Cultural Representations in Walt Disney Films, Disney Journal of Social Work-2015-Van Wormer-1468017315583173

Article

Cultural representations in Walt Disney films: Implications for social work education

Journal of Social Work 0(0) 1–17 ! The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/146801 10.1177/1468017315583173 7315583173 jsw.sagepub.com jsw .sagepub.com

Katherine van Wormer University of Northern Iowa, USA

Cindy Juby University of Northern Iowa, USA

Abstract  Summary: This article investigates images of race, sex, ethnicity, and consumerism in contemporary Walt Disney productions. The purpose is to discuss the reinforcement of critical thinking skills in social work students through mutual examination of multicultural images presented in Disney movies. The films selected for close critical examin The Lion King , Pocahontas, The Princess and the Frog – ation – The – are those with multicultural themes and characters. In recognition of the fact that the one who controls the arts controls the message, this article is informed by bell hooks’ methods of critique of racialized and sexualized representations in children’s film.  Findings: The hidden messages in the popular Disney films should not be overlooked. The methods of critique applied to these earlier films also have resonance for the newer films, such as Frozen.  Applications: The case is made in this article that social work educators can enhance the critical thinking of students concerning culturally offensive, stereotypical images conveyed in the media. Keywords Soci So cial al wo work rk,, cr crit itic ical al th thin inki king ng,, cu cult ltur ural al co comp mpet eten ency cy,, cu cult ltur ural ally ly se sens nsit itiv ive, e, cu cult ltur ure, e, indigenous

Corresponding author: Corresponding Katherine van Wormer, University of Northern Iowa, 247 Sabin Hall, Cedar Falls, IA 50614, USA. Email: Katherine.VanW [email protected] [email protected]

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The inspiration for this article was a slide show presentation at the 2008 Council on Social Work (CSWE) conference in Philadelphia. In the presentation, slides from Disney films served to promote awareness of overt and latent messages (‘microaggressions’) contained in some of the most popular of the films from the Disney stud st udio io.. Dr Draw awin ing g in insi sigh ghts ts fr from om cr crit itic ical al ra race ce th theo eory ry,, Ci Cind ndy y Sn Snyd yder er an and d Ja Jani nice ce Chadha (2008) revealed how the social work classroom can be employed to raise consciousness and facilitate dialogue about stereotypical concepts about diverse racial and sexual groups conveyed in various children’s animations. A number of us women in the audience who had grown up watching Disney films and playing with the stuffed animals, princess dolls, and coloring books and then enjoying the classics and recent movies with our children were astonished by the unmistakably racist rac ist,, eth ethnoc nocent entric ric,, and sex sexist ist con conten tentt in so man many y of the cha charac racter teriza izatio tions ns as reve re veal aled ed in th thee cl clip ipss pr pres esen ente ted. d. As a fo foll llow ow-u -up p to th this is ey eyee-op open enin ing g ex expe peri rien ence ce at the CSWE conference, we wish to delve further into an examination of the messages that are being conveyed in these most popular of children’s films. Because the Disney movies are such cultural icons in the western world, and worldwide, they are ripe for cultural critique. Asking critical questions alerts us to portrayals relevant to race and sex role behavior. Cinderella and Sleeping Beauty, like any other Hollywood film, may be examined in terms of the messages they send to little girls and little boys, and we can consider the ways that parents can defuse the impact of any stereotypical stereotypical messages. messages. And give given n the ubiquity of Disne Disney y cultu culture re in the ind indust ustria rializ lized ed and ind indust ustria rializ lizing ing wor world, ld, and its infl influen uence ce on fam family ily lif lifee thro th roug ugh h it itss ma many ny pr prod oduc ucts ts,, it is im impo port rtan antt to qu ques esti tion on th thee va valu lues es th that at Di Disn sney ey teac te ache hess an and d ho hold ld it ac acco coun unta tabl blee fo forr th thee wa ways ys it at atte temp mpts ts to sh shap apee ch chil ildr dren en’s ’s identities. This article is written in the belief that becoming conscious of the way ethnocent ce ntri ricc an and d se sexu xual aliz ized ed or ro roma mant ntic iciz ized ed im imag ages es pr pres esen ente ted d in th thee me medi dia a ca can n be extended to culturally critical evaluations of all comparable productions. The concern of this article is that children’s movies contain both multicultural and gender rolee con rol conten tentt tha thatt hav havee the pot potent ential ial to infl influen uence ce the their ir per perce cepti ptions ons of min minori ority ty grou gr oups ps.. Ou Ourr ma majo jorr co conc ncer ern n is th that at su such ch me mess ssag ages es ma may y ha have ve mo more re to do wi with th the promotion of consumerism, loyalty to use of a brand-name product, and the acceptance of stereotypical images in the interests of global capitalism than with the generation of any salutary educational values. Forr th Fo this is ar arti ticl cle, e, th thre reee co cont ntem empo pora rary ry mo movi vies es fr from om th thee Di Disn sney ey co coll llec ecti tion on were selected for close examination. These movies include: The Lion King (Walt Disney Pictures, 1994), Pocahontas (Walt Disney Pictures, 1995), and The Princess and the Frog (Walt Disney Pictures, 2009). Mulan (Walt Disney Pictures, 1998) and Pirates of the Caribbean: Dead Man’s Chest (Walt Disney Pictures, 2006) are also briefly considered for their multicultural representations. The criteria we have used for the selection of Disney films to critique are: the film’s current popularity, representation of gender roles, and the containing of multicultural content. We wanted to show film clips in class and therefore chose movies that contained scenes that would make the point within several minutes or even less; for example, Cinderella’s


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stepsisters struggling to get their big feet into the dainty glass slipper. Although some of the movie selections such as The Lion King and Pocahontas that were chosen for close examination are over 20 years old, we find that our students, having seen these films in their childhoods, can relate to them better than the less well known, modern productions. The Lion King, it should be mentioned, is enjoying enjoy ing a wel well-publ l-publiciz icized ed reviv revival al as a music musical al on Broadw Broadway ay and relea release se on DVDs, while Pocahontas is a pa part rt of th thee bo boom om in th thee sa sale less of Di Disn sney ey pr prin ince cess ss do doll lls. s. Orenste Ore nstein in (20 (2012) 12) ref refers ers to thi thiss mas massiv sivee con consum sumer er spe spendi nding ng as ‘pr ‘princ incess ess man mania’ ia’;; the sal sales es of con consum sumer er pro produc ducts ts ass associ ociate ated d wit with h Dis Disney ney cla classi ssics cs hav havee exc exceed eeded ed $4 billion worldwide. This includes dolls, doll furniture, school supplies, cosmetics, and so on; in fact over 25,000 accessories related to these films, the majority of which are connected to Cinderella. The method of investigation that we have chosen begins with an understanding of media in which the viewer – as social scientist – is an active participant rather than through an examination of inert data ripe for content or thematic analysis. Our focus draws in part on the teachings of Lindsay Prior (2008), who describes basic methods of researching documents for cultural content, including the analysis of the spoken words, accents, and visual images. Through such critical analysis we have sought, as Prior advises, to discern how culture is represented and structured in se sele lect cted ed Di Disn sney ey fil films ms.. We ha have ve al also so ta take ken n in into to co cons nsid ider erat atio ion n ho how w po poli liti tica call proces pro cesses ses imp imping ingee on the pre presen sentat tation ion of the mat materi erial. al. Con Consis sisten tentt wi with th Pri Prior’ or’ss (2008) (20 08) met method hod of ana analyz lyzing ing doc docume umenta ntatio tion, n, we exa examin minee the these se mov movie iess thr throug ough h narrowing the focus to address key questions: What are the gender roles portrayed in terms of masculinity and femininity? How do the speech patterns, accents, and skin tones, serve to create an impression related to race and ethnicity? Is there a relationship between moral attributes of a character and linguistic style – in other words, do the good guys speak one way and the bad guys another? What is the overt message and what is the covert message in the story line? What are the potential risks to children who grow up exposed to stereotypical characterizations of minority groups as presented in popular film? These questions we used not only in our investigation, but they were also designed to be used later in our classrooms to generate insights concerning the Disney film clips. In our selection of representative slides and film clips of sequences involving characters chara cters of vario various us ethni ethnicitie cities, s, we sought dialo dialogue gue and songs that conve conveyed yed both positive and negative images of the characters that played key roles in the films. (Man (M any y of th thee fil film m cl clip ipss ar aree re read adil ily y av avai aila labl blee on th thee In Inte tern rnet et.) .) Ou Ourr me meth thod od of drawing on relevant audio-visual material for critical analysis is consistent with research findings on teaching effectiveness from the educational literature. In his review of 17 journal articles on the use of film in the university classroom settin set ting, g, Re Renzi nzi (20 (2011) 11) fou found nd una unanim nimous ous sup suppor portt for inc incorpo orporat rating ing film int into o the classroom for heuristic purposes to inculcate critical thinking skills. Renzi devised an experimental situation himself using narrative films in one class to elicit critical analys ana lysis is of the mat materi erial al and onl only y rea readin ding g mat materi erial al in the other cla class. ss. Thr Throug ough h reinforcing the students’ media literacy in the experimental group, he found the


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critical skills generalized to the analysis of written material throughout the remainder of the course. Their performance was consistently better than that of the control group. For our theoretical framework, we looked to the writings of bell hooks. Her stature as a culturally-sensitive film critic is widely recognized. In such works as Black Looks (1992), Outlaw Culture (1994), and Reel to Real (1996b), (1996b), hooks examines multicultural and gendered content in some of her favorite and least favorite movies from the viewpoint of an African American woman. She utilizes a social justice and anti-oppressive lens for her observations.

The contribution of film critic bell hooks By exa examin mining ing the way Afr Africa ican n Ame Americ ricans ans and esp especi eciall ally y Afr Africa ican n Am Ameri erican can or biracial women are portrayed in the predominantly white-controlled media, bell hooks has brought critical consciousness into the limelight. Race and racism are at the center of the theory, but these constructs are also viewed at their intersection with other forms of oppression such as class and gender discrimination. In her video, Cultural Criticism and Transformation , hooks (1996a) explains why we should study popular culture. The purpose of such study, she suggests, is to help us resist offensive representations – not be free of them, but to be critically vigilant regarding them. Because popular culture has great power in our everyday lives, she further suggests that the process of critiquing popular culture is the site of pedagogy and learning. It can also be a way of strengthening social workers’ sense of agency. Through such a critical reading of cultural artifacts, an unflagging awareness of how media representations insinuate their cultural messages into children’s lives can be achieved. Movies are not real. ‘Giving audiences what is real is precisely what the movies do not do,’ as hooks (1996b, p. 1) correctly observes. In her critical essays on the cinema, bell hooks (1992, 1994, 1996a, 1996b) views creative works for popular consumption from an anti-oppressive perspective. Writing from the perspective of an African American American femi feminist, nist, hooks’ investigatio investigations ns of the story line and image imagess in film fil m he help lp us to re reth thin ink k th them emes es of th thee mo movi vies es th that at we ha have ve pre previ viou ousl sly y en enjo joye yed d without questioning, and thereby to view them through new eyes. In her analysis of the acclaimed and shocking adult film The Crying Game, for example, hooks notes not only the plot that is developed but what is missing in the plot. In the interracial, love relationship that is at the center of this British film, the emphasis is solely on white male identity. Viewing the movie as a whole, hooks (1994) concludes that the movie ‘offers a romanticized image of the white colonizer moving into the black territory and occupying it’ (p. 59). We may not always agree with her conclusions, but such cultural criticism raises questions that we should consider as consumers and enables us to see each film that is relevant to this analysis in a new and more culturally-sensitive and gender-sensitive way. In her analysis of Hollywood movies in general, hooks notes the sexualization of black women and the caretaking roles they typically play in relations with white


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men. Employing the concept of ‘motivated representation,’ hooks explains how media images can serve a deliberate purpose in maintaining the dominance of our existing societal gender, race, and class hierarchies. The motivation for movie production, for example, may be to incite patriotism, ethnic pride, and/or the assimilation of minority groups into mainstream culture. The most common motivation to hooks (1994) is to reproduce whatever images dominate within the ‘whole white supr su prem emac acis istt ca capi pita tali list st pa patr tria iarc rchy hy’’ (p (p.. 5) 5),, to wh whic ich h fil films ms in th thee gl glob obal al ma mark rket et must appeal. Like hooks, our concern is with representations of race, ethnicity, and gender in movies with multicultural content. And although hooks has not applied her culturally critical eye to the Disney movies as far as we could determine, we can draw on her methodology for anti-oppressive film analysis and consider the same questions she would ask. Among the questions that we can filter out from her writings are these: What is the overt narrative of the story and what is the real narrative? Are the messages embedded in the work really promoting a narrative that challenges the conventional structures of domination? How are gender roles conveyed in the film, especially regarding women of color? Are these portrayals sexualized and/or racialized? If indigenous peoples are represented, are their cultural traits accurately conveyed or is cultural exploitation and appropriation involved? From an inter internation national al persp perspectiv ective, e, socia sociall worke workers rs should be cogni cognizant zant of medi media a portrayals of people from across the globe and the stereotyping of various national groups. This can be considered a form of cultural competence, more important than merely learning about the cultural norms and values of various national and minority groups. Instead of such an ‘acquisition of information’ approach to preparing students and social workers for practice with clients from diverse backgrou gr ound nds, s, Do Domi mine nell llii (2 (200 002) 2) ad advo voca cate tess an ap appr proa oach ch th that at fo focu cuse sess on po powe werr relations at the personal, institutional, and cultural levels. An excellent place to start building such a sense of cultural consciousness would be through a critical exam ex amin inat atio ion n of cu cult ltur ural al re repre prese sent ntat atio ions ns in incl clud udin ing g et ethn hnic ic st ster ereo eoty typi ping ng in th thee corporate media. Some knowledge of the strategies used in global marketing of western products is an important form of consciousness-raising as well. ‘Until we are all able,’ declares hooks (1994), ‘to accept the interlocking, interdepe de pend nden entt na natu ture re of sy syst stem emss of do domi mina nati tion on an and d re reco cogn gniz izee sp spec ecifi ificc wa ways ys ea each ch system is maintained, we will continue to act in ways that undermine our individual quest for freedom and the collective liberation struggle’ (p. 244). Cultural criticism, as hooks further suggests, if it starts from a mind-set and a progressive politics that is fundamentally anti-colonialist, ‘can be an agent for change, a starting point for a cultural revolution’ (1994, p. 6).

Politics, consumerism, and the Disney corporation In our review of the literature on multiculturalism in contemporary Disney films, we discovered a growing literature that has been referred to as ‘Disney studies’ (Jac (J acks kson on & Wes est, t, 20 2010 10)). We fou ound nd th that at,, with on onee exc xcep epti tion on,, th thee Dis isne ney y


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scholars are all highly critical and even cynical about the images conveyed – images of It Ital alia ians ns,, Asi sian ans, s, Af Afri riccan ans, s, Ame meri rica can n In Indi dian ans, s, wom omen en,, an and d so fo fort rth. h. Multiculturalism and the Mouse: Race and Sex in Disney Entertainment by Brode (2005) was the exception in its praise of the Disney industry for the multiculturalism contained in the films. In contrast, the other critics bring our attention to what they see in Disney ente en tert rtai ainm nmen entt as as:: la late tent nt ra raci cism sm (S (Spe pect ctor or,, 19 1998 98); ); pr prej ejud udic icee ag agai ains nstt Ar Arab abss (Schmidt, 2006); sexism (Chyng Feng & Scharrer, 2004; Orenstein, 2012); antiArab portrayals (Schmidt, 2006); and capitalist exploitation (Giroux & Pollock, 2010; 201 0; Goo Goodst dstein ein,, 199 1998; 8; Jac Jackso kson n & Wes West, t, 201 2010; 0; Spe Specto ctor, r, 199 1998). 8). The wor worldw ldwide ide influence of the Disney company is widely recognized in the literature. The purpose of the Disney films is not only to provide entertainment but also education for children; Disney therefore holds an enormous stake in the cultural capital of the nation – our children (Giroux, 1999; Giroux & Pollock, 2010). It is widely accepted that Walt Disney (1901–1966), the founder, became a successful animator due to his talent, great imagination, work ethic, and cunningness (Zipes, 1995). His animations were not designed to prompt children to read the original story in its classi cla ssical cal for format mat,, but rat rather her to bec become ome con consum sumers ers of the Dis Disney ney ren rendit dition ion tha thatt would help them recreate the pleasure the film had inspired. This merchandising plan pl an wa wass ex extr trem emel ely y suc succe cess ssfu full as ch chil ildr dren en we were re mu much ch mo more re av avid id co cons nsum umer erss of Disney books and digital products than the original stories. And because animation uniquely can cross borders and cultures, the Disney enterprise grew into a vast empire of theme parks, movies, and merchandise (Jackson & West, 2010). Thro Th roug ugh h th thee us usee of ca camo moufl uflag aged ed an and d hi high ghly ly se sedu duct ctiv ivee ma mark rket etin ing g me meth thod odss devised by child psychologists, children are delivered to the market with the full support of their parents (Giroux & Pollock, 2010). For older kids, video game prod pr oduc ucts ts ar aree be bein ing g de devi vise sed, d, ac acco cord rdin ing g to Gi Girou roux x an and d Po Poll lloc ock, k, th that at co const nstru ruct ct entire cultural experiences based around iconic, often delightful Disney characters. In its promotion of family consumerism and the relentless marketing of its company’s products, Disney is selling the illusion of stability in a rapidly changing world. Some of this is done through the Disney amusement parks, now constructed in France, Hong Kong, and Japan and in the planning stage in Shanghai, China. The Disney corporation has set up language schools all over China; the schools use a curriculum featuring Mickey Mouse, the Little Mermaid, and other Disney characters (Garrahan & Saperstein, 2010). According to one of the company representatives, a side benefit is broader exposure to the Chinese people of this rich storytelli storyt elling ng herit heritage. age. The school schools, s, as Garrah Garrahan an and Saper Saperstein stein suggest, also enabl enablee Disney to forge a bond with a new generation of consumers by making them aware of the cha charac racter terss and sto storie ries. s. Fro From m bel belll hoo hooks’ ks’ per perspe specti ctive, ve, suc such h chi childld-foc focuse used d consumerism is objectionable, first, to the extent that it is built on exploiting so much of the world’s resources, and secon second, d, because consumers acquire possessions possessions as a replacement for what is missing in their lives. Disney’s first full length feature animations, beginning with Snow White in 1937, were we re ba base sed d up upon on Eu Euro rope pean an fa fair iryt ytal ales es th that at he Am Amer eric ican aniz ized ed;; th they ey re refle flect cted ed


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mainstream values such as the Protestant work ethic, as well as Disney’s personal prejudice preju dices. s. He often slid indir indirect ect social slurs as well as racia raciall and ethni ethnicc slig slights hts into scenes that were so fast-paced the audience had little time to notice them (Artz, 2004). Although more sophisticated in its characterizations, the newer Disney animations continue to play ‘a substantial role in reaffirming, even constructing, an uneven une ven soc social ial hie hierar rarchy chy tha thatt pri privil vilege egess the sta status tus quo and sub subjug jugate atess mar margin ginal al populations’ (Gutierrez, 2000, p. 10). Following hooks’ urging that we be critically The Lion vigilant about the world around us, we examine the cultural content of The King, Pocahontas, and The Princess and the Frog to determine the potential impact they may have on the socialization of children and on the promotion of cultural values. Before we present our analysis of these films, in order to show the pervasiveness of prejudicial representations in Disney movies, we briefly summarize what the critics have said from an ethnographic perspective about two films – Mulan Pirates es of th thee Ca Carib ribbe bean an:: De Dead ad Ma Man’ n’ss Ch Chest est (Walt (Wa lt Dis Disney ney Pic Pictur tures, es, 199 1998) 8) and Pirat (Walt Disney Pictures, 2006). Mulan, for example, is widely criticized for its elevation of individualism (Dong, 2006), racist and cultural slurs against Chinese culture, and its negative impact on children through encouraging such racial stereotyping (Artz, 2004). A film clip that helps raise the consciousness of viewers is a playing of a song with the words, ‘Men want wa nt gir girls ls. . . with with go good od br bree eedi ding ng an and d a ti tiny ny wa wais ist. t.’’ Ev Even en mo more re st stri ride dent nt is th thee Pirat ates es of th thee ster st ereo eoty typi pica call ch char arac acte teri riza zati tion on de depi pict cted ed in th thee vi viol olen entt mo movi viee Pir Caribbean: Dead Man’s Chest. Portraying the Caribbean island Carib Indians as cannibals has led to global outrage by indigenous groups (see BBC, 2005). The Caribbean Amerindian Centrelink (CAC) (2006) called for a boycott of Disney for its portrayal of the Caribs as savages in this film. For each of the three films selected, we ask the first four basic questions derived from the critical analysis suggested by hooks as listed previously for critical analysis. We have omitted the fifth question concerning indigenous populations for two of the movies as such populations are not central to the story line. We do consider that question, however, in our discussion of Pocahontas Pocahontas.

Case example 1: The Lion King What is the overt narrative of the story and what is the real narrative? Briefly the story The Lion King is this: the film begins with a depiction of animals of divergent line of The species traveling vast distances across Africa to pay homage to the newborn Simba, their future ruler. Simba, a lion cub is held up to the light of the sun by his father, Mufusa (voice provided by James Earl Jones), in a patriarchal ceremony. Mufasa’s brother, Scar, who is madly jealous upon the birth of Simba who will now be king instead of him, plots to destroy him in one way or another. Eventually, the evil Scar (voice provided by Jeremy Irons) murders Simba’s father, Mufasa, and takes over the kingdom. Scar convinces Simba that he is responsible for his father’s death and urges him to run far away from the Pri rid de Lands and never return. Back home, the land goes to seed with the help of some wild hyenas. The wise


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shaman baboon, Rafiki, convinces Simba that his father’s spirit lives on in him and that he must accept his responsibility. The film ends with a duel and Simba reclaiming the territory and restoring the kingdom to its former glory. The real narrative of the story is good overcoming evil, and the journey of a youth to adulthood. The latent or underlying narrative is that men are the designated rulers of a kingdom, that society’s elites are the rightful rulers, and that these elites are strong as well as good. Are the messages embedded in the work really promoting a narrative that challenges the conventional structures of domination? Two major aspects of this film stand out and lend themselves to critical reflection. The first is the depiction of the kingdom as an organized and tightly stratified social order. The Disney studio, as Artz (2004) informs us, is relying in this film on the viewers’ fondness for royalty and noble beasts to the extent that the animals even worship their predators rather than rebel or escape from them. In this way, the ideology of a social hierarchy is seen as a natural life pattern. A second level of domination concerns social class. The classism in The Lion King is overlooked by the critics we consulted; yet it cannot be overemphasized. In contradiction to the theme song which proclaims an egalitarian cultural circle of life, race and class, for the most part, are fused. The patriarch Mufasa rules at the top of the class hierarchy as king, and at the bottom layer of the hierarchy, one hears voices that are reminiscent of the American ghetto. How are sex roles conveyed in the film, especially regarding women of color? Are these portrayals sexualized and/or racialized? In fact, there are no strong female roles that are represented in this film, which is decidedly concerned with fathers and sons. A further point of consideration is the fact that Scar, who rules the underclass world, embodies evil, and is given stereotypical gay character trait. In this context, as Benshoff and Griffin (2004) and Snyder and Chadha (2008) indicate, in the mind of the viewer, evil is associated with homosexuality. portrayals sexuali sexualized zed and/o and/orr racializ racialized? ed? Next, we consider the question Are these portrayals Our attention here is drawn to the fact that, while this is the first Disney animation to be set in Africa, the cultural traits that are portrayed have no bearing on the reality of life in sub-Sahara Africa. Our attention was drawn to the music, for example, which did not have the sound of authenticity. Further research revealed that the musical scores were composed by white musicians who were hired to give the music an African flavor (Benshoff & Griffin, 2004). Race is clearly represented in the portion of the film that takes place in the region that lies outside of light that Mufasa rules and into the area of darkness. Simba is warned against visiting this area but tricked by his uncle into doing so. This is the land, a desolate dark area, where the scavenger hyenas live. The scene did not require close attention to bring to our minds the sounds and images of the American inner city. In fact, we are not alone in this reflection. Critic GoodingWilliams (1995) notes that this dark space can be taken as an allegory of the decaying inner city populated by the U.S. underclass. The fact that the voices of the hyenas are provided by actors with urban African American and Latino accents


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completes the picture. It is true that at the ruling class level, the voice of Mufasa, the king, is provided by the African American actor, James Earl Jones, but Jones speaks in a cultivated but phony British accent (Snyder & Chadha, 2008). White privilege is evidenced in this film not only through the power structure but also in thee la th lack ck of co comp mple lex x de depi pict ctio ions ns of pe pers rson onss of co colo lorr as we well ll as Af Afri rica can n cu cult lture ure (Cappiccie, Chadha, Lin, & Snyder, 2012; Giroux, 1999). Although Rafiki (voiced by the African American actor Robert Guillaume) is deeply respected as a mystical spiritual leader in Mufasa’s kingdom, he acts foolish and at times half crazed – stereotypes that have been used historically in the popular culture to demean African Americans. Moreover, his main role in the film is to help preserve and restore the lions’ hegemony – or the circle of life. Our concern is that negative feelings may be elicited in marginalized children as they view this film. One response might be the sad realization that the rest of society does not want these people – gay people and inner city persons of color – that the powers that be will want to contain them for their own protection. The message to such children might even be, according to Gooding-Williams (1995), not to question authority and to accept the social order of society. In short, the ideology behind The Lion King thus becomes to Gutierrez (2000) more an effort to control diversity rather than to promote it. In response to the lack of authenticity multicultural groups receive when they are depicted in the media, it has been suggested that one way parents and educators can expose children to a more realistic view of African culture is to use The Lion King as a stepping stone whereby they are introduced to genuine African stories – Sundiat ata, a, Li Lion on Kin King g of Ma Mali li ; th such as the epic tale of Sundi thee Di Disne sney y an anim imat atio ion n is adapted from this story (Artz, 2004). However, given the reinforcement of negative stereotypes as conveyed in the film, it might be best for parents to strike this one off the list for family viewing.

Case example 2: Pocahontas In Black bell hook hookss (19 (1992) 92) den denoun ounces ces whi white te lib libera erals’ ls’ app approp ropria riatio tion n of a Black Loo Looks ks bell raci ra cial al or et ethn hnic ic Ot Othe herr th that at re reve vels ls in th thee on onen enes esss of a ‘p ‘pri rimi miti tive ve’’ pe peop ople le wi with th nature. This is only the first step, as she fears, toward a process that is the commoditization of the ‘primitive’ by consumer culture. Consider this critique as we exam ex amin inee an ex extr trem emel ely y di dist stor orte ted d po port rtra raya yall of th thee li life fe of ‘t ‘the he In Indi dian an pr prin ince cess ss,’ ,’ Pocahontas. The romanticized figure of Pocahontas is a well-known image to children today. They see this imag imagee in dolls dolls,, coloring books, and story books where the child Pocahontas is paired romantically with her much older lover. What is the overt narrative of the story and what is the real narrative? As the Disney corporation prepared to release their animated version of Pocahontas in 1995, 199 5, Dis Disney ney pub public licist istss con conten tended ded tha thatt ‘i ‘in n eve every ry asp aspec ectt of the sto storyt rytell elling ing,, the filmmakers tried to treat Pocahontas with the respect she deserved and present a balanced and informed view of the Native American culture’ ( Pocahontas press kit, 1995, p. 34). Given its publicized intentions, consideration needs to be given as to


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how well Disney succeeded in its mission. Disney sought to immerse its film crew in Pocahontas’s Algonquin culture by conducting extensive historical research about the period during which she live lived. d. Unlike the case of Mulan, Pocahontas Pocahontas was a real woman rather than a legend, so the discrepancy between fact and fiction is easier for researchers to authenticate. The setting for this motion picture is Jamestown, Virginia, which is inhabited by a local tribe of Powhatan Indians. The basic story line of the film is as follows: the young Indian Pocahontas meets the English captain John Smith, and the two fall in love. She visits her Grandmother Willow, a counseling tree spirit, because she is uncer unc erta tain in ab abou outt th thee pa path th he herr li life fe sh shou ould ld ta take, ke, an and d Gra Grandm ndmot othe herr Wi Will llow ow urg urges es Pocahontas to listen to her heart. When one of the English settlers, intent on finding gold in the New World, kills the Indian brave Kocoum, the Indians think Smith is responsible, so he is condemned to death. In begging her father, Chief Powhatan, to spare Smith’s life, Pocahontas helps establish peace between the Jamestown settlers and her tribe. Smith, however, is severely wounded by an enraged Englishman and decides to return to England. Pocahontas and he bid farewell to each other. We ca can n de dete tect ct th thee und under erly lyin ing g me mess ssag agee of th thee na narr rrat ativ ivee in th thee di disc scre repa panc ncy y between the true history of Pocahontas and Captain John Smith and this fictionalized account. Whereas historical records recount that Pocahontas was approximately mate ly 10–12 years old when she met John Smith, Smith, who was in his late 20 s (Golden, 2006), Disney depicts an older, voluptuous Pocahontas. This depiction presumably is so their romance can be developed. In Disney’s animation, Pocahontas defies her fath fa ther er’s ’s ord order erss an and d sn snea eaks ks aw away ay to me meet et Sm Smit ith. h. In so doi doing ng,, Po Poca cahon honta tass (l (lik ikee Mulan) embraces a Western perspective on individual destiny – intuiting her true path lies somewhere ‘just beyond the river bend.’ Researchers on the history would also discover the discrepancy between truth and reality in the conclusion of the film in which peace is established between the races, and the Englishmen, including John Jo hn Sm Smit ith, h, ab aban ando don n Ja Jame mest stow own n as th they ey sa sail il ba back ck to En Engl glan and. d. In re real alit ity, y, th thee Engl En glis ish h wo woul uld d re rema main in pe perm rman anen entl tly y in th thee Ne New w Wo Worl rld, d, an and d it wa wass ar arou ound nd Jame Ja mest stow own n th that at th thee firs firstt co colo lony ny wa wass es esta tabl blis ishe hed d (G (Gol olde den, n, 20 2006 06). ). Po Poca cahon honta tass would later marry John Rolfe and travel back to Europe to be put on display. Her position as the daughter of a powerful tribal chief subjected her to political expl ex ploi oita tati tion on by th thee En Engl glis ish h wi with thin in th thee co cont ntex extt of th thei eirr co colo loni nizi zing ng eff effor orts ts.. Sadly, Pocahontas died there of pneumonia within a short time. Are the messages embedded in the work really promoting a narrative that challenges leng es the con conven vention tional al stru structu ctures res of dom domina inatio tion? n? The con conven ventio tional nal stru structu ctures res of domination are clearly evident in this film. We see this in the age difference between the young Pocahontas and the older John Smith as well as in the relationship between the Indians and the seemingly much more sophisticated settlers. In some of the scenes, however, where Pocahontas informs her lover of her people’s cultural values, for example, their sense of oneness with nature, the structure, at least of male domination, would seem to be reversed. How are sex roles conveyed in the film, especially regarding women of color? Are these portrayals sexualized and/or racialized? In our background research on the


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making of this film, we learned from Edgerton and Jackson (1996) that the figure of Pocahontas was derived from sketches of several women. Studio animators started with Native American faces but eventually gravitated to the more familiar look of an Ang Anglic licize ized d and sta statue tuesqu squee mod model. el. Aid Aidman man and Ree Reese se (19 (1996) 96) not noted ed tha thatt the finalized image of Pocahontas, in her height and the length of her arms and legs, large breasts and tiny waist, actually bore a striking resemblance to a Barbie doll. In viewing this popular and entertaining movie, our attention was drawn to Pocahontas’s dress and the way her hair is displayed. Her over-the-shoulder costume reveals much bare skin. The sexualization of her figure is further achieved in the way the short dress is fashioned with a slit. This costume is hardly consistent with 16th century Algonquian attire (Strong, 1996). In reality, Native American women of the period wore long dresses with removable sleeves (Golden, 2006). Pocahontas’s hair is frequently shown blowing in the wind, an image that brings to mind the Eurocentric stereotype of the Indian as earth goddess or ‘noble savage’ (Pewewardy, 1996–97). This brings us to a consideration of the fifth of bell hooks’ questions for organizing our critical discussion. If indigenous peoples are represented, are their cultural traits accurately conveyed or is cultural exploitation and appropriation involved? In the soundtrack ‘Colors of the Win Wind,’ d,’ whi which ch won an Aca Academ demy y Aw Award ard for bes bestt mus musica icall sco score, re, Poc Pocaho ahonta ntass refers to herself twice as a savage. Although the use of the term ‘savage’ is not necessarily negative and is probably used in the sense of ‘noble savage,’ the fact that it is actually used throughout the film to refer to Native Americans is consistent with the distortion of historical and cultural facts that pervade the film. Given even a minimal awareness of early American history and of the cruel treatm tre atment ent of Ind Indian ian tri tribes bes,, suc such h as the Alg Algonq onquia uian, n, the mod modern ern vie viewe werr can cannot not help he lp bu butt be st stru ruck ck by th thee mi misre srepr pres esen enta tati tion on of th thee co colo loni niza zati tion on of th thee na nati tive ve people. Instead of revealing the ethnocentric values that would have been held by the occupying settlers, the film is built on themes of romanticism and universal love. The evil that is associated with the ‘white man’ comes across as a relic of British Briti sh civi civiliza lization, tion, as somet something hing that is foreign in charac character. ter. One indiv individual idual with a stro st rong ng Br Brit itis ish h ac acce cent nt pe pers rson onifi ifies es th thee ev evil il of co colo loni niza zati tion on,, wh whil ilee th thee he hero ro,, John Smith, curiously already speaks in a contemporary American accent. How was it that the producers of the film got the story so wrong, that they distorted it to such an extent? Roy Disney, the nephew of Walt, explained that the Disney producers chose to provide this version of history because they wanted to tell a story about unity among people, because because this is appli applicable cable to a lot of place placess in the world today (Pocahontas press kit, 1995). The focus thus was on mutual interracial and cross-cultural acceptance, however much this focus distorted the historical truth concerning the plunder and exploitation of the Indians. This fictitious depiction of history lends itself to an exploration of the ways in which such myths and legends play a role in the public’s construction of reality. We can also consider the impact of such depictions in U.S. popular culture on the marginalized populations involved. Sometimes members of the indigenous populations vehemently protest such harmful characterizations. This is what happened


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with regard to the Pirates of the Caribbean as we mentioned earlier in this article. A more promising development is found in the next of our Disney selections.

Case example 3: The Princess and the Frog What is the overt narrative of the story and what is the real narrative? Keep in mind as we critique this film from a multicultural perspective that very careful attention was paid to the avoiding of stereotypes and platitudes in the writing of the script that accompanied this Disney film. Aware of the barrage of criticism of the Disney films, the studio set out to do damage control and produce a film starring Disney’s first black princess, a film created for the Obama era. According to a New York Times review (Barnes, 2009), the attempt was to vanquish once and for all the charges of racism that linger from the past. In order to avoid stereotyping and to be politically correct, the heroine’s name was changed from Maddie, which too closely resembled Mammy, to Tiana, and her career from maid to waitress. The original story line that developed is so full of slippery characterizations, switched identities, and intrigues that it is hard to summarize in a few words. The gist of the story of this beautifully animated musical is this: the setting is 1920s New Orleans, and the story is a twist on the fairy tale of the princess who kisses a frog. Basically, the prince who is poor must marry a princess to obtain sufficient wealth forr hi fo hiss li life fest styl yle. e. Th Thee lo love vely ly bl blac ack k Ti Tian ana a be beco come mess a wa wait itre ress ss to ea earn rn mo mone ney y to achi ac hiev evee he herr dre dream am of re remo mode deli ling ng an ol old d mi mill ll an and d tu turn rnin ing g it in into to a re rest stau aura rant nt.. Her best friend is a rich white girl whose father wishes to marry her to a prince. Tech Te chni nica call lly, y, sh shee co coun unts ts as a pr prin ince cess ss du duri ring ng Ma Mard rdii Gr Gras as se seas ason on as he herr fa fami mily ly coun co unts ts as ro roya yalt lty y re rela late ted d to th thee ca carn rniv ival al ba ball llss fo forr wh whic ich h th thee ci city ty is fa famo mous us.. Familiar with the fairy tale where a frog turns into a prince when kissed by a beautiful woman, Tiana kisses a frog. Indeed the frog is in fact a prince but because a voodoo curse has been put upon him, Tiana turns into a frog as well. Much of the film is concerned with the frogs’ struggle to get released from the spell cast by a voodoo magician. To make a long story short, Tiana and the prince fall in love and are turned into humans in the end. Thee Pr Th Prin inces cesss an and d th thee Fro Frog g deser deserve vess cr cred edit it fo forr th thee cr crea eati tion on of th thee bl blac ack k an and d beautiful Tiana, a strong-willed and talented heroine who is resourceful enough to participate in her own rescue. Anecdotal comments from parents and grandparents of little black and white girls provided to the authors by friends and family members confirmed that both adults and children alike enjoyed the movie. These respondents generally felt that it was about time there was a black princess and a strong female character for girls to emulate. In our viewing of the film, we find that the overt and covert narratives are fairly consistent and that the intent to reverse the usual stereotypical love story is achieved fairly successfully. Are the messages embedded in the work really promoting a narrative that challenges leng es the con convent vention ional al str struct uctures ures of dom dominat ination ion?? Are the these se por portra trayal yalss sex sexual ualized ized and/or racialized? Actually, the messages conveyed in this film defy the convention ti onal al no norm rmss of so soci ciet ety, y, in th that at th thee po poor or bu butt we well ll-s -spo poke ken n an and d be beau auti tifu full bl blac ack k


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woman ultimately captures the love of the prince. The heroine of this modern fairy tale, Tiana, comes from a poor but hard-working and close-knit family. (Oprah Winf Wi nfre rey y pro provi vide dess th thee vo voic icee of th thee lo lovi ving ng mo moth ther er.) .) Ti Tian ana’ a’ss im imag agee is no nott ov over erly ly sexualize sexua lized, d, and this young woman is shown to be resour resourceful ceful and highly indep independendent. Students in our Iowa human behavior class generally responded favorably to Disney Dis ney’s ’s att attemp emptt to avo avoid id rac racial ial stereoty stereotypin ping g in thi thiss film and to the appealin appealing g qualities of the first black princess. What many of them did find objectionable, however, was the fact that Tiana appears as a frog for a large part of the film, or even that she had to be turned into a frog at all. As far as racism is concerned, the vilification of evil in the African tradition of voodooism does not adequately represent this tradition and promotes a negative image ima ge of Afr Africa ican n cul cultur ture. e. Add Additi itiona onally lly,, the mov movie ie inc includ ludes es ‘a tri trio o of too toothl thless ess hillbillies’ (Foundas, 2009, n.p.) who are a source of ridicule – and as Foundas (2009) points out, the lightning bug with the exaggerated Cajun accent is offensive to the Louisiana Cajun community. Some of the music can be considered offen off ensi sive ve as we well ll,, fo forr ex exam ampl ple, e, th thee so song ng su sung ng by th thee ev evil il vo vood odoo oo ma mast ster er of magic, Dr. Facilier, and the Cajun Love Song crooned in an exaggerated southern accent. Returning to the portrayal of race in The Princess and the Frog, we need to examine the choice of an apparently Hispanic male in the role of the prince. It is hard to know what the significance was of the absence of a black male to play this role. We can perhaps find a meaning from bell hooks who, in her critical analysis of the film industry, examined interracial love relationships. What she concluded was that black womanhood is often subtly devalued, in that the black female presence is rendered meaningful only to the extent that she serves another, generally white male. However, we suggest another possibility for the choice of a Hispanic male as prince. Initially, a young white woman tells her father of her excitement in getting to meet this prince in hopes that he might be her prince charming. The producers of the film probably thought this sentiment might be farfetched for a white woman to say in the time and place in which the movie takes takes place (the Jim Crow South). South). So a light brown-skinned prince more easily fitted the bill of who could be a possible love match for both the rich white girl and the poor black girl. An alternative explan exp lanati ation on is tha thatt thi thiss rep repres resent entss a bel belate ated d rec recogn ogniti ition on of Lat Latino inoss who tod today ay are the largest minority presence in the United States and who have in the past been relatively ignored in children’s films.

Limitations of the study Because there is a fine line between cultural generalizing – appreciation of ethnic differences based on culture uniquenesses – and stereotyping of ethnic differences, we have had to rely on our gut-level responses to the film presentations and those of our selected audience. We did not have members of the groups represented in the audience, for example, Africans or Chinese people. Our conclusions, therefore, are subject to criticism along these lines. We believe that further research utilizing large


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audiences of people in the categories represented would help build on the insights offered here and carry a higher level of empirical validity.

Conclusion and implications for social work education Students of social work, like others in parts of the world where Disney themes are ubiquitously represented, are likely to feel considerable affection for Disney images, associated as they are with childhood pleasures, in some cases, with visits to Disney World and Disneyland. The racial innuendos and insults typically are beyond the level of conscious awareness. At Western Kentucky University, social work educators Cappiccie et al. (2012) use a consciousness-raising method to expose students to the ‘microaggressions’ that are depicted in Disney animations. This is done in the classroom as a safe space so students analyze segments of Disney films which contain covert stereotypical content and process the experience. Teaching at the University of Northern Iowa, we applied a similar strategy in our presentation of film clips from fairly recent Walt Disney films. The methodology that we used combined combi ned the means of docum documentat entation ion of the dialogue and visua visuall image imagess as articulate la ted d by Li Lind ndsa say y Pr Prio iorr wi with th th thee in insi sigh ghts ts of be bell ll ho hook okss co conc ncer erni ning ng th thee hi hidde dden n ideological and racist messages that are pervasive in popular culture. Our hope was tha thatt as stu studen dents ts pra practi cticed ced ask asking ing que questi stions ons abo about ut the gen gender der and cul cultur tural al representations of the Disney characters, they would generalize this awareness to other media content to which they would later be exposed. Television and film studios continually make and remake our picture of reality by controlling the images we receive (Littlefield, 2008). University students can be helped hel ped to pon ponder der the susc suscept eptibi ibilit lity y to chi childr ldren en of suc such h man manipu ipulat lation ions: s: to sma small ll childr chi ldren, en, cin cinema ematic tic eve events nts and scr screen een ima images ges can le leave ave an ind indeli elible ble imp impres ressio sion n because they not only retain information but absorb it like a sponge (Buijzen & Valken Val kenbur burg, g, 200 2005). 5). Mor Moreov eover, er, to chi childr ldren, en, the bou bounda ndarie riess bet betwe ween en rea realit lity y and fantasy life are often unclear. Disney films offer a great resource for social work education because they are familiar, entertaining, and replete with hidden messages about class, race, gender, Third Thi rd Wor World ld cou countr ntries ies,, and cap capita italis lism. m. The They y als also o offe offerr exc excell ellent ent res resourc ources es for classroom experiences of critical thinking – to analyze overt and covert messages in the media. We have found in our classrooms such analysis of mass media productions elicits dynamic and thoughtful discussion, often accompanied by ‘aha’ revelations. Because the messages in Disney movies are sufficiently subtle, the messages that were entirely entirely overl overlooked ooked on previ previous ous occas occasions ions including childhood childhood can now, as students return to them, be viewed with a critical eye. Students’ attention additionally can be drawn to the consumerism side of the Disney industry, to learn about the economic power wielded by giant corporations and how the corporate media med ia sha shape pe the mes messag sages es tha thatt are del delive ivered red.. Suc Such h cri critic tical al thi thinki nking ng exp experi erienc ences es hopefully will be generalized to the viewing of other media presentations. And how can social workers and others who work with families help them prevent their children from internalizing culturally biased images that are conveyed


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in the media, even in the much loved, iconic Disney films? Buijzen and Valkenburg (2005) recommend what they call ‘parental mediation’ as an effective tool in managing gin g unde undesir sirabl ablee infl influen uence cess fro from m popu popular lar cul cultur ture. e. By par parent ental al med mediat iation ion,, the these se authors are saying that since children usually view such movies in the company of adults, the adults can help counteract the effect of undesirable images by providing comments regarding stereotyping, and they can reinforce the more positive imag im ages es.. Re Rese sear arch ch re repo port rted ed by Bu Buij ijze zen n an and d Va Valk lken enbu burg rg ha hass sh show own n th that at suc such h family fam ily dis discus cussio sions ns tha thatt enc encour ourage age a cri critic tical al res respons ponsee to the com comme merci rcial al asp aspect ectss of mass communication is the most effective way to insulate children from being take ta ken n in by th them em.. Pa Pare rent ntss ca can n be ma made de aw awar aree of th thee ex expl ploi oita tati tion on of ch chil ildr dren en because of their value as consumers and their ability to influence spending. In their family counseling sessions, social workers can introduce the subject of commercial exploitation as well as of harmful media influences on children, most of whic wh ich h is fa farr mo more re co corr rrup upti ting ng an and d fa farr mo more re vi viol olen ence ce-fi -fill lled ed th than an th thee Di Disn sney ey animations. At the societal level, as advocates for social justice, social workers can expose medi me dia a me mess ssag ages es th that at ar aree id ideo eolo logi gica call lly y off offen ensi sive ve to towa ward rd ce cert rtai ain n mu mult ltic icul ultu tura rall groups. We and our students can learn from bell hooks what to look for in the popular arts and the kinds of questions we need to ask in order to be critically vigilant concerning cultural representations in contemporary film. Funding This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

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Cultural Representations in Walt Disney Films, Disney Journal of Social Work-2015-Van Wormer-1468017315583173

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