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Article No: SUFL12079 Page Extent: 14
INCLUSIVE
Delivery date: 12 Feb 2015
EDUCATION
IN
INDIA
Inclusive education in India: past, present and future
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UMESH SHARMA and AJAY DAS
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In this article we report on various initiatives taken by the government since India’s independence in 1947 to provide education to school-aged children with disabilities. The majority of children with disabilities still remain out of school. We make an attempt to identify the challenges that the country continues to face in providing education to this population and possible ways in which the challenges could be addressed.
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Key words: India, children with disabilities, integrated education, and inclusive education.
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India is the second most populous country of the world, with a population of about a billion and a quarter (Ministry of Home Affairs, 2011). According to official estimates from the Census of India (Government of India, 2011), the number of people with disabilities in the country is 26 million, or roughly 2.1% of the total population. However, other estimates suggest that this number may be as high as 30–35 million (Office of Chief Commissioner for Persons with Disabilities, 2003; Mitchell and Desai, 2005; Singh, 2001). The Government of India (GOI) has undertaken a series of initiatives since its independence from the British Raj in 1947 to provide education to children with disabilities. However, the attempts made by the government have not had any significant impact so far. A large number of children with disabilities still remain out of school (Mitchell and Desai, 2005) and only 1% to 4% of children with disabilities have access to some form of education (Mani, 2003; Singh, 2001). This article is an attempt to understand
© 2015 NASEN DOI: 10.1111/1467-9604.12079
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the possible reasons contributing to poor performance in India with regard to providing education to children with disabilities, and to offer possible ways in which some of the challenges could be addressed. Prior to discussion of challenges faced by the country, it is important to understand the various initiatives undertaken by the GOI with the goal of providing education to children with disabilities.
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National policies, programmes and legislation
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School education in India is a joint responsibility of the state and the central government. While the organisation and structure of education are largely the concern of the state, central government is primarily responsible for quality of education (Department of Education, 2004). There are slight variations in how school education is organised across different states in India (Singal, 2006). Schooling across most states (despite some variations) consists of three stages: primary, upper primary or middle, and secondary education. Children aged from 6 to 11 years attend primary school (Grades 1–V), those aged from 11 to 14 years attend upper primary or middle school (Grade VI–VII) and those aged from 15 to 18 attend secondary school (Singal, 2006). Children, including those with a disability, up to the age of 14 years have a fundamental right to education in India. However, a large number of children with disabilities remain outside the school system.
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In order to understand the context, it is critical to shed light on government initiatives that have influenced educational programmes for individuals with a disability. It is important to note that most of the work in this regard was undertaken during the past four decades. One of the earliest formal initiatives undertaken by the GOI was the Integrated Education for Disabled Children (IEDC) scheme of 1974 (NCERT, 2011). The objectives of this scheme included the retention of children with disabilities in the regular school system, pre-school training for children with disabilities and 100% financial assistance as per prescribed norms for education of children with disabilities. This implied that the scheme would provide financial assistance to schools to cover expenses relating to educating students with disabilities in their mainstream classrooms.
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In addition to IEDC, in its Sixth Five-Year Plan (1980–1985), the GOI considered integrated education of children with disabilities a priority (NCERT, 2011).
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Subsequent increased funding for integrated education and supplementary policies, legislation and programmes indicated the government’s commitment in this regard. In particular, the provision of integrated education as an integral part of the education system was reflected in the National Policy of Action (NPA, 1981), the National Policy on Education/Programme of Action (NPE/POA, 1986–1992) and the Project Integrated Education Development (PIED, 1987; see NCERT, 2011 for more details). The National Policy on Education (1986) specifically recommended a goal to integrate ‘the handicapped’ [sic] within the general community, at all levels, as equal partners, to prepare them for normal growth and to enable them to face life with courage and confidence (Ministry of Human Resource Development, 1986).
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These early efforts brought the issue of inclusive education to the forefront of national discourse in the 1990s. They also called for much needed resources to aid inclusion. While structural changes were taking place on the national level in terms of policy formulation, changes were slowly becoming evident at the school and classroom level. Azad (1996) reported that PIED resulted in both regular school teachers and students becoming more receptive toward students with disabilities.
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The Government of India implemented the District Primary Education Project (DPEP) in 1994–5. This programme laid special emphasis on the integration of children with mild to moderate disabilities, in line with world trends, and became one of the GOI’s largest programmes of the time in terms of funding. Approximately 40,000 million rupees (approximately 740 million US dollars) were budgeted to fund this program in 149 districts across 14 states (NCERT, 2011).
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In 1996, the Persons with Disabilities (PWD) Act was passed by the Indian parliament (GOI, 2005). This legislation became the hallmark of a new era for the education of students with disabilities in India. An essential aspect of the legislation was the emphasis it placed on the integration of students with disabilities into regular schools (Das, 2001). For the first time, the integration of students with disabilities into regular schools entered the realm of Indian jurisdiction. One of the key features of this Act was that any kind of discrimination against persons with disabilities now came under the purview of law through grievance redress machinery established at the central and state levels. At the time of the passage of the legislation, it was recognised as a historical milestone in the provision of educational and other services to individuals with a disability. Highlighting the importance of the legislation, Baquer and Sharma (1997, p. 274) stated:
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‘In a country like India the numbers of disabled are so large, their problems so complex, available resources so scarce and social attitudes so damaging, it is only legislation which can eventually bring about a substantial change in a uniform manner. Although legislation cannot alone radically change the fabric of a society in a short span of time, it can nevertheless, increase accessibility of the disabled to education and employment, to public buildings and shopping centres, to means of transport and communication.’
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A number of other policy initiatives have been taken by the Government of India since the passage of the PWD Act in 1996. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), launched in 2001, is one such initiative (GOI, 2005). SSA had a policy of ‘zero rejection’ and mandated that no child with special needs could be neglected or denied enrolment on the basis of a disability. In 2005, the Ministry of Human Resource Development implemented a National Action Plan for the inclusion in education of children and youth with disabilities. Furthermore, in 2009 IEDC was revised and named ‘Inclusive Education of the Disabled at the Secondary Stage’ (IEDSS). The IEDSS scheme provided the opportunity to all students with disabilities who had completed eight years of elementary schooling to complete four years of secondary schooling in an inclusive environment. Evaluation of IEDSS has shown an increase in student enrolment in 11 states from 2010 to 2012. In 2010, ‘India implemented the Right to Education Act (RTE) to legally support inclusive education’ (Bhan and Rodricks, 2012, p. 367). In addition, a working draft of the PWD Act 2011 was prepared by the Centre for Disability Studies, University of Hyderabad and was due to pass in 2012 (Deccan Herald, 2012). The Act is a significant shift in the way disability is conceptualised by law-makers (Centre for Disability Studies, 2011), as is evident in the committee report that was responsible for reviewing the amended Act. The committee reported:
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‘The new paradigm is based on the presumption of legal capacity, equality and dignity. . . .This statute recognizes that persons with disabilities are an integral part of human diversity, enriching it with their vision, their experience & their creativity. The statute seeks to provide a vehicle that ensures participation in society on an equal basis with others and seeks an equality of outcome by recognizing multiple discrimination faced by women and children’ (p. 5).
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Although the amended law has not yet been passed by the Indian parliament, it shows the government’s commitment regarding the implementation of policy initiatives for PWD emphasizing inclusive education. It is likely to be debated in parliament in 2015.
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The Government of India has demonstrated that it is committed to equalising educational opportunities for all children, including those with disabilities. Finding out how much of that commitment has translated into reality warrants careful examination of the extent to which the needs of students with disabilities are being met in inclusive classrooms. Our literature review yielded a dismal picture of the outcomes that the policy initiatives had aimed to achieve. For example, Mani (2003) argued that not even 5% of children with disabilities have been provided with educational services in inclusive classrooms, although the implementation of an integrated system of education began in 1975. Gopinathan (2003) contended that the percentage of students with disabilities attending regular schools is even lower: only 750,000 students with disabilities receive educational services in regular schools, and the total population of students with disabilities stands at 30–35 million nationwide (Mitchell and Desai, 2005; Singh, 2001).
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According to data provided by the Ministry of Human Resource Development (2007), the number of students with disabilities served under various inclusive education schemes/programmes is 5,800 through PIED; 203,146 through IEDC; 621,760 through DPEP; and 1.6 million through SSA. It is clear from these figures that the number of students with disabilities receiving services under inclusive education has been constantly growing. However, it can also be said that the efforts made by the government have only been able to touch the fringe of the problem, considering the number of students with disabilities in the country.
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In order to understand why progress toward the goal of educational inclusion in India is so poor, we have identified some of the key challenges that we believe may have contributed. We discuss these challenges under two headings: challenges at macro level (or at the system level) and challenges at micro level (or at the school level).
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Challenges at macro level
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One of the most significant challenges at macro level that seems to have affected the progress of the country is how disability is defined and understood in the country.
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Understanding disability
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Albert (2004) stated that the actions we take to address barriers faced by disability largely depend on how we understand disability. Although disability is defined in many ways, two models which predominately feature in the literature are the individual model and the social model. The individual model is also known as the medical or deficit model (Albert, 2004). Within this model disability is seen to reside within an individual, and can be explained in medical terms. There is pressure on an individual to fit in with society. The social model, meanwhile, defines disability as caused by barriers that society creates for an individual. Society thus needs to change its practices to meet the individual’s needs. There is some merit in the social model compared to the medical model. In India, it seems the individual or medical model is predominant, and there is evidence of this stance even at the highest level. The Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment is mainly responsible for the welfare of people with disability. It defines a person with a disability as someone with a condition that falls into one of the following categories: locomotor, visual, hearing, speech or mental (GOI, 2005). The medical model has permeated almost all policy and legislative documents. For example, among the most significant national legislation on disability, the PWD Act (1995) defines a person with disability as:
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‘ “a person suffering from not less than forty per cent of any disability as certified by a medical authority” (any hospital or institution, specified for the purposes of this Act by notification by the appropriate Government). As per the act “Disability” means – (i) Blindness; (ii) Low vision; (iii) Leprosy-cured; (iv) Hearing impairment; (v) Loco motor disability; (vi) Mental retardation; (vii) Mental illness’ (GOI, 2011, p. x).
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Changing policy and legislation requires a significant paradigm shift. Rather than seeing problems residing within an individual, policy makers need to understand that providing high-quality education to children with disabilities (CWD) is a systemic issue (UNESCO, 2005). It is the system’s responsibility to provide high-quality education for all. Policy makers and implementers also need to understand that providing high-quality education to CWD is most likely to result in better services for all students, not just CWD (Peters, 2004). It may, therefore, be necessary to redraft policies and make necessary amendments to the Acts so that the necessary paradigm shift is evident in policies in which the problem is currently seen as residing within an individual (Peters, 2004; UNESCO, 2005).
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Conceptualising inclusive education
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Educating children with disabilities alongside their non-disabled peers is considered one of the better ways to provide education to the population in India (Shah, 2005, Shah et al., 2014). It seems the way in which inclusive education is defined and understood may be another critical challenge in providing quality education to children with disabilities. There are wide variations in how ‘inclusive education’ is defined and operationalized; terms such as ‘integrated education’ and ‘inclusive education’ are frequently used interchangeably. Singal (2005b) is of the view that inclusive education is largely adopted from the international discourse and has not been engaged with in the Indian context. Internationally defined inclusive education relates to the education of students with a range of diversities, not just disabilities, included and supported in mainstream schools.
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According to UNESCO (2009), ‘. . . an “inclusive” education system can only be created if ordinary schools become more inclusive – in other words, if they become better at educating all children in their communities’ (p. 8). In India, inclusive education is mainly seen as the education of students with disabilities in regular schools. For example, the Ministry of Human Resource Development (2003; cited in NCERT, 2011) uses the following definition: ‘Inclusive education means all learners . . . with and without disabilities being able to learn together in ordinary pre-school provisions, schools, and community educational settings with an appropriate network of support services’ (p. xx).
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This definitional issue was examined through two local studies in India (Sandhill and Singh, 2005; Singal and Rouse, 2003). One of the key purposes of both the studies was to understand how participants conceptualised inclusive education. In their study of 11 schools, Singal and Rouse (2003) found that most schools accommodated children with one particular type of disability rather than a wide diversity of students. Eight of these schools also had a specialist unit. Some students from these units were placed in regular classrooms for part of the day; others remained in the unit most of the time. The researchers also found that the type and extent of disability that a student had played an important role in influencing the decision of the school. Students who looked physically different from others and had low intellectual ability were denied admission to school. Singal and Rouse’s data revealed that one of the major reasons schools included ‘disabled’ students was pressure from either government bodies or parents to enrol the students in regular schools. Other schools also wanted to be seen as being innovative and caring.
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In a similar study, Sandhill and Singh (2005) examined perspectives of educators from ten private schools in order to understand their perspectives on the changes they had made as a result of adopting inclusive education. Their results were very similar to those of the study by Singal and Rouse (2003). Sandhill and Singh found that the majority of the schools had a special unit attached to them and ‘students with a disability’ spent majority of their time in the specialist units. A few students did spend some time in regular classrooms; however, placement was decided based on a student’s ability to fit in the regular classroom. The researchers examined the inclusive practices of two schools from their sample more extensively. While one school was very similar to the remaining schools in the sample in terms of its inclusive education practices, the other was clearly an outlier in terms of its practices. This school used practices such as frequent communication between school leadership and the teachers and a well-developed, whole-school plan to implement inclusive education. All school community members, including students, parents and teachers, worked together to ensure the success of the programme. There was an attitude of acceptance of students with diverse abilities, which was spread across the school community.
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Teacher preparation
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Lack of adequate teacher preparation has been identified as a major barrier to inclusive education in South Asian countries (Sharma et al., 2013), including India (Singal, 2005a, 2005b). Currently, graduate teachers completing teacher education programs are exposed to education of children with disabilities through one or two theory-based subjects. Anecdotal evidence has suggested that such subjects are offered as optional subjects (often with very poor enrolments). This situation is perhaps an indication that within teacher education programmes, education of children with disabilities is not seen as the primary responsibility of the regular schoolteacher. One can argue that most teacher education programmes – unintentionally – are preparing teachers for exclusion rather than inclusion. A need to reform teacher education programmes to prepare teachers for inclusive education has been articulated both by researchers (Sharma et al., 2009; Mitchell and Desai, 2005; Singal, 2015a, 2015b) and by international agencies (UNESCO, 2005). However, there is not enough research or policy direction on how this can be achieved. For any such change to occur at the national level, it is critical that the peak teacher education organisations (e.g. the National Council for Teacher Education and University Grants Commission) demonstrate an understanding that providing high-quality education to children with disabilities needs to be seen as
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an issue of high-quality education provided to all, rather than one of education for some children. A school that fails to include and provide high-quality education for children with disabilities is unlikely to provide high-quality education to children without disabilities. Provision of inclusive education should not be seen as an additional initiative. Unless this cognitive shift occurs at the national level, changes in teacher education curricula across universities and teacher education colleges in India are unlikely. It may be critical to involve teacher educators (mainly deans of Faculties of Education) in ongoing dialogues to embrace the idea of reforming teacher education to include all children.
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Different models are used to prepare teachers for inclusive education. Information about various aspects of inclusive education can be covered in a single subject (Sharma, 2012) or infused through a number of subjects in the programme (Loreman, 2010). Teacher education programmes should make an attempt to evaluate the impact of the training. When changes are made in the programme to provide a clear emphasis on knowledge, skills and practice, this should result in a significant shift in new graduates’ thinking about inclusion (Sharma, 2012; Sharma et al., 2013). New graduates should be prepared with their head (knowledge of inclusive education strategies), heart (belief that inclusive education is good for all), and hands (ability to teach all) to include all learners (Sharma, 2011; Shulman and Shulman, 2004).
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Challenges at micro level
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India’s unique challenges and characteristics, such as low levels of economic infrastructure and literacy and its unique cultural and social background, are daunting obstacles to the implementation of inclusive education. On the one hand, the educational system is influenced by prevailing societal perceptions and governmental policies; on the other, it propounds a specific value system and social order. In India, sectoral challenges to inclusive education can be understood and discussed in the context of socio-economic and cultural issues, governmental and policy issues and educational and capacity-building issues. All of these have an effect on the planning, organisation and management of inclusive schooling (Bhatnagar and Das, 2013). We will focus our discussion on barriers at the school level, however; namely, lack of resources, absence of supportive leadership and lack of requisite teaching practices.
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The literature has consistently indicated that an overwhelming majority of schools in India lack the necessary physical resources to implement inclusive education (Bhan and Rodricks, 2012; Bhatnagar and Das, 2013; Shah et al., 2014; Sharma et al., 2009). These resources include basic facilities such as ramps, adequate lighting and availability of wheelchairs, among other physical resources needed for a child to attend a mainstream school. Such challenges are greater for schools located in rural areas and those located in distant, hilly terrains.
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In addition to a lack of these required physical resources, there is a severe shortage of required personnel such as special education teachers, teacher aides, related service professionals (speech and language therapist, physical therapist and occupational therapist) and other school professionals (Shah, 2005). In the absence of such key professionals, inclusion endeavours turn out to be no more than ‘child dumping’ in many instances. According to the Ministry of Human Resource Development, in 2007 there were only 6,678 resource teachers employed under SSA – a miniscule amount, given the number of students with disabilities in the country. Unnikrishnan (2010) argued that in certain situations where professionals are present, they are not in fact trained to work in an inclusive setting. Many of these professionals include special education teachers who have been trained in the clinical model, for example by working with a child in a one-on-one setting. Meeting the needs of children with disabilities in an inclusive environment therefore presents a significant challenge for these professionals.
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Large class sizes present another challenge for the implementation of inclusive education in the Indian context. According to the Government of India’s own accounts (Sarva Siksha Abhiyan Evaluation Report, 2010), class sizes of 40 students or more are widespread in states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal. This, compounded by a lack of trained professionals, severely limits the ability of regular school teachers to meet the needs of students with disabilities. Reducing class size may not be a solution; preparing teachers to teach in large classes and using existing resources to address the barrier of large class sizes is necessary.
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The entire premise of inclusive education hinges on classroom teachers’ ability to differentiate instruction and provide necessary modifications for students with
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disabilities. However, a number of authors (Shah, 2005; Unnikrishnan, 2010) have pointed out that regular schoolteachers in India lack familiarity with these critical skills. In addition, a vast majority of the teachers utilize large-group and didactic instruction as a dominant form of instructional delivery. The literature is clear about the limited benefits for students with disabilities when such methods of instruction are used predominantly (Shah, 2005). This barrier therefore severely limits the educational opportunities for a child with a disability to receive an appropriate education in India.
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Successful inclusion programmes require supportive leadership at the school level. Although there is limited literature available on administrators’ support for inclusion in the Indian context, it can be said that many administrators, especially those at privately managed schools, succumb to academic and test-score pressures and neglect the education of disadvantaged groups, including those with disabilities. This is evident from the low levels of enrolment of children with disabilities in these schools, in spite of the government’s efforts to promote inclusion in the past four decades. Up until the implementation of the Right of Children to Free and Compulsory Education Act or Right to Education Act (2009), many children with disabilities were denied even admission to their neighbourhood public school, let alone the provision of inclusive education. This is still taking place in schools across India. School leadership and management is, however, under close scrutiny by the government for any denial of educational rights of children with disabilities (Ministry of Law and Justice, 2009).
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In this paper we made an attempt to describe the efforts made by the Government of India to provide education to children with disabilities. We also identified some of the major challenges that this country is facing, which may have contributed to the country’s poor performance. We do not claim that we have identified all challenges, nor that the suggestions we have made are a complete list of possible strategies to address the challenges. Our analysis was largely influenced by work done by ourselves and other researchers in India, Bangladesh, China and other developing countries. India is a huge country, with extreme diversity from east to
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west and north to south in terms of language, ethnicity, caste, religion, access to resources and political will. In a country with such diversity, proposing one way to do things may not be the best way to move forward: what has worked in one school in north India, for example, may not work in another school in south India. The mindset of those in power (political leaders, policy makers and teacher educators) does need to include an understanding that disability is not just a medical issue, but also social and human rights issue. The best approaches to providing inclusive education opportunities to such a vast number of children, who are spread across the country, may differ from one state to another or from one region to another. The fundamental shift that needs to occur at the highest level is for the provision of inclusive education to children with disability to be seen not as a charitable issue but as a systemic issue. It needs to be seen as a way to provide high-quality education to all, not just to children with a disability.
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References
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ALBERT, B. (2004) Briefing Note: The Social Model of Disability, Human Rights and Development. Disability Knowledge and Research Programme. Norwich/ London: Overseas Development Group, University of East Anglia/Healthlink Worldwide. [Online at http://www.disabilitykar.net/ pdfs/social_model_briefing.pdf]. AZAD, Y. A. (1996) Integration of Disabled in Common Schools: A Survey Study of IEDC in the Country. New Delhi: National Council of Educational Research and Training. BAQUER, A. and SHARMA, A. (1997) Disability: Challenges vs responses. New Delhi: Concerned Action Now. BHAN, S. and RODRICKS, S. (2012) Indian perspective on child’s right to education. Procedia – Social and Behavioral Sciences, 69, 367–376. BHATNAGAR, N. and DAS, A. K. (2013) Nearly two decades after the implementation of the Persons with Disabilities Act: concerns of Indian teachers to implement inclusive education. International Journal of Special Education, 28, 2, 104–113. CENTRE FOR DISABILITY STUDIES (2011) The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Bill, 2011. Hyderabad: Centre for Disability Studies. [Online at http://socialjustice.nic.in/pdf/report-pwd .pdf]. Accessed 26/11/2014. DAS, A. K. (2001) Perceived Training Needs of Regular and Secondary School Teachers to Implement Inclusive Education Programs in Delhi, India. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Melbourne. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION. (2004) Overview. Annual Report, 2004–2005. [Online at http:// education.nic.in/Annualreport2004-05/ar_en_05_cont.asp]. Accessed 11/11/2014. DECCAN HERALD (2012) New Law Soon to Replace Persons with Disabilities Act. [Online at http://www.deccanherald.com/content/129195/law-soon-replace-persons-disabilities.html]. Accessed 20/10/2014. GOPINATHAN, A. (2003) Statement Presented at the 2nd Session of the Ad Hoc Committee on a ‘comprehensive and integral international convention on the protection and promotion of the rights and dignity of persons with disability’. New York: United Nations.
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