Cape and did not move into the interior of South Africa, so their variety of Dutch has had an influence on the type of Afrikaans spoken in the Cape today. Remnants of Malay-Portuguese can still be seen in present day Afrikaans in common words such as baie, koejawel and piesang as mentioned in Study Unit 2 Because of the need to trade, particularly for cattle and livestock, the Dutch settlers found it necessary to trade with the Khoe. This trade lead to the development of a contact language, pidgin Dutch. Contact with the Dutch had important consequences for the Khoi. As a result of this contact their social system was destroyed, new chiefs were appointed by the Dutch, unknown illnesses such as small-lpox led to the breakdown of the traditional society and to a large extent they began to adopt the Dutch language. Many of the Khoi were frightened by the small pox epidemic so they moved away from the Cape. Most of them moved in a North Westerly direction and settled in the region of the Orange River. The variety of Dutch that they spoke is known as Orange River Afrikaans (Oranjerivierafrikaans). The Khoe who did not move to the Orange River region began to work for the Dutch farmers as herdsmen. Their status changed from providers
LIN2602
131
of livestock to herders of livestock. Traces of the Khoi languages can be seen in modern Afrikaans. A number of words of Khoi origin such as Gamka, Keiskamma and Karoo as discussed in Study Unit 2. As we have seen above, during the first years after the arrival of the Dutch at the Cape a large variety of people settled at the Cape. Apart from the Dutch settlers, there were three other important groups of speakers in the community. They were the slaves, who spoke various Asian and African languages; the Khoi speakers; and the freeburghers, who spoke a variety of Dutch. Each one of these groups spoke their own distinctive variety of the early Afrikaans. There were therefore three dialects or varieties of early Afrikaans: Cape Afrikaans (Kaapse Afrikaans), originally spoken by the slaves; Orange River Afrikaans (Oranjerivierafrikaans), originally spoken by the Khoi; and Border Afrikaans (Oosgrensafrikaans), spoken by the stock farmers who had trekked away from the Cape. The people who spoke these various varieties of Afrikaans did not live in isolation from one another. They constantly came into contact with one another and naturally these various dialects influenced one another. Modern Afrikaans can be seen as a mixture of these various dialects. By the end of the 19th century the varieties of Dutch spoken at the Cape were so far removed from standard Dutch that a movement arose towards establishing Afrikaans as a standard language. Although Dutch and English were accepted as the two official languages of the country when the Union of South Africa came into being in 1910, there was a strong movement to have Afrikaans accepted as an official language and eventually in 1925 Afrikaans replaced Dutch as one of the official languages of South Africa. It is possible that many of the languages of the world may have developed out of creole languages or that creolisation may have played a role in their development (as it did in the case of Afrikaans). A major language like French, for example, may have started as a pidgin Latin spoken in Gaul, which later became creolised and then developed into a fully-fledged language with the status of a literary and national language. There is even some evidence that creolisation many have played a role in the development of Middle English. Unfortunately, we do not always have evidence of the role of creolisation in the development of languages as we do not have written records of the earlier stages.
132
Task 7.5 Match the examples and definitions in the left-hand column with the appropriate terms in the right-hand column. You won't need all the terms in the right-hand column. (a) The language that plays the most significant role in the composition of the pidgin (b) The adoption of a pidgin as a first language, with consequent linguistic elaboration and extension into a wider range of domains (c) The development of a language used in restricted contact situations (d) The creole language variety closest to the original pidgin language (e) The creole language variety closest to the original base language (f) The language from which a pidgin derives most of its vocabulary (g) a situation where a creole language consists of a spectrum of varieties between those most and least similar to the superstrate language (h) Hawaiian Pidgin originated as a form of communication on the plantations. Based on English, it has also been influenced by Portuguese, Hawaiian, Japanese and Cantonese. In the 19th and 20th centuries, Pidgin started to be used outside the plantation between ethnic groups and eventually it became the primary language of most people in Hawaii, replacing the original languages such as Hawaiian. (i) Bahamian is an English-based language spoken by approximately 400,000 people in the Bahamas. Bahamian is spoken as L1 by both white and black Bahamians, although in slightly different forms. Less educated speakers have merged /v/ and /w/ into a single phoneme, and words with th in English are usually pronounced with [d] or [t] as in dis `this' and tink `think'. (j) English first arrived in China in the 1630s, and a modified form of English known as Chinese Pidgin English developed in the 17th century for use as a trade language.
LIN2602
creole continuum lexifier language pidgin creolisation acrolect mesolect basilect
pidginisation
base language
decreolisation creole
133
Feedback The term defined in (a) is base language, (b) is creolisation, (c) is pidginisation, (d) is basilect, (e) is acrolect and (f) is lexifier language and (g) is creole continuum. The situation described in (h) (Hawaiian Pidgin) is one of pidginisation, followed by creolisation. Case study (i) (Bahamian) is also a creole because we are told that Bahamian has L1 speakers. The pidgin origins of the Bahamian language are displayed in the reduced consonant phonology described in the case study. The situation in (j) (Chinese Pidgin English) describes pidginisation (or just a pidgin). __________________________________________________________________________
7.8 Two African case studies In Africa's melting pot of languages and cultures it is not surprising that language contact situations have led to the development of many new linguistic varieties, and the possibilities for cross-fertilisation and influence are endless. We will not be able to discuss all these complex contact situations in a single study unit, and so we must narrow our focus to two cases where language contact has led to the development of new contact varieties in Africa. The one is Fanakalo, a pidgin variety well-known on South African mines and farms, and the other is Mauritian Creole. They represent two extremes in the study of language contact variation. But they also share some interesting features.
7.8.1 Fanakalo In the previous section we noted that Afrikaans emerged as a contact language between the Dutch settlers in South Africa and the local people. Another contact language which arose in the eastern parts of South Africa is Fanakalo. Fanakalo is basically a simplified form of Zulu with a large number of words derived from English and to a lesser extent Afrikaans included in its vocabulary. Adendorff (2002:181) cites Cole's estimation that Fanakalo vocabulary is 70% Zulu, 24% English and 6% Afrikaans. What is interesting about Fanakalo is that it is still alive today as a pidgin language, used for communication between different linguistic groups. As a pidgin, it has no mother-tongue speakers. Most South African are aware of Fanakalo as a language that is used on the mines, where it has become somewhat institutionalised, but it seems that it originally came from the Colony of Natal (KwaZulu-Natal today). The origins of Fanakalo are to some degree uncertain, but the most likely theory of origin is put forward by Mesthrie (1995). He maintains that Fanakalo arose as a result of contact between British settlers in Natal and local Zulu speakers. This contact pidgin language was in general use in the colony of Natal when the first indentured Indian labourers arrived in 1861. Mesthrie argues that as Fanakalo was used widely in contact situations between Indians and Zulu speakers, the Indians played a role in stabilising this pidgin, which was adopted by them as their standard form of communication with Zulu speakers. Adendorff (1995) argues that the role that the missionaries played in the development of Fanakalo is underestimated. The form of Zulu used by the missionaries influenced the development of Fanakalo. It seems that Fanakalo developed because white farmers, missionaries and Indian traders wanted to communicate with the Zulu-speaking majority
134
and so used their limited, simplified form of Zulu mixed with English as a common basis for communication. Later, Fanakalo spread to other areas. When the gold mines were developed on the reef around Johannesburg early in the 20th century, many Zulu speakers sought employment on the mines and Fanakalo came to be used on the mines as a general means of communication, particularly between foremen and mineworkers. While it tends to be used in situations where there is a difference of power between speakers, according to Adendorff (2002:180), Fanakalo `can be used to play down asymmetry in a relationship; indeed, rather than signalling disparities in power, it is always instrumental in signalling solidarity'. Some examples of Fanakalo from Adendorff (2002) are provided below: Mina washa
ka
lo
manzi
I
with
the
water
wash
`I wash with water' Lo
pomp
The pump
yena
donsa
lo
manzi
it is
release
the
water
`The pump releases the water' Mina khona siks mapikinin I
have
six
children
`I have six children'. White farmers and Indian traders who moved up into the colony of Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) possibly took this contact language with them which was then introduced as a pidgin language called Chilapalapa. It is remarkable that Fanakalo is still in use as it arose as a contact language over a century ago. Most people in South Africa have learned English and other languages which can be used for communication between different language groups. If we compare it with other pidgin languages that were used in the Cape two centuries ago, we note that they have all died out or been absorbed into Afrikaans or had an influence in the development of Afrikaans. These days attitudes towards Fanakalo are beginning to change. Some people see it as a legacy of the apartheid era, a tool of oppression, and feel that it no longer serves a function, as most people in South Africa, including mineworkers, are bilingual or multilingual. There is a move to phase Fanakalo out of the mines. However one of the problems with phasing out Fanakalo is that people on the mines come from different linguistic backgrounds and it is difficult to know what common language to adopt. Some argue that English should be used as the common language. But not everybody has a fluent command of English whereas Fanakalo has been used by generations of mineworkers and is established on the mines. Working on the mines is a dangerous occupation and it is important that there is clear communication between everyone concerned so the problem of phasing out Fanakalo is not a simple one. It will be interesting to see whether Fanakalo dies out in the next few decades.
LIN2602
135
7.8.2 Mauritian Creole The island of Mauritius, located in the Indian Ocean, east of Madagascar, has a population of about 1,2 million, all descendants of immigrants from France, China, Africa, Madagascar, and India. The island was colonised by the French in 1715 and most Mauritians speak a French-based creole language fluently, which is used as a lingua franca and is the mother-tongue of a substantial majority (Eriksen 1999). The history of the language is described by Eriksen (1999), who explains that it arose among ... slaves from different parts of Africa and Madagascar, brought there between 1715 (the beginning of French colonisation) and 1810 (when the slave trade was banned). Like in other plantation colonies based on slavery, slave owners in Ile-deFrance (as Mauritius was called during French rule) mixed individuals from different ethnic groups together, dissolving family structures and forms of political organisation. As a result, in a given compound, there were few shared collective cultural resources; no shared language, no shared kinship structure, cosmology or traditional system of social organisation that might have been transplanted and eventually reproduced. Thus the degree of cultural continuity in the slave groups was by default limited. Like in similar setups elsewhere in the world, particular in the Caribbean, a creole language developed quickly, using French vocabulary, a modified pronounciation and a simplified grammar. While the majority of words are of French origin, there are also words derived from English, Indian languages, Chinese and Arabic. While Mauritian Creole, also known as `Kreole Maurisyen', is the national language that unites all Mauritians, English is the official language of Mauritius today.Mauritian Creole tends to be spoken in homes and informal situations, while French is used in work places and the media, and French and English are used in schools and formal situations. Examples from Morissey (http://linguistics.siu.edu/jpclfiles/maur.html) follow. You may recognise some of the words if you know French: Nu pu
envit
zot
pu
we will
invite them for
mariaz. wedding
`We will invite them to the wedding.' Mo ava al I
will
get
go see
li
si
mo kapav.
him/her
if
I
`I will visit him/her if I can.' Zot
ti
manz en
they past eat `They ate an apple.'
136
pom.
an apple
can
Task 7.6 (a)
What are the lexifier languages of Fanakalo and Mauritian Creole? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) In your opinion, why has Fanakalo never been creolised? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback The lexifier languages of Fanakalo and Mauritian Creole are, respectively, Zulu and French, as these form the primary source of vocabulary in the two languages. You may have various ideas about why Fanakalo has never been creolized, but one possible answer is that mineworkers were frequently male migrant labourers whose families and home languages were based elsewhere. Fanakalo thus remained a pidgin second language with limited use outside the workplace and was never passed on to children. It also tends to be stigmatised, particularly by African language speakers.
7.9 Summary This study unit introduced you to pidgin languages, the simplified languages like Fanakalo that arise as a result of temporary contact between two groups of monolingual speakers who belong to different communities and who have limited social interaction. Pidgins are never spoken as a mother tongue and are consequently very unstable in that they can change or fall into disuse very easily. The most important structural characteristic of pidgins is simplification. This is a result of the fact that, in order to serve the purpose for which they were created, pidgins must be easy to learn. Some of the linguistic characteristics of pidgins include the slow speech rate, the limited number of linguistic units and the highly simplified phonology, morphology and grammar. When contact continues and the pidgin undergoes elaboration and becomes used in a wider range of situations, it can develop into a fully developed language which we call a creole. This situation was illustrated in the case study of Mauritian Creole. A later development known as decreolisation occurs when a creole exists side by side with its base language. The process of decreolisation usually takes place slowly and unevenly, resulting in the simultaneous existence of various varieties of the creole: the basilect or `deep' creole, which is most like the original creole, the mesolect(s) in which decreolisation is beginning to take place and the acrolect, the form of the creole that is closest to the base language.
LIN2602
137
Further reading Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 55 Pidgins and creoles Chapter 56 The language barrier Singh, I. 2000. Pidgins and Creoles: An introduction. London: Arnold.
138
Study Unit 8 Language shift, language death and language revival I am always sorry when any language is lost, because languages are the pedigree of nations. Samuel Johnson (English author, poet, literary critic and lexicographer 1709±1784)
OUTCOMES After you have studied this unit you should be able to 1 2 3 4 5
explain the relationship between language shift and language death; identify factors contributing to language shift and language death; describe some observations that have been made about the linguistic structure and value of dying languages; identify ways in which dying languages can be revived and maintained; explain and illustrate the following concepts: language shift diglossia participant-observation language death endangered languages viable languages
sudden death gradual death semi-speaker rememberers viable language language maintenance
In a nutshell In this study unit we reflect on the phenomenon of language shift in multilingual settings and examine examples of shift in South Africa. We look at the various stages of language shift and at how shift can lead in certain situations to the complete disappearance of a language ± language death. We will touch on the research methods used in studies of language shift, and explore the effects on the linguistic structure and features of a dying language. To end on a more positive note we will look at language maintenance and the revival of dying languages, focusing on factors which prevent or slow down the rate of shift.
LIN2602
139
8.1 Introduction In this study unit we will look more closely at the effect of multilingualism on minority languages. It is now well-known that the rise of dominant languages such as Mandarin, Spanish, Swahili and particularly English often comes at the cost of minority languages in the community. Television news and documentaries, the internet and social media have brought many of these stories of threatened languages to the attention of a worldwide audience: It is difficult to imagine a period in the history of human development when issues of language diversity, linguistic subordination, and language loss have been more evident. Just a half-century ago, small, physically remote communities and socially subordinate groups were relatively invisible and inaudible within the dominant, mainstream society. Accordingly, the sociolinguistic status of these communities was unrecognized and their voices unheard. Language varieties often developed, lived and died without extensive public attention. Today, images and voices can be beamed globally within milliseconds, and the naturalness of diversity is readily transparent. Wolfram (2008:188) This study unit focuses on some of the issues relating to language shift, dying languages and language varieties and the possibility of language revival.
8.2 Language shift In Study Units 6 and 7 we read about situations where contact between languages can give rise to new varieties of language or to new pidgin and creole languages. Language contact can also give rise to language shift ± where a linguistic community changes from the habitual use of one language to another. Language shift generally affects minority languages ± those with lower status than the dominant language of the wider community. Speakers of minority languages generally do not have the same social, political and economic advantages as speakers of the dominant national languages. There are always several complex factors that combine to cause language shift in a community. According to Kamwangamalu (2003:227), these include `the numerical strength of a group in relation to other minorities and majorities, language status and language attitude, socioeconomic value, education, institutional support, and government policies'. Language shift normally takes place over a long period of time in a number of stages. Normally language shift begins with diglossia ± a situation in which two or more languages co-occur throughout the speech community, each language serving a different set of functions. At a later stage the speakers of the minority language all become bilingual. But it is an asymmetrical or one-sided bilingualism, where speakers of the dominant language are far less likely to become bilingual. This eventually leads to language shift in which the speakers of the minority language begin to replace their original language with the dominant language. They lose fluency and competence in their original language and eventually this leads to a state of monolingualism in which the speakers can no longer speak their original language altogether. One classic study of language shift is by Susan Gal (1979), who studied the language shift taking place in Oberwart, a town in Austria near the Hungarian border. Most
140
inhabitants were Hungarian mother-tongue speakers but also spoke German. Gal spent a year living in the community, a research method known as participant-observation, where one observes and records community behaviour while simultaneously experiencing their lifestyle. Gal interviewed many individual community members of various ages about their language choices in various different situations. Table 8.1 below illustrates an excerpt from her data: TABLE 8.1: The choice of Hungarian (H) or German (G) by women speakers in Oberwart (based on Gal 1979:102) Age of speaker
Church services
Talking to grandparents
Talking to parents
Talking to siblings
Talking to children
Talking to grandchildren
14
H
G
G
G
14
H
GH
G
G
17
H
H
GH
GH
22
H
H
H
GH
33
H
H
H
35
H
H
H
GH
GH
40
H
H
GH
G
50
H
H
H
G
G
63
H
H
H
GH
71
H
H
H
GH
Task 8.1 Have a look at Gal's data set above and answer the questions that follow: (a)
What does the first column indicate and how is it arranged? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(b) What does the top row of the table represent as it moves from left to right? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (c)
Why do you think some of the cells are left empty? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
LIN2602
141
(d) Are there any monolinguals according to the data given above? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... (e)
Are there any domains/speech situations in which only one language is used? ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
(f)
In which direction is shift taking place in Oberwart? How do you know? ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... ....................................................................................................................................... .......................................................................................................................................
Feedback (a)
The first column indicates the age of the speaker, arranged from youngest (14) to oldest (71).
(b) The top row indicates the speech situation and with whom the conversation was taking place. With the exception of the first two columns, the speech situations are arranged in decreasing age of the interlocutor, with older relatives (grandparent and parents) on the left and younger relatives (siblings, children, grandchildren) on the right of the table. (c)
Empty cells indicate speech situations that didn't apply to that particular speaker, e.g. the 33-year-old has no siblings and the 14-year-olds do not yet have children or grandchildren.
(d) The only monolingual in the data is the 71-year-old speaker who speaks only Hungarian. (e) (f)
Church services are the only domain in which a single language, Hungarian, is used by everyone.
Shift was taking place from Hungarian to German, with German gradually replacing Hungarian in many domains. While the majority were Hungarian L1 and German L2 speakers, German was the language of economic success and was becoming increasingly widespread among younger community members. We can see this clearly from the table, as older community members are Hungarian monolinguals or used mostly Hungarian, except when speaking to their grandchildren. Younger community members use German in all situations although they still hear Hungarian at church. Gal's data suggests that language choice is predictable in Oberwart: if one knows the age of the speaker and the age of the interlocutor, one should be able to make a fair prediction of which language will be selected. __________________________________________________________________________
142
A South African example of language shift is the Khoe speakers who became bilingual in Dutch and Khoe, eventually abandoning their own language and adopting a variety of Dutch as their mother tongue. Two other examples of language shift are presented in the following case studies:
8.2.1 Case study: Indian languages in South Africa In 1861 speakers of various Indian languages were brought to South Africa from India to work as labourers in the sugar cane fields. Most of their descendants settled in South Africa and today form the Indian community in KwaZulu-Natal. Over the past hundred years there has been a steady shift from the Indian languages to the dominant language, English. The reasons for this shift are fairly clear. In the first instance the Indians spoke different languages (such as Tamil, Hindi, Telugu, Gujarati and Urdu) which were not necessarily mutually intelligible, and therefore in order to communicate with one another, it was necessary to have some type of lingua franca. English began to fulfil this function, as English was the dominant language of the community. It was necessary to learn English in order to get jobs, to trade and to be successful in society. Access to education was also through the medium of English. This led to the Indian community rapidly becoming bilingual in English and their mother tongue. As the Indian community became more and more urbanised, as people moved away from the sugar plantations and settled in the cities (such as Durban) and towns, where they were exposed to more English than in the rural areas, English started to become their mother tongue and the Indian languages became second languages. Over a number of generations (150 years) most South African Indians have abandoned their original languages and adopted English as a mother tongue. As seen in the table below, the number of Indians who claimed to have an Indian language as their mother tongue in 1991 was very small and will be even lower today (more recent census data does not list the various Indian languages individually): TABLE 8.1: The number of speakers of Indian languages in South Africa in 1991 (3% of 40 million in 1991) Gujarati
8 730
Hindi
5 848
Tamil
4 874
Telugu
762
8.2.2 Case study: European (immigrant) languages in South Africa Another type of commonly observed language shift situation in South Africa is the shift from the minority languages of immigrants (Portuguese, Italian, German, French) to one of the dominant official languages, English or sometimes Afrikaans. Most of the speakers of these languages have shifted from their original (heritage) languages to one of the dominant languages. As in the case of the shift in the Indian community, the main causes of the shift are economic factors and education. In order to communicate with the wider South African community it is necessary to learn the dominant languages and it is vital to learn English or Afrikaans for most jobs. Intermarriage with members of the dominant linguistic groups and education also play a significant role in this shift.
LIN2602
143
TABLE 8.2: Number of speakers of immigrant minority languages in South Africa in 1991 (out of total SA population of 40 million) Portuguese
48 705
German
33 523
Greek
12 859
Italian
8 949
Chinese
4 572
The shift normally takes place over three generations: the first generation are bilingual but their mother tongue remains the dominant language; in the second generation one of the dominant languages starts to replace their mother tongue as their first language. By the third generation their first language is now the dominant language of the community and they have a very limited knowledge of the heritage language. Unless they maintain close contact with their mother country or members of their ethnic community, their children will grow up as monolinguals. Sometimes the third generation feels a great sense of loss over the heritage language that has been replaced: Third-generation pursuit of an ancestral language is a phenomenon with a fairly obvious social basis. The generation who do not transmit an ethnic language are usually actively in search of a social betterment that they believe they can only achieve by abandoning, among other identifying behaviors, a stigmatizing language. The first generation secure as to social position is often also the first generation to yearn after the lost language, which by their time is no longer regarded as particularly stigmatizing. Some of these descendants see an ethnolinguistic heritage which eluded them and react to their loss, sadly or even resentfully. This is so widespread and recurrent a response to ancestral-language loss as to be something of a cliche  among immigrant-descended groups. Dorian 1993:576±77
Task 8.2 In South Africa, the African languages, Afrikaans and the European and Indian heritage languages are under threat from English. Interview a group of 3±5 people of different ages (perhaps a family) from any of these groups, or from any language in your area that seems to be undergoing language shift. Write a short linguistic profile for each person. A linguistic profile consists of the following information: Name, age, gender, a list of all the languages the person speaks or understands with a proficiency rating (i.e. how well s/he speaks and understands the language), when and where the languages were learnt, education level and medium of instruction at each level, when and where s/he uses the original language, attitude to the original language and to the dominant language that is taking its place. Classify each family member as one of the following: ± ± ±
144
Monolingual in the original language Bilingual (Explain the degree of proficiency in each language) monolingual in the dominant language
You could also include a table of language choices like that of Gal in Table 8.1: Age of speaker
Church services
Talking to grandparents
Talking to parents
Talking to siblings
Talking to children
Talking to grandchildren
On the basis of the information you have gathered, is language shift taking place in this group of speakers or not? Justify your answer. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback This task is a great way to practise your sociolinguistic research skills. Choose a family or group of speakers that you think might be exhibiting signs of language shift. Make sure
LIN2602
145
there are older and younger people in the group so that you can compare the spread of the two languages in the speech of older and younger people. You can practise your sociolinguistic interview skills by referring back to section 4.6. Don't forget to make a list of the questions you want to ask and make notes as you interview each person. Also take an empty copy of the table above so that you can fill it in as you go. Don't forget to come to a clear conclusion about whether your hypothesis of language shift in the group was supported by the data or not. __________________________________________________________________________
8.3 Language death We saw in LIN1502 Multilingualism that when a language disappears and is no longer spoken, we refer to it as language death. Languages that are under threat of language death are known as endangered languages and are characterised by small population groups, older speakers, and lower rates of language transmission. Viable languages, on the other hand, are `healthy' languages whose long-term survival is relatively assured. They have a large enough population (usually over 1 000) with both old and young speakers, are successfully passed on between generations, and are spoken in wellorganised communities. A distinction can be made between sudden death (when a language dies very rapidly) and gradual death (as a more gradual process of language change, preceded by language shift). Sometimes the death of a language occurs as a result of genocide, that is when the speakers are killed or destroyed. In North America, many American Indian languages disappeared first during the invasion of the Aztecs and later during the invasion of the Spanish, English and French. In South America, the invasion of the powerful Incas also meant the disappearance of many other indigenous languages, which was followed by the Spanish and Portuguese invasions. Sudden death is however only one type of language death. Language death does not only occur as a result of genocide. There are many cases of language death in the history of the world which have occurred for a variety of other reasons. Language death is often the result of language shift in a context where the language is spoken nowhere else on earth. We cannot study the one phenomenon without the other. As Sasse comments: Every case of language death is embedded in a bilingual situation which involves two languages, one which is dying out and one which continues. Sasse 1992:12 Often speakers of a dying language develop a negative attitude to their own language, and experience collective doubts about its usefulness. The gradual death of a language usually implies that there are speakers with a range of language abilities: older people usually speak the language well whereas the youth does not speak the language at all, with some bilinguals and semi-speakers in-between. Semi-speakers may understand the language well but speak it poorly, with limited vocabulary and grammatical errors. Rememberers are older community members who once spoke a language fluently but have lost much of their earlier ability due to a lack of practice.
146
In Study Unit 2 we discussed the historical events that led to language shift and death in the case of Khoe and San languages in South Africa. The death of these two language families illustrates two different types of language death. Many San languages died out as a result of genocide. The languages died out because most of the speakers had died out. When the Dutch settlers first came to the Cape in 1652 they found two groups of people there: the Khoe and the San. As the San were hunters who regarded cattle as fair game for hunting and had no understanding of the concept of ownership of livestock (i.e. they did not understand that cattle could belong to people), they used to hunt the settlers' cattle. This led to clashes with the settlers, and it was common practice for San to be shot on sight. At the same time the Bantu races moving down from the east were encroaching on the San traditional hunting grounds and gradually destroying them. In this sad chapter in the history of our country the San became victims of both black and white expansion and aggression and were gradually exterminated by the other racial groups who were encroaching on their land. The San, who together with the Khoe were the original inhabitants of the southern part of Africa, have almost completely disappeared as an ethnic group. The few that remained sought refuge in the deserts of Namibia and Botswana or intermarried with other racial groups and lost their identity as a separate ethnic group. Today, as we have seen, only a few San remain in Botswana, parts of Namibia and the northern Cape. As the race disappeared, so their languages disappeared. And today they have virtually died out in South Africa. The death of the Khoe languages is different, however. The Khoe society was strongly influenced by the contact with the Dutch settlers. Over a period of time they learned the Dutch language or at least a particular variety of that language. As their society disintegrated, so their language was lost. There was a shift towards Dutch which eventually lead to the death of their language as their language fell into disuse and was replaced by a variety of the Dutch language. Today their languages have completely died out in South Africa. The only surviving varieties of the Khoe languages (such as Nama) are spoken in Namibia. But in South Africa these languages no longer exist. All the descendants of the Khoe have adopted Afrikaans as their mother tongue (except those who were absorbed by intermarriage into the Xhosa-speaking community). And they form part of what is known as the Cape Coloured population today. The story of the San is unfortunately not an isolated occurrence in the history of the world. Many languages have died out in the past as a result of warfare and conquest by other nations. In Study Unit 4 we read how the speakers of the Celtic languages in Britain were driven by the Anglo-Saxon invaders into the western mountains of Wales or fled across the sea to Brittany in France. Those who remained in that part of Britain which is known as England today, were either taken into slavery or killed. Their language has completely disappeared from England.
8.3.1 Structural changes in dying languages The fact that a dying language is spoken by fewer and fewer speakers with decreasing fluency in fewer and fewer domains has implications for the structure of the language itself. There is a period when the language will be spoken by older people, but will only be passed on in an imperfect or reduced form to younger semispeakers. A degree of language variation is thus typical in a dying language community, with the degree of
LIN2602
147
simplification of the traditional language correlating with the age of the speaker. Eventually children no longer learn the dying language at all and the language dies out together with its former speakers. According to Palosaari and Campbell (2010), aspects of phonology, syntax and morphology that are obligatory in a viable language may become optional in a dying language, and may not appear in the language of semi-speakers at all. The rate of change is also very fast, with changes occurring much more rapidly than language change in viable languages. Some examples of structural linguistic changes at the phonological, morphological and syntactic levels are given below: An example of phonological change is found in Pipil, a language of El Salvador. In former times the /l/ sound always became voiceless at the end of a word, but in the speech of semi-speakers it can be either voiced or voiceless. In other words, a phonological rule has ceased to apply. Unusual aspects of a dying language which are difficult to learn may be lost or replaced with more common or easier ones. For example, the endangered language Mam in Mexico is losing its uvular stop /q/ in favour of the velar stop /k/ which is much more common in the world's languages. Interestingly, the reverse can also occur, with rare or unusual sounds being overused in a dying language. Speakers of the dying language Pipil tend to overuse the voiceless /l/ sound, using it anywhere in a word where it was formerly restricted only to word-final position (Palosaari & Campbell 2010). At the morphological level it is common for dying languages to lose some of their morphology and to take on a more rigid word order. For example, the Mexican language Tlahuica used to make a distinction between singular (one person), dual (two people) and plural (many people), but has lost the dual number marker as the language becomes used less and less. A preference for synthetic constructions rather than analytic ones is also a characteristic of dying languages. This means that dying languages will tend to lose inflectional morphemes and will use full words (and a more restricted word order) to express the same concept. The example given by Palosaari and Campbell (2010) from Pipil is the loss of the future tense suffix: ni- panu -s I-
pass-
future tense
`I will pass' This single-word construction is seldom heard any longer, and has been replaced by the synthetic construction: ni- yu ni- panu I-
go I-
pass
`I am going to pass' In Scottish Gaelic, Dorian noted that speakers now tend to use forms like ri mis `to me' and bho aid `from them' rather than the original analytic forms riu-m `to-me' and bhu-atha `from-them'. Complex aspects of syntax are also likely to fall away in dying languages. For example, speakers may use simple sentences rather than complex sentences with subordinate clauses. Often, syntactic reduction goes hand in hand with a stylistic shrinkage of the
148
endangered language. As it becomes used in fewer and fewer situations, it loses the variability of style and register that a viable language displays. Eventually the dying language may have only a single possible style, for example the intimate form of the language used in the home, or possibly a highly ritualised formal register used at ceremonial occasions.
8.3.2 Does it matter if languages die? Human language diversity was allegedly at its peak in pre-colonial times, with around 20 000 different languages spoken. This has dwindled to just 7 000 or so, with additional languages being lost at an astonishing rate. Half the languages of the world are likely to die out in the next 100 years and in Africa alone, at least 200 languages are endangered. Linguists are among those who are most saddened by this kind of loss. David Crystal comments that `the world is a mosaic of visions, expressed through language. If even one language is lost, it is awful'. The linguist Nancy Dorian, who spent years tracing the dying language Scottish Gaelic, agrees: Languages not only reveal a great deal of human history that is often otherwise unrecoverable, in their genetic affiliations and in the evidence of culture contact that they contain, but they also carry truly vast cultural content, only a part of which is typically passed over into another language in the process of language shift. Dorian (1993:578) For linguists, language loss represents the loss of potential data about how languages might be structured and organised ± the loss of phonetic, morphological and syntactic systems that may have been unique in the world's languages. Ethnographers and anthropologists may also feel a sense of great loss when languages die as languages represent vast storehouses of human knowledge about plants, animals, illnesses, cures and oral stories accumulated over centuries. This kind of local knowledge can disappear forever when languages die. One striking example of the kind of unique knowledge that can be located within a particular community in a particular language is given by Dalby (2002:212). The North Frisian language, spoken on islands off the coast of Germany, has less than 2000 remaining speakers. Because whale hunting was part of their culture, the North Frisians had detailed knowledge about the habits and biology of whales. They noticed that whales who had suffered during a long, drawn-out whale hunt would have a burst or damaged pituitary gland in the brain. It was only in the 1950s, however, that the scientist Hans Selye demonstrated the biological indications of stress on the body, including damage to the pituitary gland. This example illustrates that modern science can learn a lot from the traditional knowledge embedded in minority and endangered languages. While linguists and anthropologists mourn the loss of languages, speakers who have decided not to pass a language on to their children often feel differently. They take the pragmatic view that their old language is no longer serving their children's best interests and that a new language will offer more opportunities: The Toda, speakers of a Dravidian language in the Nilgiri Hills of southern India, ... realize that with less than 1,000 speakers they are unlikely to remain a distinct entity. Many of the younger people want to honor their ancestors, but also to be a part of modern India. They have accepted that, in their view, the cost of doing this is
LIN2602
149
giving up the use of their language in their daily life. Surely this is a view to which they are entitled, and it would not be the action of a responsible linguist to persuade them to do otherwise. I was working with an Indian colleague who has decided to forego the use of his and his wife's native language in their own home, so that the child could be brought up as a native language speaker of English. This choice, and any choices that the Toda might make, are clearly their prerogative. (Ladefoged 1992:809±810)
Task 8.3 Have a look at the quote from Samuel Johnson at the beginning of the study unit. Do you agree with him? Does it matter if languages die? What will be lost? Or is it better for communities to move forward and learn dominant languages that will improve their lives? What is your view? Have you made any conscious decisions in your own life about shifting away from one of your languages? ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
150
Feedback Any answers are fine here as long as you justify them carefully and thoughtfully. As a linguist, however, you will probably agree with Johnson and Crystal that language loss is always a pity, as languages that are lost can never again be studied in their living form. Perhaps you agree with Dalby (2002:283±286), who argues that the loss of language diversity matters for three reasons: Firstly, we need the cultural knowledge that minority languages preserve and transmit. Secondly, we need languages for the alternative worldviews that they can provide, and thirdly, we need other languages as resources to draw on to keep our own language creative and continually renewed, for example through borrowing. If you have access on your phone or computer, you could watch the 28-minute video lecture entitled Language Death: A Problem for All by David Crystal (Wiley Blackwell Compass) on http://vimeo.com/6677955 __________________________________________________________________________
8.4 Language maintenance and revival In multilingual societies minority languages frequently experience steady shift towards the dominant language(s). However, there are sometimes factors which inhibit the rate of shift and prevent the language from dying out completely. We call these factors maintenance factors, because they help to maintain the continued existence of the language despite the fact that a shift is taking place towards dominant neighbouring languages. Crystal (1987:360) defines language maintenance as a situation where `a language holds onto its own despite the influence of powerful neighbours'. According to Michael Krauss (cited in Nettle & Romaine 2000:8), not all languages with small number of speakers are at risk of extinction and not all large languages are safe from extinction. Hill and Hill (1980) in their study of Nahuatl, a Mexican Indian language, for example, observe that language shift does not always occur as predicted. Although the range of domains in which Nahuatl is used has decreased, it has become a language of solidarity and the speakers still cling to it their language in certain restricted functional domains. There are a number of factors which can facilitate the maintenance of a language, including education, attitudes, religion, contact with the mother country and communication patterns within the family. Language maintenance is closely related to language loyalty and the extent to which speakers consciously resist changes in language use. Barnes and McDuling (1995) identified the following maintenance factors in a study of language shift and maintenance in the Portuguese community in South Africa: 1
2
LIN2602
Education. Education can be one of the most powerful factors in maintaining a language. If parents send their children to Portuguese classes after school, where they learn the Portuguese language formally, they have a strong chance of maintaining the language for another generation. Cultural organisations. If members of the community belong to cultural organisations such as the Portuguese club, they are less likely to undergo a rapid language shift.
151
3
4 5 6
Religion. Religion can play an important role in mother tongue maintenance in an immigrant community. Most Portuguese immigrants are members of the Catholic church, which in some parishes offers Portuguese and bilingual church services. There are also some Protestant groups who hold church services in Portuguese. Membership of a church community which holds church services in Portuguese can act as a maintenance factor. The role of the family. The family play a vital role in maintaining the mother tongue. Close-knit families that avoid intermarriage with other groups are more likely to maintain their language. Attitudes. If the immigrants have positive attitudes towards their language, it is not likely to undergo shift so easily. Maintaining contact with the mother country. Regular contact with Portugal (or Mozambique or Angola or Brazil) through business trips or holidays and family visits plays a vital role in maintaining the language.
It is however very difficult to maintain a language in the face of strong economic factors. Economic factors are generally regarded as the major players in a language shift situation. A shift to the dominant language of the host society in the domain of work and business is a universal trend in immigrant societies throughout the world. Immigrants are severely handicapped and suffer discrimination in the area of employment if they lack competence in the dominant language of society. Education is also one of the most powerful factors in bringing about language shift. Attitudes and loyalty to the minority language also play a vital role in determining whether shift or maintenance will take place.
Task 8.4 Choose any three of the language maintenance factors identified by Barnes and McDuling (1995), and describe how they have affected the maintenance of one of the minority languages in your own linguistic community. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
152
............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... .............................................................................................................................................. .
Feedback If you speak a minority language you could answer this question by discussing the maintenance of the language in your own family or extended family with respect to three of the factors above. Alternatively you could devise a set of questions based on three of the above factors and interview some members of a minority or threatened language who are making conscious efforts to maintain their language and pass the language on to their children. Either way, you need to come to a clear conclusion about whether the efforts have been effective in maintaining the language and preventing language shift. __________________________________________________________________________
8.4.1 Case study: The revival of Malawian Chingoni Kishindo (2002) explains that the Ngoni were an offshoot of the Nguni (Zulu) in South Africa and settled in Malawi in the nineteenth century, assimilating with various other ethnic groups over time. The 1966 census indicated that 1% of the Malawian population, approximately 44 000 people, spoke Chingoni, but already most Ngoni were bilingual in other Malawian languages such as Nsenga, Chitumbuka and Chichewa. Though Ngoni was viewed as a prestigious language, it tended to be used for ceremonial occasions and was not passed on to children or used as an everyday language. Kishindo (2002) concludes that the 1966 census vastly overstated the number of true Chingoni speakers as the ethnic group Ngoni and language group Chingoni were not differentiated on the census form, and therefore even Ngoni members who spoke no Chingoni at all identified themselves as Chingoni speakers in the census. According to Kishindo (2002:216), `They would prefer to be associated with their ethnic group but not the language perhaps because they accept the fact that their language is no longer viable'. More recently, however, the Ngoni are anxious to reclaim their language, viewing it as central to their historical and cultural identity. In 1998 the Abenguni Revival Association was formed with the purpose of reviving the language and culture and fostering a Ngoni identity. They distribute old Chingoni bibles, offer Zulu language classes and teach old cultural dances and songs. Kishindo (2002) is sceptical about these kinds of revival efforts. He comments that language revival efforts may be viewed as artificial when they operate in the face of historical realities, especially when the language has, to all intents and purposes, died and the form of the language they are trying to revive is in fact not Chingoni but Zulu. He believes that the link between original language and cultural identity is not essential, as language is only one cultural manifestation among many. In the case of the Ngoni, most
LIN2602
153
of them cannot utter a single word of Chingoni yet they do not doubt their Ngoni identity. He concludes that The Ngoni situation demonstrates that attempts to halt the decline of shrinking minority language are not likely to be successful. This is because the shrinking itself reflects larger trends, which cannot be significantly affected by linguistic action alone. ... The Abenguni Revival Association's enthusiasm for the survival of Chingoni may not be in the best interest of the ordinary Ngoni ... and if a community seems not to feel the need to `protect' its distinct way of speaking, it may be arrogant of any language association to regard the survival of the language as in any way sacrosanct. Kishindo (2002:218)
Task 8.5 Would you describe the situation in the Ngoni community in Malawi as one of language shift, language death or language revival? Explain your answer. ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ............................................................................................................................................... ...............................................................................................................................................
Feedback Although the case study is entitled The revival of Malawia Chingoni, it appears that it is only a very small pressure group within the community that is aiming for this goal. In fact, Chingoni was already a dying language in the 1960s as it was not being passed on to children. The efforts of the Abenguni Revival Association are on a very small scale and are hampered by the lack of living speakers of the language who can teach it. Chingoni bibles and Zulu materials will not be sufficient to bring back Chingoni, which is related to but very different from Zulu. As Kishindo (2002) implies, the community is not buying in strongly to revival efforts as they now speak other languages and identify themselves as Ngoni purely on the basis of cultural traditions but not language. __________________________________________________________________________
154
8.5 Summary In this study unit we looked at the phenomenon of language shift, where a linguistic community changes over a period of time from the habitual use of a minority language to another more socioeconomically useful language. We looked at some examples of research methods such as participant-observation and tables of language use within community members of varying ages, and explored some examples of language shift in South Africa. We also saw how languages can die, either as a result of a sudden tragedy such as violent conquest or genocide, or, more usually, by a gradual process of language shift over generations. When languages are no longer passed on to younger generations, they will die together with their last speakers, rememberers and semi-speakers. We investigated some of the linguistic changes that take place in dying languages and noted that the degree of fluency and simplification of the traditional language correlates with the age of the speaker. Aspects of phonology, syntax and morphology that are obligatory in a viable language may become optional in a dying language, and unusual aspects of a dying language may either be overused or replaced with more common or easier ones. It is also common for dying languages to take on a more rigid word order and a more restricted range of styles. We concluded our discussion of language death by giving some thought to the question of whether language death matters in the modern world. We also explored the language maintenance factors that can inhibit the rate of shift and prevent the language from dying out completely. These included education, attitudes, religion, contact with the mother country and communication patterns within the family. We concluded with a case study assessing the revival efforts of Chingoni in Malawi.
8.6 Concluding thoughts We hope that this study guide has sensitised you to some of the issues surrounding the way in which our changing society affects language use. We hope that you have used this opportunity to familiarise yourself with sociolinguistic and historical linguistic research methods and to begin to act like a linguist, collecting and analysing examples of spoken language in your own linguistic context. We have seen throughout this study guide that every language has many different varieties, standard and non-standard. These are used by speakers, consciously or unconsciously, to mirror social differences and express multiple sides of their identities. As linguists we took a descriptive rather than a prescriptive view of language variation, focusing in an objective way on the varied range of usage that actually occurs in practice. We didn't argue that language change represents a decay in standards, but viewed it more dispassionately, as an inevitable result of the way that humans continue to use language in new ways and in new contexts. We have also seen that prolonged language contact can cause language change, with speakers becoming bilingual and the two languages beginning to influence each other in various ways. These changes can include borrowing of words, codeswitching, phonological, morphological, and syntactic influence, and even the death of a language, or the birth of a new pidgin language or mixed language. We have traced some historical changes in the world and seen how languages rise and fall, spread and shrink, become simpler or more complex, and turn into other languages
LIN2602
155
over time. The only constant is that language never stops changing and speakers never stop using language in creative ways.
Further reading Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 16 Language death. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 61 Language planning Crystal, D. 2000 Language Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, or browse sample pages at http://catdir.loc.gov/catdir/samples/cam032/99053220.pdf Dalby, A. 2002. Language in Danger. London: Penguin. Nettle, D & Romaine, S. 2000. Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of the World's Languages. New York: Oxford University Press.
156
References Adendorff, PT. 2002. Fanakalo: A pidgin in South Africa. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 179±198. Aitchison, J. 2001. Language Change: Progress or Decay? (third edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Chapter 16 Language death. Anthonissen, C & Kaschula, R. 2001. Communicating Across Cultures in South Africa: Towards a critical language awareness. Johannesburg: Hodder & Stoughton. Asher, RE. 1994. The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics. Vol. 7. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Auer, P. 1999. From codeswitching via language mixing to fused lects: Toward a dynamic typology of bilingual speech. International Journal of Bilingualism 3(4):309±332. Bagwasi, M. 2004. A critical discourse analysis of forms of address in letters between Batswana chiefs and British Administrators. Alternation 11(2):365±385. Bailey, R. 1985. South African English slang: Form, function and origins. South African Journal of Linguistics 3(1):1±42. Barber, C. 1964. The English Language: A historical introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barnes, L & McDuling, A. 1995. The future of Portuguese in South Africa: Maintenance and shift factors. Language Matters 26:147±162. Bauer, L. 1988. Introducing Linguistic Morphology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Bell, RT. 1976. Sociolinguistics. London: B.T. Batsford. Bembe, MP. 2006. The use of slang amongst Black youth in Gauteng. Unpublished M.A Dissertation. Johannesburg: University of Johannesburg. Bolton, WF & Crystal, D (eds). 1987. The Penguin History of Literature. The English language. Revised edition. Penguin Books. Bughwan, D. 1970. An investigation into the Use of English by the Indians in South Africa, with Special Reference to Natal. PhD. Thesis, Pretoria: University of South Africa. Campbell, L. 2003. How to show languages are related: Methods for distant genetic relationship. In Joseph, BD & Janda, RD (eds). The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. Churchill, WS. 1957. A history of the English-speaking peoples. London: Cassell Ltd. Coupland, N & Jaworski A (eds). 1997. Sociolinguistics: A Reader and Coursebook. Houndmills: Macmillan Press Ltd. Crystal, D. 1988. The English Language. London: Pelican Books. Crystal, D. 1995. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. London: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 1997. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (second edition) New York: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2000 Language Death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Crystal, D. 2003. English as a Global Language. (second edition). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2003. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. (second edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Crystal, D. 2008. By Hook or by Crook: A journey in search of English. New York: The Overlook Press. Crystal, D. 2010. The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language. (third edition). New York: Cambridge University Press. Dalby, A. 2002. Language in Danger. London: Penguin Books.
LIN2602
157
De Kadt, E. 1993. Language, power and emancipation in South Africa. World Englishes 12(2):157±168. De Klerk, V. 1991. What's the current slang? English Usage in Southern Africa 22:68±82. De Klerk, V. 1995. Slang in South African English. In Mesthrie, R. (1995) Language and Social History: Studies in South African sociolinguistics. Cape Town: David Philip: 265±276. De Klerk, V. 1999. Black South African English: Where to from here? World Englishes 18(3):311±324. De Klerk, V & Gough, G. 2002. Black South African English. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press: 356±78. Dewaele J, Housen, A & Wei L (eds). 2003. Bilingualism: Beyond basic principles. UK: British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data. Dondis, DA. 1973. A Primer of Visual Literacy. London: MIT Press. Dorian, NC. 1993. A response to Ladefoged's other view of endangered languages. Language 69(3):575±579. Downes, W. 1984. Language and Society. London: Fontana Paperbacks. Dumas, BK & Lighter, J. 1978. `Is slang a word for linguists?' American Speech 53:5±17. Eble, C. 1996. Slang and Sociability: In-group language among college students. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina. Eckert, P. 2000. Linguistic Variation: Social practice. USA: Blackwell Publishers. Eriksen, TH. 1999. Tu dimunn pu vini kreol: The Mauritian creole and the concept of creolization. Downloaded 14 March 2012 from http://folk.uio.no/geirthe/ Creoles.html. Fergusson, CA & DeBose, CE. 1977. Simplified registers, broken language and pidginization. In Valdman, A (ed.). Pidgin and Creole Linguistics. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. 99±152. Fergusson, CA & Heath, SB (eds). 1981. Language in the USA. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fishman, JA. 1991. Reversing Language Shift.Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fromkin, V & Rodman, R. 1993. An Introduction to Language. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich: College Publishers. Grimes, BF (ed.). 1996. Ethnologue. (13th ed.) Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. Halliday, MAK. 1978. Language as Social Semiotic: The social interpretation of language and meaning. London: Edward Arnold. Harrison, SP. 2003. On the limits of the comparative method. In Joseph, BD & Janda, RD. The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell. Hasman, MA. 2000. The role of English in the 21st century. Forum. English Teaching Journal 38(1):2±5. Herbert, RK & Bailey, R. 2002. The Bantu languages: sociohistorical perspectives. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 50±78. Herbert, RK (ed.). 1992. Language and Society in Africa: The theory and practice of sociolinguistics. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Hill, JH & Hill, KC. 1980. Mixed grammar, purist grammar, and language attitudes in modern Nahuatl. Language in Society 9:321±348. Hudson, K. 1986. A Dictionary of the Teenage Revolution: The dictionary defeated. London: The Macmillan Press. Hudson, RA. 1980. Sociolinguistics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hughes, G. 1995. Watchwords: Old and New. Johannesburg: Serendipity Press. James, A. 1991. In Their Own Voices: Africa women writers talk. London: James Curry. Jenkins, J. 2003. World Englishes: A resource book for students. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.
158
Kachru, BB. 1982. The Other Tongue: English across cultures. London: Pergamon Press. Kachru, BB. 1983. The Indianization of English. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kachru, BB. 1992. The second diaspora of English. In Machan, TW & Scott, CT. English in its Social Contexts: Essays in historical sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 230±252. Kamwangamalu, NM. 2003. Social change and language shift: South Africa. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 23:225±242. Kishindo, PJ. 2002. `Flogging a dead cow': The revival of Malawian Chingoni. Nordic Journal of African Studies 11(2):206±223. Kloss, H. 1969. Grundfragen der Ethnopolitik im 20. Jahrhundert. Vienna: Braunmu Èller. Labov, W. 1972. Sociolinguistic Patterns. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Labov, W. 1977. Sociolinguistic Patterns. London: Oxford University Press. Ladefoged, P. 1992. Another view of endangered languages. Language 68(4):809±811. Lanham, LW & Prinsloo, KP. 1978. Language and Communication studies in South Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Lass, R. 2002. South African English. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 104±126. Lass. R. 1987. The Shape of English. London: JM Dent & Sons. Lewis, PM (ed.). 2009. Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Sixteenth edition. Dallas, Tex.: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/. Makhudu, KDP. 1995. An introduction to Flaaitaal. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language and Social History: Studies in South African sociolinguistics. Cape Town: David Philip: 298±305. McArthur, T (ed.). 1992. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McArthur, T. 1998. The English Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. McCormick, K. 1995. Code-switching, code-mixing and convergence in Cape Town. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language and Social History: Studies in South African Sociolinguistics. Cape Town: David Philip 193±208. McCormick, K. 2002. Language in Cape Town's District Six. Oxford: Oxford University Press. McCrum, R, Cran, W & McNeil, R. 1987. The Story of English. London: Faber & Faber. McGregor, W. 2009. Linguistics: An introduction. London: Continuum. McKay, SL & Hornberger, NH (eds). 1996. Sociolinguistics and Language Teaching. New York: Cambridge University Press. McLaughlin, JC. 1970. Aspects of the History of English. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston. Mesthrie, R. 1992. English in Language Shift: The history, structure and sociolinguistics of South African Indian English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mesthrie, R (ed.). 1995. Language and Social History. Cape Town: David Philip. Mesthrie, R. 2002. Language change, survival, decline: Indian languages in South Africa. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 161±176. Mesthrie, R, Swann, J, Deumert, A & Leap, WL. 2000. Introducing Sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Millar, RM. 2007. Trask's Historical Linguistics. (second edition). London: Hodder Arnold. Morissey, B. no date. Mauritian Creole a.k.a. `Morisyen'. Downloaded 22 March 2012 from http://linguistics.siu.edu/jpclfiles/maur.html Msimang, CT. 1987. Impact of Zulu on Tsotsitaal. South African Journal of African Languages 7(3). Munro, P. 1997. UCLA Slang 3. USA: Blackwell Publishing. Naro, AJ. 1978. A study on the origins of pidginization. Language 54(2):314±347.
LIN2602
159
Nettle, D & Romaine, S. 2000. Vanishing Voices: The Extinction of the World's Languages. New York: Oxford University Press. Ngwenya, AV. 1995. The static and dynamic elements of Tsotsitaal with special reference to Zulu: A sociolinguistic research. Unpublished MA dissertation. Pretoria: University of South Africa. Ntshangase, DK. 1995. Indaba yami i-straight: Language and language practices in Soweto. In Mesthrie, R. (1995) Language and Social History: Studies in South African sociolinguistics. Cape Town: David Philip 291±297. o'London, J. 1924. Is it Good English: and like matters. London: Whitefriars Press. Only Study Guide for LIN1502. Multilingualism: the role of languages in South Africa. Pretoria: Unisa. Oxford Dictionary for Writers and Editors 1981, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Palosaari, N & Campbell, L. 2010 Structural aspects of language endangerment. Downloaded 11 April from http://www2.hawaii.edu/~lylecamp/Palosaari Campbell%20Struct%20EL%20proofs.pdf Partridge, E. 1935. Slang Today and Yesterday. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Pei, Mario. 1939±1996. English Language. Microsoft (R) Encarta (R) 97 Encyclopaedia. Microsoft Corporation. Pride, JB & Holmes, J (eds). 1972. Sociolinguistics. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Quirk, R, Greenbaum, S, Leech, G & Svartvik, J. 1993. A Comprehensive Grammar of the English Language. London and New York: Oxford University Press. Roberge, PT. 2002. Afrikaans: considering origins. In Mesthrie, R. (ed.) Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 79±103. Romaine, S. 1992. English: From village to global village. In Machan, TW & Scott, CT (eds). English in its Social Contexts: Essays in historical sociolinguistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press: 253±260. Sankoff, G. 2001. Linguistic outcomes of language contact. In Trudgill, P, Chambers, J & Schilling-Estes, N (eds). Handbook of Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell 638± 668. Sasse, HJ. 1992. Theory of language death. In Brenzinger, M (ed.). Language Death: Factual and theoretical explanations with special reference to East Africa. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Schuring, GK. 1985. Die aard, oorsprong en funksies van Pretoria-Sotho en ander Koinetale Raad vir Geenstewetenskaplike Navorsing, Pretoria. Singh, I. 2000. Pidgins and Creoles: An introduction. London: Arnold. Statistics South Africa 2001 Census in brief. http://www.statssa.gov.za/census01/html/ CInbrief/CIB2001.pdf Swanepoel, JJ. 1978. Urban `Slang' in Composition. Pretoria: Educamus. Tagliamonte, SA. 2006. Analysing Sociolinguistic Variation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Thomason, SG. 2003. Contact as a source of language change. In Joseph, BD & Janda, RD (eds). The Handbook of Historical Linguistics. Maldon, Massachusetts: Blackwell: 687±712. Toffler, A. 1970. Future Shock. London: Pan Books. Traill, A. 2002. The Khoesan languages. In Mesthrie, R (ed.). Language in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 27±49. Trudgill, P. 1984. Sociolinguistics: An introduction to language and society. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Trudgill, P. 1995. Sociolinguistics. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Van der Post, L. 1958. The Lost World of the Kalahari. London: The Hogarth Press. Van Rensburg, C (ed.). 1997. Afrikaans in Afrika. Pretoria: Van Schaik. Wardhaugh, R. 1992. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
160
Webb, V & Kembo-Sure (eds). 1999. African Voices: An introduction to the languages and linguistics of Africa. Cape Town: Oxford University Press. Weinreich, U. 1974. Languages in Contact. The Hague: Mouton de Gruyter. Wolfram. W. 2008. Language diversity and the public interest. In King, KA, SchillingEstes, N, Fogle, L, Lou, JJ & Soukup, B (eds). Sustaining Linguistic Diversity: Endangered and minority languages and language varieties. Washington DC: Georgetown University Press 187±202.
LIN2602
161
Glossary accents Regional or social differences in the way in which words are pronounced within a language. (Afrikaans aksente) accommodation When speakers adjust the way in which they speak in reaction to the person or people they are talking to. (Afrikaans akkommodasie) acrolect The form of the creole that is closest to the standard language, where decreolisation has progressed the furthest. (Afrikaans akrolek) acronym A word formed by combining the first letters of a longer phrase. (Afrikaans akroniem) analogy A process whereby an existing linguistic pattern is followed even for new words or for former exceptions to the rule. (Afrikaans analogie) arbitrary having no intrinsic connection between the sound of a word and what it means. (Afrikaans arbitre à r) baby-talk Simplified language used by adults when speaking to very young children. (Afrikaans babataal) balanced bilingual An individual who has roughly equal proficiency in two languages. (Afrikaans gebalanseerde tweetalige) Bantu languages A sub-family of the Niger-Congo language family, including Southern African languages such as Sepedi, Sesotho, Tswana, Tsonga, Shona, Venda, Xhosa, Zulu, Siswati and Ndebele. (Afrikaans Bantutale) base language The language that plays the biggest role in the composition of a pidgin. (Afrikaans basistaal) basilect The `deepest' creole variety which is most like the original creole. (Afrikaans basilek) bilingual A person who can use two or more languages as a means of communication in most situations and switch from one language to the other if necessary. (Afrikaans tweetalige) Black South African English A second-language variety of English spoken by black South Africans (Afrikaans Swart Suid-Afrikaanse Engels) blending A word-formation process in which parts of words are combined to form a new word. (Afrikaans vermenging) borrowed term A words or phrase from one language that is inserted into the grammatical framework of another language, and is widely accepted, often taking on the phonological form and affixes of the borrowing language. (Same as loanword) (Afrikaans leenwoord or geleende term) borrowing The process of taking words from another language into one's own language, either as they are or with a degree of phonological adjustment to make them easier to pronounce. (Afrikaans ontlening) broadening A type of semantic change in which the meaning of a word is expanded to refer to `more' than it did before. (Afrikaans verbreding) BSAE See Black South African English
162
change from above A linguistic change that is introduced from a higher social class and spreads into the speech of those with lower socioeconomic status. (Afrikaans verandering van bo) change from below A process in which a non-standard linguistic feature gradually becomes accepted as the prestige norm, with the older prestige form becoming stigmatised in turn. (Afrikaans verandering van onder) clipping A process of word formation in which a word is shortened. (Afrikaans verkorting) code Any language, language variety or language style selected by a speaker. (Afrikaans kode) codeswitching The use of two or more linguistic varieties in the same conversation. (Afrikaans kodewisseling) comparative historical linguistics The branch of Linguistics that attempts to group related languages together and build up a picture of the proto-language of each language family. (Afrikaans vergelykende historiese linguistiek) comparative historical reconstruction The method used by linguists to explore the history of individual languages and classify related languages and language families. (Afrikaans vergelykende historiese rekonstruksie) compounding Joining together two or more complete words and combining their meanings in some way to create a new concept. (Afrikaans samestelling) contact-induced change language change that results from contact between two or more languages. (Afrikaans verandering weens kontak) content words Words such as nouns, verbs and adjectives that carry the main message of a sentence. (Afrikaans inhoudswoorde) conversion A word-formation process in which a word is turned from one part of speech into another part of speech without adding any derivational affixes. (Afrikaans omkering) creole A fully developed language based on a pidgin that has acquired mother-tongue speakers and undergone elaboration. (Afrikaans kreool) creole continuum A range of varieties of a creole that coexist when the creole is in various stages of decreolisation. (Afrikaans kreoolkontinuum) creolisation The development of a creole from a pidgin. (Afrikaans kreolisering) decreolisation The gradual decline of a creole as it moves towards the standard language on which it is based. (Afrikaans dekreolisering) derivation The process of creating new words by adding affixes to existing words. (Afrikaans afleiding) descriptive approach An approach to language which describes actual usage rather than prescribing `correct' and `incorrect' language use. (Afrikaans beskrywende benadering) dialect A language variety which is associated with a particular geographical area and is mutually intelligible to speakers of other varieties of the language; any regional, social or ethnic language variety. (Afrikaans dialek) diglossia A multilingual situation in which two or more languages co-occur throughout the speech community, with each language serving a different set of functions. (Afrikaans diglossie)
LIN2602
163
domains Social contexts in which language varieties are used. (Afrikaans domeine) dominant language A language whose speakers have access to economic and political power. (Afrikaans dominante taal) endangered languages Languages with small population groups, older speakers, and low rates of language transmission. (Same as threatened languages) (Afrikaans bedreigde tale) ethnolect A variety of language associated with a particular racial or ethnic group. (Afrikaans etnolek) Expanding circle Countries that recognise the importance of English as an international language but do not themselves have a history of colonisation by members of the Inner circle or use English as an official language. (Afrikaans Groeiende kring) first language A person's home language or mother tongue. (Same as L1.) (Afrikaans eerste taal) foreign language A language that is not spoken in the society in which it is being learnt. (Afrikaans vreemdetaal) forms of address Terms used to address someone when we speak or write to them. (Afrikaans aanspreekvorme) function words Words such as the, is, in and that which serve a grammatical purpose but do not contribute much to the meaning of a sentence. (Afrikaans funksiewoorde) generational change A language change that increases with each new generation of speakers. (Afrikaans generasie gebasseerde verandering) gloss A literal or word-for-word translation. (Afrikaans glos) gradual death The death of a language due to language shift and a reduction in the number of speakers over time, usually several generations. (Afrikaans geleidelike dood) grammaticalisation A process of syntactic change in which content words become function words. (Afrikaans grammatikalisering) head The main element of a compound term. (Afrikaans hoof) Head-final compounds Two or more words joined together to create a new concept with the main element as the last element of the compound. (Afrikaans samestellingsmet hoofwoord agterna) head-initial compound Two or more words joined together to create a new concept with the main element as the first element of the compound. (Afrikaans samestellings met hoofwoord voor) hypothesis A scientific statement expressing a researcher's guessed answer to a particular research question. (Afrikaans hipotese) idiolect A way of speaking that is unique to a particular person. (Afrikaans idiolek)
164
Indo-European languages A large family of languages originating in Europe and Southern Asia, including English, Afrikaans, German, French, Portuguese, Hindi, Urdu, etc. (Afrikaans Indo-Europese tale) Inner circle Countries like the United Kingdom, Ireland, Canada, Australia and New Zealand where English is the primary language. (Afrikaans Binnekring) informant A mother-tongue speaker that provides researchers with information about the language and culture of the community. (Afrikaans informant) interference The transfer of elements from the source language (usually the first language) to the target language (usually the second language) in the speech of a bilingual. (Afrikaans inmenging) jargon Specialised vocabulary used by people in the same job or profession. (Afrikaans jargon) Khoesan languages A group of less than 40 languages spoken by the San and Khoe people, mostly of Southern Africa. (Afrikaans Khoesantale) L1 A person's home language or mother tongue. (Same as first language.) (Afrikaans T1) L2 A language that is learnt after one's mother tongue. (Same as second language.) (Afrikaans T2) language acquisition The unconscious, informal process whereby a pre-adolescent child learns a first or additional language through exposure. (Afrikaans taalverwerwing) language change A process whereby languages change in terms of their phonology, morphology, syntax, word meaning or patterns of usage over time. (Afrikaans taalverandering) language contact Interaction between two different speech communities as a result of social conditions such as stable bilingualism, colonialism, migration, etc. (Afrikaans taalkontak) language death The complete disappearance of a language once it has no more speakers. (Afrikaans taaldood) language family A group of related languages that derive from a single, older language. (Afrikaans taalfamilie) language learning The conscious learning process that occurs when adolescents or adults learn a second (or later) language through formal study. (Afrikaans taalaanleerproses) language maintenance The continued existence of a language, often due to deliberate efforts by government and the community. (Afrikaans taalinstandhouding) language mixing Pervasive and very frequent codeswitching used a signal of bilingual identity. (Afrikaans taalvermenging) language of wider communication A language that people from different speech communities use to communicate across geographical, language and cultural barriers. (Afrikaans taal van wyer kommunikasie) language planning Deliberate top-down efforts to solve language problems within a
LIN2602
165
particular socio-political context, including formulating government policy relating to the use of the various languages in a country. (Afrikaans taalbeplanning) language shift The change from the habitual use of one language to that of another within a bilingual community. (Afrikaans taalverskuiwing) lexeme the underlying abstract concept that links related word forms of a single word together. (Afrikaans lekseem) lexical change Vocabulary changes such as word loss, changes in word meaning or the emergence of new words. (Afrikaans leksikaleverandering) lexicon The list of words that exist in a language. (Afrikaans leksikon) lexifier language The language from which most of the vocabulary of a pidgin is derived. (Afrikaans) lingua franca A language used to communicate when people do not share a common mother tongue. (Afrikaans lingua franca) linguistic variable A linguistic feature that can be realised in various ways that usually correlate with prominent social variables like class, gender, ethnicity or age group. (Afrikaans linguistiese veranderlike) loanword A word whose form and meaning are imported into the language from another language. (Same as borrowed term.) (Afrikaans leenwoord or geleende term) markedness model of codeswitching Myers Scotton's model of codeswitching based on whether language alternation occurs as a marked or unmarked choice in the situation. (Afrikaans opmerklikheid kodewisselingsmodel) unmarked choice A choice of language or language variety that would be most usual or most expected in that context. (Afrikaans ongemerkde keuse) marked choice The choice of language or language variety that would not be expected in that context. (Afrikaans gemerkde keuse) medium of instruction The language in which people are taught. (Afrikaans medium van onderrig) mesolect One of various intermediate varieties of a creole in which decreolisation is beginning to take place. (Afrikaans mesolek) methodology The choice of method used to collect and analyse data in research. (Afrikaans metodologie) minority language A language whose speakers do not have economic and political power. (Afrikaans minderheidstaal) mixed language a language based on two other languages in which language alternation becomes an obligatory part of the grammar. (Same as stabilised mixed variety) (Afrikaans gemengdetaal) monolingual A person who speaks only one language. (Afrikaans eentalige) morphological change Changes that affect the internal structure of words. (Afrikaans morfologiese verandering) morphologisation A type of morphological change where a full word becomes an affix. (Afrikaans morfologisering) motherese Adult speech directed at young children. (Same as caretaker speech.) (Afrikaans oppassertaal)
166
mother tongue A person's home language. (Same as first language and L1.) (Afrikaans huistaal or moedertaal) mother tongue instruction A situation where the language of instruction in schools is the pupils' mother tongue. (Afrikaans moedertaalondeerrig) mutually intelligible varieties Language varieties which are similar enough for monolingual speakers to understand each other. (Afrikaans onderling verstaanbare varie È teite) narrowing A type of semantic change in which a word becomes used in a more specific sense than it was in the past. (Afrikaans vernouing) national language A language that is widely used and functions as a national symbol uniting the citizens of the country. (Afrikaans nasionale taal or landstaal) native speaker A person who speaks a language as his or her first language. (Afrikaans moedertaalspreker) Niger-Congo languages A large family of African languages, including the sub-family of Bantu languages. (Afrikaans Niger-Kongo tale) official language A standard language selected by government as the language used in parliament and in the public service. (Afrikaans amptelike taal) onomatopoeic words Words where the sound of the word imitates the thing it describes. (Afrikaans klanknabootsende woorde) Outer circle Countries to which English has spread through British and American colonisation and become an official regional standard language in a multilingual setting, with many second-language speakers of English. (Afrikaans Buitekring) partial shift When speakers of one language start using another language in certain circumstances while they retain their own language in other circumstances. (Afrikaans gedeeltelike verskuiwing) participant-observation a research method where one lives in a community and observes and records community behaviour while simultaneously experiencing their lifestyle. (Afrikaans deelnemer waarneming) phonological change A sound change or pronunciation change. (Afrikaans fonologiese verandering) pidgin language A simplified language used in restricted contact situations. (Afrikaans pidgintaal) pilot study A small-scale investigation designed to give some idea of whether or not a researcher's hypothesis is supported. (Afrikaans loodsondersoek or steekproef) pragmatic change A change in the norms of language usage. (Afrikaans pragmatiese verandering) prefix A bound morpheme attached before a lexeme. (Afrikaans voorvoegsel) prescriptive approach An approach to language which prescribes or dictates how people should use the language. (Afrikaans voorskrywende benadering) Proto-Indo-European The common ancestor language from which all the IndoEuropean languages are descended. (Afrikaans Proto-Indo-Europese)
LIN2602
167
proto-language The common ancestor language of a language family. (Afrikaans prototaal) reanalysis A process whereby a word with one morphological structure is interpreted as having a different morphological structure. (Afrikaans herontleding) reduplication Die produksie van gebabbelde uitinge wat herhalende opeenvolgings van konsonante en vokale bevat. (Afrikaans reduplikasie) related languages Languages which are derived from a single parent language and which therefore have similar words and grammatical structures. (Afrikaans verwante tale) rememberers People who once spoke a language fluently but have lost much of their earlier ability due to a lack of practice. (Afrikaans onthouers) replaced language The minority language which is becoming less widely used in situations of language shift. (Afrikaans vervangde taal) replacing language The dominant language which is becoming more widely used in situations of language shift. (Afrikaans vervangertaal) Romance languages a family of related languages that are all derived from Latin, including French, Spanish, Portuguese and Italian. (Afrikaans Romaanse tale) SAE See South African English. SAIE See South African Indian English. second language A language that is learnt after one's mother tongue. (Same as L2.) (Afrikaans tweede taal) second language learning The learning of any additional language. (Afrikaans tweedetaalaanleer) semantic change the process in which the meaning of words and linguistic expressions changes over time, becoming broader, narrower or shifting completely. (Afrikaans semantiese verandering) semantic shift A process in which lexical items undergo a shift or change in meaning. (Afrikaans semantiese verskuiwing) semilingual A person who knows two languages but speaks neither of them as well as a monolingual speaker. (Afrikaans semitalige) semi-speakers People who speak a dying language imperfectly, with many mistakes and a limited vocabulary. (Afrikaans semi-sprekers) slang Specialised informal vocabulary associated with small, close-knit subcultures that share knowledge and interests and want to differentiate themselves in some way from the broader society. (Afrikaans sleng or groeptaal) societal bilingualism When two or more languages are spoken within a particular society. (Afrikaans gemeenskapstweetaligheid) society A group of people who are drawn together for a certain purpose, and who communicate by means of language. (Afrikaans gemeenskap) sociolect A language variety associated with a particular social class or social group within the larger society. (Afrikaans sosiolek) sociolinguistic interview A conversation with an informant used to obtain informal,
168
spontaneous, natural dialogue in the vernacular. (Afrikaans sosiolinguistiese onderhoud) sociolinguistics A subdomain of linguistics which focuses on the relationship between language and society and the way in which linguistic differences mirror social differences. (Afrikaans sosiolinguistiek) South African English (SAE) A mother-tongue variety of English spoken in South Africa. (Afrikaans Suid-Afrikaanse Engels) South African Indian English (SAIE) A mother-tongue variety of English spoken by Indians in South Africa. (Afrikaans Suid-Afrikaanse Indiese Engels) speech community A group of people who are drawn together for a certain purpose, and who communicate by means of the same language. (Afrikaans spraakgemeenskap) standard language A particular dialect that is used by educated speakers and has been chosen as a prestigious variety. It has a written form and is often used for wider communication in the society. (Afrikaans standaardtaal) standardisation The process whereby one dialect of a speech community is chosen as the standard language for use in writing and formal contexts. (Afrikaans standardisering) substratum The language which has lower power or prestige than another in a language contact situation. (Afrikaans substratum) subtractive bilingualism A situation in which a second language is learned at the expense of the first language, so that the speaker becomes less fluent in the first language as he or she becomes more proficient in the second language. (Afrikaans verminderende tweetaligheid) sudden death The rapid death of a language when all its speakers are killed. (Afrikaans skielike dood) suffix A bound morpheme attached after a lexeme. (Afrikaans agtervoegsel) superstratum The language that has higher power or prestige in a language contact situation. (Afrikaans superstratum) syntactic change a process whereby the grammatical rules of a language undergo changes over time. (Afrikaans sintaktiese verandering) taboo Words, expressions or topics which are considered socially inappropriate and are avoided in conversation. (Afrikaans taboe) telegraphic speech Children's early speech, consisting of short utterances without function words. (Afrikaans telegrafiese spraak) total shift When a bilingual community stop using their original language completely, thus becoming monolingual in another language. (Afrikaans totale verskuiwing) Tsotsitaal A mixed language variety spoken predominantly by males in the black and coloured township areas of Gauteng, South Africa (Same as Flaaitaal). variation Differences in language form. (Afrikaans variasie) variationist theory A theory that all language change is preceded by variation, with change spreading as the varieties used by one group are adopted by other groups. (Afrikaans variasieteorie)
LIN2602
169
variety Any speech pattern that differs systematically from others in terms of vocabulary, pronunciation, grammar, etc. (Afrikaans varie È teit) vernacular The speech style in which the minimum attention is given to our own speech, resulting in the most unmonitored style. (Afrikaans omgangstaal) viable languages `Healthy' languages whose long-term survival is relatively assured as they are successfully passed on between generations. (Afrikaans lewensvatbare tale) word forms Different variants of the same word or lexeme. (Afrikaans woordvorme)
170