Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra the Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity the Day of Atonement From Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century 2003

Daniel Sti:ikl Ben Ezra

The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity The Day of Atonement from Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century

Mohr Siebeck TIIRPIN LIBRAHY

DANIEL STOKL BEN EzRA, born 1970; studied Theology in Bochum and Bern; Comparative Religion and Jewish Studies in Jerusalem; 2002 Ph.D.; since fall 2003 Mandel Fellow at Scholion ~Interdisciplinary Research Center in Jewish Studies, the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. to my dear parents and parents in-law

Andreas StOkl and Herzeleide Stokl, born. v. Schlabrendorff Joe Ben Ezra and Corinne Ben Ezra, born Shabtai

ISBN 3-16-148092-0 ISSN 0512-1604 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament) Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de. © 2003 by J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), P. 0. Box 2040, D-72010Ttibingen.

This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form {beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Guide Druck in Ttibingen on non-aging paper and bound by Spinner in Ottersweier. Printed in Germany.

'It _,·-

Preface This study presents my doctoral dissertation "The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity," accepted by the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in May 2002. I have reworked many arguments, included further observations and updated the bibliography. Having come to Jerusalem from the rather intellectual religions of Prot-

estant Northern Germany and Calvinistic Switzerland, the ritual expressions of the numerous denominations assembled in the Holy City have attracted my curiosity. Reading Origen's Homilies on Leviticus, I stumbled upon the amazing sentence: Die propitiationis indigent omnes qui peccaverunt,l ("All who have sinned require a Day of Atonement."), and the principal question of this book jumped into my mind irresistibly. That the work disregards the customary borders of academic disciplines, integrating Comparative Religion with Jewish History, New Testament, Church History and Liturgical Studies has undoubtedly resulted in many flaws that will not escape the eyes of specialists in these areas. I hope, however, that the broad scope and the perspective of longue duree bring with it the advantage of bringing together a coherent collage of arguments otherwise scattered among discrete fields.

To cast so wide a net was possible only thanks to numerous scholars who were most generous with their time, advice and encouragement, and

taught me to read closely and widely. Many scholars have read through various parts of the work, pointed out errors and inaccuracies, and helped

•

me to improve extensively on the overall argumenf. All remaining mistakes are of course my own.

I am most grateful to the dissertation's three judges, my Doktorvater Guy Stroumsa, my Doktoronkel David Satran and John Gager. Their written and oral comments before and after submission have enhanced count-

less aspects of this book. Through many years, they have been most generous with their time and kind advice helping me to ove.rcome many

academic and personal hardships. What a privilege to have had them as teachers and now as colleagues. I have also benefited much from the guid-

1

Origen, Homily on Leviticus 9: I :1 (SC 287:70).

VIII

Preface

Preface

ance of Rachel Elior and Oded Irshai, the remaining members of the dissertation committee. My dearly loved wife, Dina Ben Ezra, has pored over the chapters of the book and enhanced numerous arguments with her keen intellect. I owe her

Shira Vehlow, Evelyn Vitz, Ewald Volgger, Zwi Werblowsky, Annette Yoshiko Reed and Norman H. Young. This book would not have been possible without them. Among my teachers at the universities of Bochum and Bern, I would like to thank most of all Martin Leutzsch and Marc van Wijnkoop Luthi, as well as Magdalene Frettloh, Christian Link, Ulrich Luz, Konrad Raiser and Klaus Wengst, who led me into the world of academic argumentation. I have used many libraries whose staffs have been most helpful, in particular, the library of the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum, the Ecole Biblique, the Bloomfield Library of the Hebrew University and the Israel National Library, all in Jerusalem; Princeton Theological Seminary, Princeton University Library, the British Library in London and Cambridge University Library. I wish to express my gratitude to Jorg Frey, Martin Hengel and Ottfried Hofius for accepting the dissertation for inclusion in the series of Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, and to the staff of the Mohr-Siebeck Verlag, Tiibingen, for their friendly and efficient assistance in the production process. The English has been thoroughly revised and improved by Evelyn Katrak to whom I owe a gneat deal. Working with her has been a pleasure and an honor. It goes without saying that I alone am responsible for all mistakes, inaccuracies or deficiencies that may remain in my work. Finally, work on the thesis would not have been possible without the very generous and long-term funding of the Dr. Nelly-Halme Foundation, Stuttgart, Germany (1997-1999), and the Minerva Foundation, Germany (1999-2001). Many individuals have supported me financially, among them my parents Andreas and Herzeleide Stokl, Dieprand and Eva von Schlabrendorff, Jost (t) and Sabine Schramm, and Ruth Roberta Heck-

more than words can express. Clemens Leonhard was never too exhausted to be a discussion partner,

from the beginning of the task to its completion. In countless cases he helped me marshal material not available in Jerusalem. Part I, on early Judaism, has profited from the meticulous readership of Gary Anderson, Liora Elias, Martha Himmelfarb and Giinter Sternberger. Jorg Frey, Lukas Miihlethaler and Serge Ruzer reviewed and refined part 2, on Christianity in the first and second centuries. Peter Brown was so generous as to review part 3, on Christianity from

the third to the fifth centuries, and made most helpful suggestions. Stephane Verhelst commented in extenso on the chapter on Christian autumn festivals and kindly sent me parts of his book on early Christian and Jewish liturgy before its publi-cation. Comments by Daniel R. Schwartz on my M.A. thesis much improved those sections of parts I and 2 that grew out of it. I also wish to thank the participants and organizers of workshops and conferences in Aachen, Brussels, Jerusalem, New York, Oxford, Princeton and Toronto, who responded most helpfully to some of the ideas now contained in this book. In particular, Albert Baumgarten has been most generous and kind time and again. At different stages of writing I consulted with many other people, and the book has profited immeasurably from these discussions. Among them, I must mention at least: Ra' anan A busch, Anders Aschim, Jan Assmann, Daniel Bailey, Giovanni Bazzana, Adam Becker, Nicole Belayche, Jonathan Ben Dov, Jonathan Benthall, Katell Berthelot, Christine Beshar, Hans-Dieter Betz, Brouria Biton-Ashkelony, Daniel Boyarin, Susan Boynton, Rudolf Brandle, Georg Braulik, Sarah Brooke, Harald Buchinger, Carsten Claussen, Yaron Zwi Eliav, Daniel Findikyan, Jonah Fraenkel, Guy Geltuer, Ze'ev Gotthold, Yehoshua Granat, Moshe Greenberg, Cristiano Grottanelli, Paul Hallsall, Galit Hazan-Rokem, William Horbury, Jared Hudson, Josef Kaplan, Steve Kaplan, Wolfram Kinzig, Avner Kfir, Sergio La Porta, Herrman Lichtenberger, Amnon Linder, Basil Lourie, Christoph Markschies, Jason Moralee, Ronit Nikolsky, Lorenzo Perrone, Gerard Rouwhorst, Seth Sanders, Jonathan Schofer, Shunit Shahal-Porat, Stephen Shoemaker, Ephraim Shoham Steiner, David Shulman, Gregory Sterling, Helene St5kl, Michael Stone, Evelyne Patlagean, Michael Signer, Gregory Sterling, Michael Swartz, Stefano Tampellini, Abraham Terian, Timothy Thornton, Caes van der Freugd, Jan Willem van Henten, Katja

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scher, ?11 T.

The dissertation was awarded the Shlomo Pines "Prize by the Prof. Shlomo Pines Foundation, and the Kennedy-Leigh Award for an outstanding dissertation by the Hebrew University. I deeply appreciate both. The publication of the book has been generously supported by a grant from the Charles Wolfson Research Fund of the Institute for Jewish Studies at the Hebrew University for which I am very grateful. Jerusalem, Pentecost 2003 I Shavuot 5763

Daniel S!Okl Ben Ezra

Brief Table of Contents Preface .. ..... ............... ............. ......... ...... ...... ......... ....... ........ ............ .. .. VII Brief Table of Contents....................................................................... XI Detailed Table of Contents .... ......... .... ....... ........ ....... ......... ....... ... ... ..... XIII List of Abbreviations........................................................................... XIX Introduction.........................................................................................

I

Part One

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual Introduction......................................................................................... Chapter I: The Names of Yom Kippur................................................ Chapter 2: The Rituals of Yom Kippur................................................ Chapter 3: lmaginaires of Yom Kippur...............................................

13 15 18 78

Part Two

The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity in the First and Second Centuries

Chapter 4: Yom Kippur in the Early Christian lmaginaire................. Chapter 5: Yom Kippur Imagery in Gnosticism and in Early Christian Mysticism ..................................... :................... Chapter 6: Yom Kippur in Jewish Christian Legends ........................

145 228 244

Part Three

The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity from the Third to the Fifth Centuries Chapter 7: Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Polemics against the Contemporary Yom Kippur .......................................... 261 Chapter 8: Yom Kippur and the Christian Autumn Festivals ............... 290 General Conclusions............................................................................ 329 Appendix: Yom Kippur and Eastern Anaphoras .................................. 335

XII

BriefTab/e of Contents

Bibliography....................................................................................... 345 Index of Sources................................................................................. 397 Index of Modem Authors.................................................................... 425 Index of Names and Subjects.............................................................. 432

Detailed Table of Contents Preface ....... ................. ..... ........ ........ ... ........ ........ ........ ................. ....... VII Brief Table of Contents....................................................................... XI Detailed Table of Contents .................................................................. XIII List of Abbreviations........................................................................... XIX Introduction.........................................................................................

1

I. The Topic and the Research Question.........................................

I 4 4 6 7 8 I0

2. Methodological Remarks and Definitions................................... 2.1 Different Types oflnfluence ................................................ 2.2 Rite and Ritual..................................................................... 2.3 Myth and Mythology ........................................................... 2.4 The imaginaire .................................................................... 2.5 Christian Judaism ............... ............. ......... ....... ........ .. ....... ... Part One

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual Introduction......................................................................................... Chapter I: The Names of Yom Kippur................................................. Chapter 2: The Rituals of Yom Kippur .... .. ....... ........ ... ....... ............... .. I. The Question of the Historicity of the Mishnaic Version of the Temple Ritual............................................................................. 2. The Temple Ritual .............. ................ ...... .. ......... .. ..... .. ......... ..... 2.1 The Preparation Rites ...... ............ ........ ........... ............... .. .... 2.2 The Entrances to the Holy of Holies.................................... 2.3 The Sending Away of the Scapegoat ..............,..................... 2.4 The Closing Rituals............................................................. 3. The Ritual of the People............................................................. 3.1 Between Afflictions and Joy................................................ 3.2 Prayers................................................................................. 3.2.1 Yom Kippur Prayers in Palestine: Qumran.................. 3.2.2 Yom Kippur Prayers in the Diaspora: Philo................. 3.2.3 Yom Kippur Prayers after the Destruction of the Temple........................................................................ Conclusion: Prayers in and outside the Temple.................... 3.3 A Controversial, Popular Blood Sacrifice: kapparot ............

-j

1

J

13 IS 18 19 28 28 30 31 31 33 33 36 37 46 49 64 65

1 XIV

Detailed Table of Contents


3.4 Pagan and Christian Descriptions of Contemporary Yom Kippur Rites . ........... ...... ....... ......... .... .. ....... ....... ........ ...... ... 3.4.1 Pagan Texts................................................................ 3.4.2 Christian Texts........................................................... Chapter 3: Imaginaires of Yom Kippur............................................... 1. The Apocalyptic Imaginaire of Yom Kippur.............................. 1.1 High-Priestly Visions of God I: Apocalyptic Texts............. 1.2 The Mythologization of 'Az'azel........................................ 1.2.1 Allusions to the Myth of'Az'azel in !Enoch 10......... 1.2.2 11 QMelchizedek: Getting Explicit.............................. 1.2.3 The Apocalypse ofAbraham: Zechariah 3 Meets the Demonology of 'Az' azel........ ....... ......... ...... ....... ....... Concluding Thoughts on 'Az'azel in the Apocalyptic Literature ...... .. ....... ...... ......... ........ ...... ...... .. ...... ...... ... 1.3 Etiologies............................................................................ 1.4 Qumran: The Current Period of Persecution as Yom Kippur Conclusion................................................................................. 2. Yom Kippur in the Greek Diaspora............................................ 2.1 The Septuagint: Conservatism and Enculturation ................ 2.2 Philo's Allegorization of Yom Kippur................................ 2.2.1 The Rationale of the People's Yom Kippur Rituals.... 2.2.2 The Allegorizations of Yom Kippur's Temple Ritual. Conclusion.......................................................................... 2.3 The Vicarious Atoning Death in 4Maccabees 17 and the Imaginaire of Yom Kippur.................................................. Excursus: The Scapegoat as Background for Vicarious Atoning Suffering in Isaiah and Josephus?.......................................

Conclusion: Yom Kippur in the Greek Diaspora ........................ 3. The Christian Jewish lmaginaire of Yom Kippur....................... 4. Aspects of the Rabbinic Imaginaire of Yom Kippur................... 4.1 Mythological Events Connected to Yom Kippur ................. 4.2 Rabbinic Interpretations of the Temple Ritual..................... 4.2.1 The High Priests......................................................... 4 .2.2 Goats . ... .............. ....... ......... ...... ......... ....... ....... ...... .... 4.2.3 Red Ribbons............................................................... 4.3 Rabbinic Interpretations of Ritual of the People.................. 5. High-Priestly Visions of God III: Aspects of Yom Kippur in the Hekhalot Literature.................................................................... Concluding Thoughts to Part One.......................................................

XV

Part Two

The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity

68 68 70 78 79 79 85 85 90

in the First and Second Centuries

Chapter 4: Yom Kippur in the Early Christian Imaginaire ······:··········· 1. Christ and the Scapegoat: Barnabas, Matthew and Galanans .... . 1.1 The Tradition of Barnabas ................................................. . 1.1.1 The First Picture (Barnabas 7:3-5) ........................... . 1.1.2 The Second Picture (Barnabas 7:6--11) ..................... . 1.1.3 The Interpretation of the Proto-Typology in Justin, Tertullian and Hippolytus .......................................... . Excursus: Did the Scapegoat Rite Influence the Earliest

92

145 147 148 150 152 155

Account of the Passion? John D. Crossan's Thesis .... . 161 1.2 Barabbas as Scapegoat in Matthew 27:15-23 ..................... . 165 Excursus: The Catalytic Function of the Pharmakos and the Scapegoat .......................................................................... . 171 1.3 The Redemptive Curse: An Allusion to the Scapegoat in Galatians 3? ................................................................. ······· 173 1.4 The Scapegoat as Catalyst? John 1:29 and !Peter 2:24 ....... . 176 1.4.1 John 1:29 .................................................................. . 176 1.4.2 !Peter 2:22-24 .......................................................... . 178 2. Christ as High Priest: Hebrews . .. .. .... .......... ....... ....... .......... .. ..... 180 2.1 The Setting......................................................................... 181 2.1.1 Sacred Time: The Present Eschaton as Yom Kippur... 181 2.2.2 Sacred Space: The Heavenly Sanctuary...................... 182 2.2 The High Priest and His Actions......................................... 184 2.3 The Participation of the People........................................... 190 2.4 Conclusions Regarding the High Priest in Hebrews............. 193 2.5 History of Tradition: The Role of Zechariah 3 in the Justification of the High-Priestly Christology before Hebrews...... 194 3. Christ as kopporet (lJ.acr
94 95 97 100 101 102 107 107 109 114 115 116 117 118 118 121 124 124 127 130 132 134 139

;

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XVI



6.3 The History ofTraditions.................................................... 223 Concluding Thoughts ... ...... ....... ...... ...... ....... ................ ..... .. ....... .... 225 Chapter 5: Yom Kippur Imagery in Gnosticism and in Early Christian . Mysticism .............. ... ............ ....... ....... ...... ....... ....... ........ ........ ....... 228 I. The High Priest's Entrance in Valentinian Soteriology .............. 229 2. The High Priest's Entrance and the Ritnal of the Bridal Chamber 232 3. Philonic and Valentinian Mysticism as Merged in Clement of

Alexandria................................................................................. 3.1 Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4 .................................................... 3.2 Excerpts from Theodotus 27................................................ Conclusions and Implications.........................................................

237 238 240 243

Chapter 6: Yom Kippur in Jewish Christian Legends.......................... l. James, the Permanently Interceding High Priest......................... 2. Zechariah's Revelation on Yom Kippur..................................... Excursus: Simeon and John as High Priests................................... Conclusion.....................................................................................

244 246 250 255 257

Part Three

The Impact of Yom 'Kippur on Early Christianity from the Third to the Fifth Centuries Chapter 7: Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Polemics against the Contemporary Yom Kippur...................................................... l. Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Templization of the Litnrgy ....................................................................................... 2. Christian Participation in the Jewish Fast................................... 3. Christian Polentics against the Contemporary Yom Kippur ........ 4. Anti-Christian Polemics in Yom Kippur Texts........................... Conclusion..................................................................................... Chapter 8: Yom Kippur and the Christian Autnmn Festivals............... l. The Encaenia, the Exaltation of the Cross and Yom Kippur....... 2. The Fast of the Seventh Month (Ember Day of September) and Yom Kippur............................................................................... 2.1 The Origin of the Solemn Fasts........................................... 2.2 Leo's Sermons on the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur................................................................................ 2.3 The Readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur ................................................................................ Conclusion................................................................................. 3. Eastern Commemoration of Gabriel's Annunciation to Zechariah

261 262 273 277 283 288 290 290 303 304 312 317 321 322

General Conclusions........................................................................... 329

XVII

Appendix: Yom Kippur and Eastern Anaphoras.................................. 335 Bibliography....................................................................................... 345 Index of Sources................................................................................. 397 Index of Modem Authors.................................................................... 425 Index of Names and Subjects.............................................................. 432

List of Abbreviations I tried to avoid abbreviations. Exceptions are the Septuagint, the Bible in English translation, rabbinical literature, Qumran texts and Patristic series:

LXX NRSV

Septuagint. The Holy Bible containing the Old and New Testaments with the Apocryphal I Deuterocanonica/ Books. New Revised Standard Version. (New York, 1989).

Rabbinical Literature Tractate names are abbreviated as follows:

'

AZ

Avodah Zarah

A bot

Avo/

BB Ber Betzah Git Hag Mak Meg Men MQ Ned Parah Pe'ah Pes

Bava Batra Berakhot Betzah Gittin Hagigah Makkot Megillah Menahot Mo'edQatan Nedarim Parah

Pe'ah

RH Sanh Sabb Seqal Sebu Sotah Sukkah Ta'an Tamid Tem Ter Yebam Yoma Zebah

Rosh HaShanah Sanhedrin Shabbat Sheqalim Shevu'ot Sotah Sukkah Ta'anit Tamid Temurah Terumot Yevamot Yoma Zevahim

Pesahim

The collections are signified by a prefix to the abbreviation of the tractate (as in the standard German system without periods after the collection and the tractate names): m t y b

Mishnah Tosefta Palestinian I Jerusalem Talmud Babylonian Talmud

List ofAbbreviations

XX

Names of Qumran Writings lQPesher Habakkuk IQS Rule of the Community 1QSb Rule of Blessings IQWords of Moses 4QI61 Pesher Isaiah 4Ql71 Pesher on Psalms 4QEnoch Giantsa

4QEnocha,b,c 4QSongs of the Sage 4QTargum of Leviticus 4QVisions ofAmramb II QMe/chizedek IIQTemple Scroll Damascus Document Festival Prayers Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice War Scroll

DSST

IQpHab I QS (cf. 4Q256-264, 5Q 12) IQ28b IQ22 4Ql6l (cf. 4QI62-I65) 4QI7l (cf. 4Ql73) 4Q203 (cf. IQ23, IQ24, 2Q26, 4Q530-53l, 6Q8) 4Q20l, 202,204 (cf. 4Q207, 212) 4Q5!0 and 511 4Ql56 4Q544 (cf. 4Q543, 4Q545-548) IIQI3 IIQI9-20 CD (CD-A, CD-B, 4Q266-273) IQ34, 4Q508, 509 and 507 4Q400-407; l!Ql7 IQM (cf. IQ33, 4Q285, 4Q47l, 4Q49l-497)

F. Garcia· Martinez. (transl.). The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated. The Qumran Texts in English. (Leiden, 1~95).

Series of Church Fathers and Classical Literature ANF CCSL CSCO

CSEL GCS

LCL NPNF

PG

PL PO

sc

TLG

The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1986-1989, repr. of Edinburgh 1885-1896. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; Turnhout, 1954ff. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; Paris, Rome and Louvain, !903ff. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum; Vienna, I866ff. Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte; Berlin, !897ff. Loeb Classical Library. A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. First Series. (14 vols; Grand Rapids [Mich.]. Edinburgh, 1988, repr. of Edinburgh 1886-1890). A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. Second Series. (14 vols; Grand Rapids [Mich.], Edinburgh, 1988, repr. of Edinburgh 1885-1896). Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Graeca; 161 vols; Paris, 1857-1866. Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Latina; 221 vols; Paris, 1841-1864. Patrologia Orientalis; Turnhout. 1903ff. Sources Chretiennes; Paris, 1941 ff. Thesaurus Linguae Graecae [version 8].

Introduction I. The Topic and the Research Question In recent years, much scholarly effort has been devoted to understanding the emergence of Christianity from Judaism and their subsequent interaction. Following Marcel Simon's groundbreaking study Verus Israel, scholars began to reconsider the impact of Judaism on Christians and pagans after the Bar Kokhba revolt.' The perception of early Christianity and early Judaism as two homogeneous blocks has shifted toward a more differentiated perspective of a variety of competing Judaisms and Christianities with various modes of interaction? I would like to argue that the study of ritual, as opposed to traditional theological concerns alone, provides a helpful vantage point for this new understanding of Judaism and Christianity. The "multifaceted sensory experience" attained through the performance of rituals involves the whole human being: body, mind, senses and emotions. 3 More precisely, religious consciousness and behavior culminate particularly in festivals. 4 The 1 M. Simon, Verus Israel. A Study of the Relations between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire AD 135-425 (Littman Library of Jewish Civilization; London, 1996;

French original: Paris, 2 1964, 1 1948). Lately, the influence of late antique Christianity on Judaism has been taken more seriously into consideration: see e.g. I. Yuval, "Easter and Passover As Early Jewish-Christian Dialogue," in: P. Bradshaw and L. Hoffman (eds.), Passover and Easter. Origin and History to Modern Times (2 vols; Two Liturgical Traditions 5 and 6; Notre Dame {Ind.], 1999; vol. 2, pp. 98-124). 2 E.g. D. Boyarin, "Semantic Differences; or, 'Judaism'/'Christianity'," in: A. Becker and A. Yoshiko Reed, The Ways That Never Parted. Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 95; Ttlbingen, 2003; pp. 65-86); and R.A. Kraft, "The Weighing of the Parts. Pivots and Pitfalls in the Study of Early Judaisms and their Early Christian Offspring," in the same volume pp. 87-94. For the study of the emergence of Christianity, John Gager has underlined the importance in studying those groups and individuals whose identities lie in between what became ''the" Jewish and ''the" Christian (and the pagan) mainstreams: Judaizers, JewishChristians and God-fearers: see J. Gager, "Jews, Christians and the Dangerous Ones in Between," in: S. Biderman and B. Scharfstein (eds.), Interpretation in Religions (Philosophy and Religion, a Comparative Yearbook 2; Leiden 1992; pp. 249-257). 3 C. Bell, Ritual. Perspectives and Dimensions (Oxford, 1997), pp. 159-164. 4 Bell, Ritual, pp. 120-128.

2

Introduction

Introduction

cyclical repetition of rituals shapes the conceptions of time and place of

impact on early Christianity be detected in Christian literature and liturgy? Which Christians observed Yom Kippur? Why did others abandon Yom Kippur? And finally, how did Yom Kippur influence Christianity after the fast ceased to be observed?

the participants; the recurring commemoration and reenactment of myths embed them more deeply in life. "In fasting and feasting rites, there [is] ...

a great deal of emphasis on the public display of religiocultural sentiments." 5 In collective ritual performances, therefore, the individual has to negotiate between his private conceptions and behaviors and those of the group. Moreover, the participation in collective rituals -particularly rituals observed by almost everybody belonging to a certain group - can render the generally invisible boundaries of the collective identity

3

To determine the most important areas of impact, and because no one

has previously investigated the impact of Yom Kippur as a complex of rituals, institutions, myths and theology, I wanted to spread my net as

widely as possible. I therefore considered the Greek, Latin, Syriac and Armenian traditions as well as the Georgian, Coptic and Arabic,9 mainly

perceptible to observers. 6 Festivals, then, are an appropriate focus also to

from the first five centuries CE. To find the relevant texts and passages, I relied largely on the indexes of the editions in the main series of Christian texts (CCSL, CSEL, CSCO, GCS, PO, SC) for references to Leviticus 16. In addition, I searched the digitalized libraries of the Thesaurus Linguae Graecae and the online Patrologia Latina for key terms (Day of Atonement, fast, high priest, scapegoat, kapporet). Similarly, I checked

elucidate the gradual separation process of two religions such as the emergence of Christianity from Judaism. Indeed, the friction caused by Christians keeping Yom Kippur in Antioch is one of Simon's central case

studies. 7 Surprisingly, however, the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity has not until now been studied comprehensively. 8 This study is a first attempt to fill this gap. It investigates the impact of

Menahem Stem's and Amnon Linder's collections of references concerning Jews and Judaism.in pagan literature and in Christian legislation 10 The

Yom Kippur on early Christian thought and ritual from the first to the fifth centuries of the Common Era. In this epoch, Yom Kippur was doubtless the most important Jewish festiyal in the diaspora and in Palestine. It would seem, therefore, that it had a fundamental status also in the life of

further I progressed, the more amazed I was by the volume and variety of Christian sources on Yom Kippur. While I have to a certain extent focused

on the digitalized corpora (Greek and Latin) and there may be untouched treasures hidden in the libraries of the Christian Orient, I hope to have uncovered a promising field for further investigation.

the first generations of Jesus' followers. Yet unlike Passover, Pentecost or

the Sabbath, this festival did not become part of the Christian liturgical calendars. In following the traces of a Jewish institution rather than the

The structure of my argument takes the following form: Part I is devoted to a detailed reconstruction of Yom Kippur, its rites and its imagi-

prefiguration of a Christian one, the present work should be seen as an attempt to pose a "Jewish question" to a Christian corpus of texts.

naires in the Second Temple and rabbinic periods, with the help of a broad range of Jewish and non-Jewish texts from Palestine and the diaspora. This analysis is the basis for the comparisons in the parts that follow, which proceed chronologically. Parts 2 and 3 deal with the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity. Part 2 (chapters 4 to 6) covers the formative period, the first two hundred years, while part 3 (chapters 7 and 8) covers the development of early Christianity in the years 200 to 500. Part 2 begins with an investigation into the impact of the temple ritual and the Jewish myths and concepts associated with it (especially the high priest and the scapegoat) on the emerging Christian mythology about the atoning death of Christ (chapter 4). Chapter 5 deals with the influence of the Jewish apocalyptic-mystic

My central thesis is that Christian atonement theology and its festal calendar not only emerged under the influence of Yom Kippur (part 2) but also continued to develop in light of the ongoing challenge that the contemporary Yom Kippur posed to Christians (part 3). To address this issue I had to develop an approach that would make possible the study of a festival's impact on a different tradition or religion. Consequently, the guid-

ing questions are as follows: What is Yom Kippur, and what are the concepts and rituals connected to it? Where can traces of Yom Kippur's 5

Bell, Ritual, p. 120 (emphasis added). For example, "fasting [during Ramadan] sets Muslims off as a distinct community (umma) in contrast to their non-Muslim neighbors." Bell, Ritual, p. 124; cf. pp. 23--60. As we shall see, the penneability of these borders, can become visible, too, e.g. if Christians observe Jewish festivals. 7 Simon, Verus Israel, pp. 217-223 and 326-328. 8 Research has been conducted on such topics as the presence of Yom Kippur theology in the New Testament or the exegesis of the scapegoat; but so far nobody has tried to view these phenomena as parts of a whole. 6

9 Being ignorant of Georgian as well as of Coptic and Arabic, I could consult only translations. The same is true for the sources in Slavonic and Ge'ez. 10 A. Linder, The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages (Detroit and Jerusalem, 1997); M. Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Edited with Introductions, Translations and Commentary (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1974-1984).

L

4

Introduction

imagery of the high priest's entrance into the holy of holies on Valentinian Christian soteriology and on the Valentinian ritual of the bridal charober. Valentinian concepts in turn extensively influenced Clement of Alexandria's mysticism. Chapter 6 provides a close reading of Jewish-Christian

legends that depict James the Just and Zechariah, John the Baptist's father, as high priests. These legends give some hint of Jewish-Christian attitudes toward the continuing observance of the Jewish fast.

Part 3 analyzes the impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the years 200 to 500, the second stage of literary production, after the foundational texts of the New Testament had been written and most of them had achieved canonical status. Chapter 7 analyzes the Christian exegesis of Leviticus in relation to Christian polemics against the contemporary Jew-

ish fast. Leading Christian theologians perceived contemporary Yom Kippur's continuing attraction for Christians as a threat to Christian identity

and to the exclusivity of Christ's once-and-for-all atoning death. They responded not only with polemics but also with an exegesis of Leviticus (the biblical Yom Kippur); they developed further the sacrificial atonement theology of Hebrews and instituted new festivals to fill the fallow fall season. Accordingly, chapter 8 invt;Stigates the impact of Yom Kippur on

Introduction

5

The first mode is connected to the collective memory of Judaism. Jew-

ish "converts" to Christianity brought with them their imaginaire, their rituals, their texts, their myths and their conceptions, especially in the formative stage of Christianity in the first century. Since most of the Jewish adherents of Christ probably "converted" in the apostolic period, I have called this mode of influence "apostolic." The second mode is connected to the Hebrew Bible, the written founda-

tion of Jewish culture that in its various translations influenced Christianity at all times and in all places. Waves of more intense biblical inspiration can be perceived, e.g. during the Christianization of Palestine (see next paragraph) but also in the Carolingian epoch, when kings modeled their image after David and temple terminology was used in churches. I call this mode of influence "biblical"; where influence by Jewish literature goes beyond the canon, I call it ''bookish." A combination of the "apostolic" and the "biblical" forms of influence

appeared in the fourth century during the Christianization of Palestine, when Christianity had to cope with the new situation of Christians ruling the land of the Bible. This had two contradictory effects. On the one hand, the Christian rulers were now responsible for deciding the way of com-

the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month (Ember Day of September) and the Annunciation to Zechariah in the Eastern churches, all three of which are

memorating the symbolic world of the Old and the New Testament in the country where the events related in these books took place. On the other hand, Christianity had to learn the local symbolic language in order to take

approximately contemporary with 10 Tishri and show some affinities with

over control of the Holy Land. Christians were influenced by the traditions

three Christian festivals, the Jerusalem Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross,

Yom Kippur. I decided to focus on Christian auturon festivals mainly for pragmatic reasons, to keep the book to a reasonable length; also because an influence might here be most clearly perceptible. Before launching into the research itself, I would like to clarify some terms regarding the methodology followed, in particular, the meaning of "impact," the different types of influence, my understanding of rite, ritual,

myth and mythology, aod the meaning of imaginaire and of Christian Judaism.

2. Methodological Remarks and Definitions 2.1 Different Types of Influence

and practices of the Jewish inhabitants relating to the location and commemoration of events sacred to both religions. Architecture, calendar, lit-

urgy, administration- these are only a few of the areas affected. As I shall argue in chapter 8, "The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christian Festivals," this influence encompasses not only holy places such as the tombs of prophets but also, for exarople, ways of celebrating the dedication of a sanctuary according to biblical models. I have called this kind of influence Ortsgeist paralleling Zeitgeist: the Ort (the land of the Bible) has a Geist that exerts an influence over its rulers, here its Christian rulers. 11 Conquering the land of the Bible confers new power and authority on the Bible, its land and its surrounding traditions as foundational stories. The Bible be-

comes the raison d'etre not only to be in the land of the Bible but also to rule it, i.e. to determine its future, to "make" it as close as possible to ones

Judaism influenced Christianity in various modes, which can be distin-

guished by mediator and period. The accompanying list is divided into two parts: the first two modes (apostolic, biblical) refer only to Christianity and Judaism, the other three (adoption, compulsion, reaction) refer to the influence of any religion on another.

11 I mean something different from the appropriation of parts of the Jewish collective memory as developed by M. Halbwachs, La topographie J€gendaire des dvangiles en terre sainte. Etude de m€moire collective. Preface de Fernand Dumont (Paris, 2 1971).

Introduction

Introduction

understanding of the biblical stories. And vice versa, the new rulers have to play according to the rules of the mythical country." Apart from these two (and a half) modes, two religions can, in a more general way, mutually influence each other by three further modes, which I have called "adoption" (voluntary), "compulsion" (forced) and "reaction'' (polemical). Adoption takes place when one religion observes a practice or becomes aware of an exegetical tradition or a myth of the other religion and voluntarily adopts it. Compulsion occurs when the adherents of one religion control the life of followers of the other and impose measures on them, such as Justinian's edict that Jews would henceforth read the Bible only in Greek. The third mode, reaction, responds with polemics or selfrestriction to a certain exegetical or liturgical tradition of the other religion being perceived as a threat.

(especially if our subject is the ritual of the most sacred space, day and person); the interpretations of rituals, however, can be manifold. Contradictory explanations m3.y circulate in the same group, even in the same time and space, and be used according to which is more useful for elucidating a certain aspect. Only when dealing with verbal rituals such as prayers will the distinction obviously fall away. The interpretation of a ritual may express a variety of different attitudes toward the ritual itself. For example: a) Interest in and support for the ritual (by proposing a new rationale) b) Disinterest in the realities, sometimes in favor of a more spiritualized level c) Substitution of the ritual on account of temporary constraints d) Substitution of the ritual on account of theological or sociological dissent None of the above attitudes - and the list is not exhaustive - necessarily entails abolition of the ritual. Modem Christian interpreters of ritual rationales tend to generalize the last of the above-listed alternatives. For example, Paul Hanson argues that the existence of the eschatological interpretation of the scapegoat ritual in 1Enoch I 0 entails a polemical stand against the temple ritual." Yet, as I will argue, I Enoch I 0 more strongly reflects the first alternative, interest in and support of the ritual by proposing a rationale. Philo's allegorical exegesis of the temple and its institutions does not entail a complete disregard for the temple ritual, though he rather fits the second group. The third attitude is the central one expressed in the rabbinic writings. For each Christian writing we will have to assess which attitude it demonstrates.

6

2. 2 Rite and Ritual

Ritual and rite are repeated religious behavior. The difference between ritual and rite is the subordination of the latter to the former, i.e. a ritual is composed of several rites. 13 By its definition as "'repeatedt behavior," rituals, especially collective rituals, belong to the most conservative religious institutions. 14 Collective institutions are more conservative than are those of individuals; and a ritual, which involves the body and the senses, is more conservative than a conception, since frequently repeated movements are stored in the parts of the brain responsible for subconscious movements and will continue unchanged in this form until consciously changed or stopped. For example, one is less likely to forget how to ride bicycle than to forget how to read. Finally, it is easier to begin observing a new rite than to cease observing an old one. This, too, is valid for any religion or religious transformation. Unlike the continuation of a behavior, it is the break with it that leaves historical traces. Our working assumption should therefore be that most Christian Jews continued to observe the same festivals after hearing about Jesus as before - unless we have evidence to the contrary. I try to distinguish as much as possible between ritual and its interpretation. Ritual acts are more or less fixed and allow for only minor changes

7

2.3 Myth and Mythology

A mythology is the ensemble of myths of a certain collective. 16 A myth is a narrative that has a foundational status for this collective." With this definition, myths are o~y myths in a certain sociological constellation with 15 See P.O. Hanson, ..Rebellion in Heaven. Azazel, and Euhemeristic Heroes in I Enoch 6-11," Journal of Biblical Literature 96 (1977) 195-233, here p. 226. 16 For a rich and interesting introduction to various defmitions and approaches, see A and J. Assmann, ..Mythos," Handbuch religionswissenschaftlicher Grundbegriffe 4 (1998) 179-200. R. Bultmann, ..Mythos und Mythologie IV (im NT)," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwar~ 4 (1960) 1278-1282, is a classic. On myth in the New Testament, see now the introduction and first part of G. Theissen, The Religion of the Earliest Churches. Creating a Symbolic World (Minneapolis, 1999), pp. l-18 and 19-60, and his references to further literature on p. 323. 17 For such a sociological defmition, see e.g. B. Baczko, Les imaginaires sociaux. Memoires et espoirs collectifs (Critique de Ia politique; Paris, 1984), pp. 11-63.

12

In a sense, this process resembles a development in modern Zionism after the 1967 conquest of the Old City and the ancient heartlands of Judea and Samaria that caused a shift in the modem state oflsrael toward a more religious character. 13 Obviously, this distinction is relative, since one may often break up rites into subrites. 14 See C. Bell, Ritual, p. 211: "Despite ... evidence for change, it is nonetheless quite true that ritual activities generally tend to resist change and often do so more effectively than other forms of social custom."

_\

Introduction

Introduction

historical limits otherwise they are narratives. I have chosen to work with such a functionalist sociological definition of myth because the distinction commonly drawn between history, legend and myth is itself a product of Christian culture and therefore an ernie definition, which is not very helpful for comparing Christianity to other religions (but has its use in other realms). 18 According to the ernie definition, we have to distinguish Christianity, which is based on (salvation) history, from paganism, which is based on myth, a priori. For the scholar of comparative religion who uses the sociological definition, legend, history and "myth" (in the old sense) are only different subcategories with the shared function of establishing the collective identity. A historical event, fiction or legend with a historical nucleus becomes part of the mythology of a group the moment it is accepted as foundational for its identity, worldview and lifestyle. The foundational status is paired with the impossibility of questioning the truth of the myth without incurring social sanctions. 19 Chronologically, myths are often formulated in the formative period of the group and adapted to subsequent times by hermeneutics and exegesis, which in tum reformulate and recreate the myth. Hermeneutics and exegesis also have the task of systematizing contradictions between myths.

The imaginaire differs from mythology in being a collection not only of narrative, but of unsequenced motifs with a much wider variety (including sensual impressions such as scents, songs, feelings, etc.) and of the associations between them. All members of the collective share a basic group of elements, and in order to communicate with his listener the speaker has to use the common imaginaire. Any member of the collective can play around with the elements of the imaginaire of a concept and even add new elements that will slowly become part of the common imaginaire. This concept of a common imaginaire can help explain aspects of the process of creativity and its relation to tradition. While the collective aspect of the imaginaire makes it conservative and traditional, the new associations by individuals continually broaden it. The imaginaire defines the boundaries of possible associations between concepts; in other words, it is the langue of the collective, while the concrete expression of the individual is his parole. Or, as formnlated by Philippe Desan:

2. 4 The imaginaire

We can reconstruct parts of the langue by assembling the paroles. The advantage of this approach to the conventional history of traditions lies in its ability to reconstruct the potential paroles of a certain historical collective, rather than be limited by extant paroles. This process is similar to Claude Levy-Strauss' highly controversial approach to myth. 23 However, unlike Levy-Strauss, I do not cross the cultural boundaries of the group investigated. Neither do I claim to reconstruct a myth that supposedly once existed. The imaginaire defines the possibilities of expression and thought of a certain collective. For example, the "German imaginaire of Christmas" may include such motifs such as Christmas tree, snow, Santa Claus, gifts, "Silent Night," family, scent of cinnamon cookies, solitude, frostiness, sledge, church, heated house, frosted windows, holidays, coziness, etc. Some elements, such as Santa Claus or the Christmas tree, are more closely associated with and refer unequivocally to Christmas, while others, such as church, solitude, presents or cinnamon cookies, are more ambiguous and may be associated with numerous other concepts. Contradictory elements such as

8

Studying collective concepts and their relation and transmission to other collectives, I found the term imaginaire very useful. The term was developed in French philosophy and historiography as one referring to an ensemble of conceptions of a given collective. 20 Since the definition of the term often remains amorphous, I want to define my use of this term more specifically. By the imaginaire of X in Y, I mean the collective repertoire of motifs of a certain collective (Y) regarding the element X, from which an author of this collective (Y) derives the items with which to weave his text on X. 21 18 For such a definition, seeP. Ricoeur, "Myth and History," Encyclopedia ofReligion 10 (1987) 273-282. 19 Consequently, the scholar who investigates any given narrative as a myth in the sense of this delmition takes an etic view. 20 See e.g. J. Le Goff, L 'imaginaire m€dieval (Paris, 1985)~ E. Patlagean, "L'histoire de l'imaginaire," in: J. Le Goff, R. Chartier and J. Revel (eds.), La Nouvelle Histoire (Paris, 1978; p. 249-269). In no case do I intend a connection to Jungian archetypes, on which the work of Gilbert Durand was formulated. See his Les structures anthropologiques de l'imaginaire (Paris, 11 1992 = 1959). 11 D. SWkl, "Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood. Yom Kippur in Zechariah 3, I Enoch 10, llQMelkizedeq, Hebrews and the Apocalypse of Abraham 13," in: J. Assmann and G.G. Stroumsa (eds.), Transformations

9

11 ne faut toutefois pas confondre imagination et imaginaire. L'imagination releve d'une performance individuelle et se decele au niveau de Ia , alors que I'imaginaire ressort du collectif et ne se con-;:oit qu'en tant que ."22

of the Inner Self in Ancient Religions (Studies in the History of Religions [Numen Book SeriesJ 83; Leiden, 1999; pp. 349-366), p. 349. 22 P. Desan, L 'imaginaire iconomique de Ia Renaissance (Paris, 1993), p. 9. 23 C. Levy-Strauss, "La geste d'Asdiwal," in: idem, Anthropologie structurale II (Paris, 1973; p. 175-233).

10

Introduction

coziness and solitude can be part of the same imaginaire depending on the

situation of the speaker. Any German can evoke Christmas in the head of another German by mentioning just a selection of these elements, which do not necessarily belong to the "close" part, i.e. snow, church and cinnamon cookies may al-

Part One

ready be enough. Different groups of Germans may associate some ele-

ments more closely and dissociate others, e.g. secular Germans might associate cinema or discotheque rather than church.

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual

2.5 Christian Judaism I pondered for a long time which term to use for the German Urchristentum, i.e. the Christian groups of mainly Jewish origin with some Gentile fellow travelers in the first two generations. "Early Christianity" is too imprecise. "Primitive Christianity" imports notions of beginning from zero. For some time I considered "proto-Christianity" as best manifesting the element of transition, but it too can be understood as close to a beginning

from zero and imply an ideal conception of the first Christians. Eventually, I decided in favor of"Christian Judaism," a term that expresses adequately the relation and different level of importance of the Jewish origin and the new Christian direction. Still, it remains difficult to determine the exact

point of transition from Christian Judaism to early Christianity. I suggest connecting the point of transition to a self-definition of the collective

identity over and against Judaism itself. Depending upon the place, this occurred at different times and paces. In comparison, the term "Jewish

Christianity" presupposes that there is also a "non-Jewish Christianity" distinct from it, which in the first generation is not very meaningful. "Christian Judaism/' however, defines itself as distinct from "nonChristian Judaism," which makes more sense in the first century. Moreover, the inversion "Jewish Christianity" does not give the same weight to the Jewish origin and sets Christianity as main category. In addition, the term "Jewish Christianity" is a set expression (if ambiguous and

hotly disputed) for a phenomenon enduring well into the second, third and fourth centuries. I prefer to consider "Jewish Christianity" as one of the

developments deriving from "Christian Judaism" after this defined itself as distinct from "Judaism," as exemplified by Ignatius of Antioch.

L

~

JI

!

Introduction Any investigation of the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity has to begin with a close look at the ritual of Yom Kippur and its Jewish imaginaire in the Second Temple and rabbinic periods (antiquity and late antiquity). One has to know the realia to be aware of the temple ritual and the rites outside of the temple, as well as the various concepts and myths connected to Yom Kippur, to discern where each of these dimensions of Yom

Kippur might have iirlluenced early Christianity. One has to be able to distinguish between biblical concepts, the ritual of the Second Temple and of the synagogues, rabbinic imagination, priestly traditions, and apocalyptic

mythology to evaluate the exact impact of Yom Kippur. Unfortunately, a comprehensive and critical examination of this question has not yet been

undertaken. Existing studies on Yom Kippur are, for the most part, narrow in their scope or conservative in their approach to the rabbinic sources, ac-

cepting them as "normative Judaism" without taking into accmmt the variety of ways it was possible to celebrate and imagine Yom Kippur. This lacuna is too vast to be filled by the pages that follow; they can be no more than a preliminary investigation, particularly with regard to the rabbinic and liturgical sources. Many questions could be dealt with only scantily, and the theses offered are often no more than sketches in need of further elaboration. To avoid a Billerbeck-like approach, one that would view Judaism through Christian eyes, I did not restrict myself to noting only those details of rituals and imaginaires that had an impact on early Christianity. I wanted to present as many motifs as possible that are connected to Yom Kippur in early Judaism, and only then exaruine what indeed had an impact on early Christianity. As a result, the present part is not only very long but also slightly lexicon-like, with many loose ends that I Will not take up in the chapters on early Christianity. Nevertheless, I hope to have thrown some new light on the development of the Yom Kippur ritual and its imaginaires in ancient Judaism. A study of the shift in Jewish ritual from antique (before 70) to late antique (after 70) Judaism has to contend with the state of the sources before and after the destruction of the temple. On the one hand, there is the variety of Second Temple sources, from very different provenances and extant in many languages and translations; on the other, the corpus of rabbinic texts; and in between the Christian-Jewish texts, which, while still a part of Jewish culture, already manifest the stirrings of a new religion.


14

I decided against drawing a sharp distinction between the Second Temple and rabbinic periods. To do so would have emphasized the revolutionary aspect of the results of the temple's destruction. Clearly, the Chapter I

demise of the temple and its institutions had an important effect on Jewish worship. I was surprised, however, at the great degree of continuity in the communal rituals - in the diaspora as well as in Palestine -as between the

Second Temple period and the rabbinic period. Already in the Second Temple period, Yom Kippur was celebrated in Palestine and in the_ diaspora with prayer assemblies, and the development of the prayer serv1ce on the Day of Atonement from the Second Temple period to the rabbinic period is closer to an evolution than to a revolution. The same is true of the abstinences. Another reason for not separating the analysis into two distinct periods was that the character of the sources is suited to an integrated analysis. Some "Second Temple" sources - e.g. 4Maccabees or the Apo-

calypse of Abraham postdate the destruction, while post-temple sources such as the Mishnah include essential information on the period before the destruction.

Part 1 proceeds from the general to the specific and from the concrete to the abstract. Chapter 1 dwells briefly on the various names given to Yom

Kippur and the general theological conceptions behind these naroes. Chapter 2 deals with aspects of the rituals in the temple and in the commwrities. The first section dealing with a reinterpretation of the historical value of

the mishnaic description of the temple ritual is probably the most technical, more easily understood after reading the rest of part I. Chapter 3 analyzes the different rationales for the ritual of Yom Kippur and the imaginaires connected to this feast in various ancient Jewish groups, in

particular apocalypticism and Qumran (section 1), the Septuagint and Philo (section 2), rabbinic sources (section 3) and Hekhalot literature (section 5). While Christian Judaism is dealt with only in part 2, I have included a paragraph (section 4) on the Christian Jewish sources here, where they in fact belong. The Christian Jewish sources of the New Testament in some Apocrypha and Gnostica should be used - albeit with due care - in every investigation of the imaginaire of Yom Kippur in early Judaism, since they sometimes constitute a missing link in the development from the Second

Temple to the rabbinic period as I hope to show in part 2.

The Names ofYom Kippur The three principal name forms for Yom Kippur describe its purpose (atonement), its common practice (fasting) and its solemnity. The Hebrew Bible and the T annaitic and Amoraic sources usually call the holiday C',l~'J;J Cl' (Yom Ha-Kippurim ~Day of Atonements), referring to its purpose. 1 The Hebrew name current today, 11:1,:> 01, (Yom Kippur~ Day of Atonement) appears only in the high Middle Ages. In Greek, however, the singular form(~) ~~epa (
Pseudo-Athanasius, Basil and Theodoret of Cyrus. 3 Philo sometimes uses simply il.au~o, (atonement) 4 It depends on the author if the Greek word for atonement is more in the sense of expiation (Septuagint) or propitiation

(e.g. Philo). In early piyyutim the name

;Jn•?o Cl'

(day of forgiveness) ap-

pears. 5 What these names have in common is that they indicate the purpose (expiation, propitiation, atonement, forgiveness) of the festival. Another fonn of the name, tl1:!! or VTtun:ia, emphasizes the practice of

fasting. The earliest attestation might be in the Septuagint of!saiah 1:13146 In the late Second Temple period, VTJO
1

Lev 23:27.28; 25:9. Lev 23:27; 25:9 LXX. 3 E.g. Philo, De plantatione 61; Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica 1:3:2; PseudoAthanasius, On Sabbaths and Circumcision (PG 28:137A-C); Basil, Homily on Fasting 1:3 (PG 31 :165C); Theodoret, Commentary on Isaiah 1:14 (SC 276: 168-171). 4 De congressu eruditionis gratia 89.107; Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 179; De posteritate Caini 48. 5 See e.g. the Seder Avodah "'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah" (m7N nnl:U 1'JTN) ("I remember God's mighty deeds") In A. Mirsky (ed.), Yosse ben Yosse Poems. Edited with an Introduction, Commentary and Notes [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, lJ991, 1977), p. 150, line 133. 6 This text gives a list of festal days including a fast (.a~ vOUJ.LTJVia~ ilJ.L&v teai
rYom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual

The Names of Yom Kippur

common Greek name for Yom Kippnr 7 The Hebrew and Aramaic equivalents are used in Qumran and in the Palestinian rabbinic sources. 8 Some Qnrnranic texts emphasize the affliction, using n'JYn 1Yln (period of affliction)9 and n'Jl7n:1 01' (day of affliction), 10 which may have a more general significance (not only fasting, but also affliction) or be moving in the direction of Jubilees, emphasizing the austere character of the day. "The Fast" becomes a common name for Yom Kippur also in the writings of the Chnrch Fathers 11 Finally, the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum combines the first and the second meanings (atonement and fast) in calling the holiday ieiunium misericordiae, the fast that evokes mercy, which emphasizes that divine mercy is achieved primarily through the fast. 12 The third name underlines the importance of the holiday. The biblical ]ln~lU mtU might be understood in the same way as the Septuagint translation "the Sabbath of Sabbaths" demonstrates. 13 For this reason, Philo calls Yom Kippur top,&v '~v ~syio"JV (the highest holiday). 14 One of the later

titles of the rabbinic tractate for Yom Kippur, R~l' - the day -evidences this attitude. The same title also expresses the idea that it is primarily the day that atones. 15 In sum, three principal names are used for Yom Kippur, expressing its purpose (atonement, propitiation, expiation, forgiveness), its general practice (fast, affliction), or its solemnity. The Old Testament and the Babylonian Talmud use only names based on the purpose, whereas Greek sources, Qnrnran, Palestinian rabbinical texts, and the Chnrch Fathers also use names based on the principal practice of the people and sometimes on the solemn aspect, too. Each group has its terminological preferences. Qumran prefers to address the affliction, Greek sonrces primarily the fast and rabbinic sources mostly the purpose, atonement.

16

1 E.g. Acts 27:9; Josephus, Antiquitatesjudaicae 17:165-166; 18:94; Philo, De specialibus legibus 1:168.186; 2:41.193.194.197 .200; Legatio ad Gaium 306; De vita Mosis 2:23; De decalogo 159. Yet VTJcs•eio: is used also for other fasts- see e.g. Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 5:166; 11:134. 8 In the famous passage in lQPesher Habakkuk xi:7-8, Yom Kippur is described as cu: CP. In the Palestinian rabbinic sources, Yom Kippur may be called the fast (N7.l1!) or the great fast (:en KI:Jl!)- yBer 4:1, 7b, 7c; yPe'ah 1:4, 20b, 8:9, 21b; yTer 8:5, 45c = yAZ 2:3, 4la. In the Babylonian Talmud I found only one passage (bTem 29a) using this form. 9 4Q508 2 3; cf. 4Ql71 Pesher on Psalms ii:9-10; iii:2-3 (quoted below, pp. 98-99). On all formulations connected to n~J:!ln in Qumran, seeN. Hacham, "Communal Fasts in the Judean Desert Scrolls and Associated Literature," in: D.M. Goodblatt, A. Pinnick and D.R. Schwartz (eds.), Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light ofthe Dead Sea Scrolls: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium ofthe Orion Center for the Study of Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 27-31 January, 1999 (Studies on the Texts of the Desert ofJudah, 37; Leiden: Brill, 2001; pp. 127145), who claims that in Qumran n'Il7n always refers to Yom Kippur. I have reservations about his inclusion of4Q510 and 4Q511 Songs of the Sage, which use n•JYn in the plural. 10 Damascus Documentvi:19. n E.g. Acts 27:9; Barnabas 1:3; Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 40:4; Origen, Homily on Jeremiah 12:13; Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica 1:3:2; Ephrem, On Fasting 1:12; Basil, Homily on Fasting 1:1 (PG 31:164AB); John Chrysostom, Against the Jews 1 (PG 48:854B). 12 Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 13:6. In a similar way 4Q508 2 3 cails Yom Kippur the appointed time of your mercies 1'7.ln1 1l1li:J. Later rabbinic sources are given in the commentary on this passage by H. Jacobson, A Commentary on Pseudo-Philo's Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum with Latin Text and English Translation (2 vols; Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 31; Leiden, 1996). 13 Lev 16:31. 14 De specialibus legibus 2: 193-194.

IS

j

Rabbi Yehudah ha-Nasi in bYoma 85b.

17

lI The Rituals of Yom Kippur

afflictions. As this chapter is confined to dealing with ritual details, the surmnaries that end the sections are brief. Additional conclusions follow in the next chapter, which deals with the intexpretations, the imaginaires and the myths of the rituals.

Chapter 2

The Rituals of Yom Kippur

1. The Question of the Historicity of the Mishnaic Version of the Temple Ritual

The biblical account of the ritual of Yom Kippur in Leviticus 16 is the most detailed description of any ritual in the Bible. This chapter is supplemented by Leviticus 23:27-32 and 25:9-10, Exodus 30:10, Numbers 29:711, and many sources from the Second Temple period as well as rabbinic accounts, in particular Mishnah Yoma. The early history of Yom Kippur, the exact date of its establishment and the origin of some of its rites - all are hotly debated.' An in-depth analysis of the biblical chapters on Yom Kippur is beyond the scope of this study, as is a complete reconstruction of the ritual and its historical development in the Second Temple period; the following pages are to be understood as merely a preliminary sketch. I have tried to use all available material, the Bible, apocalyptic and Greek diaspora sources, Qurnranic, Christian and rabbinic texts. Therefore, although not a comprehensive treatment of the subject, this chapter might constitute a step in furthering understanding of the development of Yom Kippur's rituals. The Yom Kippur rituals can be divided into two main groups: those performed in the temple and those performed in the community or at home. The first section of this chapter investigates the historical value of the main source of the temple ritual, the mishnaic tract Yoma, arguing that some of its features can be plausibly explained as projections from rabbinic exegesis and synagogue services into memories of the temple ritual. Discussion of these introductory matters is followed by a reconstruction of the general aspects of the temple ritual. Section 3 is devoted to an investigation of the rituals performed outside of the temple - at home, in the community or in the synagogue during the Second Temple period and after the destruction of the temple. While the destruction of the temple entailed an abrupt end to the blood sacrifices, I argue for a certain continuity (and I was surprised at this discovery) of the community-oriented cult, the prayers and the 1

19

Mishnah Yoma contains a very detailed discussion of the rituals in and outside of the temple.2 The redaction of the Mishnah is usually dated to the time of Rabbi Yehudah HaNasi, around 220 CE. Despite such a late date of redaction, about 130 years after the destruction of the temple, some of the mishnaic traditions may come from the time the temple was still standing. The methodological crux is to fmd out which of its traditions reflects a historical memory of the actual Second Temple ritual and which are posttemple developments, exegeses derived from the biblical text only, resembling the practice of the Christian Church Fathers. Those temple rites that are confirmed by independent Second Temple sources are almost certainly historic. To this group belong most of the details concerning the scapegoat ritual,' the high-priestly prayer in the sanctuary4 and the bowl- the artifact that holds the sacrificial blood until it is sprinkled. 5

2 I used the critical editions by Y. Rosenberg, ''Mishna 'Kipurim' (Yoma)- A Critical Edition with Introduction. Volume 1: Introduction. Volume 2: Edition," [in Hebrew with English summary] (2 vols; Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1995), for the Mishnah; for the Tosefta: G. Larsson, Der Toseftatraktat Jom hak-Kippurim. Text, Obersetzung, Kommentar. I. Teil, Kapite/1 und 2 (Lund, 1980); for the Palestinian (Jerusalem) Talmud: P. Schifer and H.-J. Becker (eds.), Synapse zum Talmud Yerushalmi (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 31, 33, 35, 47, 67, 82, 83; 7 vols; Ttlbingen, 1991-2001 ); the German translation of the Palestinian Talmud mentions variant readings as well: see F. A vemarie (transl.), Yom a- Vers6hnungstag (Obersetzung des Talmud Yerushalmi 2:4; Tilbingen, 1995); for the Babylonian Talmud: variant readings in R. Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim. Variae Lectiones in Mischnam et in Talmud Baby/onicum quum ex aliis libris antiquissimis et scriptis et impressis tum e Codice Monacensi praestantissimo collectae, annotationibus instructae. Pars 4. Tract. Rosch Haschanah et Joma (Munich, 1871) and in the bilingual edition of Lazarus Goldschmidt, Der Babylonische Talmud (9 vols; Berlin, 1897-1935). See also J. Meinhold, Joma (Der Vers6hnungstag). Text, Obersetzung und Erkliirung (Giessen, 1913). 3 The red ribbon (Barnabas1:8.11; mYoma4:2; 6:6); the scapegoat's abuse (Barnabas 7:8-9; mYoma 6:4); the scapegoat's falling (JEnoch 10:4-8; Philo, De plantatione 61; mYoma 6:6) and its similarity to the sacrificial goat (Barnabas 7:6.10; Justin Dialogue with Trypho 40:4; Tertullian Against Marcion 3:7:7 and Against the Jews 14:9;

On the discussion of biblical texts, see the fascinating Leviticus commentary by

J. Milgram, Leviticus 1-16. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (An-

chor Bible 3A; New York, 1994). See also G. Deiana, II giorno dell'espiazione. II kippur nella tradizione biblica (Supplementi all Revista Biblica 30; Bologna, 1994), who argues for the fast as the original nucleus of the festival.

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Yet the whole tract of Yoma is often attributed to a certain figure (Shim'on Ish Mitzpeh or Zechariah ben Qabutar) dated to the Second Temple period or shortly after it, with only minor exceptions regarding this

from the sequence of the ritual in the sanctuary described in Leviticus 16unlike other tracts from Seder Mo'ed such as Sukka or Pesachim, which deal mostly with the ritual(s) of the people outside the temple. However, these formal divergences of Mishnah Yoma from other mishnaic tracts do not necessarily imply that Yoma is more "historical" than other tracts- the

20

'or that tradition. 6 Four arguments are raised to support this contention.

First, the contents of Yoma deal with temple acts that were supposedly more important in the time of the temple. Second, some scholars regard a Tannaitic statement in the first person or an Amoraic ascription of the first

21

formal differences may simply stem from the dissimilarity of Yom

Kippur's ritual from other rituals, and from the dissimilarity of the Bible's description of the ritual in Leviticus 16 from other biblical festival descriptions. Leviticus 16 itself is very detailed and chronologically well structured; it can be easily adapted and amplified - much more so than the biblical passages for Sukkot or Pesach. Though more detailed, the eight chapters of Yoma follow the same structure as that of Leviticus 1610 The first seven chapters describe the high-priestly service; the eighth and last deals with the prescriptions for the people's ritual and includes some theological deliberations, paralleling the division of Leviticus 16 into verses 1-28 and 29-34. 11 On the other hand, four observations mitigate the blind acceptance of the historicity of the mishnaic details. Whereas some statements are based on reliable sources and are therefore historical, others are definitely the fruit of rabbinic exegetical creativity. First and most strikingly, the Mishnah seems to live in the world of the Bible in presupposing the existence of the ark of the covenant in the holy of holies. 12 The mention of this artifact

redaction of this tract to an authority from before 70 CE as trustworthy. Third, some expressions seem to belong linguistically to an older stratum than the rest of the mishnaic tracts. Fourth, Mishnah Yoma is quite uniform, with few deviations from the topic. Most of the Mishnah is anonymous; few of the authorities cited lived after 70 CE. With regard to the first argument: that there is a detailed discussion of the Mishnah in the Gemara of the Talmudim shows that interest in the details of the temple cult continued even after the temple was destroyed; that such interest did not depend on the existence of a temple. The second argument seems very unlikely. Recent research has rendered attributions of

traditions to named rabbis highly suspect.' The authority speaking in the first person, Zechariah ben Qabutar, is mentioned only once, 8 and his short statement appears as an appendix to a general statement and looks very much like a later addition. He himself is described in the third person and is not mentioned anywhere else in Yoma. The attribution of the tract to Shim'on Ish Mitzpeh appears late in Amoraic sources. 9 The third, linguistic, argument merely suggests a formulation of the tract at an earlier time than 220 CE, not the historicity of some traditions prior to 70 CE. The only argument requiring a more detailed refutation is the fourth one, pointing to the formal differences between Yoma and other tracts. Admittedly, Yoma contains relatively few disputes and rarely deviates

has to derive from Leviticus 16, i.e. it depends on exegesis and not on

knowledge of the Second Temple practice, from which it was absent. Mishnah Yoma inserts a note to the effect that in the Second Temple the ;J'fll/J;J pM (foundation stone) had replaced the ark. 13 This seems to be an ex post facto correction of the biblical atmosphere. If the Mishnah were a faithful recounting of the Second Temple ritual, the ark wonld not appear 10 Some scholars claim that chapters 1-7 deal with the ritual before the destruction of the temple and chapter 8 with the ritual after that. However, it is more correct to characterize the distinction between 1-7 and 8 as ritual inside and outside of the temple. It is the structure of Lev 16 that determined the Mishnah's structure. 11 The seven chapters of the high-priestly ritual are divided as follows: (I) week-long preparation of the high priest; (2) the lottery among his adjutants about the right to perfonn certain sacrifices; (3) the morning Tamid and the high priest's confession over his bull; (4) the lottery of the goats and the high priest's second confession over his bull and its slaughter; (5) the three entrances of the high priest into the holy of holies- first with the incense and prayer, then with the blood of the bull and fmally with the blood of the sacrificial goat- and the purging of the altars; (6) the scapegoat ritual; and (7) the concluding rituals- including readings, prayer, a fourth entrance to remove the incense, additional burnt sacrifices and a celebration. 12 See mYoma 5:1.4. 13 mYoma 5:2.

Cyril Glaphyrorum in Leviticum fiber [PG 69:588A]); and the place name Beth Hadudu (or something similar)(/ Enoch 10:4). 4 See mYoma 5:1 and Philo, Legatio ad Gaium 306. 5 See mYoma 4:3 and liQTemple Scroll xxv:6. 6 Henoch Albeck accepts the suggestion of the Babylonian Talmud, which attributes the tract to Shim'on Ish Mitzpeh (bYoma l4b); see H. Albeck, Introduction to the Mishnah [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1959), p. 71. Y.N. Epstein, Prolegomena ad Litteras Tannaiticas [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1957), p. 37, ascribes an Urform of Mishnah Yoma to Zechariah ben Qabutar. He is followed by S. Safrai, "Der Versohnungstag in Tempel und Synagoge," in: H.-P. Heinz (ed.), Vers6hnung in der jUdischen zmd christlichen Liturgie (Quaestiones Disputatae 124; Freiburg i.Br., 1990; pp. 32-55), p. 33. 7 As a result of the studies by Jacob Neusner. 8 mYoma 1:6. 9 bYoma 14b.

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at all (as e.g. in Josephus) and such an explanatory note would not have been necessary. 14 However, if the Mishnah is understood as an exegetical tract, then the mention of the ark is easily comprehensible. Second, some of the mishnaic details contradict Second Temple sources. For one thing, Qumran, Philo and Josephus all disagree with the Mishnah about the number of rams for the sacrifices described in Numbers 29:8-11. Since the ram sacrifices were central rites, such a discrepancy is hardly imaginable for a well-informed source. 15 For another, a second mishnaic detail, a high-priestly vigil on the night before Yom Kippur, is contradicted by Josephus." Josephus relates an anecdote about a high priest who in the night before Yom Kippur slept, dreamt, had a semen emission and had to be replaced by another high priest. It is hard to imagine that Josephus would have related this anecdote had he known about a vigil. While Josephus is not a comprehensive halakhic compendium, he came from a priestly family and his anecdote lacking mention of a vigil is conspicuous. One could claim that the anecdote is historical, that the vigil did not (yet) exist in 4 BCE, the year of the incident, but was instituted as a reaction to this incident to prevent further similar cases and that the Mishnah reflects this later stage. How~ver, Josephus writes the story in 90 CE, after the destruction of the temple, without referring to any institution of a

vigil. It is therefore difficult to bring the Mishnah into alignment with Josephus. One has to assume that there never was such a vigil. Third, some of the rites were supposedly secret priestly knowledge. The Mishnah however portrays (high) priests, its presumed informants, as a deteriorated class. 17 If the Mishnah indeed had access to esoteric priestly traditions one would have expected a more sympathetic portrayal of its informants, especially in a description of the most solemn ritual of the high priest, their former leader. This antipathetic attitude becomes even more apparent when compared to the praises of Sirach or of the poetic Sidrei Avodah, which were probably composed by priests. Fourth, the Mishnah does not resolve a crucial point, one that the biblical accounts of Numbers 29 and Leviticus 16 leave open: Rabbi Eliezer and Rabbi Aqiva disagree about the moment of offering the sacrifices mentioned in Numbers 29:8-11. 18 If, for the sake of the argnment, we accept the attribution of the sayings to these sages of the second generation of Tannaites, it follows that ouly one generation after the destruction of the temple the specialists are disputing a central question of ritual practice. This confirms the impression that exegetical skills rather than ritual memory played a significant role in the formation of Mishnah Yoma. It is highly unlikely that the most important temple ritual left these questions open, to be decided by that year's high priest. Again, the moment of offering must have been obvious to any insider who knew the actual temple ritual, and even to observers - but not so for someone struggling primarily with the biblical account, which leaves these questions open. Even if one of the rabbis was historically right, the redactors of the Mishnah did not know the ritual well enough to decide between these opinions or to decide which was the better-informed source. Exegetically, both opinions are possible, and this is the stage of information the Mishnah conveys. In sum, some mishnaic details can be plausibly explained as rabbinic inventions derived from exegesis or from an analogical deduction from similar rituals, among them: the existence of two instead of three rams, the discussion about the right moment to sacrifice the ram of Numbers 29, and the high priest's abstention from sleep the night before Yom Kippur.

22

14 Moreover, the rabbis disagree about various architectonic features, such as the number of the curtains (mYoma 5:1) or the number of the bases for the censer (mYoma 5:4). 15 IlQTemple Scroll xxv:l4-16, Philo De Specialibus legibus 1:188 and Josephus Antiquitates judaicae 3:240-242 agree on the number of rams being three, only the Mishnah says it is two (mYoma 7:3). 16 See mYoma 1:4-7; Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 17:165-166. On the contrary, Mishnah Avot reports that one of the ten miracles in the temple was that the high priest never had a semen emission before Yom Kippur (mAbot 5:5). Josephus refers to Yom Kippur in several further passages: Antiquitates judaicae 3:240-243 (on the ritual) and 18:94 (on the golden garments of the high priest that were kept under Roman authority); Bellumjudaicum 5:236 (on the white garments); Contra Apionem 2:282 (on the universal observance of many festivals and the fast). On Josephus and Yom Kippur (especially the blood sprinkling), see W. Kxaus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe. Eine Untersuchung zum Umfeld der Siihnevorstel/ung in ROmer 3,25-26a (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 66; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1991), pp. 72-73; J.P. Scullion, "A Traditio-Historical Study of the Day of Atonement" (Ph.D. dissertation, Washington, Catholic University, 1990), pp. 187-193; N.H. Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament" (Ph.D. dissertation, Manchester, 1973), pp. 127-132. Being of priestly descent and writing shortly after the destruction of the temple, Josephus is valuable mostly for reconstructing details of the temple ritual. His interpretations are much shorter than those of Philo; I have therefore not devoted a separate section to Josephus but have included the relevant observations in the appropriate places. Here, the general observation may suffice that the wording of Josephus' explanation of the Yom Kippur ritual clearly reveals that he was addressing a Gentile audience.

Having discussed the historicity of those mishnaic details that can be verified or contradicted by Second Temple sources, we are left with a third 17 This negative attitude is apparent in the following details, among others: the high priest is obliged to vow obedience before a rabbinic court (mYoma 1:5); the rabbis consider the possibility that the high priest might be unintelligent or illiterate (mYoma 1:6); at the lottery his adjutant has to instruct him on what to do (mYoma 4: 1). 18 mYoma 7:3; cf. tYoma 3:19.

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group- those whose historicity can be neither confirmed nor contradicted,

observed that the form and content of the benedictions are similar to synagogue prayers,28 and he suggested that the temple service was influenced by "popular worship," prayer and readings by the spectators in the synagogues of the Second Temple period, which intrnded into temple worship, as portrayed in Sirach 29 On the one hand, if Heinemann could explain the existence of the high-priestly prayer by assuming an influence of the synagogue on the temple ritual, it is only a small step further to suppose that this influence took place "post mortem"- i.e. after the destruction of the temple; that it was not an influence on the temple ritual itself but only on its literary description. On the other hand, the benedictions in Mishnah Yoma fail to agree in detail with those of the seven-benediction Amidah of Yom Kippur. 30 A complete invention of the high-priestly blessings by rabbis after the destruction of the temple, then, seems unlikely but some of the

24

either because they appear only in the Mishnah or because Second Temple sources are ambivalent, some agreeing with the Mishnah, some not. To this set belong (among others): the exact direction of passing around the altar;" the existence of a paravent to cover the naked high priest;20 the place of lighting the incense; 21 the number of sprinklings in the holy ofholies; 22 the fourth entrance to remove the incense pan; 23 and the high-priestly readings, the prayer of eight benedictions and the two confessions on the bu!I.24 It is to the last three - the high-priestly readings, the prayer of eight benedictions and the two confessions on the bull- that I now wish to tum. An investigation of their historicity is crucial to understanding the amount of reinterpretation in the rabbinic tract and the transition from the temple to the synagogue ritual, since these three rites are the main basis for Ismar Elbogen's and Josef Heinemann's claim that the synagogue service in the time of the Second Temple influenced and spiritualized the temple ritual. 25 The high-priestly prayer after the scapegoat ritual includes eight benedictions: Torah, temple service, thanksgiving, forgiveness of sins, temple, the people of Israel,26 the priests and a last benediction. 27 Heinemann mYoma 5:5. mYoma 3:4.6. 21 mYoma 5:1. n mYoma 5:3-6. 23 mYoma 7:4. 24 See mYoma 7:1-3 and mYoma 3:8; 4:2. 19

20

25 Elbogen even speaks of "einer vOiligen Spiritualisierung": see his Studien zur Geschichte des jiidischen Gottesdienstes (Schriften der Lehranstalt fUr die Wissenschaft des Judenthums 111-2; Berlin, 1~07), pp. 52-53. Elbogen gives the fol1owing reasons:

Concerning the sacrifices, the addressee, God, is emphasized, and the process of slaughtering recedes to the background. The scapegoat is sent to the desert, not to a demon 'Az'azel. With an increase in the number of confessions, the verbal part of the sacrifices becomes more important. The high priest prays in the holy of holies and after fmisbing the sacrifices he reads from the Torah and prays. The people participate by observing the high-priestly act, by responding when tbe high priest mentions the divine name and by receiving the high-priestly blessing. The overall focus is no longer the sacrifice but its purpose, atonement, which can be reached also through prayers, confessions and repentance. u Some manuscripts of the Babylonian Talmud include here a benediction about Jerusalem, which was not part of the mishnaic prayer. 21 Manuscript Kaufinann does not read "1i':l!37 ~J!I:J" for the benedictions ''temple," "lsraef' and ''priests," but gives a homogeneous Jist as the paraUel in mSotah 1:7: see Y. Rosenberg, ''Mishna 'Kipurim'," vol. 2, p. 80. The common reading with "li':l!Y 'J!):J" probably entered via tYoma 3:18 and Mishnah readings in the Babylonian Talmud. The topic of the last benedicti~n is not clear, as can be seen through the various solutions proposed in the commentaries.

25

benedictions may have been retrospectively introduced.

The readings by the high priest immediately after the performance of the ritual just described therein, seem somewhat excessive.31 Indeed, the

Palestinian Talmud notes this oddness and provides a scriptural justification for it. 32 Of course, such a reading in close juxtaposition to actual sacrifice is possible and is practiced in other religions. Brahmans accompany the sacrifices with a recital of the instructions, to ensure that the sacrifice

is performed perfectly, lest the actual sacrificer, God forbid, should slip.33 However, the mishnaic account leaves one major difficulty in the ritual unexplained. The high priest received the Torah just after having handled the entrails of some sacrifices, so his hands were probably bloody. Contamination of a Torah scroll through bloodstained hands is unimaginable. That the high priest washed his hands and the rabbinic sources omit this washing is also unlikely, considering the meticulous attention

devoted to hand washing elsewhere in Mishnah Yoma, the Tosefta and 2 8 His thoughts on these matters are collected in J. Heinema.mJ, Prayer in the Period of the Tanna'im and the Amora'im. Its Nature and its Pal/erns [in Hebrew, with English

summary] (Publications of the Perry Foundation for Biblical Research in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Jerusalem, 2 1966), pp. 7&--&7. On the similarity of the first benediction, see also tYoma 3:18. 29 Sir 50: 19. Heinemann rejects the possibility of an influence in the opposite direction, of the temple service on the synagogue. His main argument for this is that if the dramatic change of the concept of worship toward prayer and Iections had indeed originated in the temple, we would find examples in other rituals as well, Heinemann, Prayer in the Period of the Tanna'im and the Amora'im, p. 84. 30 The numbers and some of the names of the blessings differ. 31

32 33

mYoma 7:1-3. yYoma 7:1, 44a. See the study by J.C. Heestennan, The Broken World of Sacrifice (Chicago, 1993).

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Sifra. The high-priestly reading, therefore, seems to be a projection of synaogal practice onto the description of the temple ritnal. Did the high priest twice lay both his hands on the bull and confess his sins, or is this an embellishment of the Mishnah?35 Leviticus 16 mentions only the confession over the scapegoat, but a confession might have been part of any guilt offering." Sifra suggests the repetition of Leviticus 16:6 in Leviticus 16: II as a scriptural prooftext for an act of atoning before the slaughter, i.e. a confession. 37 Analogously, from the "superfluous" mention of two hands in Leviticus 16:21 the Tannaites deduced that all laying on of hands was to be performed with both hands. 38 Both of these details may have been part of the temple ritual. But, equally, it may have been the redactors of the Mishnah who increased the number of confessions from the biblical one to three, as this verbal act becomes much more frequent in the prayer of the synagogue39 and takes the central place in the service. The high number of confessions in the prayers of Yom Kippur40 appears more justified if even the high priest confessed more than once. Moreover,

the "biblical" confession over the scapegoat is a collective confession; the "Tannaitic" confession over the bull is by an individual for his personal sins and that of his relatives. This transition corresponds well with the move toward a more personal aspect in the synagogue prayer, which includes collective as well as individual confessions. If the readings, the prayers and/or the two extra confessions belonged to the temple ritual as Elbogen and Heinemann claim, a spiritnalization of the temple ritnal itself took place before 70 CE: blood sacrifices were amended by readings of their prescriptions and by prayers containing a request for the very same purpose as the sacrifices, forgiveness of sins. This would have been the first step to a further spiritualization of the Yom Kippur ritual in the synagogue, which replaced the actual sacrifices with liturgical poems. According to this conceptualization, the readings, prayers and multiple confessions continue the high-priestly ritual rather than replace it. However, in light of the contradictions by other mishnaic rites of Second Temple sources, and in light of the late time of redaction of the Mishnah (about one and a half centuries after the last Yom Kippur in the temple), we cannot simply accept all of these traditions as historical. The proximity of the readings and confessions to the ritual of the synagogue raises the suspicion that they may be projections of the synagogue ritual onto that of the temple after the destruction ofthe temple, rather than accurate historical memory. 41 It might be impossible to prove that these two rites are inventions of the Tannaites, but it is equally impossible to prove that they were practiced in the temple. Their character is better suited to the context of the synagogue service - as is presupposed also by Elbogen and Heinemann, who assume an influence of synagogue worship on the temple - and the rabbis had an excellent motive for introducing their own ritual into the era of the temple. The burden of proof lies, therefore, on those who consider them to be temple rites. It is also possible that the readings and the two extra confessions originated in the Second Temple period and were practiced in some synagogues but were not part of the temple ritual. In this case, too, the Tannaites thought it necessary to justify some of their rituals by contextualizing them in the temple, and the readings and multiple confessions, portrayed as continuing the high-priestly ritual in fact replace it. In sum, each detail of the mishnaic account has to be carefully compared with all the sources available. While some mishnaic traditions faithfully describe the temple ritual, others can be explained as rabbinic inventions based on exegesis. Some ritual details matching later synagogue

34

•

• between the readings for the temple and for the One could argue that differences synagogue service make such a reflection of synagogue practices back into the temple ritual description unlikely. The reading of Lev 23:27-32 is missing among the synagogue lections (mMeg 3:7; tMeg 3:7; yMeg 3:7, 74b; bMeg 31a). But we cannot be sure that there really was such a difference in the readings in mishnaic times (or before). E.g., the Tosefta gives more Iections than the Mishnah for about the same time and place. It is highly feasible that the readings of mYoma 7:1 represent a form of the readings of some syn~gogue, earlier or from a different area/tradition than the synagogue of the community behmd bMeg 31 a. Most probably, these lections were for a long time not flxed and mYoma7:1 and bMeg31a are only examples of some possibilities. Moreover, the differences could be easily explained: A reading of Lev 23:27-32 could easily be conceived of as superfluous, as the contents mostly repeat what has just been read in Lev 16:29-34. Fina11y, those scholars who accept Elbogen's and Heinemann's theory that the reading of the temple ritual was influenced by the contemporary synagogue ritual would have to assume that Lev 23:27-32, too, was one of the lectures in synagogues of the Second Temple period, i.e. that mYoma 7:1 reflects some synagogue service. 35 mYoma 3:8 and 4:2. 36 Lev 5:5; cf. also Num 5:7. 37 Sifra, Ahare Mot 2:1 (to Lev 16:6), cf. bYoma 36b. It deduces from a gezera shavvah that the bull is similar to the scapegoat; 1~d' is said of the scapegoat in Lev 16: 10 as well as of the bull in Lev 16:6 and 16:11. A second solution lies in the observation that Lev 16:6 speaks of atonement while the bull is still alive; since it is only slaughtered in Lev 16:11, the atonement must have been effected by something other than blood. The confession over the bull is referred to also in mMeg 2:5; and mSebu 1:7. 38 Sifra Ahare Mot 4:4 to Lev 16:21; and mMenah 9:8. 39 Altogether six sets of confessions: one set in each of the five prayers and another at home before Yom Kippur. 40 The Tosefta already mentions six confessions (tYoma 4:14).

27

41 For a similar conclusion, see D.J. Silver, "The Shrine and the Scroll," Journal of Reformed Judaism 31 (1984) 31-42, whose arguments, however, are not substantial.

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service may have been projected into the memory of the temple service in order to justify these practices and reinforce the impression of a continuity

be able to perform his complicated task. The character of this preparatory week as investiture is underscored by the purification sprinklings with the ashes of the Red Heifer on the third and seventh days. 46 The mishnaic statement that during the last night before Yom Kippur the high priest is not allowed to sleep is most probably not historically accurate. 47 Yom Kippur itself starts with the offering of the Tamid, which the high priest performs in his festal garments after having been washed 48 Having completed the morning Tamid, the high priest takes a purification bath,49 puts on the white linen garments 50 and offers a bnll as a sin offering (nN~n) on his own behalf. 51 He then makes a lottery between the two goats of the people. 52 One of them, the goat for YHWH (the sacrificial goat) will be sacrificed and its blood sprinkled in the holy of holies. The other, the goat for 'Az'azel (the scapegoat), is placed in front of the sanctuary, to be sent away after the blood rites in the sanctuary have been completed. The two goats have to be equal. 53 The scapegoat is marked with a red ribbon. 54

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between temple and synagogue. In any case, reciting, studying and discussing the Mishnah became one of the forms of reenacting the temple ritual. As will be shown below, Mishnah Yoma itself was considered suitable for liturgical purposes. In fact, the closeness of the earliest extant

Seder Avodah to the Mishnah suggests that the Mishnah itself might have developed out of similar needs and precisely for this liturgical purpose albeit at different times and different places in slightly different versions.

2. The Temple Ritual For reconstruction of the temple ritual, I confme myself to the basic aspects of the ritual and to commenting on the main differences among the sources. The rites of Yom Kippur include many cultic acts that are also performed elsewhere42 or that are similar to those of other rituals. 43 Still, Yom Kippur has several "unique" features and is a sort of acme of all temple rituals. Only on this day
46 Philo, De somniis I :214; mParah 3:1, see Y. Baer, "The Service of Sacrifice in Second Temple Times," [in Hebrew] Zion 40 (1965) 95-153, here p. 112. 41 Seep. 22, note 16, above. 48 mYoma 3:4-5. 49 mYoma 3:6. The Bible asks for two washings: at the beginning of the ritual (Lev 16:4) and after the sending away of the scapegoat (Lev 16:24). The extant fragments of llQTemple Scroll xxvi:IO mention washing of hands and feet between sin offering and confession over the scapegoat. The rabbinic tracts mention five complete washings and ten ablutions of hands and feet (mYoma 3:3) each time the clothes are changed- (I) before the morning Tamid, (2) after the morning Tamid and before the Yom Kippur sacrifices, (3) after the sending away of the scapegoat and before the burnt offerings, (4) after the burnt offerings and before the removal of the censer and pan, and (5) before the evening Tamid. See Milgram, Leviticus 1-16, p. 1047. 50 mYoma 3:6. 51 Lev 16:6.11. Literally, the bull seems to be slaughtered twice. The rabbis explain this duplication by assuming a twofold confession over the bull: see mYoma 3:8 and 4:2. 52 Lev 16:7-10~ mYoma 3:9; 4:1. The Mishnah states, two temple officials helped him. 53 The earliest extant source is Barnabas 7:6.10 (beautiful and similar). Cf. also Justin Dialogue with Trypho 40:4 (similar) and Tertullian Against Marcion 3:7:7 and Against the Jews 14:9 (alike and similar in appearance); mYoma6:1 (alike in appearance, size, value and buying date). Cf. also Cyril of Alexandria, who states: «Two goats, beautiful (x:aA.oi) and of the same height (ii:JOJ.1E"r£9£t<;) and strength (i.ai)A.tK£<;) and of the same color (OJ.16;tpoot)" (my translation of Glaphyrorum in Leviticum liber, PG 69:588A). This is close to Barnabas but not close enough to prove dependence. It might also hint at a direct contact of Cyril with a Jewish exegetical tradition. On Barnabas and the temple, see especially the analysis by G. Alon, "The Halakhah in the Epistle of Barnabas," in: idem, Studies in Jewish History [in Hebrew] (2 vols; Tel Aviv, 1957; vol. 1, pp. 293-312), here pp. 302-305; and see the section on Barnabas on pp. 148-161, below. 54 The earliest source is again Barnabas 7:8.11. See also the patristic texts depending on the same tradition and mYoma 4:2; 6:6.

2.1 The Preparation Rites The introduction to Leviticus !6 lists the conditions for the entrance to the holy of holies: preparing certain animals,44 washing the body and putting on linen gannents.45

Going well beyond the biblical regulations, the first chapter of Mishnah Yoma describes a week of preparation during which the high priest is isolated (to avoid contamination) and carefully schooled so that he will to 42

E.g., the sin offering and the burnt offering or blood sprinkling.

43

E.g., the offering of the two goats is similar to the two birds in Lev 14. 44 Lev 16 lists a bull, two goats and two rams. Num 29:7-11 lists a bull, a ram and seven lambs, and a third goat. On the different answers to the question of whether this ram is one of the rams of Lev 16, see below, p. 31. 45 The linen garments are described in Lev 16:4 (tunic, leggings, sash, turban) and their value is discussed in mYoma 3:7.

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2. 2 The Entrances to the Holy of Holies

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to the Mishnah, a fourth entry took place after the scapegoat ritual in order to remove the censer, which was supposed to have been left there during the blood-sprinkling rite. 66

The holy of holies is entered three or four times. 55 During the first entry, 56 the high priest burns especially fine incense. 57 The rabbinic sources dispute at length the question of where the high priest was supposed to light the incense, inside or outside the sanctuary. 58 The latter is presented as the position of the Sadducees (Sifra, Talmudim) and Boethusians (Tosefta), while the former opinion is connected to the Pharisees, who are clearly presented as superior. Philo's description of the rite might support the Sadducean case. 59 Given that the high priesthood was mostly in the hands of Sadducees, they probably knew the ritual better and represented the original performance, whereas the Pharisaic position is either an innovation or theoretical polemics. Philo and the rabbinic sources add that the high priest also says an intercessionary prayer in the sanctuary. 60 For the second entry the high priest, taking part of the blood of the bull in a golden bowl,' 1 enters and sprinkles it with his fingers on and before the kapporet. 62 He then leaves, slaughters the sacrificial goat and takes its blood for the third entrance and further sprinkling as before. 63 He similarly sprinkles the sanctuary64 and daubs and sprinkles the incense and the sacrificial altars with a mixture of the hull's and the goat's blood. 65 According

2.3 The Sending Away of the Scapegoat After the lottery between the people's two goats and the three entries to the holy of holies,'' the high priest returns to the scapegoat, lays both his hands on its head and delivers a collective confession 68 He then hands the scapegoat over to an adjutant, who escorts it to the desert. 69 The scapegoat is maltreated on its way out of the city70 and ultimately killed by being thrown from a precipice in the desert, 71 at a place called something like Bet Haduri. 72 2.4 The Closing Rituals After sending the scapegoat away the high priest takes a bath and changes into the golden garments 73 He then offers two rams for himself and for the people as burnt offerings. 74 At this moment, he probably also offers the offerings mentioned in Numbers 29:7-11, a bull, another ram,75 and seven 66 mYoma 1:4. Ancient eastern parallels make such an entrance probable: see Milgram, Leviticus 1-16, pp. 1015 and 1068. 67 llQTemple Scroll xxvi:lO reports that the high priest washed his hands and feet from the blood of the sacrificial goat before approaching the scapegoat. 68 Lev 16:21a; mYoma 6:2. 69 Lev 16:2lb; mYoma 6:3. 70 Barnabas 1:8 "spit on it, and pierce it," cursing; Tertullian: "cursed, spit upon, pulled around, and pierced, and driven by the people out of the city" (Against Marcion 3:7:7=Against the Jews 14:9). mYoma 6:4: pulling hair, cursing "bear [our sins] and be gone!" 71 For the fall, see !Enoch 10:4-8; Philo, De p/antatione 61; mYoma 6:6. For the killing, see mYoma 6:6; Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 40:4. From the rule that the high priest could continue the ritual upon the message that the scapegoat had reached the desert (and not that the scapegoat was killed), Milgrom deduces that the killing was not essential: Milgram, Leviticus 1-16, p. 1045. n For the name, see also I Enoch 10:4 and the discussion of this passage p. 88, note n'J /1111i1 n•J. in 44, below. On the variant readings ~11,., n•:J /nni1 ll'J I nn
55

Philo and Hebrews emphasize that the holy of holies was entered only once a year. This has to be understood in context as an intensification of their polemical and typological arguments. 56 According to a Christian or Gnostic tradition, which may well be based on Jewish traditions, the high priest wore the f'3 on entering the sanctuary, removing it only for entering the holy of holies. See Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts from Theodotus 21 (discussed below on pp. 240--243); and N. Bezalel, "Clement of Alexandria on an Unknown Custom in the Temple Service of the Day of Atonement" [in Hebrew] Sinai 103 (1989) 177-178. 51 Lev 16·12-13· mYoma 5·1 58 tYoma i:8; sJ,.a, Ahare M~t 3;yYoma 1:5, 39a-b; bYoma 53 a. See J.Z. Lauterbach, "A Significant Controversy between the Sadducees and the Pharisees," Hebrew Union College Annua/4 (1927) 173-205; Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16, pp. 1028-1031. 59 De specialibus /egibus 1:72. This would support the thesis that Philo was of priestly descent: D.R. Schwartz, "Philo's Priestly Descent," in: F.E. Greenspahn, E. Hilgert and B.L. Mack (eds.), Nourished with Peace (Chico, 1984; pp. 155-171). 60 Legatio ad Gaium 306; mYoma 5:1. 61 This item is mentioned by llQTemple Scrollxxv:6 and mYoma 4:3; 5:4, though the Tannaitic sources do not describe it as golden. This may perhaps be concluded from the description of the golden incense pan (mYoma 4:4), cf Y. Yadin (ed.), The Temple Scroll (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1983), p. 116. 62 Lev 16:14; mYoma 5:3. On this item, see below, pp. 104-105. 63 Lev 16:15; mYoma 5:4. 64 Lev 16:16. In the Mishnah this has become the altar. 65 Lev 16:18-19; cf. Exod 30:10; mYoma 5:5--6.

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Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual 76

lambs. A third goat is eaten by the priests as a sin offering. 77 The carcasses of the bull and the sacrificial goat, whose blood was sprinkled in the holy of holies, are then burned by an adjutant at a special holy place outside the temple. 78 The Mishnah includes a high-priestly Torah reading and prayer, but the former may have been added later to justify existing synagogue practice. 79 The long series of sacrifices ends with the evening Tamid. 80 Sirach gives a quite detailed description of the evening Tarnid that might be the end of the temple service of Yom Kippur 81 He refers to the burnt sacrifice" and its libation. 83 On hearing the sound of the trmnpets84 the people prostrate themselves, 85 the high priest blesses the congregation86 and the people fall down again. 87 According to Sirach, at least this part of the serPhilo, De specia/ibus legibus 1:188). The discussion in the rabbinic sources leaves both possibilities open (hYoma 70b; Sifra Ahare Mot 2:2). This case demonstrates how careful one has to b_e_ when using rabbinic sources for reconstructing the temple ritual, when numerous trad1t10ns may be simply based on exegesis and developed from (later) ideas and regulations. See above, pp. 21-28. 76 Num 29:8-10. The rabbinic so~ces contain a dispute over the correct moment to offer the burnt offerings mentioned in Num 29:8-10. The opinion accepted here is that of Rabbi Eliezer, who agrees with liQTemple Scroll xxvii:3-4. Rabbi Aqiva claims that they were offered during the morning Tamid, while the two rams were burnt offerings during the evening Tamid (mYoma 7:3-4). See above, p. 23. n Num29:Il; the lectio difficilior in Philo, De specialibus /egibus 1:190; Barnabas 7:4-5; mMenah ll:7; bMenah lOOa. Mishnah Yoma skips the sin offering of the third goat. 78 Lev 16:24b-25.27. 79 See above, pp. 25-26. 80 mYoma 7:4. See above, p. 32, note 76 for the deviant opinion of Rabbi Aqiva. 81 While Sir 50:5-21 has frequently been explained as depicting Yom Kippur in the temple, especially for its closeness to piyyutim in the synagogue service (C. Roth "Ecclesiasticus in the Synagogue Service," Journal ofBiblical Literature 71 [1952] 171_: 178), Shmuel Safrai and after him F. O'Fearghail reached the conclusion that Sirach refers !o ~e daily offering and not to Yom Kippur. SeeS. Safrai, "On the History of the Service m the Second Temple" [in Hebrew] Mehkare Eretz Yisrae/ (1955) 35-41; F. O'Fearghail, "Sir. 50:5-21: Yom Kippur or the Daily Whole Offering," Biblica 69 (19~8) 301-316. However, a Tamid was offered also on Yom Kippur and the description of Srrach has an especially solemn aura, which might well point to the evening Tamid at the end of the Yom Kippur celebrations. I use Sirach only with reservations. 82 Sir 50:12-14; mTamid7:3. 83 Sir 50:15; mTamid7:3. 84 Sir 50:16; mTamid1:3. 85 Sir 50:17. Mishnah Tamid mentions trumpet playing and prostrations in every break of the Levitical singing (mTamid7:3). 86 Sir 50:20; cf. 'Asapper Gedolot (ed. Mirsky, p. 202,line 197). 87 Sir50:21;mYoma7:3.

~~ ;s~r

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vice was accompanied by songs of the singers and prayers o( the people. 88 The mishnaic description of the temple ritual closes with a celebration organized by the high priest for his friends after "leaving the holy of holies in peace. " 89

3. The Rituals of the People

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The rituals of the people mainly comprise various sorts of afflictions and long communal prayers. This is the same in the diaspora and in Palestine before and after the destruction of the temple. The afflictions differ among the communities. As we shall see, some choose a more active direction with mourning (Jubilees, Festival Prayers) or a vigil (Jubilees, Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer) or standing (Philo, Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer); others are more lenient. Some communal Yom Kippur prayers of the Second Temple period have survived in Philo and the Festival Prayers found in Qumran. Daniel Falk has convincingly argued that most of the Qumran Festival Prayers were probably used outside the sect. Yet the Festival Prayers that can be plausibly identified as belonging to Yom Kippur number more than the five determined by Falk. That manna is used both in a Yom Kippur prayer by Philo and by the Festival Prayers may point to an early common tradition in the communal prayers of Yom Kippur in the land of Israel and the diaspora. 90 It is not clear to what extent Second Temple Judaism already performed ritual reenactments of the temple ritual outside the temple. The prayer service included supplications, praises and most probably confessions. A liturgical reenactment of the high-priestly ritual by reading the biblical descriptions or related texts is possible in the Second Temple period, though decisive evidence for this is still missing. In rabbinic times, the temple ritual is solemnly reenacted by the Seder Avodah in the synagogue liturgy and by the popular sacrifice of the kapparot at home .

3.1 Between Afflictions and Joy The Bible commands the people to do only two things: to abstain from work and to "afflict their sonls" (
88

Sir 50:18-19, cf. mYoma 7:1 (high-priestly reading); tYoma 3:18 (people reading). mYoma 7:4. 90 Or to the same exegetical tradition combining Lev 16:29.31 and Deut 8:3. See bYoma 74b; and see the pages 41, 47, 97, below. 89



meant by the latter.91 The Second Temple sources interpret this as fasting.92 The Mishnah gives a detailed list of six abstentions: food, drink, sex, sandals, washing and oiling. 93 Most of them were probably practiced already in the time of the Second Temple. The first three are part of most religious abstention rites,94 and the last two belong to the measures polemicized against in Matthew 6:16-18, i.e. they were practiced on some fast days. The fourth rite is a typical ancient mourning rite. 95 Some may wear sackcloth and place ashes on the head; 96 they abstain from sleep,"' induce tears and cry,"8 stand for long hours during the prayer, 99 or suffer more extreme afflictions. 100 The fact that active forms of

asceticism are objected to in a long discussion in the Babylonian Talmud may mean that stricter forms of afflictions were indeed observed. 101 These stricter afflictions are often considered as sectarian and ascribed to marginal groups such as the community of Jubilees, Qururan and later the Karaites. 102 This probably originates in too simple a differentiation into "mainstream versus the other," perhaps under the influence of this talmudic discussion. Qumran's Festival Prayers, which speak of sorrow and mourning, were most probably not sectarian. 103 After the destruction of the temple, one might have expected an increase in the severity of the afflictions, but this does not seem to have been the case. Instead, some traditions connect aspects of the temple ritual to the afflictions of the people. Abstention from sleep is presented as an imitation of the high priest's vigil. However, this custom was controversial, since the redactors of the Babylonian Talmud criticized it as providing the opportunity for unchaste deeds. 104 When did the custom of wearing white garments begin? In Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, people are described as bare-footed, not eating or drinking, standing and praying 105 Notably, Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer does not mention white garments, which therefore seem to be a later custom. In Pseudo-Philo's sermon On Jonah, the young women are told to wear white garments. 106 Such a commandment would make sense ouly if the white garments of the young women distinguished them from the other people; in this case, the older women and all men apparently did not wear white garments. These white garments hint at a second, contrasting aspect of Yom Kippur. Several sources ascribe a joyous character to Yom Kippur; an example is the famous passage from Mishnah Ta 'anit 4:8:

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Lev 16:29-31; 23:27-32; Num29:7. The Septuagint understands the construction nK mm as an inner affliction, translating •0:<; o/UXW; u,_ui'iv, i.e. "afflict your souls." IIQTemple Scroll xxv:I0-12 understood lli'~l as a reflexive, as in the Aramaic meaning, and translates "'afflict yourselves." 92 This is reflected also by the most common Greek name for Yom Kippur, "the fast." The earliest source is. Isa 1:13-14 LXX. Otherwise, the earliest reference is probably in the Psalms of Solomon 3:8 "[The righteous} atones for (sins of) ignorance by fasting and humbling the soul and the Lord will cleanse every devout person and his house." These songs have been dated to approximatetly 70-45 BCE. See R.B. Wright, "Psalms of Solo~ mon," in: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 2 (New York, 1985; pp. 639-670), p. 640. 93 mYoma 8:1; cf. mTa'an 1; cf. mSabb 9:4. 94 Pregnant women and the sick did not have to fast, children had to get accustomed to the fast from about the age of ten, probably connected not only to the capability of fasting but also to taking responsibility for their deeds. Other Palestinian communities let even younger children fast, as statements by Shammai (tYoma 4:2 and Soferim 18:7) and a legend in Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46 reveal. See J. Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1995), pp. 279-280. On the legend in Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46, see below. In Samaritan and Karaite communities the fast is compulsory for everybody, including children. 95 E. Marbach, "Nudipedalia," Pauli-Wissowa 1111 (1936) 1239-1241. 96 See e.g. Jonah 3; Isa 58:3-5; mTa'an 2:1. 9 7 bYoma 19b and Jubilees 34:13. 98 Cf. e.g. the mourning in Jubilees 34 and in the Festival Prayers as well as the lamenting mood in such piyyutim as 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol(':!l1l1:1:J u? l'N:) (ed. Mirsky, pp. 210-216) and Mah 'Anu uMah Hayyenu (U"n i11J1 UN iiiJ) (bYoma 87b; Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on [ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, p. 262]). 99 De specialibus legibus 1: 186; Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46. 100 For a much later period the Shu/khan 'Arukh mentions such practices as whipping oneSelf in order to receive the mercy of God (Orah Hayyim 607:6). The Shi'ite 'Ashura is famous for its self-afflictions with daggers and whips during dances and processions. On connections between the 'Ashura and Yom Kippur, see G. Vajda, "JeUne musulmane et jeftne juif," Hebrew Union College Annua/12-13 (1937-38) 367-385, esp. pp. 373379; S.D. Goitein, "Ramadan, the Muslim Month of Fasting, n in: idem, Studies in Islamic History and Institutions (Leiden, 1966; pp. 90~110); G.R. Hawting, "The Tawwabun, Atonement and Ashura," Jewish Studies in Arabic and Islam 17 (1994) 166-181. See OJ'nllll~J

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also below, p. 325, note 154. K. Sindawi, '«Ashura' Day and Yom Kippur," Ancient Near Eastern Studies 38 (2001) 200-214, does not add anything significantly new. 1 1 0 See the beginning of the eighth chapter in bYoma. 102 See J.M. Baumgarten, ..Yom Kippur in the Qumran Scrolls and Second Temple Sources," Dead Sea Discoveries 6 (1999) 184-191; N. Wieder, The Judean Scrolls and Karaism (London, 1962); I. Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Hildesheim, 1967"" repr. ofl1931 ). 103 See below, pp. 37-46. 104 bYorila 19b. This critique cannot however be used as an argument for the existence of a high-priestly vigil in the time of the temple, as the idea for such a vigil might have developed out of the need for a state of purity for the fast. Cf. p. 29, note 46, above. 105 Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46. 106 F. Siegert (trans!.), Drei hellenistisch-jiidische Predigten. Ps.-Philon, 'Ober Jona', 'Ober Simson' und 'Ober die Gottesbezeichnung 'wohltdtig verzehrendes Feuer' (2 vols; Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 20, 61; Ttibingen, 1980, 1992), here vol. 1, p. 38.

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Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual There were no happier days for Israel than the 15th of Ab and the Day of Atonement, for on them the daughters of Jerusalem used to go forth in white raiments .... And the daughters of Jerusalem went forth to dance in the vineyards. And what did they say? 'Young man, lift up thine eyes and see what thou wouldest choose for thyself. ' 107

Festal garments are mentioned by Tertullian, too-' 08 Joy appears also in Plutarch and Theodoret. 109 The dancing is confirmed by Chrysostom, Theodore! and Pseudo-Philo On Jonah. 110 We cannot be sure if this was already a custom in the time of the temple, but it is possible. Some communities it seems celebrated Yom Kippur with an ambivalent mix of afflictions and joy, while others demanded the observance of stricter afflictions, including active asceticism. Some may have tended more to a conception of Yom Kippur as a day of wrath and fear, others as a day of forgiveness - without necessarily linking either conception to a specific community. After all, both tendencies are included in the conception of Yom Kippur as judgment day. 111

3.2 Prayers The biblical prescriptions for Yom Kippur and even their translation in the ' among the obligations of Yom Kippur. Septuagint do not include prayers The high priest's temple ritual stands at the center. Yet it would be difficult to explain the immense importance of Yom Kippur already in the time of the Second Temple if people had had no part in the liturgy. It is clear that people did participate in the high-priestly acts by observing them. Sirach describes people watching the daily temple ritual and participating with supplicatory prayers and prostrations. 112 The Mishnah confirms the popular observation of the high priest conducting the Yom Kippur service.U 3 However, the number of people who could actually view the high priest was limited. How did the remaining people spend their Day of Atonement, on which almost everything was prohibited - eating, drinking, cohabitation, work and, according to some, sleep? Philo and the Festival Prayers from Qumran provide ample evidence for extensive Yom Kippur prayers in the Alexandrian diaspora as well as in Palestine already in the 107

Transl. Danby. Tertullian, On Fasting 16:6. For discussion of this text, see below, p. 71-72. 109 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 4:6:2, 671D; Theodoret, Quaestiones in Octateuchum, in Leviticum 32. For discussion of these texts, see below, pp. 68-69 and 280. 110 See below, p. 74, and On Jonah (transl. Siegert 1:41), but cf. mBetzah 5:2. 111 On Yom Kippur/Rosh HaShanah as judgment day, see Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum 13:5-6; cf. mRH 1:2; bRH 16b; Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah (transl. Siegert 1:11). 112 Sir 50:19. 113 mYoma 7:2. 108


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Second Temple period, i.e. at least from the second century BCE in Palestine and the first century BCE in Alexandria. 3.2.1 Yom Kippur Prayers in Palestine: Qumran On Yom Kippur, some Jews in Palestine engaged in communal prayer. In addition to what appears in the Mishnah concerning the prayer toward the end of the temple service, 114 snatches of prayer services from the land of Israel have been preserved in the Festival Prayers, which were found in Qumran but most probably used outside of the Dead Sea community. 115 The earliest copy, I Q34, was written ca. 70-60 BCE, the others during the first century CEll' In his recent, very detailed investigation of the Qumran prayers, Daniel Falk reached the conclusion that the Festival Prayers ~o not betray an ideology specific to the Qumran sect and that they contradict the calendar and the benediction forms usually employed in Qumran.U 7 According to him, the Festival Prayers belong to a "broad tradition" of Jewish liturgical texts attesting to the emergence of fixed prayer in the Second Temple period. 118 Following suggestions by Bilhah Nitzan, 119 Falk draws attention to some conspicuous analogies between Qumran Yom Kip. t"1m. 120 pur prayers and much later p1yyu The four scrolls of Festival Prayers (I Q34, 121 4Q507, 4Q508, 4Q509) provide us with a set of prayers for several festivals. Only two fragments 114

See above, pp. 24--26.

11s These prayers have been investigated mainly by J.T. Milik, "[Q] 34. Recueil de

prieres liturgiques," and "[Q] 34bis. Recueil de prieres liturgiques," in: idem and D. Barthelemy (eds.), Qumran Cave 1. (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 1; Oxford 1955; pp. 136 and 152-5); M. Baillet, Qumran Grotte 4. Ill (4Q482--4Q520) (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 7; Oxford, 1982); in the typology of B. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 12; Leiden, 1994); and most recently in the analysis and reedition by D.K. Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 27; Leiden, 1998). Cf. R.A. Werline, Penitential Prayer in Second Temple Judaism. The Development of a Religious Institution (Society of Biblical Literature, Early Judaism and Its Literature 13; Atlanta {Georgia], 1998). li6 Falk. Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 155-156. 117 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 156--157. 118 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 206--207. 119 Nitzan, Qumran PrO:yer and Religious Poetry, p. 100, note 43, remarked that Qumran's Yom Kippur prayers are close to later "mainstream" prayers. 120 Falk does not, alas, presume a generic connection, but he notes the parallel between 4Q508 2 4--5 and the public recitation of the Amidah on Yom Kippur: see Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 212-213. 121 Following Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 155, note 3, I will use the abbrevation 1Q34 for all fragments of this scroll, including those published under 1Q34bis.

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can be associated beyond any doubt with a specific festival, since they mention it explicitly. One of these Festival Prayers belongs to Yom K.ippur.122 Which of the other prayers can be associated with Yom Kippur is a matter of debate, as evidenced by the greatly differing views of the investigators of the Festival Prayers: Joseph Milik, Maurice Baillet, Bilhah Nitzan and Daniel Falk. The discussion that follows proceeds according to the degree of probability of the prayers' association with Yom Kippur, from practically certain to only probable. Daniel Falk ascribes the fewest number of prayers to Yom Kippur, namely five: IQ34 2+1 6--7, 4Q508 2 1-6, 4Q509 5-6 ii, 4Q509 7 and 4Q509 8 I (which he identifies with 4Q508 22+23 1). 123 Of these, two prayers are too fragmentary to convey theological content. JQ34 2+1 6--7 is the only one to be explicitly named "a prayer for Yom Kippur," but it contains only the first line of that prayer; 4Q509 8 I // 4Q508 22+23 I contains the end of a Yom Kippur prayer, but without any further helpful information-' 24 Two other prayers are also very fragmentary: 4Q509 5-6 ii quotes Deuteronomy 31:16; 125 the equally fragmentary 4Q509 7 refers to the last days. 126 The least fragmentary and most interesting prayer is 4Q508 2 1-6:

This prayer connects God's presence and compassion to the human repentance and self-affiiction.'28 God's compassion has appointed time (1Y1~). The prayer speaks of God's omniscience even regarding such secret matters as the inclination of the people, 129 in a formulation remarkably similar to the talmudic confession on Yom Kippur called 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'O/am. 130 This idea appears also in the Delos steles and in Pseudo-Philo. 131 The prayer may be part of a confession, for the God who knows the secrets of the heart knows also the sins committed. Balliet and Nitzan connect also 4Q50912 i + 13 to Yom K.ippur: 132

[ ... ] And you dwelt in our midst [... ] Remember, 0 Lord, the appointed time of your mercies (1~7.ln,), and the time of repentance (Jlt17) [... ] and you have established it for us (as) an appointed time of affliction (n'JYn 1ll1i':J), a statute (Vm) fore[ver ... ] and you know the hidden things and the revealed thing[s ... ] ( ;m~~:1 [m]?l:lilll'mnoJ;, :m111') you [k]now our inclination [... ou]r [rising] and our lying downyou[ ... ]. 127

122

1Q34 2+1 6. Falk, Dally, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 165-9. 124 1Q34 2+1 6-7 reads "Prayer for the Day of Atonement. Remem[ber 0 L]ord [ ... ]." 4Q509 8 1 // 4Q508 22+23 1 reads"[ ... ] the work (;"!iilY7.l;'1) [ ... ]you and [ ... Blessed be the Lord, w]ho had compassion on us (u7.ln,) in the ti[me of ... ]." Trans!. by Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 165 and 167. 125 The fragments read: ;'lnY1' o( ... ]J[ ... ]71J ll!l~
39

the exiles who wander (o~Ymil), without (~7E) [someone to bring (them) back /I] [ ... ] [ w ]ithoutstrength; without [someone to raise (them); Ill those who fall (z:P7!1Uil), [ ... ] without someone to give (them) understanding; the broken (O',::liill;'l), without [someone to bind (them) up;//] [ ... ]in [their] iniquity ([o]llll1J.), [and] there is no (l'K[lJ) one to heal (N!m); [... ] [and there is no one II to] comfort (Onl1l); stumbling in their transgressions (O~'l1W!IJ), [and there is no one to ... ]

128 Baillet, Qumran Grotte 4./11, p. 178-179, regards 4Q508 2 1 as the end of a Rosh Hashanah prayer and the following lines as the beginning of a Yom Kippur prayer. However, for the argument that the first line belongs to the Yom Kippur prayer, too, see Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 168. 129 SeeM. Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice in the Qumran Sect," in: D. Dimant and U. Rappaport (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls. Forty Years of Research (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 10; Leiden, Jerusalem, 1992; pp. 241-258), p. 247; Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 212-213. 130 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam (o7u;r ~r1 3111' ~IlK) ("You know the mysteries of the world"). Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, p. 100, note 43. 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam is quoted incipit in bYoma 87b, and is therefore probably very early. The full text appears for the first time in Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on, quoted below, p. 52, note 199 and in English translation in the appendix. For the terminology, see Deut 29:28 and Ps 103:14, and compare the later prayer HaLo Kol haNistarot vehaNiglot 'Attah Yodea' (Yll' ;mK nl'nJ;"ll nnnOJ;"17J N7;,, "Don't you know all the hidden and the revealed things?") in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on (ed. Goldschmidt, pp.161, 166). The combination of the two biblical verses, however, and their use in a prayer for the Day of Atonement in both periods show "that we are dealing with an element of festival prayer tradition." See Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 213. 131 See below, p. 48, note 172. 132 Baillet, Qumran Grotte 4.1Il, p. 185; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, pp. 100-101, note 43. Falk prefers to associate 4Q509 12 i + 13 tentatively with Sukkot because of the prayer's position on the scroll (4Q509 12 i + 13 is part of a new prayer, which follows the Yom Kippur prayer) and its content (the expression f1Nil nNlJII in 4Q509 8 4 //4Q508 22 + 23 3 appears in Lev 23:39 in the context of Sukkot and in an Amidah for Sukkot from the Genizah). At some time during the work on his book he seems to have changed his mind, ascribing the prayer tentatively to Yom Kippur: see Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 168-172 and209.

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thaught and Ritual

40


[ Re]member //the sorrow (111') and the weeping (•::t::t). You are the companion of prisoner[s]m

Some terminology is reminiscent of Yom Kippur: iniquity, transgression, healing and (ifNitzan's reading is correct) liberation ofprisoners. 134 Sorrow and weeping match the Yom Kippur as depicted in Jubilees 34 and early piyyutim. In addition, Nitzan recognized a remarkable similarity concerning content and form to a much later acrostic piyyut of Yom Kippur's Mussaf service, VeHen 'Anu 'Atah keTo 'im ve 'Ein Levaqesh:m Behold we are now: like strayers (ll'l11nJ),

like captives (rP'l:Jtu::t),

with none (l'Kl) to seek; with none to return;

like fools, like weary ones

with none to teach; with none to refresh;

like bent ones

like mourners,

(o·~·Y::t),

(!:l'~l!l:l::t),

with none to straighten; with none to console them;l3 6

Falk, who takes up Nitzan' s observation, suggests that this points to the existence of "a post-biblical prayer tradition- albeit drawing on biblical resources -which is reflected in the Dead Sea Scrolls but also in medieval liturgical poetry." 137

133 4Q509 12 i + 13; translation in Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 170, notated according to the structure of the poem. From the context, Nitzan understands the last line as "release the imprison[ed]": see, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, p. 100, note 42. 134 See pp. 85-92, below, on I Enoch 10 and IIQMe/chizedek. m Ui'j:'.J7 l'Nl D'l7111:J iln:!1 UN li11 ("Behold, we are now like strayers with none to seek")See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, pp. 100-101; cf. Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 211-212. 136 Translation based on N.N. Scherman, The Complete ArtScroll Machzor Yom Kippur Nusach Ashkenaz. A New Translation and Anthologized Commentary (ArtScroll Mesorah Series New York, 1986), p. 579; for the Hebrew, see D. Goldschmidt (ed-), Mahzor for the Days of Awe. According to the Ashkenazy Rite of All Customs Including the Western Ashkenazy Rite, the Polish Rite, and the Ancient French Rite. Volume 2: Yom Kippur (Jerusalem, 1970), p. 495. 137 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 209-212.

41

1 would argue that 4Q509 16, another fragment from the same scroll, may also belong to a Yom Kippur prayer. [ ... ]in all [their] pain[s ... ] Have pity on them because of their affliction (':9' D:11:Jn1 on•lin) [... ]the sorrow (TU') of our elders and [our] noble[s ... ] the youths taunted them[ ... ] they have [n]ot considered that Y[ou ... ] our wisdom[ ... ] and we [ ... ]. 138

Falk prefers to associate this prayer with Sukkot, 139 but "Have pity on i'

-'

--t

·I'.. .

them because of their affliction" (on'Wn .,Y m~m) and the "sorrow of our elders" match Yom Kippur better. Baillet regards further texts as Yom Kippur prayers, among them I Q34 3 ii/4Q508 I l-3: 14
Unfortunately, the position of IQ34 3 i //4Q508 I on the scroll is unclear and the contents are the ouly basis for any association to a festival. Falk is unsure if this prayer belongs to Passover or to Yom Kippur. 142 Yet two of the motifs that he explains against the background of Passover appear associated with Yom Kippur. First, the phrase "fat by the clouds of heaven" clearly refers to the heaveuly manna. Manna and Yom Kippur are linked in IQWords of Moses and Philo. 143 Second, Falk associates the distinction between righteous and wicked with the (wicked) generation of the exodus. Yet the motif appears in 11 QMelchizedek in connection with Yom Kippur. Also the eschatological (?) extermination of the oppressors and the term m~1[:l] (ransom) evoke the imagery of Yom Kippur.

1l8 4Q509 16; translation in Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 173. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, pp. 108-9, also assumes that this fragment is part of a Yom Kippur prayer, albeit without providing arguments. 139 See Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 172173. Baillet, too, associates the fragment with Sukkot for reasons of position on the scroll: Qumrdn Grotte 4./l/, pp. 185 and 191. 140 Baillet, Qumrdn Grolle 4.11/, pp. 177-178 and 185. 141 IQ34 3 i //4Q508 1, translated by Falk in Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 178. 142 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 178. 143 See pages 47 and 97, below; see also bYoma 74b.

42



Baillet also considers I Q34 3 ii II 4Q509 97+98 i, which follows I Q34 3 iII 4Q508 I, just discussed, as Yom Kippur prayer:

ii II 4Q509 97+98 i mentions the writing of the hand of God and therefore the first giving, the ideas are related. 149 Yehoshua Grintz suggested viewing I Q34 3 ii as the remains of au early Seder Avodah pointing to the connection of creation with the history of sin in a Yom Kippur prayer. 150 We do not, however, know if the fragment continued with the main part of the Seder Avodah, the high-priestly service. Therefore, even if I Q34 3 ii II 4Q509 97+98 i belongs to Yom Kippur, it does not have to be a Seder Avodah fragment. According to Baillet, 4Q508 3, too, could have belonged to Yom Kippur.151 It mentions Noah, Isaac and Jacob and could have been part of a prayer retelling the history and therefore even part of a Seder Avodah. Moshe Weinfeld points to the use of 1lYIV1;t ("we were lawless") - a rare form in the Hebrew Bible- in the Yom Kippur prayer 'Ava/ Hatanu. 152 Unfortunately, the context of lll1111l:J in 4Q508 3 is missing; the text is therefore too fragmentary to permit certainty.

[ ... ] the grea[t] light for the appointed time of [day, and the little light for the night ... ] and one must not transgress their laws, and all of them [... ] and their dominion in all the world. But the seed of ma[n] did not perceive all that you caused him to inherit, and they did not know you [in a]ll your words, but they acted more wickedly than all (others) and they did not perceive your great might. Therefore you rejected them for you take no pleasure in iniquity, and the wicked will not be established before you. But you chose for yourself a people in the time of your favor for you remembered your covenant and you [granted] that they should be set apart for yourself as holy from all the peoples, and renewed your covenant for them by a vision of gl[or]y and the words of your [spirit] of holiness, by the works of your hands and the writing of your right hand, to make them know the glorious instruction and the eternal works. [ ... you raised up] for [th]em a faithful shepherd [ ... ] poor and [ ... ].144

Falk does not rule out Yom Kippur as the liturgical Sitz im Leben, but he tentatively associates the prayer with Shavuot because it addresses the re~ newal of the covenant and the giving of the Torah-' 45 In favor of au attribution to Yom Kippur it may be ~tated that a juxtaposition of the giving of the covenant and the covenant sacrifice with Yom Kippur is found in the Epistle to the Hebrews 9:18-21. 146 The election of the Jewish people and the teaching of the commandments to them is the main theme of the ancient prayer 'Attah Bahartanu, an addition to the fourth benediction of the Amidah (the "01':1 mzm;;>") on festivals and especially on Yom Kippur-' 47 Finally, in the biblical narrative and in rabbinic literature the second giving of the Torah is connected to Yom Kippur-' 48 While !Q34 3

144 IQ34 3 ii // 4Q509 97+98 i, translated by Falk in Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 179. 145 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 178-180. 146 A call to God to remember the covenant is the central topic of the Zekhor Lanu ( 11:1r u?), a prayer ending the Zikhronot from the Mussaf service of Yom Kippur. See Goldschmidt, Mahzor for the Days ofAwe, vol. 2, pp. 574-576. 147 'Attah Bahartanu (un1n:1 i111N, "You have chosen us"), quoted incipit in bYoma 87b. Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yoel, pp. 259-260), gives a full Babylonian version, and Genizah fragments provide a Palestinian version beginning 'Attah Baharta beYisrael (?N11Zl':J 111n:1 il11N): see E. Fleischer, Eretz-lsrael Prayer and Prayer Rituals as Portrayed in the Geniza Documents [in Hebrew] (Publications of the Perry Foundation in the Hebrew University of Jerusalem; Jerusalem, 1988), pp. 95-96. The parallel was first noted by Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, pp. 103104. 148 According to the traditional reading of Rashi this concept stands behind Mekilta, Amalek 4 to Exod 18:13 (ed. Horovitz, p. 196; ed. Lauterbach vol. 2, p. 179). See also the Baraita in bTa'an 30b and bBB 12la.

43

149

Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice in the Qumran Sect," p. 247, points to a parallel motive of "God not desiring" in the prayer ve 'Attah Hivdalta (i111'71:Jil :111N1), part of the Ne•ilab service (cf. Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on, [ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yael, p. 262]). However, this resemblance seems to me superficial, since in 1Q34 God does not desire iniquity while in the Ne•itah prayer God does not desire the destruction of the world or the death of the wicked. 150 Y.M. Grintz, .. A Seder Avodah for Yom Kippur from Qumran" [in Hebrew] in: Chapters in the History of the Second Temple (Jerusalem, 1969; pp. 155-158). Nitzan seems to accept this thesis: Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, p. 98, note 33. For a discussion of the emergence of Seder Avodah, see below pp. 59-64. 51 ' Baillet, Qumran Grotte 4./Il, p. 177. The extant text of 4Q508 3 reads: ]'!ti' i1111JT i1[ ... i1]JnmN :Jlplr'71 pn[:!P? ... ] nu7 opn[1 ]m1m[ ...]1JYII11i1 N[ Baillet further suggests that the tiny fragments 7, 30 and 39-41 of 4Q508 may also have been Yom Kippur prayers. Their texts read: 7: ]01 [ .. .?]• 100[

30: J'[ ... J '"''"' n• ...m "'''o'o[ ... J ;,[ 'J• ''r>• 11oo; "'' 1[

39: ]?[ ... ] lJ"nJ l•tnu Nl?{. .. ozn]•lll' J?:Ju••n UNl [ 40: ] .. ?1:1 D[ ... ]i1J'Nl 13'NJlZ11:J ?[... ]il? illlm 1111N[ 41: ]1:J:J?l u ... [ ... ]i1?•?1 OI:Jl' il1[ ... ]1311Ntm 'm 1lJ [ Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, pp. 100 and 109, agrees on the association of fragments 30 and 39 with Yom Kippur. 152 uNcn ?:JN («But we sinned"). M. Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice in the Qumran Sect," p. 247; the prayer quotes Neb 9:33; the form UY1111:1 appears also in Ps 106:6 and Dan 9:5. The prayer 'Ava/ Hatanu is first attested in bYom 87b (incipit) and in its full version as an addition to the fourth benediction of Yom Kippur's Amidah (Ol'il 111Z111P) in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yael, pp. 261-262), see below, p. 53, note 204.

44



r--

Manfred Lehmann, followed by Nitzan, associates with Yom Kippur also IQ34 2+1 1--4- whose text can now be improved with the overlapping text of 4Q509 3 2-9: 153 [ ... ]and her sorrow[ ... ] the appointed time of our peace [ ... For you made us rejoice] from our distress, and you gather together [our exiles for the time of ... J and

our scattered ones {for [the age of} you] as[semble for the age of ... ] your [me]rcies upon our assembly like dr[ops of water upon the earth in seed time like rain upon the fi]eld in the time of grass 154 and [ ... And we, we will sing of] your [w]onders from generation to generat[ion.... Bless]ed be the Lord, who made [us] rejoice ([1]Jn7Jt17) [... ]. 155 ;

'

Lehmann draws attention to a similar use of Deuteronomy 32 in a Samaritan Yom Kippur prayer. 156 Bailie! and Falk prefer to associate the prayer with Rosh Hashanah because of its emphasis on rejoicing (n~111) and the position of the prayer just before the clear Yom Kippur prayer I Q34 2+ I 6-7, discussed above. 157 However, the mention of n7.l'Zl does not exclude Yom Kippur since many Palestinian Yom Kippur prayers from the Genizah include the expression ilni:HU '1l1m. 158 Finally, Menahem Kister has suggested seeing a Seder Avodah in 5Q13I 59 The reconstruction ho/ him and Elisha Qimron of the highly fragmentary 5Q 13 is congenial, 160 and the parallels between the historical

153 M. Lehmann, "'Yom Kippur' in Qumran," Revue de Qumran 3 (1961/1962) 117124, here pp. 120-121; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry, p. 102. u 4 Quoting Deut 32:2b. ISS My translation based on DSST. 156 Lehmann, "'Yom Kippur' in Qumran," pp. 120--121; A. Cowley, The Samaritan Liturgy (Oxford, 1909), vol. 2, pp. 506--508. The Samaritan Yom Kippur liturgy has been investigated by J. Macdonald, A Critical Edition of the Text of the Samaritan Yom HaKippur{im} Liturgy, with Translation thereof and Comparison with the Corresponding Jewish Liturgies (Leeds, 1958), which, regretfully, was unavailable to me. 157 Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pp. 163-164. 158 E.g. Fleischer, Eretz-Israel Prayer and Prayer Rituals as Portrayed in the Geniza Documents, pp. 139-140, numbers l, I a, 2, 9, 10, 14. 159 Menahem Kister, "5Q13 and the 'Avodah: A Historical Survey and Its Significance," DeadSeaDiscoveries8 (2001) 136-148. 160 In particular the suggestion to put 11Jn on fragment 3 next to line 5 and the reconstruction of j?n:!P in line 7 and 1l,i1K in line 9. Kister's and Qimron's reconstruction reads: "God of all [ ... who ... ] and founded [ es]tahlished[ed ... ]treasures[ ... ] as [you] made [... ]Enoch (??)[ J have you chosen from among the sons of A[ d]am, and you [ ... ] forever? [ ... ]And Noah have you preferred from among the so[ns of...]. And Abraham [ ... lsa]ac you have selected out and[ ... ]. You [made] yourself known to Jacob at Bethel [ ... and you ... him ... ] to understand [your] works. And Levi have you se[parat]ed and you appointed him to bind [ ... ]service of[ ... and Aaron you have ch]osen [from] Levi to go out [ ... and come in ... to ma]ke hidden thing[s] known [ ... in] their covenant before

.·j

j

I. i

-~f,

__f·' ,

____

l.

45

survey of the Seder Avodah 'Attah Bara'ta and 5Q13 are interesting.'" However, in the extant parts of 5QI3, there is no allusion to the main part of any Seder Avodah, the Yom Kippur service of the high priest. 162 In sum, the material discussed suggests that the following extant prayers should be categorized as Yom Kippur prayers: I Q34 2+1 6-7, 4Q508 2 16, 4Q509 5-6 ii, 4Q509 7 and 4Q509 8 I II 4Q508 22+23 I; probably 4Q509 12 i + 13, 4Q509 16 and IQ34 3 ill 4Q508 I; and possibly IQ34 3 ii II 4Q509 97+98 i, IQ34 2+1 1--4 II 4Q509 3 2-9, 4Q508 3 and 5QI3.lf Falk's attributions to the festivals are correct, the Yom Kippur prayers did not exceed one and a half colwnns. In this case, either the services of the communities using these prayers were shorter than Philo's or relatively little of them have survived. Falk states that other Yom Kippur prayers probably existed, but he prefers to associate the rest of the extant Festival Prayers with events other than Yom Kippur. According to the arguments discussed above, however, probably four more fragments belong to the solemn day of awe. 163 The Yom Kippur prayers associate the conceptions of divine indwelling and omniscience, a special season for God's mercy and human repentance. Beyond this, they probably mention the brokenness of human existence, afflictions, sorrow and weeping evoking divine mercy, the manna, punishment of the wicked, and perhaps also creation, history of sin, election and covenant renewal. Almost all motifs appear also in late antique piyyutim. The comparable material in Philo is very scant. It is thus even more significant that the motif of the manna appears in the Festival Prayers as well as in Philo -raising the question of whether there was some fonn of common prayer tradition extending from Palestine to Egypt. We do not have any hard evidence for a reenactment of the temple ritual in the Yom Kippur service of the Qumran community or any other Second

you [ ... eve]ry year and you commanded him to admon[ish? ... ] and afterwards they [will] declare [ ... ]to every man oflsrael [ ... his] pat[h] concerning ... " 161 'Attah Barata (:-rmn::t ;ml't, "You created"). Both begin with the creation and give a list of several elected people of God from Adam to Aaron concluding with Aaron's service. That neither of them mention Moses or the Torah is a weak argument for 5Ql3 being a Seder Avodah. 5Ql3 is highly fragmentary. Furthermore, Moses and the Torah are mentioned in other early Sidrei Avodah, so, the lack of Moses or the Torah seems to be not a distinct feature of Sidrei Avodah but it is an indication of priestly propaganda. 162 As noted by Kister on p. 147. '" 4Q509 12 i + 13; 4Q509 16; JQ34 3 iII 4Q508 1; !Q34 3 ii II 4Q509 97+98 i. Falk dismisses out of hand the possibility that the verso of 4Q509 contained the complete text of the War Scroll- "if it did, the collection of Festival Prayers would have been implausibly long": Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls, p. 158, note 17.

46



Temple community. Is it possible that they recited other material, e.g. Leviticus 16 or 4QTargum of Leviticus or (in Qumran) the relevant passage from liQTemp/e Scroll or liQMe/chizedek? 164

At one point, Philo actually quotes a prayer for Yom Kippur. The formulation in the plural makes clear that the Yom Kippur prayer is communal and not private.

3.2.2 Yom Kippur Prayers in the Diaspora: Philo

47

They say, "We have gladly received and are storing the boons of nature, yet we do not ascribe our preservation to any corruptible thing, but to God the Parent and Father and Saviour of the world and all that is therein, Who has the power and the right to nourish and sustain us by means of these or without these. See, for example, how the many thousands of our forefathers as they traversed the trackless and all-barren desert, were for forty years, the life of a generation, nourished by Him as in a land of richest and most fertile soil; how He opened fountains unknown before to give them abundance of drink for their use; how He rained food from heaven, neither more nor less than what sufficed for each day, that they might consume what they needed without hoarding, nor barter for the- prospect, but taking little thought of the bounties received rather reverence and worship the bountiful Giver and honour Him with the hymns and benedictions that are His due." 161

For the diaspora, impressive evidence has been preserved in Philo's writings, which have been all but ignored in previous research on Yom Kippur prayers. The service attracts the participation even of those who usually are less religious or non-religious: On the tenth day is the fast, which is carefully observed not only by the zealous for piety and holiness but also by those who never act religiously in the rest of their life. For all stand in awe, Overcome by the sanctity of the day, and for the moment the worse vie with the better in self·denial and virtue. 165

The day-long prayers have a propitiating function and include supplications and praise of God's gracious nature.

Besides giving thanks for preservation, the prayer includes an allusion to the wandering through the desert and being sustained by the manna (Exodus 16) and Moses' water miracles (Exodus 15:22-26; 17:1-7). Marma is also connected to Yom Kippur in the Festival Prayers and 1QWords of Moses from Qumran. 169 This connection may point to a common liturgicalexegetical tradition linking the afflictions of Yom Kippur with Deuteronomy 8:3, combining marma and affliction. Philo explicitly links Yom Kippur and Deuteronomy 8:3 in a tradition that also combines the two main acts of the people on Yom Kippur, self-affliction and prayer. 170 Abstention from food and renunciation of passions frees the human being to receive the true divine food. Similar combinations of self-affliction and

The holy-day is entirely devoted to prayers and supplications (h-ca.i~ Ked h::eoiatt;), and men from mom to eve employ their leisure in nothing else but offering petitions of humble entreaty (SET~nK(I)'t&.·ta<; &Ux.&.~) in which they seek earnestly to propitiate God (tOv aeOv e;E1lJ.l€vft:ea9at) and ask for remission (1tapaitTJ.mv) of their sins, volwttary and involuntary, and entertain bright hopes looking not to their own merits but to the gracious nature of Him Who sets pardon before chastisement.166

The placating effect of prayers for forgiveness is even more explicit in the following sentence, where the root l.A.aax- appears: But in our fast men may not put food and drink to their lips, in order that with pure hearts, untroubled and untrammeled by any bodily passion, such as is the common outcome of repletion, they may keep the holy-day, propitiating (iJ..aaK6J.Ievot) the Father of All with fitting prayers, in which they are wont to ask that their old sins may be forgiven (O.J.lvrjatiav) and new blessings gained and enjoyed. 167

The afflictions are purification rites providing the necessary conditions for the propitiatory effect of the prayers. The prayer service in Philo's Alexandrian community must have been highly developed and highly regarded.

169 Seep. 41, above and p. 97, below; see also bYoma 14b. 170 "He says in Deuteronomy also: 'And He afflicted (f:KitJCroae) thee and made thee

164

Further points are discussed below, pp. 49-64, in the section on Yom Kippur prayers after the destruction of the temple. 165 De specialibus legibus 1:186; transl. by F.C.L. Colson in LCL, Philo 7:205-206. This statement is reminiscent of Rudolf Otto's Das Heilige. 166 De specialibus /egibus 2: 196; trans!. by F.C.L. Colson in LCL, Philo 7:429. 167 De vita Mosis 2:24; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo 6:461. 168 De specialibus legibus 2:198-199; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL, Philo 7:431. Cf. De specialibus legibus 2:203.

weak by hunger, and fed thee with manna, which thy fathers knew not, that He might proclaim to thee, that not on bread alone shall man live, but on every word that goeth forth through the mouth of God' (Deut. viii. 3). This afflicting is propitiation (fl Kclxrocn<; aittT) iAaoJ.I6<; f:on); for on the tenth day also by afflicting our souls He makes propitiation {Ko.KWv i!J.lWV -rU~ 'l'tJXO.<; iAO:oJCeoat) (Leviticus xvi. 30). For when we are being deprived of pleasant things, we think we are being afflicted (KaJCOikJ9at}, but in reality thereby we have God propitious (i?..e(l)v) to us. He occasions famine also to us, not a famine of virtue, but a famine of the creations of passion and wickedness" (Legum a/legoriae 3:174; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL, Philo 1:419). Notably, active and passive afflictions are equated here.

L

48


prayer can be found in the Apocalypse of Elijah 111 and two steles from Delos. 172 Concerning the contents of the day-long prayers, Philo speaks of prayers for forgiveness, supplication and praise of God. 173 One passage of Philo may be understood as alluding to a confession of sins. 174 The early association of repentance with Yom Kippur in Jubilees makes such a confession of sins as part of the prayer service highly probable for Palestine in the second century BCE. 175 A recitation of biblical passages, though not alluded to, is quite likely, given the need to fill the lengthy service.

171 Apocalypse of Elijah 1:15~21: ..1s Remember that from the time when he created the heavens, the Lord created the fast for a benefit to men on account of the passions and desires which fight against you so that the evil will not inflame you. 16 'But it is a pure fast which I have created,' said the Lord. 11 The one who fasts continually wiH not sin although jealousy and strife are within him. I8 Let the pure one fast. but whenever the one who fasts is not pure he has angered {he Lord and also the angels. I9 And he has grieved his soul, gathering up wrath for himself for the day of wrath. 20 But a pure fast is what I created, with a pure heart and pure hands. 21 It releases sin. It heals diseases.It casts out demons. 22 It is effective up to the throne of God for an ointment and for a release from sin by means of a pure prayer." Translation in O.S. Wintermute, "Apocalypse of Elijah," in: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha I (New York, 1983; pp. 721-753). 172 Two Jewish or Samaritan steles from the cemetery of Delos dating to around 100 BCE may refer to Yom Kippur, Corpus lnscriptionum Judaicarum I, 725 (ed. Frey). See J. Gager, Curse Tablets and Binding Spells from the Ancient World (New York, 1992), p. 186; A. Deissmann, Licht vom Osten. Das Neue Testament und die neuentdeckten Texte der hellenistisch-r6mischen Welt (Tiibingen, 4 1923), pp. 315ff; and items 197 and 198 in Nicole Belayche's unpublished Ph.D. dissertation with very rich references on further literature. The text of the steles is identical, cursing those responsible for the premature death of the young Heraklea I Marthine and evoking '
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3.2.3 Yom Kippur Prayers after the Destruction of the Temple

176

The earliest Tannaitic sources mention an exceptional number of five services for Yom Kippur: on top of Aravit, Shaharit and Minhah, not only Mussaf- the "additional" offer/prayer as on the Sabbath and other festivals - but also the Ne'ilah (the "closing"), a special prayer for the end of Yom Kippur are added-' 77 This matches the length of the anonymous sermon On Jonah and the statements by Philo on the prayers filling the whole day. 178 Tosefta Berakhot prescribes seven benedictions for each of the prayers of Yom Kippur, as for Sabbath and other holidays. 179 Yom Kippur exceptionally had four priestly blessings. 180 Few complete prayer texts have been preserved from the Tannaitic or Amoraic periods; most rabbinic sources quote incipit. The earliest extant Siddur, the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on, is from the ninth century-'" It includes numerous prayers and is extremely valuable for understanding the general sequence of the prayers; but the textual evidence is too corrupt to permit reconstruction of the actual wording of the prayers. 182 Among other 176 See the useful survey in Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, pp. 282-293; J. Maier, "Sfihne und Vergebung in der jUdischen Liturgie," Jahrbuchfiir Biblische Theologie 9 (1994) 145-171; Goldschmidt, Mahzor for the Days of Awe, vol. 2, pp. n-:n; Fleischer, Eretz-lsrael Prayer and Prayer Rituals as Portrayed in the Geniza Documents, pp. 93-155, esp. pp. 120-147; I. Elbogen, "Die Tefilla fUr die Festtage" Monatsschriftfiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 55 (1911) 426446, 586-599. 177 Cf. mTa'an 4:1;yBer 4:1, 1c;yTa'an 4:1, 67c. 173 Seep. 46, above and pp. 57-59, below. 179 tBer 3:12; bYoma 88a. These benedictions comprise m:JR (the Patriarchs), ;J1l~ (God's might), rnu;, nwnv (the sanctity ofthe name), OP:-J Il117l7i' (the sanctity of the day), :-J1l:JY (the temple service), 1:1'11/:J (thanksgiving) and 1:11;117 (peace). In addition, the same additions as the benedictions on Rosh Hashanah (the so-called Zikhronot (mm:>r, memories), Malkhuyot (m•:>?ll, kingdoms) and Shofarot (nn~mu, Shofars or trumpets). were at some point included in the Amidah of Yom Kippur (bTa'an 16b-17a; Soferim 19:6; cf. mRH 4:5-6; mTa'an 2:2-5). Cf. H. Mack, "The Source of the Malkhuyyot Benediction," Jewish Studies Quarterly 9 (2002) 205-218; J. Heinemann, "The Ancient 'Orders of Benedictions' for New Year and Fasts,'' [in Hebrew] Tarbiz 45 (1976) 258267; N. Wieder, "The Form of the Third Benediction of the 'Amida on Rosh Hashshana and Yom Kippur'' [in Hebrew] Tarbiz 34 (1964) 43-48; L. Liebreich, "The Insertions in the Third Benediction of the Holy Days," Hebrew Union College Annual 35 (I 964) 79101; I. Elbogen, "Die Tefilla fUr die Festtage," Monatsschrift zur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 55 (1911) 426-446, 586-599. ISO mTa'an4:1;yBer4:1, 1c;bTa'an26b. 18 1 D. Goldschmidt, Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on. Edited according to Manuscripts and Prints with Additions, Variant Lections and Introduction [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1971). IS2 Goldschmidt, Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, p. 10.

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things, the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on mentions an Amidab of seven benedictions with additions, confessions and supplication prayers, readings of the Bible, and (at least) for Mussafthe acme of the service in the liturgical reenactment, the Seder Avodah. 183 The text of the Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on, written half a century after the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on, is commonly perceived to be more faithful to the origina! 184 It lists 185 confessions, some additions to the seven-blessing Amidah 186 and many piyyutim for Sidrei Avodah and Selihot prayers. While the two Siddurim, the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on and the Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on, give essentially Babylonian prayers, many prayers from the early medieval Palestinian rites have been published from Genizah manuscripts. 187 A full investigation of the early medieval Yom Kippur liturgy would require its own detailed treatment. I will however deal briefly with general aspects of the early development of the confessions, readings and the Seder Avodah in the Tannaitic and Amoraic periods (before the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on and the Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on).

CONFESSIONS: The statns and number of confessions and their contents vary greatly from the Bible to Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on and Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on. The biblical account in Leviticus 16 mentions one confession - that of the high priest "for all the iniquities of the people of Israel, and all their transgressions, all their sins." 188 This is a vicarious confession by an individual representating the collective. The biblical descriptions of the people's ritual do not include confessions. For the rabbinic period, Targum Pseudo-Jonathan clearly demonstrates the increased importance of confession over and against sacrifice. To each "atones" in Leviticus 16 the translator(s) added a "by confession." Moreover, Targum PseudoJonathan Leviticus 16:30 includes a longer reference to confession and its power to atone. When did the confessions become central to the individual prayer service (and not only in the high-priestly vicarious confession)? This might have occurred when repentance became the focal idea of Yom Kippur, an association first made explicit by Jubilees in the second century BCE. One of Qumran's prayers (4Q508 2 1--6) is close to the talmudic confession 'Allah Yodea' Razey '0/am and might therefore have been part of a confession.189 Philo, too, alludes to a personal confession. 190 The mishnaic account of the temple service has two more confessions than Leviticus 16. The first is a personal confession by the high priest for himself and for his house. 191 The second again covers the high priest and his house but also the other priests. 192 Still, it is formulated in the first person singular. We do not know if these two extra confessions took place only in the synagogues or also in the temple. In any case, they clearly indicate a shift from the collective toward the individual, from the vicarious to the personal. Whoever recites the confession contained in the Mishnah or in a Seder Avodah becomes himself (or herself) the high priest reading the high priest's confessions as a verbal reenactment. Ifthe whole community recites the Seder Avodah, the high priest's confession becomes the private prayer of every individual. The early rabbinic sources on the synagogue prayer speak of yet other confessions. The Tosefta reports that a confession is included in all five prayer services and that an additional confession was pronounced before

183

Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on (ed. Goldschmidt, pp. 160-172). From Gaonic responses we learn that there were many communities in which it was customary to read a Seder Avodah in each service. See the discussion in L.A. Hoffinan, The Canonization of the Synagogue Service (University of Notre Dame, Center for the Study of Judaism and Christianity in Antiquity 4; Notre Dame [Ind.] and London, 1979), pp. 107-110. Three of Yose ben Yose's Sidrei Avodah were used in three different services: 'Attah Konanta (;mm:~ i1llK) for Shaharit, 'Azkir Gevurot 'E/oah (m?K 11111:11 1'::tTK) for Mussaf and 'Asapper Gedo/ot (m;nl 1!10K) for Minhah. Mussaf was finally chosen, since it was supposed to be at the same time as the temple service. This elevates the status of theSeder Avodah as a conscious reenactment of the actual sacrificial ritual. 184 Y. Davidson, S. Asaf and Y. Yoei (eds.), Siddur R. Sa'adja Ga'on [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1941). 185 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam with a brief version of 'AI Het (Kim ?Y); 'Ava/ Hatanu; and a special confession for the Ne'ilah prayer Mah Ne'emar Lefaneikha Yoshev baMarom (cnoJ J1UP 1'J!I? 17.lKJ ;"llJ) Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, pp. 259-264 ). 186 Especially 'Attah Bahartanu (umnJ ;"lllK), veTitten Lanu (n? llllll) and 'Eloheinu ve 'Elohei 'Avoteinu Mehol CnnlJ lJ'lllJK ';"l'K11J';"l7K ). 187 See the texts of the additions to the Amidah (esp. 'Attah Baharta beYisrael- ;"l.MK 7K11Zi''J n1n:::1; veTitten Lanu -u; llllll; 'Eloheinu ve'Eiohei 'Avoteinu Ga/leh- ';"''Kl u•;,?K ;"'?llJ'.MlJK; 'Ana 'Eloheinu Ya'aleh veYavo- Kl:l'l ;,;~ 1l1i17K KJK; veHasi'enu- 1JK'!11:11) and the references to earlier literature assembled in Fleischer, Eretz-lsrae/ Prayer and Prayer Rituals as Portrayed in the Geniza Documents, pp. 93-159. For the confession published by Israel Abrahams, seep. 53, note 200, below. It is noteworthy that uvekhen Ten Pahdekha (1'm!lll11JJ1) the addition to the third benediction of the Am.idah does not appear here in the Genizah fragments nor in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on: see Fleischer, pp. 125-132.

188

189

190 191 192

i

l_

Lev 16:21. See above, p. 39. Philo, De posteritate Caini 70-72. Was it part of his Alexandrian service? mYoma 3:8. mYoma 4:2.

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--~

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the beginning of Yom Kippur. 193 The confessions seem to have been extraordinarily long. 194 According to one tradition the words were fixed, according to another they varied and were strictly personal in order to match the sins committed in the previous year. 195 A non-fixed confession nnderscores the shift from the vicarious confession by the high priest on behalf of the collective to the personal and individual confession of a person praying for him/herself before God's judgment. Early on, several formulas developed that were initially the personal confessions of influential rabbis and then became common usage. 196 The Palestinian Talmud gives a confession in the name of Rabbi Ba bar Bina: Ribboni Hatati uMura' 'Asiti ('n'tvY Y11i:n 'nNcn 'J1::n). 197 The Babylonian Talmud mentions several additional confessions, some of which match confessions still in use: 198 Rab: 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am (c?1Y '11 Y11' :mN) 199 193

The individual spoke the confession after the Amidah, whereas in the repetition the prayer leader included it in the fourth benediction, the 01':1 mzmp (tYoma 4:14, cf. bYoma 87b). 194 The Tosefta emphasizes the extreme length of what it calls the order of the confession ('11'1:1 110) (tBer 3:6). ~ 195 tYoma4:14-I5. See Hoffman, The Canonization of the Synagogue Service, pp. 102-107. 196 For various ancient versions from the Talmudim and the Genizah, see Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, pp. 149-151; and Goldschmidt, Mahzor for the Days ofAwe, vol. 2, pp. •-J'. On post-talmudic confessions from the Genizah, see also the brief dissertation by G. Ormann, Das Siindenbekenntnis des Versiihnungstages, sein Aujbau und seine Entwicklung, in Verbindung mit Geniza-Texten untersucht (Frankfurt a.M., 1934). 197 yYoma 8:9, 45c, gives the text in full: 7llU7 '11":1 :ll11 11l11:ll '11'10l1 111101 'llK!:Jn 'J1J1 'li'lZ.I:> 7::> '?Y •'? 1:>J1110) 1 :1'?N '" 1'l:J7ll 11!"1 ';"I' .;"llZi'lli' 'J'N 'll't!?YIU CIU:I1 17;"10 111 11;"1 ;1p1n1 111J1 •nNtm ?J 7!7 •'? [?mom] n?om '111J1l1 ?:1 ?Y •'? ;m1Jn(1. The first hand of manuscript Leiden

did not write the words in parentheses ( ) but included the words in square brackets [ ]. The second hand adapted both to the printed text. Cf. also the second part of 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, p. 259): •;,• 1:>::111113'11111:V ?:1 ;:v u7 '?m11nw u•:l?N ,, 1'1~711 11!1. And see the appendix, below. 198 bYoma 87b. 199 See Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yoel, p. 258) gives the following wording: m•?:~ ;1N111 ll:lJ. •1111 ?:1 10~111 ;mN ••n ;J '1110 mr.n73l'111 c?1:v 't1 Y11' ;"'llN u•mm' ?J 7Y u? 7mzmw 1J':l?N"' 1·1~?0 1111 •;,• -1'J'Y 7lJ1J 11101 1'N1 101:1 o7YJ 1J.1 ?J l'K .J.71 ll'YW:> 7J ?Y u? 1:>Jm. For a full translation, see the appendix. Ma'aseh Merkavah

contains a similar prayer: see below, pp. 137-138. Michael Swartz suggests that ''the author adapted a genre of confessional prayers recited on Yom Kippur for his pmposes." See M. Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism. An Analysis of Ma 'aseh Merkavah (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 28; TO.bingen, 1992), pp.ll6-118. For the text, seeP. Schafer, M. SchlUter and H.G. von Mutius (eds.), Synopse zur Hekhalot-Literatur (Tfibingen, 1981) §548 [Ma'aseh Merkavah].

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Mar Shmuel: MiMa 'amaqei Lev (~? 'P~Y~~) or 'Attah Yodea ''Omqo she/ Lev (~? ?117 1P~1Y Y11' :mN) or 'Attah Yodea'Ma'amaqei Lev(~?;~ 'P~Y~ Y11' ;~nNY00 Levi: UveToratekha Katuv Lemar (,~N? ~lnJ 1n11n~1)201 Rabbi Yonathan: Ribbon Ha '0/amim (c•n?1Y;J 11~,) 202 Rabbi Yehudah: Ki 'Avonoteinu Rabu miLemanot veHatoteino 'Atsmu 203 miLesapper {i~C7ZJ 17j3'311l"'mu:~m n1J?j77j 1:li 1l'nll1l7 ':l) 204 Anonymous: 'Ava/ Hatanu {1lNtln [1lnJN]?~N) 205 Rabbi Harnnuna!Rava: 'E/ohai 'ad shelo Notsarti ('n1~1l N?lll 1Y •;~?N) 'Ava/ Hatanu is defined in the Gemara as the minimum to fulfill the obligations206 'Elohai 'ad she/o Notsarti was also the daily confession of Rava.207 zoo For the two last incipits 'Attah Yodea' Ma'amaqei Lev and 'Attah Yodea' 'Omqo she/ Lev attested by ancient witnesses, see Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim, vol. 4, P"· 309. Israel Abrahams claims to have found the lost version of Shmuel's confession in a (lost?) Genizah fragment reading: 1'1~7 m•1J ~1!' •1'J1J ;"'llN nP7J '11101 J? 'PllY11 Yll' illlN .;"111'1 1Jll'111Nlll Vll' il11NIU U•il?N " N1;1 ;1111( ;111N1ji'l :VW~1llY NIU1J .1111:11 N7 17.l1.l ll'111Jl111UY1 0'1'?l '1::11 unwpJ7 1JTN :ltm 11•:1'?N " l'J:>'? 0'1111111 UN u•nun:v "Thou knowest the depths of the heart and art cognisant of the mysteries of the reins. The imaginations of(all) creatures are r;vealed before Thee and our devices are not hidden from Thee. Forgiver of iniquity and transgression wast Thou called, Thou art He, 0 Lord our God who knowest that our end is the worm. Our iniquities we confess before Thee, 0 Lord our God, incline Thine ear to our entreaty." Though there is a break here, the confession seems to continue much longer. See I. Abrahams, "The Lost 'Confession' of Samuel," Hebrew Union Coll:ge Annual! (1924) 377-85. However, the Genizah manuscript may well be an elaboration of the enigmatic talmudic incipits from the Middle Ages. 201 Cf. bRH 35a. Manuscript Oxford continues with a quotation from Lev 16:30. The text of this confession is lost. 202 It is impossible to discern which of the many surviving prayers that begin with this formula is the talmudic prayer of Rabbi Yonathan. 203 Cf. Ezra 9:6. Manuscript Oxford reads lJ'lll1:.1WM1 instead of u•nNDm: see Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim, vol. 4, p. 309. This confession appears in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, p. 262) as part of a long confession for the Ne'ila in lieu of 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am. 204 The best Talmud manuscripts and Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asaf and Yoel, p. 261) do not read umN: see Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim, vol. 4, pp. 309310. Pesiqta Rabbati 35 has a long version of the confession very close to that in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (additions in square brackets, omissions in parentheses): [1JnlK]7J.N :111Nl .U'? ;'TliU N7l (O'J1t:l;"1) 1'tl:>WIJ(1J)1 1,111!1J1:11J101 [11'11:11] U111J lJYIO:J (UYW1;J] 1J'1:V;J UNI:l11 US~W1:1 unJK111'ti1Y nnN •::~ u•?:v NJ:l 7::~ 7~ p•n. 205 The text is given in full: .•mxu N? 17'N:I ,111Illlll l'WJ:V .'10:> 'J'N '111:!i"U N71U 1Y •:t?N 01Zl1 Nti11N K71U l'J:J'?lJ 11!"1 ':1' .:l7J''?::ll :liUlJ N?Zl •7JJ 1'1!1'? '1K '1;'1 •'111l'1.lJ 1Zll111 '?p "11J 'JN 1!lll'

1'110' ,,, 7Y K7 '?J.N 1'7Jll1J P111J 'llNI:llllO. 206

207

bYoma 87b. For the daily confession, see bBer 17a.

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The great number and variety of confessions indicate on the one hand that this part of the service was not fixed until the early Middle Ages. On the other hand, the Babylonian Talmud's listing of the various confessions reveals an interest in preserving and canonizing prayers. 208 The increased number and length of the confessions in comparison to the Bible indicate a higher level of spiritualization. However, we should not underestimate their outward aspect as a perceptible manifestation of the otherwise invisible repentance. When the dearth of outward aspects of the temple ritoal came to be acutely felt, the role of confessions may have increased as a suitable supplement to the temple rituals.

the temple service.212 Mishnah Yoma 7:1 places the reading of the bi?Iical descriptions from Leviticus 16 and 23:27-32 and Numbers 29:7-ll m the . . fr . 213 temple ritual, perhaps a projectiOn om a synagogue servtce. . Other lections were included early without it being possible to pomt to a specific century. According _to the Babylonian_T~~ud, Leviti~us 18_ (on incest) is the Torah readmg m the Mmhah serv1ce, wh!le Isruah 57 .l5ff (probably 57:15-58:14) and Jonah are the Haftarot for Shaharit and Minhah, respectively.2 15 Leviticus 18 may have been read stmply as a continuation of Leviticus 16 216 Instead of Leviticus 18, Exodus 32:11-14 (Moses interceding on behalf of the people after the incident of the golden calf) and perhaps also Exodus 34:lff(the second giving of the Law) m1ght have been read in some Palestinian communities. 217 The contents of Jonah and Isaiah 57:15-58:14 are closely connected to the ritual of the people on Yom Kippur. Pseudo-Philo On Jonah can be regarded as the first evidence for the reading of Jonah on Yom Kippur, but its date of origin is uncertain.2I8 In Palestine, however, Jonah might not have been the Haftarah; some Jews might have preferred to read !Kings 18:36ff (Elijah and the prophets ofBa'al).219

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THE READINGS: Sources on the early readings are scarce, and even where we have a source, it does not necessarily mean that the readings prescribed in it were read everywhere - in Palestine as well as in the Babylonian and Mediterranean diasporas-'09 I would expect people in the Second Temple period who pray through the whole day to start with texts that are highly respected and at the same time easily to hand and not having to be composed, such as the biblical descriptions Leviticus 16 and 23:27-32 and Numbers 29:7-11. 210 4QTargu1(l of Leviticus, the only Aramaic fragment of the five books of Moses in Qumran, could have served such a liturgical purpose. 211 Reciting the biblical pericopes on Yom Kippur is a reenactment of the high-priestly ritual and· may well have been performed in synagogues even at the time of the temple for people who could not attend

208 Did the attitude of the communities behind the Palestinian Talmud (liffer )n this aspect? 209 For literature on the development of readings, see E. Fleischer, "Annual and Triennial Reading of the Bible in the Old Synagogue" [in Hebrew with English summary] Tarbiz 61 (1992) 25--43; idem, "Inquiries Concerning the Triennial Reading of the Torah in Ancient Bretz-Israel" [in Hebrew] Hebrew Union College Annua/61 (1991) 43-61; J. Offer, "The Masoretic Divisions (Sedarim) in the Books of the Prophets and Hagiographa" [in Hebrew with English summary] Tarbiz 58 (1989) 155-189; A. Shinan, "Sermons, Targums, and the Reading from Scriptures in the Ancient Synagogue," in: L. Levine (ed.), The Synagogue in Late Antiquity (A Centennial Publication of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America; Philadelphia, 1987; pp. 97-110). C. Perrot, La Lecture de Ia Bible dans Ia Synagogue. Les anciennes lectures palestiniennes du Shabbat et des fetes (Publications de l'institut de recherche et d'histoire des textes, section biblique et massorCtique, collection massorah SCrie I. Etudes Classiques et Textes I; Hildesheim, 1973), esp. pp. 154-157, 195-199 and 265-270. 210 See also Z. Malachi, "The 'Avoda' for Yom Kippur" [in Hebrew], (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1974), p. 151. 211 Randy Buth has expressed a similar idea in a paper given at the Second Colloquium on the Rabbinic Background of the New Testament, Jerusalem, July 2002.

Baer, "The Service of Sacrifice in Second Temple Times," p. 112. Cf. mMeg 3:1;yMeg 3:7, 74b; only the inception is given. While Mishnah Megillah and the Palestinian Talmud mention only Lev 16 as a reading, the absence of Lev 23:2732 and Num 29:7-11 here does not mean that these texts were not part of the ritual in the Tannaitic period, given that the Tosefta does include Num 29:7-11 among the readings (tMeg 3:7; again, only the inception is given). Cf. also the section on the historicity of Mishnah Yoma, above, particularly p. 25-26. 214 bMeg 31 a; see Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, p. 167. 21s bMeg 31 a; see Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung, pp. 182-183. 216 The rabbinic texts indicate only the beginning of the reading in Lev 16. In the yearly reading cycle, this section goes as far as Lev 18:30. In the longer cycles in Palestine the section might have been shorter. See Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, p. 292, on alternative traditional explanations for the choice of this reading. 21 7 Ezra Fleischer, "Piyyut and Prayer in Mahzor Eretz Israel," [in Hebrew] Kiryat Sefer 63 (1990) 207-262, here p. 245. 2l8 For a discussion of the relation of Pseudo-Philo On Jonah and Yom Kippur, see below, pp. 57-59; see also the reference to Jonah in De solstitiis et aequinoctiis, discussed below, p. 253. 219 Fleischer, "Piyyut and Prayer in Mahzor Eretz Israel," p. 246. Jonah is absent from Genizah founds of Qerobot to Yom Kippur. A more frequent connection could be expected between Jonah and Yom Kippur in rabbinic texts if it was a widespread reading on Yom Kippur, as suggested by GUnter Sternberger in a much appreciated e-mail communication observing that the only major discussion of Jonah is Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 10. 212 213

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The frequent allusions to Isaiah 58 in Christian texts on Yom Kippur, beginning with Justin Martyr, may also point to an early association in Jewish ritual, but I cannot preclude that Christians alluded to this chapter for its contents without knowledge of Jewish liturgical traditions. 220 I suggest that some synagogues may have read the passages already in Tannaitic times, or even earlier even if they are attested to only in Amoraic tradiw tions. Furthermore, long discussions of Hosea 14 in the Babylonian Talmud and of Psalm 27 in Leviticus Rabbah make it probable that in certain synagogues these texts had some function in the Yom Kippur service or during the days before, such as Sabbath Shuva. 221 In the Gaonic period in Babylonian academies, the first five verses of Genesis were also read during the Minhah or Ne'ilah service. 222 Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on also mentions Obadiah and Micah 7:18-20 for Minhah. 223 Yet I want to stress again that we cannot be sure about the provenance of most of these readings. Until the lections were unified, many different orw ders may have been in use in different places. In addition, Jonah is part of a homilY for Sabbath Sbuva: Pesiqta Rav Kahana 24:1 I (ed. Mandelbaum, pp. 361-364) and Mishnah Ta'anit2:I connects Jonah to public fasts. 220 Morgenstern even suggests the prophecy preserved in lsa 58 was made on Yom Kippur: J. Morgenstern, "Two Prophecies of the Fourth Century B.C. and the Evolution of Yom Kippur,'; Hebrew Union College Annual 24 (1952-1953) 1-74, here pp. 38-39. On lsa58 in Justin Martyr's Yom Kippur passage, see below, pp. 156. According to Perrot, La Lecture de Ia Bible dans Ia Synagogue, pp.I95-204, Luke4:18-19, which combines 1sa 61:1 with lsa 58:6, is based on an old Jewish lectionary tradition. Perrot's position is accepted by e.g. F. Bovon, Das Evange/ium nach Lukas.]. Teilband. Lk /,19,50 (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 3:1; ZOrich and Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1989), pp. 211-212. 121 Sabbath Shuva is the Sabbath between Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. For Hos 14, see bYoma 86a-b; Pesiqta Rav Kahana 24:1-12.17-19 (ed. Mandelbaum, pp. 347-358, 369, 375-78); and the indirect evidence of the early Christian Roman lectionaries (see pp. 317-321). On Ps 27 and Yom Kippur, see Leviticus Rabbah 21: l (ed. Margulies, pp. 473--474). Naomi Goldstein Cohen, "Earliest Evidence of the Haftarah Cycle for the Sabbaths between the 17th of Tammuz and Sukkoth in Philo," Journal of Jewish Studies 48 (1997) 225-249, sees evidence in Philo that the traditional Haftarot from 17 Tammuz until Sukkot were ftxed already in the first century. 222 See Elbogen, Der jiidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicldung, p. 167. 123 For the readings of Obadiah and Micah in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, see ed. Goldschmidt, pp. 166 and 168. For Mic 7:18-20 in Palestinian usage, see Fleischer, Eretz-Israel Prayer and Prayer Rituals as Portrayed in the Geniza Documents, pp. 134135 and 143. Mic'7:18 is quoted in a Yom Kippur/Sabbath Shuva homily in Pesiqta Rav Kahana 25:2 (ed. Mandelbaum,p. 381). In Pesiqta Rav Kahana 25, Num 14:18-20 plays a central role, but this text is never quoted in bYoma.

57

The Rituals of Yom Kippur 224

A long sermon On Jonah survived uoder the auspices of~hilo. O~gi lly composed in Greek, it has reached us m an Armeman translatiOn. ;~lker Siegert, who made a detailed investigation of this sermon, suggests it was written sometime between the second century BCE and the fo~ 225 the third tury CE' in a Hellenistic city. He suggests Alexandria before cen noc h'm th _e century CE,226 leaving open other options, among them An' £ urth century While we cannot be sure that Jonah was read on Yom Kip227 p':rr in other c~mmunities than the one behind ~egillah 31a, ~orne hin~ in the text make it probable for the commumty ~f Pseudo-Philo, too? m hich case On Jonah is the earliest extant Yom Kippur sermon. The diffi;;!lty lies in deciding if this is a depiction of the Yom Kippur of that period, of some other fast, or of the fast of Jon_ah: The description of the Ninevites' fast mentions most of the usual affhctwns of a pubhc fast like Yom Kippur, but this can be explained as merely the bookish influence of Jonah, without any connection to Yom Kippur. People repent and ~ray and abstain from food, drink, sex and adornment.228 They walk around m sackcloth and ashes and sleep on the floor. 229 The latter features are not evidence against y om Kippur despite the fact that they do not match the rabbinic tracts of Yoma, since Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer seems to kn~w. of su~h practices on Yom Kippur. Yet neither do they support an assoctahon wtth YomKippur. . I would like to draw attention to two rites that match Yom Kippur but no other public fast. First, the people put on their festal garments m the faint hope that the judgment may be delayed,230 ~d at the end of the day they dance.2' 1 These practices match the descnptwns of Chrysostom, Theodore! and Mishnah Ta 'anit 4:8.232 The mention of festal garments m Cf. F. Siegert (transl.), Drei hellenistisch-jUdische Predigten. Ps.-Phi/on, '(/be~ Jon a', •Ober Simson' und 'Ober die Gottesbezeichnung 'wohltiitig verzehrendes Feuer · Vol. J: Obersetzung aus dem Armenischen und sprachliche Erliiuterungen. Vol. 2: Kom_mentar nebst Beobachtungen zur hel/enistischen Vorgeschichte der Bibelherme?euttk (2 vols; Wissenschaftlicbe Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 20, 61; Ttibmgen,

1980, 1992). 225 Siegert, Drei he/lenistisch-jUdische Predigten, voL 2, pp. 49-51. 226 Siegert. Drei he/lenistisch-jUdische Predigten, vol. 2, pp. 40-46. . 121 Jonah is never quoted or even alluded to in Philo: see Y.-M. Duval~ Le lfllre de Jonas dans Ia /ittl}rature chrJtienne grecque et /aline. Sources et mjluence du Commentaire sur Jonas de saint Jerome (2 vols; Paris. 1973), p. 77. m See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (trans!. Siegert I :30, 35, 37, 48). 229 See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (trans!. Siegert 1:37). 230 See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (transl. Siegert I :38). 23 1 See Pseudo-Philo. On Jonah, (trans!. Siegert 1:41 ). 232 This seems more logical to me than the recursion on a distinction between pagan and Jewish mowning practices as Siegert proposes.

.. r·

58


explicitly contradicts the biblical book of Jonah, so this speaks against a merely "bookish" influence. Its source can plausibly be seen in contemporary Jewish practice on Yom Kippur. Moreover, the author uses the Armenian equivalent for ta1tetv&, to humble oneself,233 which plays so strong a role in the Septuagint descriptions of Yom Kippur. "They humbled themselves to that extent and exercised such self-control according to the Scriptures that even their animals became intercessors of their prayers. ,234 Besides these ritual aspects, two conceptual motifs are interesting: God's position as judge is emphasized, 235 and God is depicted as knowing everything, including sins committed secretly and not admitted in confession. 23 6 "But all (secret) human knowledge was manifested to the (captain) with complete clarity and put before his eyes by that One, who alone cannot be 237 deceived." The latter motif appears explicitly also in the Delos steles, the Qumran Yom Kippur prayer 4Q508 2 1-6 and the talmudic 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam. 238 Regarding these observations, it seems plausible that Pseudo-Philo's sermon On Jonah is not only the earliest sermon on Jonah but also the earliest evidence for a reading of the prophet on Yom Kippur and the earliest extant Yom Kippur sermon, even before Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 10. 239 t Regarding the ritual status of the reading, the Mishnah reports that the high priest in the temple had the choice of performing the readings and the prayers in the holy linen garments or in a simple white stole. Why does the Mishnah mention such freedom in the most sacred ritual? If the description reflects actual practice, some of the high priests apparently considered the reading and the prayer as part of the avodah, i.e. the obligatory and effective part of the main liturgy of the day, while others did not. 240 On the 213

See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (trans I. Siegert 1:37). See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (transl. Siegert 1:37). Siegert translates: "Sie erniedrigten sich aber dermaJ3en und Ubten schriftgemaB solche Selbstbeherrschung, daB (sogar) ihre Haustiere zu Verteidigern ihrer Gebete wurden." 235 E.g. Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (trans!. Siegert 1:11). 236 See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (trans!. Siegert I :11 and 23). 237 See Pseudo-Philo, On Jonah, (transl. Siegert 1: II). Siegert translates: "Doch alles (geheime) menschliche Wissen brachte derjenige, der allein unhintergehbar ist, dem (Kapitan) zu untrtiglicher Klarheit und stellte es (ibm) vor Augen." 238 See above pp. 39 and 48, note 172. 239 Cf. Friedlander (p. 66, note 5); Duval, Le livre de Jonas dans Ia littirature chritienne grecque et latine, p. 98, note 146. 240 Most commentators (incl. the Talmudim) consider the freedom to wear or not to wear the white garments as a sign that the prayer and the readings did not belong to the avodah. But this would have been the case only if the high priest had always changed to the white gannents or if one applies the logics of later (supposedly eternally valid) rationales to earlier rituals. If a high priest opted to continue reading in the holy linen 234

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59

other hand, if the description does not reflect actual practice, this choice might reflect two Tannaitic attitudes to the relation between the verbal reenactment in the synagogne and the high-priestly avodah in the temple stressing more strongly either the continuous or the substitutive aspect. THE SEDER A VODAH: The most peculiar part of the prayers of Yom Kippur is the reciting of a Seder Avodah. 241 Today, Seder Avodah is the term for very sophisticated religious poems (piyyutim ), which usually have three parts - an account of the creation, a history of men from Adam and Eve until Aaron, and a description of the high-priestly ritual on Yom Kippur. For our survey of early post-temple practices, the Sidrei Avodah are very interesting rituals, beirig complete verbal reenactments combined with such liturgical gestures as prostratiOI;I. Some key passages appear in almost all Sidrei Avodah and are so important that they even influenced the text of the Mishnah. 242 They mark those rites of the temple ritual that the high priest (supposedly) performed with words: the three confessions with the responses of the people and the two countings that accompanied his sprink-

garments, he probably did this to indicate the continuity. It is often more reasonable to assume a conceptual change behind a change in practice than to reconstruct a common rationale for both. 24 1 On Sidrei Avodah, see Malachi, «The 'Avoda' for Yom Kippur''; Mirsky, Yosse ben Yosse Poems; M. Zulai (ed.), Piyyutey Yannai [in Hebrew] (Berlin, 1938); Z.M. Rabinovitz (ed.), Mahzor Piyyutey Rabbi Yannai leTorah uleMo'adim [in Hebrew] (2 vols; Jerusalem, 1985-87); J. Yahalom (ed.), Priestly Palestinian Poetry. A Narrative Liturgy for the Day of Atonement [in Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1996); idem, Poetry and Society in Jewish Galilee of Late Antiquity [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv, 1999), esp. pp. 107-136; M. Swartz, "Ritual about Myth about Ritual: Towards an Understanding of the Avodah in the Rabbinic Period," Journal of Jewish Thought and Philosophy 6 (1997) 135-155; idem, "Sage, Priest, and Poet. Typologies of Religious Leadership in the Ancient Synagogue," in: S. Fine (ed.), Jews, Christians, and Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue. Cultural Interaction during the Greco-Roman Period (Baltimore Studies in the History of Judaism; London and New York, 1999; pp. 101-117). M. Swartz and J. Yahalom have prepared an English translation of some Sidrei Avodah. 242 The prostration of the people in response to the mention of the Tetragrammaton in the high priest's confession was not part of the original reading of the Mishnah. It does not appear in the most reliable manuscripts nor is it commented upon in the Talmudim. Apparently, the liturgical formulations of the Sidrei Avodah entered so deeply into the beads of the people that their elaborated form influenced the copiers of the Mishnah. See Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim, val. 4, p. 183; also the discussion in Rosenberg, "Mishna 'Kipurim'," vol. 1, pp. 126-142, especially 139-142. This becomes important in the discussion of the Hekhalot texts, demonstrating a closer relationship of the latter to the (priestly?) pi}yutim than to the rabbinic tracts. See pp. 134--139, below.

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61



ling of the blood.243 These sentences, distinguished from the rest of the poems by their prose form (and at least today by raising the voice), mark the central actions of the high-priestly ritual, the confessions on buii and scapegoat, the mention of the ineffable name, and the sprinkling of the buii's and the sacrificial goat's blood in the holy of holies. This matches the obligation expressed in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on to read a Seder Avodah "with sprinklings and confessions."244 Today, the Seder Avodah is read only during the Mussaf service. This is an achievement of the Gaonim, who chailenged the common custom to recite a Seder Avodah in each of the three prayers of the Day of Atonement. The Mussaf best

observing either the high-priestly reading and prayer or the burning of the sin offerings. "Who sees the high priest reading does not see the bull and the goat burning, and who sees bull and goat burning does not see the high

matches a liturgical reenactment of the temple service, since both are set at the same time and since in the temple the special festival sacrifices are of-

word and of the sacrifices presupposes that both rites belong to the same category, but the determination that the two are equal goes even beyond that. 250 If watching the high priest reading the prescriptions for Yom Kip-

fered during the Mussaf. 245 The practice of reading a Seder Avodah has two roots: first, the transition of the temple cult from a one-man performance to one-man show with participation of the people; second, the interest in implementing the biblical prescriptions and the temple cult in the synagogue. Regarding the first root, the transition from the purely cultic concept of a rite performed in a secret holy place by a special person to a more col-

lective ritual may already be perceived in the temple. Sirach describes the presence of spectators at the high-priestly sacrifices in the temple.246 Elbogen has rightly noted that such observation by outsiders who get involved by praying on the outskirts of the temple changes the purely cultic concept of temple worship into a more edifying one. 247 In other words, not only the cultic performance itself is important, but also the participation (by observation) of those gathered. This change had already taken place at

priest reading - not because he is not allowed to, but because the distance is great and the work of both is equal. " 249 From this key sentence we can

conclude that in the opinion of the editors of the Mishnah the watching of the temple liturgy was as important as the participation in it. Furthermore, the Mishnah considers the reading to be as important as the burning of the sacrifices, since the Mishnah underscores that it does not matter which of the two rites one sees. This comparison of the liturgic importance of the

pur was as important as watching the performance of the prescribed sacrifices, this is the frrst step to a virtual verbal reenactment of the whole

temple service, like the Seder Avodah. 251 The second root of the custom of reciting a Seder Avodah was almost certainly the early custom of reading biblical Yom Kippur passages. 252 None of the extant Second Temple sources proposes any reenactment of

the temple ritual. This does not preclude the possibility that such a reenactment was part of the liturgies in Qumran or Alexandria However, the

theories that see a Seder Avodah in 1Q34 3 ii II 4Q509 97+98 or the influence of a Seder Avodah behind Philippians 2:6-11 or Colossians 1:12-20 need more supporting evidence. 253 The same is true for the recent sugges-

tion ofMenahem Kister to see a Seder Avodah in 5Q13 254 In Philo's account of the prayers, he is very brief regarding his explicit

at the latest. 248 Sirach's evidence is

statement about the enormous length of the Yom Kippur service. 255 We can

supported by Mishnah Yoma, which emphasizes the equal importance of

only speculate about the rest of the prayers of his community. Philo betrays a detailed acquaintance with the Halakhah of the temple ritual beyond the biblical sources. His information may stem from a Seder Avodah 256 Similarly, it is not improbable that Barnabas is based on such a

the time of Sirach, i.e. around 200

CE,

243 Malachi, "The •Avoda' for Yom Kippur,"' p. 154, states that the reenactment of the sprinklings belongs to a later stage, since they are not included in most Sidrei Avodah. However, they are included in Shtv'at Yamim (o•zp llJI':JW) and in Yose ben Yose's 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eioah (;n'?M nl11::ll 11JTM) for Mussaf and 'Asapper Gedolot (m'?nl 1!ION) for Minhah. Yose's 'Attah Konanta (il11JJ1J ;,nN) (for Shaharit) does not include the formula. The two Sdarim edited by Yahalom ( 'Az be 'Ein Kol and 'Aromem le 'El) have lacunae at these parts. 244 Goldschmidt, Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, p. 168:7-8. 245 Hoffman, The Canonization of the Synagogue Service, pp. 108--110. 246 Sir 50:17-21. 247 Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte desjiidischen Gottesdienstes, p. 52. 248 Despite the great influence of the end of Sirach on Sidrei Avodah and other Yom Kippur piyyutim in language, content and structure, it is not in itself a Seder Avodah: see Roth, ..Ecclesiasticus in the Synagogue Service."'

249

mYoma 7:1, my translation, with emphasis added. Cf. Sir4:14, which compares the study of Torah to temple liturgy. 251 Even if the statement does not reflect the Second Temple period, it elucidates the rationale behind the recitation of the biblical passages in the synagogue service. 252 See also Malachi, "The 'Avoda' for Yom Kippur," p. 151. 253 1Q34 3 ii has been seen as a Seder Avodah by Grintz. For a discussion, see above, p. 43. For a brief discussion of a Seder Avodah as a possible background to Philippians and Colossians, see below, pp. 206-212, below. 254 Kister, "5Ql3 and the 'Avodah." See above, p. 44-45. 255 See above, p. 46. 256 See below, p. 112, note 166. 25(1

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The Rituals ofYom Kippur

Seder Avodah. 257 Its author is acquainted with details of the Halakhah and speaks of a written source, which might perhaps have been of a liturgical nature. It is only around 400 CE that we reach safe ground. The Babylonian Talmud alludes to the recitation of a Seder Avodah in the prayer. 258 Moreover, two tiny fragments, most probably of Sidrei Avodah from around 400 CE, were unearthed in Oxyrhynchus. 259 In the nineteenth century, scholars proposed that if one takes out a few of the disputes and some thematic digressions, Mishnah Yoma might once have served as such a liturgical text. Some even tried to reconstruct such an "Ur-"Seder Avodah. 260 This hypothesis was corroborated when, in 1907, Elbogen published some Genizah fragments with a prose Seder Avodah Shiv'at Yamim 261 remarkably similar to Mishnah Yoma with the necessary adaptations and some additional lines from the Bible, Tosefta and Mishnah Tamid. 262 Elbogen does not give a date for the fragment, but it is likely to be earlier than the earliest poetic Sidrei Avodah of the fourth or fifth century by Yose ben Yose and his companions.263 Shiv'at Yamim seems to have been kept in use for a long time, as the Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on

(ninth century) refers to it as one of the customary Sidrei Avodah,264 highly honored by occupying first place on the list of Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on. With regard to Shiv 'at Yamim, we carmot simply suppose that the present wording is the same as that used when it was frrst written in the second, third or fourth century, since the manuscript includes later traditions. 265 Nevertheless, we can still deduce two important arguments from it. First, the invention of reciting a Seder Avodah does not necessarily demand a priestly origin. 266 Second, if Shiv 'at Yamim originally began directly with the preparatory week of the high priest and was circulated without a poetic preface from Genesis to Aaron's ordination, this is quite a strong argument against any attempt to suppose that connections to Yom Kippur underlie some New Testament hymns combining creatioti and atonement. 267 Usually, the argument is based on the connection of these elements in the poetic Sidrei Avodah, but it neglects that the earliest Seder Avodah, Shiv 'at Yamim, does not reflect this combination. Of comse, it is possible in principal that the connection between creation, history of sin,

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264 Goldschmidt, Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, p. 168:5-8. The other options referred to are: 'Azkir Sela (;'170 1'JTI(), 'Attah Konanta (;'1m.m ;mN), 'Atsaltsel (7I7!K) and 'Ashanen

(lJw•)251

See below, p. 161, note 69. While the subject of bYomo 36b might have been a simple confession without an elaborate Seder Avodah, b Yoma 56b clearly alludes to the transition from the sprinkling in the holy of holies to the sprinkling of the veil. Raba corrects the leader of the prayer who mingles the majority opinion with the opinion of Rabbi Yehudah. Elbogen's fragments display the reading according to Raba's correction (fragment A, p. l9,lines 13-14: Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des jiidischen Gottesdienstes, p. 108). 259 In 1915, Cowley published two very tiny Hebrew papyrus fragments from Oxyrhynchus that clearly deal with Yom Kippur and might well have been part of a Seder Avodah (A. Cowley, Journal/or Egyptian Archeology [1915] 211-212). Having little material for comparison (even less before the fmdings of Qumran, Mezada and Muraba'at), he suggests the broad period from the third to the fifth century CE, opting for 400 CE. The frrst fragment reads: ... ]1ZHI7 •7[ ... ] llll1 '::>!:1!17[ .•• ] D'JY '1'Ylll[ ... ]o•7•N 'J7n[ ... The second fragments reads: 'llll[ ... n]mm7 17 1R[ ... ];'17li' D[ ... ]lll11!:17J Olll:J. [ .. .1]1;'1tm ["] 'J!:17[... ... ]7 711l;'ll'7!7 [... ]n1711l 260 J. Derenbourg, "Essai de restitution de l'ancienne redaction de Massichet Kippourim," Revue des itudesjuives 6 (1882) 41-80; and H. Strack (ed.), Joma. Der Mischnatraktat 'VersOhnungstag' (Schriften des Institutum Judaicum in Berlin 3; Leipzig, '1904). 261 This Seder Avodah is called Shiv'at Yamim (O'IJ' nYJt!7) ("Seven Days") after its inception. 262 Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des jiidischen Gottesdienstes, "Anhang 1," pages 102-117. 263 The Palestinian Talmud calls the readings from Lev 16 and Lev 23:26--32 7w 1110 m• (yMeg 4:5, 75b). 258

26~

E.g. the high-priestly prayer in the holy of holies. See bYoma 53b. Yosef Yahalom and Michael Swartz have suggested that many of the early poetic Sidrei Avodah were written by priests. The poetic Sidrei Avodah reflect a different conception of priesthood and atonement from the rabbinic texts, which are usually quite critical toward priests. However, I cannot identify a priestly attitude already in Shiv 'at Yamim, which is much more focused on the Mishnah than are the later Sidrei Avodah. One gloss may point to a slightly pro-priestly attitude: a statement regarding the high priest that "Israel's purity depends on you" (fragment p. 14 line 8-9: see Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des jiidischen Gottesdienstes, p. l04). On the other hand, Shi'v 'at Yamim does not skip the embarrassing passage on the high priest who has to swear loyalty to the rabbinic practice of Yom Kippur, but even embellishes it (fragment p. 13, lines 1-13: see Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte desjiidischen Gottesdienstes, pp. 103104). Furthermore, it changed the passage about people reading before the high priest to "they read before him the 'Seder HaYom' and teach him the 'Seder Yom HaKippurim'," thus reinforcing the intellectual inferiority of the high priest. On the other hand, Elbogen included a preface to Shiv'at Yamim in his appendix, a short alphabetic poem 'Attah Barata covering the creation of the world to the appointment of Aaron and his sons (Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des jiidischen Gottesdienstes, pp. 116-117). We do not know when this preface was added to Shiv 'at Yamim, but here Aaron is clearly the hero of Yom Kippur and not the inferior clerk of the rabbinic tracts. 2 fi7 Cf. the section on Phi12:6-l1 and Coll:13-20 on pp. 206--212, below. On the basis that these hymns combine atonement with creation, the common first part of poetic Sidrei Avodah, a number of scholars have assumed a connection to Yom Kippur. Grintz, "A Seder Avodah for Yom Kippur from Qumran," proposed one of Qumran's Festival Prayers (IQ34 3 ii) as the earliest Seder Avodah (see above, p. 43 note 150). 266



history of the forefathers of Aaron and Yom Kippur was made as early as the Second Temple period, but then we would have to assume that Shiv 'at Yamim skipped the combination of creation and atonement. Joseph Yaha!om and Michael Swartz perceive a more positive description of the high priest in the Sidrei Avodah, in opposition to the rabbinic portrayals.268 The Tannaitic literature, whieh describes the high priests as little more than stupid clerks, tried to bolster the position of the non-

of the Sabbath Sacrifice, the text of the Festival Prayers does not display a particularly close affiliation to the temple ritual. An influence of the

64

priestly sages. The Amoraic literature reflects two conflicting tendencies:

like the Tannaites, a further diminution of the historical (high) priests; and a reappraisal, as in the piyyutim. Yahalom and Swartz explain the difference between piyyutim and parts of the rabbinic literature by supposing that priestly groups, who have a stronger position in the liturgy of the synagogues, are responsible for the composition of these Sidrei Avodah. We koow that priestly circles remained very important after the transition of the spiritual centers of Judaism from Jerusalem to the Galilee. They lived in organized neighborhoods and kept records on which watch was to serve in the temple. I do not think that we can regard the increasing importance of priests as being distinct from the parall~l rise of priesthood and high-priestly Christo logy in Christianity of the third and fourth centuries. The argument of Yahalom and Swartz can be supplemented by a further factor, one that is not intracultural but intercultural: the reappraisal of the ideal historical high priests can be understood as a Jewish reaction to the evolving highpriestly Christology. The inclusion oflong praises of Levi and his sons and the complete silence about his rival, Melchizedek, in the Sidrei Avodah is only one example. I will discuss this question further in the discussion of Jewish-Christian polemics.269 Conclusion: Prayers in and outside the Temple Qumranic, Philonic and rabbinic prayers share several motifs, which, however, are not close and numerous enough to point to an extensive continuous tradition. In the Second Temple period, prayers became a major focus

of the ritual of public fasts in and outside the temple. According to Philo as well as rabbinic statements, they filled the entire day. In a certain sense, prayers also connected the rituals in and outside the temple. The high priest prayed at the end of his sacrificial ceremony, and some see in this

the origin of Qumran's Festival Prayers- although, unlike e.g. the Songs 263 See the introduction in Yahalom, Priestly Palestinian Poetry; and Swartz, "Sage, Priest, and Poet," p. 158, note 68, with reference to the earlier works by Goitein and Mirsky. 269 See pp. 283-288, below.

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synagogal prayers on the high priest's concluding prayer seems more

likely. Ritual reenactments of the high priest's ritual were probably part of the service in some synagogues of the Second Temple period, especially in the form of reading the biblical descriptions (or a translation or a paraphrase of them). We can only speculate if some Second Temple communities even used a kind of Seder Avodah. Most likely, confessions were part of the ritual in the communities using Qumran's Festival Prayers, and in Alexandria, long before they became the main part of the rabbinic liturgy. This points to a certain "individualization" of Yom Kippur in the time of the Second Temple: private confessions were added on top of the high priest's vicarious confession. 3.3 A Controversial, Popular Blood Sacrifice: kapparot

Probably the most famous rite of post-temple Yom Kippur is the kapparot. We do not koow exactly how old this rite is.270 It is mentioned explicitly for the first time only in the early Gaonic age in Persia by Rav Sheshna (ca. 650 CE), but he already refers to it as ancient. 271 His quite detailed description of the ritual goes as follows: The agent who performs it takes hold of the rooster and places (n'JZJ) his hand upon its head. Then, removing his hand from the head of the rooster, he places it upon the head of the person for whom the ceremony is performed (1:>J117J) and says. "This (rooster] shall be instead of this (person); this rooster shall be the substitute (~17'n) for this person; this rooster shall be the ransom (7ln7J) for this person [or, this person is to be redeemed (v. lect. 771n7J) by this rooster.J''m

270 The early witnesses for this ceremony have been investigated by J.Z. Lauterbach, Rabbinic Essays (Cincinnati, 1951), pp. 354-378. He also pursued developments in the centuries following Sheshna: see idem, "The Ritual for the Kapparot Ceremony," in: idem, Studies in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore (New York, 1970; pp. 133-142). Y. Gartner, "The History of the kapparot Rite Regarding the Custom of Marseilles," (in Hebrew] Sinai 114 (1994) 198--217, published another text for the rite of Marseilles. See also I. Scheftelowitz, Das ste/lvertetende Huhnopfer. Mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung des jiidischen Volksglaubens (Religionsgeschichtliche Versuche und Vorarbeiten 14/3; Giessen, 1914). 211 See the letter of Rav Sheshna from Sura, quoted in Lauterbach, Rabbinic Essays,

pp. 355-357. 212 Today a different formula is used, e.g. the father of the family takes the bird and swings it around his head or that of the "benefited" saying something like: "This is my/your exchange (:1:>'7n), this is my/your substitute (:1117Jn), this is my/your atonement (i11!1J). This rooster/hen will go to its death while 1/you will enter and proceed to a good long life, and to peace." Quoted after the modern rite in Scherman, The Complete ArtScro/1 Machzor Yom Kippur Nusach Ashkenaz, pp. 2-5, here 2-3.

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H~ then swings the rooster around the head of the person for whom it is to be 3

substtt~te, while reciting the following words: 273 "A life for a life." He does th·

seven t!Dles.

IS

He then places his hand upon the head of the rooster, saying, "This rooster shall go out to death in~tead of t!tis person." Then he places his hand upon the head of the person who IS to recetve atonement by this ceremony, saying, "Thou, so and so, ~e son of so and so, shalt enter into life and thou shalt not die." This he does three times.

Then the person for whom the substitute is offered places his hand upon the

hea~ o~the r?oster, as a sort ofi'IJ'lJO [the ceremony of laying the hands upon the ~acnfi~tal ammal]. _He lays his hand (~1J101) upon it [the rooster] and slaughters it munedtately, thus m a manner followmg the rule prescribed for sacrifices vi that the slaughtering of the sacrificial victim must follow immediately the' cer:~ many of the laying on of hands. 274

The ritual includes gestures and a benediction expressing substitution.21s S~me ele~e~ts are repeated three or seven times, a feature often associated With magzc ntuals. The entrails are commonly thrown onto the street or the roof, ':here the birds feed on them, and the meat is given to the poor.276 Bo~h nte~ are common methods of obtaining release from some kind of sin or IID_Punty. Rav Sheshna does not give the exact time of performance for this ntu_al, but traditionally it•is during the night or the morning preceding Yo~ _Kzpp~. Not only roosters were used. 277 Rav Sheshna mentions rich famzhes ~smg rams (o'?'N). "The essential thing - according to these people - IS that the animal should be of the kind that has horns like the ram that was offered instead of our father Isaac. " 278 He himseif prefers roosters because they are cheaper and, symbolically, the Hebrew 1Jl can mean rooster as well as man. 279 . Jacob Laut_erbach suggested that a background to the kapparot, espeCially that With horned animals, is provided by identification of two mythological sacrifices with the scapegoat: the ram that Abraham sacri-

67

ficed instead of Isaac280 and the male goat with whose blood Joseph's brothers colored his coat and tried to fool their father.2 81 He refers to a passage from Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Leviticus for a combination of these ideas together with the golden calf.182 The kapparot with a ram combines the functions of an apotropaic sacrifice to Satan/'Az'azel and areminder to God of the forefathers' merits. That sacrifice of a ram can also be seen as sacrifice to the evil powers alone can be learned from the Midrash, preserved in the late collection Yalqut Shim 'oni. 283 To what extent is the kapparot a substitution for the scapegoat rite? 284 Shesbna's description and his sacrificial terminology demonstrate amply that the kapparot is a ritual killing of an animal for an expiatory purpose. Rav Sheshna uses sacrificial terminology such as ;JJ"'?.lO and regulations for sacrifices (the slaughtering follows immediately after the laying on of one hand). Unlike the scapegoat ritual, however, no confession is spoken and only one hand is laid on the animal. Still, the performance does look like a sacrifice intended for Satan, a revival of the scapegoat, especially if homed animals are used. 285 It was precisely this misleading closeness to sacrifices that was one of the reasons for medieval halakhic authorities objecting to the rite 286 Yet, despite the fact that the kapparot were strongly opposed by numerous great authorities like Nachmanides, Rashba and Rabbi Y osef Qaro, it remained popular throughout the ages. This is probably due to the deep psychological impression the ritual makes on the performer and the spectators and the need to perform some act ensuring atonement. Ritual blood spilling and detachment of the entrails embodying the sins fulfilled these psychological needs better and more visibly than a mere verbal recounting of the temple ritual.

273

,. I omitI a .long quotation ofPs 107:10-21·, Job 33·24 . _ Trans atton by l.Z. Lauterbach, Studies in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore (Edtted by Bernard J. Bamberger; New York, 1970), pp. 356-357. The words in parentheses ( )_ are _additions by Lauterbach, those in square brackets [ ] are additions from the text given m a note on the previous page. 275 • Usually the pater fami/ias buys a hen for each female and a cock for each male family member. See the letter ofRav Sheshna from Sura, quoted in Lauterbach Rabbinic Essays, p. 356. Today, white is the preferable color. ' ~; Lauterbach, Stud~es in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore, p. 369. Much later Rasht speaks of the poor using sacks of beans (on bSabb 81 b): see L;,~terbach, Studies in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore, pp. 370-373. Rav Sheshna from Sura, quoted in Lauterbach, Rabbinic Essays, p. 356. 279 See Lauterbach, Rabbinic &says, p. 356.

280

Gen 22:13. Gen 37:31-33. 282 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Leviticus 9:3. 283 See the discussion of this passage on pp. 12&-129, below. 284 In modem prayer books one often Imds the argument to use a rooster, because it is an animal that could not be sacrificed in the Jerusalem temple and does not raise the suspicion that the kapparot could be mistaken for a prohibited sacrificial rite outside the sanctuary. This argument is much more recent than Sheshna. Furthermore, this argumentation is true only for the theologian, not for the anthropologist or the performer of the rite. m Lauterbach, Rabbinic Essays, p. 365. 286 Lauterbach, Studies in Jewish Law, Custom and Folklore, pp. 357-358, note 77. 281

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3.4 Pagan and Christian Descriptions of Contemporary Yom Kippur Rites

Eusebius Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria and Jacob of Sarug. For of the three autumn festivals is amply demoustrated by "ders' this unity OtU S l , an explicit statement of the ninth-century Syriac ~xegete Ihdd"lnh s o a : . ~ e eventh lunar month, first Tishri, there is a fest1val from the begmmng s fl the twenty-first day."290 This misapprehension illustrates that for the :~-Jewish observer the festivals, being so close chronologically, might appear to be one long festival. Moreover, tw~ details ~f Plutarch's description match not only Sukkot but also Yom Kippur: the Joyful context of the dances in the vineyards and the fesllve meal as breaking of the fast after sunset?91 It is therefore quite plausible to see Plutarch's description as a firsthand outside observation that is slightly confused. The satirist Juvenal (ca. 60--130 CE) wrote the most delightful lines on Yom Kippur:

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3.4.1 Pagan Texts Jewish festivals, with the exception of the Sabbath, are not very prominent in pagan texts. Menahem Stem in the index to his magnificent Greek and Roman Authors on Jews and Judaism lists only two passages for Yom Kippur, 287 and he rejects them in his commentary - unjustifiably, as we shall see. In an attempt to portray Judaism as a variant cnlt of Dionysus, Plutarch (ca. 40--120 CE) turns to some of the Jewish festivals, among them Yom Kippur and Sukkot: The time and character of the greatest, most sacred holiday of the Jews clearly befit Dionysus. When they celebrate their so-called Fast (ti)v yU.p AEYO!l&vt]v Vl]atriav). at the height of the vintage, they set out tables of all sorts of fruit under tents and huts plaited for the most part of vines and ivy. They call the first of the

days of the feast Tabernacles

(oiCTIV1)v) ... 288

According to Stern, Plutarch's use of Yom Kippur is a mistake and he is really referring only to Sukkot. Yet Plutarch may well reflect the impression of an outside observer of the festivals of Yom Kippur and Sukkot. Philo, too, emphasizes the time of the fast in the middle of the harvest period. Authors more acquainted with Judaism than Plutarch who certainly were firsthand observers confused Sukkot and Yom Kippur, among them

287 Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. In addition to the two passages discussed here, one should mention the passage of Hecateus of Abdera referred to below (seep. 109, note 149), whose description of the Jewish high priest may have been influenced by the temple ritual of Yom Kippur with its entrance to the holy of holies and the prostration of the people. A fourth passage, a letter of Augustus to Tiberius, probably confuses Sabbath and Yom Kippur: "Not even a Jew, my dear Tiberius, fasts so scrupulously on his Sabbaths (di/igenter sabbatis ieiunium servat) as I have to-day; for it was not until after the first hour of the night that I ate two mouthfuls of bread in the bath before I began to be anointed." (Suetonius, Divus Augustus 76:2, translation by J.C. Rolfe in LCL). Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 2, p. 110, comments that other classical authors express the same notion of a fast on the Sabbath. Heinrich Lewy observed that it may have been one of the names of Yom Kippur, Sabbath of Sabbaths that caused this confusion: see H. Lewy, "Philologisches aus dem Talmud," Philologus 84 (I929) 377-398, here pp. 390--391. For the possibility that in Rome, Yom Kippur was kept on a Sabbath, see D. Stlikl Ben Ezra, "Whose Fast Is It? The Ember Day and Yom Kippur," in: A.H. Becker and A. Reed (eds.), The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and Christians in Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 95; Tnbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003; pp. 259-282). 288 Plutarch, Quaestiones Convivales 4:6:2, 6710, translation by H.B. Hoffleit in LCL; cf. Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. I, p. 557.

289

[This diamond] was given as a present long ago by the barbarian Agripp~ to his incestuous sister, in that country where kings celebrate festal Sabbaths With bare 292 feet, and where a long-established clemency suffers pigs to attain old age.

Again, Stern rejects that this passage reflects Yom Kipp~ and, following a suggestion by Friedlander, refers to the general obhgatwn to remove the shoes on entering the Temple Mount. Heinrich Lewy, however, suggests

m Eusebius, Demonstratio Evangelica I :3:2 (Yom Kippur as one of the three pilgrimages); Chrysostom, Against the Jews I: 1 (wrong order); even more so on page t23a of the newly found manuscript of Against the Jews 2, where he speaks of a fast on Sukkot; see also Cb.rysostom, Christmas Homily 5 (PG 49:357BC); Cyril of Alexandri~ Commentary on Isaiah 1:14 (PG 70:36C); Jacob of Sarug, Homily on the Scapegoat, m P. Bedjan, Homiliae Se/ectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis (Leipzig and Paris, 1907), vol. 3,

pp.259,263,267,275. 290 Did Ishodad know neither Shemini 'Azeret on Tishri 22 nor Simhat Torah? The text continues: "At the beginning of the month is the festival of thanksgiving, that of the harvest; and on the tenth is the day of expiation [~]. on which they fast and are idle; and from the fifteenth to the twenty-first is [the festival] of booths. On the day of expiation, the priest expiates and sanctifies the holy of holies and the altar in order that they be no longer rendered impure because of the fault of those who were not proper to serve as priests. Regarding this God issued the reproach: 'They have defiled my name and my altar'." My translation ofishodad, Commentary on Leviticus 23:23-26, following C. van den Eynde (ed.), Commentaire d'lso'dad de Merv sur /'Ancien Testament. 11. Exode-Deuttironome (CSCO 176, Scriptores Syri 80; Louvain, 1958), p. 84 (cf. his French translation in CSCO 81, p. 112). On Ishodad, see C. Leonhard,lshodad ofMerw's Exegesis ofthe Psalms I 19 and 139-147. A Study ofHis Interpretation in the Light of the Syriac Translation of Theodore ofMopsuestia's Commentary (CSCO 585; Subsidia 107; Leuven, 2001). 291 Cf. mTa'an 4:8 and mYoma 7:4. 292 Juvenal, Saturae 6:157-160, translation by G.G. Ramsay in LCL; cf. Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, voJ. 2, p. 100.



the custom of walking barefoot on Yom Kippur. 293 Four arguments support Lewy's suggestion over Stem's and Friedlander's. First, the rite of walking publicly with bare feet on Yom Kippur attracted the attention of other observers, too. 294 Second, the mention of the Sabbath is more reasonably associated with a special day such as Yom Kippur than is the prohibition against entering the temple with shoes, which is valid every day. Moreover, the Sabbath is confused with Yom Kippur also in other passages for example, in Augustus' letter. 295 Third, Juvenal was more likely to have heard about the king walking barefoot on a Yom Kippur in Rome than about the king's barefoot entry to the Temple Mount in Jerusalem. Fourth, the moment of absurdity (in Roman eyes) lies in the concept that a king would celebrate a festival barefooted - i.e. with a mourning custom rather than in the common practice of removing the shoes before entering a sacred precinct. The latter would not be considered amusing. In suro, none of the pagan references to Yom Kippur is a straightforward description; all are problematic, especially the frrst. We can consider this result as a cup half full or half empty. The cup is half empty because pagans seem to have taken little notice of Yom Kippur. On the other hand it is half full because in the pagan texts Yom Kippur is the "most famous" festival after the Sabbath296

who mention the practice of fasting and mourning might be using exegetical deduction from the juxtaposition of "hurobling" and "fasting" in psalms 34:13 or Isaiah 58:4--5 with Leviticus 16 and Jonah. While for many, "the fast" is the name for the Day of Atonement instead of the biblical Yom Kippur, this notion may be derived from the descriptions of Phiio.299 Praying, the central rite, is mentioned only by Tertullian and Ephrem. was prayer perhaps too private to be noticed in closed synagogues? The earliest Christian description of Yom Kippur outside the temple - that by Tertullian, On Fasting 16, suggests the opposite location, open space:

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3.4.2 Christian Texts Christian knowledge of Jewish Yom Kippur rites was fairly general (though much more specific than the pagan texts), mentioning the date and the rites of praying, fasting, walking barefoot, dancing and assembling in open places as well as various mourning practices. Most descriptions appear, however, in a polemical context susceptible to fabrication. 297 It is therefore crucial to distinguish between imaginary descriptions and references to actual Jewish ritual. Only those Christians who refer to nonbiblical rites other than fasting and mourning can be considered eyewitnesses.298 References to sackcloth and ashes in the mourning rites may reflect polemical topoi based on Isaiah 58, Jonah and Matthew 6:17 rather than personal observation of Jewish celebrations. Those Christian authors 293

Lewy, "Philologisches aus dem Talmud," pp. 390-391. See the discussion on nudipedalia in the Christian texts, below, pp. 74-75. 295 See above, p. 68, note 287. 296 According to the index in Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, Passover and Shavuot do not seem to have been mentioned at ali, and Sukkot is referred to only in the passage quoted above. 297 For further analysis of passages by the Church Fathers on Yom Kippur, see pp. 262-289, below. 298 For a discussion of this question, see pp. 277-283, below. 294

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A Jewish fast (Iudaicum ieiunium), at all events, is celebrated everywhere; while, neglecting the temples (temp/is), throughout all the shore, in every open place, at length they send prayer[s] up to heaven. And, albeit by the dress and ornamentation they disgrace the duty of mourning, still they pretend loyalty to abstinence and sigh for the authority of the lingering star [to sanction their eating]. 300

To my knowledge Samuel Krauss was the first to use this passage for reconstructing the Jewish customs of Yom Kippur. 301 Krauss was followed notably by Claude Aziza302 Against both, Hillel Newman has argued that Tertullian describes the fast of a pagan group that fasts as if they were Jews, as suggested by the adjective Iudaicum. 303 Newman's main argument is that it is difficult to explain the term temp/is in the plural in a Jewish context. 304 Yet Steven Fine's recent study shows that the ''templization" of 299

Cf. note 7 on p. 16, above. Slightly changed translation of On Fasting 16:6 by S. Thelwall in Ante-Nicene Fathers 4: 113; text in A. Gerlo (ed.), Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera. Pars II. Opera Montanistica (CCSL 2; Tumhout, 1956), p. 1275. 301 SeeS. Krauss, Synagogale Altertii.mer (Berlin, Vienna, 1922), p. 272. 302 C. Aziza, Tertullien et le judafsme (Publications de Ia Faculte des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines de Nice 16; Nice, 1977). 3°3 See H. Newman, "Jerome and the Jews" [in Hebrew with English summary] (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1997), here p. 167. Newman compares the ludaicum of this passage with the Niniviticum in the immediately preceding paragraph, which clearly refers to pagans (sacrificial altar fire, idols). Yet it is by no means clear that the two paragraphs are about the same group and ritual. In fact, in the first paragraph, the people wear sackcloth and ashes while in the second paragraph they are dressed ornately, which in Tertullian's eyes disturbs the mourning ambience. This significant point has been turned upside down by S. Thelwall's translation. 304. The expression l:ll10 rnpo is very rarely used for synagogues and teaching halls, and then only quite late (only in bMeg 29a). On the term, see Krauss, Synagogale Altertiimer, pp. 17-18 and 28, note 6; and Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, p. 43. Two early non-Jewish authors use «temples" to refer to "synagogues": Tacitus, Historia 5:5:4 (igitur nulla simulacra urbibus suis, nedum temp/is s[istjunt), see C.H. Moore in LCL Tacitus 2; Stern, number 281, vol. 2, pp. 17-63; Agatharchides ofCnidus 300



the synagogue began to occur already in the Tannaitic period 305 That Tertullian refers to pagans who followed Jewish practices (including fasting) elsewhere, and that the custom of fasting until the end of the day is attested in pagan texts, too, makes a pagan provenance as possible as a Jewish one, but not more likely. 306 In either case, I still consider it the earliest detailed non-Jewish description of Yom Kippur outside the temple, notwithstanding that the depiction might concern a Yom Kippur observed by pagans - for even in this case, the comparison with the Jewish fast reveals how Tertullian imagined a Jewish Yom Kippur and what he knew about it. Tertullian chooses to characterize this "Jewish fast" by depicting the people as engaged in prayer and abstinence, dressing in solemn clothing and congregated in open places until the setting of the sun and the appearance of stars. All these non-biblical details and also the notable length of the prayers can be verified by other evidence. 307 The ornate dressing is particularly significant, since it matches the rabbinic descriptions of joy and dancing only on Yom Kippur and not on any other Jewish fast. 308 Considering that the Old Testan3ent (Isaiah 58 and Jonah) and the New (Matthew 6) describe the opposite custom, Tertullian probably observed with his own eyes not only the pagan fast but also the Jewish Yom Kippur. While Tertullian, when engaged in directly anti-Jewish polentics, contrasts the fast with the Eucharist and considers participation in the fast harmful,309 in On Fasting he only disregards the joyful aspect without a demonization of the Jewish fast (as e.g. Chrysostom will do), and he even prefers it to psychic -i.e. Catholic Christian- fasts.

Three of the details observed by Tertnllian appear also in other nonJewish sources: prayer, assembling outdoors and the joyful aspect. Regarding the Jewish preoccupation with prayer on Yom Kippur, I found only one other Christian author, Ephrem, in his Homily on Fasting:

72

apud Josephus, Contra Apionem 1:209: O:;U,.' i;v -cou; ispot<; E:teteta:KO·u:~ tO.~ xsipcu; £iTxsa!kn JJ.Ex!>t 'til<; to:Upm;, see Stern, number 30a, vol. 1, pp. 106--108. 305 S. Fine, This Holy Place. On the Sanctity of the Synagogue during the GrecoRoman Period (Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity Series 11; Notre Dame [Ind.], 1997), pp. 41-55 (quoting e.g. mMeg 3:3 and tMeg 3:21-23), and cf. pp. 55-59 on the limitations. 306 Ad nationes 1:13:4 (CCSL 1:32). M. Simon, "Le Judaisme berbere dans !'Afrique ancienne," in: idem, Recherches d'histoire Judio-Chritienne (Etudes Juives 6; Paris, 1962; pp. 30-87), p. 61, takes this as proof for his thesis of Jewish influence on local Semitic peoples around Carthage. 307 Open places are mentioned for the prayer assemblies on public fasts by mTa 'an 2:1, cf. Krauss, Synagogale Altertiimer, p. 269. Chrysostom states that people danced in marketplaces (Against the Jews I :2; 1:4). Does the beach indicate the qib/a to Jerusalem? 308 The elaborate clothing matches the joyful aspect of Yom Kippur mentioned in mTa'an 4:8. 309 Cf. the passages in Against Marcion 3:1:1 and Against the Jews 14:9-10, discussed on pp. 156-158, below.

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Therefore, on the day of its fast, the blind people rushed in arrogance and in error the fast in its mouth, [but] the idol in its heart, the prayer on its lips, [but] sorcery in its mind, its stomach empty of bread, but full of lie[s], its hands washed every day, but their unseen blood calling out against them. 310

The last line could either be an exegetical device to underscore the polluting effect of the murder of Christ, or it could reflect Jewish purification rites -presumably before Yom Kippur as suggested by Didymus the Blind (d. 398) in his Commentary on Zechariah: "The word of the almighty God came to me," says the prophet, "and ordered [me] to fast on the fourth and the fifth and the seventh and the tenth" 311 - obviously [the tenth day] of the month, since there is no tenth [day] of the week, as we demonstrated before. And the almighty God ordered these [fasts] as an image for the seventh month according to the [computation of the] Hebrews, on which the socalled Day of Atonement and humiliation (il;tAaOJJ.OU Kai 'taxewcixn::ro<; i)}!Epa) is perfonned, which Jews observe publicly (3TJ}!O'telilll;), calling it fast, purifying previously (xpoayvtl;ollEvrov) on the fourth and the fifth and the seventh of the [days] coming before the public fast ('tcilv £xi 'ti)V 3Tji.I.O't£lft VTJO'ttiav £PXO}l£vrov.) 312

Didymus emphasizes the public character of the fast. This terminology is reminiscent of the Hebrew expression ",l:J':!l n'Jl7n" ("public fast"), though it is a publicly observed fast rather than a fast of the public. What does Didymus mean by "purification" and what is the source of his description? Is he referring to the ten "days of awe" before Yom Kippur? The context gives no hint. Didymus is one of the few Christian authors with a neutral attitude toward Yom Kippur, perhaps because he wishes to use it to interpret the enigmatic prophetic verse. The joyful aspect appears also in Theodore! of Cyrus (ca. 393-466): He [God] ordered fasting on the tenth of the month. Therefore, he called this day the Day of Atonement. He said "Humble your souls from the evening of the ninth 310 Ephrem, Hymn on Fasting 1:12; my translation of the Syriac in E. Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Hymnen de leiunio (CSCO 246; Scriptores Syri 106; Louvain, 1964), p. 4. It is noteworthy that the Hymn on Fasting2 begins with Isa 58:1-5; Hymn on Fasting 10 speaks about Moses' fast as atonement for the sin of the golden calf and mocks the Jews who complained about eating the manna. 311 Zech 8:19. 312 My translation of Commentarii in Zachariam 3:32; for the Greek text and French translation see L. Doutreleau, Didyme I 'Aveugle. Sur Zacharie. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes (3 vols; SC 83-85; Paris, 1962), vol. 84, pp. 628-630.

74


of the month"m and "every soul, which will not be humbled on that day, that soul will be destroyed from your people."314 Yet the Jews, who undisguisedly fight

against the law, do not look sad on this day, but laugh and play and dance and practice unchaste words and deeds (rsAWO"l Kai Mi~oucn Kai :x:opfo:ilouot Kai (ucoMiatOt~ Pt\11ao:t Kai npliyJ.laattcixPT'IV'tat).315

Dancing matches Mishnah Ta 'anit 4:8 316 and is mentioned also in John Chrysostom. In his notorious Sermons Against the Jews, which are directed against Christians who participate in the Jewish Yom Kippur celebrations, he gives a vivid description of some contemporaneous Jewish practices: e.g. he complains that "they dance with bare feet on the market place."317 While the state of barefootedness is usually explained as pagan nudipedalia, 3 18 it matches well the rabbinical prescriptions~ since abstaining from wearing sandals appears as one of the six basic abstinences of Yom Kippur in Mishnah Yoma 8:] 319 It also appears in the sermons of Leo the Great (440-461) on the Fast of September in Rome. When, therefore, dearly beloved, we encourage you toward certain matters set out even in the Old Testament, we are not subjecting you to the yoke of Jewish obser~ vance, nor are we suggesting to you the custom of a worldly (carnalis) people. Christian self~denial surpasses their fasts, and, if there is anything in common between us and them in chronological circumstances (temporibus), the customs (moribus) are different. Let them have their barefoot processions (nudipedalia), and let their pointless fasts (ieiunia) show in the sadness of their faces (in tristitia uultuum). We, however, show no change in the respectability of our clothes. We do not refrain from any right and necessary work. Instead, we control our freedom

313

Lev 23:27.32. Lev 23:29. 31 5 My translation of Quaestiones in Octateuchum, in Leviticum 32 in: N. Fernandez Marcos and A. Saenz~Badillos ( eds. ), Theodoreti Cyrensis Quaestiones in Octateuchum (Textos y Estudios "Cardenal Cisneros" de la Biblia polliglota matritense 17; ~adrid, 1979), p. 183:12-19. For further discussion, see below, pp. 280-281. As the dtffe~ent choice of vocabulary reveals, the statement is not literally dependent on the formulations of John Chrysostom. There may theoretically be an indirect dependence, but it is much more likely that John and Theodoret, who lived in such close proximity - geographically as chronologically -witnessed the same festivities on different occasions. 31 6 Quoted above, p. 36. 317 •• :ytlj.lVOl<; tot~ xoai.v txi tf'l<; ityopii<; OpxoUJ.U;vot (Against the Jews 1:4; PG 48:8460). See in the same section: YtlJ.lVO'i<; flitSt~s tot<; xooiv £1ti tfl<; i.r.yopii<;. xai xotvffivst tf'l<; i.r.OXTtJ.lO~ crUVTJ<; aittot~ xai. toii -ySJ...roto<; (Against the Jews 1:4; PG 48:849C). 318 See the commentary to this passage by R. Br!ndle in idem and V. Jegher-Bucher (eds., transl.), Acht Reden gegen Juden (Bibliothek der griechischen Literatur 41; Stuttgart, 1995). 319 Compare also Juvenal's parody of the barefoot Agrippa mentioned above, p. 69-70. 314

The Rituals of Yom Kippur in eating by simple frugality, limiting the quantity of our food, but not dernning what God has created. 320

75 con~

Here, the commentators explain the nudipedalia against the background of Manichean practices. 321 Regarding the fact that Chrysostom and Leo both claim to describe Jewish Yom Kippur practices, and considering that this matches the rabbinic prescriptions, we have to consider the statements of these Church Fathers as eyewitness accounts. 322 In the chapter on liturgy this deduction will be important in assessing the historical connection of Leo and the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month to the Jewish fast. 323 Besides walking barefoot, Leo mentions sadness, less respectable clothes, total fast and idleness as characteristics of Yom Kippur. Sadness and shabby clothing may be polemical topoi rooted in Matthew 6, Isaiah 58 320 My translation of Sermon 89:1 of the Latin in A. Chavasse (ed.), Sancti Leonis Magni Romani Pontificis Tractatus Septem et Nonaginta (Hom 39-95) (CCSL 138A; Turnhout, 1973), p. 551. Cf. the translation of A.J. Conway and J.P. Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons (The Fathers of the Church 93; Washington, D.C., 1996). The translation of Freeland and Conway ("if there is anything in common between us and them in cir~ cumstances, there are great differences in our character") misses some aspects of the comparison. Dolle's French translation goes in the same direction as mine. Mores is the headline for the five customs that follow. 321 Conway and Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons, p. 368. 322 Blaise's dictionary gives two meanings for nudipedalia, one pagan and one Jewish. Jerome uses the term nudi'pedalia to describe an explicitly Jewish practice accusing Paul "nudipeda/ia exercueris de caerimoniis Judaeorum."- Letter 112:10; I. Hilberg (ed.), Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae (CSEL 54; 55; 56:1-2; Vienna, 2 1996), here vol. 55, p. 379:15-16. Cf. the same incident in Against Jovinianus 1:15 (PL 23:234C); Commentary on Galatians 1; 2:8-9 (PL 26:339A, 3750). This may possibly reflect Jerome's acquaintance with the contemporary Jewish practice as well, but does not necessarily refer to Yom Kippur. The textual basis for the Roman practice of barefoot processions rests on quite a fragile foundation: three passages by Tertullian and Petronius, much earlier than Leo's time, Leo being closer to Jerome: see Marbach, '
76

77



and Jonah, but it may also describe Roman Jewish practice, since the rab-

preponderance of non-exegetical texts over the ritual descriptions and the relative disinterest of Christian exegesis in contemporary Jewish ritual are "normal." 327

binic data are not univocal on this issue.

How much did aocient Christian scholars know about the details of the prayer service? Jerome, Chrysostom and Hesychius mention the sound of

Second, I was surprised by the fact that Origen does not refer explicitly

Shofarot in close juxtaposition with Yom Kippur descriptions associating eschatological concepts to it 324 Yet it is difficult to decide whether these Shofar blasts refer to Rosh Hashanah or to Yom Kippur, and whether the Christiao authors heard the Shofarot or only read about them in the festival calendar of Leviticus 23. Were Christian authors familiar with the Jewish readings? Some readings of the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month are conspicuously close to the readings of Yom Kippur, Hosea 14, Micah 7, Exodus 32 aod Leviticus 23 325 Furthermore, Isaiah 58, one of the Haftarot

to the specific Yom Kippur practices of his Jewish contemporaries, though

for Yom Kippur, appears very often in Christian texts on Yom Kippur or in

close juxtaposition to passages on the fast. 326 Yet it is impossible to discern if this juxtaposition is the result of a Christiao polemical pun on the citation of Isaiah 58 in the Jewish prayer in some communities, or if some Jewish communities introduced Isaiah 58 as a reading in order to

counter Christian attacks. Most likely is a third possibility, that Isaiah 58 entered the Jewish liturgy al!d the Christian polemics independently merely because its content was well suited to both. Two results of the analysis surprised me. First, with the exception of

Theodore! of Cyrus' portrayal of Yom Kippur, the most detailed descriptions of the Jewish Yom Kippur - Tertullian, Ephrem, Didymus, Chrysostom and Leo - do not appear in exegeses of Leviticus 16. The

he clearly lived in a town with a dense Jewish population, fought Christians participating in Yom Kippur fasts expressis verbis, and was acquainted with some exegetical traditions. Given his provenance and the

specific situation of the battle against Christian Judaizers, it is highly unlikely that Origen did not know at least the main visible features of the popular Yom Kippur rituals. We cao therefore use the case of Origen to deduce that an argumentum e silentio cannot be applied to other authors with regard to Yom Kippur: if Christiao authors do not explicitly specifY Jewish ritual practices, this does not mean that they were not aware of at least their basic elements.

In sum, almost all Christian authors were acquainted with the fact the Jews fasted on Yom Kippur; some were also familiar with the joyful aspects of the rites such as dancing or beautiful clothes, and outdoors gatherings; few mention prayer or purification rites. Some may have known of

the use of Shofarot in the prayer service or the reading of Isaiah 58 or Jonah, but it is impossible to prove. I did not find aoy Christian witness for the Jewish custom of wearing specifically white clothes or performing the lcapparot sacrifice, which is quite suitable as an object of polemics. It is

description is probably the different orientation of the exegetical genres,

difficult to point to any conclusions concerning time and place. Neither is it possible to ascribe certain Jewish customs to specific communities. Ephrem, Chrysostom and Theodoret do not seem to be informed more pre-

with concepts having a certain primacy over ritual. For example, Protestant

cisely, nor do they relate radically different facts than Leo or Tertullian.

exegesis explains the Protestaot understanding of the biblical text and probably justifies Protestant liturgy and ritual. Io the times of ProtestaotCatholic polemics, Protestaots devalued Catholic liturgy by attacking

Texts from Alexandria, Jerusalem and Caesarea are less informative than

reason for this discrepancy between extensive exegesis and detailed ritual

Catholic concepts and the interpretation of their canonical prooftexts. The

Protestaots did not need to describe, analyze and counter the details of Catholic ritual itself, since they had already extracted "its roots." On the other hand, descriptions of Catholic ritual appear as circumstaotial evidence

in

letters,

diaries,

newspapers,

etc.

Accordingly,

the

324 Jerome, Letter 52:10 (CSEL 54:432-433); Chrysostom, Against the Jews 1:5.8; Hesychius, Commentary on Leviticus 23 (PG 93:109IBC). 325 See the section on the Roman Christian fast in September, below, pp. 317-321. 326 E.g. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 40:4; Origen, Homily on Leviticus 10:2:4 (SC 287:136); Ephrem, Hymn on Fasting 2:1; Basil, Homily on Fasting 1-2; Leo, Sermon

92:2.

Leo from Rome and Tertullian from North Africa, aod less than I expected them to be. Certainly, some of the great exegetes of Leviticus such as Cyril and Hesychius lived in towns with considerable Jewish minorities, just as

Origen did. 328 Clearly based on eyewitness accounts are the descriptions of Ephrem, Chrysostom, Theodore! and Leo, and most probably also Tertullian; they give detailed extra-biblical information that tallies with rabbinic regulations. . 327 As a test case, it would be interesting to compare Yom Kippur to, for example, Passover_ How much did Christians know about the Jewish post-temple Passover practices, and in what contexts and genres do these descriptions appear? I am not aware of such a study, but the limited frame of the present one precludes my undertaking it at this point. 328 These authors are discussed below, pp. 262-265.

Imaginaires of Yom Kippur

79

anity, i.e. the comparative aspects determine the focus and scope. Despite these limitations, I hope to have added some new observations and inter-

pretations, especially regarding the apocalyptic material and 4Maccabees. Chapter 3

lmaginaires of Yom Kippur

1. The Apocalyptic lmaginaire of Yom Kippur

The different Jewish groups attached various rationales to the ritual of Yom Kippur and variously used its imagery to explain theological ideas. This section investigates these imaginaires according to the major sources. I shall begin (section I) with the apocalyptic texts of different provenance (including Qumran) that use similar imagery based on Yom Kippur to describe the primordial and the eschatological fight against evil, and the

The mythopoetic potential of Yom Kippur finds one of its deepest expressions in two major elements in the ancient Jewish apocalypses: 1. Some descriptions of heavenly ascents employ the high-priestly entry into the presence of God in the holy of holies (Testament of Levi) or allude to it (Isaiah 6; Zechariah 3; /Enoch 14, Apocalypse of Abraham).2 2. In some cosmological myths of Urzeit and Endzeit about the genesis

vision of God. This discussion is crucial for understanding the emergence

and termination of sin, the 'Az'azel goat serves as imagery for the

of early high-priestly Christology and of Valentinian and Clement of

leaders of the evil powers (Apocalypse of Abraham: /Enoch !0). Sometimes the 'Az'azel goat ritual is used to describe the eschatological end of sin (1 Enoch I 0). Often the protagonist of the good forces is portrayed as a (high) priest (1 Enoch, Zechariah 3, II QMelchizedek, Apocalypse of Abraham) 3 I will start with a brief analysis of the first and continue with the second. A

Alexandria's mysticism.

I shall then (section 2) deal with Greek diaspora texts. The Septuagint demonstrates the enculturaiion of Jewish conceptions in a pagan world.

Philo shows how allegorization can serve the needs of the temple-less diaspora. The portion on 4Maccabees 11 uses Yom Kippur imagery in post-temple Jewish martyrology, a phenomenon parallel to Christian Jewish thought. The saroe phenomenon may be the background to a pas-

fmal section deals with the etiological aspects of another tradition contained in Jubilees. Jubilees is not apocalyptic, but it has many traditions in

sage in Josephus.

common with 1Enoch, and it deals with Yom Kippur in a mythological

The brief passage on Christian Jewish texts (section 3) was inserted mainly to remind the reader that many of the texts to be investigated in

parts 2 and 3 in fact belong here, in the analysis of the Jewish material. The next two sections deal with aspects of two corpora of post-temple Judaism oflate antiquity: the rabbinic texts (section 4) and Hekhalot literature (section 5), with an emphasis on the first corpus. The Hekhalot texts resume the use of the imagery of the high priest's entrance to the holy of holies for the description of the mystical ascent, resembling Philo and the apocalyptic sources. All of these corpora are essential for understanding the development of this imagery in early Christian mysticism, especially the Valentinian sources. I will return to aspects of piyyutim and the rabbinic texts in the section on Christian-Jewish polemics.

1

I tried to investigate each group in its own right. Yet this chapter has to be understood within the limitation of the fraroe of this work as a tool for addressing the primary issue- the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christi1

See below, pp. 277-283.

time and from a priestly perspective.

1.1 High-Priestly Visions of God I: Apocalyptic Texts The high-priestly entrance to the holy of holies served as imagery for apocalyptic texts to describe heavenly ascents to God. Similar pictures appear also in Philo, Valentinian Gnosticism, early Christian mysticism and

Hekhalot texts. The heavenly ascents adopt the langoage of Leviticus 16. Scholars have frequently investigated these texts and their interconnec-

tions. This section treats only the apocalyptic texts; the other texts will be dealt with separately. I focus on the connection of the sources to Yom

Kippur and mainly ask two questions: With regard to the history of tradition, which texts reinforce what kinds of elements of the Yom Kippur 2

The two main elements may be connected, as for example in the Apocalypse of Abraham. In the Book of the Watchers (/Enoch 1-36) and in the Testament of Levi the two moments appear in different chapters of the book. 3 A previo~s version of these thoughts has been published as StOkl, "Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic lmaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood."

80



turban on his bead." So they put a clean turban on his head, and clothed him; and the angel of the LORD was standing by. 6 Then the angel of the LORD assured Joshua, saying 1 "Thus says the LORD of hosts: If you will walk in my ways and keep my requirements, then you shall rule my house, and have charge of my courts, and I will give you access to those who are standing here. sNow listen, Joshua, high priest, you and your colleagues who sit before you! For they are people of evidence [an omen of things to come]: I am going to bring my servant "Branch." 9 For on the stone that I have set before Joshua, on a single stone with seven facets, I will engrave its inscription, says the LORD of hosts, and I will remove the guilt of that land in a single day ( 1117 nN •nWI:ll 1nN lll'j N';J;l f1N;J/'VTJlO.!J1~G
imagery? And, what mystic ritual lies behind this conception of the visionary as high priest entering the holy of holies? The prophetic visions of Isaiah 6 and Ezekiel I and I 0 use terms and motifs alluding to the temple and the holy of holies without alluding to motifs specifically connected to Yom Kippur. 4 Although Ezekiel envisages God's throne placed on the cherubs (i.e. above the kapporet on the ark in the holy of holies) surrounded by figures clothed in (priestly) white linen, he does not directly refer to the kapporet. 5 Zechariah 3 describes a vision of the high priest Joshua standing before the heavenly tribunal 6 3:1 Then he showed me the high priest Joshua (YI!'ll;·pfirloo~) standing before the angel of the LORD, and Satan (lt!W;'l/0 OtU!JoAos) standing at his right hand to accuse him. 2 And the LORD said to Satan, "May the LORD rebuke you, 0 Satan! May the LORD who has chosen Jerusalem rebuke you (1:l 1li'l'/txtnr.ai)oat tv ooi)! Is not this a brand plucked from the fire?" 3 Now Joshua was dressed in filthy clothes (c•1m: D'11J/lllitna PmapO:) as he stood before the angeL 4 And [the angel] answered and said to those who were standing before him, "Take off his filthy clothes." And to him he said, "See, I have taken your guilt (1lll11''7Yll'ni:ll7;'1/it(~11]plJKa tO.c; O.vop.iac; aou) away from you. Clothe you with festal apparel (ni~l;onZJ/xoOflpll)!" s And I said, "Let them put a clean

4 Isa 6 mentions God dressed in robes sitting on a throne in the palace (7::1';'1) (6:1), surrounded by winged serallDl (6:2), who glorify him with the threefold sane/Us (6:3). Isaiah does not state clearly whether the building stands in heaven or on earth and, therefore, whether Isaiah ascends to heaven or enters the earthly l;o:~•:-~. The latter is more probable. The throne and the palace evoke a king's council (cf. 1Kgs 22:19; Job 1:6; 2:1; Zech 1:8; 3:1; 6:1-3), but the liturgy with the cultic·military appellation nlNj~ :11;'1\ the altar, the smoke, the exceptional purification and the atonement of Isaiah's sins belong to a cultic temple context: see H. Wildberger, Jesaja. I. Teilband Jesaja I-I2 (Biblischer Kommentar X/1; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1972), pp. 243-253; J. Blenkinsopp, isaiah 1-39 (Anchor Bible 19; New York, 2000), pp. 222-226. The smoke and the altar in the house I temple (n•:t) are reminiscent of an incense sacrifice. Isaiah is purified and his sins (lnY, nNt!n) are atoned (1~1:1n) (6:5-7). No mention is made of a separation of the sanctuary into several parts, a veil, a holy of holies, or a blood ritual. 5 Ezek 1 describes Ezekiel seeing 71Jum in the open heavens, out of which emerges a chariot with wheels and four fiery winged animals, and above them a fiery hwnan figure seated on a throne. Ezek 9-10 describes the exit of God's glory from the throne above the cherubs in the temple (10:1). This visiOn was very influential, but it does not include cultic elements relevant to the Yom Kippur ritual. See the commentaries on this verse: W. Zimmerli, Ezechiel. I. Teilband: Ezechiell-24 (Biblischer Kommentar XIII/I; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1969); M. Greenberg, Ezekie/1-20. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 22; Garden City, N.Y., 1983). The same is true for the vision of final judgment in Dan 7:9-10. See J.J. Collins, Daniel (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 1993), pp. 299-303. 6 The scene has also some elements in common with Isa 6: see R. Hanhart, Sacharja (Biblischer Kommentar. Altes Testament 14:7; Neukirchen-Vluyn, l990ff), pp. 205-206.

81

Robert Hanhart has discerned some elements connecting the scene of Zechariah to Yom Kippur. 8 The protagonist is a high priest. He stands at a special place where only he, God, a defending angel and the accusing Satan are present. The right of access to this place is dependent on observance of certain regulations and a moral code. This evokes the holy of holies. The central act is a symbolic change of vestments. The soiled high priest's vestments symbolize his sins. Exchanging these soiled clothes for clean ones signifies atonement.9 The "single day" of purification of the land evokes Yom Kippur and gives it an eschatological ring. The cultic scene alluded to conld be the picture of a high priest who changes his linen vestments, which have become stained from sprinkling the blood on Yom Kippur. 10 Regarding the number of corresponding elements, a connection to Yom Kippur is probable. Later readers of Zechariah (at least those behind the Apocalypse of Abraham around 100 CE) undoubtedly viewed Zechariah 3 as being connected to Yom Kippur, as will be shown in the ensuing subsection on 'Az'azel in apocalypticism. If Leviticus 16 is one of the texts in the background of Zechariah 3, the prophet is the earliest evidence for a

7

Zech 3; my translation based on the NRSV. Hanhart, Sacharja, pp. 166-240, especially pp. 184-189. See also H. Blocher, "Zacharie 3. Josue et le Grand Jour des Expiations," Etudes Theologiques et Religieuses 54 (1979) 264-270. Most commentators emphasize the differences in the two situations and discard any relationship. Hanhart underscores the amount of reinterpretation of the priestly ritual. 9 The rare Greek term for the vestment, xoOflpTJc;, will be discussed below, in the section on Barnabas and the proto.typology, p. 160. 10 Hanhart, in contrast, understands the change of vestments in Lev 16 as signifying two aspects of the ritual, purification of the sanctuary (Lev 16:20) and atonement for the sins of priest and people (Lev 16:24), without drawing on the rabbinic tradition of the ritual and the changes of vestments: see Hanhart, Sacharja, p. 186. 8



conception of Yom Kippur as a day of judgment, of historical and eschatological atonement. Apocalyptic sources from the Second Temple period develop these cuitic elements in the prophetic texts into an ascent vision of approaching God in the holy of holies of the heavenly temple. !Enoch 14:8-25, from around 300 BCE, is the earliest extant description of an ascent to God seated on his throne in the heavenly holy of holies. 11 Enoch is described as subsequently entering three areas of increasing sanctity, matching the structure of Jerusalem's temple with its o71N, 7m and 1'~1l 2 God sits in white garments on a throne surrounded by angels praising him and by a fiery sea with fiery rivers flowing out from below his throne. 13 Upon encountering this scene, Enoch is frightened; he prostrates himself, and God asks him to draw near to the area that even the angels cannot enter -just as regular priests carmot enter the holy of holies, only the high priest may do so. 14 Here, Enoch is supposed to deliver his intercession on behalf of the Watchers. 15 Many details attest to a major priestly component in the apocalyptic thought of 1Enoch 14l6 The white garment is best understood as referring to the linen vestments worn daily by the priests 17 - and worn, too,

by the high priest, on Yom Kippur. Enoch's intercessory prayer on behalf of the Watchers matches the high priest's actions on Yom Kippur. 18 The Testament of Levi 19 describes a visionary ascent of Levi to the holy of holies in the sanctuary in the highest heaven. 20 The language vividly paints the liturgical scene 21

82

11 Chapter 14 is part of the so-called Book of Watchers, which is dated to at least the third century BCE: see the extensive commentary by G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1. A Commentary on the Book of 1 Enoch, Chapters 1-36; 81-108 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis, 2001), pp. 7, 229-275; M.E. Stone, "The Book of Enoch and Judaism in the Third Century B.C.E.," Catholic Biblical Quarterly 40 (1978) 479-492; M. Black (ed.), The Book of Enoch or I Enoch. A New English Edition with Commentary and Textual Notes (Studia in veteris testamenti pseudepigrapha 7; Leiden, 1985), here pp. 149-152. The influence of the biblical vision scenes (or, in the case of Daniel, their sources) is striking: see M. Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses (Oxford, 1993), pp. 10, 13, 16, referring to Ezekiel for the throne with the cherubs, which did not stand in the Second Temple, its useless wheels, and the visionary's prostration; and to Isa6 and 1Kgs22:19-22 for the angels surrounding God and the visionary's fear. Dan 7:9-10 is very close, but since the Book of the Watchers is earlier than Daniel, it is not clear if the latter was influenced by the former or if both rely on a common Vorlage. 12 I Enoch 14:9.10.14. t3 ]Enoch 14:14-23. 4 1 I Enoch 14:24 and 14:21. 15 I Enoch 15:2-16:4. 16 Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, pp. 27, 28. It is this priestly group that conceals a criticism of the Jerusalem priestly establishment behind the fulminations against the Watchers. 17 Cf Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, pp. 18-20.

83

In the uppermost heaven22 of all dwells the Great Glory in the holy of holies (tv Uyi.Q,) Uyi.mv), superior to all holiness. s There with him 23 are the angels of the Lord's face, who serve (M::t-roupyoiivn:<;) and atone (£1;tA.a.oK6J.I.svot) before the Lord for all the sins of ignorance of the righteous (6) and offer (1tpompfpoucn) to the Lord a pleasing fragrance, a rational and bloodless oblation. 24 3:4

After crossing a series of heavens, Levi enters the _highest heaven, which is explicitly called holy of holies. God's Glory is surrounded by archangels whose main liturgical function is to atone on behalf of the righteous. In other words, the main cultic function of the heavenly holy of holies is atonement. Some of the central cultic elements mentioned in 1Enoch are missing, such as the fear and the prostration. Himmelfarb ascribes this absence to a Christian redactor. 25 Yet the preservation of such texts as !Enoch and the Testament of Levi by Christian scribes, and their translation into various languages, demonstrates the interest of Christian readers 18 Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, p. 25. Intercession may be, among other things, prophetic, but a priestly intercession matches best the other priestly elements and the sacral geography of the chapter. 19 Even if one considers the Testament of the Patriarchs a Christian work that draws on Jewish sources, we can, with care, use the Testament of Levi for reconstructing Jewish thought of the Second Temple period, since we have fragments of one of its sources or traditions, the Aramaic Levi from Qumran, a fragment from the Cairo Genizah as well as a fragment of a Greek translation in a manuscript from Mount Athos. 20 In fact, there are two ascents (Testament of Levi 2:5-5:7; 8:1-18), but the first contains all the motifs relevant to our issue. The second vision, in chapter 8, includes a detailed investiture of sorts in seven (!) priestly garments, conferring qualities and powers on Levi, such as priesthood, prophecy, judgment, righteousness, understanding, truth and faith. Obviously, this investiture deviates widely from the biblical prescriptions for priestly vestments. On the ascents in Testament of Levi, see Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, pp. 30-37. 21 E.g. the use of siofPXOJ.I.«t for crossing into another heaven (2:6-7); crilvsyyu<;; 1St'tO'IJPY0<; (2: 10). 22 It is not completely clear if the number of heavens is three or seven. Apparently, two conceptions have been mixed. 23 M. de Jonge and H.W. Hollander, The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 8; Leiden, 1985), consider the sentences that follow to be descriptions of heavens four to six, and consequently translate here "in the (heaven) next to if' (p. 136). 24 Testament of Levi 3 :4--6; my translation. 25 See Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, p. 33.

84



in this cosmological and theosophical material." And, as we shall see in the section on the Valentinians and Clement of Alexandria, early Christian mysticism used the same imagery in its descriptions of a vision of God.27 Allusions to Yom Kippur are fewer than in Philo or in Valentinian Christianity. The sacred geography of Yom Kippur (i.e. the entry to the holy of holies) attracts most attention in the visionary descriptions. The dimension of time (the entry is annual) is eliminated by emphasizing the eternity of the angelic cult and the permanence of the ascending person's participation in it. Explicit allusions to the specific ritual of Yom Kippur (incense, sprinkling, atOnement, intercession) are quite rare. The first to make an explicit connection between a vision of God and Yom Kippur's high-priestly entrance is Philo. 28 Hebrews and Valentinians depict the vision of God in terms closer to the apocalyptic texts; probably all are drawing on the same esoteric tradition of priestly origin. To imagine the high-priestly entry is to imagine an enconnter with the divine, and an encounter with the divine may be well mirrored in the highpriestly entry to the holy of holies. Scholars are divided about the basis of these depictions. Are they solely the fruit of literary imagination, or do they reflect induced visions?t" In this context, the evidence provided by the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice becomes important.30 Despite the fact that the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice were fonnd at Qumran, they were probably in use in a community outside Qumran, since the texts do not contain any "sectually

explicit" features." The Sitz im Leben of these fragments on the angelic cult of the heavenly temple is communal prayers. 32 They describe a heavenly liturgy that takes place in the seven heavens which contains several holies of holies {-P~1), some of them with a tlrrone and a veil, where angels (c''>N) offer pure and perfect heavenly sacrifices. These scenes are built on the same imagery as the apocalyptic ascent visions. Esther Chazon has worked out the various levels of correspondence between the heavenly and the earthly liturgy, up to human participation in the heavenly prayer, i.e. ritualized mysticism in communal prayer. 33 This ritualization will be important when we come to the Valentinian ritual of the bridal chamber. As we shall see in part 2, the Yom Kippur temple ritual does not become a fixed part of the depiction but continues to serve as a "living" source of inspiration in the Christian Jewish texts. The Christian Jewish texts not only use motifs derived from the apocalyptic tradition of the vision but also add elements from their imaginaire of Yom Kippur. Yom Kippur, then, remained a powerful influence.

26

2Enoch describes Enoch's metamorphosis into an angel on the ascent to the highest heaven in terms of a priestly investiture. The archangel Michael brings Enoch to the tenth heaven, where Enoch stands before the indescribable face of the Lord, who is seated on his throne surrounded by singing cherubs and seraphs. Enoch prostrates himself and is bidden by God to stand up. God orders Michael to anoint Enoch and change his clothes, and Enoch is ordained by Michael, a member of the order of angelic priests (ch. 22). See Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, pp. 37-44, especially 40-41. The change of clothes has no atoning connotation. The structure of ten heavens clearly presumes a hierarchical sacred geography. The ordination takes place in the holiest space. See Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, p. 42. Cherubs and throne are reminiscent of the holy of holies of the First Temple. The prostration may point to the priestly cult. 27 See below, pp. 228-237. 28 See below, pp. 110-112. 29 The first view is expressed by Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses; the second by, among others, M. Stone, "Apocalyptic- Vision or Hallucination?" Milia wa-Mil/a 14 (1974) 47-56. Many intermediate positions are discussed in Himmelfarb's fifth chapter. 3<1 4Q400-407 and IIQ17 edited in C. Newsom (ed.), Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice. A Critical Edition (Harvard Semitic Studies 27; Atlanta [Ga.], 1985).

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1.2 The Mythologization of 'Az"azel

1.2.1 Allusions to the Myth of' Az'azel in JEnoch I 0 Yom Kippur's scapegoat rite influenced I Enoch 10- at least from the second century BCE onward, 1Enoch 10 was understood against the background of Yom Kippur. 34 I Enoch 6-11 is the part of the Book of the 31 The term is Carol Newsom's in "'Sectually explicit' literature from Qumran," in: The Hebrew Bible and Its Interpreters (1990) 167-187. 32 C.R.A. Morray-Jones, "The Temple Within. The Embodiment of the Divine Image and Its Worship in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other-Early Jewish and Christian Sources," Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers 31:1 (1998) 400-431. 33 E. Chazon, "Human and Angelic Prayer in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls" (paper delivered at the Fifth Orion International Symposium, 19-23 January 2000, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem). 34 A number of scholars have previously dealt with this question. See the notes in A. Geiger, "Zu den Apokryphen," Jii.dische Zeitschrififii.r Wissenschaft und Leben 3 (1864) 196-204, here pp. 200-201; R.H. Charles (ed.), The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament in English (2 vols; Oxford, 1913); idem, The Book of Enoch or I Enoch, Translated from the Editor's Ethiopic Text (Jerusalem, 1973,1912); D. Dimant, ''The Fallen Angels in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Related Apocryphes and Pseudepigrapha" [in Hebrew] (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1974); D. Dimant, "1 Enoch 6-11: A Methodological Perspective," Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (1978) 323-339; Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven"; R. Rubinkiewitz, Die Eschatologie von Henoch 9-II und das Neue Testament (Osterreichische Biblische Studien 6; Vienna, 1984). L.L. Grabbe, "The Scapegoat Tradition: A Study in Early Jewish Interpretation," Journal for the Study of Judaism 18 (1987) 152-167, I found very helpful; R. Helm, "Azazel in Early Jewish Tradition," Andrews University

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Watchers (I Enoch 1-36) that tells the myth of the fallen angels who deceive humanity and introduce sin into the world. 35 These chapters (6-11) are usually regarded as being composed of two different layers named after the two leaders of the evil angels, 'Asa' el and Shemihaza. 36 The central passage pertaining to our question appears in lEnoch 10, in the 'Asa'el layer: 37 4 And further the Lord said to Raphael, "Bind ['Asa'el] by his hands and his feet, and throw him into the darkness. And split open the desert which is in Dudael, and throw him there. 5 And throw on him jagged and sharp stones and cover him with darkness; and let him stay there for ever, and cover his face, that he may not see light, 6 and that on the great day of judgment he may be hurled into the fire. 1 And

Seminary Studies 32 (1994) 217-226, however, added nothing significantly new. Most of my thoughts on I Enoch 10, the Apocalypse of Abraham and 11 QMelchizedek can be found in StOkl, "Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood." 35 On !Enoch 6-ll, see nowNickelsburg, I Enoch I, pp. 165-228. 36 George Nickels burg and Paul Hanson proposed two contradictory theories for the relationship between these layers and their backgrounds: see G.W.E. Nickelsburg, "Apocalyptic and Myth in 1 Enoc}l 6-11," Journal of Biblical Literature 96 (1977) 383405; Nickelsburg, I Enoch I, pp.l65-228, esp. pp. 191-193 and 215-228; Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven." Hanson argued that the Shemihaza layer follows an ancient Semitic pattern of a "rebellion in heaven" myth that in tum influenced the 'Asa'el stratum, which was formulated according to Lev 16. Nickelsburg claimed that Prometheus influenced the Shemihaza layer, originally built on Gen 6:1-4. This is not the context in which to try to resolve this thorny question. On the highly interesting methodological issues involved, see J.J. Collins, ..Methodological Issues in the Study ofl Enoch: Reflections on the Articles of P.D. Hanson and G.W. Nickelsburg," Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers (1978) 315-322, especially pp. 319-320, and the responses ofNickelsburg and Hanson in the same volume. See also J. VanderKam, Enoch and the Growth of an Apocalyptic Tradition (Catholic Biblical Quarterly, Monograph Series 16; Washington, D.C., 1984), pp. 122-130; and E.J.C. Tigchelaar, Prophets of Old and the Day of the End: Zechariah, the Book of Watchers and Apocalyptic (Oudtestamentische Studien 35; Leiden, 1996), pp. 165-182. I do not think that the either/or approach is necessarily correct here. In other words, an influence by the Prometheus myth on the Shemihaza layer does not necessarily rule out an influence by Lev 16 on the final stage. Nickelsburg refuted Hanson's arguments, partly because Hanson built his thesis solely on the correspondences between !Enoch and Targum Pseudo-Jonathan and did not use other sources from the Second Temple (Philo!) or the rabbinic period. 37 M. Knibb translates the Etliiopic version, which reads 'Azaz'el: see M. Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch. A New Edition in the Light of the Aramaic Dead Sea Fragments. Vol. I: Text and Apparatus. Vol. 2: Introduction, Translation and Commentary {in consultation with Edward Ullendorff] (2 vols; Oxford, 1978). This is "an accommodation to the biblical tradition": see L.T. Stuckenbruck, The Book of Giants from Qumran. Texts, Translation, and Commentary (Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 63; Tiibingen, 1997), p. 79. The Greek version reads J.\~atlk or J.\l;al~ftL 4QEnoclt (4Q201) iii 9 reads ?No~; 4QEnocJt(4Q204) ii 26 reads [7]Ntul1.


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restore the earth which the angels have ruined, and announce the restoration of the be destroyed arth, for I shall restore the earth, so that not all the sons of men shall J e sdgh through the mystery of everything which the Watchers made known an tau t to their sons. s And the whole earth has been ruined by the teaching of the works of [• Asa'el], and write upon him all sin." And the Lord said to Gabriel: "Proceed against the bastards and the reprobates and against the sons of the fornicators, and destroy the sons of the fornicators and the sons of the Watchers from amongst men. And send them out, and send them against one another, and let them destroy th':~selves in battl~, for they ~ill n?t have length of days. 10 And they will all pet1t1on you, but their fathers wtll gam nothing in respect of them, for they hope for eternal life, and that each of them will live life for five hundred years." 39

A connection between 1Enoch I 0 and Yom Kippur has long been noted."' The closeness of 'Asa'el to 'Az'azel is striking41 and was certainly perceived in the second centuryBCE by the authors of 4Q180, 4Q181 and 4QEnoch Giants', who tell the myth of the fallen angels and call the leader of the fallen angels 'Azaz'el {?KTTY), i.e. the demonized form of his narne 42 At least in these texts the two demons 'Asa'el and 'Az'azel were equated. Yet a number of further points of resemblance make an earlier influence of the scapegoat ritual on the formulation of I Enoch probable. The punishment of the demon resembles the treatment of the goat in aspects of geography, action, time and purpose. 43 First, the name of the place ofjudg33 On this obvious emendation of the commentary, see Black, The Book of Enoch or I Enoch. 39 This is Knibb's translation of the Ethiopic text of !Enoch 10:4-10. See Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, which I slightly adjusted to the Greek. Only 4a and 8b are extant in Aramaic. 40 See note 34 on p. 85, above. 41 While the extra K does not play a role, the variant o I 111 to T is important. Precisely this difference between 7Kll7l1 I 7NOl1 and 'nNrY I 7NnY is one of Nickelsburg' s main arguments against an influence of Lev 16: see Nickelsburg, ..Apocalyptic and Myth in I Enoch 6-11," pp. 401-404, especially note 83 on p. 404. 42 4Ql80 1 7-8; 4QEnoch GiantT (4Q203) 7 i 6. Jewish tradition often interpreted the Masoretic •Az'azel (?rNTY) as •Azaz'el (7mn7): see Dimant .. 1 Enoch 6-11," p. 336, note 37. For the discussion of 4Ql80, 4Ql81 and 4QEnoch GiantT see also J.T. Milik, The Books of Enoch. Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 [with the collaboration of Matthew Black] (Oxford, 1976), pp. 248-252 and 312-314; Dim3.nt, «The Fallen Angels in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Related Apocryphes and Pseudepigrapha," pp. 153-158, 175-176; Grabbe, ..The Scapegoat Tradition," pp. 155-156; Rubinkiewicz, Die Eschato/ogie von Henoch 9-11, pp. 97-101; and now especially Stuckenbruck, The Book of Giants from Qumran, pp. 79-82. For the pros and cons of viewing Azazel as a demon, see B. Janowski, ..Azazel,'' in K. van der Toorn, B. Becking and P.W. van der Horst (eds.), Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible (Leiden, 1995; col. 240-248). 43 Dimant recognized the weight of this argument, not mentioned by Hanson: ..In my judgment such an identification (of •Asa'el and 'Az'azel) is already assumed in the adap-



ment (Dudael - nl1;'! n'~) is conspicuously similar in both traditions and can likely be traced to a common origin. 44 Both in the description of the prison of the demon in I Enoch and in traditions about the precipice of the scapegoat ritual an element of ruggedness appears 45 This ruggedness could reflect an early Midrash on the meaning of,ll (cut, split up) in f,N ;'l,!l (Leviticus 16:22) andlor historical memory of the actual cliffs in the mountains of Jerusalem.46 Second, the sins are literally put on the scapegoat and written on the demon. 47 Both are mistreated (though in different ways), 48 brought to the desert, and hurled down. 49 Third, the reference to "the great day" (of judgment) can be connected to Yom Kippur, since this is one of its names in later tradition. 5 Finally, the restoration of the earth by removing the sin (10:7-8) and the destruction of the evil forces in a war incited by Gabriel (10:9-1 0) allude to the cathartic rationale behind Yom Kippur.

The Shemihaza layer juxtaposes an eschatological destruction of the evil forces and the liberation of their prisoners achieved by the archangel Michael with the 'Asa' el tradition. 51 Following the termination of sin, Michael introduces paradise-like conditions. 52 The choice of words for the different types of sin in 10:20 strongly resembles Leviticus 16:21. 53 The references to flight and Sabbath rest in I Enoch 10:17 can be seen as reminiscent of the Jubilee. And the purpose behind the narrative is an eschatological day of purification of the whole earth from sin. Again, Yom Kippur may have had some influence, especially considering that the later tradition depicts Michael as a heavenly high priest. Finally, I Enoch 13:1 ("before these things") shows that Enoch's ascent vision of the entrance to God's throne in chapter 14 took place before the events of I Enoch 10, i.e. the structure of I Enoch 10-14 matches the ritual of Yom Kippur with its high-priestly entrance before the scapegoat rite. These arguments corroborate the claim of an influence of Leviticus 16 and the Yom Kippur temple rite on 1Enoch I 0, or at least on its formulation and reception from the second century BCE onward, if not on the original version of the narrative. The primordial and eschatological history of sin become part of Yom Kippur's imaginaire in Jewish apocalyptic groups, and the myth also reveals one of the rationales behind the ritual. The annual Yom Kippur was perceived, at least by some, as a ritual anticipation of the eschatological purification of God's creation from sin. The goat originally sent to 'Az'azel was seen as the personification of'Az'azel, the demonic source of sin. This explains why the people mistreated the scapegoat on its way out of the city. 54 Hanson follows the wrong track by arguing for a sectarian origin of this tradition in a group opposing the temple because, he claims, "the normal means provided by the Temple cult for dealing with defilements is implicitly judged ineffectual."" The myth

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tion of the material in chap 10, where the punishments are commanded." See Dimant, "1 Enoch6-ll,"p.327. 44 For the interpretation of the similar names of the strange location da8ouitA I Aou!iafti... in 1Enoch and the rabbinic •111;1 /nn;, I nnn Inn;, /nnn Jl'J, see already Geiger, "Zu den Apokryphen," pp. 200-201. See also Milik's different explanations in Discoveries of the Judaean Desert 2 (1961), pp. 111-112; Milik, The Books of Enoch, pp. 29-30; and Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven," pp. 195-233; C. Molenberg, "A Study of the Roles of Shemihaza and 'Asa'el in I Enoch 6-11," Journal of Jewish Studies 35 (1984) 136-146, here p. 143, note 34; Black, The Book of Enoch or I Enoch, p. 134; Grabbe, "The Scape~ goat Tradition," p. 155, note 6. Hanson's main argument seems to be a pun on 11:19 as the Aramaic translation of n?lll in Lev 16:22-23 below the mysterious saying "open the desert" in !Enoch 10:4. But Grabbe's long note 6 in, "The Scapegoat Tradition," pp. 154-155, is a quite definite response. 45 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Lev 16 (~10p1 ~ppn 1nK ,pu); and Philo, De p/antatione 61 (&i<; 0& iilkt't« KO.i ai:!lt}l« K«i J3
mYoma6:4. 48 We have no evidence for a binding of the scapegoat, nor for its being covered as the demon is; neither is the demon treated as the scapegoat is on his leaving Jerusalem. 49 I Enoch 10:4-8 strongly emphasizes this point by mentioning four times that the demon is hurled down. 50 Cf. e.g. bRH 2la. The Ethiopic reads as the equivalent for "great day." 4QEnochb (4Q202) iv 11 reads KJ.1 KIJ1'. The extant Greek has no equivalent for KJ.1, but the citation of I Enoch 10:6 in Jude 6 reads p.ey6.A:q<; ftp.€po.o;:.

51

52

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!Enoch 10:11-17. !Enoch 10:18-11:2.

53 This has been independently noted by Rubink.iewitz, Die Eschato/ogie von Henoch 9-JJ und das Neue Testament, pp. 88-89, and even by the "opponent" of a Yom Kippur influence, Nickelsburg himself: see Nickelsburg, "Apocalyptic and Myth in I Enoch 611,'' p. 403. Lev 16:21 reads I) Ylll9; 2) Ktm; 3) 1lll7. This is translated by the LXX with I) «oucia; 2) Eip.o.p-rio.; 3) Eivop.io.. !Enoch reads slightly differently: 1) Ei.OtKia; 2) 6.p.ap•ia; 3) Ei.m:~ia. However, the LXX can translate 111:11 not only as Eivop.ia but also as Ei.atasio. (Ezek 33:9; Ps 32 [31]:5). The importance is the threefold distinction and the order of words. Cf. Exod 34:7; Num 14:18: 1) Eivop.ia. 2) Ei.OtKio.; 3) 6.~ap't"io.. 54 Barnabas 7:8 and mYoma 6:4. 55 Hanson, "Rebellion in Heaven," p. 226.

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lmaginalres of Yom Kippur

is not arguing against the temple; it is illustrating the yearly cult as a preenactment of the final eschatological decision. 56 The impact of this myth of the punishment of the fallen angels on subsequent generations is difficult to overestimate. 57 It affected Jubilees as well as the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs, Jude, I I QMelchizedek and the Apocalypse of Abraham. 58 The following pages investigate the two latter texts, both of which intensify the references to Yom Kippur.

of Shemihaza by Michaei,60 but in II QMelchizedek the connection to Yom Kippur becomes even more explicit:

I .2.2 I I QMelchizedek: Getting Explicit

This section focuses on the role of Yom Kippur in the famous I I QMelchizedek scroll. 59 The scroll prophesies that at the end of the tenth Jubilee,· Meichizedek, the heavenly leader of the forces of light, will liberate the prisoners of Belial, the leader of the evil forces. Meichizedek will then expiate the sins of the people of his lot and take revenge on the adherents of Belial. The extant fragments of the story resemble the punishment 56

For the following chapters ( 12-16), Hinunelfarb uses a similar argument stating that they «involve a critique of the Je{Usalem priestly establishment that takes seriously the priesthood's claims for itself and the importance of priestly duties and categories. This attitude is at once critical of the reality it sees in the temple and deeply devoted to the ideal of the temple understood in a quite concrete way." See Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, p. 27. 51 The history of this myth bas been investigated by Dimant, "The Fallen Angels in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Related Apocryphes and Pseudepigrapha." 58 For the Apocalypse of Abraham, see among others, Rubinkiewitz, Die &chatologie von Henoch 9-ll und das Neue Testament, pp. 52-55. On the relation to IlQMelchizedek, see Grabbe, "The Scapegoat Tradition," pp. 160-161; J.T. Milik, "Milki-sedeq et Milki-reSa' dans les anciens ecrits juifs et chrCtiens," Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period 23 (1972) 95-144. 59 See the final edition in F. Garcia-Martinez, E.J.C. Tigchelaar and A.S. van der Woude (eds.), "llQMelchizedek," in: idem (eds.), Qumran Cave 11. Vol. II: IJQ2-18, IIQ20-31 (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 23; Oxford, 1998; pp. 221-241), with bibliography on p. 221. More recent bibliography can be found in F. Garcia-Martinez, "Las tradiciones sobre Melquisedec en los manuscritos de QUilll"8.n," Biblica 81 (2000) 70-80; and A. Aschim, "The Genre of 11QMelchizedek," in: F.H. Cryer and T.L. Thompson (eds.), Qumran between the Old and New Testaments (Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series 290; Sheffield, 1998; pp. 17-31). For the older works see also E. Puech, "Notes sur le manuscrit de XIQMelkisedeq," Revue de Qumran 12 (1987) 483-513. Most scholars date the fragments of the scroll to 50 BCE ± 25 years. The story may be older (if the reconstruction in ii 18 is correct, the book of Daniel is terminus post quem), but the extant text is possibly the autograph. Its train of thought, its terminology and its genre as a pesher make a sectarian origin practically certain. See the recent reinvestigation by Aschim, "The Genre of 11QMelchizedek." The texts of the Hebrew Bible used by IIQMelchizedek include Lev 25:9-13; Deut 15:2; Isa 52:7; 61:1-3; Ps 7:8-9; 82:1-2; and probably Dan 9:25-26. The relationship to Hebrews is discussed below.

pll

91

[,J]'?Zli;I1U [']ll7J!([1 11K] 'J) 71J 7ll' 1J 1!1J? ,1'll7J7;'1 ?J[P]il (L'jl]O ;'!(K1];'1 D'11[!1:m 01]'1

And the D[ay of Atone]ment6 1 i[s] the e[nd of] the tenth [ju]bilee in which atonement will be made for all the sons of [light and for] the men [of] the lot of Mel[chi]zedek. (IIQMelchizedek ii 7-8).

It is evident from the extant text that the author of II QMelchizedek considered to be Melchizedek a high priest, since he is described as an individual performing a collective atonement on Yom Kippur. 61 This might have been stated explicitly in a line of the text no longer extant. Meichizedek is the incumbent of the high priesthood in Targumic sources, 63 and his role is very close to that of Michael, the heavenly high priest in Second Temple and rabbinic sources. 64 Furthermore, it is quite probable that 4QVisions of Amram' 2:3 identifies the two as heavenly opponents of Belial. 65 With regard to the imaginaire of Yom Kippur in the Book of the Watchers, the most important development is that IIQMelchizedek has embellished the details of the proximity of the eschatological purification to the high-priestly ritual on Yom Kippur. Meichizedek explicitly atones, and the day of judgment is explicitly called Yom Kippur. Does I I QMelchizedek also reinforce the elements depicting the evil opponent in terms Grabbe, "The Scapegoat Tradition," p. 166. This universally recognized reconstruction is based on the context of the Jubilee, which according to Lev 25:9-10 begins on Yom Kippur, and by the mention of1!1J?. See Garcia-Martinez, Tigchelaar and van der Woude, "11QMelchizedek." p. 231. 62 This was first asserted by Emile Puech, "Notes sur le manuscrit de XIQMelkisedeq," p. 512: "En llQMelkisedeq, ce personnage est clairement considere comme le grand pretre de Ia liturgie celeste au YOm KippUr puisque executant les jugements divins, it fait !'Expiation defmitive ... signifiant le pardon divin des transgressions passees pour ceux de son lot. ... Dans le contexte de J'epoque, Ia fonction sacerdotale d'expiation etait le propre du grand pretre au jour de Kippur." 63 M. McNamara, "Melchizedek: Gen 14,17-20 in the Targums, in Rabbinic and Early Christian Literature," Biblica 81 (2000) 1-31, here pp. 22-26. 64 On the relations between Michael and Melchizedek, see e.g. J. Davila, "Melchizedek, Michael, and War in Heaven," in: Society of Biblical Literature 1996 Seminar Papers (35; Atlanta [Ga.], 1996; pp. 259-272); P.J. Kobelski, Melchizedek and MelchireSa (Catholic Biblical Qu~erly, Monograph Series 10; Washington, 1981). On Michael, see the classic by W. Lueken, Michael. Eine Darstellung und Vergleichung der jiidischen und der morgenltindisch-christlichen Tradition vom Erzengel Michael (GOttingen, 1898). Carol Newsom has suggested that Melchizedek be reconstructed as the name of a heavenly angel in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice (4Q401 11 3; 22 3): Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, pp. 134 and 143-144. 65 The ingenious reconstruction was suggested by Milik and is accepted by most scholars, see Kobelski, Melchizedek and Me/chireSa, pp. 24-36. 60 61

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of the scapegoat? Belial is devoured by fire aod not thrown into a pit in the desert. 66 IIQMelchizedek is closer to the Shemihaza layer of I Enoch (influenced by Yom Kippur in a general fashion) thao to the Asael layer (influenced by the scapegoat ritual). However, the extaot text is far too short aod too fragmentary to resolve this question!' 1.2.3 The Apocalypse ofAbraham: Zechariah 3 Meets the Demonology of 'Az'azel The narrative of the Apocalypse of Abraham includes a heavenly journey by Abraham, set in the scene of the sacrifice of Genesis 15. 68 A bird lands on the halved animals aod tries talking to Abraham: 13:6 And it came to pass when I saw the bird speaking I said this to the angel: "What is this, my lord?" And he said, "This is disgrace, 69 this is Azazel!" 1 And be said to him, "Shame on you, Azazel! 7 For Abraham's portion 71 is in heaven, and

°

66

11 QMe/chizedek iii 7; on the burning, I Enoch 10:13-14. E.g. Belial may have been hurled down in the desert later in the text, in a line that did not survive the troubles of t.itiJF. 68 The text is extant only in a Slavonic translation, its original language was Semitic, either Hebrew or Aramaic. I used the translation and commentary by A. Kulik, "Apocalypse of Abraham. Towards the Lost Original,.. (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 2000); and the two translations by R. Rubinkiewicz: "The Apocalypse of Abraham," in: J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 1 (New York, 1983; pp. 681-705), and £'Apocalypse d'Abraham en vieux slave. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et commentaire (Zr6dla i monografie 129; Lublin, 1987); and compared them to the translations by B. Philonenko-Sayar and P. Marc (eds.), "L'Apocalypse d' Abraham. Introduction, texte slave, traduction et notes," Semitica 31 (1981) 7117; and B. Philonenko-Sayar and M. Philonenko, Die Apocalypse Abrahams (Jiidische Schriften aus hellenistischer und rOmischer Zeit 5:5; Giitersloh, 1982). The ApocalyPse of Abraham has been dated to around I 00 CE ± 20 years, which makes it contemporaneous with the later writings of the New Testament. See Rubinkiewicz, "The Apocalypse of Abraham," p. 683. His evidence in L 'Apocalypse d'Abraham en vieux slave for an even more exact dating (between 79 and 81 CE) is not convincing. 69 Rubinkiewicz's Greek reconstruction is O.oe~eia. In his French translation Rubinkiewicz reads iniquiti. He postulates ;-ro,7.) or l11ln as the original Hebrew reading (L 'Apocalypse d'Abraham en vieux slave, 143-147). Philonenko-Sayar's French translation reads impieti and her German version reads Gottlosigkeit. Kulik, "Apocalypse of Abraham," pp. 89-90, translates "iniquity" and suggests as additional possibilities "disgrace," (O.n~ia lll7j? 1;-rn•'?J), "impiety" (Qoe~eia) I "wickedness" (l71ll,) l"transgress[ion]" (l1tu!l) I "iniquity'' (llll1). 70 Rubinkiewicz suggests 1:1 ,37l' as the original reading, the same reading as Zech 3:2. Kulik, "Apocalypse of Abraham," p. 90, does not discuss this possibility. He translates '"reproach is on you" and suggests Ove100<; as the Greek and ;-!!l,n as the Hebrew reading. He proposes that behind the two terms "iniquity'' and ''reproach" in 13:6-7 stood ntul:J 7 6


93

yours is on earth, 8 for you have selected here, (and) become enamored of the dwelling place of your blemish. Therefore the Eternal Ruler, the Mighty One, has given you a dwelling on earth. 9 Through you the all-evil spirit (is) a liar, and through you (are) wrath and trials on the generations of men who live impiously. 72 10 For the Eternal, Mighty One did not [send] the bodies of the righteous to be in your hand, so through them the righteous life is affinned and the destruction of ungodliness. 11 Hear, counselor, be shamed by me! You have no permission to tempt all the righteous. 12 Depart from this man! 13 You cannot deceive him, because he is the enemy of you and of those who follow you and who love what you wish. 14 For behold, the garment which in heaven was formerly yours has been set aside for him, and the corruption73 which was on him has gone over to you." 14 :1 And the angel said to me, "Abraham!" And I said, "Here I am, your servant" 2 And he said, "Know from this that the Eternal One whom you have loved has chosen you. 3 Be bold and do through your authority whatever I order you against him who reviles justice. 4 Will I not be able to revile him who has scattered about the earth the secrets of heaven and who has taken counsel against the Mighty One? 5 Say to him, "May you be the firebrand of the furnace of the earth! Go, Azazel, into the untrodden parts of the earthJ4 6 For your heritage is over those who are with you, with the stars and with the men born by the clouds, whose portion you are, indeed they exist through your being. 1 Enmity is for you a pious act. Therefore through your own destruction be gone from me!" 8 And I said the words as the angel had taught me. 9 And he said, ''Abraham." And I said, "Here I am, your servant!" 10And the angel said to me, "Answer him not!" II And he spoke to me a second time. 12 And the angel said, "Now, whatever he says to you, answer him not, lest his will run up to you. 13 For the Eternal, Mighty One gave him the gravity and the will. Answer him not." 14 And I did what the angel had commanded me. And whatever he said to me about the descent, I answered him not. 75

The name of the chief of the demons, Azazel, reveals the influence of the demonology of I Enoch and Leviticus 16. Beyond that, several formulations allude to the imaginaire of Yom Kippur. Marc Philonenko aod Belkis Philonenko-Sayar traoslate the Slavonic equivalent for "portion" in 13:7 as "lot," which may reflect the dualistic aothropology of two lots, one evil

Ol!l1n1 (lsa 30:5) or Ol!l,m ;-ry1 (Ps 15:3; Neb 1:3) as the original Semitic reading. Prov 18:3

reads Crttp.ia Kai Ovtt.Oo~ I ;,~nn.117i'. 71 On this word and its allusion to Yom Kippur, see the following paragraph. 71 This is Kulik's translation. On this word and its allusion to Lev 16, see the following paragraph. 73 The Greek reconstruction is


and one good 76 Alexander Kulik translates "send" in 13: I 0 and connects the Slavonic word to a1toatel.l.ro/n'?w 77 This may allude to the sending out of the scapegoat. Also the formulation "Go, Azazel, into the untrodden parts of the earth" (14:5) is reminiscent of the Septnagint version's translation of Leviticus 16:22 to sir; yfiv O.pa1:ov 78 and the expression chosen by Philo in his description of Yom Kippur sir; O:tptPft Kai O.Pa1:ov i:pru1tav i:x:79 nt~nstv E:cp' Eaut£P KOJ.Lit;;ovta tO.r; im£p t&v 7tATJ~.1JlSATiaclvtrov (lpiir;. Ryszard Rubinkiewicz has showu that Zechariah 3 was also a source of inspiration for the Apocalypse of Abraham. 80 The basic scene in the two texts is very similar. A single human being stands before two angels, a good defender and a satanic accuser. The good angel rebukes the bad one. 81 And, most importantly, the central act is the same: the change of garments symbolizing the change from an impure to a pure state. This shows that even though the author of Zechariah might not have had Yom Kippur in mind, his readers perceived his text as alluding to Leviticus 16. Compared to Zechariah 3, the Apocalypse of Abraham embellishes the Yom Kippur imagery. The high priest does not put his unclean clothes aside, as in Zechariah 3 or in Leviticus 16, but his corruption is put on Azazel, as on the scapegoat in the temple ritual. 11 QMelchizedek, too, makes the connection of the eschatological myth to Yom Kippur more explicit. Both texts show that even in groups that could not (any longer) celebrate Yom Kippur in the temple the scapegoat ritual served as a source of inspiration to describe the cosmological struggle against evil.

combining elements from the scapegoat ritual in Leviticus with the scene of Zechariah 3. I shall argue below that it is through this association of Yom Kippur with Zechariah 3, with its high priest Joshua/Jesus, that christian Jewish thinkers before Hebrews justified the high priesthood of the non-Levite Jesus. 82

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Concluding Thoughts on 'Az'azel in the Apocalyptic Literature The mythopoetic power of Yom Kippur in apocalypticism is impressive. We have seen that the myth of the origin and the eschatological end of sin and Satan in 1Enoch 10 was formulated with the ritual of the scapegoat in mind. This myth was highly influential in Second Temple Judaism and Christian Judaism. 11 QMelchizedek picked up this myth and depicted the leader of the good in high-priestly terms, and the day of judgment as Yom Kippur. The Apocalypse ofAbraham employs the demonology of 'Az'azel, 76 Philonenko-Sayar and Philonenko translate lot (French) and Los (German). In his French translation Rubinkiewicz translates "car Ia gloire d'Abraham est dans le ciel etta gloire est sur la terre." He postulates 11D as the original reading. n Kulik, "Apocalypse of Abraham," p. 90. Rubinkiewicz translates "allow." 78 Kulik, "Apocalypse of Abraham," p. 90. 79 De specialibus legibus 1:188. 80 Rubinkiewitz, Die Eschatologie von Henoch 9-/ I und das Neue Testament, pp. 101-2 and 110-113. 81 Rubinkiewicz goes so far as to assume behind the extant Slavonic 1~ 117l' the same Hebrew wording as in Zech 3.

95

1.3 Etiologies Several etiologies for Yom Kippur existed side by side in Second Temple Judaism. The biblical account has Leviticus 16 as part of the revelation of Monnt Sinai after the sin of the golden calf (Exodus 32-33), the covenant renewal (Exodus 34), the construction of the tabernacle (Exodus 35-40), the consecration of Aaron (Leviticus 8-9), and the death of the two sons of Aaron, Nadav and Avihu (Leviticus 10), and before the census (Numbers 1). Leviticus 16: I explicitly links the preparations for Yom Kippur to the death of Aaron's sons. I Enoch and llQMelchizedek perceive Yom Kippur as an eschatological day of liberation of the good prisoners from the vanquished powers of evil. 83 Jubilees mentions two etiologies of Yom Kippur. According to chapter 5:17-18, Noah's repentance before the flood was the precedent for ordering an annual day of repentance to achieve God's mercy: And for the children oflsrael it has beeQ written and ordained, "If they return to him in righteousness, he will forgive all of their sins and be will pardon all of their transgressions." t8a It is written and it is ordained, "He will have mercy on all who return from all their error, once each year." 84

5:17

This passage is the earliest evidence for an association of Yom Kippur with repentance. The other passage explains Yom Kippur as punislunent for Jacob's sons~ who caused their father to suffer and Bilhah and Dinah even to die, out of sorrow for Joseph: 85 34:10 And in the seventh year of this week he sent Joseph from his house to the land of Shechem in order that he might know about the welfare of his brothers, and he found them in the land of Dothan. 11 And they acted fraudulently and made a plot against him to kill him, but they repented and sold him to a band of Isbmaelites. And they took him down to Egypt and sold him to Potiphar, a eunuch of Pharaoh, the chief guard, the priest of the city of Heliopolis. 82

See pp. 194--197, below. See pp. 85-92, above. 84 Jubilees 5:17-18, translation by O.S. Wintermute, "Jubilees," in: J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 2 (New York, 1985; pp. 35-142). On this p~sage, see Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 71-72, note 1. ·· :-- ~- The death of the women is not further included in the etiology in Jubilees or in modern studies. See Jubilees 34:18 itself. 83

96

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual 34:12 And the sons of Jacob slaughtered a kid and dipped Joseph's garment into the blood and sent (it) to Jacob, their father, on the tenth of the seventh month. 13 And he lamented all of that night, because they had brought it to him in the evening. 34:13b And he became feverish in lamenting his death, and said that, "A cruel beast has eaten Joseph," And all of the men of his house lamented with him on that day. And it happened as they were mourning and lamenting with him aU that day 14 that his sons and his daughters rose up to comfort him but he was not comforted concerning his son. IS And on that day Bilhah heard that Joseph had perished and she died while mourning for him. And she was dwelling in Qafratef_ And Dinah, his daughter, also died after Joseph perished. And these three lamentations came upon Israel in a single month. t6 And they buried Bilhah opposite the tomb of Rachel, and they also buried Dinah, his daughter, there. 11 And it happened, as they lamented for Joseph one year, that he was not consoled, because he said, "I will go down to the grave lamenting for my son." 1s Therefore it is decreed for the children of Israel that they mourn on the tenth (day) of the seventh month- on the day when that which caused him to weep for Joseph came to Jacob, his father- so that they might atone for them(selves) with a young kid on the tenth (day) of the seventh month, once a year, on account of their sin because they caused the affection of their father to grieve for Joseph, his son. And this day is decreed so~at they might mourn on it on account of their sins and on account of all their transgressions and on account of aU their errors in order to purifY themselves on this day, once a year. 86

Jubilees does not use the term Yom Kippur, but the date identifies the festival beyond doubt. According to Jubilees it is mourning that purifies from all kinds of sins. The wording evokes the three kinds of sins of Leviticus 16:21. Interestingly, from a ritual point of view, is the emphasis on mourning in the night. 87 Moreover, as in Jubilees 5:17-18, Jubilees 34:10 also connects repentance to Yom Kippur, albeit in a less explicit way. Repentance prevents the brothers from killing Joseph. Measure for measure, each year the descendants suffer for what their ancestors caused. Similarly, the atoning sacrifice of a young kid takes up the slaughtering of that kid whose blood colored Joseph's garrnent88 Twice Jubilees emphasizes that the sin was the transmission of the bloody garment. 89 A remnant of this tradition appears again in post-temple Palestinian tradition. 90 In its description of the high-priestly garments the Palestinian Talmud mentions that the 86 87

Jubilees 34:12.13a.l8, transl. Wintermute. Jubilees 34:13.

88 Both kids could be alluded to. The brothers dip the garment in blood and then send it to the father (Jubilees 34: 12). 89 Jubilees 34:13 (brought it) and 34:18 (came that which). 90 Philo mentions Joseph's coat conspicuously close to an allegorization of the highpriestly coat of the festive garments, albeit without allusion to Joseph's death. See De somniis 1:220, and 213-219.


97

mmJ of the high priest atones for bloodshed according to Genesis 37:21, while some early Sidrei Avodah even embellish the allusion to Joseph and the atonement for the faked murder.91 · Qumran associates other mythological events with Yom Kippur without being an etiology in the strict sense of the word. According to the highly fragmentary lQWords of Moses, Yom Kippur is somehow connected to the crossing of the Jordan, i.e. the end of forty years of distress, the dependence on manna and the beginning of happier times in the land oflsrael: 92 [Because] your [fathers] wandered [in the wilderness] until the te[nth] day of the month ... {a correction} [on the te]nth [day] of the month [All work sh]all be forbidden and on the t[enth] day [of] the month will be atoned ... 93

Usually, this event is dated to 10 Nisan, 94 but it seems quite certain that it speaks of Yom Kippur as the references to abstention from work and atonement reveal. Unfortunately, the rest of the text (iii:l2- iv:ll) is too fragmentary. The connection between Yom Kippur and manna also appears in the Festival Prayers and in Philo?' This parallel may point to a common tradition or to a common biblical source- the juxtaposition of manna with the root ;uv in Deuteronomy 8:3, which the three texts used independently '-a less likely possibility.% JA Qumran: The Current Period ofPersecution as Yom Kippur

Despite the fact that so many of the Second Temple sources on Yom Kippur were found in Qumran, it is difficult to formulate a synthesis of the conception of Yom Kippur in the community. 97 Often it is impossible to 91 See e.g. Yose ben Yose's 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah (ed. Mirsky, p. 156, line 160); and 'Attah Konanta (ed. Mirsky, p. 192, line 98). See M. Swartz, ''The Semiotics of the Priestly Vestments in Ancient Judaism" in AJ. Baumgarten (ed.), Sacrifice in Religious Experience (Studies in the History of Religions [Numen Book Series] 93; Leiden,

Boston, and Cologne, 2002; pp. 57-80), pp. 72-76. 92 I would like to thank Jan Willem van Henten for kindly drawing my attention to this text. 93 1Q22 Words of Moses iii:9-11 - my translation of the text in Milik, Discoveries in the Jordanian Desert 1 (1955) 94-95. See also Perrot, La Lecture de Ia Bible dans Ia Synagogue, p. 156, note 27 and p. 268, note 4. 94 Josh 4:19 dates this event to the tenth day of the first month. 95 See pp. 41 and 47, above, and see bYoma 74b. % Further on, in the section on rabbinic thought, I will refer to additional mythological events associated with Yom Kippur. See pp. 121-124, below. ,-- ;-?7 In this short survey I have profited from the previous suggestions by Baumgarten. ~'Yom Kippur in the Qumran Scrolls and Second Temple Sources"; Hacham, "Communal in the Judean Desert Scrolls and Associated Literature"; Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and ,
98



establish the Sitz im Leben of a certain text in the life of the community. The demonology of llQMe/chizedek, 4Ql80 and 4Ql81, which is connected to Yom Kippur, has already been briefly mentioned. These three texts indicate that even in the community of Qumran, which did not attend services in the temple and did not experience the scapegoat ritual as an annual preenactment of the final victory over evil, the influence of Yom Kippur's temple ritual was persistent enough to lead to creative literary activity and produce myths. As in one of Philo's interpretations, the people from Qumran understood their own existence through the image of the two lots -they themselves are the people of God's lot in opposition to the lot of Belial led by the wicked priest 98 'Az'azel/'Azaz'el was clearly understood as a demon and purveyor of evil (4Ql80 and 4Ql81). Considering that it was probably on a Yom Kippur that the group's persecution started, 99 this typology of Yom Kippur as a fight between the good and the evil forces must have reinforced the importance of the annual festival in determining the identity of the community of Qumran. Yom Kippur had an ambivalent character. On the one hand, it recalled the beginning of the persecution and gave some meaning to current afflictions during the persecution; on the other hand, the end of this persecution was expected to mark the beginning of the eschatological period of bliss and liberation from Belial's prison by the high priest Melchizedek. Such a perception of the sufferings ('ll'Y) of the current period (1Y1~) of persecution as afflictions of an ongoing Yom Kippur (n'lYn) is supported by two passages in 4Ql71 Pes her on Psalms: "And the poor shall inherit the land and enjoy peace in plenty." (Psalms 37:11) Its interpretation concerns the congregation of the poor who will tolerate the period of distress (n'J:!i'n;'11j)'11J) and will be rescued from all the snares ofBelial.l00 "And in the days of famine they shall be re[plete]; for the wicked shall die." (Psalms 37:19-20) Its interpretation: he will keep them alive during the famine of

Qumran"; L. Schiffman, "The Case of the Day of Atonement Ritual," Biblical Perspectives (I 998) 181-188, whose work is directly concerned with Yom Kippur in Qumran. n IIQMelchizedek; Philo, Legum allegoriae 2:52; cf. Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 179-187. 99 "'Woe to anyone making his companion drunk, spilling out his anger! He even makes him drunk to look at their festivals!' (Hab 2:15)- Its interpretation concerns the Wicked Priest who pursued the Teacher of Righteousness to consume him with the fero-= city of his anger in the place of his banishment, in festival time, during the rest of the Day of Atonement. He paraded in front of them, to consume them and make them fall on the day of fasting, the Sabbath of their rest": 1QPesher Habakkuk xi:2-8, transl. in DSST. 100 4Ql71 ii:9-11; transL in DSST.

99

the time of [dis]tress (n'Jl7m 131113), when many will die because of famine and plague: all who did not leave [there] with the congregation of his chosen ones. 101

In all likelihood, the end of this period of affliction was viewed as the final victory of the powers of the good lot against their opponents; some expected that Melchized~k and the Qurnranites would fight against their oppressors.102 The affhchons by the persecutors were probably perceived as a kind of flagella Dei 103 Such a perception of the current time as an extended Yom Kippur is quite similar to that of Hebrews. 104 Joseph Bamngarten has revived Wieder's thesis that the Yom Kippur controversy between the Qurnranites and the priests in charge of the temple concerned not only the date but also the character of the festival. 105 Accordingly, the Qururanites celebrated Yom Kippur as a day of mourning and affliction, while the more popular Pharisaic-rabbinic festival had an ambivalent character, including joy and moral purification. He provides two arguments for this. First, the term IPJlJn;"f 11'1iJ/tn' (day/time of affliction) appears only in sourceS from Qumran. Second, Jubilees with its emphasis on mourning and suffering probably had canonical status in Qumran. While Baumgarten's and Wieder's thesis is possible, there remains a methodological crux. The sources for the Jerusalem Yom Kippur at the time of the temple are few in number and rather complex. Baumgarten uses Philo, the Mishnah and the inclusion of Leviticus 18 in the rabbinic readings of Yom Kippur. None of them describes the attitudes of second- and first-century BCE Pharisees. Putting a diaspora source together with posttemple destruction sources for a reconstruction of Yom Kippur in Jerusalem at the time of the temple against the evidence from the Qumran scrolls presupposes Qumran to be distinct from all the rest. Yet some of its scrolls are certaiuly closer to the Mishnah than is Philo. Furthermore, some Qumian texts seem to contradict Baumgarten's sharp distinction. As Baumgarten himself remarks, 11 QMelchizedek adds the expectation of eschatological bliss and liberation of the Jubilee year to the demonic struggle on Yom Kippur. The inclusion of mourning in some piyyutim also contradicts such a sharp distinction into joyful, Pharisaic, mainstream Yom Kippur and sad, Qumranic, sectarian Yom Kippur.1osa 101

4Ql71 iii:2-5; transl. in DSST. See pp. 41 and 90-92, above. 103 See Baumgarten, "Yom Kippur in the Qumran Scrolls and Second Temple · Sources," p. 188. ~lOot Seep. 181, below. J05 Baumgarten, "Yom Kippur in the Qumran Scrolls and Second Temple Sources," p. 191. IOSa See above, p. 34, note 98. 102



Fast and prayer determine the Yom Kippur worship of Qumran, as in Philo's diaspora and the land of Israel. For example, IQPesher Habakkuk describes Yom Kippur primarily as a day of fasting and abstention from work (xi:6-8). The place of fasting is underscored in II QTemp/e Scroll, which places Leviticus 23:27-32 before Leviticus 16 in its Yom Kippur rulings and therefore starts and ends with the precept of fasting. 106 Some of the motifs mentioned in the Festival Prayers on Yom Kippur appear also

chatological, redeeming high priest, who conquers evil and liberates its prisoners, becomes one of the messianic conceptions of Second Temple Judaism. Below, I analyze traces of this conception in Hebrews. I also argue that the association of the vision in Zechariah 3 with the imaginaire of y om Kippur had a decisive influence on the early high-priest Christo-

100

101

With high-priestly imagery (II QMe/chizedek). Expectations of such an es-

logy before Hebrews.

in other texts found in Qumran that are connected to Yom Kippur: repen-

Many etiologies in addition to these apocalyptic myths were connected

tance (Jubilees 5:17-18); sorrow and weeping causing divine mercy (Jubilees 34); the manna (IQWords of Moses); punishment of the wicked (11 QMe/chizedek); and humankind divided into two lots (11 QMelchizedek).

to Yom Kippur. Jubilees explains the fast as punishment for the sins of the forefathers entailing an obligation to cry and mourn. Jubilees is also the

There is no explicit connection between the temple cult and Qumran's

first witness for the association of repentance with Yom Kippur, evidence

for a certain individualization of the cult. Qumran probably connected the demonological mythology to a perception of the current time as Yom Kip-

Yom Kippur prayers.' 07 The extant fragments do not mention priestly or high-priestly sacrifices, incense, blood, animals or the temple. Yet this does not mean that the Yom Kippur prayer service did not include texts with such practices or objects. An argumentum e silentio is weak for Qumran and its fragmented library. Furthermore, we should not exclude the possibility of a solemn liturgical recital of Leviticus or of other texts connected to Yom Kippur in the temple, especially 4QTargum of Leviticus or II QTemp/e Scroll.

ment. The creation of rationales for a ritual could take place independently of participation in the actual ritual, as is demonstrated by II QMe/chizedek, 4Ql80 and 4Q181, which were written by Qumranites who most probably did not take part in the temple ritual, or by the Apocalypse ofAbraham, at which time the temple no longer existed. This does not mean that the apocalyptic Yom Kippur mythology implies the temple ritual was void in the

Conclusion

cosmological and eschatological meaning (!Enoch), the two main theological interests of apocalypticism.

Some apocalyptic sources depict the vision of God as an ascent of the visionary to the heavenly holy of holies, using allusions to the entrance of the high priest on Yom Kippur (I Enoch 14, Testament of Levi). These visions may have been partially ritualized, as the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice suggest. We shall see below that Valentinian theologians and subsequently Clement of Alexandria adopted this imaginaire, reinforcing

the Yom Kippur elements and, in the case ofValentinian Christianity, developing a ritual, too. Some apocalyptic sources depict the demonic leader of the fallen angels, the evil forces, in terms of the scapegoat. These evil forces are to be conquered by the leader of the good forces (/Enoch), who can be described

pur, and the afflictions by the persecutors as suffering to achieve atone-

eyes of its writers. On the contrary, existing ritual was given a deeper

2. Yom Kippur in the Greek Diaspora This section investigates Yom Kippur in the Septuagint, in Philo and in 4Maccabees. These tbree Greek diaspora texts come from periods as different as the third century BCE, the first century CE and the second to fourth centuries CE. The decision to group together texts that emerged over such wide a time span as 400 to 600 years was made mainly for pragmatic reasons. First, I did not want to fragment too severely the section on the imaginaires. Second, the three texts present three different attitudes to

Yom Kippur in the Greek Mediterranean diaspora and therefore reflect the 106 In his commentary, Milgrom has integrated explanations of the smaller digressions of 11QTemple Scroll from Leviticus. 107 The most important information about the Yom Kippur ritual in Qumran comes from the Festival Prayers discussed above. Some of the concepts mentioned in the Yom . Kippur prayers are not found in connection with Yom Kippur in the Yom Kippur passages of the other scrolls: God's omniscience, Yom Kippur as a special season for God's mercy and indwelling, and the brokenness of human existence.

pluralism of diaspora Judaism, often seen in too monolithic a perspective.

The Septuagint translates Leviticus in a way that makes Jewish ritual understandable to pagans and Jews living in a pagan environment, without

spiritualizing or allegorizing and, surprisingly, without taking into consideration the way Yom Kippur was celebrated in the diaspora. In this, the Septuagint differs from the Targurnim. About 250 to 300 years later, Philo completely spiritualizes the temple ritual. Yom Kippur becomes the "open

102


fI

.. . .


103

.

day" presenting the true lifestyle of the wise man, who lives every day as if it were Yom Kippur. Philo does not reject the temple ritual, but in his descriptions of the liturgy he focuses on the diaspora ritual of afflictions and prayers. 4Maccabees was written at a time when the temple no longer functioned and uses the temple ritual to explain the idea of vicarious atonement by martyrs.

2.1 The Septuagint: Conservatism and Enculturation The earliest diaspora interpretation of Yom Kippur is the translation of Leviticus from the third century BCE. By comparing its vocabulary to the non-Jewish context and to the Masoretic Text we can learn much about the translators~ ideology. Did they want to preserve the "uniqueness" or "distinctiveness" of Je"wish religion by choosing distinct terminologies for Jewish and non-Jewish religions as e.g. F11:l and ,m) in the Targumim? In her dissertation about the cultic vocabulary of the Septuagint, Suzanne Daniel came to the opposite conclusion. "Les traducteurs alexandrins, on le voit, n'6prouvent aucune difficultc! a puiser largement dans le vocabulaire des Paiens pour rendre les notions propres ala religion juive." 108 According to Daniel, most Septuagint: neologisms can be explained by means other than isolationism. In the following section I will briefly discuss the translations of 7rNrY, ,o) and mlOJ, three words central to the ritual of Yom Kippur, which were not included in Daniel's study. 109 108

l I

l

In Leviticus 16:8 and 16:10 7TNT9 is translated as anono,.ma\o<; and ano1t0~1ti}. In their important commentary.on Leviticus ~n the Se~tuagint, Paul Harle and Didier Pralon regarded thts as a consctous avotdance of the • • and a7tot~om~aJ.l • o·£. iiOiarn widespread Greek reI.. tgtous terms a1totponato£ . not so sure. The term 0.1t01tOJ.lnft is attested for the first trme m !socrates In . to dnve . away pagan chthorne . go ds. Ill the fourth century BCE as a nte Apollodorus of Athens (second century BCE) is claimed to have called some gods ci1t01tOJ.lrtatm. 112 He is, of course, not earher ~an the translation of Leviticus, but in this instance it is much more conceivable that ~e Septuagint adopted pagan religious terms than vice versa. A1tono~naw~ and ci1t01tOJ.1.1tft are rare terms, but as Renate Schlesier points out, the reas~n for this rariry lies in the ritual itself. "Kennzeichnend ist dabei [forthe ntual], daB die deskriptiven WOrter apopompe, apop6mpein usw. fast nnmer vermieden werden." 113 Both words, 0.1tonotmft and 0.1totporttO.OJ.l6~. describe the same religious concept. I do not think an attempt to distinguish Judaism (Lev 16:20.24). In Lev 25:9-10, the translation ofiln~ll1i'J as :Jta"tpiOa reflects a lar~er scal_e of geography~ the slaves return to their homeland, i.e. they have worked outside thetr country. uo D. Pralon and p. Harle (transl.), Le Livitique. Traduction du texte grec de !a Septante, introduction et notes (La Bible d'Alexandrie 3; Paris, 1988), P· 151. A search in the TLG 8.0 gave about 8 pagan, 1 Jewish, and 16 Christian occurrences of lino-rpontaaJ.16~ and 53 pagan, 2 Jewish and 70 Christian instances of axo•.poxaio~ (without the lexicographers). Of the former, only one is prior to the Septuagmt (Aesop, F~bulae 56:3). This, however, does not include inscriptions an~ papyri. Ofthe latter, man~ mstances are prior to the Septuagint, the most famous bemg probably the passage m Plato, Nomoi 854b. m "Nay, in the case of the gods also we invoke as the 'Heav~n.ly Ones' th?se who bless us with good things, while to those who are agents of calamities and puntshments we apply more hateful epithets; in honour of the former, both private persons and .states erect temples and altars, whereas we honour the latter neither in our prayers nor m our sacrifices, but practice rites to drive away their evil presence ( -roU~ 0' ~- tv tai~ tUxat~ ofrt' tv ui<; eooi
S. Daniel, Recherches sur le vocabulaire du cu/te dans Ia Septante (Etudes et com-

mentaires 61; Paris, 1966), p. 365. 109 The thinking of the translators is apparent also in the following instances, which, of course, is far from being a complete list: a) Difficult words: ,m7 in Lev 16:21 as an attribute of the man leading away the scapegoat is translated as E:tol.J.LO<; (ready, prepared), just as in the Targumim and in

rabbinic sources. il1fl f1K 7K is translated as ei~ yftv ii!)awv, i.e. "to an impassable I ontrodden land" (Lev 16:22). In Lev 16:31 the translator simply transcribed 11nJll1 nJll1 as mimktta aaj)j30:trov, adding the translation O.vci1tatJat~ (rest, repose). b) Small glosses: As in the Targumim and in the opinion of Rabbi Aqiva, the approach of the sons of Aaron is specified as arising from evil intent with "alien fire" (Lev 16:1; cf. Lev 10). The same adaption occurs in the Peshitta to this verse. D.J. Lane, The Peshitta of Leviticus (Monographs of the Peshitta Institute Leiden 6; Leiden, 1994), p. 115, refers to Num 3:4. The Septuagint also specifies that the high priest washes his whole body (Lev 16:4). c) Slight changes: The garment of the high priest is sanctified (frruu:t~ivo~) rather than sacred (iiyto~) (Lev 16:4). The Septuagint unvaryingly chooses
'

~jL~:_ _ '

104


from Gr_eek religions was the reason for iz.nono).lnai
105

with (E~)tAO:o:x:oJlat reflect the Hebrew use, too. The resulting Semitisms must have been quite strange to the regular Greek speaker. Buchsel states that this syntax was adopted by the readers of the Septuagint, 122 but Philo's and Josephus' use is closer to the regular pagan idiom with God as object. 123 The word for Tll1~J. iA.a.o'tftptov, is a neuter adjective (functioning as a substantive) meaning "the propitiating" or "the expiating." 124 Outside of Jewish and Christian texts, the word is extremely rare. The use of iA.aa'tftptov in Romans 3:25 caused a long and sometimes bitter discussion on its exact meaning- more generally ~'propitiating/expiating place or means" or specifically terminus technicus for Tll19J. In some instances, iAac:ni)ptov translates words other than n119J, primarily in Ezekiel43:14-20, where it stands five times for ;mY, a place at which atonement is achieved by pouring blood. Here, therefore, it means generally "place of atonement." But for the reader of the Bible, the Torah was its center. On its first appearance in Exodus 25: 17, iAao:'ti}pwv appears as iAaa-ctlptov Eni.OeJ.la, "propitiating I expiating cover." In the following twenty instances, iAaaT{Jpwv is used exclusively for the cover of the ark. 125 This use of iAaa'tftptov as terminus technicus is also reflected by Philo, the Testament of Solomon and Hebrews. Only 4Maccabees 17 and Josephus deviate from this use (and then only once)-'26 Nevertheless, the Septuagint's translation of a specific cultic instrument by using an abstract adjective instead of a transliteration is the first step toward a spiritualization, as will be seen in the discussion of Romans 3:25 and 4Maccabees 17. Yet the choice of such a rare word as iAacnfipwv, which does not change the character of the word as distinct terminus technicus, makes this step a small one. Unlike the Targumim, the Septuagint did not specify halakhic regulations of the people's ritual (lll9J;J nR nuY?). For example, it is unclear

4

See Hatch and Redpath's concordance, s.v. E.g. in Lev 4:20. In the context of Yom Kippur, ciq~emo; bears a second «social" meaning, the release of slaves (1111) in the Jubilee: Lev 25:10. 116 Pralon and Harle, Le Llivitique, pp. 152 and 154. 117 For other meanings, see Liddell and Scott, s.v.; and F. Btichsel and J. Herrmann, "Hileos, hilaskomai, hilasmos, hilasterion," Theologisches Wdrterbuch zum Neuen Testament 3 (1938) 300-324, here pp. 314-315. 118 These gods were not necessarily angry, neither did they have to be appeased because a human had previously committed a sin. Bilchsel and Herrmann, "Hileos, hilaskomai, hilasmos, hilasterion," here pp. 314-315. 119 Lev 23:27.28. 12 ° For the exceptions, see BO.chsel and Herrmann, "Hileos, hilaskomai, hilasmos, hilasterion," here p. 315. 121 Bilchsel and Herrmann, "Hileos, hilaskomai, hilasmos, hilasterion," here pp. 316317. ll


w

122

Btichsel and Herrmann, "Hileos, hilaskomai, hilasmos, hilasterion." See K.H. Rengstorf (ed.), A Complete Concordance to Flavius Josephus (Leiden, 1968-1983), vol. 2, pp. 123 aad 382. 124 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Hei/igtumsweihe, pp. 21-32, has the most extensive linguistic analysis of iAao-ci)p1ov. Now also Daniel P. Bailey, "Jesus as the Mercy Seat: The Semantics and Theology of Paul's Use of Hilasterion in Romans 3:25," (Ph.D. dissertation; University of Cambridge, 1999) (non vidi); dissertation summary: "Jesus as the Mercy Seat: The Semantics and Theology of Paul's Use ofHilasterion in Romans 3:25," Tyndale Bulletin 51 (2000) 155-158. I would like to thank Daniel Bailey for kindly providing me with a copy of his handout for the lecture "Greek Heroes Who Happen to Be Jewish: The Meaning ofi.Aaoti)pwv in 4 Maccabees 17:22" he gave at the SBL 2002. J:n See especially Exod 25:17-22; 38:5-8 LXX. 126 For a discussion of the non-Torah passages, see pp. 198-200, below. 123

106

what stands behind ta.m:tv00aa.ts 127 and KaK00as·u: 128 - fasting, mourning, sackcloth and ashes, active asceticism? They could have written VTJattilaan:, but chose the more literal equivalent. Finally, the Septuagint introduces a distinction between the cloud in which God will show himself (ve
Lev 16:29; 23:27.29.32. Num 29:7. 129 Lev 16:2-3. 130 Lev 16:13; Sir24:15; Ezek8:ll. 131 See above pp. 30. On the understanding of Leviticus and on the rabbinic controversy, see Milgram, Leviticus 1-16, pp. 1014-1015 and 1028-1031; the classic article by Lauterbach, "A Significant Controversy between the Sadducees and the Pharisees"; and the more recent literature listed in Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, pp. 264-267. 121 128



107

2.2 Philo's Allegorization of Yom Kippur I will begin by analyzing the two detailed descriptions of the Yom Kippur ritual 132 that are clearly written from a diaspora perspective, focusing on the ritual of the people. 133 I will then tum to allusions 134 that allegorize the temple ritual and reveal the ':"Ys.tical heights of Philo's theology in the figure of the high pnest, who IS Simultaneously a symbol of the med1atmg Logos and of the mystic's soul, which ascends to heaven to view God. 135 2.2.1 The Rationale of the People's Yom Kippur Rituals

The two extensive descriptions of Yom Kippur are part of de specialibus /egibus, Philo's interpretation of the laws of the Torah arranged according to the Ten Commandments. The first description is found in the context of the prohibition of idolatry, which occupies the whole of the first book with an analysis of the sacrificial cult and its institutions. 136 It is remarkable that in this context of the sacrificial cult, the way to celebrate Yom Kippur in the diaspora clearly dominates the text. Yom Kippur is "the fast," not "the day of propitiation" as one would have expected from the Vorlage of the De specialibus legibus 1:186-188; 2:193-203. How does this tally with Schwartz' thesis ("Philo's Priestly Descent") that Philo was of priestly descent? 134 De gigantibus 52; De specialibus legihus 1:72.84.168; 2:41; De ebrietate 86; 135136; De somniis 1:215-216; 2: 189.231; Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 82-84; 112; 179; 187; legum al/egoriae 2:52.56; 3: 174; De plantatione 61; De posteritate Caini 48; 70-72; Legatio ad Gaium 306-307; De vita Mosis 2:23-24; De congressu eruditionis gratia 89; 107-108; De deca/ogo 159. 135 On Yom Kippur in Philo, see J. Leonhardt, Jewish Worship in Philo of Alexandria (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 84, Ttibingen: Mohr-Siebeck 2001), pp. 43-45, 127-135, 224-228, 230--233, 278-282; G. Deiana, "Il Giomo del KippUr in Filone di Alessandria," in: F. Vattioni (ed.), Sangue e antropologia. Riti e culto. Atti della V Settimana Roma, 26 novembre- I dicembre 1984 (Sangue e antropologia. 5/2; Rome, 1987; pp. 891-905); Scullion, "A Traditio-Historical Study of the Day of Atonement," 152186; J. Laporte, "Sacrifice and Forgiveness in Philo of Alexandria," Studia Philonica Annual 1 (1989) 34-42, here pp. 36-38. Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," 114-126; Baer, "The Service of Sacrifice in Second Temple Times," passim; H. Wenschkewitz, Die Spiritualisierung der Kultusbegriffe. Tempel, Priester und Opfer im Neuen Testament (Angelos - Archiv fur neutestamentliche Zeitgeschichte und Kulturkunde 4; Leipzig, 1932), pp. 67-76; 0. Schmitz, Die Opferanschauung des spiiten Judentums und die Opferaussagen des Neuen Testaments (TObingen, 1910), pp. 148-152. IJ6 This part includes a short description of the temple (De specialibus /egibus 1:6678), two very detailed analyses of the priesthood (79-161) and the sacrifices (162-256), and a section about the sacrificers (257-298). The part about sacrifices deals with the animals (162-167), the festivals (168-193)- among them Yom Kippur (186-188)- and the different types of sacrifices (194-256). 132 133



Septuagint. 137 The central features of the temple ritual, the high priest, the holy of holies and the blood sprinkling rites are completely absent from this description. The high priest's absence is especially noteworthy, since he is so central to Philo's theology ns Philo preferred to emphasize other actors, the less or non-religious people, 139 who were apparently more important in Philo's diaspora community than was the high priest in distant Jerusalem. Even the repentance of those "juifs d'un jour," 140 is equal to sinlessness, 141 the quality characterizing the high priest. 'EyKpO.teta, O:pet~, and J.u=.:-r0.v01.a evoke divine forgiveness and come before the selective references to certain sacrifices, mainly the additional sacrifices from Numbers and the two goats. Concerning these sacrifices, the numbers one and seven (from the one raro, one bull and seven lambs sacrificed) are allegorized and connected to the beginning and end of creation. Tbis may be one of those rare eschatological expressions in Philo, reminiscent of the cosmogonic eschatological interpretation of Yom Kippur in apocalyptic texts of the Second Temple period, that tell about the beginning and end of sin. Moreover, an inner process, repentance, is the decisive factor in the (outward) scapegoat ritual. The goat bears the curses of "those who changed for the better," 142 not thosel.who did not show repentance. Philo's second description of Yom Kippur appears under his exposition of the commandment to honor the holidays. 143 Yom Kippur is the ninth of ten holidays discussed. 144 All festivals are presented in their diaspora fonn. Consequently, blood, sacrifice, incense, the temple and the Aaronic priesthood play no role in this kind of Yom Kippur. Abstinence and prayer are its principal features. Yom Kippur is a window on the life of the wise man who displays eyKpate>a every day (193-195). Jnterropting material intake enhances the flow of spiritual nourishment (200-202). Moreover, such an

interruption reminds us of its potential lack and thereby reinforces gratitude for its availability (203).

108

137 Nqou:ia reflects Philo's common usage. Sometimes he employs iAaof.16o;. Unlike in the Septuagint the word "group," (il;)il.6:oJCof.1«t, appears rarely and most of the passages speak of humans propitiating God instead of a divinely instigated purification. Consequently we would have to translate "day of propitiation." 133 See below, pp. 109-112. 139 Philo names them oi. Ket"td "t0v iiHov ~iov &Ua.yi:o; oOOSv Spii"tetl (De specialibus legibus 1:186). 140 See the note to this passage in Suzanne Daniel, De specialibus legibus I et II (Les ffiuvres de Philon d'Alexandrie 24; Paris, 1975). ' 41 Sins, however, leave scars on the soul. 142 Cf. Deiana, "II Giomo del KippUr in Filone di Alessandria," p. 894. 141 De specialibus legibus 2:39-222. 144 De specialibus legibus 2:193-203. The ten festivals are every day (t) (42-55), Sabbath (56-70), New Moon (140--144), Passover (145-149), Mazzot (150--161), Orner (162-175), Shavuot (176-187), Rosh Hashanah (188-192) and Succot (204-213).

109

2.2.2 The Allegorizations of Yom Kippur's Temple Ritual The most interesting passages on Yom Kippur are to be found among the more than twenty allusions to its institutions, foremost among them being the high priest. 145 We may distinguish two levels of allegorization: a macrocosmic, cosmological level and a microcosmic, psychological Ievell" On a cosmological level, Philo interprets the temple as world and the high priest as divine logos. 147 On a psychological level, he compares the high priest to the man of truth (6 np"'; aA.l]Betav iivOpron"') and the temple to the rational soul (A.oytK~ 'l'uxl]). For there are, as is evident, two temples of God: one of them this universe, in whom there is also as High Priest His First-hom, the divine Word, and the other the rational soul, whose Priest is the real man; the outward and visible image of whom is he who offers the prayers and sacrifices handed down from our fathers, to whom it has been committed to wear the aforesaid tunic, which is a copy and replica of the whole heaven, the intention of this being that the universe may join with man in the holy rites and man with the universe. 143

Philo concentrates on the mediatory aspect of the high priest as an ambassador between God and humans. 149 Free from physical disabilities, he is also free from pathos, the origin of sins. In an idealized form, he is sinless. 150 Perhaps because of this exceptional purity, only the high priest cao bear the view of the holy of holies 151 These ideal qualities may have triggered the identification of the high priest with the heavenly logos. Conversely, the human being who has these ideal qualities also becomes a high priest. This turns the wise men, fulfillers of the Torab, into high priests. Wenschkewitz described this as an oscillating movement between idealization of the priests and spiritualization of the priesthood 152 This highly 145 For literature on Philo's spiritualization of the temple and its cult, see note 135, above. See also V. Nikiprowetzky, ..La spiritualisation des sacrifices et le culte sacrificiel au Temple de Jerusalem chez Philon d'Alexandrie," Semitica 17 (1967) 97-116. 146 See J. Laporte, "The High Priest in Philo of Alexandria," Studia Philonica Annua/3 (Earle Hilgert Festschrift) (1991) 71-82. 147 De vita Mosis 2:95-135. 148 De somniis I :215; trans!. F.C.L. Colson in LCL, Philo 5:413. 149 Cf. the pagan writer Hecateus in his Aegyptica quoted by Diodorus Siculus 40:3:56, who describes the Jewish high priest as a messenger (tinel.ov) of God's commandments to the people: see Stem, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 1, number 11, pp. 28 and 31-32. 150 De specialibus legibus 1:230. 151 De ebrietate 136. 152 Wenschkewitz, Die Spiritualisierung der Kultusbegriffe, p. 76.

110



important mystical interpretation is the subject of the paragraphs that follow:

man. "For when the high priest enters the Holy of Holies he shall not be a man" (Lev. xvi. 17). Who then, if he is not a man? A God? I will not say so, for this name is a prerogative, assigned to the chief prophet, Moses, while he was still in Egypt, where he is entitled the God of Pharaoh (Ex. vii. 1). Yet not a man either, but one contiguous with both extremes, which form, as it were, one his head, the other his feet. 161

HIGH-PRIESTLY VISIONS OF GOD I!: PHIL0: 153 Philo is the first to refer explicitly to Yom Kippur and quote Leviticus 16 in order to depict the mystical ascent of the soul to God in his heavenly abode. Almost every passage concerning the high priest or the holy of holies mentions his entry, often as an encounter of the wise man's soul with the divine; 154 this may have the character of a vision 155 or even of a meeting with the divine. 156 Such an encounter includes a transformational element. Those who enter the holy of holies abandon their human nature and become godlike.157 This transformation is based on a text variant in Leviticus 16:17, it recurs with slight variations in all three citations of this verse in Philo. Dropping ana<;. Philo states "when the priest enters into the holy of holies, he will not be a man until he leaves," instead of the regular text of the Septuagint "when the priest enters into the holy of holies, there will not be any (other) man, until the priest leaves." All three instances lead Philo to a deification of the high priest or the wise and perfect man. 158 No extant Septuagint manuscript knewn to me has this reading, but we find it in Origen and most interestingly in Leviticus Rabbah. 159

But indeed so vast in its excess is the stability of the Deity that He imparts to chosen natures a share of His steadfastness to be their richest possession .... See what is said of wise Abraham, how he was "standing in front of God (Gen. xviii. 22), for when should we expect a mind to stand and no longer sway as on the balance save when it is opposite God, seeing and being seen .... [HeJ wishes to indicate that the mind of the Sage, released from storms and wars, with calm, still weather and profound peace around it, is superior to men, but less than God .... The good man indeed is on the border-line, so that we may say, quite properly, that he is neither God nor man, but bounded at either end by the two, by mortality because of his manhood, by incorruption because of his virtue. Similar to this is the oracle given about the high priest: "When he enters," it says, "into the Holy of Holies, he will not be a man until he comes out" (Lev xvi. 17). And if he then becomes no roan, clearly neither is he God, but God's minister, through the mortal in him in affmity with creation, through the immortal with the uncreated, and he retains this midway place until he comes out again to the realm of body and flesh. That it should be so is true to nature. When the mind is mastered by the love of the divine, when it strains its powers to reach the inmost shrine, when it puts forth every effort and ardour on its forward march, under the divine impelling force it forgets all else, forgets itself, and fixes its thoughts and memories on Him alone Whose attendant and servant it is, to whom it dedicates not a palpable offering, but incense, the incense of consecrated virtues. But when the inspiration is stayed, and the strong yearning abates, it hastens back from the divine and becomes a man and meets the human interests which lay waiting in the vestibule ready to seize upon it, should it but shew its face for a moment from within. 162

Again, according to Moses, the priest when he goes into the Holy of Holies "will not be a man until he comes out" (Lev. xvi. 17); no man, that is, in the movements of his soul though in the bodily sense he is still a man. For when then mind is ministering to God in purity, it is not human but divine. But when it ministers to aught that is human, it turns its course and descending from heaven, or rather falling to earth, comes forth, even though his body still remains within. 160 When he [the high priest] is in line with others he is one of a few, but when he stands alone he is a "many," a whole judgment-court, a whole senate, a whole people, a whole multitude, a whole human race, or rather, to tell the real truth, a being whose nature is midway between [man and] God, less than God, superior to m See C.R. Holladay, 'Theios Aner' in Hellenistic-Judaism: a Critique of the Use of this Category in New Testament Christology (Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation Series 40; Missoula, 1977), here pp. 170-173; E.R. Goodenough, "Literal Mystery in Hellenistic Judaism," in: P. Casey, S. Lake, A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to K. Lake by Pupils, Colleagues and Friends (London, 1937; pp. 227-241). 154 De gigantibus 52; De specialibus legibus 1:72; De ebrietate 135-136; Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 84. 15 5 De specialibus legibus 1:72; De ebrietate 136. 156 Quis rerum dtvinarum heres sit 84. 157 Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 84, De somniis 2:189.231. 58 1 See especially De somniis 2:230--231. 15 9 Seep. 125, note 243, below. 160 Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 84; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo 4:325.

Ill

Yom Kippur becomes the mystical experience of the wise who have reached the high-priestly state of O:mi9Eta. The sentence "when it ministers to aught that is human, it turns its course and descending from heaven, or rather falling to earth, comes forth, even though his body still remains within" 163 demonstrates that Philo is speaking of a heavenly ascent of the soul. Just as ascent is the entry into the holy of holies, so is descent the return to the vestibule. 164 The spiritual process of turning away from the world and focusing on God is compared to the changing of clothes by the high priest.

161

162 163

164

De somniis 2:188-189; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo 5:529. De somniis 2:223-233; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo 5:547-549. Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 84. De somniis 2:233.

112

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual The soul that loves God, having disrobed itself of the body and the objects dear to

~e body and fled_ abroad far '!fay from these, gains a fixed and assured settlement m the perfec~ or?m~ces of vrrtue .... This is why the high priest shall not enter the

!foly of l!ohes 1? his robe (Lev. xvi. 1 ff), but laying aside the garment of opinto?s and tmpress10ns of the soul, and leaving it behind for those that Jove outward thmgs and value semblance above reality, shall enter naked with no coloured borders or sound of bells, to pour as a libation the blood of the soul and to offer as incense the whole mind to God our Saviour and Benefactor. 16.5

The temple ritual is turned upside down: The priest leaves his clothes and enters naked instead of changing his clothes, the blood is not spriokled but poured, and the blood rite is performed before the incense rite and not after it. Rather than ignoraoce - Philo seems to be well informed about the 166 temple service _ and may even have been a priest 167 - this transformation of the temple ntual demonstrates that Philo does not derive his mysticism from the Imagery of :om Kippur. He merely uses the high-priestly entrance- a well-known 1mage- to illustrate his ideas. Despite certain p~allels, i.t is unlikely that Philo adopted this imaginaz~e from apocalypttc1sm. Frrst, he is quite anti-eschatological. Second, while there are some parall~ls between Philo's interpretation of y om Kippur and the apocalyptic imaginaire of the Day of Atonement, 168 the differences ~n the ~gery are significant: e.g. heaven is not surrounded by a fiery n~er, nor IS the~e ~fiery throne. The mystic is not accompanied by protectmg angels. Philo IS closer to Platonic idealism thao to apocalyptic mythology. ALLEGORIZATIONS OF THE SACRIFICIAL RITES: Of the sacrificial rites of Yom Kippur, only the incense sacrifice 169 and the scapegoat 170 play a role Legum a//egoriae ~:50-:-56; n:ansL F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo I. This passage has been n~glected by prevtous mvesttgators. It is the only allegorization of Yom Kippur's bl?od ~tes known to me. However, it does not greatly change the general picture of Philo s attttude to blood sacrifice. 165

166

_Philo _see~s

113

Philo's allegorizations. The bloodless sacrifice is superior to the among 111 • d ·nkling rites, which Philo almost completely neglects. This ten ency spn be demonstrated by the (apologetic) description of Yom Kippur in the bassy to Gaius in which incense and a universal supplication prayer are : . only rites in the holy of holies to be mentioned. 172 Agreeing with the Sadduceao interpretation, the high priest carries the already-lighted incense into the holy of holies to conceal its beauty. 173 Yet it is unlikely that he knows about the dispute between Sadduceans and Pharisees. Philo does not attribute the divine presence to the matenal_ mcense, and his exegesis can be explained as being based on the Septuagmt's ., and a·q..1.tc;. . . 174 distinction between vecpe~~.TJ . The lots of the scapegoat and the sacrificial goat are interpreted as bemg images of two kinds of humaos. The lot of the scapegoat stands for the people who are no_t free of pathos;_ t~e lot oft~~ sac~ficial goat, for to;ers of God who inhent the lot of Levi, 1.e. the sptntualtzed and democratized priesthood. 175 On the cosmological level, he connects the scapegoat with the creation and the sacrificial goat with God. 176 The sending out of the scapegoat becomes a metaphor for the inner fight against the passions, the motto of~e wis~ man:s fight. The s~urce of evil is in the hearts of men, but confessmg their passwns helps bamsh them:

c;n

For "to make atonement over'' (El;t?..Cmao9a.t) them [madnesses and infirmities, which are to be send away {'tit 0:n;07t01lxata. voaft~am Kai Cr.pp(I.)Oti)~a•a)] is to confess (O~oAoyqoc:n) that although we have them living and persisting in our soul, we do not give in, but fight energetically and persistently, until we shall have send them away (literally: ''to Zeus") ( O:n:oOtOnOJ.lltTI000J.1eB«) completely .171

The lifestyle of the wise, the practice of tyKpclteta and imcl9eta are of primary importance for Philo. One could even say that Yom Kippur is like an "open day" providing a glimpse of this life. One should live one's whole life without passion, humbling the soul - as one does on Yom Kippur, and as the wise person does all his life. 178

t~ have ~alakhic knowledge of the temple rites in the following cases:

~e htgh pnest hghtmg the mcense before entering the holy of holies (De specialibus leglh~ 1:72; bu~ cf. De e_brietate 135-13~); the prayer of the high priest in the holy of hohes (Legallo ad Galum 306); the existence of a third ram (De specia/ibus tegibus I: 188); the throwing down of the scapegoat (De plantatione 61 ). 167 See Schwartz, "Philo's Priestly Descent."

• Philo h~ at least ~ee int~rpretations in common with the apocalyptic imaginaire: the mterpretation of the htgh-pnestly entry as transformation and mystical encounter with ~~d; the two ~ots as :wo opposed ~lasses of people; and the fall of the scapegoat . . Incens~ ts men~oned a few times: De specia/ibus legibus 1:72.84; legum allegoriae 2.56, Legatw ad Gatum 306-307; De somniis 2:232. 170 The scapegoat rite is mentioned four times: Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 179187; legum allegoriae 2:52; De plantatione 61; De posteritate Caini 70-72. 168


171

De ebrietate 87. in the inmost part of the temple in the special sanctuary itself, into which the Grand Priest enters once a year only on the Fast as it is called to offer incense and to pray according to ancestral practice for a full supply of blessings and prosperity and peace for all mankind": Legatio ad Gaium 306; transl. F.C.L. Colson in LCL Philo 10:155. 173 De specialibus legibus 1:72. 174 See p. 106, above. 175 Legum allegoriae 2:52, cf. Quis rerum dtvinarum heres sit 179-187. 176 De plantatione 61. 177 De posteritate Caini 70-72, my translation. 178 De specia/ibus legibus 2:195. 72 1 " •••



Atonement is not an important factor in Philo's theology. Atonement by sacrifice is usually spiritualized. The confession atones, 179 as do repentance, 180 affliction 181 and prayer. 182 He prefers to look to the future instead of the past and regards repentance more highly than atonement. Philo betrays knowledge of the tradition describing the fall of the scapegoat. 183 His source may perhaps be an early liturgical reenactment of the Yom Kippur ritual. Another possible derivation is narrative sources close to the apocalyptic traditions previously discussed.

2.3 The Vicarious Atoning Death in 4Maccabees 17 and the Imaginaire of Yom Kippur The book of 4Maccabees ends its story of the martyrdom of the seven sons and their mother with a theological interpretation of their deaths, in which several terms recall Yom Kippur: 185

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Conclusion In sum, Philo presents a Yom Kippur that is in almost every respect adapted to the religious life of the diaspora. In the detailed descriptions of Yom Kippur, the people's service with fasting and p~aying is a central feature. Yom Kippur's temple ritual merely serves as a prooftext and as an illustration of Philo's mysticism and cosmological speculations. While he clearly prefers Yom Kippur's symbolic meanings, it is amazing to note that as a Platonist he holds on to the literal meanings and does not abolish Yom Kippur and its institutions. 184 Philo "de-Levitizes" the high priest so that every wise man can become a high priest, but he sets high moral and spiritual standards. Only he who lives the life of a wise man, i.e. who lives every day free from passions ("a-pathetic"), as on Yom Kippur, can qualifY. In this state of apatheia the man embarks on his mystical journey into the holy of holies, the transformation into a superhuman and the encounter with God. Yom Kippur is no longer connected to a particular date but to a special state. Philo spiritualizes the office and service of the high priest and turns them into symbols of the wise man and his son!' s ascent to God.

179 De posterilate Caini 70-72. 180 De specia/ibus /egibus 1:188. 181 Legum Allegoriae 3:174; De congressu eruditionis gratia 107: "[On Yom Kippur, God] becomes propitious (D..eroc;), and propitious even at once without supplication (iiv&u i.Kc-t&i.a<;), to those who afflict and belittle themselves (toi<; tamoil<; K«KoOOt K«i aood:AAoucn) and are not puffed up by vaunting !ffid self-pride." 182 De vita Mosis 2:24. 183 De plantatione 61. 184 I owe this point to Martha Himmelfarb.

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17 :20 These then, having consecrated (O.ytaaaf:v-c&<;) themselves for the sake of God, are now honored not only with this distinction but also by the fact that through them our enemies did not prevail against our nation, 21 and the tyrant was punished and our land purified (Ka9apta6flvat), since they became, as it were, a ransom ( O.v-ci1¥UXOV) for the sin of our nation. 22 Through the blood of these righteous ones and through their propitiating (iAaa-cT]pi.ou) death 186 the divine providence rescued Israel, which had been shamefully treated (:npoK«Koo9iv-ca). 187

God, angry because of the sins oflsrael, is placated by the atoning death of the righteous ones. The idea of the death of a martyr as vicarious atonement appears already in 6:28-29, and several key terms (Kae.lpatov. al~a and av<; has long drawn attention to exegetes of Romans 3:25. Notwithstanding that in 4Maccabees i/...am:ijpw~ is probably used attributively and has the specific sense not of n11~:l but more generally of "propitiating," the extremely rare word is very close to the terminus technicus and appears together with «ill« and it.J.laptia. 188 Moreover, two other ideas are reminiscent of the apocalyptic imaginaire of Yom Kippur. The purification of the country motif (tl')v xn
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victory over the evil Lord recalls the victory of the eschatological high priest over the forces of evil, which appears in 1Enoch I 0, 11 QMelchizedek and Hebrews 2:14-15. More tentatively, the term npoKmcco9€:vta for the mistreatment of the people recalls terminology for the afflictions of Yom Kippur, which can be tcaKOro as well as 'tamavOro. In sum, the combination of three terms from Leviticus 16 and two con~ ceptions connected to Yom Kippur makes it very likely that the author wished to allude to the Day of Atonement. 190 Recent scholarship rejects the earlier dating of 4Maccabees to the first century BCE and favors a date after the destruction of the temple, in the second century CE or even later. 191 This new dating removes one of the most important texts from the hands of those scholars who used this passage to explain Romans 3:25 against the background of Jewish martyr theology. Both passages seem to be independent solutions for the same question: what significance does the death of innocent people have for their religious conviction? Both use sacrificial imagery to explain the vicarious atoning effect achieved by divine providence. Excursus: The Scapegoat as,Background for Vicarious Atoning Suffering in Isaiah and Josephus? Was Yom Kippur's sacrificial terminology used to express vicarious atoning suffering in two other, non-Christian texts? Some scholars have suggested that the image of the suffering servant of God in Isaiah 53, which draws on some kind of sacrifice, 192 is based on

190

Contra Bailey, "Greek Heroes Who Happen to Be Jewish." Jan Willem van Henten in an oral discussion in Jerusalem of his paper, "Martyrdom and Persecution Revisited: The Case of 4 Maccabees," in: W. Ameling (ed.), Mtirtyrer und Miirtyrerakten (Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium 6; Stuttgart, 2002; pp. 5975). 192 See e.g. J. Scharbert, "Stellvertretendes Siihneleiden in den Ebed-Jahwe-Liedem und in altorientalischen Ritualtexten," Biblische Zeitschrift {NF] 2 (1958) 190-213; and the list of other scholars in B. Janowski, ''Er trug unsere Silnden. Jesaja 53 und die Dramatik der Stellvertretung," Zeitschrift for Theologie und Kirche 90 (1993) 1-24, here p. 20. Janowski proposes a non-sacrificial background of the servant. On Isa 53 in general in early Judaism and early Christianity, see e.g. the papers in B. Janowski and P. Stohlmacher (eds.), Der /eidende Gottesknecht. Jesaja 53 und seine Wirkungsgeschichte mit einer Bibliographie zu Jes 53 (Forschungen zum Alten Testament 14; Ttibingen, 1996)in particular M. Hengel, "Zur Wirkungsgeschichte von Jes 53 in vorchristlicher Zeit," pp. 49-91; P. Stuhlmacher, "Jes 53 in den Evangelien und in der Apostelgeschichte," pp. 93-105; 0. Hofius, "Das vierte Gottesknechtslied in den Briefen des Neuen Testamentes," pp. 107-127; and J. Adna, "Der Gottesknecht als triumphierender und interzessorischer Messias. Die Rezeption von Jes 53 im Targum Jonathan untersucht mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung des Messiasbildes," pp. 129-158. 191


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the scapegoat. 193 Even if this allusion seems far-fetched, it makes a strict distinction be. tween either sacrifice, noble-death or the suffering servant in explanations for the background to the vicarious atonement of Jesus difficult and subject to personal theological -preferences. 194 A passage in Josephus· Bellum judaicum, proposed by Michel and Bauernfeind, ·_ -seems more convincing. 195 The high priest Ananus states: «If I was alone and, as it were, . in the desert, I would offer my life for God."' 196 This might allude to the scapegoat, who dies alone in the desert. Such an interpretation is supported by two further observations . in the context. Directly before this episode, Josephus relates that lots are cast for the of-fjce of the high priest 197 - as for the two goats on Yom Kippur. Since such a custom for die election of high priests is unknown, the theological background seems noteworthy. Furthermore, Ananus is tortured and bears the pain silently as Isaiah's servant of God. 198 This passage is one of the few texts using the scapegoat as positive image. 199

Conclusion: Yom Kippur in the Greek Diaspora The Septuagint of Leviticus translates the Jewish terminology of Yom Kippur into pagan religious language; the demonology connected to the scapegoat is equated with pagan terminology of sacrifices to chthonic · . gods. Until then, no spiritualizing tendency is evident and the ritual of the diaspora has not yet surfaced in the Greek version of Leviticus 16. The focus on the temple ritual remains unchanged, the Septuagint of Isaiah providing the first evidence for a shift from the temple to the local communities by calling the day "the fast." 193 See J.D.W. Watts, Isaiah 34-66 (Word Biblical Commentary 25; Waco [Tex.], 1987), p. 231; J.N. Oswalt, The Book ofIsaiah. Chapters 40--66 (New International Commentary to the New Testament; Grand Rapids [Mich.] and Cambridge [UK], 1998), p. 377. Isaiah compares the servant to a lamb (j}IU) led to the slaughter (53 :7). The servant bears the sicknesses and afflictions vicariously for the community in language reminiscent of the descriptions of the scapegoat carrying the sins of the community. The terminology for sins :l71U~ (53:5.8.12), 1H7 (53:6.11), ClZ7K (53: 10) and Ktm (53: 12) is similar to the three terms of Lev 16 (YIU~ ,11Y ,Kun). Like the scapegoat, the servant is tortured b~fore his death. The formulation D"n f1Kll 1Tll (lsa 53:8) recalls i11Tl f1K (Lev 16:22). See e.g. D.R. Schwartz, "Two Pauline Allusions to the Redemptive Mechanism of the Crucifixion," Journal of Biblical Literature 102 (1983) 259-283. Yet sacrificial concepts · cannot explain everything, since other terminology in Isa 53 comes from a rather nonCU.ltic medical background. Is the ritual of the people perhaps alluded to by the mention of:JJ!i (Isa 53:7)? Did the Septuagint reinforce this allusion by the use of Ke:KaKcOOeat and 't«1t&lw00e:t in two successive verses (Isa 53:7-8)? !94 On Isa 53, see the discussions ofGal3:13; John 1:29; I Pet 2:22-24 below. 1 % 0. Michel and 0. Bauernfeind (eds., transls.), Josephus, Flavius, De bello Judaico.

1!er jiidUche Krieg. GriechUch und deutsch. Hrsg. und mit einer Einleitung sowie mit -Anmerkungen. (3 vols; Munich and Darmstadt, 1962-1969) .. Bel/umjudaicum 4:164. Bel/umjudaicum 4:153. Bel/umjudaicum 4:165. See the passage on Ravya bar Qisi discussed on p. 130, below.

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scriptions? What is the position of Christian Judaism? In a few instances,

Philo focuses on the diaspora way of celebrating Yom Kippur, allegorizing the temple ritual to higher truths and spiritualizing priestly concepts to the ascetic life of the wise. He is the first to use the high-priestly entrance of Leviticus 16 explicitly to describe the mystical ascent of the wise man's soul to God. His theology strongly influenced later Alexandrinians such as Clement and Origen. Philo's concept of Yom Kippur as an "open day" to the wise man's lifestyle will be adopted by Christians such as Origen. Finally, 4Maccabees 17 and probably Josephus draw on the imaginaire of Yom Kippur to explain the rationale of vicarious suffering. Josephus might even be a rare example of a Jewish (non-Christian) text comparing

extra-rabbinical data confirm minority opinions or deviant opinions in the rabbinic sources,20 I but often no such deviant opinion is extant. 202 Furthermore, the original Sitz im Leben of each rabbinic source is not

clear. Did it serve a certain commnnity as a law codex or as a textbook for teaching purposes, or was it simply a collection of statements? 203 The Mishnah received canonical status with its redaction around 200 CE - in certain circles of Palestine and in some Babylonian academies. The development from rabbinic Judaism to normative Judaism was a long process. We cannot simply presuppose that the ritual and thought in the communities of the Western diaspora in Mediterranean lands, or even in Palestine

and Babylonia, followed the rulings of the sages of the Mishnah, or the Palestinian or Babylonian Talmud. We have to bear these unresolved methodological questions in mind during the brief analysis of rabbinical thought on Yom Kippur. I shall begin this outline of some general aspects of the rabbinical imaginaire of Yom Kippur with mythological events linked to Yom Kip-

the scapegoat to a positive figure.

3. The Christian Jewishlmaginaire of Yom Kippur Many of the texts discussed in parts 2 and 3 in fact belong here. Among them are Barnabas and Hebrews (despite their fierce anti-Jewish stance) and Romans (and their sources), !John, Matthew, Galatians and perhaps the Christological songs of Colossians and Philippians. The texts ofValentinian Christianity that are based on lost Jewish apocalyptic sources -

pur, to give an impression of the general theological ideas connected to the

festivaL I shall then go on to analyze some part of the conceptions of the temple ritnal, especially the high priest, the goats and the red ribbon. Finally, I shall turn to some general theological concepts of the people's ritual that received special attention in the rabbinic sources, primarily repentance.

which were a bridge between the descriptions of ascent visions in apoca-

lyptic and Hekhalot texts- also belong into this discussion.

Ideally, each rabbinic tract should be allocated its own section. Such a detailed investigation of the concepts of Yom Kippur, the high priest, the

4. Aspects of the Rabbinic Imaginaire of Yom Kippur

scapegoat, the sacrifices, the high-priestly entrances, the afflictions, the synagogue service, etc., for each of the rabbinic tracts would be an inter-

Any investigation of Judaism in late antiquity (i.e. from the second to the fifth centuries) has to contend with a methodological dilemma: on the one

esting undertaking, but it goes far beyond the scope of this work. I have tried to avoid a monolithic presentation by referring to the collection (e.g.

hand, the rabbinic sources are almost the only extant textual evidence; on

the other hand, they frequently do not match the picture that emerges from archaeological data, such as the findings of Dura Europos.200 How broad is the prism of Judaism represented in the rabbinic sources; i.e. how many

different opinions and styles of life found their way into the rabbinic collections, and how many did not? To what extent are texts like the later parts of the Jewish Sibyllines, 4Maccabees and Pseudo-Philo On Jonah evidence of alternative traditions not contained in the rabbinic corpus? How can we evaluate non-Jewish sources that do not fit the rabbinic data for our reconstruction? How can we evaluate the credibility of their de200

Cf. G. Sternberger, Einleitung in Talmud undMidrasch (Munich, 8 1992), pp. 55-65.

I

I !

201 This might be the case with Church Fathers, who polemicized against the sad character of the Jewish fast. 202 Judith Lieu has employed the portrayal of Trypho, the Jew, in Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho for reconstructing the Judaism of Asia Minor in the second century. Leaving one hermeneutical circle she entered another. On the one hand she rebels against using only or even primarily rabbinical sources for reconstructing the late antique Judaism of Asia Minor. On the other hand her approach involves the methodological danger of giving up the only extant criterion for a countercheck, since in the realm of concepts and prayers, archaeological evidence can only rarely help, and then only up.der fortunate circumstances. See J. Lieu, Image and Reality. The Jews in the World of the Christians in the Second Century (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 103-154. 203 See G. Sternberger, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, pp. 140-143, regarding the different opinions about the Sitz im Leben of the Mishnah.

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Jmaginaires of Yom Kippur

Mishnah, Babylonian Talmud) with which, and in some instances to the

only festival that will be observed in the coming world 210 While Jubilees describes Yom Kippur as a festival of sadness and Philo's Yom Kippur vacillates between aftliction and festival, the rabbinic sources tend more to the festival side. Yet the aspect of sadness surfaces here and there in the rabbinic sources and might have been the custom in some communities. 211

rabbi with whom, a certain statement is associated. Regarding the unre~

solved questions of the pseudepigraphy in the attribution of certain sayings to certain sages, of redaction and of form history, and in view of the uncertainties caused by the lack of critical editions for most of the material, r have refrained from advancing more concrete theses on the history.204 This is a task for future investigators. Despite his conservative approach; Joseph Tabory's survey on Yom

Kipplir in the rabbinic period is a helpful collection of statements and scholarship. 205 On the conceptual background of the sacrifices, Yitzbak Baer and Naftali Goldstein have done some promising pioneering work 2116 Yet most aspects of the rabbinic theology of the temple ritual still await critical investigation, principally on the perceptions of the role and figure of the high priest. The most interesting works on the rabbinic Yom Kippur liturgy are still the general models of the development of the ritual from the temple to the synagogue by Elbogen and Heinemann. 207 In popular opinion, Yom Kippur was the most important festivaJ.208 When Yom Kippur fell on a Sabbath it was awarded a special sanctity, and the gravest sins were those eommitted on this day. 209 The special character

of Yom Kippur is demonstrated also by the fact that it is described as the W4 Even the most basic methods are disputed among the main approaches. I follow the general lines pointed out by Sternberger in his Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, pp. 55-65 and 66-72, with references to further literature. 205 Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, pp. 259-306; Most of the secondary literature accepts the Mishnah and other rabbinic sources at face value without redaction critics or form critics: Safrai, "Der VersOhnungstag in Tempel und Synagoge"; idem, "The Service of Yom Kippur in the Second Temple" [in Hebrew] Mahanayim 49 (1961) 122-125; idem, "On the History of the Service in the Second Temple"; E.E. Urbach, The Sages. Their Concepts and Belieft (2 vols; Jerusalem, 1987 = 2 1979), especially pp. 42Q-436 and 462-471; K. Hruby, ..Le Yom Ha-Kippurim ou Jour de !'Expiation," Orient Syrien 10 (1965) 41-74, 161-192, 413-442; A. BUchler, Studies in Sin and Atonement (London, 1928). 206 Baer, "The Service of Sacrifice in Second Temple Times"; N. Goldstein, "Worship at the Temple in Jerusalem -Rabbinic Interpretation and Influence" [in Hebrew] (Ph.)). dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1977). 207 Elbogen, Studien zur Geschichte des jii.dischen Gottesdienstes; Heinemann, Prayer in the Period ofthe Tanna'im and theAmora'im. See also Elbogen, Der jii.dische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung. 208 But technically speaking, the Sabbath has a higher status than Yom Kippur. Trespassing the Sabbath commandment is pwtishable by death through stoning (mSanh 7:4), trespassing Yom Kippur by eating is pwtishable "only" by scourging (mMak 3:2). Furthermore, Sukkot is frequently called the festival (lnn). 209 See Tabory, Jewish Festivals in the Time of the Mishnah and Talmud, pp. 297-298, with examples.

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4.1 Mythological Events Connected to Yom Kippur The association of Yom Kippur with redemption and judgment (ilQMelchizedek) continued in rabbinic thought. Yom Kippur is not only an eschatological occasion but an annual day of divine judgment, concluding the period of repentance during the ten days of awe from Rosh Hashanah, ascribed clearly in the Babylonian Talmud to Rosh Hashanah. "All are judged on Rosh Hashanah and their sentence is signed on Yom Kippur."212 Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah are the days when God sits on his judgment throne. 213 In this heavenly judgment Satan is the accuser. Two traditions exist about the power of Satan on Yom Kippur. According to the Babylonian Talmud, Satan has power on all days but Yom Kippur. 214 According to Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46, Yom Kippur is the only day when the devil Sanuna'el has power over all sinners among Israel (a disappointing experience, since Israel becomes sinless on just this day). The apocalyptic legend of the introduction of sin by the fallen angels and their leader 'Azaz'el, Sannna'el, Shemihaza, etc. - is still (or again) told and the names appear in connection with Yom Kippur'"' but without explicitly dating the event to the fast. The earliest rabbinic text to connect a mythological event to Yom Kippur may be the Mekilta Rabbi Yishmae/. 216 Moses is said to have judged the people "after the day" (Exodus 18:13), to which the Mekilta adds "(after the day) of atonement." It is not completely clear what event fell on the 210 Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46. This is a strange concept, since it assumes the continuity of sin in the world to come. 211 The extra-talmudic tract Soferim 19:4 prohibits including the term "a good day" in the prayer of Yom Kippur, since a fast cannot be "a good day." Hence, a strict separation into sectarians and rabbis on this aspect is not possible. See the sources and the discussion on p. 99, above. 212 bRH 16a by Rabbi Meir. Rabbi Yehudah states that the moment of each one's sentence is set individuaHy. 213 bRH 32b. Cf. also the statement in Avot of Rabbi Nathan (A) 25 that it is a bad omen to die at the beginning of Yom Kippur and a good one to die at its end. 214 bYoma 20a. 215 See below, pp. 128-130. 216 Mekilta Rabbi Yishmael Amalek 4 to Exod 18:13 (ed. Horovitz, p. 196; ed. Lauterbach, vol. 2, pp. 179).

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of the golden calf223 Second, God's thirteen middot (Exodus 34:6-7), which were revealed on this occasion, play an important role in the liturgy of Yom Kippur and, together with Leviticus 16:21, have the power to

Day of Atonement. According to the traditional explanation,217 the events

of the biblical narrative are out of order, and the judgment happened after Moses returned from MoWlt Sinai. 218 Yom Kippur coincided with the giv-

transform deliberate transgressions into unintended sins.224 Third, Exodus 32:11-14 and 34:1ffwere read in some Palestinian communities.225

ing of the Torah. This tradition is otherwise attested only in a (probably late) Baraita in the Babylonian Talmud. 219 But is this the only possible reading of the Mekilta and Exodus 18? If we interpret the Mekilta on its

The biblical account of the consecration of the First Temple can be understood as that part of the consecration which coincided with Yom Kippur. This interpretation depends on whether the week of the dedication of the temple was celebrated before Sukkot or coincided exactly with Sukkot226 This point is discussed in Mo 'ed Qatan in the Babylonian Talmud, which asserts that the week of dedication indeed included Yom Kippur,

own, and understand "after the day" in the context of its narrative, the pre-

vious event- the coming of Jethro and perhaps also the battle with Amalek -happened on the day (of atonement) prior to Moses' judgment. The latter version matches the Meki/ta, according to which the battle with Amalek is said to have taken place during a fast (n'JYn) 220 In both cases, the exegesis of the Mekilta is strange. Exodus 19: I dates the giving of the Torah to the third month after the exodus, i.e. before Yom Kippur, and Jethro (Exodus 18) is supposed to have arrived earlier, i.e.

celebrated not as a fast but as a feast. 227 Like the consecration of the temple, the ordination of the priests is also associated with Yom Kippur.

The Talmudim compare the week of the high priest's preparation with the

between Pesach and Shavuot. There must have been a special reason to deviate from the biblical chronology, either a conceptual reason or the weight of an existing tradition connecting some part of the narrative to Yom Kip-

ordination of Aaron and his sons, and make the preparation week into one

of (re-)ordination. 228 According to the late Midrash Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, 229 the circumcision of Abraham, which is described as having a vicarious atoning function, also took place on Yom Kippur. 230 Earlier sources indicate that it took place on Passover, bringing it into line with other events, which according

pur.221 Was it the moment of judgment? Was it the fight against evil, i.e. Amalek? Is it the association of Moses, the just judge, with collaboration in the creation? The idea of connecting Yom Kippur to salvation from the

to Genesis Rabbah and the Talmudim occurred either in Nisan or in Tishri. Genesis Rabbah and the Palestinian Talmud do mention the creation of the world,231 and the Babylonian Tahnud includes the birth and death of the forefathers, and redemption. 232 However, these sources most probably have Rosh Hashanah in mind and not Yom Kippur. The vacillation between Ni-

ultimate evil (Amalek) seems the most suggestive and matches the Mekilta's characterization of the battle as taking place during a fast. The traditional interpretation is not drawn from the Mekilta alone, but rather interprets the Me kilta in the sense of the Baraita. A Baraita in the Babylonian Talmud reports in the name of Shim'on ben Garnliel that the second giving of the Torah took place on Yom Kippur, connecting the renewal of the covenant (Exodus 34) to Yom Kippur and perceiving Yom Kippur as atonement for the sin of the go !den calf. 222 Three traditions seem linked to this association of the golden calf and the second giving of the Torah with Yom Kippur. First, the high priest is not allowed to serve in golden garments in order not to remind God of the sin

223 yYoma 7:3, 44b; cf. Leviticus Rabbah 21:10 (ed. Margulies, pp. 489-490). See also the discussion on the prooftexts for individual or general confessions in yYoma 8:9, 45c. 224 yYoma 3:1, 40d; cf. bYoma 36b. 225 See above, p. 55. 226 IKgs 8; 2Chr 6-7, especially 7:8-10. 227 bMQ 9a, Cf. yMQ 1:1, 80d; Genesis Rabbah 35:3 (ed. Theodor/Albeck, p. 332), which discusses 2Chr 7 only with regard to an eventual collision of the consecration of the temple with Sukkot sans Yom Kippur. 228 yYoma 1:1, 38a-c; bYoma 2a-6a. See also 1. Knohl and S. Naeh, "Millu'iro veKippurim" [in Hebrew] Tarbiz 62 (1993) 17-44. 229 Unlike other early rabbinic literature, this Midrash is usually considered the work of a single author, probably in Palestine in the eighth or ninth century CE but containing older traditions: Sternberger, Ein/eitung in Talmud und Midrasch, pp. 321-323. 230 Gen 17:23-27; Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 28. 231 Genesis Rabbah 22:3 to Gen 4:3 (ed. Tbeodor/Albeck, p. 207). Cf. yRH 1, 56b and bRH lOb-lib. 232 bRH lOb-lib.

217

E.g. Rashi on Exod 18:3. Rashi suggests this order: battle with Amalek, Torah-giving (on Yom Kippur), arrival of Jethro, Moses' judgment; instead of the biblical order: battle with Amalek, arrival of Jethro, Moses' judgment, Torah-giving. 219 Cf. the tradition of bTa'an 30b, discussed below. The mixture of Hebrew and Aramaic raises some suspicion about the age of the Baraita. 220 Mekilta Rabbi Yishmael Amalek 1 to Exod 17:12 (ed. Horovitz, p. 180; ed. Lauterbach, vol. 2, pp. 145). 221 Might there be a gezera shavvah to Exod 32:30? In that case the passage of the Mekilta refers to the golden calf. 222 bTa'an 30b. Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46 makes this into a full story. 218

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•• ·· ~~



san and Tishri might perhaps be a reaction to the Christian linkage of these events to Easter. The Aqedah is usually dated to Passover, but some sources link it with Rosh Hashanah and the blowing of the Shofar. 233 A late kabbalistic tradition dates the Aqedah happened to Yom Kippur 234 Earlier, the ram is connected with the imaginaire of Yom Kippur by being depicted as hanging from the bush with a red ribbon- resembling the scapegoat. 235 In sum, various rabbinic traditions (mostly Amoraic) date great events in the history of salvation (the circumcision of Abraham, the second giving of the Torah and renewal of the covenant, and the consecration of the First Temple)236 to Yom Kippur. Second Temple traditions are partially continued - for instance, the notion of Yom Kippur as a day of judgment and redemption. 237 Is there a common denominator? The consecration of the temple, the giving of the Torah and circumcision are three essential means of salvation and identity for Judaism. The golden calf signifies collective sin and repentance, both of which can be connected to judgment, whereas Abraham's circumcision and the second giving of the Torah mark the covenant and its renewal.

Few in number, their justice is evidenced by constant miracles. 238 In contrast, the numerous high priests after Simon, especially those of the Herodian period, are portrayed as being stupid, corrupt and "selfish unto death."239 The Mishnah reflects this contemptuous attitude by adding "ifhe [the high priest] was learned" to various rituals. The apparent superiority of rabbinic institutions over the priesthood is manifested in the heartbreaking scene of the high priest who has to swear loyalty to the court of the elders. 240 This perception of the high priests as clerks is contradicted by those traditions in Amoraic sources comparing the (high) priests to angels241 or their garments to those of angels. 242 According to Leviticus Rabbah, the high priest became a superhuman figure on entering the holy of holies 243 The high-priestly entrance into the holy of holies is greatly mystified - as in the traditions of the apocalypses, Philo, the Valentinian texts and the Hekhalot. In the holy of holies, the high priest may encounter angelic figures, or even God. 244 For example, Simon the Just was always accompanied by a mysterious figure, who was either an angel or God. 245 The

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4.2 Rabbinic Interpretations of the Temple Ritual This section deals with the area least researched. I will touch on only a few points, for the sake of comparison (mainly the high-priestly entrance, the scapegoat and the red ribbon), having to neglect others that in a full-scale analysis of the rabbinic understanding of Yom Kippur would deserve much more attention. 4.2.1 The High Priests In the Tannaitic sources, the high priests are portrayed as having a history of corruption. The high priests of the First Temple and beginnings of the Second, who were still hereditary, are praised, especially Simon the Just. 233 See L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, (1 vols; Philadelphia, 1909-1938, reprinted 1967--68), here vol. 5, p. 252, notes 246-48. 234 See Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, vol. 5, p. 252, note 248 for further literature. Ginzberg himself writes that Pirqe Rabbi E/iezer 31 let the Aqedah happen on Yom Kippur. But this does not appear explicitly in the text though it may be deduced: Abraham is likened to the high priest and the heavenly voice comes from between the two Cherubim (on the ark of the covenant), i.e. in the holy of holies. 235 Seep. 129, below. For a link between the Aqedah and Yom Kippur in Barnabas, see p. 152, below. 236 And perhaps the battle with Amalek. 237 I did not fmd rabbinic texts according to which the selling of Joseph, the ceasing of the manna, and the entry into the land of Israel happened on Yom Kippur.

238

yYoma 1:1, 38c; cf. also yYoma 1:4, 39a; bYoma 8b. See especially the relativization of the praise of tYoma I :6 in yYoma 1:3, 39a and bYoma 18a; cf. mYoma 1:3.6; tYoma 1:7.12; bYoma23a. 240 mYoma 1:5 and Talmudim to this passage; tYoma 1:8. 41 2 Already in Mal2:7. 242 yYoma 7:3, 44b; Leviticus Rabbah 21:11 (ed. Margulies, p. 492). A different tradition compares the people of Israel, who afflict their souls, to angels (Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46), see above, p. 35. 243 Leviticus Rabbah 21:12 (ed. Margulies, p. 493). The same tradition is found in Philo and Origen, based on a variant reading of the Septuagint to Lev 16:17. Perhaps, the rabbis adopted a Hellenistic Jewish exegetical tradition through the mediation of Origen or, as Yitzhak Baer has suggested, Philo reflects an earlier rabbinic tradition (Baer, "The Service of Sacrifice in Second Temple Times," p. 113)."Jndeed, the extant Masoretic Text of Lev 16:17 "no man shall be in the tent" could be understood as including the high priest, i.e. no man, and even the high priest is no longer a man. See the commentary of Margulies. In principle, the variant reading of the Septuagint can also appear in Hebrew or it could have read "01N 1" or "n1N J1" instead of"D1N 7J1," i.e. "and a man I and like a man he shall not be upon entering into tent." In fact, such a reading could have been one of the factors for the angelization of the high priest in the apocalyptic and early mystical literature. In any case, the variant reading did not survive in extant manuscripts of the Septuagint or the Masoretic Text (apart from the quotations in Philo and Origen). 244 The opposite opinion, that upon the high priest's entry even angels have to leave the holy of holies, is expressed in the name of Rabbi Abbahu (yYoma 1:5, 39a; yYoma 5:3, 42c; Leviticus Rabbah 21:12 (ed. Margulies, pp. 492-493). 245 tSotah 13:8; yYoma 5:3, 42c and Leviticus Rabbah 21:12 (ed. Margulies, pp. 492493); and the slightly different tradition in bYoma 39b and bMenah 109b. Many more 239

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Talmudim underscore the possible deadly consequences of this spiritual encounter. 246 It is very likely this belief that lies behind the mishnaic ritual of giving a party upon exiting from the holy of holies.247 Lauterbach attempted to explain the famous Pharisees-Sadducees dispute over whether the incense should be kindled inside or outside the holy of holies. He suggested that the Pharisees were contesting the Sadducees' "primitive" conception of the incense as a means of protection from directly witnessing the presence of God who resides in the holy ofholies. 248 A further possible interpretation of the danger is the perception of the holy of holies as a divine bridal chamber where the cherubs make love - a sight that is prohibited to outside world. 249 What effected the atonement: the high priest himself, his words, his deeds, or the sacred artifacts he was using, i.e. ex opere operandi, ex opere operata or ex opere "instrumentorum"? All did; but according to traditions about Simon the Just, it was the priest's saintly nature that had special efficacy, and it was the corrupt nature of the last high priests before the destruction of the temple that spoiled the ritual. 250 On the other hand, discussions of the temple ritual tend to attribute the atonement either to repentance and confessions or to the sacrifices, with a preference for the former. 251 The Palestinian Talmud endows each of the high-priestly gar"hh . ·1ar sm. " 252 For examp le,t he ments w1t t e power to exptate a parttcu 253 priestly tunic (mmJ) atones for bloodshed. Finally, the focus on the

examples from the Talmudim were collected by Lauterbach, "A Significant Controversy between the Sadducees and the Pharisees." 246 The "heretic" practice of the Sadducees/Boethusians of kindling the incense before entering the holy of holies is regarded as having a lethal outcome: see yYoma 1:5, 39a; bYoma 19b. 247 mYoma 1:4. 248 The Sadducees are therefore reported to have lighted the incense before entering. 2 49 bYoma 54a. See also A. De Coninck, ..Entering God's Presence. Sacramentalism in the Gospel of Philip," Society of Biblical Literature Seminar Papers 37:1 (Atlanta [Ga.], 1998; pp. 483-523), pp. 505-509 and 510-521, who assembled a few early texts and many late ones on this tradition to argue for its influence on the Valentinian ritual of the bridal chamber. 250 bYoma 39a-b;yYoma 5:4, 42c; 6:3, 43c. 251 Cf. above pp. 51-54; and below, pp. 132-134. 2!i2 yYoma 7:5, 44b-c; cf. the comment in Avemarie, Yoma- VersOhnungstag, pp. 192195 for parallels. 253 In this context, the tradition of Jubilees surfaces with a reference to Gen 37:31, where Josef's mm:l is dipped into the blood of a male goat. The same tradition appears also in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Gen 37:31 (see also above, pp. 65-67).

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blood sprinkling ritual in the Mishnah as well as in the Sidrei Avodah underlines the importance of the kapporet and of the blood 254 4.2.2 Goats The first chapter of Mishnah Shevu 'ot distinguishes sharply between the sprinkling of the sacrificial goat's blood and the scapegoat ritual. The former rite purges the sanctuary from the impurities caused by sins and then reconsecrates it; the latter expiates the sins of the people. 255 The very next saying in Mishnah Shevu 'ot states that the confession over the scapegoat and the sprinkling of the blood of the sacrificial goat atone for the sins of Israel, while the confession over the calf and the sprinkling of its blood atone for the priests. 256 Some modem scholars see these mishnayot as representing the system behind the priestly source 257 Others go beyond that and apply it to non-rabbinical sources. 258 Yet it was not the only rationale behind the ritual of the two goats. 259 Conceptually, one would expect that the blood-sprinkling rite would be considered unnecessary in the ritual reenactments of the synagogue, since there is no longer a temple to be purified. Yet the verbal enactment of "sprinklings and confessions" is considered equally important, and both are emphasized in the earliest liturgical reenactments. 260 The mishnaic tracts Shevuot and Yoma seem to consider God as the addressee of both goats. God, however, is not always regarded as the addressee of the scapegoat, whom we have seen associated with the demonic leader of the evil forces in apocalyptic sources. In Hebrew, male goats are "good to think with" Satan and the demons, since both are called 254 The exact way of sprinkling and number of movements is described in great detail in mYoma 5:2-4. For the blood sprinklings in Sidrei Avodah see above, pp. 59-60. 255 mSebu 1:3-7; bYoma 61a, Sifra Ahare Mot4:5, here mSebu 1:6. · 256

mSebu 1:7. Most notably, Jacob Milgram, who adopted it in numerous instances in his seminal commentary on Leviticus. 258 Wolfgang Kraus, Der Tod Jesu al.s Heiligtumsweihe, applied this rabbinic distinction to the proto-Christian interpretations of the blood sprinkling rite in Hebrews and Romans. B. Hudson McLean used it in his investigation of the scapegoat in Pauline soteriology: The Cursed Christ. Mediterranean Expulsion Rituals and Pauline Soteriology (Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement Series 126; Sheffield, 1996). 259 The more general methodological problem with this approach is the generalization of the rabbinic interpretation's application to Judaism of all times, streams and places, which overlooks that ritual can have one meaning/rationale, none or multiple simultaneous meanings/rationales (see e.g. Bernard Lang's critique on Milgram in Lang's entry on 1!1::1 in the Theo/ogisches W6rterbuch zum A/ten Testament 4 [1984] 303-318). 260 See Goldschmidt, Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, p. 168:7-8, and pp. 59-60 above. 257


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l'll'W. 261 Yet in the spiritualizing Tannaitic sources there are no traces of a demonology behind the scapegoat. There, the scapegoat is no longer sent to 'Az'azel but to a cliff in the desert; it is no longer called 'n~rY7 1'Yl!l but

n7mzn~ l"li'tu. 262

The demonological concept must have survived in the rabbinic backyards during the Tannaitic period, since it reappears in later sources. A passage of the Babylonian Talmud presents 'Az'azel as a demon who atones for the sins of 'Uzza (~TlY) and 'Aza'el (';>N!Y), without going into further detaiis 263 Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer identifies 'Az'azel with the leader of the demons, Samma'el, and the scapegoat as a sacrifice to him.264 Apparently, some form of the myth from ]Enoch was familiar to some rabbis. 265 In a passage in the late medieval collection Yalqut Shim 'oni,266 Shemihaza and 'Aza'el/'Az'azel appear in a form related to I Enoch and to Yom Kippur. Shemihaza repented, and as penitence hanged himself upside down between heaven and earth. 'Aza'el [sic!] did not repent, and he still stands in his corruption (1?1p?p:l) to incite humans to transgressions in the colorful garments of women, and, therefore, Israel offered sacrifices on Yom Kippur. One ram(!) to God that he may atone for Israel and one ram(!) to 'Az'azel [9_ic!] that he may bear the sins of Israel, and this is 'Az'azel of the Torah. 267

Notably, it is a ram that is sacrificed to 'Az'azel, not a male goat. Rams and male goats are not always sharply distinguished. This point is important for understanding the ritual of the kapparot; the demonic leader was associated with rams and goats, with Yom Kippur, and with tbe Aqedah. So for example in Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Leviticus 9:3 on the offerings for Aaron's ordination: And you shall speak to the children of Israel, saying: 'You also are to take a male goat and offer it as a sin offering, lest Satan who is comparable to it speaks with a slanderous tongue against you over the affair of the male goat which the tribes of

261

Demon: Lev 17:7; 2Chr 11:15; Isa 13:21; 34:14. Sifra presents the cliff in the desert as exegesis of the difficult words '"Az'azel'' and "Gezera": Sifra, Ahare Mot, ch. 2:8: "D'1ii:J iil!'lj) D1j)7.l" and "j)l:i:J." A similar tradition entered Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Lev 16:10 "''llj)1 rppn 1m~" and 16:2lb-22 "~'1:i 1n~." 263 bYoma 67b attributed to the Tannaite Rabbi Yishmael. 264 Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 46. 265 Cf. the (late) additions to Deuteronomy Rabbah 11:10 (ed. Mirkin, pp. 157-160; not in ed. Liebermann); Seder Eliyahu Zuta 25; see also Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer 22; Rashi on bNid6la; YalqutShim'oni, 1:44. 266 Sternberger dates this collection of Midrashim to the thirteenth century. It contains an abundance of old traditions that would otherwise have been lost, Sternberger, Einleitung in Talmud und Midrasch, pp. 341-342. 267 My translation of Yalqut Shim 'oni 1:44. 262

/maginaires of Yom Kippur

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Jacob slaughtered in order to deceive their father. (Take) as a burnt offering a calf - because you worshiped the calf- and a lamb, a year old, that the merit of Isaac, whose father tied him like a lamb, may be remembered on your behalf. Both of them (shall be) without blemish.268

While Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Leviticus 9:3 is not directly linked to Yom Kippur, all of the traditions contained in this passage are sometimes associated with the Day of Atonement. First, the male goat is sacrificed to the lord of the evil powers, Satan, to keep him from accusing Israel in the heavenly court for the vending of Joseph. The vending of Joseph was connected with Yom Kippur in Jubilees,Z 69 but it also appears in the Palestinian Talmud as a rationale for the atoning power of the high priest's tunic.270 Second, a calf is offered to atone for tbe sin of the golden calf. As noted above, Yom Kippur commemorates the second giving of the Torah on a day of repentance after the sin of the golden calf and the breaking of the first tablets. 271 Finally, a lamb is sacrificed to evoke God's mercy by reminding him of the merits of tbe lamb-like Isaac. The latter is strange, since it was a ram that was offered in Isaac's stead, not a lamb. Christian interpretations may be responsible for this irregularity. An early identification of the ram of the binding of Isaac and the scapegoat may be inferred from the fact that in the mosaics of the synagogues of Beit Alfa and Sepphoris the ram is hanging from the tree with a reddish rope, reminiscent of the red ribbon of the scapegoat. 272 268 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Lev 9:3, translation of M. Maher, "Targnm PseudoJonathan: Leviticus. Translated with Notes," in: M. McNamara (ed.), The Aramaic Bible (Edinburgh, 1994); the italics indicate the Aramaic additions as compared to the Masoretic Text. 269 "And the sons of Jacob slaughtered a kid and dipped Joseph's garment into the blood and sent (it) to Jacob, their father, on the tenth of the seventh month. And he lamented all of that night. because they had brought it to him in the evening.... Therefore it is decreed for the children oflsrael that they mourn on the tenth (day) of the seventh month - on the day when that which caused him to weep for Joseph came to Jacob, his father- so that they might atone for them(selves) with a young kid on the tenth (day) of the seventh month, once a year, on account of their sin because they caused the affection of their father to grieve for Joseph, his son." (Jubilees 34: 12.13a.l8, transl. Wintermute). 210 yYoma 7:5, 44b. This tradition was taken up in the anonymous 'Az be'Ein Koi (ed. Yahalom, p. 124, line 553) and embellished by Yose ben Yose. 271 See also bYoma 86a. 272 See Z.E. Weiss and E. Netzer (eds-), Promise and Redemption. A Synagogue Mosaic from Sepphoris (Jerusalem, 1996), p. 31; and E.L. Sukenik, The Ancient Synagogue of Beth Alpha. An Account of the Excavations Conducted on Behalf of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem (Jerusalem and London, 1932), plate XIX. I would like to express my gratitude to GUnter Sternberger, who drew my attention to these mosaics. Also Barnabas 7 might have known a tradition connecting the binding of Isaac to Yom Kippur. See also the Yom Kippur homily on Gen 22 in Leviticus Rabbah 20:2 (Margulies,

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Also the death of righteous men can atone vicariously as Yom Kippur sacrifices. Leviticus Rabbah quotes the famous rabbinical saying that "just as Yom Kippur atones, so does the death of the righteous."273 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan and Genesis Rabbah compare the blood of the male goat to human blood. 274 Men could become scapegoats, too, as a passage from the Babylonian Talmud demonstrates: "On that day Ravya bar Qisi died, and they erected a sign: Ravya [bar] Qisi achieves atonement like [or: as] the goat that was sent away."275 This must mean that the death of the righteous Ravya bar Qisi effected atonement vicariously. While the statement remains in the realm of comparison, not identification, it demonstrates that as with Josephus' portrayal of Ananus, the idea of comparing the vicarious atonement of men to the ritual of the scapegoat was not foreign to rabbinic Judaism. 276 As Lauterbach has suggested, it is probably a similar complex association of ram and male goat, man and Satan, Joseph and Isaac, merit and apotropaic sacrifice, that stands behind the kapparot, especiaUy if performed with a ram. 277 In sum, in the sources from the Amoraic period, there are two parallel rationales. The addressee of the scapegoat can be God (Tannaitic and Amoraic sources) or Satan (Amoraic sources). 278

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nah does not explicitly refer to the whitening of the scapegoat ribbon, this seems to be assumed. The Babylonian Talmud hands down a different tradition. According to a Baraita in the name of Rabbi Yishmael evoking Isaiah 1:18.,281 the red ribbon was publicly displayed on the outside of the sanctuary door, signifying the transition to a sinless state when the scapegoat reached the desert. Another Baraita, in the name of "the rabbis," sets the two rites in a chronological sequence. First the red ribbon was bound to the outside of the door of the sanctuary; but it did not always turn white, so they decided to put it on the inside of the door, and only when it did not turn white was it bound to the scapegoat.282 The Palestinian Talmud has a similar Baraita.283 Here, people began by hanging the red ribbon on the windows of private houses, then they hung it on the door of the sanctuary and finally attached it to the rock (before pushing the scapegoat off). In both traditions, the red ribbon on the scapegoat was presented as a final stage, after the wondrous oracle of the red ribbon turning white began to fail. Regardless of whether the Baraitot reflect a historical development, 284 the change reflects a transition from a public to a secret act in the Palestinian Talmud, also from a popular to a personal ritual. Furthermore, it demonstrates the rabbinical opposition to a visible proof that atonement was indeed achieved. In addition, the red ribbon is associated with apotropaic powers in healing magic, attested in the Tosefta and in non-Jewish sources of this time. 285

4.2.3 Red Ribbons According to Mishnah Yoma, a red ribbon was tied to the head of the scapegoat to distinguish it from the sacrificial goat, and before the scapegoat was pushed off the cliff, half of the ribbon was bound to a rock. 279 Already in the Mishnah, the rite is prooftexted with Isaiah I :18 ("though your sins are like scarlet they shall be [white] as snow").280 Though this Mishpp. 445--451, esp. 447-451), which very similar to Pesiqta Rav Kahana 26:3 (Mandelbaum, pp. 389-390). 273 Leviticus Rabbah 20:12 (ed. Margulies p. 472): 1nn•1J TJ 1~J7.l 0'11~'::1;1 m•w cw::~ m~JlJ 1::1'P'1!?w. This saying appears also in Pesiqta Rav Kahana26:11 (ed. Mandelbaum, p. 399). 274 Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Gen 37:31; Genesis Rabbah 84:31 (ed. Theodor/Albeck, p. 1024) on the same verse. 275 My translation of bYoma 42a (n?ntzllJii 1'l7!17J 1~Jll •o•p [1::1] N'::l1). 276 See above, pp. 117. m See pp. 66-67, below. 278 Was there a transition from the ftrst to the second interpretation? The Babylonian Talmud attributes the demonological interpretation to Rabbi Yisbmael, and if this is correct, the demonological interpretation survive not in esoteric Tannaitic circles but in the school of a major teacher. 279 mYoma 4·2 6·6 280 mSabb 9:3.' ..


I I

I

l_

281 bYoma 68a. The tradition on the red ribbon on the door of the sanctuary, which in the printed editions of the Mishnah appears at the end of the sixth chapter, is not included in the best manuscripts: Rosenberg, "Mishna 'Kipurim'," vol. 2, p. 77; Goldstein, "Worship at the Temple in Jerusalem- Rabbinic Interpretation and Influence," p. 125. 282 bYoma 67a. 283 yYoma 6:5, 43d. However, in the Leiden manuscript, these lines are an addition written in the margins. For the tradition, see also Psalms Rabbah (on Ps 86:8; ed. Buber, p. 375), which explicitly connects this tradition to the efficacy of prayer, i.e. more in a post- or extra-temple context. 284 Three historical scenarios can explain the Baraitot. They may reflect ritual changes during the Second Temple period: see Goldstein, "Worship at the Temple in JerusalemRabbinic Interpretation and Influence," 114-123. Or they may be a polemic against a contemporary popular custom of the rabbinic period, which the rabbis preferred be performed only on the scapegoat (i.e. nowhere). Or they may be an etiology for the strange combination of Isa 1: 18 and the red ribbon of the scapegoat as proposed by mSabb 9:3. 285 See tSabb 6:1; tSabb 7:11; bSabb 53a; bGit 68b-70b; John Chrysostom, Twelfth Homily on First Corinthians, 7 (PG 61:105D-106A), which uses K6KK\VOc; tttfu.J.mv; G. Veltri, Magie und Halakha. Ansdtze zu einem empirischen Wissenschaftsbegriff im spdtantiken und frahmittelalterlichen Judentum (Texte und Studien zwn Antiken Judentum 62; Tiibingen 1997), pp. 104-106, 145-146, 248. Cf. also tSotah 14:9 and bSotah 49b (Veltri, Magie und Halakha, pp. 145-146).

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4.3 Rabbinic Interpretation of the Ritual of the People Some rabbinic traditions connect the afflictions of the people to the temple ritual. E.g., abstention from sleep is presented as an imitation of the high priest's vigil. 286 And as (high) priests could be portrayed as angels, the afflictions to which people were submitting themselves could also be cOnceived of as making them angelic. In Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer, Samma'el expresses his admiration and disappointment that the self-affliction of the people makes them angelic - they are barefooted, do not eat or drink, stand, have peace among them, are sinless, and pray. 287 The four prayer times correspond to the times of sacrifices in the temple. The explanation for the additional prayer of the Ne'ila, however, is . disputed. According to a "Caesarean tradition" in the Palestinian Talmud, Rav suggested that the Ne'ilah designates the time of closing of the doors of heaven, while Rabbi Yohanan connects the prayer to the time of closing of the temple doors 288 The historical solution of Rabbi Yohanan is probably as purely theological as is the cosmological proposal by Rav. In rabbinic literature, in the absence of the temple ritual, repentance was regarded as highly significant,289 having been accorded a status akin to a hypostasis; it belongs to the thirlgs created before the world 290 But already in Jubilees repentance had been one of the great, key elements of Yom K.ippur. 291 The word ;J:mvn is attested for the first time in Qumran. 292 Philo considers repentance a virtue and attributes great powers to it. 293 It is the central theme of Pseudo-Philo's sermon On Jonah. The Babylonian Tal286

bYoma l9b. Pirqe Rabbi E/iezer 46. 288 yBer4:l, 1c;yTa'an4:l, 67c. 289 Among the vast literature on repentance in rabbinic literature, see BUchler, Studies in Sin and Atonement; Urbach, The Sages, pp. 462-471. 290 bPesah 54a; bNed 39b. 291 See above, pp. 95-97. 292 On repentance in Qumran, see B. Nitzan, "Repentance in the Dead Sea Scrolls,'' in: P.W. Flint and J.C. Vanderkam (eds.), The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years. A Comprehensive Assessment (Leiden, 1999; vol. 2, pp. 145-170); S.J. Pfann, "The Essene Yearly Renewal Ceremony and the Baptism of Repentance," in: D.W. Parry and E. Ulrich (eds.), The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls. Technological Innovations, New Texts, and Reformulated Issues (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 30; Leiden, 1999; pp. 337-352). The overview by Bell is tendentious but useful as a collection of sources: see R.H. Bell, "Tesbubah: The Idea of Repentance in Ancient Judaism," The Journal of Progressive Judaism 5 (1995) 22-52. 293 On repentance in Philo, see D. Winston, "Philo's Doctrine of Repentance," in: J.P. Kenney (ed.), The School of Moses. Studies in Philo and Hellenistic Religion in Memory of Horst R. Moehring (Studia Philonica Monographs 1; Brown Judaic Studies 304; Atlanta [Ga.], 1995; pp. 29-40). 287


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mud of Yoma includes several instances of praise for repentance and its universal and cosmological effects of healing, often connected to Hosea 14. 294 They culminate in Rabbi Meir's statement: '~Great is repentance that for one who repents, the whole world is forgiven"- i.e. the revolutionary idea of vicarious repentance, which did not become mainstream thought. In another of these passages, repentance is equated with sacrifices, using for the first time the Masoretic Text of Hosea 14:3: "And we will offer the bulls with our lips," the text that will become the standard prooftext for the substitution of sacrifice by prayer. According to a similar statement in Canticles Rabbah, Hosea 14:3 refers directly to the bull and the scapegoat. 295 These two are the only early usages of this verse, and both appear in the context of Yom Kippur. Apparently, the need to fmd a theological solution for substituting sacrifices with prayer was most urgently felt for the Day of Atonement. So high a status of repentance raises questions about the importance of Yom Kippur and its afflictions. Does one need a Yom Kippur if the repentance of one member can vicariously achieve forgiveness for the whole world? Other rabbis discuss the opposite question. Does Yom Kippur achieve atonement ex opere operato, or is an inner attitude such as repentance an indispensable element of Yom Kippur? An (anonymous) Mishnah gives repentance the power to atone for minor transgressions only, while graver transgressions need the atoning power of Yom Kippur, too. Still, repentance is indispensable for the atoning power of Yom Kippur and death. 296 Accordingly, in Tannaitic sources, Yom Kippur and repentance are mutually dependent. The Talmudim include a more radical statement, attributed to Rabbi 297 that Yom Kippur or death may effect atonement even without repentance- ex opere operata or even ex die. 298 Despite both Talmudim continuing the discussion and disregarding Rabbi's option, the Babylonian Talmud may be understood to agree with him. The Tosefta and the Talmudim contain a tradition according to which Rabbi Yishmael distinguishes between four different kinds of sins and

294

bYoma 86a-b. Canticles Rabbah on Cant 4:4, sign 9. The statement is in the name of Rabbi Abbahu (d. ca. 309). Similar ideas of substituting verbal acts for sacrifice can be found in bMenah 106b; bMeg 3lb; bTa'an 27b. 296 mYoma 8:8. The Tosefta goes in the same direction as the Mishnah, with the exception that Rabbi Yehudah states ambiguously that death is like repentance: see tYoma4:9. 297 Albeit with problems in the attribution and the contents in the Palestinian Talmud: see Avemarie, Yoma- VersiJhnungstag, pp. 225-226. 293 yYoma 8:6, 45b; bYoma 85b. 295



their corresponding atonement. 299 Repentance atones (without Yom Kippur) only for the transgression of minor commandments. It delays the punishment for transgressing minor prohibitions until Yom Kippur, which atones. Deliberate transgressions of grave commandments are partly atoned for by repentance and Yom Kippur, and partly by torments during the year. 300 Blasphemy, however, is atoned for one third by repentance and Yom Kippur, one third by the torments (during the rest of one's life) and one third by death. Here again the concept is closer to that of the Tannaitic sources (Yom Kippur and repentance are mutually interdependent), with the addition of the atoning function of the flagella Dei. Finally, in addition to repentance, death and suffering, charity and good deeds have an atoning effect.301 In sum, the singular importance of repentance does not make Yom Kippur superfluous, because the Day of Atonement is conceived of as having an intrinsic atoning power for major sins, in some cases even without repentance. God's mercy is the all-deciding factor.

In the 1960s, Johann Maier deduced early Jewish myst1c1sm from priestly speculations on the Jerusalem temple cnlt304 Rachel Elior has picked up this line of thought and developed it further, suggesting a close relationship between the upsurge in the output of early Jewish mystical literature, priestly circles and visions evoked by acute distress after the destruction of Jerusalem's temple and the cessation of its cult.305 Notably, Elior does not make any explicit claim about the specific influence of Yom Kippur but is concerned with all motifs in the Hekhalot literature that evoke the temple service and priesthood. Our concern is only with those motifs related to Yom Kippur. The Hekhalot literature contains various ascent descriptions, with numerous details corresponding to the high-priestly entrance on Yom Kippur. The two protagonists of the Hekhalot texts, Rabbi Yishmael (ben Elisha) and Metatron, are frequently portrayed as high priests or as executing high-priestly functions 306 The heavenly sanctuary is described in rough analogy to Jerusalem's temple, with areas of increasing sanctity, usually seven. In the heavenly prayer'07 the heavenly creatures (and the participating mystics) have- like priests or high priests- to prepare themselves for the presence of God's glory by protection rites: sanctification, purification and the wearing of special garments 308 The center of the heavenly ritual is the pronouncing of God's name, often in the form of the Qedusha, upon which the heavenly creatures answer ~~Blessed be the name of the glory of His kingdom to all eternity,"309 and in some cases, the heavenly hosts react by prostrating themselves; 310 trumpets may be blown and a benediction said. 311

134

5. High-PriestJy Visions of God III: Aspects of Yom Kippur in the Hekhalot Literature Jewish mystical texts collected under the heading "Hekhalot literature" use the high-priestly entrance as an image to describe the mystical ascent vision. 302 Regretfully, the unresolved chronological problem impedes a satisfactory discourse on their exact relationship to Second Temple and early Christian and Gnostic literature. The dates proposed for these texts range from the Second Temple period to the Gaonic period and later. 303

135

l04 J. Maier, Vom Kultus zur Gnosis. Bundeslade, Gottesthron und Miirkabah (Salzburg, 1964). 305 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines." 306 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines," pp. 227-230. 307 Elior distinguishes between three kinds of prayer, heavenly, shared and mystical, according to the perfonner, the first being by far the most frequently described. 308 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines," p. 243, referring to 3Enoch 36 (Synopsis §§54); Hekhalot Rabbati §§181.184-185; Hekhalot Rabbati §299; Hekhalot Zutarti §424; Seder Rabba deBere'shit §§811.814-816. 309 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines," pp. 261-263, referring to Shi'ur Qomah §384; Metatron §390; Ma'aseh Merkavah §555; and 3Enoch 39 (Synopsis §57). A glance at Schafer's concordance reveals that the benediction 1"7o:nu::J appears very often, about 30 times according to the synopsis. 310 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines," p. 263, referring to 3Enoch (Synopsis §57). 311 Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines," pp. 238-242, referring to Hekhalot Zutarti §411; Hekhalot Rabbati §192.

299

tYoma 4:6---8;yYoma 8:6, 45b-c; bYoma 86a. One could say that the hardships cause the other days of the year to become like Yom Kippur with its afflictions. 301 See e.g. bEer 5b. 302 I quote the various texts of this genre according to section numbers in Schafer, Schliiter and von Mutius, Synapse zur Hekhalot-Literatur. 303 G.G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition. Based on the Israel Goldstein Lectures, Delivered at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, New York (New York, 1960). See also R. Elior, "From Earthly Temple to Heavenly Shrines. Prayer and Sacred Song in the Hekhalot Literature and Its Relation to Temple Traditions," Jewish Studies Quarterly 4 (1997) 217-167, for the more recent literature, especially notes 3, 9, 12, 13, 22. And see idem, "The Merkavah Tradition and the Emergence of Jewish Mysticism," in: A. Oppenheimer (ed.), Sino-Judaica. Jews and Chinese in Historical Dialogue. An International Colloquium Nanjing, 11-19 October 1996 (Tel Aviv, 1999; pp. 101-158). 300

~~;).

H



A tradition in Hekhalot Zutarti explicitly links the mystics' ascent practices to Yom Kippur:

Furthermore, the pronunciation of God's name accompanied by prostration by the people appears for the first time in the early Sidrei Avodah and from there appears to have entered the Mishnah Yoma 6:2, -since it is missing in the best manuscripts and not commented upon in the Talmudim. 318 I do not know of a Second Temple ascent tradition focusing on the pronunciation of God's name with the customary answer benediction,319 neither do I know of such a tradition mentioning trumpets or a concluding benediction. Although these elements were probably not part of the actual Yom Kippur ritual, they were regarded as such by many paytahim who wrote the first Sidrei Avodah. Compared to depictions of Philo, Hebrews and the Valentinians, which add specific Yom Kippur elements, the Hekhalot seem to be less influenced by the historical Yom Kippur temple ritual but more by its imaginaire mixed with that of the daily temple cnlt. Michael Swartz has analyzed prayers from the high holidays found in the Hekhalot tradition Ma'aseh Merkavah. 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam, for example, appears only slightly transformed in §548 as part of a long mystical prayer. 320 The mystical prayer is too long to be quoted here in full'" It calls on God using a divine name, 322 praises God's might, kingship and esoteric knowledge, describes the heavenly court and emphasizes God's mercy. The table that follows compares the version of 'Attah Yodea' Razey 'Olam in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on with the relevant part of the mystical prayer according to two manuscripts of Ma 'aseh Merkavah §548, New York JTS 8128 and Munich Codex Hebr. 22:

136

Rabbi Aqiva said: "Everybody who wants to study this Mishnah and interpret the Name in Its interpretatian312 shall sit fasting for 40 days and lay his head between his thighs until the fast controls him .... And he shall be acquainted with it from m~nth to month and from year to year, 30 days before Rosh Hashanah beginning wttb the New Moon of Elul until Yom Kippur so that Satan might not lay blame on him and spoil the whole year.m

References to 40 days of fasting are frequent in the Hekhalot literature."' However, Yom Kippur and the period of repentance preceding it are particularly effective in protecting the mystic from evil powers. The liturgical custom of pronouncing the divine name openly only on Yom Kippur and the apocalyptic/proto-mystic tradition connecting the vision of God to the high priest's encounter with God in the holy of holies may have been factors in this development. To what extent do these motifs reflect priestly knowledge of the historical temple ritual or the influence of the contemporary prayer service of Yom Kippur? To what extent are they the heritage of the apocalyptic imaginaire of Yom Kippur, and to what extent did the mystics behind these texts recognize a connection to the high priest's entrance and add further allusions? Descriptions of mystic visions in the Hekhalot literature and Second Temple ascent texts share the following motifs: allusions to the highpriestly function of the ascending; a heavenly sanctuary with increasing levels of sanctity; a heavenly liturgy by angels; prostration, sanctification and purification; and the putting on of special, fresh garments. 315 Three motifs - the pronounciation of God's name, the benediction "Blessed be the name of the glory of His kingdom to all eternity" and the prostration of the people - are not contained in the apocalyptic ascent descriptions. According to Elior, they recall the descriptions of the high priest's performance in Sirach 50 and Mishnah Tamid 7, and his confession with the people's answers in the common text of Mishnah Yoma. 316 However, Sirach 50 and Tamid 7 describe the daily ritual. In the temple, God's name was pronounced not only on Yom Kippur but every day. 317

Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga'on 313

New YorkJTS8128 324

You know the mysteries of the universe and the deepest secrets of all the living.

You know the mysteries of the universe

and examine wisdom and hidden ways. You

Or: «pronounce the Name openly." My translation of Hekhalot Zutarti §424 (ms Oxford 1531). E.g. Hekhalot Rabbati §§313-314. m See e.g. I Enoch 14; 2Enoch 22; Testament of Levi 3; 5; 8. 316 Trumpets: Sir 50:16 and mTamid7:3; prostration: Sir 50:17.21 and mTamid7:3; benediction mentioning God's name: Sir 50:20 and mTamid 7:2. 311 E.g. Sir 50:20. 314

and examine the wisdom of hidden ways. Who is like you,

Seep. 59, note 242, above. In Testament of Levi 5:5, Levi asks God to teach him his name. 320 See Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism, pp. 111-118, esp. pp. 115-118. 321 Ma'aseh Merkavah §548-549. 322 '7K1W1 ,tl?N tll;T' ,111 (New York 8128). This name is definitely connected to the root 11 (.. mystery"). 323 Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Asafand Yoel, p. 258), my translation. 324 Ma'aseh Merkavah §548, manuscript NY 8128, my translation. 325 Ma 'aseh Merkavah §548, manuscript M22, my translation. 319

313

Munich Cod. Hebr. 22 325 You know

who

3l8

312

Who is like you, who

137

138

Yom Kippur in Early Jewish Thought and Ritual checks

checks

hearts and

hearts and

search all the inner bowels and

examines see

kidneys

kidneys?

kidneys?

and heart. Nothing is concealed from you and nothing is hidden from your eves.

Among the thoughts there is nothing concealed from you and nothing is bidden from

[your eyes.

Contrary to the accent on human secrets in Sa'adia's confession, the mystical prayer emphasizes esoteric divine knowledge. 326 The New York manuscript is closer to 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga 'on than the other manuscripts. Swartz concludes that the scribe of the New York manuscript was influenced by the Yom Kippur liturgy. 327 Using a confession as a mystical prayer is probably grounded in the conception that the mystic has to "cleanse himself of iniquity and falsehood, and of all evil"328 to approach God, and ipclusion of the divine name is supposed to protect the mystic. 329 Moreover, almost certainly, the traditional concept of the holy of holies as the place and of Yom Kippur as the day to directly encounter God was an important factor in this development. Interestingly, the ritnal of the sacrificial goat fmds its mythological echo in an eschatological passage in Hekha/ot Rahbati. "He [Samael] will be slaughtered and killed, he and all ministers of the kingdoms in the heights, like the kids (0"1l) and lambs (O'fllJJ) of Yom Kippur."330 Samael is punished for having killed ten righteous men to avenge the vending of Josef by their forefathers. As the name of the demon indicates, this is a transformed version of the 'Asa'el myth. The 'Asa'el myth, however, typologizes the scapegoat. 331 This story with the Josef motiv as frame 326

Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism, p. 116. Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism, pp. 116-117. Ma'asehMerkavah §547. 329 Swartz, Mystical Prayer in Ancient Judaism, pp. 117-118 and p. 218. 330 Hekhalot Rabbati §108. Why does Hekhalot Rabbati talk of kids and lambs, which alludes to Passover, instead of goats? Is this a polemical reaction to Christian traditions as in John 1:29? I would like to thank Ra'anan Abusch for this observation and suggestion. 331 Beyond this, the legend of 'Uzza', 'Azza' and 'Aza'el appears in 3Enoch 4-5 (Synopsis §§5-8). On the history of the tradition from I Enoch to 3Enoch, see A.Y. Reed, "From Asael and Semihazah to Uzzah, Azzah, and Azael: 3 Enoch 5 (§§ 7-8) and Jewish Reception~History of I Enoch," Jewish Studies Quarterly 8 (2001) 105-136, who 327

328


139

appears also in the medieval Midrash The Story of the Ten Martyrs ( OlfllY mJ'?n 'lll;J), the poetic form of which, 'E/eh Ezkerah, became pm of the Yom Kippur service in some conununities. 332 In several recenswns, (the 333 eve of) Yom Kippur was the execution day ofEli'ezer ben Shammua or Rabbi Aqiva. 334 Here, the execution of the righteous (not Samael) serv~s as a Yom Kippur sacrifice for the original sin of the forefathers who killed Josef.335 In sum, the paytanim and the writers of the Hekbalot texts may have the same priestly provenance. However, I hes1ta:e to .conclude that the traditions in the Hekhalot literature reflect esotencal pnestly knowledge of the historical temple ritnal. As the secondary adaption of 'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am in manuscript New York and of the b:~ediction. "Blessed be the name of the glory of His kingdom to all etermty m the Mishnah show, new motifs connecting the mystical .experience with Yom Kippur but not appearing in Second Temple ascent texts can be the result of the influe~~e of the contemporary prayer ritual of Yom Kippur ?n the mysttc s imagination: "How it should have been" rather than the h1stoncal n:emory of "How it was." The question remains open as to whether the. scr~bes of the Hekhalot texts were actual priests or merely wanted to be pnesthke.

Concluding Thoughts to Part One While the destruction of the temple brought the high priest's ritual to an abrupt end, the prayers and afflictions of the people continued. To be sure, proposes that 3Enoch 5 is dependent on !Enoch 6-11, perhaps via Christian sources such as Syncellus. . m 'Eleh 'Ezkerah (:-n:m~: ;,?R, "These I shall recall"). Although the s~ory IS not a_ part of the texts traditionally regarded as Hekhalot literature, there are some mterconnection:. These Midrashim have been conveniently published in synoptic fonn by ~- Reeg, D~e Geschichte von den Zehn Miirtyrern (Texts and Studies in Ancient ~uda1sm ,10; :ubingen, 1985). This tradition has been scrutinized by R. ft:busc~, :·Rabbi Is~~el_ s_ Mtraculous Conception. Jewish Redemption History in Anti-Christtan Poler_m~, ~~- A-~ Becker and A. Reed (eds.), The Ways That Never Parted: Jews and ~hnst1ans _m_ Antl"ty and the Early Middle Ages. (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judatsm 95; Tubmgen, ro~3; pp. 307-345). I would like to express my appreciatio~ to Ra'anan Abuse~ for sending me a copy of his paper prior to its publication. A poetic form of the ~tory, Eleh 'Ezkerah, became part of the Ashkenazy Yom Kippur liturgy: see Goldschmtdt, Mahzor for the Days ofAwe, voL 2, pp. 568-574. 333 The Story of the Ten Martyrs I 51:2.7. 334 The Story of the Ten Martyrs III 33: 12; VII 31:34; IX 31:33. 33S Cf. the rabbinical statement n,~J?J O'j)'1!?117 lnll'l:l 1:1 ,~JI:l O',l~'J;'I 01' 117 01I7J, Leviticus Rabbah 20:12 (ed. Margulies, p. 472): see above p. 130, note 273.

141



the rituals in and outside the temple were affiliated. The high priest prayed at the end of his ceremony (possibly being the forerunner of Qumran's Festival Prayers). In addition, ritual reenactments of the high priest's ritual were probably already part of the service in some synagogues of the Second Temple period, especially as readings of the biblical descriptions or a translation or a paraphrase of them. There is a slight possibility that some Second Temple communities used a kind of Seder Avodah. The motifs shared by Qumranic, Philonic and rabbinic prayers, however, are neither close nor numerous enough to point to a geographically extensive and chronologically continuous common tradition. Beyond that, the emergence, spread and success of the kapparot against all the learned rabbis' objections manifest the extent of the psychological pressure and the people's attachment to the idea of atonement through the blood and death of an animal. Prayer, afflictions such as fasting, and repentance, which had become the means of atonement (e.g. Philo, Qumran and the rabbis), were apparently not enough for some people 336 Aspects of the ritual encounter with the divine in the high-priestly entrance to the holy of holies were transformed into a kind of ritual in some forms of mysticism, especially among the group that produced the Songs of the Sabbath

Conversely, these conceptions served as a rationale for the Yom Kippur rituals. The high-priestly entrance was understood as a dangerous encounter with God, demanding spiritual and ritual preparation. The scapegoat ritual was conceived of as an expiation of the demonic powers, annualy preenacting the eschatological destruction of the evil forces and libe~ation of their good prisoners by an angelic, high-priestly redeemer. Accordmgly,

140

eschatological expectations must have been particularly high around Yom Kippur. A related form of the eschatological atmosphere comes to the fore in Qumran's conception of the current period of persecution as a prolonged

Yom Kippur that would end with the coming of the high-priestly redeemer and the destruction of evil. The myth of !Enoch 10 served among other purposes as a rationale for the temple ritual in a priestly group interested in Jerusalem's temple cult. The creation of such texts as 4Qi80, 4Qi81 and !IQMelchizedek in a temple-less environment attests that the myths around 'Az'az~l and the "combat" between scapegoat and high priest could develop even m a group

not necessarily participating in the temple ritual but living (in) the same imaginaire. While Qumran disregarded the contemporaneous Jerusalem

temple, it did not consider the idea of a material temple and blood sacrifices invalid but waited for the return to Jerusalem.

Sacrifice and, as we shall see, in Valentinian Gnosticism; perhaps also

among the apocalyptic visionaries and in Hekhalot mysticism. Etiological legends connect Yom Kippur to the mythological events of its biblical context (the giving of the Torah at Mount Sinai, the golden calf, the ordination of Aaron), to the consecration of the First Temple, and to events in the lives of the forefathers (Noah's repentance, Abraham's circumcision, Joseph's vending).

The central ideas of the rabbinic imaginaire of Yom Kippur- the day of judgment and eschatological redemption- had already emerged in Second Temple Judaism, especially in apocalyptic circles. The scapegoat was usually considered an embodiment of sin or of the evil forces. Its ritual killing is linked to the myth of the fallen angels and the punishment of their demonic leader. Scant evidence exists for associating the scapegoat with positive figures (Ananus, Ravya bar Qisi). The high priest's entrance into the holy of holies was widely used for describing the encounter with God. Prophetic, apocalyptic and Hekhalot texts (and Hebrews) hint at a scene that Philo and the Valentinian Christian texts describe more explicitly. While all texts except those of Philo are dependent on some sort of common tradition, they also draw independently on Yom Kippur as a source of inspiration. 336 An anthropological study of the motivation for performing the kapparot today could perhaps help to hypothesize about the reasons for its success in the Middle Ages.

I

Part Two

The Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity in the First and Second Centuries

Chapter4

y om Kippur Imagery in the Early Christian Imaginaire Part 2 investigates the impact of the rituals and concepts of Yom Kippur on early Christian beliefs and practices. The Christian myth par excellence (i.e. narrative with foundational status) is the account of the death of Jesus and the various meanings attached to it, especially vicarious atonement. 1

The earliest myths of Christianity were formulated by Christian Jews, who used their collective (Jewish) memory, their collective repertoires of motifs, to understand the death of their leader. For them, Yom Kippur was one of the principal features of their religious life. A number of Jewish myths about a messianic redeemer were cmmected to the imaginaire of Yom Kippur, and at a very early stage Jesus' death was understood as having the same purpose as Yom Kippur: the atonement of the collective. Regarding this constellation, it would have been odd if the most important festival of Second Temple Judaism and the essential theological concepts connected to it had not influenced the interpretations of Jesus, death.

In the pages that follow, I will investigate several passages from the literature of earliest Christianity that have been explained against the background of Yom Kippur and provide evidence for the extensive impact of that festival. The imagery of the temple ritual of Yom Kippur inspired not only typologies of Christ, but also the formulation of the Matthean Passion narrative, being used in particular to illustrate the atoning power of his death. Some of the passages discussed below emerged in the earliest, pre-

Pauline circles (the traditions used by Paul in Romans 3:25-26, the high priesthood before Hebrews, and perhaps the proto-typology used by Barnabas). Several texts belong to the most central and influential verses of the New Testament, among them Romans 3:24-26, Galatians 3-4, Hebrews 9 and Matthew 27:15-26. Many of these passages, but not all, have been discussed in the earlier,

unpublished works of Norman H. Young and J.P. Scullion. 2 Young's work, 1 For the sociological definitions of imaginaire myth and mythology used here, see above pp. 7-10. 2 Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament"; Scullion, "A Traditio-Historical Study of the Day of Atonement." See also now the general investigation of atonement in the New Testament by T. Kn6ppler, SUhne

Yom Kippur Imagery in the Early Christian lmaginaire

146 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries

in particular, laid the foundations for future research. The work of Wolfgang Kraus suggests interesting interpretations for Romans 3:25 and Hebrews' Yet all these studies disregard, either partially or completely, the non-canonical texts, Barnabas and the Gospel of Peter, which date to around the same time as such late canonical texts as 2Peter and even had canonical status in some places. 4 The works of Helmut Koester and John Dominic Crossan are important in filling this gap. 5 The integration of this recent research on the non-canonical sources into a comprehensive analysis of the influence of Yom Kippur on early Christianity is one of the main purposes of this chapter. I will also offer a number of fresh readings of New Testament passages and will especially relate to Matthew's Barabbas episode.6 In my analysis I focus on four guiding questions: Which elements of Yom Kippur can be perceived as having had an influence, and where? What kind of Yom Kippur (apocalyptic imaginaire, ritual, Leviticus 16) im Neuen Testament. Studien zum urchrist/ichen Verstdndnis der Heilsbedeutung des Todes Jesu (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 88; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 200 I). ~ 3 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, passim. 4 R.E. Brown, An Introduction to the New Testament (New York, 1998), p. 767, suggests the years 120-140 CE as most likely for 2Peter. For the dates discussed for Barnabas, see note 11, below. Significantly, Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," and Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, relegate their quite brief discussions of Barnabas to the appendix and in their conclusions do not really pay heed to its implications. Even such an outstanding expert on Apocrypha as Klaus Berger does not include Barnabas in his recent Theologiegeschichte des Urchristentums. The subtitle, Theologie des NT, comes closer to the contents. KnBppler, Suhne im Neuen Testament, does not deal with non-canonical early Christian literature. 5 See H. KBster [Koester], Synoptische Vberlieferung bei den Apostolischen Vdtern (Texte und Untersuchungen 65; Berlin, 1957); H. Koester, "Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels," Harvard Theological Review 13 (1980) 105-130; idem, Introduction to the New Testament. Volume One: History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age. Volume Two: History and Literature of Early Christianity (Berlin, New York and Philadelphia, 1982); idem, Ancient Christian Gospels. Their History and Development (Philadelphia and London, 1990); J.D. Crossan, Four Other Gospels (Minneapolis, 1985); J.D. Crossan, "The Cross That Spoke. The Earliest Narrative of the Passion and Resurrection," FORUM 312 (1987) 3-12; J.D. Crossan, The Cross That Spoke. The Origins of the Passion Narrative (San Francisco, 1988). See my criticism of his theory, below, pp. 161-165. 6 The suggestion of K.A. Strand, "An Overlooked Old-Testament Background to Rev II :1," Andrews University Seminar Studies 22 (1984) 317-325, to see Lev 16 against the background of Rev 11:1 has been rightly rejected by D. Aune, Revelation (3 vols; Word Biblical Commentary 52A--C; Nashville [Tenn.}, 1997-1998), vol. 2, p. 604, as too subtle and imprecise.

147

influenced the Christian text? What function does Yom Kippur have in the Christian text? What is the historical Sitz im Leben of this text? The investigation is structured in the following way: The first four sections deal with the typological passages, those that compare Jesus to (I) certain animals (sacrificial goat, scapegoat) of the Yom Kippur temple rite, (2) its central sacrificer (the high priest), (3) its central cultic object (the kapporet; lA.ao<~ptov) and (4) its aim (lA.ao~i><;). The fifth section briefly discusses the theses of scholars who link two early Christian hymns to the ritual of Yom Kippur. The final section places these investigations in historical context and provides a synthesis.

L Christ and the Scapegoat: Barnabas, Matthew and Galatians The imagery of the scapegoat rite of Yom Kippur had a tremendous impact on the development of the early narratives and interpretations of Jesus' death. The Epistle of Barnabas explicitly compares Jesus' Passion and Parousia to the scapegoat and the sacrificial goat. Implicit allusions are probably behind the scapegoat in the Barabbas episode of Matthew 27:1523 and behind Galatians 3:10.13. The scapegoat probably influenced also the "Lamb of God" in John 1:29 and the Christological interpretation of the suffering servant in I Peter 2:24. Here, an influence, if any, can be discerned only through a very wide understanding of the scapegoat rite and the Mediterranean rite of the pharmakos as catalysts. I will refer also to the theories of two other scholars who attributed an especially strong influence to the scapegoat. John Crossan claims that the imagery of the scapegoat rite influenced an earlier form of the Gospel of Peter that was the source for all canonical passion accounts. 7 And according to A.H. Wratislaw, all four canonical versions of the Barabbas episode were influenced by the scapegoat rite. 8 The section proceeds from the explicit to the implicit. I start (1.1) with a discussion of Barnabas and its proto-typology and an excursus on Crossan's theory; an analysis of Matthew 27:15-23 follows (1.2); then comes an excursus on the pharmakos and an interpretation of Galatians 3-4 (1.3); and the section ends with an investigation of those passages in which there are few traces of the scapegoat rite's influence: John 1:29 and !Peter 2:2224 (1.4). The first two cover the passages that come closest to being narratives, while the last three refer to theologoumena.

7 8

See below, pp. 161-165. See pp. 165-171, below.

148 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries 1.1 The Tradition ofBamabas The Epistle of Barnabas has a special place in this inquiry, since it interprets, extensively and in depth, the link between Jesus' death and Yom 9 Kippur It is no surprise that Bultmann chose the typologies of Barnabas and Hebrews as the foremost examples of early Christian mythology. 10 No other text better exemplifies the crisis of the scandal of a messiah •s death on the cross and the central role of typological interpretation in overcoming this calamity. Unfortunately, the central questions of authorship, place and time are points of controversy. 11 Some of the historical implications therefore remain hypothetical. Yet, since the Christian myth is still typological exegesis, not yet a narrative, its form points to an early time of composition, earlier than the earliest Passion Narrative (i.e. before 65). According to Helmut Koester, Barnabas 7 reflects the earliest stage of 9

In recent years, Barnabas has been intensively studied. See R. Hvalvik, The Struggle for Scripture and Covenant. The Purpose ofthe Epistle ofBarnabas and JewishChristian Competition in the Second Century (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, second series 82; {tibingen, 1996); J. Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas. Outlook and Background (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, second series 64; Tilbingen, 1994); W. Horbury, "Jewish-Christian Relations in Barnabas and Justin Martyr," in: J.D.G. Dunn (ed.), Jews and Christians: The Parting of the Ways A.D. 70 to /35 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament first series 66; Tfibingen, 1992; pp. 315-345); K. Wengst, Tradition und Theologie des Barnabasbriefes (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte 42; Berlin, New York, 1971); P. Prigent, Le! testimonia dans le christianisme primitif. L 'ipitre de Barnabi I-XVI et ses sources (Etudes Bibliques 47; Paris, 1961); the commentaries by H. Windisch, Die apostolischen Vater Ill. Der Barnabasbrief(Handbuch zum Neuen Testament, Erglinzungsband; Tiibingen, 1920); P. Prigent and R.A. Kraft (eds., transls.), Epitre de Barnabi (SC 172; Paris, 1971); K. Wengst (ed.), Didache (Aposte/lehre), Barnabasbrief, Zweiter Klemensbrief, Schrift an Diognet. Eingeleitet, herausgegeben, iibertragen und erliiutert (Schriften des Urchristentums 2; Dannstadt,. 1984); and now also F.R. Prostmeier, Der Barnabasbrief Obersetzt und erldiirt (Kommentar zu den Apostolischen VAtem 8; GC>ttingen, 1999), pp. 285-317. Prostmeier's impressive commentary is excellent for the Greek passages, but suffers from unfortunate errors on Hebrew matters and on Jewish sources (e.g. p. 308 and note 37). 10 Bultmann, "Mythos und Mythologie IV (im NT)," here p. 1279. 11 Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, dates Barnabas to early in Nerva's time (pp. 27-28), preferring Alexandria without ruling out other places in Syria/Palestine and Asia Minor (pp. 36-42). Hvalvik, The Struggle for Scripture and Covenant, pp. 70-190, gives a broader range of time and does not specify any place. Prostmeier, Der Barnabasbriej, pp. 111-119, prefers Alexandria in the years 130-131 CE. On the setting of Barnabas, see also Horbury, "Jewish-Christian Relations in Barnabas and Justin Martyr." Some misunderstandings and distortions preclude the conclusion that the author of Barnabas was himself a halakhic expert, i.e. a rabbi, a priest or the Levite Barnabas. Prigent and Hvalvik suppose he was a Gentile writing for Gentiles.

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Yom Kippur Imagery in the Early Christian Imaginaire

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~~~:-·

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Christian (Jewish) attempts to develop a narrative of Jesus' death with the help of exegesis.

<>.·---

One can assume that the only historical information about Jesus' suffering, crucifixion, and death was that he was condemned to death by Pilate and crucified. The details and individual scenes of the narrative do not rest on historical memory, but were developed on the basis of an allegorical interpretation of Scripture. The earliest stage and, at the same time, the best example of such scriptural interpretation is preserved in the Epistle of Barnabas. 12

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Koester is countered by such scholars as Douglas Moo, Joel Green and Raymond Brown, who argue that the impact of exegetical-liturgical creativity on the invention of "facts" in the earliest Passion narratives was minimal. 13 The interpretation of Yom Kippur in Barnabas 7 appears in the first part (chapters 2-16), which starts by elaborating the futility of the Jewish cult of sacrifice and fasting (chapters 2-3) and continues with a number of interpretations of the Passion (chapters 5-6). The suffering of the messiah is also the topic of chapters 7 and 8, which give a typological interpretation of the goats of Yom Kippur and the Red Heifer. Yet while the common topic connects chapters 5-8, the perspective and method of exegesis change as between chapters 1-6 and 7-8. In chapters 1-6, Barnabas has used various Old Testament prooftexts to expound on a single theme. In chapters 7 and 8, he uses a single prototype from the Jewish temple on which to base a broad Christological exegesis. In chapters 1-6, Barnabas argues from the books of the Bible; in chapters 7 and 8, he draws on rituals as text-like, interpretable units, aIa Clifford Geertz. This is highly remarkable. since the use of post- or un-biblical Jewish tradition endows the Jewish cultic and literal interpretation of the Bible with prophetic qualities, and this stands in direct opposition to Barnabas' anti-Jewish hermeneutics, which repudiate attaching any soteriological significance to Israel. 14 On 12

Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels, p. 224. D.J. Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Passion Narratives (Sheffield, 1983); J.B. Green, "The Gospel of Peter: Source for a pre-canonical Passion Narrative?," Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschafi und die Kunde der ii/teren Kirche 78 (1987) 293-301; idem, The Death of Jesus. Tradition and Interpretation in the Passion Narrative (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, second series 33; Tfibingen, 1988); R.E. Brown, The Death of the Messiah. From Gethsemane to the Grave (The Anchor Bible Reference Library; New York, 1994). I4 On the hermeneutics of Barnabas, see Hvalvik, The Struggle for Scripture and Covenant, pp. 103-131; Horbury, "Jewish-Christian Relations in Barnabas and Justin Martyr"; and Prigent and Kraft, .Epitre de Barnabi, pp. 30-33. Contrary to Paul or Hebrews, for Barnabas the people of Israel lost their covenant already with the golden calf at Mount Sinai. Barnabas maintains that the authority of the Bible is timeless and 13

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150 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries this basis, the primary investigators of Barnabas' traditions, Pierre Prigent, Robert Kraft, and, more recently, James Carleton Paget, concluded that Barnabas implemented an already existing typology. 15 I call this preBarnabian typology the "proto-typology" to distinguish it from the extant typology in Barnabas. Use of this proto-typology is attested in Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Hippolytus and perhaps some later exegetes, a point that will be investigated below. 1.1.1 The First Picture (Barnabas 7 :3-5)

Barnabas 7 contains two distinct pictures, with minor digressions, which are constructed as question and answer like a catechesis: 16 Why did X happen?- In order to prophecy Y. The first picture starts with a goat, which is sacrificed on Yom Kippur for all the sins (7:4a). While the people mourn and fast, the priests alone eat this goat, "tmwashed with vinegar." This goat, most probably the third goat sacrificed for the sins, had to be eaten by the priests. 17 The preparation with vinegar, however, is not mentioned elsewhere. 18 unchanging, a literal interpretation of 'the commandments regarding the tabernacle and the sacrificial cult has never been correct. The construction of the temple and the maintenance of its sacrificial cult were a misinterpretation. The only function of the Old Testament is to prophesy the advent of the messiah. The typologies of Barnabas differ therefore from the usual concept of typology, in that the question of the historicity of the prototype is completely irrelevant. Even if the prototype may in some instances be considered historically, its only significance lies in its prophetic dimension. IS Prigent, Les testimonia dans le christianisme primitif, pp. 99-110; R.A. Kraft, "The Epistle of Barnabas: Its Quotations and Their Sources," (Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1961) (non vidf); Prigent and Kraft, Epitre de Barnabe on this verse; and Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, pp. 138-140. See also 0. Skarsaune, The Proof from Prophecy (Supplements to Novum Testamentum 56; Leiden, 1987), 307-313. Countering their approach, Wengst, Tradition und Theologie des Barnabasbriefes, suggests a school tradition, but he neglects the disparity of attitudes among the various traditions. James Carleton Paget combines both theses, elaborating the creative theology of the compiler Barnabas. 16 On Barnabas 7, see Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, pp. 134-140; Prigent, Les testimonia dans le christianisme primitif, pp. 99-IIO; Wengst, Tradition und Theologie des Barnabasbriefes, pp. 29-32; Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, pp. 115-233; and the commentaries, e.g. Prostmeier. However, the important article by Alon, ''The Halakhah in the Epistle of Barnabas," appears in Prostmeier's bibliography, but not in his exposition of Barnabas 7. Also, Prostmeier notes similarities to the Gospel of Peter, but he does not refer to the important implications of Crossan's thesis. 17 Num 29:11; mMenah 11:7 and Philo, De specialibus legibus 1:190 (lectio difficilior), seep. 32 note 77, above. 18 Cf. the suggestions by Windisch and by Prigent, Les testimonia dans le christianisme primitif, p. 102, referring to the paschal lamb.


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3 a But moreover when he was crucified he was given to drink vinegar and gall 19 (OI;et Kai :x;oA1)). 3b Listen how the priests of the temple foretold this. Despite the fact that a commandment was written that ''whosoever does not keep the fast shall die the death," [cf. Lev 23:29] 3c the Lord commanded this (i.e. to eat), be.cause ~e himself was going to offer the vessel of the spirit as a sacrifice for our sm~, ld m order that the type established in Isaac, who was offered upon the altar, mtght be fulfilled. 4a What then does he say in the Prophet? "And let them eat of the goat which is offered in the fast for all their sins." 4b Attend carefully,- "and let all the priests alone eat the entrails urrwashed with vinega': (CbtAu·tOv _J.le"t0: Ol;o-u<;)." sa Why? Because you are going to give to me gall and vmegar to drink when I am on the point of offering my flesh for my new people, therefore you alone shall eat, while the people fast and mourn in sackcloth and ashes. Sb To show that he must suffer by them. 20

The following table demonstrates the corresponding elements of the typology· Cultic Drototvoe 3b Whosoever does not keep the fast shall die the death, 4 And let them eat of the goat which is offered in the fast for all their sins.... And let all the priests alone eat the entrails urrwashed with vinevar. 4 And let them eat of the goat which is offered in the fast for all their sins. ... And let all the priests alone eat the entrails unwashed with vine2.ar. 4 And let them eat ofthe goat which is offered in the fast for all their sins .... And let all the priests alone eat the entrails unwashed with vinegar. 4 And let them eat of the 2.oat which is

Christian Mvth Death of Jesus Jesus drinks vinegar and ga/P.1

Jesus' death as vicarious atonement

Eating ofJesus' flesh, most probably the Eucharist22 and/or not fasting on Yom Kippur EatinR o-;,N bv the new fnriesdvl

I9 The adversative meaning of the Genitivus Absolutus was rightly remarked by Wengst, Didache (Apostellehre), Barnabasbrief, Zweiter Klemensbr!ef. Schrifi an Diognet; and Prostmeier, Der Barnabasbrief, in their commentaries on thts verse. . . 2.0 Slightly adapted transI. of K.irsopp Lake in LCL; I made use of the Greek m Prigent and Kraft, Epitre de Barnabe. ll This typology agrees with its prototype only under the condition that the un-:vashed status of the entrails implies that they still contain the gall: see L. Helin, ~tud1en. zur typo/ogischen Schrifiauslegung im zweiten Jahrhundert. Barnabas und Justm (Hetd~l berg, 1971), p. 12 (non vidi), quoted in Wengst, Didache (Aposte/lehre), Barnaba~bne[. Zweiter Klemensbrief, Schrift an Diognet, p. 199, note 118. The same strong alluston to Ps 69 (68):22 is contained only in the Gospel of Peter 5:16. n This conclusion is drawn also by Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, P· 136, and Prigent, Les testimonia dans le christianisme primitif, pp. 109-110. See the interpretation ofTertullian, below, pp. 156-158.

152 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries offered in the fast for all their sins. ... And let all the priests alone eat the entrails unwashed with vinegar. 5a Fastin!l and mourning by the people

people, i.e. the Christians

' 1.1.2 The Second Picture (Barnabas 7:6-11) The second picture (7:6-11) identifies Jesus with the scapegoat and with the sin-offering goat which is mixed up with the sacrificial goat The comparison is one-sided, since the typology of the scapegoat is of much greater import. Notice what was commanded: "Take two goats, beautiful and similar, and offer them, and let the priest take the one as a burnt offering for sins." 6b(7J But what are they to do with the other? "The other," he says, "is accursed (ix1Ka-c6:pa-c~)." 7 Notice how the type of Jesus is manifested: Sa "And do ye all spit (£11 x-c00an) on it, and pierce (Ka"taKev-cijoa-ce) it, and bind the scarlet wool (-cO £ptov -cO K0ntvov) about is head, and so let it be cast into the desert. sb And when it is so done, he who takes the goat into the wilderness, drives it forth, and takes away the wool, 6a

23

Gospel of Peter 7:25-27; Luke 23:48. )t interrupts the flow of the text, and the question in 7:4a continues the atoning

death theme of 7:3c. The Aqedah could be dropped without causing a break. The text would then be: "The Lord commanded this because he himself was going to offer the vessel of the spirit as a sacrifice for our sins. 4a What then does he say in the Prophet? •And let them eat of the goat which is offered in the fast for all their sins.'"' Also, the Aqedah does not appear in the other witnesses to thepre-Barnabian tradition. However, it may have been the author of Barnabas who inserted it into his tradition, and not a later interpolator. Even ifTertullian is dependent on Barnabas, he had good reason to skip this line, which disturbs the flow. 25 Seep. 129, above, especiaily note 272.

153

and puts it upon a shrub which is called Rachel, 26 of which we are accustomed to eat the shoots when we fmd them in the countryside: thus only the fruits of Rachel are sweet."9a What does this mean? Notice, "that the first (goat) is for the altar, but the other is accursed, and that the one that is accursed is crowned." 9b Because then they will see him on that day with the scarlet (high-priestly) robe (noOtlpTJ) on his body, and they will say, «Is not this he whom we once crucified and rejected (£l;ouEievr]oa.vn:10) and pierced and spat upon? Truly, it was he who then said that he himself was the Son of God." toa But how is he like (to the goat)? For this reason: "the goats shall be similar, beautiful, and equal (O~oiou10 -coW; -cpcl:)'OU\0 Kat u~oiK;. ioo~)," in order that when they see him come at that time they may be astonished at the similarity of the goat. tob See then the type of Jesus destined to suffer. !Ia But why is it that they put the wool in the middle of the thorns (itKaverov)? It is a type of Jesus placed in the Church, because whoever wishes to take away the scarlet wool must suffer much because the thorns are terrible and he can gain it only through pain. lib Thus he says, •
FastiQg_by the old oeoole i.e. Jews2J

The eating of the flesh of the goat by the priests i.e. probably the Eucharist - has a twofold function here. On the one haod, it commemorates the atoning effect of Jesus death as a sin offering, thus fulfilling the function of Yom Kippur. On the other hand, it distinguishes the identity of Barnabas' priestly conunwrity, which eats the Eucharist, from that of the fasting people (Jews), which does not. This picture would be impossible if Barnabas' community (still) observed the fast of Yom Kippur. We can, therefore, understand this passage as a polemic against Jews or Christian Jews observing Yom Kippur. This impression is confirmed by the name Barnabas uses for Yom Kippur, "the fasf' and not "the Day of Atonement," as would be appropriate for a typology of the temple ritual). The reference to the Aqedab (7:3d) looks like an interpolation into an earlier tradition. 24 Nevertheless, it is important, being one of the few early links between Yom Kippur and the Aqedab. 25

24


The typology is again best grasped in a table: Christian Myth {9a the first (goat) is for the altar} (refers back to the previous typology of the sin-offering goat and vicarious atonement) 6b The other is accursed (E.?tuca:rO.pa:to<;) 9b Is not this he whom we once &a And do ye all spit (iJltr
26 27

There are many variant readings for this word. Slightly altered translation by Lake in LCL, based on SC.

T I


Barnabas compares Jesus' way of suffering to that of the scapegoat. The goat is accursed (Emx:a'titpatoc;), which reflects Jesus being cursed by dying on the cross. 28 Both suffer the same torments - spitting and piercing.29 The scarlet wool placed on the scapegoat's head represents the highpriestly scarlet robe of Christ at his Second Parousia. The role of the sacrificial goat is marginal. Its sole significance lies in its similarity to the scapegoat, through which it will be recognized at the Second Parousia as identical to the one sacrificed. Here the author seems to have mixed two recognition motifs: by the scarlet robe and by similarity30 The end of the chapter is an ecclesiological typology of the scarlet wool placed in the thorny shrub, which refers to the suffering and martyrdom of those who choose to follow Jesus. The scarlet wool therefore connects Yom Kippur, the atoning death of Jesus, martyrdom and the future kingdom. As can be seen from the table, some of the details of the cultic prototype mentioned in the typology are not connected explicitly to a specific element of the Passion narrativet On the one hand, the presence of uninterpreted cultic elements - such as the fact that the goats have to be x:aAoi demonstrates that Barnabas did not invent his cultic knowledge in order to match his interpretation. In some instances, such uninterpreted cultic elements may mean that their interpretation was assumed to be self-evident to educated readers and they were therefore "included implicitly." The more obvious an association, the slighter the allusion can be. For example, the curse of the goat is uninterpreted, but the crucifixion of Christ also does not have a prototype. Both are "loose ends," most probably presuming that the readers knew the connection between curse and cross and the interpretation of Deuteronomy 21:23 and 27:26. Another example is the casting of the scapegoat into the desert, which could easily have been interpreted by Jesus' suffering on Golgotha, outside of the city, as in Hebrews and Hippolytus, an interpretation not mentioned by Barnabas. Moreover, Barnabas does not exploit the death of the scapegoat, although this would have stressed the proximity to Jesus. Perhaps the way the 28 Cf. Deut 21:23 and 27:26; and Gal3:10.13. Barnabas most probably did not know Galatians: see note 93, p. 164, below. 29 This is reflected in the parallel use Sp.rrciioa:re I E:p.x-rVouvre~ and KU"!:UKevrtloa-re I Ka-raxev-rtloavre~ for Jesus and the scapegoat. 30 Prigent has suggested that Barnabas mixes two typologies, one of which can be found in Justin (Passion plus Parousia) and the other in Tertullian (Passion plus Eucharist). Tertullian also mentions both typologies, but his depiction is clearer.

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scapegoat met its death - by being hurled over a precipice - was too dissimilar from Jesus' form of death on the cross. Nevertheless. pagan and Jewish readers knew that the scapegoatlpharmakos had to die, as Jesus did. But, probably for the same reason that his readers presumed this anyhow, Barnabas does not choose to explicitly connect such notions as vicarious atonement to the picture of Yom Kippur. 1.1.3 The Interpretation of the Proto-Typology in Justin, Tertullian and Hippolytus The following analysis heads simultaneously in two directions on the time scale: chronologically forward to the interpretations of Barnabas' tradition in the second century, and chronologically backward to the proto-typology, Barnabas' source. History of impact and history of tradition will then complement each other. JUSTIN: Justin refers to the typology in his Dialogue with Trypho, a work written around 160. 31 In the context of chapter 40, Trypho asks Justin for proofs that Jesus was the Messiah, who had to suffer and is expected to return gloriously (39). Justin answers with a typological exegesis of the Passover sacrifice (40) and the goats of Yom Kippur (40) and continues with typologies on the shewbread as Eucharist (41) and the twelve bells on the high-priestly vestment as apostles (42). And the two goats of the fast were ordered to be similar. One of them was the scapegoat (O.nonop.naioc;), the other was to be an offering. They were prophecies for the two appearances (1«1po1.101{0v) of Christ. For the ftrst appearance, at which the elders of your [Jewish] people and the priests sent him away as a scapegoat, laid hands on him and killed him; and for his second appearance, since you will recognize at this very place of Jerusalem him who was dishonored by you and [made] an offering for all those sinners who want to repent and fast what Isaiah calls a fast and tear asunder the strangling of enforced contracts [Isaiah 58:6}, and observe the other things that are similar to those that have been reckoned by him, which also I myself inquired about, [and] those things that the believers in Jesus do. s And know that even the offering of the two goats, which had to be offered on the fast, similarly took place nowhere except in JerusalemP 2 40:4

Justin's Yom Kippur typology is clearly more concise than that in Barnabas, better organized and less ambiguous. The reference to the two appearances of Christ is unmistakable, and the typology gives equal attention 31 32

On Justin and Judaism, see Skarsaune, The Prooffrom Prophecy.

My translation of Dialogue with Trypho 40:4-5; Greek text in M. Marcovich (ed.), lustini Martyris Dialogus cum Tryphone (Patristische Texte und Studien 47; Berlin, New York, 1997). Justin refers back to this typology in Dialogue with Trypho 46:2 and Ill: 1. Dialogue with Trypho 15 includes a long passage from Isa 58 on the fast.


to both goats. The scapegoat refers only to the Passion, the sacrificial goat to the Second Parousia. Some motifs from Barnabas are missing, e.g. the eating of the goat and the scarlet wool. Apparently, Justin's text is not a reworking of Barnabas but depends directly on the proto-typology. This is shown, for example, by the reference to the death of the scapegoat, a fact Justin could not have learnt from the Bible or from Barnabas, but only from Jewish tradition. 33 Justin explicitly interprets the theological implications of the sacrificial goat typology of Christ as vicarious atonement for all sinners. This is somewhat strange considering the association of the scapegoat, not the sacrificial goat, with the Passion. The reference to Jerusalem as merely a sacrificial place is a favorite idea of Justin's and was therefore most probably inserted by him. 34 Furthermore, Justin refers to Isaiah 58 in the context of Yom Kippur and is the earliest text to do so. Was Isaiah 58:6 already part of the Jewish Haftarah, at least in some synagogues?35 Finally, compared to Barnabas, Justin inverts the role of the priests and the fasting. The priests are the evil faction, 36 whereas the people who fast are counted among the repenting believers. Yet Justin underscores that these believers fast a real fast - i.e. one of the kind Isaiah described and not one according to the common Jewish practice - a fact suggesting that this reference is not only a typology of past rituals but also a jibe at the observance of Yom Kippur's fast .by Justin's Jewish and Jewish-Christian neighbors. TERTULLIAN: In Against Marcion, the Yom Kippur tradition (3:7:7-8) is part of a long complex of Christological typologies of the Old Testament." The same passage also appears, almost word for word, in Against the Jews 14:9-10. Both works were written in the first decades of the third century, and most scholars agree that the two are mutually dependent; but they disagreee as to which of the two deserves priority. 38 For our purposes, this dispute is less relevant. In both books Tertullian's aim is to prove that Jesus is the Messiah of the Old Testament. While Marcion argues that Jesus could not be theMessiah of the Old Testament because the Jews, the experts in understanding the Old Testament, still expect the glorious coming of a Messiah, Tertul33

See all commentators besides Wengst. Skarsaune, The Prooffrom Prophecy, p. 310. 35 Cf. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 15; and see the section on the readings, above, pp. 54-59, especially p. 55-56. 36 Do the elders in this context reflect an oral tradition similar to Matt 27:20? 37 Tertu1lian, Against Marcion 3:5-24. 38 H. Trlinkle (ed.), Edition de QSF Tertul/iani Aduersus Iudaeos (Wiesbaden, 1964), pp. xlix-liii, favors the priority of Against the Jews, dating it before 207/8. 34


!57

!ian claims that the Messiah carne and died in a humble way, but that he will come again, gloriously. If I may, moreover, give an interpretation of the two goats, which were offered on the fast, do they not also prefigure the two modes of Christ? They were alike (pares), and very similar (consimi/es) to the appearance of the Lord, since he will not come in any other fo1111, having to be recognized by those by whom he had been wounded (laesus est). One of these [goats], however, was bound with scarlet (circumdatus coccino), cursed (maledictus), spat upon (consputatus), pulled around (conuulsus), and pierced (compunctus), and driven by the people out of the city into perdition (perditionem), being thus marked with the visible signs of the Lord's passion.3'1 Yet the other [goat]. by being offered up for sins and given to the priests of the temple for food (pabulum), signified indications of the second appearance, whenafter all sins have been expiated- the priests of the spiritual temple, i.e. the church -feast as a sort of flesh offering (quasi uisceratione) of the Lord's grace, while the others fast from40 salvation. 41

The identity of a humble and then glorious Messiah is proven for Tertullian by the similarity of the two goats. The maltreated, expelled scapegoat represents the Passion of Jesus; the sacrificial goat, eaten by the priests, symbolizes simultaneously the eschatological meal at the Second Parousia as well as its ritual anticipation, the Eucharist 42 Like Barnabas, Tertullian polemicizes against participation in the Jewish fast and enjoins participation in the Christian Eucharist instead. Ritual, here, has the function of defming the borders of the collective. Tertnllian certainly knew Justin's writings and used them. However, scholarship is divided over the question of whether Tertullian was acquainted with Barnabas or with the proto-typology. Their typologies are 39 The parallel tradition in Against the Jews 14:9 adds: "qui coccinea circumdatus ueste et consputatus et omnibus contumeliis adflictus extra ciuitatem crucifixus est." 40 An important manuscript of the parallel tradition in Against the Jews 14:9 reads "ad salutem" ("for salvation") instead of "a salute," as given in Against Marcion. The latter matches the context better, the former may have entered the text through a scribe in Tertullian's rigoristic tradition. 41 My translation of the text from R. Braun (ed.), Tertu//ien Contre Marcion. Tome III (Livre III) (SC 399; Paris, 1994). On this passage, and its relation to Barnabas and Justin, see the notes in the text editions and the discussions in Windisch, Die aposto/ischen Viiter Ill. Der Barnabasbrief, pp. 346-347; Prigent, Les testimonia dans /e christianisme primitif, pp. 107-108; and Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, pp. 138-140; A. Louf, "Caper emissarius ut typus Redemptoris apud Patres," Verbum Domini 38 (1960) 262-277, here pp. 265-270, and Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, pp. 131-133. 42 See V.A. Gramaglia, "Visceratio: semantica eucaristica in Tertulliano?," in: F. Vattioni (ed.), Sangue e antropologica nella teologia. Atti della VI settimana, Roma 2328 nov. 1987 (Rome, 1989; vol. 3, pp. 1385-1417), p. 1416, who investigated the collective, sacrificial and eschatological connotations of this pagan technical term.


very similar and the relevant differences are few in number. 43 Trankle assumes that Tertullian knew Barnabas. Against this, Prigent and (more hesitantly) Carleton Paget argne that Tertullian is based on the prototypology and on Justin. 44 We carmot exclude a third possibility - that Tertullian knew all three- the proto-typology, Justin and Barnabas. HIPPOLYTUS: Hippolytus of Rome (d. 235) was one of the most prolific Christian authors of his time. A fragment in the Catenae on Proverbs contains his interpretation of Proverbs 30:31 b (LXX), which views "the goat leading the flock" simultapeously as sacrificial goat and as scapegoat, and both as types of Christ:'' And a goat as leader of the flock Since, it says, this is who was slaughtered for the sins of the world and offered as a sacrifice and sent away to the Gentiles as in the desert and crowned with scarlet wool on the bead by the unbelievers and made to be a ransom for the humans and manifested as life for all. 46

The mention of the "scarlet wool" (K6Knvov £pwv) makes very plausible that it is a variety of the Yom Kippur typology known to Barnabas, Justin and Tertullian; however, the poetic form and the brevity of the fragment render an exact comparison difficult. Two elements of the interpretation 43

Tertullian has two further details: (a) conuulsus (torn/pulled); and (b) the mention of perditio as the destination of the scapegoat. Tertul1ian lacks two other elements: (a) an interpretation of the scarlet ribbon (the ribbon itself is included); and (b) details of the Eucharist (wtwashed entrails with vinegar). Finally, Tertullian inverts the order of presentation (frrst Passion/scapegoat, then Parousia/Eucharistlsacrificial goat). 44 Trankle, Edition de QSF Tertul/iani Aduersus Iudaeos, pp. Ixxvi-lxxxii; Prigent, Les testimonia dans le christianisme primitif, p. 108; and Carleton Paget, The Epistle of Barnabas, pp. 139-140. 45 Hippolytus, fragment 75. The first to connect this passage to the Yom Kippur typology was A. Zani, "Tracce di un'interessante, rna sconosciuta, esegesi midra~ica giudeo-cristiana di Lev 16 in un frammento di ippolito," Bibbia e Oriente 24 (1982) 157166, whose perceptive article escaped the meticulous bibliographical reseirches of Carleton Paget and Hvalvik. 46 My translation of Kai rpfiro-; T'JroVpevt}f; abro?.iov. C>Utoo; yir.p, G'TJGi.v. to:tiv 0 Umlp CtJiap·riao; ~eOo:llou mpaysio; ~eai cbo; auJ.la n:poo:axasio; Kai cbo; tpiu.u:p sio; EaVT) TCSJ.lcp8sio; ~eo.i K6JCKtvov Eptov En:i KSqlaAi]v intO -rd'lv Un:i.o:-rrov o:-rscpavroaEio; ~eai a.vapcOn:rov Aittpov ysvVT)asi<; ~eai l;roi] n:O.v-rrov Ostx_Bsi<;. Text in M. Richard, "Les fragments du commentaire deS. Hippolyte sur les Proverbes de Salomon," Le Museon 19 (1966) 65-94, here p. 94. Cf. also the shorter version preserved in Pseudo-Anastasius: Tpityoo; itroi!J.Lsvoo; ain:oi..i.ou 0 inttp -rd'lv O.J.Lapud'lv -roii KOcrJ!Oil cr cpaytacr8Ei<; (quoted ibidem). The same tradition is also printed under the name ofChrysostom, Fragmenta in Prouerbia (PG 64:737C-D).

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are not found in Barnabas, Justin or Tertullian and may from the pen of Hippolytus himself: (a) the explanation of the scapegoat as ransom for humankind; and (b) the sending away as the mission to the Gentiles. 47 As in Hebrews 13:11-13 the "sending away" is based on an inversion of the conception that abandoning the camp entails ritual pollution. In the new epoch of salvation history, salvation is no longer inside the camp but in the previously impure desert among the previously impure Gentiles. THE PROTO-TYPOLOGY AND ITS INTERPRETATION OF YOM KIPPUR: After this brief survey of the history of the proto-typology's impact, I want to return to its pre-history. A reconstruction of the extent and content of the Christian Jewish proto-typology brings us back to an earlier period, before the composition of Barnabas. Barnabas refers to a source that its author calls "the prophet." Another reference to a source may be entailed in the expression "the priests of the temple foretold this.'>48 It is relatively easy to reconstruct the elements of the (Jewish) halakhic regulations for the ritual, which were part also of the Christian Jewish proto-typology. Since acquaintance with halakhic traditions is more likely for the Christian Jewish proto-typology than for later generations, those elements that go beyond Leviticus 16 and exist in later Halakhah are most probably ancient. 49 If this supposition holds, then the following elements form parts of the proto-typology: a) the similarity between the goats50 b) their beautiful appearance51 c) the mistreatment of the scapegoat52 d) the cursing of the scapegoat" e) the killing of the scapegoat54 f) the red woolen ribbon placed on the scapegoat's head55

47 The former comes from Mark 10:45. The idea of Christ the scapegoat being sent on a mission to the Gentiles appears in Origen, Homily on Leviticus 9:3:2 (SC 287:80-82); cf. also the positive interpretation of the desert in Homily on Leviticus 9:4:1 (SC 287:84). 48 Barnabas 7:4a and 7:3b; but 7:3b is a much more ambiguous phrase and could refer to the content of the sentence rather than its speakers. 49 See especially Alon, "The Halakhah in the Epistle of Barnabas," pp. 302-305. so Barnabas 7:6a.10a; Justin, Tertullian; mYoma 6:1. ~ 1 Barnabas1:6a;yYoma6:1,43bc. 52 Barnabas 7:8a (spitting and piercing); Tertullian (spitting, piercing, pulling around); mYoma 6:6 (pulling hair). Zech 12: I 0; Isa 50:6 and Gospel of Peter 5: 16. 53 Barnabas 7:6b(7).9a; Gal3:10.l3; mYoma 6:4. 54 Justin; mYoma 6:6; cf. Tertullian (driven into perdition). ~~ Barnabas 7:8a; Tertullian; Hippolytus; mYoma 4:2.


g) before pushing the scapegoat over the precipice, the ribbon is put on something else 56 h) the eating of the sin-offering goat, probably in a special manner" In addition, elements in one or two traditions, which appear in the biblical descriptions, are probably part of.the proto-typology: i) the offering of the sacrificial goat58 j) the sending out of the scapegoat59 k) the fasting of the people 60 Perhaps the motif of the people's mourning, which is missing in the Bible, but appears in some early Jewish traditions, was also part of the prototypology.61 In addition, a reference to Zechariah 3 seems to have been part of the proto-typology62 Barnabas mentions the higb priest's Jto(itjpT]c; appearing in Zechariah 3. 63 Tertnllian interprets Zechariah 3 extensively in direct juxtaposition to the Yom Kippur passage. Justin knows it as well. 64 An association of Zechariah 3 and Yom Kippur also exists in Jewish (nonChristian) sources. 65 As we shall see, this point is extremely important to understand the earliest stage of the high-priestly Christology. 66 It is more difficult to determine the interpretations that the Christian Jewish proto-typology connected to the halakhic regulations of Yom Kippur, since the interpretations of Barnabas and Justin are very different, and since Tertullian might be acquainted with Justin and perhaps Barnabas and therefore not be an independent witness. However, we can be sure that the link between the abused scapegoat and the Passion was part of the prototypology. The motif of the similarity between the goats was definitely connected to the Second Parousia, yet it is unclear which goat. 67 The tie 56

Barnabas 7:8b.lla; mYoma 6:6. Barnabas 7:4b; Tertullian; Num 29:11; mMenah 11:1; De specialibus legibus 1:190 (/ectio difficilior). 58 Lev 16:15; Justin, Tertullian. 59 Lev 16:10.20-22; mYoma 6; Barnabas 8a; Justin, Tertullian. 60 Lev 16:29-34; 23:27-32; Barnabas 7:5a; Justin; Tertullian. 61 Barnabas 7:5a; Justin (repenting, fasting, Isa 58:6); on the mourning, see Jubilees 34; Jonah; and see above, p. 34, note 98. 62 SkarsaWle, The Prooffrom Prophecy, p. 309. 63 Barnabas 7:9. 64 Tertullian, Against Marcion 3:7:8; Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 116-117. 65 See pp. 92-94, above. 66 See pp. 194-197, below. 67 Barnabas seems to link the scapegoat and the red ribbon not only with the Passion but also with the Second Parousia; Justin clearly refers to the sacrificial goat, while Tertullian may be interpreted as referring to the third, sin-offering goat, which was eaten (and which according to Halakhah did not have to be similar to the other two). 51


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between the intriguing consumption of another (speci~ly prepared) goat d the Eucharist, mentioned by Barnabas and Tertulhan, may belong to :e original strand, especially ifTertullian is independent of Barnabas. Beuse the proto-typology shows an intimate knowledge of the details of the ~~apegoat ritual, it is possible that his ;ource used an eyewitness account68 or even an early sort of Seder Avodah. 6 Excursus: Did the Scapegoat Rite Irifluence the Earliest Account of the Passion? John D. Crossan's Thesis In his ingenious and highly controversial "The Cross Spoke" (1988), John Dominic Crossan implies that the scapegoat ritual influenced the canonical Passion narratives, via what he calls the "Cross Gospel," the earliest Passion account, which he has reconstructed, a redacted version of which is contained in the Gospel of Peter. 10 According to Crossan's theory, the fonnation of this Cross Gospel proceeded in four stages.71 The starting p~int (stage I) is that the community does not know details beyond the general Wlderstandmg that people are scourged and tortured before _being crucifi~d. This understandi?g is confirmed and further enhanced by such prophetiC texts as Isatah 50:6 and Zechanah 12:10, which add some details (e.g. striking, spitting, and piercing) to the description of the

Grabbe, "The Scapegoat Tradition," p. 165. This idea was suggested to me by Timothy Thornton at the 13th Oxford Patristic Conference 1999. I hesitated for a long time before adopting the suggestion, but it is difficult to account otherwise for the wealth of precise halakbic regulations in Barnabas. Similarly, Philo betrays an intriguing acquaintance with the halakhic rules of Yom Kippur. In general, the need to occupy the fasting people with prayers makes some type of liturgical reenactment probable. Kister's recent article "5Ql3 and the 'Avodah," points in the same direction. See the discussion above, p. 44-45. The possibility of an eyewitness for the rite of removing the red ribbon from the scapegoat and binding it to something else is less likely. 10 For introductory questions to this work, see the introduction to the edition of M.G. Mara, Evangile de Pierre (SC 201; Paris, 1973); the appendix in Brown, The Death ofthe Messiah, pp. 1317-1349, whose bibliography includes older works; and cf. Crossan, Four Other Gospels, pp. 124-181. The terminus ad quem of the Gospel of Peter is the time ofSerapion of Antioch around 200 CE. A date around 100-150 is opinio communis: see Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 1341-43; J.D. Crossan, The Historical Jesus. The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant (San Francisco, 1991), pp. 433-434. Some scholars date it even earlier, to the frrst century: see Koester, "Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels." For the place, Antioch is favored by Brown, while Mara, Evangile de Pierre, prefers Asia Minor. The papyri usually come from Egypt. 71 Crossan follows earlier suggestions of Martin Dibelius, JUrgen Denker and Helmut Koester. See M. Dibelius, "Die alttestamentlichen Motive in der Leidensgeschicbte des Petrus- und Johannesevangeliums," Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 33 (1918) 125-150; J. Denker, Die theologiegeschichtliche Stellung des Petrusevangeliums (Europaische Hochschulschriften, 23. Reihe, 36; Bern, Frankfurt am Main, 1975); Koester, "Apocryphal and Canonical Gospels," pp. 126-130. 6S

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tortures (stage 2). n In the third stage, the rite of the two Yom Kippur goats joins the prophetic sources with further details and adds a primary narrative sequence. This stage is the first to be preserved in an extant text of Barnabas.73 In the fourth stage, a fullyfledged narrative is formed and the scene of the mocked king with the motifs of wearing a robe and being crowning are included. However, the explicit allusions to Jesus as scapegoat are dropped. This stage is reflected in the Cross Gospel,14 which was used by the pre-Markan Passion Narrative. Both were used by the other canonical Gospels (stage 5). Crossan's claim that all canonical and extra-canonical Passion narratives are ultimately dependent on an exegetical reworking of Yom Kippur's ritual is probably the most far-reaching thesis proffered to date regarding the influence of Yom Kippur on early Christianity. Crossan's theory has sparked mainly critical responses. 75 His critics concentrate on refuting the priority accorded to the Cross Gospel over the canonical Passion narratives, i.e. the transition from the fourth to a fifth stage. Their argumentation is based on the contention that the similarities between the Gospel of Peter and Mark (only these two) are too few to suppose that they share a direct literary dependency (in either direction). 76 The vocabulary and word order of no canonical gospel follows the Gospel of Peter for more than two or three words. 77 Furthermore, Mark, Matthew and John preserved the "primitive traditions" of Barnabas, which are not p~ of Crossan's Cross Gospel. 78 On the other hand, many details of the Gospel of Peter that would suit the narratives of the


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canonical gospels are omitted by all of them. 79 Finally, if Matthew, Luke and John had indeed used the Gospel of Peter in addition to Mark, one would have expected some agreement between two of the canonical gospels against Mark (in the style of Q), but there is none. 80 These arguments undermine Crossan's thesis of an influence of the scapegoat rite on every early Passion account. Yet what is the relationship between the Yom Kippur typology in Barnabas and the Gospel of Peter? Scholars have long recognized a conspicuous proximity between Barnabas 5 and 7 and two scenes in the Gospel of Peter: the mocking (3:6--9) and the drinking on the cross (5:15-16). 81 The first passage reads: 3:6 But having taken the Lord, running (-rp£xovu:<;), they were pushing (OOeouv) him and saying, "Let us drag along (cr-Upoo1.u:v) the Son of God now that we have power over him." 1 And they clothed him with purple (1toprp-6pav) and sat him on a chair of judgment, saying, "Judge justly, King of Israel." sAnd a certain one of them, having brought a thorny crown (a•krpavov 0:Kclv91Vov), put it on the head of the Lord. 9 And others who were standing there were spitting (&vEx•oov) in his face, and others slapped (i:pclmaav) his cheeks. Others were jabbing him with a reed (KaA.ir.~q:t &vooaov); and some scourged (&1-lcla-n~ov) him, saying, "With such honor let us honor the Son of God." 82

Most of the details of the mocking of Jesus as recounted in the Gospel of Peter appear in Barnabas. 83 Matthew and John each bring only part of the traditions, which are common to Barnabas and the Gospel of Peter. 84 Mark and Luke are even more different from Barnabas and the Gospel of Peter. Therefore, Koester can conclude: "It is evident that the mocking scene in this gospel [the Gospel of Peter] is a narrative version that is directly dependent upon the exegetical tradition which is visible in Barnabas."85 Beyond the clear correspondences, John Doininic Crossan suggests three further connections between motifs in the Gospel of Peter and Barnabas. The Yom Kippur traditions of Barnabas were transfonned by the Gospel of Peter. First, the scarlet wool of the scapegoat was combined with the priestly cloak (noi5tlPl1<;) from Zechariah 3:1-5 and became the purple robe of the mocked king. 86 Second, the scarlet wool on the head of the

n This stage continued into the time' of the formation of the Canonical Gospels. For an analysis of some selected passages, see already Moo, The Old Testament in the Gospel Passion Narratives, esp. pp. 139-144, who objects to Koester's and Crossan's approach. 73 Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, pp. 114---159.208-217. 74 Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, pp. 122 and 157, and see the tables on p. 143 and p. 158. A short version of his theory, albeit without reflection on Barnabas, can be found in Crossan's article, "The Cross That Spoke." 75 See the discussion of Crossan's theory in Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 1317-1348, especially 1332-38. Cf. A. Kirk, "Examining Priorities: Another Look at the Gospel of Peter's Relationship to the New Testament Gospels," New Testament Studies 40 (1994) 572-595; G.W. Nickelsburg, "Review of: John Dominic Crossan, The Cross that Spoke. The Origins of the Passion Narrative (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988)." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 59 (1991) 159-162; R.H. Fuller, "Review of: John Dominic Crossan, The Cross That Spoke. The Origins of the Passion Narrative (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1988)" Interpretation 45 (1991) 71-73; J.C. Treat, "The Two Manuscript Witnesses to the Gospel of Peter," in: D.J. Lull (ed.), Society of Biblical Literature 1990 Seminar Papers (Atlanta [Ga.], 1990; pp. 391-399); Green, "The Gospel of Peter: Source for a pre-canonical Passion Narrative?"; and F. Neirynck, "Review of: John Dominic Crossan. Who Killed Jesus? Exposing the Roots of Anti-Semitism in the Gospel Story of the Death of Jesus (San Francisco, CA: HaperCollins, 1995)," Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 71 (1995) 455-457. There are far fewer voices in favor of Crossan's theory, most notably Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels, pp. 216-240, but note his critique on pp. 219-220. 76 Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 1327-28. n Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 1332-33. 78 Nickelsburg, "Review of: John Dominic Crossan, The Cross that Spoke," here p. 161.

79

Brown, The Death of the Messiah, p. 1333. Brown, The Death of the Messiah, p. 1333. 8! E.g. Mara, Evangile de Pierre, p. 21, note 2. 82 Slightly changed translation from Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 1318-19; Greek text in Mara, Evangile de Pierre. 83 a) spitting [&~11:"t"Uoo] Gospel of Peter 3:9, Barnabas 7:8a; b) piercing [vilaaro] Gospel of Peter 3:9, [Ka"t"aKev"t"kro] Barnabas 7:8a; c) crowning Gospel of Peter 3:8, Barnabas 7:8; d) clothing in (red) robe Gospel of Peter 3:7; Barnabas 7:9; e) slapping the cheeks [Pani~oo •0:<;
i

! .jj:~.



scapegoat, which was put on the thorns in the bush, became the crown of thorns on the head of the mocked king. 87 Finally, Crossan hypothesizes that the reed piercing the side of Jesus reflects the instrwnent in the historical temple ritual with which the scapegoat was pierced. 83 Helmut Koester accepts Crossan's two former points and, more hesitantly also Crossan's interpretation of the reed, yet he warns that the two manuscripts of th~ Gospel of Peter show great variation89 and any philological arguments with respect to the text have to be viewed with reservations. 90 Parallels exist also in the scene of giving gall and vinegar to Jesus on the cross (Gospel of Peter 5:15-16): s:1s But it was midday, and darkness held fast all Judea; and they were distressed and anxious lest the sun had set, since he was still living. [For] it is written for them: "Let not the sun set on one put to death." 16 And someone of them said "Give him to drink gall with vinegar (n:o1:ioo:ce airrOv xokJ\v f.lt'l:!l ~ouo;)." having made a mixture, they gave to drink. 91

And

Again, the Gospel of Peter and Barnabas are more similar to each other than to the canonical gospels. First, Jesus is given gall and vinegar, matching Psalm 69 (68):22 only in the Gospel of Peter and in Barnabas, not in the canonical gospels. 92 Second, Deuteronomy21:23 is quoted only in Peter's Passion narrative, not in the canonical Passion narratives. Barnabas does not quote Deuteronomy 21:23, but he refers to the consequence of the death on the wood - the curse. Galatians 3: 10-13 mentions both explicitly, · but it is unlikely that either the G~pel of Peter or Barnabas depended on Galatians. Probably, all three knew independently the tradition of the crucified as cursed scapegoat. 93 Crossan's own observation that "explicit allusions to Jesus as scapegoat do not remain in the tradition as it proceeds and develops" 94 impedes scrutinizing his argument for evidence of the Yom Kippur traditions. The details of the abuse in the Gospel of Peter are based on prophetic passages. None of them necessarily depends on the scapegoat 87

Gospel of Peter 3:8; Barnabas 7:8.11. Barnabas 7:8 mentions only the act not the instrument. Crossan bases his claim on the Sibylline Oracles 1:360-75 and 8:285-309, independent of the canonical Passion narratives, but drawing on the earliest Christian Passion traditions connected to the scapegoat rite. According to Crossan, Sibylline Oracles 1:360-75 depends on 8:285-309. Since the former passage was written before 150 CE, the latter has to be earlier than 150 CE: see Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, pp. 133-139, especially 135. 89 Treat, "The Two Manuscript Witnesses to the Gospel of Peter." 90 Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels, pp. 224-225. 91 Slightly ~hanged translation from Brown, The Death of the Messiah, p. 1319; Greek text in Mara, Evangile de Pierre. 92 Gospel of Peter 5:16; Barnabas 7:3.5. 93 J. Carleton Paget, "Paul and the Epistle of Barnabas," Novum Testamentum 38 (1996) 359-381, does not discuss this specific passage but concludes that Barnabas had no knowledge of Paul. It is not impossible that the view of crucified saints as cUTSed scapegoats is pre-Christian and was applied to other crucifixions before Jesus. The polemical weight of the argument against proto-Christianity would have been slighter but the existence of a counterargument does not silence the argument. 94 Crossan, The Cross That Spoke, p. 142. 88

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ritual. 9S Crossan's theory concerning the transfonnation of the three motifs of the scarlet ribbon, the thorns and the reed is too speculative. For example, regarding the association of the scarlet ribbon with the cloak of the soldiers, Matthew is closer to Barnabas than to his presumed source, the Cross Gospel, as we shall see in the_ following se:tion.96 Cro~ san suggests that the scapegoat ritual introduced a first narrattve sequence mto the vanous prophetic passages. Yet the sequence of those details of the scapegoat rite mentioned in the proto-typology (abuse, leading out of the city, killing) is very similar to those basic facts that could be known historically. As I show in the section that follows, Matthew probably perceived exactly the same proximity of the historical events as given in his source, Mark, to the ritual sequence of the scapegoat rite and decided to formulate the Barabbas episode along the lines of the "lottery"97 between the goats that constitutes the introduction to the Yom Kippur ritual. The ritual of Yom Kippur did not influence every early Passion account, as Crossan suggested. 98 The Yom Kippur typology of Barnabas is one of the branches in the development of the canonical Passion narratives, rather than their root. However, it is a very early branch and it displays a great similarity to the Gospel of Peter, yet without entailing a direct interdependence between them. The evidence suggests that the relationship to the canonical gospels and to the Gospel of Peter was based on shared oral traditions of prophetic typological exegesis, not on the Yom Kippur typology.

1.2 Barabbas as Scapegoat in Matthew 27:15-23 27:15 Now at the festival the governor was accustomed to release a prisoner for the crowd, whom they wanted. t6 At that time they had a notorious prisoner, called Jesus Barabbas. 11 So after they had gathered, Pilate said to them, "Whom do you want me to release for you, Jesus Barabbas or Jesus who is called the Messiah?" 1s For he realized that it was out of jealousy that they had handed him over. 19 While he was sitting on the judgment seat, his wife sent word to him, "Have nothing to do with that innocent man, for today I have suffered a great deal because of a dream about him." 20 Now the chief priests and the elders persuaded the crowds to ask for Barabbas and to have Jesus killed. 21 The governor again said to them. "Which of the two do you want me to release for you?" And they said, "Barabbas." 22 Pilate said to them, "Then what should I do with Jesus who is called the Messiah?'' All of them said, "Let him be crucified!'' 23 Then he asked, "Why, what evil has he done?" But they shouted all the more, "Let him be crucified!" 24 So when Pilate saw that he could do nothing, but rather that a riot

95 Isa 50:6: spitting, scourging, slapping the cheeks. Zech 3: clothing with the robe (though not red). The Hebrew text of Zech 12:10 mentions piercing (1V1). While the LXX misread (1i'1), the other Greek versions translated 1j?1. Gospel of Peter and Barnabas reflect two different translations. John 19:34.37 gives both Greek verbs. 96 Matt 27:28 labels the red of the cloak that the soldiers put around Jesus KOKJCivll, like the crimson of Barnabas' scapegoat, while the Gospel of Peter uses purple (nopqiJpo.). Matthew is closer to Barnabas than is the Gospel of Peter. 97 Interestingly, Crossan does not regard the scapegoat lottery as background to the Barabbas episode, though this could have embellished his thesis further. 98 For different reasons, I object to Rene Girard's highly reductionist theses, e.g. in The Scapegoat (Baltimore, 1986), that see the scapegoat in practically every realm of life.


166 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries was beginning, he took some water and washed his hands before the crowd, saying: «I am innocent of this man's blood; see to it yourselves." 2s Then the people as a whole answered, "His blood be on us and on our children!" 26 So he released Barabbas for them; and after flogging Jesus, he handed him over to be crucified. 99

The episode of Barabbas in the Matthean version gains depth when understood vis-a-vis the lottery of the goats in the Yom Kippur ritual. 100 The release of Barabbas has caused some trouble for historians as well as exegetes. 101 On the literary level, the change in the people's attitude toward Jesus from the exultations upon his entry to the release of Barabbas seems too abrupt, and the explanation that the high priests and scribes brought about this conversion with only a few words seems flimsy. The brevity of the exposition is disconcerting; the people are manipulated too easily. Matthew abolishes the careful distinction regarding the responsibiliry for the death of the Messiah that he had kept up to this point, between the nentral disposition of the people and the evil inclination of its leaders. The notorious statement: "His blood be on us and on our children!" transfers the responsibility to the whole people. With this involvement of the bystanders, the "Q.arrator accuses them of being of the same party as the active perpetrators. On the historical level, apart from what is related in the Gospels, no evidence for a privilegium paschalis, the release of prisoners before festivals, especially Pesach, has yet been found. Even such conservative scholars as Raymond Brown, who want to preserve the historicity of the story, state: "There is no good analogy supporting the historical likelihood of the custom in Judea of regularly releasing a prisoner at a/the feast [of Passover]."102 Brown suggests a historical nucleus behind the story: a certain Jesus Barabbas, who was subjected to similar claims of revolt, was re99

Matt27:15-26, NRSV. 100 On general questions relating to the Barabbas episode I used the commentaries by Brown, The Death of the Messiah; U. Luz, Das Evangelium nach Matthiius (Mt 26-28) (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 114; Neukirchen-VIuyn. 2002); D.C. Allison and W.D. Davies, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to Saint Matthew. Vol. Ill Commentary on Matthew XIX-XXVIII (International Christian Commentary; Edinburgh, 1997); and D.A. Hager, Matthew 14--28 (Word Biblical Commentary; Dallas [Tex.], 1995). 101 On this passage, see the articles by H.A. Rigg, "Barabbas," Journal of Biblical Literature 66 (1945) 417-456; and H.Z. Maccoby, "Jesus and Barabbas," New Testament Studies 16 (1969 I 10) 55-60; and the long discussion in the commentary by Brown, The Death ofthe Messiah. See also J. Merkel, "Die Begnadigung am Passahfeste," Zeitschrift for die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der iilteren Kirche 6 (1905) 293316. 102 Brown, The Death of the Messiah, pp. 818 and 819.

167

d at the same time as the crucifixion of Christ. 103 Against this, Iease th . It d . 'd t skeptical scholars such as John Crossan object at so ISO a e an mci en would be highly improbable under Pliate, wh? was well kn~wn to be ng. pursuing his activities against the rehgtous authonties and would orous m · h 1 'a! not have retreated in the face of local powers. Crossan giVes t eo _ogic literary reasons for the emergence of the story of Barabbas. F~r. him, the 'llustrates a double mistake - of the Romans on the poht1cal level scenei 'h authonties .. chose the d fthe high priests on religious level. ..The Jewts ~li;iously) wrong person to re~e~~tWThe Roman authorities chose the (politically) wrong person to crucify. . More than a hundred years ago A.H. Wratislaw proposed an exegetiCal basis for the Barabbas episodes,'" a typology that IS based on the two goats of Yom Kippur. He enumerates these pomts of simlianty: a) Two "victims" are presented (Jesus-Barabbas). b) They are similar to each other (both are named Jesus and Son of the Father). 'ah f c) They symbolize opposed powers (Jesus, the peaceful Messi o God; Barabbas, the murderer, as Messiah of the people) .. d) There is a lottery/election between the two as to who IS to be released and who is to be killed. e) A "confession" is pronounced ("His blood be on us"). Wratislaw's theory of an exegetical genesis for the Barabbas sto£?' was not 106 ccepted in the commentaries and fell into oblivion. However, If one ap;lies the typology not generally to all passion accounts ?ut only to A Matthew, the quality of the argument improves considerably. high! Y comparison between Matthew and its V"_orlage, Mark, reveals some interesting redactional changes. Only m Matthew do the people choose 1ro The same unconvincing conclusion is drawn by Allison and Davies, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel According to. Saint Matt?ew;. vol. 3, P· 583. The data about amnesties in ancient Assyria and Greece m R.L. Mentt, Jesus Barabbas and the Paschal Pardon" Journal of Biblical Literature 104 (1985) 57-68, are too early to be relevant historicall~ but may still have been influential as a litera~ mo.d~l. . 104 J.D. Crossan, Who Killed Jesus? Exposing the Roots of Ant1semltlsm m the Gospel Story of the Death of Jesus (San Francisco, 1995), p. 112. tos A.H. Wratislaw, «The Scapegoat-Barrabas," Expository Times 3 (1891/92) 400-

403.

. d . t th In fact Wratislaw was not the first to interpret the Barabbas eptso e agams e background 'or the scapegoat rite. Origen had already made this co~ection: see Homit; on Leviticus 10:2:2 (SC 287:134). This exegesis is also found m Pse~do-Jerome s seventh-century Commentary on Mark 15: II (CSL 82:71): see the translatton and notes in M. Cahill (transl.), The First Commentary on Mark: A~ Annota~ed Translatio':. (New York, Oxford, 1998). On the medieval influence of thts exegests, see Louf, Caper emissarius ut typus Redemptoris apud Patres," p. 274. 106


between two figures with the same first name, Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus Barabbas. This reading, put in parentheses in Nestle-Aland27, is preserved by important witnesses and is accepted as original in most commen~ taries. 107 The identity of the names of Christ and Barabbas, preserved only by Matthew and not in the other Gospels, has two mutually exclusive explanations. Either he had access to an original tradition about the historical Jesus Barabbas and the other Gospels kept silent about the identity of the names because it was offensive to them- as it was, for example, to the copyists and to Origen 108 (the objections against the historicity of the story have already been mentioned), or Matthew embellished his Vorlage by introducing names for the nameless. 109 He thereby deliberately reinforced the similarity between the two opposed prisoners. Three further changes by Matthew, compared to his Vorlage, foster the impression that he wanted to emphasize the choice: either Jesus of Nazareth or Jesus Barabbas (see table). While he usually followed closely the wording of Mark in the Passion account, here he changes three sentences. He reformulates (I) the question by Pilate; (2) the description of the propaganda of the high priests and the elders; and (3) the repetition of the question by Pilate: Mark 15

Matthew 27

9: eiU-ce U.n:oAWOl Up. tv -cOv jiamAE:a -c&v loOOaiOlv;

17: Tiva 6iAe-ce U.n:oAWOl iltJ.1V· lquoiiv rOv BapafJ!Jiiv Jj'Jrpofiv-cOv Aey6w:vov Xpta-cOv;

Do you want me to release for you the King of the Jews?

Whom do you want me to release for you, Jesus Barabbas or Jesus who is called the Messiah?

11: iva !J.O:Uov -cOv Bapai3Jiiiv O:n:oAOOu airro1~

20: iva ahi}oOlvrat rOvBapaP!Xiv rOv Oil11aoVv O:n:oAi:aOlow

(But the chief priests stirred up the crowd) to have him release Barabbas for them instead.

.

(Now the chief priests and the elders persuaded the crowds) to ask for Barabbas and to have Jesus killed. 2I:Tiva ai:Aete tilrO r&vOVo Q:xo).iio(l) iJf,llV.

Which of the two do you want me to release for you?

107 The apparatus of Nestle-Aiancf 7 gives the following witnesses: the Old Syriac, @, the_ ferrara-group, 700* and some other uncials in Matt 27: 16; also some manuscripts of Ongen of Matt 27:17, who comments on this. 108 E.g. Allison and Davies, Commentary on Matthew, vol. 3, p. 584, note 20. 109 He does this also in other instances, e.g. Matt 9:9; 26:3.57.

...:'r ~· f

I'

I

I'


!69

In so doing, Matthew underscores the contrast between the two homonymous men (both called Jesus) and the choice between two similar entities. The people choose between Jesus A and Jesus B, who are very similar in name but extremely different in character. This description agrees with the halakhic ruling regarding the two goats on Yom Kippur. On the one hand the Mishnah demands similarity in look and value, on the other hand the ritual destinations of the two goats are totally different. While the one goat is slaughtered and its blood brought into the holy of holies, the other goat is sent from the sanctuary into the desert. Of the three further Matthean additions to his Markan Vorlage (the dream of Pilate's wife; Pilate washing his hands at the end of the act; and Pilate's innocence and the guilt of the the double confession' announcing 110 people), the latter two may be connected to Yom Kippur. Usually, Pilate's washing of hands and the confession are explained against the background of the ritual of the heifer in Deuteronomy 21: 1-9. On the detection of a murder by unknown persons, representatives of the suspected village have to wash their hands and announce a confession of innocence similar to that of Pilate: "Our hands did not shed this blood, nor were we wituesses to it. Absolve, 0 Lord, your people Israel, whom you redeemed; do not let the guilt of innocent blood remain in the midst of your people Israel."Ill Yet, like the heifer ritual of Deuteronomy 21:1-9, the scapegoat ritual, too, ends with a confession and a subsequent washing.m Among the biblical descriptions of temple rituals, Yom Kippur 13 stands out as the only ritual with a washing after the procedures I Regarding the distinct connections between the Barabbas story and the scapegoat ritual, and presuming that Yom Kippur was an important event and conception for every Jew, I suggest that these features of the Matthean Barabbas story were formed not only by Deuteronomy 21 but also had the ritual of the goats of Yom Kippur as a catalyst. In view of this evidence I also suggest that five halakhic prescriptions of Yom Kippur played a role in Matthew's formulation of the passage: a) The lottery of the two goats b) The similarity of these goats c) Their contrasting destinations d) The confession over the scapegoat e) The washing of the hands at the end ofthe ritual no The dream of Pilate's wife bas no meaning against the background of the ritual of Yom Kippur. Ill Deut 21:7-8. 112 Lev 16:21-24. m In reality, of course, priests would have washed themselves after the temple service.

Yom Kippur Jmal?!fP' in the Early Christian lmaginaire


171

Kippur in choosing between the two goats, Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus Barabbas. As scapegoat they choose the wrong goat, Jesus Barabbas, who is released in their midst (and consequently pollutes them), and hence as sacrificial goat, the wrong goat, Jesus of Nazareth, whose blood, spilled at the wrong place also pollutes them. Matthew mocks the temple ritual, and ) • 118 the people disregard the atonement m Jesus.

The reasons for connecting the first three prescriptions are much stronger than for the last two, which may be explained by referring to Deuteronomy 21 but closely match the typology of the Yom Kippur ritual. When set against the historical reading by Brown, it illustrates most of the Matthean Sondergut and redactional changes in the Barabbas story. 114 In addition, Koester suggests there is an allusion to the scapegoat rite in Matthew's version of the mocking of Jesus, which follows the Barabbas episode. Matthew 27:28 changes Mark's term for the red cloak the soldiers put around Jesus, from 1top~vpa (purple) to KOKKiVT] (scarlet). Koester proposes that Matthew wanted to allude to the scarlet wool tied around the scapegoat, which in Barnabas 7 is called tO £pwv tO JC(HctnvovY 5 In general, JCOJCKivTtf"Jttl carries a notion of atonement.u 6 Commentaries usually refer to the cheaper price of scarlet, which is made from worms and not snails and matches better the mocking by simple soldiers and not rich generals. However, a search for the expression xAaJ.!iJ.; JCOJCJCivll in TLG 8 yielded only Matthew 27:28 and its commentaries. It is therefore an exc_eptional c?mbination of words. Dale C. Allison suggests a third explanatiOn, refemng to Targum Onkelos Genesis 49:11, where the messianic garment is made from scarlet (~11:1T l1J.:!i).u 7 The three interpretations are not mutually exclusive. Yet Koester's thesis implies a transition from the typology of Jesus with the sacrificial goat in the Barabbas episode to a scapegoat typology in the mocking. What theological idea did Matthew want to convey with his allusions to the scapegoat rite in the mocking scene? I suggest that he embellished his Vorlage in order to include aspects of the people's guilt and how the believers achieve atonement. The labels Jesus of Nazareth and Jesus Barabbas symbolize two aspects of the historical Jesus. Jesus of Nazareth is the Messiah, as God wants him to be, while Jesus Barabbas is the Messiah as the people want him to be. The people usurp the role of God on Yom

Excursus: The Catalytic Function of the Pharmakos and the Scapegoat Many Greek cities had collective purification rites - which scholars term "pharmakos rites"- showing some parallels to the biblical scapegoat rite. 119 Usually, th~ rite _includes the expulsion (sometimes even the killing) of a marginal member of soctety, 1deal~y a 120 king or a virgin, in reality more likely a beggar or a stranger. In Athens ~t ~e festtval of Thargelion and in times of distress, two ugly men were fed for a certam. ttme_- one with black figs as purification for the women, the other with white figs as punfi~atton for the men- then killed or driven across the border. In Massilia in cases of epidemiC, a po_or man was fed and clothed expensively for one year and then led round the walls of the City and thrown from a precipice or chased away. Similar rituals existed in Abdera, Leukas and other cities of the Mediterranean and the Middle East. B. Hudson McLean suggests that this common Mediterranean rationale stands behind three Pauline passages, Romans 8:3, Galatians 3:13 and 2Corinthians 5:21.12l Since he does not claim specifically influence by Yom Kippur, I will not delve further into his thesis. . . Some Church Fathers indeed provide evidence for an awareness by Christians of the pharmakos rituals from at least the second century. 122 They compare Jesus' death not

11& For the sake of comprehensiveness, I would like to mention another thesis re~arding Matthew and Yom Kippur, put forward by J. Massingberd Ford. She sugges_t~ se~~g the whole Sermon on the Mount and particularly the Pater Noster as a composttiOn . on the occasion of Yom Kippur." However, her arguments are insubstantial: see J. Massmgberd Ford ..The Forgiveness Clause in the Matthean Form of the Our Father," Zeitschrift fir die ~eutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der tilteren Kirche 59 (1968) 127131. At the end of the short article she summarizes the arguments of, «Yom Kippur and the Matthean Form of the Pater Noster," Worship 41 (1967) 609-619 (non vidl). 119 See J. Bremmer, «Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece," Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 87 (1983) 299-320; and McLean, The Cursed Christ, PP· 65-104. 120 .. In historical reality the community sacrificed the least valuable members of the polis, who were represented, however, as very valuable persons. In the mythical tales ··· we always fmd beautiful or important persons, although even then these scapego~ts remain marginal figures: young men and women, and a king": Bremmer, "Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece," p. 307. Moreover, most heroes of the Greek myths offer the~ selves voluntarily. For a comparison with earlier studies of the scapeg~at see. h1s extensive bibliography in note 2, p. 299. It may be interesting that an oppOSite relatiOnship between myth and ritual practice exists between the Mishnah Yoma ("the ritual") and Lev 16 ("the myth"). 121 See McLean, The Cursed Christ, pp. 105-145. tn A fully elaborate version of this argument can be found in D. StOkl, "The Christian Exegesis of the Scapegoat between Jews and Pagans," in: A.l. Baumgarten (ed.),

114 For this reading, the question of historicity is almost irrelevant- with the exception of a possible historical tradition of the name Jesus Barabbas. While the conclusions suggest that the episode is not historical, the theory- that Matthew reformed his tradition on the basis of the lottery between the goats on Yom Kippur - is not dependent on any ahistoricity of the story. ll5 Koester, Ancient Christian Gospels, pp. 225-226. 116 SeeR. Gradwohl, Die Farben im A/ten Testament (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift filr die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 83; Berlin, 1963), pp. 73-78; 0. Michel, "Kokkinos," Theologisches WOrterbuch zum Neuen Testament 3 (1938) 812-815; and K.-M. Beyse~ 1 " Jtrl" Theo/ogisches WOrterbuch zum A/ten Testament 8 (1995) 340-342; and Gen 38:30; Lev 14; Num 19. Also xopql'iipa has cultic connotations including the high-priestly garments (Exod 25:4; 26:1.31, etc.; Sir 45: 10), but not atonement. 117 Allison and Davies, Commentary on Saint Matthew. vol. 3, p. 602.

J


172 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the ~st and Second Centuries only to the scapegoat and all other biblical sacrifices but also to legends about kings sacrificing their lives to avert epidemics or natural catastrophies, i.e. to avert evi1. These mythical tales are closely connected to the pharmakos rituals. 123 Clement of Rome Writes: Let us also bring forward examples from the heathen. Many kings and rulers when a time of pestilence bas set in, have followed the counsel of oracles, given themselves up to death, that they might rescue their subjects through their own blood. Many have gone away from their own cities, that sedition might have an end .... 124

and

Origen answers Celsus: They (the disciples) dared not only to show to the Jews from the sayings of the prophets that he was the one to whom the prophets referred, but also showed to the other nations that he who was crucified quite recently accepted this death willingly for the human race, like those who have died for their country to check epidemics of plague, or famines, or stormy seas. For it is probable that in the nature of things there are certain mysterious causes which are hard for the multitude to understand which are responsible for the fact that one righteous man dying voluntarily forth~ community may avert the activities of evil da_emons by expiation, since it is they who bring about plagues, or famines, or stormy seas, or anything similar. Let people therefore who do not want to believe that Jesus died on a cross for men, tell us whether they would not acc;pt the many Greek and barbarian stories about some who have died for the community to destroy evils that had taken hold of cities and nations. Or do they think that, while these stories are historically true, yet there is nothing plausible about this man (as people suppose him to be) to suggest that he died to destroy a great daemon, in fact the ruler of daemons, who held in subjeetion all the souls of men that have come to earth? 125 Alexander of Lycopolis confirms this line of thought from a pagan perspective in Egypt around 300 CE: For to maintain, according to the Church doctrine, that he (Jesus] gave himself up for the remission of sins gains some belief in the eyes of many people in view of the stories told among the Greeks about some persons who gave themselves up for the safety of their cities. I26 I have argued elsewhere that the rise of the scapegoat-typology was probably fostered by the fact that its rationale was easily understandable to non-Jewish converts because of its

173

comparability to their own cultural institution of pharmakos rites and the etiological tales connected to these rites. 121

1.3 The Redemptive Curse: An Allusion to the Scapegoat in Galatians 3?

In the eyes of ancient Jews, every person crucified was cursed: Deuteron128 omy 21:23 states "anyone hung on a tree is under God's curse." Acc_o~d ingly, the earliest followers of Jesus had to fmd an answer_to the_cogrutive dissonance of a cursed Messiah: How ~an a cu~sed Mess1~ bn~g salvation? Paul addresses this question only m Galatians 3, espec1ally m verses

13-14:129 : For all who rely on the works of the law are under a curse (Ka·tCtpav); for it is 10 written "Cursed (ExtKa-rCqxrro~) is everyone who does not observe and obey all the thi~gs written in the book of the law." [Deut 27:26 LXX]'30 11 N~w ~tis evident that no one is justified before God by the law; for "The one who IS nghteous will live by faith." [Hab 2:4] 12 But the law does not rest on faith; on the contrat:, "Whoever does the works of the law will live by them." [Lev 18:_5] 13 Christ bought us free from the curse {Ka-ritpa~) of the law by becoming a curse {Ka"titpa) for (imi:p) us- for it is written, 'Cursed (Emu-rUpaw.:;) is everyone who hangs on a tree' [cf. Deut 21 :23] - 14 in order that in Christ Jesus the bles~ing of Abrah~ might come to the Gentiles, so that we might receive the promtse of the Spmt through faith. 131 3

Paul does not explicitly answer the "how" question of the salvific curse of Christ. Some (mostly earlier) commentators express the opinion ~~t beThe bind Galatians 3:13 stands the concept of Jesus as a scapegoat. point of departure is the paradoxical description of Christ having become m See StOkl, "The Christian Exegesis of the Scapegoat between Jews and Pagans." J2S LXX: KEK«-rTJpa~i:vo.:; im:O awu ?tii~ KpE~O.~svo<; i:"lti ~iilotJ. 129 A number of exegetes see a parallel in the concept expressed in 2Cor 5:21. For a survey of interpreters who saw here an allusion to the scapegoat, see Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testame~t," ~P- 344:-349; and L. Sabourin, "Christ made 'sin' (2 Cor 5:21). Sacrifice and redemptlon m the history of a formula," in: idem and S. Lyonnet, Sin, Redemption and Sacrifice. A Biblical and Patristic Study (Analecta Biblica 48; Rome, 1970; pp. 187-296), especially pp. 269-289. Among new exegetes are McLean, The Cursed Christ, 108-l 13; and J.D.G. Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle (Grand Rapids [Mich.] and Cambridge [UK], 19?8), P: 21 I do not see any philological basis for endorsing this claim and refer to the dtscusston m Young. Even if (t~ap-ria is understood against a cultic background, i.e. mnm, the connection is to Lev 4 rather than to Lev 16. 130 Note, that Paul changes the verb slightly and that he omits the explicit reference intO 9£011, since this would not match his understanding of Christ fulfilling God's will. 13 1 NRSV, slightly altered. . 132 See the list in McLean, The Cursed Christ, pp. 18-19, and add, most unportantly for their extensive interpretation, Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," pp. 344-349; and Schwartz, "Two Pauline Allusions to the Redemptive Mechanism of the Crucifixion." H.D. Betz, Galatians. A

?·

Sacrifice in Religious Experience (Studies in the History of Religions [Numen Book Series} 93; Leiden, Boston and Cologne, 2002; pp. 207-232). 123 See Bremmer, "Scapegoat Rituals in Ancient Greece," pp. 300-307. 124 ]Clement 55:1 - Kirsopp Lake's translatiOn in LCL. It was H.S. Versnel's fascinating article "Quid Athenis et Hierosolymis," in: J.W. van Henten (ed.), Die Entstehung der jiidischen Martyriologie (Leiden, 1989; pp. 162-196), that drew my attention to these passages. 125 Origen, Against Celsus 1:31. 126 Alexander of Lycopolis, Contra Manichaei Opiniones Disputatio 24, quoted according to Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 2, pp. 486-487.


of departure is the paradoxical description of Christ having become K«
Only here (Galatians 4:4 and 4:6) does Paul use £~anoa<£l.l.ro. It proclaims two different paths to salvation for Gentiles and for 1ews by the sending Christ. God saved the Gentiles by sending Christ to declare that the former slaves (Gentiles) have become sons and co-heirs. Paul does not expound (to the Galatian Gentile audience?) on how the Jews were saved by the sending of Christ. Schwartz 'points to Paul's peculiar use of £~anoa<£Al.ro for expressing sending, whereas in all other instances Paul employs

Commentary on Paul's Letter to the Churches in Galatia (Hermeneia; Philadelphia, 1979), p. 151, suggests an intermediate solution: "Most likely, the statement is based upon a pre-Pauline interpretation of Jesus' death as a self-sacrifice and atonement (see also Gal 1:4; 2:20) .... Jesus death interpreted by means of the Jewish concept of the meritorious death of the righteous and its atoning benefits." 133 Among the more recent commentaries, I checked J.L. Martyn, Galatians. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 33A; New York, 1997); J.D.G. Dunn, The Epistle to the Galatians (Black's New Testament Commentary Peabody [Mass.], 1993); R.N. Longenecker, Galatians (Word Biblical Commentary 41; Dallas [Tex.], 1990). Only R.Y.K. Fung, The Epistle to the Galatians (The New International Commentary on the New Testament; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1988), refers to Schwartzin a note, without further discussion. Also McLean, The Cursed Christ, does not refer to Schwartz, though he would have supported his thesis. The only sympathetic reference I found was R.G. Hamerton-Kelly, «sacred Violence and the Curse of the Law (Galatians 3.13). The Death of Christ as a Sacrificial Traversy," New Testament Studies 36 (1990) 98-118, here pp. 114-115. 134 Thematically and stylistically 3:13-14 is connected to 4:4-5: Jesus buys the Jews free; the verb f:1;ayop!l~ro appears only here in Paul; the sentence has a parallel structure (double iva). See Schwartz, "Two Pauline Allusions to the Redemptive Mechanism of the Crucifixion"; and e.g. Dunn, The Epistle to the Galatians, p. 216. 135 The NRSV translates ui.6~ as child and the plural as children.

-


175

, n1trol36 or chtootSAAro. 137 Schwartz suggests that Paul is alluding to the . m . Septuagint, where f:l;anoo.'tf:AAro appears ~equently, although only .~ce a similar context to Galatmns 4 (the sendmg of X redeems Y): Lev111cus 14 (the sending of the bird in the purifi~ation of the leper) and Leviticus 16 (the sending of the scapegoat), two ntuals that are mllmately connected. This context may have triggered Paul's choice of f:l;anootSAA.oo. "Paul does not need to explain how sending forth Christ saved the Jews, for already the word f:l;anSotetAcv, at least in his own mind if not in that of his readers, carried the meaning: Christ's action was that of a scapegoat." 138 A perceptive reader of the Septuagint and of Paul may notice this connotation of f:~anoo"tSAAm in the context of salvation .. · McLean tentatively suggests another philological connection to Yom Kippur. Paul's use of SntKaTO:.pa-co<; instead of KEKatrtPa!1Svrn; in the quotation of Deuteronomy 21 :23 might refer to the scapegoat, since Barnabas uses this word in his description of the scapegoat and this verse probably belonged to his halakhic source 139 Although, as McLean himself states, Paul's choice of f:mxa1:6:pato~ may be strongly influenced by Deuteronomy 27:26, the independent references to this tradition in Barnabas and in the Gospel ofPeter speak for Paul using an existing tradition. 140 I would like to add a third suggestion: that the use of <~nyopaa
[Aaprov]

Gal 3:13

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el;a.yopciJo£I €1;T]y6pacr&v

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In the first covenant, Aaron confesses, on the (cursed) scapegoat, the iniquities of the children of Israel. In the second covenant, Christ redeems the (Jewish) sinners; he renders them free from the curse of the law and turns himself into their scapegoat. While I hesitate to interpret the release of the believers as a high-priestly act, the language suggests that Paul used this inverting pun. 136 Paul uses ni:j.lrtro eleven times in the authentic letters: Rom8:3; 1Cor4:17; 16:3; 2Cor 9:3; Phil2:19.23.25.28; 4:16; 1Thess 3:2.5; three times in the epistles of doubtful authenticity: Eph 6:22; Col4:8; 2Thess 2:11; and the composita in the following verses: xpott£:J.1nro: Rom 15:24; 1Cor 16:6.11; 2Cor 1:16 (fom times); c:ru)ln£:p.rcro 2Cor 8:18.22 (twice); Q:vani}.mro in Phlm 12 (once). m Rom 10:15; 1Cor 1:17; 2Cor 12:17. Bs Schwartz, "Two Pauline Allusions to the Redemptive Mechanism of the Crucifixion," p. 261. 139 See pp. 159-160, above. 140 McLean, The Cursed Christ, p. 136.


Schwartz himself remarks that his thesis works only with respect to those readers who are well acquainted with the Greek Bible. Galatians is addressed to a completely Gentile community, however, Paul clearly presumes in other parts of the Epistle that his addressees are able to understand a quite complex exegetical argumentation. 141 McLean's argument for a cross-cultural apotropaic rite as background to this passage supports Schwartz, in that most Mediterranean people, pagans and Jews, knew some form of the widespread concept that the sending of X (a "scapegoat" or pharmakos) provides a release from impurity, sin and/or divine punishment.142 In any case, the alternative explanations to Galatians 3:10.13 do not explain the strange idea of a curse having a redemptive function. References to the vicarious deaths of martyrs explain neither Paul's use of a curse at this point nor the question of how a curse could possibly have a salvific function. If Paul had wanted to refer to the concept of vicarious atonement in Jewish martyrdom ideology, he would probably have preferred other concepts than a curse. The suggestion of Schwartz and his predecessors, slight as the basis for their argument is, looks the most plausible.

1.4 The Scapegoat as Catalyst? ,John 1:29 and I Peter 2:24 In two other New Testament passages, the Lamb of God in John 1:29 and the Servant Song in !Peter 2:24, the idea of Jesus expiating sin by its removal has been explained by some against the background of the scapegoat rite. 143 1.4.1 John 1:29 Three backgrounds have been suggested for the origin of the concept of the "Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world" 144 - the suffering servant, Passover and the scapegoat. 145 Each has its merits and demerits. The 141 U. Schnelle, Einleitung in das Neue Testament (UTB fiir Wissenschaft: UniTaschenbiicher I830; GOttingen, 2 1996), p. 123 (mainly Gentile Christians; probably Hellenistic citizens). 142 A more definitive answer can be given after an extensive discussion about the importance of sacrificial connotations. There is hardly an issue, more hotly discussed in Pauline studies. See examples of the opposing views - in favor of the sacrificial atonement concept is Dunn, The Theology of Paul the Apostle, pp. 212-223; against it are C. Breytenbach, Versohnung. Eine Studie zur paulinischen Soteriologie (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 60; Neukirchen, 1989), passim; and McLean, The Cursed Christ, pp. 22-64. 143 For another possible allusion in IJohn 4:10, seep. 206, below. 144 10E 0 O:f.lVOi; 'tOii aso-u 0 aiprov •flv O:flap•iav 'tOii 1COO:fl0U (John I :29, NRSV). 145 Dodd has suggested a fourth background: an apocalyptic ruler as in Revelation: C.H. Dodd, The Interpretation of the Fourth Gospel (Cambridge [UKJ, 1953), pp. 230238. This suggestion has been refuted by C.K. Barrett, "The Lamb of God," New


177

suffering servant of Isaiah 53 is compared to a lamb (53:7), which vicariously bears (53:5.8.10--12) the sins (53:4) and finally dies (53:12). C.F. Burney has suggested that an Aramaic version of Isaiah 53 using N'7~, which means servant as well as lamb might be responsible for the term "Lamb of God." 146 According to the second theory, the Passover Lamb plays a central role in John's description of the death of the Messiah in 19:36. However, the question of an expiatory function of the paschal lamb is highly controversial147 The third suggested background is the scapegoat.148 The scapegoat is said to bear the sins. Yet the scapegoat is not a lamb, and furthermore, any specific reference to sending out or cursing is missing in John 1. 149 Testament Studies 1 (1954-55) 210--218; and see idem, Das Evangelium nach Johannes (Kritisch-exegetiscber Kommentar tiber das Neue Testament; GOttingen, I990), p. 200. See J. Frey, "Die 'theologia cruciflxi' des Johannesevangeliums," in: A. Dettwiler and J. Zumstein (eds.), Kreuzestheologie im Neuen Testament (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 151; Tfibingen 2002; pp. 169-238), especially pp. 208209, for the reasons against a fifth background, the Tamid, a theory recently revived by P. Stuhlmacher, "Das Lamm Gottes- eine Skizze," in: H. Cancik:, H. Lichtenberger and P. Schafer (eds.), GeschiChte- Tradition- Rejlexion (FS M Hengel) (Ttibingen, 1996; vol. 3, pp. 529-542). 146 C.F. Burney, The Aramaic Origin of the Fourth Gospel (Oxford, 1922), pp. l04108); cf J. Jeremias, "Amnos, aren, amion," Theologisches WOrterbuch zum Neuen Testament I {1933) 342-345. 147 The blood of the paschal lamb has an apotropaic function in Jubilees 49:3 and Heb 11:28. Some refer to 2Chr 30:15-20, Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 2:312 and the late Midrash Exodus Rabbah 15:12 (ed. Mirkin 174) as conceiving of the paschal lamb as atoning but only the last passage from Exodus Rabbah clearly makes this association. For arguments against the existence of this conception in the first century, see Stuhlmacher, "Das Lamm Gottes- eine Skizze," pp. 529-531. Frey, "Die 'theologia cruciflXi' des Johannesevangeliums," p. 2IO, points out that John might be the earliest instance of an atoning understanding of the Passover sacrifice. 148 On this argumentation, see Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," pp. 352-256 and the commentaries quoted there. Barrett, Das Evangelium nach Johannes, is more hesitant. Among newer commentaries K. Wengst, Das Johannesevangelium (Theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 4/I; Stuttgart; Berlin; K6ln, 2000), pp. 83-84, assumes that the scapegoat, the Passover lamb, and Isa 53 stand in the background. 149 R. Schnackenbmg, The Gospel According to St. John (4 vols; Herder's Theological Commentary on the New Testament I; Kent, 1968), vol. 1, p. 300 (explicitly); and R.E. Brown, The Gospel According to John (i-xii). Introduction, Translation, and Notes (Anchor Bible Garden City, N.Y., 1966), pp. 58-63 (implicitly) do not regard the scapegoat as being among the motifs in the background. However, the philological arguments, that the verbs used in Lev 16:22 (laJ~.IJUvro) and Isa 53:4.12 (.pi:pro, O:vaq~i:pro) do not match aipro in John I :29 and that the Passover lamb was called not 0:J~.v0c; but :n:pOIla•ov, are not very strong, considering the Aramaic background of the author of the

178 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries In sum, Isaiah 53 explains best the Johannine tradition. The paschal lamb and especially the popular scapegoat rite may have served as catalysts. Unless we find an early Jewish source connecting Isaiah 53 to the imaginaire of Yom Kippur, the assumption of such a catalytic function remains completely hypothetical. That later Johannine tradition conceives of Jesus' death as atoning, probably with Yom Kippur looming in the background, becomes clearer in !John 2:2 and 4: I 0, as is discussed below. 150

1.4.2 !Peter 2:22-24 Admonishing his community in their own time of affliction to take Jesus' suffering as an example, the author of !Peter reworks the fourth song of the Servant of God in Isaiah 53: He committed no sin and no deceit was found in his mouth. [Isaiah 53 :9b]

1:11

23 When he was insulted (i..otOopoiJt.Leve><;), he did not return insult (O.vrei..otOOpu); when he suffered (mlaxrov), he did not tlrreaten (ipteiMt); he entrusted himself to the one who judges justly. 24 He himself carried (O.vflveyteev) our sins in his body upon the wood [cross] (£ttl. tO !;UAov) [Isaiah 53:4.11.12], '!. so that free from sins, we might live for righteousness; by his wounds you have been healed [Isaiah 53:5].

Some exegetes have connected the Christological song in !Peter 2:22-24 to the imagery of the scapegoat, referring to the mention of insult, vicarious suffering, and the strange notion of Jesus carrying sins "upon the wood." 151 Furthermore, some see a connection to Deuteronomy 21:23 in the use of"wood" to refer to the cross (as in Galatians 3:13) 152

r I I l


179

However, there is no indication here of a direct influence of the scapegoat imagery. 153 The correspondence to the scapegoat imagery stems from the passage being a reworking of!saiah 53, which in turn may be based on the scapegoat ritual. 154 This pertains to the motif of the silence, the vicarious suffering and the bearing of sins upon the wood. In the peculiar formulation that Jesus carried the sins in his body upon the wood ( tcic; iij.lO.ptl.ac; Tu.t&v aircO<; ftvitv&yJCEV Sv t41 Offij.latt aircoil sm tO l;Ulov), !Peter employs a word with a cultic notion, O.va
Gospel. See Schnackenburg, The Gospel According to St. John, val 1, pp. 105-111, on the various theories on the exact character of this Aramaic background. !so See pp. 205-207, below. m See the list of exegetes who see here an allusion to the scapegoat, in Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," pp. 349-352; also K.H. Schelkle, Die Petrusbriefe, der Judasbrief(Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 13/2; Freiburg, Basel, Vienna, 1961); and, more hesitantly, N. Brox, Der erste Petrusbrief (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar 21; ZUrich, Einsiedeln, KOln, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 2 1986), p. 138 "Vielleicht ist auch das Bild vom ehrlosen, verfluchten, aber schuldlosen SUndenbock (Lev 16,2(}...22) im Spiel, jedenfalls aber der Gedanke der Siihne." 1 2 s E.g. C. Bigg, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude (International Critical Commentary; New York, 1901), p. 147.

Testament 12/1; GOttingen, 1978), p. 210, note 71. 154 On the scapegoat ritual behind Isa 53, see above, pp. 116-117. The connection of I Pet 2:22-24 to Isa 53 is clear: lPet 2:22- Isa 53:9 Ott O.vo}liav oUte £1toilJaev oUM t'UpS&rJ OOi..oo; f:.v tiP cst6}1att airtoU. 1Pet 2:24 - Is a 53:4: oUtoo; tO.o; O.~ap·riao; ft~&v ~Pipet. lsa 53:11: tdo; 0.}1Up

2. Christ as High Priest: Hebrews A quick glance at the Epistle to the Hebrews makes it obvious that this is a Yom Kippur typology. The high priest entering the holy of holies with blood once a year undoubtedly refers to Yom Kippur. I suggest that some additional motifs may be connected to Yom Kippur, in particular the high priest's victory over the powers of evil, and his confession, intercession and exit from the holy of holies. Moreover, I argue for an apocalyptic backgrouud to some Yom Kippur motifs. In the final subsection, I propose a new explanation for the development of the earliest stage of the highpnestly Christo logy- namely, that it derives from apocalyptic conceptions of Yom Kippur in connection with Zechariah 3. Rather than writing its myth in a narrative sequence, Hebrews evokes s~veral scenes in a typological exegesis. The character of Hebrews' myth dtffers from the texts hitherto discussed, as a comparison with Barnabas reveals. Barnabas fleshes out earthly events with typologized ritual; Hebrews ventures into cosmological dimensions. While Barnabas and Matthew use the scapegoat ritual to elaborate details of the earthly aspects of Christ's Passion and again hls Parousia on earth, Hebrews employs the entrance of the high priest into the holy of holies to develop the twin concepts of Jesus' destruction of the devil and his ascent to the presence of God in the heavenly sanctuary. For this, Hebrews uses several acts of the high priest's ritual from the biblical Yom Kippur: the entrance, the blood sacrifice and sprinkling, and perhaps the confession. Other aspects refer rather to the temple ritual, such as the high priest's intercession and perhaps the role of the people as spectators of the high priest's rite. The basic setting, however, is apocalyptic: the heavenly temple, the eschatological concept of time and the motif of the high-priestly redeemer who destroys the Lord of the evil powers, liberates his good prisoners and ascends to God. The first part of these inquiries outlines the chronological and geographical frame. The second part investigates the high priest and his vari158 ous works. The third part explores the role of the people as spectators of the high priest's performance and finally as his eschatological imitators.

158

Destruction of the evil powers, confession, entrance, blood sacrifice and sprinkling, and intercession.

Yom Kippur Imagery in the Early Christian !maginaire

181

2.1 The Setting

2.J.l Sacred Time: The Present Eschaton as Yom Kippur Hebrews clearly distinguishes between its own, eschatological time, 159 which is close to the end of world,' 60 and the period preceding it. The eschaton begins with the high priest's self-sacrifice on Golgotha, (£~)0.na~ 161 connects Christ's sacrifice once in history to the Yom Kippur ritual performed once a year 162 and characterizes Christ's sacrifice as an act a~com plished in the past 163 rather than as a ritual continued in the present m the heavenly sanctuary. It is not the sacrifice that continues but Christ's heavenly intercession for his followers in the presence of God (7:25). The writer admonishes the community, asking them to wait for the Second Parousia (9:28), whose delay causes some discontent among the addressees. Some exegetes suggest that the_ author is referring to the Parousia in tenns ofthe high priest's exit from the holy ofholies. 164 This interpretation is appealing, especially in the framework of a Yom Kippur typology. In this eschatological conception of time, the author does not refer explicitly to a special (future) Day of Atonement, rather the final time period of the universe has arrived. 165 Considering that the comniunity is presently suffering and expecting the high priest to reappear, the whole eschaton has become a period of atonement, analogous to the period of affliction at Qumran.I66

E.g., vuvi. in 8:6 and vuvi 5€ ii1tal; S1ti c:ruv-cel..siq. -cdlv ai6)V(:ov in 9:26. Heb 10:25. 16 1 Heb 7:27; 9:(7).12.26.28; 10:10. 162 Heb 9:7; Lev 16:34. 163 AU instances are in the perfect or aorist tense. 164 Cf. the Greek: 0 XplO'tbt; iiltal; rcpoaevereri<; eit; -cO rcolJ..dlv civevsyx:eiv O.J.lap-cia<; EK 5Eu't€pou xmpV; ci~ap·ti.at; Otp6l]ae1:a1 -roi<; ain:Ov circex:StxOJ.lSVot<; ei<; aon11piav. W.L. Lane, Hebrews 9-13 (Word Biblical Commentary 47B; Dall~ [Tex.], 1991}, p. 250 (following various predecessors), refers to Lev 16:17 and Sir 50:5-10.24-28; contrary to H.W. Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews (Heirneneia; Philadephia, 1989), p. 266, note 72. In niy opinion, Lane's case is much stronger, since Yom Kippur is the main topic of the -- 'Context. ~:-I6S Heb 9:9-10 seems to distinguish between the present and the eschatological future~ _ but the rest of the Epistle makes clear that the author considers himself and his addres·sees to be in the eschaton: see Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 241. -"'~ For the sufferings, see e.g. 10:32-39; 12:1-12; 13:13. For the expectation of Christ's return, see 9:28, and cf. p. 99, above. IS9

160


2.2.2 Sacred Space: The Heavenly Sanctuary Hebrews uses geographical aspects of Yom Kippur in its typology: a sanctuary with a holy of holies, and the camp and area outside it. 167 Scholars are divided about the background of this conception of a heavenly sanctuary, especially about the comparison of the earthly tabernacle to its heavenly counterpart. While a number of scholars opt for a Platonic background, 168 the conception seems to be closer to apocalyptic thought. 169 Only this wonld explain the heavenly sanctuary being the place of God's fiery presence, where he is surrounded by angels, the righteous and Jesus. 170 It is the place of a superior liturgy. 171 Corresponding roughly 172 to the earthly sanctuary, the heavenly sanctuary has two parts 173 separated by


L i '

183

a veil. 174 These features appear in such apocalyptic texts as I Enoch and Testament of Levi. 115 A Platonic conception would demand an exact correspondence between the earthly type and its heavenly idea. Hebrews' terminology certainly has a (middle-)Platonic ring. 176 On the other hand, the use of other terms is not consistent with conventional (middle-)Platonism. 177 Hebrews may even use a word with the opposite meaning, such as imoOcl:y~a for the earthly copy instead of the heavenly idea, 178 causing Gregory Sterling to comment: "Its use would force a phi-

Lev 16:16.20 even uses the same peculiar words, tit ciyta, for the holy of holies. This explanation is much-nlore cogent than is interpreting Otd in 9:11 instrumentally and 8:2 as a hendiadys. 174 On the veil, see the classic by Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes; Rissi, Die Theologie des Hebrderbriefs, pp. 41-43; Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, pp. 174178; and the commentaries to Heb 6:19-20; 10:19-20. m See above, pp. 82-84. However, it is unclear how many heavens exist in the cosmology of the author of Hebrews, and whether or not the sanctuary is located in a specific place, i.e. the highest heaven. This was suggested by Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes, pp. 70-71, basing his proposition on the sudden use of the singular of oitpav
167 See Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, pp. 222-224; C.K. Barrett, ..The Escha~ tology of the Epistle to the Hebrews," in: D. Daube and W.O. Davies (eds.), The Background of the New Testament and Its Eschatology. Festschrift for C.H. Dodd(Cambridge [UK], 1956; pp. 363-393), pp. 383-390. C.R. Koester, The Dwelling of God The Taber-

nacle in the Old Testament, Intertestamental Jewish Literature and the New Testament (Catholic Biblical Quarterly, Monograph Series 22; Washington, D.C., 1989); 0. Hofius,

Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes."'-Eine exegetisch-religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu Hebrder 6,I9f und 10,19/ (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 14; Tfibingen, 1972), pp. 50-72. Unfortunately, A. Cody, Heavenly Sanctuary and Liturgy in the Epistle to the Hebrews (St. Meinrad, 1960) was not available to me. 168 Most notably C. Spicq, L 'ipitre aux Hibreux (2 vols; Etudes Bibliques; Paris, 1952/53); and Koester, The Dwelling of God, passim. C. Koester has adjusted his views his recent commentary, Hebrews. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 36; New York, 2001), pp. 97-100. 169 The main promoters of apocalypticism as background are Barrett, "The Eschatology of the Epistle to the Hebrews"; 0. Michel, Der Brief an die Hebrtier (Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar fiber das Neue Testament 13; Gottingen, 1960); and especially L.D. Hurst, The Epistle to the Hebrews. Its Background of Thought (Society for New Testament Studies, Monograph Series 65; Cambridge [UK], 1990), who overstates the evidence in denying any Platonic influence. 170 Heb 10:12; 12:22-24.29. 171 Heb 8:2.6 and Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 262. 171 See Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, p. 16, for the suggestion that the superior heavenly sanctuary cannot be an exact model of the earthly one. 113 See W.R.G. Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten Wld Neuen Testament 53; Neukirchen-VIuyn, 1981), p. 183; and M Rissi, Die Theologie des Hebrderbrieft (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 41; Tilbingen, 1987), pp. 37-41. Heb 9:11-12 describes Jesus passing through the tent (Oui tfis ~e~ovos Kai uletottpas OKTtvfls) and entering the holy of holies (eis td ciyta). The same imagery probably stands behind the two expressions in Heb 8:2 (t&v dyirov i-.£ttoupr0s Kai tf\S CJKTtvflS tf\s 0.ATt6tvfls). Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes, pp. 59-60, has demonstrated that the mention of the holy of holies before the sanctuary reflects the same order as in the purification of the tabernacle on Yom Kippur.

·.ik


losopher to grimace." 179 If Hebrews' use of intoSe:inm was influenced by the Septuagint (Ezekiel 42: 15), then this is simply another argument for the influence of apocalyptic conceptions of a heavenly temple, Ezekiel's vision. Moreover, the statement that the heavenly sanctuary was pitched by God and had to be cleansed speaks against the Platonic conception of eternal ideals. 180 In sum, Hebrews' concept of a heavenly sanctuary can be characterized as apocalyptic thought disguised as the language of popular Platonism. 2.2 The High Priest and His Actions

The central argument of Hebrews 7 is the superiority of Christ's high priesthood "according to the order of Melchizedek" over the Levitical high priests. Christ is the one and eternal high priest, 181 as opposed to the great number of mortal Levitical priests and high priests, who change frequently. Christ the high priest is holy, blameless, undefiled (7:26). Other chapters add further attributes: Christ is merciful and trustful (2:17), sinless (4:15), and perfect (5:8). While he has been tempted like other humans and been subjected to painful afflictions, he resisted and has no part in sin (5:8).

pre-published version available]. But also in Ezekiel intog&iri-La signifies the envisaged eschatological sanctuary not an existing building. 179 Sterling, "Ontology versus Eschatology." Jsn See Heb 8:2 for the pitching and 9:23 for the cleansing. It is unclear when exactly it was erected. It had existed at least since Moses (8:5). The cleansing is a strange idea, but only if one considers the heavenly holy of holies perfect and unchangeable. The only reason for defilement of the heavenly sanctuary can be human sins. If sins can defile the earthly holy of holies, which is never entered other than to be purified, the concept that sins can equally defile a heavenly holy of holies is only a small step further. Accordingly, Christ's sacrifice purifies not our earthly bodies but our conscience, which equally cannot be reached by blood, and the true sanctuary (1 :3; 9:14). 181 Christ's high priesthood is &if: -cOv airova (5:6), but not tiaO -rOOv aicOvrov, i.e. his high priesthood is not preexistent, since he was appointed (3 :2; 5 :5) - a crux in the Arian controversy. When did it begin? With his incarnation (see the list of scholars given by Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, p. 246, note 24, including himself, p.247), or with his death (see the list of scholars given by Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, p. 245, note 18)? Loader and Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 146, argue against the widely held opinion that the exaltation was the beginning. We cannot reach a definite answer. Possibly, Hebrews combined contradicting traditions. Moreover, if Christ is high priest after the order of Melchizedek, this presupposes, there once was a (high) priest Melchizedek, ie~ do; -cO ~tl]VG!d:.; I ⁣ -cOv aiOOva (Heb 7:3.17; Ps 110:4). Was a Michael-like Melchizedek serving in the heavenly sanctuary? If not he, who else, if anyone at all? Before Enoch entered the holiest area of the heavenly sanctuary, there does not seem to have been an earlier high priest.


185

Hebrews describes this high priest as performing five acts that can be .ated with Yom Kippur: (I) victory over the forces of evil, 182 (2) the "" · 183 f h" assoCl . . ..,.,. confession, (3) the one-11me atonmg and pun~ 1 mg o.uenng o ts. o~ blood and its sprinkling, 184 ( 4) the entry into the heavenly holy of hohes 186 and (5) the permanent in~erces~ion for his followers. Acts 3 and 4 appear in all commentaries as high-pnestly works, acts 2 and 5 m some, and act I is mY addition. 1. Earlier, we investigated the apocalyptic myt~ of an ~schatological Yom Ki pur in 1Enoch and II QMelchizedek. 187 A Similar p1cture of a redeemer defeats the lord of the evil forces and liberates his prisoners is found in Hebrews: 188

w:o

14 Since, therefore, the children share flesh and blood, he himself likewise shared the same things, so that through death he might destroy (u-rapyf)cru) the one who has the power of death, that is, the devil (-cOv StO:~oA.ov), IS and free (cinaU.0:1;1J) 189 those who all their lives were held in slavery by the fear of death.

Of course, the general concept of an eschatological conquest of evil is widespread in Jewish apocalyptic circles, 190 and similar ideas appear else-

Heb 2:14-15; and probably 9:26. Heb 7:27; 9:14; 9:25; 10:11-18, cf. also e.g. 10:10. 184 Heb 10:22; cf. 9:13.19.21; 12:24. 185 Heb 6:19; 9:24; 10:19. 186 Heb 7:25; and more subtle 2:18; 4:14; 9:24. 1111 See above, pp. 85-92. . 1ss Otto Michel assumes that Hebrews adopted a tradition in 2:14-15 (85) wtthout greatly reformulating it. He gives two reasons for this assump~:on. Ther~ are ~ nwnber_ of words Hebrews does not use elsewhere, and the exact "how of the hberatron remams opaque. (Michel mentions xmapyioo and StltfioM.; and one. could add O:nanO:aaro. Oo~A&ia and Kpir.-co.;. But of course this is not a certain indication, smce Hebrews could be usmg a special vocabulary to express a special idea.) 189 Heb2:14-15;NRSV. 191l Lohse, Miirtyrer und Gottesknecht, pp. 163-167; Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, pp. 112-115, especially p. 113; and Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 92. Testament of Simon 6:6; Testament of Levi 18; Testament of Dan 5:Io-I1; Testament of Zebulon 9:8; I Enoch 10:13; 11QMelchizedek; War Scroll i: 11-17. I do not see any reason to suppose a Gnostic background for these verses, as has been suggested by E. Klisemann, Das wandernde Gottesvolk. Eine Untersuchung zum Hebriierbrief (Forschungen 3 zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 55; Gottingen, 1959), pp. 99-100, and as Erich Grasser has recently stressed anew: see E. Grasser, An die f!ebriier. Vol. I: Hebr J-6 (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar 17/1; NeukirchenVluyn and Zilrich, 1990). Any proximity to Gnostic texts rather points to the Jewish apocalyptic background, which influenced Hebrews as well as Gnosticism. t8'2

183



where in the New Testament. 191 The closest parallels to Hebrews, however, which talk of destruction of the dark forces and liberation of their prisoners, are 1Enoch 10 and 11 QMelchizedek. In Hebrews as well as in the latter two texts the redeemer is a high priest and the act of redemption is connected to an eschatological Yom Kippur. 192 The central difference between 1Enoch 10 and II QMe/chizedek on the one hand and Hebrews on the other is that in the former two it is not the death of the redeemer figure that destroys the lord of evil and liberates his prisoners, but his military power. The idea of the high priest sacrificing himself is a development of Hebrews, which clothed the traditional imagery of an eschatological Yom Kippur in the Christian proprium of a messianic self-sacrifice. The situation of the addressees of Hebrews makes it clear that the battle has only just begun and victory over the forces of evil is not yet complete.193 The community faces the danger of apostates, who have no opportunity for a second repentance, have lost any chance of salvation, and are counted among the adversaries (oi ilm:vaniot) of Christ. 194 The heavenly Christ is still awaiting the time in which "his enemies" (oi Sxapoi avwv) will be made a footstool for his feet. 195 This ambivalent already-begun-but-not-yet-resumed redemption resembles the eschaton in the past of I Enoch !0.

187

According to this view, Christ actually performed a high-priestly action on earth before his crucifixion. This interpretation is explicitly denied in Hebrews 8:4a, which states: "Now if he were on earth, he would not be a priest at all." Nevertheless, the high-priestly figure well matches the context of Hebrews 4:15-5:10, where the author juxtaposes the Levitical high priest with Christ. We should not measure the consistency of the Epistle to the Hebrews by the standards of a systematic theologian. The verb npoacp£pro, which often appears in a cultic context, invites a cultic inter;.. pretation. By depicting Christ as sinless, Hebrews amplifies the polemical overtones in the juxtaposition of Christ with Aaron. 198 The imagery of the high-priestly action may hover in the background, yet Jesus (before his death) was most probably not conceived a high priest. 3 and 4. Christ's blood sacrifice (re)inaugurates the sanctuary and purifies and atones the believers. However, purification and atonement seem to be "only" the means for achieving the ''real" purpose, entry into the holy of holies. The special blood rite in the holy of holies, central to Second Temple Judaism, bas been completely transformed and conflated with other rites involving the sprinkling of blood. Christ's high-priestly, purifying self-sacrifice is merely preparation for the opening of the previously concealed entrance to God's presence in the real holy of holies. 199 This will purify the believers, enabling them to follow their npoopo~o<; Christ into the holy ofholies. 200 Rather than alluding to Yom Kippur's sprinkling on the veil and on the kapporet, Hebrews typologizes a conflation of four rituals or events: Yom Kippur (Leviticus 16), the Red Heifer (Numbers 19), the institution of the covenant (Exodus 24), and the ordination of the priests (Leviticus 8) 201

2. Some exegetes see in Hebrews 5:7, where Christ implores God to save him from death, a reference to the high priest's confession of his own sins on Yom Kippur. 196 In the days of his flesh, Jesus offered up (xpom:vkyKa~) prayers and supplications (~e~ot1~ ''" Kai iKt"t"T]pia~), with loud cries and tears, to the one who was able to save him from death, and he was heard because of his reverent submission. 197

19 For when every commandment had been told to an the people by Moses in accordance with the law, he took the blood of calves and goats, with water and scarlet wool and.hyssop, and sprinkled both the scroll itself and all the people, 20 saying, "This is the blood of the covenant that God has ordained for you." 21 And in the same way he sprinkled with the blood both the tent and all the vessels used in worship. 22 Indeed, under the law almost everything is purified with blood, and without the shedding of blood there is no forgiveness of sins.

191

The destruction of sin without liberation appears with quite similar wording (a combination of Ka"tapykro and flavin~) in I Cor 15:26 and 2Tim I: 10. 192 Hebrews' verses would align even better with Yom Kippur if the destruction of evil included the destruction of sin as for example in !Enoch 10:10-16. Some exegetes see "death" in Heb 2:14-15 as a kind of Pauline metaphor for sin. Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, pp. 92-93, turns against this reading. Hebrews connects the destruction of sin to his self-sacrifice, as he states later: "But as it is, he -has appeared once for all at the end of the age to put away (ti~ O.llh11atv) sin by the sacrifice of himself' (9:26b). 193 Michel, Der Brief an die Hebriier, pp. 226-227. 194 Heb 10:27; cf. Isa26:11 LXX. 195 Heb I 0:13; cf. Ps 110: I. Paul, too, uses Ps II 0:1 to describe the eschatological victory (I Cor 15:25); for him however, the battle is yet to begin. 196 See the list of scholars in Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 149, note 152, and add Grasser, An die Hebriier, vol. l, p. 298. 191 Heb 5:7, NRSV.

198 Gr~sser, An die Hebriier, vol. l, p. 298 contra Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 149. 199 Heb 9:9; 10:19. 200 Heb 1:3.13; 8:1; 10:12; 12:2; see below, p. 189. 201 Heb 9:15-22, cf. 9:13.19.21; Heb 10:22; 12:24. Cf. Ezek 36:25-26, which reflects a similar mixture of Lev 16, Num 19 and Exod 24: see Zimmerli, Ezechiel, p. 879; Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament,'' pp. 214-242.

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Some exegetes have accused Hebrews of displaying ignorance, but Horbury, in particular, has argued convincingly that the author often uses Second Temple traditions.2°2 The Red Heifer, the institution of the covenant, and the ordination of Aaron and his sons were often associated with Yom Kippur. 203 In the temple ritual, the high priest was sprinkled with water mixed with the ashes of the Red Heifer during the preparation week204 The Red Heifer appears as a high-priestly ritual in close juxtaposition with Yom Kippur/05 and was probably performed by the high priest.206 Qumran and the rabbinic texts connect the ordination of the priests and Yom Kippur,207 while in Tannaitic sources the renewal of the covenant after the golden calf was clearly associated with Yom Kippur 208 Deviation from the ritual of Yom Kippur is therefore only relative. The motifs connected to the ritual are not determined solely by Hebrews' theological exigencies, but they do reflect Yom Kippur traditions present in Second Temple Judaism. There are further deviations from the temple ritual. For instance, Hebrews does not specify the place in which the blood is sprinkled. It is not the holy of holies. The sprinkling is performed neither by the high priest nor by Moses, but by the, believers themselves. The object of this sprinkling is spiritnalized as the conscience of the believers (10:22bc): "having sprinkled our hearts from an evil conscience and washed our bodies with pure water." This passage almost certainly links the sprinkling of the blood to baptism, the initiation ritual of the new covenant. 209 The new people are prepared by a purification ritual that cleanses body, hearts and conscience prior to entering the holy of holies and the presence of God (see below). From the opening verses of the Epistle, which refer to the purification of the incense altar on Yom Kippur as described in Exodus 30: I 0, it becomes clear that for Hebrews the entry into the holy of holies is

201 W. Horbury, «The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews," Journal for the Study of the New Testament 19 (1983) 43-71. 203 On the Red Heifer and Yom Kippur, see especially Horbury, «The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews," pp. 51-52. 2M mParah 3:1, cf. p. 29 note 46. 205 E.g. Barnabas 7-8. 206 See Josephus, Antiquitates judaicae 4:79; and Philo, De specialibus legibus I :268, who ascribe different parts of the ritual to the high priest. According to Josephus he slays the heifer and according to Philo he sprinkles its blood. 207 See Knohl and Naeh, "Milu'im veK.ippurim." 208 See above, p. 122. 209 Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 289; Lane, Hebrews 9-13, p. 287.

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secondary to the purification of the sanctuary and the followers by the blood rite: 210 1 Long ago God spoke to our ancestors in many and various ways by the prophets, 2 but in these last days he has spoken to us by a Son, whom he appointed heir of all things, through whom he also created the worlds. 3 He is the reflection of God's glory and the exact imprint of God's very being, and he sustains all things by his powerful word. When he had made purification for sins (Ka6aptoJ.lOv -crov 0.~-tap-nrov :norqaii:~-tev~), he sat down at the right hand of the Majesty on high (SKit6mev Sv Sel;l~ "tf)<; J.l&yaA.rom'lVll<; &v invf1Ao1<;), 4 having become as much superior to angels as the name he has inherited is more excellent than theirs. 211

The purification of the incense altar signifies the end of the purification rites. 212 The use of the aorist 1tOtT}aliJ.I.EVa<_; underscores this. 213 Accordingly, the purification was completed before Christ sat down in the holy of bolies.2I 4 This turns upside down Leviticus 16, where the entry is the precondition for the purification sprinkling. Also, the intercessionary prayer does not follow the order of the temple ritnal. It is supposed to take place in the last act of the first entrance before the blood rites in the second and third entrances.215 Both inversions of the ritual sequence demonstrate that the typology is subject to the main aim of Hebrews, the entrance into the presence of God in the heavenly holy of holies. 5. In the holy of holies, the l.et
°

21 Cf. B. Heininger, "Siindenreinigung (Hebr 1,3). Christologische Anmerkungen zum Exordium des Hebraerbriefs," Bib/ische Zeitschrift [NF.] 41 (1997) 54-68, especially p. 61~ Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 46, note 132. It may also mean that the people were ordained as priests of the priestly people, as perhaps in I Pet I :2; 2:4-5? 211 Heb I: 1-4, NRSV. 212 On Yom Kippur, the purification of the incense altar, which is usually conceived of as standing outside the holy of holies, happens after the entrance to and purification of the holy of holies (Lev 16: 18-20). In Hebrews, the altar of incense stands in the holy of holies (Heb 9:3-4). This may be based on tradition - 2Baruch 6:7, 2Macc 2:5 and the Samaritan Pentateuch, which places Exod 30:1-10 between verses 35 and 36 ofExod 26. This caused some scholars to assume a Samaritan origin of the Epistle; against this see the chapter on possible Samaritan influences in Hurst, The Epistle to the Hebrews. 213 While in Exod 30:10 the object of purification is clearly the altar of incense, Hebrews does not in this sentence mention a specific object of purification, i.e. the people or the sanctuary. This purification includes both: see Heb 9:23 and 10:22. 214 See Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," pp. 217-218. 215 See above, p. 30. 216 "Wherefore, he [Christ] is able also to save completely those who approach God through him, since he lives always, to intercede on their behalf." Heb 7:25; less explicit


not exclusively connected to Yom Kippur since many religious actor~~ .e;.g. prophets and martyrs, could intercede before God. But intercession· belonged primarily among the high-priestly acts and especially to Yom Kippur. "C'est surtout autour de Ia liturgie de Kippur, et cela probablement deja a date ancienne, que se developperont les themes de !'intercession sacerdotale."217 Moreover, the general framework of the Epistle makes the Yom Kippur connection highly probable. This permanent intercession complements the once-and-for-all atonement sacrifice. Since it is not stated anywhere that the intercession is for the sins, it does not entail a contradiction to the once-and-for-all atonement by sacrifice. Thus Christ's intercession may be concerned with divine support of the community in its present suffering and suppression. 218

2.3 The Participation of the People Three scenes express the involvement of the community in the highpriestly ritual: the spectators waiting for the high priest's exit from the holy of holies, a second, eschatological, entry of the people into the holy of holies, and the imitation of the assistant who leaves the camp to bum the remains of the cow and the goat.

1. Hebrews describes the Second Parousia, evoking the imagery of the people waiting for the exit of the high priest from the holy of holies: "so Christ ... will appear a second time ... to save those who are eagerly waiting for him (tole; aim)v cbtsK~SX.OJ.li:votc; de; aonnpiav)." 219 In this instance, Hebrews used extra-biblical knowledge about Yom Kippur 220 2. A main concern of Hebrews is to describe the people joining the high priest in his entrance. 221

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God, 22 [therefore] let us approach (xpoaEPXril~sea) with a true heart in fullness of faith, having sprinkled our hearts from an evil conscience and washed our bodies with pure water. 222

Jesus represents both the way (olio<;) to the holy of holies and the curtain (Kata1tstclaJ.la)223 before it. As the way, Jesus has a "positive," opening function, while the curtain, his flesh, obstructs or conceals. The entrance opened by Jesus' blood helps to overcome the obstacle of the flesh, 224 in order to enter into the presence of God. The atonement is therefore only a necessary preparatory step to the true aim, the entrance to the presence of God in the heavenly sanctuary. The cultic character of the picture is supported by two words, olKo~ and npoaspx.00J.1s9a, which point to a cultic context. 215 The author exhorts the baptized/ordained to participate in the worship led by the high priest Christ and to "not neglect the common meetings" (I 0:25). Does the worship of this Christian Jewish community encompass a ritual symbolizing the joining of the community of Christ in his approach to God?226 The interpretation that the approach is effected by Christian Jewish ritual already in present time is countered by an eschatological line as proposed by Hebrews 6:19-20: We have this hope, a sure and steadfast anchor of the soul, a hope that enters the inner shrine behind the curtain (ci<; -rO OOOn:spov -roU Ka-raltS'tUop.a-ro<;), 20 where Jesus, a forerunner on our behalf, has entered, having become a high priest forever according to the order ofMelchizedek.227

6:19

Jesus is the forerunner of the community, which is to follow later on. A similar oscillation between present mystic ritual and eschatological redemption also appears in the Valentinian texts discussed below. As we shall see, the alternatives need not be mutually exclusive.

IO:t9 Therefore, brothers, since we have the boldness (1tappTJaiav) for an entrance into the holy of holies (titv eiaoOov -r&v Ctyirov) by means of the blood of Jesus, 20 which he inaugurated for us as a new and living way through the curtain, i.e. his flesh, 21 and [since we have] a great priest (iEp£a ~Syav) over the house (oh:ov) of

3. A third depiction of the community is the exit of the assistant who burned the fat of the sin offerings outside the camp (13:13), which is transferred to Jesus and the people.

also in 2:18; 4:14-16; 9:24. For the tradition of Christ as heavenly advocate, see also Rom 8:34; IJohn 2:1. 217 R. Le Deaut, "Aspects de !'intercession dans le judaisme ancien,"' Journal for the Study of Judaism 1 (1970) 35-57, here p. 46. 218 Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, pp. 142-151, especially 147. 219 Heb 9:28; Sir 50:5. This observation was made also by Lane, Hebrews 9-13, p. 250. 220 The author also exhibits elsewhere acquaintance with extra-biblical traditions, even about Yom Kippur, e.g. the high-priestly intercession (Heb 7:25) or the victory over the ruler of the forces of darkness (Heb 2: 14-15). 22l Heb 4:16; 6:20; 10:22.

My translation ofHeb 10:19-22 based on NRSV and Attridge. Has the Otft to be understood instrumentally to the verb (a way inaugurated by means of the curtain) or locally to the noun (a way across the curtain)? The usual interpretation is the fanner. See the commentaries on this passage. 224 A word also associated elsewhere in Hebrews with negative terms: see Heb 2:14; 5:7; 7:16; 9:10. Few exegetes take -rom· l:a
222

223

192 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries 11 For the bodies of those animals whose blood is brought into the holy of holies (eU; "tit Uyto.} by the high priest as a sacrifice for sin (upi iqlap"ti(t(;) are burned outside the camp (f;ro "ti\c; n:o.pej.l~li\c;). 12 Therefore Jesus also suffered outside the city gate in order to sanctify the people by his own blood. 13 Let us then go to him outside the camp (fl;ro "ti'jc; 1tapej.l~olftc;) and bear his insult ("t(w Own3mj10v o.irroilqti· povrec;). t4 For here we have no lasting city, but we are looking for the city that is to come. 228

According to Leviticus 16:27, the remains of the sacrificial goat are burned outside the camp in order to preserve its sanctity. Hebrews applies this to Jesus, who sanctified the people (in the camp) by suffering outside it. Yet, as Helmut Koester pointed out, this also refers to Leviticus 16:28, which speaks of the person who had to leave the camp in order to burn those bodies 229 Anybody who left the camp became unclean and could return only after being sanctified by washing his clothes and his body. Hebrews inverts these categories. The author exhorts his readers to leave the camp after Jesus sanctified them by his suffering outside the camp. The sanctification is no longer a condition to enter the camp but to leave it. Such a centrifugal concept of sacred space is a parody of the conventional understanding of sacred geography built on centripetal increase. What does the author me~ by "leaving the camp"? Most commentaries mention two possible interpretations: a) leaving Judaism or b) leaving the sensual world. In my opinion, the next verse (13:14), with the admonition to wait for the unworldly city, makes a third option possible, allowing for the possibility that the addressee of the Epistle was the community of Jerusalem: that the author is asking his audience in a concrete, geographical sense to leave Jerusalem and its temple and wait for the real, future sacred space. 230

228

Heb 13:11-14, NRSV, slightly altered. H. Koester, '"Outside the Camp': Hebrews 13:9-14," Harvard Theological Review 55 (1962) 299-317. Cf., in contrast, M.E. Isaacs, "Hebrews 13.9-16 Revisited," New Testament Studies 43 (1997) 268-284. 230 Another question is whether i2;epxffil.le9o. npO~ o.ircOv fl;ro "tfic; napej.ll}oi..i'jc; "t0v Ovel3taJ.10v o.in:oiliJlipovrec; has to be understood as imitation of Christ as a sacrificial goat or is a typology of the scapegoat. The latter interpretation may be valid, but there are few indications of it other than the march outside the camp carrying "t0v Ovet8taJ.10v o.irtOii~ which could refer to the cursing of the scapegoat. The march outside the camp matches the scapegoat better than the sacrificial goat, which is already dead when its remains are carried out. However, the LXX uses lo.111Ktvro and not wipro for expressing ''to carry." In sum, if the author of Hebrews wanted to allude to Lev 16 he did not establish sufficient leads to it. The proximity to the suffering of Jesus outside the camp in the previous verse makes it more probable that Heb 13:13 is an ecclesiological imitatio of Christ as sacrificial goat 229

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2.4 Conclusions Regarding the High Priest in Hebrews

According to the myth of Hebrews, by his death, the high priest Christ conquered the devi1, 231 "passed through the heavens,"232 and somehow purified the heavenly sanctuary233 on entering with his blood the heavenly holy ofholies. 234 There he took his place to the right of God and intercedes on behalf of his followers. 235 He is expected to come back at the end of days in the not too distant future, 236 in order to resume the fight against the evil powers and to liberate his afflicted community,237 purified by baptism, and lead them into the presence of God in the holy of holies 238 The author of Hebrews employs various sources in creating his typological myth. He is inspired by the Bible, as can be seen in the focus on the tabernacle (and not the temple) and in formnlations imitating Leviticus 16. Yet the Bible is by no means the only fount of his wisdom-'39 The intercession, the solemn exit from the holy of holies and the conflation of the sprinklings belong to Second Temple ritual and the imaginaire of Yom Kippur, and he probably borrowed the victory over the lord of evil and the liberation of his good prisoners from the apocalyptic imaginaire of Yom Kippur. As in Qumran, Hebrews sees the current period of afflictions as a Mo'ed Kippur, a period of atonement, which began with Jesus' death and will end with his Parousia. Despite the extensive use of Yom Kippur typology in Hebrews, it is clear that its author did not intend to provide a complete typology of Yom Kippur. 240 Central issues of Yom Kippur are absent: there is no mention of the incense sacrifice, 241 the scapegoat or the high priest's changing of clothes. The Old Testament <; rarely caused Hebrews to add a biblical detail to its myth. 242 The author of Hebrews has chosen those elements that

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Heb 2:14-15. Heb4:14. Heb 9:23. 234 Heb 9. Heb 7:25. 236 Heb 9:28. Heb 2:14-15. Heb 10:19-22. 239 Many scholars accused the author of Hebrews of ignorance of Jewish matters, but most of his peculiar material is based on Second Temple traditions. See Horbwy, "The Aaronic Priesthood in the Epistle to the Hebrews." 240 Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, p. 244. 241 Does the unusual mention of the incense altar among the furnishings of the holy of holies (Heb 9:4) allude to the high-priestly incense sacrifice (Lev 16:12-13)? 242 Weiss on Heb 9:23: "DaB im Rahmen dieser Entsprechung von irdischen und himmlischen Dingen bzw. im Rahmen der Entsprechung von Urbild und Abbild unter der Oberscbrift des AvCty.c11 oiiv (Sa"tiv) auch die S1toupctvto. 1einer .,Reinigung" bediirfen, ist in

"' "' "'

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suit his aims: to comfort the afflicted community by revealing that the period of suffering is a temporary one of awaiting the retorn of the high priest after he has completed his intercessionary prayer in the presence of God.

2.5 History ofTradition: The Role ofZechariah 3 in the Justification ofthe High-Priestly Christology before Hebrews In this section I want to suggest that Zechariah 3 and its connection to the apocalyptic imaginaire of Yom Kippur was one of the key texts in the earliest stage in the development of the concept of a high-priestly Christology before Hebrews 243 In his detailed analysis of the tradition of the high priesthood, William Loader suggested that Yom Kippur entered this tradition at a late stage and then served as a frame for binding together atonement and the interceding high priest. 244 In contrast, I propose that Yom Kippur played a formative role for the high-priestly Christology already before Hebrews. Two observations strongly suggest that the high-priestly Christology was not invented by the author of Hebrews but adopted from tradition. 245 First, Hebrews introduces Christ as a high priest in 2:17-18 without previous preparation or explanation. The concept seems therefore to have been known to its readers, most probably as part of a creed formula (3:1). Second, a number of passages in early Christian texts that are independent from Hebrews mention or allude to Christ as (high) priest,246 which is not surprising, since it was not uncommon for Jews of the Second Temple period to envisage a redeemer in (high) priestly terms. 247 Yet how could Jesus, a Davidide, possibly be a high priest? Hebrews states explicitly: "It der Tat ein eigenartiger Gedanke, als solcher am Ende nur von daher zu verstehen, daB auch bier noch die Darstellung des irdischen ,Abbildes' in den VV. 19-22 die Aussagen fiber das ,Urbild' bestimmt, Anzeichen zugleich dafilr, daB der Autor des Hebr dem logischen Zwang eines konsequent durchgefilhrten Entsprechungsgedankens unterliegt. ·~ (Weiss, Der Brief an die Hebrtier, pp. 483-484). 243 For this argument, see StOkl. "Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood," pp. 362-366. 244 Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, pp. 200-202. 245 Cf. Attridge. The Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 102. :2% Ignatius, To the Philadelphians 9:1; Polycarp. To the Philippians 12:2; Martyrdom ofPolycarp 14:3; I Clement 36; 61:3; 64. Some consider }Clement 36 and 61:3; 64 to be dependent on Hebrews. According to Loader they are fixed liturgical formulae, which refer back to the same background as Hebrews: Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, p. 237. Usually, Rev 1:13 and Barnabas 7:9 are conceived of as alluding to the high priesthood: see e.g. Prostmeier, Der Barnabasbrie/, pp. 310-311. 247 See the passages and literature discussed in Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, pp. 97-101.

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is manifest that our Lord has been sprung out of (the tribe of) Judah" (7:14) and as Hebrews immediately goes on to say, this was a major obstacle to any priestly career: "in regard to which tribe Moses said nothing about priests." One of the main purposes of Hebrews is to resolve this difficulty and to justify Jesus' high priesthood by "de-Levitizing" itthe author simply invented another priesthood KatO: -rtlv tO.l;tv MsA.xuJ€1ieK. This ingenious solution solved the problem for the author of Hebrews. But how did those Christian Jews before Hebrews justify the high priesthood of Jesus? Hebrews' "de-Levitization" was as yet unknown. Another possibility would have been to introduce a Levitical element into Jesus' pedigree, i.e. to "Levitize'' Jesus. This approach was indeed taken, e.g. by Hippolytus,Z48 but it was not yet suggested in the time of Hebrews and is found ouly from the end of the second century. I suggest that a third possible justification existed: a namesake of Jesus in the Bible who is a high priest- such as Jesus/Joshua son of Jehozadak, bnilder of the Second Temple in the time of Zerubbabel - could have been used. Just as Jesus/Joshua son of Nun conferred characteristics and functions on his namesake Jesus of Nazareth, the high priest Jesus son of Jehozadak could also have conferred his qualities and functions on him.249 The high priest Jesus/Joshua son of Jehozadak, the only other important Old Testament namesake of Jesus, 250 is mentioned in several Old Testament passages. 251 Yet certain details suggest that among all the texts mentioning Jesus son of Jehozadak:, it was the third chapter of Zechariah that was used as a high-priestly Christological prooftext before Hebrews. Had ouly the similarity of name been important, other passages mentioning Joshua son of Jehozadak would have been referred to more often in the New Testament. However, it is particularly the third chapter of Zechariah that is alluded to or quoted in early Christian literature. Being the ouly biblical source for a priestly Messiah, it must have had a special significance for Christians Jews interested in a priestly Christology. 252 This can be supported by further arguments. 248 See the literature given in StOkl, "Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood," p. 364, note 36. 249 See e.g. G.G. Stroumsa, "The Early Christian Fish Symbol Reconsidered," in: idem, I. Gruenwald and S. Shaked (eds.), Messiah and Christos. Studies in the Jewish Origins of Christianity [Festschrift D. Flusser] (Tfibingen, 1992; pp. 199-205). 250 In the first century CE, Jesus was a very common name. See StOkl, «Yom Kippur in the Apocalyptic Imaginaire and the Roots of Jesus' High Priesthood," pp. 364-365, note 58, for other Old Testament namesakes of Jesus having mere "walk-on parts." 251 Zech 3; 6:9-15; Hag 1-2; Ezra 3-5. 252 The significance of the Jesus/Joshua son of Jehozadak type has long been acknowledged. However, scholars often assume that the earliest explicit and extended


First, among the other New Testament passages alluding to Christ's high priesthood, the Apocalypse of John 1:13, which mentions 1tOo~p~'' has the widest support.253 Usually Zechariah 3 is reckoned to be one of the texts that form the background to this complex passage. 254 Second, the Yom Kippur typology in Barnabas, too, mentions noOftpn~ and alludes to Zechariah 3 and Jesus' high priesthood.255 This allusion had most probably already appeared as part of the proto-typology, since in Tertullian, Zechariah 3 is found in direct juxtaposition to the Yom Kippur typology, and in Justin closely connected to it. 256 While the evidence for the use of Zechariah 3 from the Apocalypse dates only as far back as the end of the first century, the proto-typology emerged before the destruction of the temple, perhaps as early as the thirties or forties. 257 Third, if Christian Jews inJagined Christ as high priest, this was almost certainly within the categories customarily associated with the role of a messianic high-priestly figure, a redeeming high priest close to I Enoch, 11 QMelchizedek and the Apocalypse of Abraham on an eschatological Yom Kippur. As we have seen, the scene of the Apocalypse of Abraham

' also the earliest evidence of all. See J. Lecuyer, mentions in Justin and Tertullian are "Jesus, fils de JosCdec, et le Sacerdoce du Christ," Recherches de Science Religieu.se 43 (1955) 82-103; and C.-K. Wong, «The Interpretation of Zechariah 3,4 and 6 in the New Testament and Early Christianity" (Ph.D. dissertation, Westminster Theological Seminary, 1992). The only scholar known to me who connects Hebrews and Zechariah is F.C. Synge, Hebrews and the Scriptures (London, 1959), pp. 19-21. 253 Loader, Sohn und Hoherpriester, p. 226. 254 The strongest case against a priestly influence on Rev 1: l3 has been made in the recent commentary by David Aune. He raises the following points: The Septuagint translates xoO~Pll~ with five different items, ?•!71J, 1~, 11~R. m~?n1J, )Wm; therefore, it is not a terminus technicu.s. Second Temple sources (Testament of Levi 8:2-10; Philo, De vita Mosis 2:109-110) use other Greek terms also to signify the priest's garment. Against Aune. I would point out that all five Hebrew words behind the Septuagint xo0i!Pllt; refer to a priestly item. The Second Temple sources referred to do not sustain his argument. Testament of Levi 8:2-10 does not seem to understand much about the actual priestly vestments, and Philo usually prefers xo0i!PT\t;, as Aune himself states. There are very few cases in Jewish texts where x

197

Jinks Zechariah 3 to the apocalyptic imaginaire of Yom K.ippur. 258 If we consider therefore that (non-Christian) Jews who belonged to an apocalyptic stream of thought used Zechariah 3 in association with Yom Kippur, then a usage for typological purposes by Christian Jews, who betray an influence of apocalypticism,259 becomes even more likely. In light of these arguments, we can return to the central question of this investigation. At what tinJe did Yom Kippur become associated with the high-priestly Christology, and what was the function of this association? Against Loader's model, which argues for a late point and a subordinate framing function, my investigation suggests that Yom Kippur lies at the root of Christ's high priesthood, which belongs to the Jewish tradition of the eschatological high-priestly redeemer.

3. Christ as kapporet (iA.aa't~pwv): Romans 3:25--26 Romans 3:21-26 are among the most influential verses not only of Paul but of the whole New Testament. Protestant exegesis, especially, regards them as the apex of the theology of justification.260 There are few verses in the New Testament about which more ink has been spilled.

25 8

See above, pp. 92-94. E.g. the remains of the apocalyptic image of the high-priestly redeemer, who conquers the powers of evil (see above, pp. 185-186, on Heb 2:14-15). 260 My main sources for this section have been Kraus, Der Tod Jesu a/s Heiligtumsweihe; idem, "Der Jam Kippur, der Tad Jesu und die 'Biblische Theologie'. Ein Versuch, die jildische Tradition in die Auslegung von ROm 3,25f einzubeziehen," in: I. Baldermann (ed.), Altes Testament und christlicher Glaube (Jahrbuch fUr Biblische Theologie 6; Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1991; pp. 157-172); Breytenbacb, Versiihnung, pp. 166-169; H. Merklein, "Der Silbnetod Jesu nach dem Zeugnis des Neuen Testaments," in: H.P. Heinz (ed.), VersOhnung in der jUdischen und christlichen Liturgie (Quaestiones Disputatae 124; Freiburg im Breisgau, 1990; pp. 155-183); H. Merklein, "Der Tod Jesu als stellvertretender SUhnetod," in: idem, Studien zu Jesus und Paulus (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 43; Ttibingen, 1987; pp. 181-191); idem, "Die Bedeutung des Kreuzestodes Christi fUr die paulinische Gerechtigkeits- und Gesetzesthematik,"' in: idem, Studien zu Jesus und Paulu.s (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 43; Ttibingen, 1987; pp. 1-1 06); P. Stuhlmacher, «zur neueren Exegese von Rom 3,24-26," in: idem, Versiihnung, Gesetz und Gerechtigkeit. Auftiitze zur biblischen Theologie (GOttingen, 1981; pp. 117-135) (who discusses all older readings); Young, "The Impact of the Jewish Day of Atonement upon the Thought of the New Testament," pp. 274-339; Lohse, Miirtyrer und Gottesknecht. See also D. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans (New International Commentary to the New Testament; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1996); now also KnOppler, Sii.hne im Neuen Testament, pp. 112-172 and 314. 2s9

T [. !


I


199

1 But now, apart from the law, the righteousness of God has been disclosed and is attested by the law and the prophets, 22 the righteousness of God through faith in!of!61 Jesus Christ for all who believe. For there is no distinction, 23 since all have sinned and fall short of the glory of God; 24 they are justified by his grace as a gift, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus, 2s whom God put forward as atoning [cover of the ark of the covenant] (il.acn:f!p1ov) by his blood, effective through [the]262 faith. He did this to show his righteousness, 26 because in his divine forbearance he had passed over the sins previously committed; it was to prove at the present time that he himself is righteous and that he justifies the one who has faith in Jesus. 263 Rom 3:21

Wolfgang Kraus devoted a dissertation to these verses.264 Therefore, much of my discussion will engage with his work. My discussion focuses on the arguments for an association with Yom Kippur, especially via an analysis of the meaning of l.A.acrt-ftpwv. Unlike most exegetes, who favor reading this passage against the background of Yom Kippur, I do not see compelling reasons for understanding the passage as postulating an anti-temple attitude or the abolishment of Yom Kippur by Paul. Yet it is aoother demonstration of the immense influence of Yom Kippur on the development of the early Christian imaginaire of Jesus' death and its atoning function. 3.1 The Influence of Yom Kipp~r on Romans 3:25-26 Two opposing views have been proposed to explain the background of Romans 3:25-26. The first assumes a formative role for Leviticus 16, referring to the cluster of kapporet, blood and sin (i.Aacr1:i)pwv, atJ.La and a~apt~~a), which evokes the blood sprinkling in the holy of holies. The second view rejects any involvement of "cultic" concepts and suggests as background the idea of a vicarious atoning death of martyrs as expressed in 4Maccabees. This debate centers around two different interpretations of 261 It is possible to interpret the genitive as either subjectivus (of) or objectivus (in). The context, however, makes the objectivus more probable. 262 The evidence is equally good for both readings. With the article: Papyrus 40 (third century), Vaticanus (B, fourth cent.), and probably also 0219 (fourth to fifth cent.), the third corrector of Codex Ephraemi rescriptus (C), the second corrector of the Claromontanus (D), Codex Athous Laurensis ('¥,eighth-ninth cent.}, and the minuscel33 and the majority text. Without the article: Sinaiticus (fourth cent.), the fust hands of the Codices Ephraemi rescriptus (C, fifth cent.) and Claromontanus (D, sixth cent.), the Codices Augiensis (F, ninth cent.) and Boernerianus (G, ninth cent.), and a number of minuscels (among them 1739). I would add the important fmd at Tura (Papyrus Cair. 88748) of Origen's commentary on Romans, written at the beginning of the seventh century, but an indirect witness to Origen's text in the third century, which is strangely missing in Nestle-Aland27• 263 Rom 3:21-26; my translation. 264 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe. Now also Bailey, "Jesus as the Mercy Seat" (non vidi).

i.Aa
1 66 267

200 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries Ezekiel 4 3 uses iAaa1:1)p10v five times to translate :l1TY. The Greek reader of Ezekiel understood this as some place in the sanctuary connected to atonement, most probably the base of the altar upon which the blood was applied. 272 Josephus reports the erection by Herod of an "atoning memorial" to placate the wrath of God. 273 This pagan use most probably rests on the fact that Josephus' addressees are mainly pagan. 4Maccabees 17:22 in its present form uses iJ..acrti}pwv in a general sense, i.e. "their propitiatory death" or "the propitiation of their death" (even if originally Yom Kippur might be envisaged as background). I find it hard to imagine that Greek-speaking Christian Jews, who were supposedly faroiliar with the Septuagint, did not inunediately make an association with the most frequent usage in the Septuagint, especially considering the mention of blood and sins in the context. There is no doubt though that ancient readers of the Bible were more faroiliar with the Torah than with Ezekiel43 (a chapter not quoted in the New Testament). This point is even more valid for the variant reading of the ambiguous passage in Amos 9. 274 The other two passages (4Maccabees and Josephus) cannot change the fact that Pan! (and the tradition adopted by him) is most probably referring to the use of i.).;aatftpwv in the best-known text, i.e. as·kapporet in the Torah, and therefore to the ritual of Yom Kippur 275 To give a parallel: If someone mentions Joshua, few people would immediately make an association with the high priest in Zechariah rather than with the people's leader in the sixth book of the Bible. Most of them wonld need further hints to Zechariah to make an association with the less prominent figure. If Paul wanted to refer to the general meaning of "gift to propitiate the anger of a God" to an audience acquainted with the Septuagint he would have used civ&9qt.a, &opov or cinc1:alcx; instead the ambivalent technical term. 276 Having reached this conclusion regarding the cultic meaning of i.Aacr'!tipwv, I can proceed to counter the other arguments, raised mainly by Eduard Lohse, against seeing Yom Kippur as background to Romans 3:24-26. Most of the arguroents have already been addressed in Peter Stuhlmacher's classic article.277 First, Lohse considers the concept that the blood of Jesus is sprinkled on Jesus himself (as kapporet) an impossible interpretation. Ezek43:13 [3*].14.17. Antiquitatesjudaicae 16:182. 274 Regardless of whether the translators read 11n~:l or Inl!l:l, for a Greek reader of Amos 9 this was simply a reference to the iA.ao:'t~ptov near the altar, Le. the m1~:>. 215 Cf. the conclusion in Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 31-32. 276 Contra Bailey, "Greek Heroes Who Happen to Be Jewish." m Stuhlmacher, "Zur neueren Exegese von Rom 3,24-26." On Stuhlmacber's theses regarding other relevant New Testament passages, see the other papers in his collection.


201

However, typology is often limited in its coherence; e.g., in the Epistle to the Hebrews, the high priest enters the holy of holies carrying his own blood. Lohse's second argument is that the kapporet was concealed, whereas Romans exposes Jesus as iAaa1:ftp1ov. This, however, may well be a polemical pun, and the arguroent becomes stronger for those who presume that the group behind Romans 3 :24/25-26* fostered an anti-temple abolition theology. Third, Lohse points out that i.Aacr1:1)pwv is used without the article; but this is for grammatical reasons, since it stands as predicativum. Finally, let us for the sake of arguroent accept for a moment Lohse's suggestion that Romans 3:24/25-26* depends on a concept in 4Maccabees 17 according to which the death of martyrs is a vicarious atoning death. Kraus' suggestion that Leviticus 16 and 4Maccabees are not mutually exclusive alternatives is very tempting. 278 As I argued earlier, 4Maccabees 17:20-22 itself may be based on a reinterpretation of Yom Kippur?" Yet a direct dependence of the pre-Pauline tradition or of Paul on 4Maccabees is excluded by the current dating of 4Maccabees to the end of the first century CE - or possibly even later - according to the most recent suggestions by Jan Will em van Henten.280 On the other hand, a cultic interpretation of Romaos 3:25-26 may be supported by further arguments. Possibly, the context of Romans 3 contains two further allusions to Yom Kippur. In one, God will judge the secret thoughts of all (Romans 2: 16). This might be based on the mention of God's omniscience and of the hidden things in the Yom Kippur prayers from Qumran. 281 In the other, nl.an~ in Romans 3:21-26 has a function similar to repentance in the rabbinic and Philonic passages on Yom Kippur: the performance of vicariously atoning work by someone (the high priest in the temple/Jesus), which becomes effective for everyone who identifies himself with this work by 1tian<;/repentance (cf. also Romans 2:4-5). In sum, the allusion to the il.aatJiptov in the holy of holies according to the usage in the Greek Torah must have been clear not only to Paul but to everybody faroiliar with the Greek Torah. Since Pan! does not distinguish different levels of biblical arguroentation for Gentile and Jewish reader-

m

273

278

Kraus, "Der Jom Kippur, der Tod Jesu und die 'Biblische Theologie'," pp. 157-

158. 279

See above, pp. 115-117. H.-I. Klauck, "Hellenistische Rhetorik im Diasporajudentwn. Das Exordiwn des vierten Makkabiierbuchs (4Makk 1,1-12)," New Testament Studies 35 (1989) 451-465, here p. 452; for van Henten, see above, note 191 on p. 116. :z&l See above, pp. 38-42. 280

202 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries ships, it can be assumed that educated Gentiles, who were associated in some way with synagogues, also understood Paul's allusion282 to one of the most central texts of the Torah. 283 3.2 Interpretation of Romans 3:25-26

The most challenging exegesis of this passage in recent research is that proposed by Wolfgang Kraus 284 He suggests understanding Romans 3 :2526 and Hebrews not as atonement but exclusively as inauguration of a sanctuary. He bases his thesis on the rabbinic view that it is the blood ritual which cleanses and reinaugurates the temple, while it is the laying of hands on the scapegoat and on the bull that has the atoning function. He concludes that since Romans 3:25 (and likewise Hebrews) mentions only blood, Paul (and Hebrews) refers· only to the sanctifYing aspect of the ritual. I have three objections to Kraus' interpretation.285 First, Kraus cannot prove that the concept of two separate functions of the rituals at Yom Kippur, which appears for the first time in the Mishnah, was valid in the time of the Second Temple. Even if this were the case, it is probably only one of many interpretations. Did the Mishnah preserve the Sadducean or the Pharisean view on this detail? It is perhaps more pertinent to distinguish between the ritual and its rationale and therefore to perceive the ritual interpretations in the Mishnah as post-temple understandings. If this assumption holds true then the interpretations of the Mishnah contribute no more to the historical reconstruction of the way the temple ritual was interpreted during the Second Temple than do the interpretations of modem exegetes. Moreover, Kraus presents the evidence of Second Temple sources in a reductive way. In contrast, Josephus does not support the mishnaic interpretation of the ritual, whereas his description of the ritual procedure is similar to that in the Mishnah.286 Jubilees 34:12-19 does not distinguish between the two goats and their functions. 287 Kraus unjustifiably down-

282

This is equally true for the reception of the allusion in the tradition before Paul. See e.g. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 233. This argument would be even stronger if we knew that already in frrst~century Rome people used Sidrei Avodah, since in that case the description of the high priest's ritual would be even more deeply rooted in their thought. 284 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe. 285 Additional critique in KnOppler, SUhne im Neuen Testament, pp. 22-24. 286 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu a/s Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 72-73. 287 As Kraus himself observes- Der Tod Jesu a/s Hei/igtumsweihe, pp. 71-72, note I. 283


203

plays the evidence of II QTemple Scroll xxv-xxvii, which contradicts his interpretation. 288 Third, while there is purification terminology in Hebrews, it is missing in Romans 3, which speaks about sins. It is hard therefore to fit the New Testament texts into the rabbinic scheme.289 The inauguration of the sanctuary and the atonement are- not mutually exclusive. Jesus is inaugurated as tJ..ao-cftpwv and he atones as such. He functions as an alternative to the central instrument of atonement in the biblical ritual of the Day of Atonement. Unlike the cover of the ark of the First Temple, which was hidden in the holy of holies, this iA.aa-tftptov is public (Kpo-i9e1:o). The focus on the i1acrcftpwv demonstrates that, as in the Epistle to the Hebrews, Romans proposes a sacrificial conception of atonement referring to the biblical foundation and not to the Second Temple, which had no i.A.a.
204 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries Jews and Gentiles, although this way cannot be the law, which concerns only Jews. Yet 1tionc; is the same for both. Jews and Gentiles continue living according to their statutes, i.e. Christian Jews continue observing Yom Kippur. In Jesus' death God Instituted an additional eschatological Yom Kippur, the spiritual blood rite of which equally affects those Jews and Gentiles who manifest nio
r !

I f

I' f I·

f


205

ences among the various pre-Pauline Hellenistic Christian Jewish groups. We know about Stephen's circle, the group behind Hebrews, and communities in Antioch. Damascus, Alexandria and Rome. The group behind the Epistle to the Hebrews is unlikely to have been its author, since Hebrews leaves precisely the key word ll.a.m\ptov without Christological interpretation. Stuhlmacher's suggestion of Romans 3:25 having the same origin as Mark 10:45 and Stephen was refuted by Kraus. 294 Paul, however, could have heard an Alexandrian tradition from Apollos or he could even have repeated a reworked Roman tradition that he heard from Aqnila and Prisca during his time in Antioch or Damascus and adopted it. Unfortunately, the brevity of the passage precludes taking a more definite position on this important question.

3.3 Paul's Predecessor: The Pre-Pauline Formula Romans 3:24/25-26a* The majority of scholars assume that Romans 3:24/25-26a is based on a pre-Pauline formula. 291 They base their assumption on the occurrence of a considerable number of hapaxlegomena and some un- or pre-Pauline concepts.292 The exact limits and wording of this formula are not agreed upon. While I accept the assumption that Paul is using traditional material, I find that in the modern reconstructions neither the wording of the passage nor its extent are sound enough to form the basis for any further conclusions.293 Paul's Vorlage belongs to a provenance of Greek-speaking Christian Jews, since it is very difficult to translate the Greek back to Hebrew I Aramaic. But which Hellenistic Christian Jews? There are crucial differ290 Contra K.n6ppler, Siihne im Neuen Testament, p. 321, who also speaks of Jesus' death as an eschatological Yom Kippur (p. 320); Merk1ein, "Der Tod Jesu als stellvertretender Siihnetod," p. 190; U. Wilckens, Der Brief an die ROmer (Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar 6:1-3; Neukirchen-Vluyn and ZUrich, 1978, 1980, 1982), vol. 1, p. 239. 291 But see e.g. Moo, The Epistle to the Romans, p. 220, who opts for a Pauline origin. 292 See the commentaries for the details. 293 An example of a maximalist reconstruction is Fitzmyer, who follows Bultmann and Kasemann by beginning with verse 24. To the arguments mentioned above, Kasemann adds a "rupture" in the strange phrase beginning with a participle. The following is my retranslation of J.A. Fitzmyer's reconstruction in, Romans. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (The Anchor Bible 33; New York. 1992), p. 342: "being justified freely through redemption (which comes) in Christ Jesus, whom God presented as means of expiating sin through his blood, as a manifestation of his uprightness for the pardon of past sins committed in the time of his forbearance." His Greek reconstruction of the pre~ Pauline formula reads: OtKato~u:vot OropsO:v OtO: •ils UxoAu•JXOOs~ •f'Js E.v Xptatt'91TJooil· Ov npoi9&to 0 9s0t; iAaotiunov E.v -rep airtoU ui11an sit; iv&:t~lV tf'Jt; OtiCUtOO'iJVTJt; aittoil Oui -r~v xh.psmv tci>v n:poyeyov6-rrov iLJJ.UP'fl]J11i•rov Sv til tivoxil tOii Ssoii.

4. Christ as Atonement (L\.acr!lo~): lJohn The first Epistle of John from around 95 CE295 twice uses the term ll.ao~6<; (!John 2:2; 4:10) as an epithet for Christ: 1:7 But if we walk in the light as he himself is in the light we have fellowship with one another, and the blood of Jesus his Son cleanses (Ku9api~st) us from all sin. 8 If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us. 9 If we confess (O!!oAort'OJ.Lev) our sins, he who is faithful and just will forgive (O.qrl}) us our sins and cleanse (JCa.&api.OlJ) us from all unrighteousness. 10 If we say that we have not sinned, we make him a liar, and his word is not in us. 2:1 My little children, I am writing these things to you so that you may not sin. But if anyone sins, we have an advocate (xa.pO.ICA.TJ•ov) with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous; 2 and he is the atonement (ilua!!Ot;) for (1tSpi) our sins, and not for ours only but also for the sins of the whole world.

In this is love, not that we loved God but that he loved us and sent his Son to be the atonement (0.1timstlev 10v uiOv uirtoil il.aaJlOv) for (xepi) our sins.

4:to

Many scholars view this passage of Uohn against the background of the Day of Atonement 296 Yom Kippur as background is supported by the 294

Cf. Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 194-234, especially pp. 194-200. Schnelie, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, p. 522. 296 Most of all, R. Brown. The Epistles of John (Anchor Bible 30; Garden City [NY] 1982), p. 217. J. Roloff, "Hilasmos," Exegetical Dictionary of the New Testament 2 (1990) 186, states: "In the background stands the idea, though it is weakened in comparison to Rom 3:25, of Good Friday as the great eschatological Day of Atonement.'• R. Bultmann, The Johannine Epistles (Hermeneia; Philadelphia, 2 1978), p. 23, also connects the tradition to Rom 3:25 but attributes it to the ecclesiastical redactor. J. Lieu, The Theology of the Johannine Epistles (New Testament Theology; Cambridge [UK], 1991), p. 64. prefers to see here a non~sacrificial understanding. 295


mention of purification and confession in 1:9 and by l.Aaa!l6~. which Philo sometimes uses to refer to Yom Kippur. 297 What part of the Yom Kippur ritual is alluded to? The mention of blood in I :7 leads some scholars to see a sacrificial background behind the concept of atonement. However, the immediate context of !John 2:2 calling Jesus a napO:KAT)t~ is closer to the notion of an interceding high priest. Raymond Brown connects this concept to the Babylonian Jewish tradition, according to which the high priest is an advocate before God against accusations by Satan. 298 Philo, too, portrays the high priest in his interceding role. 299 But as Georg Strecker points out, the second interpretation does not invalidate the first. 300 A further connection to Yom Kippur may be perceived in !John 4:10 in the idea of an atoning sending that is reminiscent of the scapegoat typology of Galatians 3:10-14 and 4:4-6; however, !John uses not the peculiar €~anoot8AA.ro but &.nocrt8AA.ro. 301 The Wliversal aspect of the atonement is new in comparison to all passages discussed hitherto (e.g. Barnabas, Matthew, Hebrews and Romans 3:25). 302 !John emphasizes the ability of Jesus to intercede for the (confessed) sins of baptized Christians and clearly reflects a later stage in the development of early Christian thought than the author of Hebrews, who does not admit a second opportunity to repent. Hebrews leaves open the content of the high priest's heavenly intercession. Uohn associates the heavenly intercession explicitly with atonement. Assuming the writer of IJohn was familiar with the concept of the once-and-for-all atonement of the heavenly high priest, he adjusted it to his readers, who were in need of an explanation of what happens to post-baptismal sins.

5. Yom Kippur as Background to Early Christological Hymns? Two scholars, Ernst Lohmeyer and James Charlesworth, have suggested understanding the Christo logical hymns of Colossians I: 13-20 and Philippians 2:6-11 against the background of Yom Kippur. The scapegoat as m De congressu eruditionis gratia 89.107; Quis rerum divinarum heres sit 179; De posteritate Caini 48. 298 b Yom a 20a, cf. Brown, The Epistles of John, p. 217; see above, p. 121. 299 De vita Mosis 2:26. wo Strecker, The Johannine Letters. A Commentary on 1, 2, and 3 John (Hermeneia; Philadelphia, 1996), p. 39. 3°1 On the typology in Galatians, see the discussion above, pp. 173-176. 302 However, it is not a Christian invention, since it already appears in Philo, Legatio ad Gaium 306.


207

possible background to a third hymn, !Peter 2:22-24, was discussed earlier. 303 5. I Colossians I: I 2-20

Ernst Lohmeyer suggested that Yom Kippur lies behind a Christological hymn he located in Colossians 1:13-20304 Today, most scholars consider 1: 15 as the inception of the hymn and I :12-14 as an introductory phrase composed by the author of Colossians. 305 Many different versions as to how to structure the hymn compete with one another. 306 I will quote the passage, including the frame I :12(-14) and 1:21-23: 12He [who lives a life worthy of the Lord] thanks the Father, who has qualified you to take part in the lot of the saints, (which is) in the light. u He [God] has rescued (tppUua·ta) us from the power of darkness and transferred (Jtf:"tiv) of the invisible God, the firstborn (npro-c(rtoKo~) of all creation (K-cim:coo;); 16 for in (tv) him all things were created in heaven and on earth,

See p. 178, above. E. Lohmeyer, Der Brief an die Kolosser (Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar fiber das Neue Testament; GOttingen, 1961, flrst edition 1930), pp. 41-68, especially 43-47 and 66-68. For recent literature on Col 1:13-20, see C. Stettler, Der Kolosserhymnus. Untersuchungen zu Form, traditionsgeschichtlichem Hintergrund und Aussage von Ko/1,15-20 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, second series 131; TUbingen, 2000); 0. Hofius, '"Erstgeborener vor aller SchOpfung'- 'Erstgeborener aus den Toten.' Erwagungen zu Struktur und Aussage des Christushynmus Koll,l5-20," in: idem, Paulusstudien II (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 143; TUbingen, 2002; pp. 215-233). 305 Stettler, Der Kolosserhymnus, pp. 76-94; M. Barth and H. Blanke, Colossians. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (Anchor Bible 34B; New York, 1994), pp. 193-217; P.T. O'Brien, Colossians, Philemon (Word Biblical Commentary 44; Waco [Tex.], 1984), pp. 25 and 31-63, esp. pp. 32-37, with much additional literature; J.-N. Aletti, Colossiens 1,I5-20. Genre et exig€se du texte. Fonction de Ia thematique sapientielle (Analecta Biblica 91; Rome, 1981), pp. 1-45; E. Schweizer, Der Brief an die Kolosser (Evange1isch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament; Neukirchen-Vluyn and ZUrich, 1976), pp. 44-50. 306 O'Brien, Colossians, pp. 33-37, gives an overview of various attempts to define stanzas; the beginning of the hymn v. 13, 14, or 15 is debated. Various parts of the hymn have been regarded as additions by the writer of Colossians. For discussion of both questions, see Hoflus, ,.. Erstgeborener vor aller SchOpfung'," pp. 217-223, who regards "the church" in 1:18 and "through the blood of his cross" in 1:20 as additions; and Stettler, Der Kolosserhymnus, pp. 94-100, who convincingly argues against necessarily seeing any parts of the passage as additions. 303 304

208 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries things visible and invisible, whether thrones (epOvot) or dominions ()(llJJtb1:1ftt:c;) whether rulers (O.PXai) or powers (e!;ouaiat)all things have been created through (Sui) him and for (ei<;) him. 11 He himself is before all things, and in him all things hold together (mwE
Lohmeyer's starting point is his translation of UxoKataAAfrauro with "versohnete" (to reconcile), which in German is immediately associated with "Versohnungstag," the Day of Atonement. He understands (ano)Ka•aUaouro as a synonym for (i:S)iAciuK:OJ.ltlL. As he considers Colossians a Pauline letter, Colossians has to be interpreted against the background of the passages containing either of these words and against the background of the Day of Atonement307 For example, the sacrificial goat308 of Yom Kippur lies behind the idea of general atonement by the blood of Jesus. Most interesting certainly is Lohmeyer's observation that the combination of creation and atonement reflects the central theme of the festival cycle of Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. Moreover, in his opinion, the hymn combines these themes: indwelling of God, kingdom, condemnation of the forces of evil, universal forgiveness and redemption -themes connected to the days spanning Rosh Hashanah to Yom Kippur in rabbinic and liturgical texts. 309 Lohmeyer's thesis was modified and expanded by Stanislas Lyonnet, who investigated the relationship of this hymn to the special additions in


New Year Amidah, Malkhuyyot, Zikhronot and Shofarot, 310 which in became closely linked with the Yom Kippur liturgy.m Lyonnet, ·;c voiDLtes.ch1Nei.zer argued against Lohmeyer that the Yom Kippur motifs appear in the frame of the hymn (1 :13-14), not in the text of what came to be in scholarship as the hymo itself (1:15-20) 314 Christian Stettler's recent, extensive study argues that the textual basis for the conassociation of creation, atonement and recreation with New Year Yom Kippur, and the relationship of both festivals in Second Temple is too slight to serve as evidence. 315 According to him, texts about Hashanah predating the destruction of the temple do not speak about ····.~;~~~:1~:~::~ in the sense of forgiveness of sins, and texts about Yom > hardly at all about creation316 Moreover, the two festivals should regarded as a unit since they are separated by I 0 days. ~~~:w:::t~~ very few data are available on the festival of Rosh in the time of the Second Temple. 317 Philo emphasizes the

l

n1!llW ,nun:n ,nPJ77.l ("kingdoms," "commemorations," "trumpets"). On the early of these additions to the Amidah, see the literature given above, p. 49, note 179. S. Lyonnet, "L'hymne christologique de l'epitre aux Colossiens et Ia Fete juive du nouvel an," Recherches de Science Religieuse 48 (1960) 93-100. 312 Philo, De specia/ibus legibus 2:188-192; the other passage is Prov 10:10; cf. also Matt 5:9; the substantive appears also in Xenophon, He/lenica 6:3:4. See Lyonnet, "'L'hymne cbristologique de l'epitre aux Colossiens," pp. 96--97. 313 Exceptions are Leonhardt, Jewish Worship in Philo of Alexandria, p. 42; Aletti, Colossiens 1, I 5-20, p. 91. Schweizer, Der Brief an die Kolosser, p. 55. 315 See Stettler, Der Ko/osserhymnus, pp. 6--10 on Lohmeyer, pp. 266-299 on ;~~~!:~~~ und Frieden," and pp. 32Q-323 on Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur as ~:. He concludes: "Die Textbasis ist ... zu schmal, so dass wir kaum davon ktinnen, dass der SchOpfer des Hymnus besagten Festzyklus [from Rosh ''Jiasltam!h to Yom Kippur] bewusst im Auge gehabt hiitte, oder auch nur, dass die in Christuspsalm verarbeiteten Traditionen von Schtipfung, Slihne und Neti:~~::::: schon in jenem jiidischen Festzyklus in einem inneren Zusammenhang Mtten." (pp. 322-323). Stettler, Der Kolosserhymnus, refers to Sir 50:22 as the only text linking Yom creation. lQS Rule of the Community x:6; llQTemple Scroll xxv:l-10. Some of the fragments may belong to Rosh Hashanah. Philo mentions the festival in sp<•ciG•Iibus legibus, 2:188-192. See Leonhardt, Jewish Worship in Philo of A/exPseudo-Philo, Liber Antiquitatum Bib/icarum 13:6. In general, see

·•

:

307

Lohmeyer, Der Brief an die Kolosser, P- 66. Lohmeyer refers to the sacrificial lamb! An obvious lapse of a Christian theologian used to Passover terminology and Isa 53. Did something similar happen to the author of the Gospel of John? 309 Lohmeyer, Der Brief an die Ko/osser, p. 43-46. 308

209

210 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries trumpets and links the festival with the universal significance and blessing of the lawgiving at Sinai and God as peacemaker between the powers of the world and nature. The Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum states that on New Year "I will declare the number of those who are to die and who are bom."318 Although it does not speak explicitly about judgment it clearly goes beyond creation, taking up the well-known theme of God deciding on New Year who is to live and who to die." 9 This calls to mind two Festival Prayers from Qumran that were probably used on Yom Kippur in and beyond the Qururan community and refer to creation and the indwelling of God in the community. 320 Moreover, the language of the "lot of the saints in the light" (I :12) is strongly reminiscent of Qururan texts, and the victory over the powers of darkness and evil is a strong theme expressed in !Enoch 10, l!QMelchizedek and Hebrews on Yom Kippur. 321 None of these elements are univocal markers; they appear also in texts with no connection to Yom Kippur. Deutero-Isaiah abounds in references combining creation and atonement. And Acts 26:18 mentions the redemption of the saints from the powers of darkness. However, Colossians 1:12-23, in particular 1:15-20, combines many elements associated with Yom Kippur. Finally, as Stettler himself remarks, the fact that the author of Colossians framed the hymn by taking up the words "redemption" ( ~nol.utproat v) and "forgiveness" (iicpeat v) of sins in 1:14 and "reconcile" (CmoKatallcioaro) in 1:21 in the immediate context, possibly also reveals the hymn's Sitz im Leben in this context of "expiation and reconciliation."322 The last word might well not have been spoken on this passage.

P. Lenhardt, '

211

5.2 Philippians 2:6-11 James Charlesworth has suggested Yom Kippur as a background to Philippians 2:6--11: 323 [Christ Jesus] 6 being in the form of God, did not regard as robbery (ir.pmxr110v), to be equal with God 324 1 but emptied himself, taking the form of a slave, being born in human likeness. And being found in human fonn, she humbled himself(ttatt&iveoo£V iamOv) and became obedient to the point of death [even death on a cross. F25 9 Therefore God also highly exalted him and gave him the name that is above every name, 10 so that at the name of Jesus every knee should bend, in heaven and on earth and under the earth, 11 and every tongue should confess (~o11oAoyi)auat): the Lord Jesus Christ to the glory of God the Father.

323 J.H. Charlesworth, «A Prolegomenon to a New Study of the Jewish Background of the Hymns and Prayers in the New Testament," Journal ofJewish Studies 33 (1982) 265285, here p. 279, note 46. The literature on this passage is vast. Recent treatments include 0. Hofius, Der Christushymnus Philipper 2,6-1 I (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 17; Tfibingen, 2 1991); G.D. Fee, Paul's Letter to the Philippians (New International Commentary to the New Testament; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1995), pp. 24-38 and 191-229; M. Boclanuehl, "'The Form of God' (Phil. 2:6) Variations on a Theme of Jewish Mysticism," Journal of Theological Studies 48 (1997) 1-23; S. Vollenweider, «Der 'Raub' der Gottgleichbeit: Ein Religionsgeschichtlicher Vorschlag zu Phil2.6--(ll)," New Testament Studies 45 (1999) 413-433. That the hymnal character is now hotly debated does not affect the discussion of its background. See in particular R. Bruckner, 'Christushymnen' oder 'epideiktische' Passagen? Studien zum Stilwechsel im Neuen Testament und seiner Umwelt (Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 176; Gottingen, 1997); and G. Kennel, Friihchristliche Hymnen? Gattungskritische Studien zur Frage nach den Liedern der friihen Christenheit (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 71; Neuk:irchenVluyn, 1995), especially, pp. 22-46 on the history of the research. 324 For various solutions to translating this difficult verse, see N.H. Young, "An Aristophanic Contrast to Philippians 2:6-7," New Testament Studies 45 (1999) 153-155. 325 This line breaks the rhythm of three lines; if the song is pre-Pauline, the line may be a Pauline addition: see Lohmeyer, Kyrios Jesus, p. 44.



Charlesworth did not expound the basis for his suggestion, but some motifs mtght mdeed refer to Yom Kippur, in particular the pronunciation of the divine name (2:9), the universal prostration (2: I 0) and the solemn confession in the last line (2: II). The humbling (2:8) may be connected to Leviticus 16:29-34. Although God's name was probably pronounced every day m the temple wtth people prostrating, a universal prostration matches the image of the Seder Avodah, where not only those present in the temple fall on their knees. However, we do not know if a Seder Avodah was already part of some synagogue liturgies in the time of the Second Temple. The background could be any solenm pronunciation of the divine name. A connection of Philippians 2:6-1! to Yom Kippur's liturgy is possible but speculative.

6. Historical Synthesis We have now come to the point of having to put the findings of the various investigations into their historical context. Before discussing what can be learnt from these texts abdllt the various attitudes toward the ritual and imaginaire of Yom Kippur (6.3), we need to examine who among the Christian Jews in the first century were observing Yom Kippur (6.!) and who not, and why they were not (6.2)? 326 It is commonly assumed that Yom Kippur - together with the other Jewish festivals of autumn - ceased to be observed from the very begtnning of Christianity, except by "abnormal" Jewish-Christians. 327 No 326 For additional thoughts on this topic, see now Daniel StOkl Ben Ezra, ,.. Christians' Celebrating 'Jewish' Festivals of Autumn," in: P.J. Tomson- and D. Lambers-Petry (eds.), The Image of the Judaeo-Christians in Ancient Jewish and Christian Literature. Papers Delivered at the Colloquium of the lnstitutum ludaicum, Brussels 18-19 November, 2001 (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 158; Tiibingen, 2003; pp. 5373) [in print]. 327 Mostly, Yom Kippur is not even mentioned among early Christian- i.e. as being a Christian Jewish observance: see e.g. T. Schramm, "Feste. IV. Urchristentum," Religion in Geschichte und Gegemvart' 3 (2000) 91-93; H.-D. Wendland, "Feste und Feiern III. Im Urchristentum," Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart; 2 (1958) 917-919. George Buchanan, one of the few scholars to have addressed the festival calendars of Jewish Christians, reveals a Gentile Christian perspective when he admits, with reluctance, the possibility that they observed Yom Kippur: see G.W. Buchanan, "Worship, Feasts and Ceremonies in the Early Jewish-Christian Church," New Testament Studies 26 (1980) 279-297: "The church fathers accused the Jewish~Christians of observing the feast days of the Jews. This does not mean that all Jewish-Christians observed all the feasts of popular Judaism or that they rejected all the feasts observed by Gentile-Christians. They observed the Sabbath and also the Lord's Day. They celebrated Passover on the

1

213

an authority than Martin Hengel, the nestor of New Testament

s~~olarsbip, recently affirmed that the author of Luke-Acts considered

Yom Kippur to be obsolete: "Ich karm mi~ [nur] :·· schwer vorstellen, daB ch dem Tag anf Golgatha fiir Lukas wte fiir dte Judenchristen am Jom ~ppur fiir Israel noch Suhne gewirkt wurde.'ms Two arguments are usually raised to support this conclusion. First, theologically, the typologizations of Yom Kippur in Hebrews and in Romans 3:25 _are understood to entail the abolishment of Yom Kippur- the great htgh pnest Jesus had already completed this task. Second, the New Testament does not describe any individual or group observing Yom Kippur. 6.1 The Observance of Yom Kippur by First-Century Christians

Let us start with the second argument. I want to emphasize that all the data about the ''what" and the "how" of worship in earliest Christianity are essentially circumstantial and relatively scant. To claim from an argumentum e silentio, therefore, that a certain festival was no longer observed is a weak argument. Pentecost, for example, seems to have played a prominent role in laying the foundation of the Church, yet the evide':'ce for actual celebration of this festival in the first and second centunes 1s very scant. 329 How then can we be sure that one or more of the communities represented by the New Testament writings or some second-century Jewish Christian communities did not observe the central Jewish feasts and fasts? It is true that neither Jesus nor his disciples are ever described as observing Yom Kippur; but neither are they depicted as transgressing its commandments. Statements in the Gospels about fasting refer to weekly fasts and to the ascetic lifestyle of overachievers like John the Baptist. Regarding the temple cult we can infer from the so-called "cleansing" of the temple that Jesus seems to have regarded the temple primarily as a place of prayer. But passages such as Matthew 5:24 provide evidence that fourteenth of Nisan, but they may also have celebrated the resurrection at Easter. They may or may not have observed the Jewish Feast of Weeks instead of, or in addition to, Pentecost. It is uncertain whether they observed New Year's Day, the Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Tabernacles with popular Judaism in thefalf' (p. 297; emphasis added). Unfortunately, even the laudable Theologische Realenzyklopiidie, which for the most part has excellent entries on topics related to Judaism will not have a separate entry on Yom Kippur when it is published. 323 M. Hengel, "Der Jude Paulus und sein Yolk. Zu einem neuen Acta-Kommentar" Theologische Rundschau 66 (2001) 338-368, here p. 358, referring to Luke 22:19-20 and Acts 8:32-33 and 20:28, discussing whether Luke assigns an atoning function to the death of Jesus. Hengel also refers to a habilitation ofU. Mittmann-Richert (2002) (non vidz). 3~9 G. Rouwhorst, "The Origins and Evolution of Early Christian Pentecost," Studia Patristica 35 (2001) 309-322.


215


Since much time had been lost and sailing was now dangerous, because even the Fast had already gone by (Oui "tO K«i "ti)v -VT}(tn:l.av ii0TJ. xapeA:qA:ufli:vat), Paul advised them, 10 saying, "Sirs, I can see that the voyage will be with danger and much heavy loss, not only of the cargo and the ship, but also of our lives."

Jesus regarded also the purification and sin offerings in the temple as part of his conception of Judaism. In the introduction, I mentioned anthropological arguments that turn upside down the common presumption that Christians immediately ceased observing Jewish festivals: the conservati~m of ritual in general and of collective ritual in particular. 330 Without evidence to the contrary, the working assumption should be that most Christian Jews, after hearing about Jesus, continued to observe the same festivals as they had done before. Philo and Josephus boast that many Godfearers observed Yom Kippur. 331 Accordingly, there is no reason to assume that either Jesus or his immediate followers did not observe the abstentions of Yom Kippur or that they disregarded the temple ritual. Unambiguous support for the thesis that at least one Christian community, that of Luke-Acts, observed Yom Kippur's fast, can be deduced from the only New Testament passage explicitly mentioning Yom Kippur, Acts 27:9: 332

27:9

333

Luke may have been a God-fearer writing to God-fearers. When he employed i} VllO""teiU as a chronological reference he apparently presumed his readers would understand what he was talking about. 334 Commentators are unanimous in interpreting ti v11a"tcia as referring to the fast of Yom Kippur. The word VJla-rcia appears with complete neutrality in the context, without polemical or pejorative accretions. In the same way, a modern Jew would understand a friend saying in late summer that he will return "after the holidays" as meaning at the end of Sukkot. We can therefore assume that the attitude of Luke and his addressees to the fast of the Day of Atonement was to that of a revered and observed festival. Moreover, supporting this opinion, Luke does not include interpretations of Jesus' death as 335 atonement and even eliminates them from his source, Mark. Accordingly, one of the theological reasons to abolish Yom Kippur did not exist for Luke. Consequently, this reading of Acts 27:9 refutes the second argument for the thesis that Christians immediately stopped observing Yom Kippurnamely, that the New Testament does not describe any individual or group observing this festival. Paul's Epistle to the Romans 14:5--Q provides further evidence for "Christians" observing "Jewish" festivals:

330

See above, pp. 6-7. Philo, De vita Mosis 2:20-23; Josephus, Contra Apionem 2:282. A famous Amoraic Palestinian legend about Antoninus ~plies that many God-fearers wore inferior shoes (nm~ 7ll31:l} on Yom Kippur: seeyMeg 3:2, 14a;ySanh 10:8, 29c. 332 Some commentators have noted that Luke uses the Jewish calendar albeit without drawing conclusions regarding the observance of Yom Kippur by 'Luke and his addressees: see J.A. Fitzmyer, The Acts of the Apostles. A New Translation with Introducti~n a?d Commentary (Anchor Bible Commentary 31A; New York, 1998), p. 775; B. Wtthenngton, The Acts of the Apostles. A Socio-Rhethorical Commentary (Grand Rapids (M_ich.], 1998), p. 762. See also D.J. Williams, Acts (A Good News Commentary; S~n Franctsco, 1985), p. 432; W. Schmithals, Die Apostelgeschichte des Lukas (ZUrcher Btbelkommentare, Neues Testament 3,2; ZUrich, 1982), p. 236; K. Lake and H.J. Cadbury, The Beginnings of Christianity Part I. The Acts ofthe Apostles. Vol. IV English Translation and Commentary (Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1965 = repr. 1932), p. 328; and, way back, H.B. Hackett, A Commentary on the Original Text of the Acts of the Apostles (Boston, 1867), p. 418. However, some commentators question here whether Paul observ~d Yom Kippur: see R.P.C. Hanson, The Acts in the Revised Standard Version. With Introduction and Commentary (The New Clarendon Bible; Oxford, 1967), p. 245; J.D.G. Dunn, The Acts of the Apostles (Narrative Commentaries; Valley Forge [Penn.], 1996), p. 338; H. Conzelmann, Ac~s of the Apostles (Hermeneia; Philadelphia, 1987), p. 216; and, much earlier, E. Jacquter, Les Actes des ApOtres (Etudes bibliques 18; Paris, 1926), p. 726. This possibility that Paul observed Yom Kippur is categorically denied by C.K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles (2 vols; International Critical Commentary 44; Edinburgh, 1994, 1998). Among more recent commentaries, see also R. Pesch, Die Apostelgeschichte (Evangelisch Katholischer Komrnentar zum Neuen Testament 5; ZUrich, NeukirchenVluyn, 1986); F.F. Bruce, The Book of the Acts (New International Commentary on the New Testament; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1988); J. Jervell, Die Apostelgeschichte. Obersetzt und erkliirt (Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar Ober das Neue Testament 3; Gottin331

gen, 1998); W. Eckey, Die Apostelgeschichte. Der Weg des Evangeliums von Jerusalem nach Rom (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 2000). 333 See J. Tyson, Images of Judaism in Luke-Acts (Columbia, 1992), pp. 19--41; and idem, "Jews and Judaism in Luke-Acts: Reading as a Godfearer," New Testament Studies 41 (1995) 19-38. . . . 334 Against the argument that Luke may have copied a source without attentton (m thts case the "we-source"), I would point to other verses where Luke-Acts betrays a close acquaintance with Jewish tradition: e.g. Acts 1:12 (a Sabbath day's journey); and _18:18; 21:24 (Nazirite vow); and see 6:1 var. teet. (the second-first(?] Sabbath). It ts tlluminating to compare commentators on the Luke-Acts use of Passover (Acts 12:4; 20:6; 22:1; cf. 18:21 var. lect.), Pentecost (Acts 20:16) or the Sabbath (Luke 4:31-32; 6:6; 13:10; 23:56; Acts 13:14.42.44; 15:13; 17:2; 18:4; 20:7) as measures of time and the question as to the observance of each of these festivals by Luke or Paul. 335 What might have been Luke's opinion regarding the high-priestly ritual? Luke connects the proto-Christian community very closely with the Jerusalem temple. They visit the temple daily. Even Paul demonstrates his respect for the temple by bringing offerings. Luke claims that a group of priests joined the Jesus movement. But the temp~e was no longer standing at the time Luke was writing the Gospel and Acts, and hts positive attitude to the temple is therefore rather nostalgic.

.

I'



217

14:5 Some judge one day to be better than another, whi1e others judge all days to be alike. Let all be fully convinced in their own minds. 6a Those who observe the day-·, ' observe it in honor of the Lord. 336

days or seasons as such; it is the wrong motive involved when the 'i>h
Accordingly, whoever wants either to observe or not observe festivals is·. free to do so, as long as he/she is consistent and is doing so on behalf of · God (and not e.g. for social or economic reasons). There is no reason to assume that for some members of the community Yom Kippur was not one of these "days." Paul apparently assumed that part of the Roman community observed Jewish festivals, and he gave it the freedom to do so. How• ever, this passage reveals a conception that is an important step away from regarding the observance of festivals as obligatory. 337 The author of Colossians rails against people, perhaps (Christian) Jewc ish missionaries, 338 who demand from Christian Gentiles the observan~e such Jewish rites as kashrut, the Sabbath and the New Moon.

Tidwell suggests that Didache 14:1 attests to an observance of . 341 Kippur by thi s commumty.

Therefore nobody shaH judge (Kptvktro) you with regard to food and drink or concerning a festival, New Moon, or Sabbaths. 11 These are a shadow (o-tcui) what was to come, the body (o
Accordingly, these missionaries observed the regular Jewish festivals almost certainly including Yom Kippur. The author of Colossians re!larcled such observance as improper if it was based on the cosmological presuppositions criticized by him. However, he "is not condemning the use of 336

Rom 14:5-6, NRSV. In Gal4:10, Paul warns his readers not to "observe special days, and months, and seasons, and years," probably referring to pagan festivals with an astrological background. Otherwise, it is difficult to explain the reference to "special years" against a Jewish background in the Diaspora, as Sabbath years and Jubilees are valid only in the land of Israel. Another, less probable but very common reading is to understand this passage as referring to Jewish festivals that Jewish-Christian missionaries tried to impose on Gentile Christians, similar to the situation pertaining in Colossians. In this case, it is almost certain that these Jewish-Christian missionaries observed the festivals they · wanted to impose on others, including Yom Kippur. 338 The exact identity of the opponents of the author of Colossians is controversial. Barth and Blanke, Colossians (pp. 378-387) assume that the opponents consider them,. selves to be Christians and have a strong affinity to the Old Testament but are outside the ' Colossian community. Stettler, Der Kolosserhymnus, pp. 58-74, sees Jewish mystics and · Torah-faithful Jews outside the community as opponents of the Epistle. 339 Col2:16-20, my translation based on the NRSV. On this passage, see O'Brien,· Colossians, Philemon, pp. 135-156; Schweizer, Der Brief an die Kolosser, pp. 118-130; Barth and Blanke, Colossians, pp. 336-355. 337

14:1 On the Lord's Day of the LORD (KatU KuplaJCitv Oi: ICUpioo) gather together and break bread and give thanks, having first confessed your sins so that your sacrifice may be pure. 2 But let no one who has a qu~l with a companion join you ~t!l they have been reconciled, so that your sacnfice may not be defiled. 3 For thiS IS the sacrifice concerning which has been said by the LORD (intO JCUPioo), "In every place and time offer me a pure sacrifice, for I am a great king, says the LORD (Uy&~. tcilpW<;), and my name is marvelous (Sa.tJtlamOv) among the nations" (Malachi 1:11.14). 342

)Accc>rdiing to Tidwell, the hapaxlegomenon and /ectio difjicilior Kata = & KUpiou in the Hierosolymitanus of Didache 14:1 is a pleonastic 'Semitism imitating ]1mtv n~tv, one of the nan1es of Yom Kippur. 343 The use without the article corresponds to the Septuagint's translations of +~'P"'""' superlative found in the Hebrew Bible using the Tetragr=aton: the Lord's Day of the LoRD," meaning "the most solemn day of the days." The Syrian Christian term KUptaiCI\ distinguishes the ;~!rri•sti'm holiday from the Jewish Sabbath.344 Didache 14:1 is therefore understood as equivalent to "Sabbath of Sabbaths," i.e. Yom Kippur. major topic of Didache 14, confession and reconciliation, matches the : ~ate;l!leJlt in Mishnah Yom a 8:9 that "Yom Kippur atones for transgresbetween a man and his fellow man only after he has placated the felmao." Furthermore, the marvelous nan1e of the LORD plays an imporrole in Didache 14 as well as during the Yom Kippur temple ritual. ritual meal alluded to would have taken place on the eve of Yom

''"''-·n'•n•

Tidwall' s suggestion does not convince me. While the confession, the

;:~~:~~~~::~~and the significance assigned to God's nao1e evoke the as-

~-::;

of Yom Kippur, the sacrificial common meal seems to take place

''"""~''" Lord's Day of the LoRD" itself and therefore comes closer to an

O'Brien, Colossians, Philemon, p. 139. N. Tidwell, "Didache XIV:l (KATA KYPIAKHN 6.E KYPIOY) revisited," Vigiliae '(;h••isti

anti-ritual against Yom Kippur similar to the pork barbeque that some secular Jews hold on the Day of Atonement in our times. 345 Furthermore, though "the Lord's Day of the LoRD" could be a pun on 11nJtu nJtu, the sentence does not give any date. It could as well be Easter. If we understand KatO. lC'UptaKT)v ot K'Upiau in a pleonastic sense, as do the majority of . commentators, the meal takes place on a Sunday.346 Moreover, the add"xtlon to the quotation of Malachi "in every place and time"347 supports such an interpretation much better than does an understanding of the day as being Yom Kippur. Therefore, if there is any connection to Yom Kippur in Didache 14, it seems to me more likely that it presents Sunday as a substitution for Yom Kippur- an interpretation that matches other Halakhot in the Didache on fasting and the Sabbath as distingnishing the community from (other) Jews. 348 !fLuke's commnnity, parts of the Roman community and the opponents of Colossians observed Yom Kippur, 349 what about the various Jewish Christian groups of the second and subsequent centuries? Even here, we are entirely dependent on hypotheses, since the sources are not explicit about any festival observed by Jewish Christians. James, the brother of Jesus, one of the leaders of the Aramaic-speaking Christian Jewish community in Jerusalem nntil his lynching in 62 CE, is closely associated with the temple. As will become clear below, Hegesippus' depiction of James as a permanently interceding high priest in the holy of holies might be understood as polemicizing against the Jewish Christian observation of the fast of Yom Kippur as a single day ofintercession. 350 It appears that some Jewish Christians still observed the Day of Atonement while others, even some close to Jewish Christianity, considered the day obsolete for Christians.

345

Was the confession public as portrayed in Didache 4:14? See, e.g. K. Niederwimmer, Die Didache (Kommentar zu den Apostolischen Viitern 1; Gattingen, 1993), pp. 234-240, esp. p. 235; W. Rordorfand A. Tuilier, La doctrine des douze apOtres (Didach€). Introduction, Texte, Traduction, Notes, Appendice et Index (SC 248; Paris, 1978), p. 65. 347 See R.P. Gordon, "Targumic Parallels to Acts XIII 18 and Didache XIV 3," Novum Testamentum 16 (1974) 285-289, here p. 287 referring to Targum Jonathan Mall:ll. 343 The Didache quotes only Mal I: 11 and I: 14, omitting 1: 12-13, verses that are often used in anti-Jewish polemics: see Niederwimmer, Die Didache, p. 240. However, verses 12 and 13 would not match the present Eucharistic context. 349 Unfortunately, it remains unclear to which "appointed times and hours" (00plq~€vou; ~eatpaV; ~eai ci>patc;) I Clement 40: 1-5 is referring, at which the Christian offerings are to be perfonned. 350 See below, pp. 246-250. 346


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6.2 The Abolition of Yom Kippur by First- and Second-Century Christians

At some point after Jesus' death, in different communities at different times, some followers of Jesus ceased to observe Yom Kippur. Again, our data are circumstantial and consist mainly of explicit polemics against Yom Kippur. Here we have to distinguish, however, between the negati:e attitudes toward the Yom Kippur temple ritual and attitudes toward the ntual of the people. Disregarding the temple ritual does not mean neglecting the popular abstentions such as the fast. In other words, even if a text considers Christ's death as abolishing or replacing the temple ritual, this says nothing about the attitude of its author and its readers toward the fast of Yom Kippur. Hengel made his above-cited statement in a discussion about the attitude of Luke to the temple and the sacrificial cult of Yom Kippur and deduced from this Luke's attitude toward the festival as such. 351 However, even though the author of Luke-Acts polemicized against the sacrificial cult he continued to respect the fast and prayer of the people on Yom Kippur. Moreover, theory and practice do not always converge. Even if Luke regarded Christ's death as atoning- and this assumption is controversial - he may have continued to observe the communal fast and prayer of Yom Kippur- just as other Jews and God-fearers fasted and participated in the prayer services of the Second Temple period when the high priest was actually effecting atonement on behalf of them in the temple. Of the first-century texts, ouly Barnabas explicitly argnes against the popular participation in the fast, substituting for it the Eucharist: Despite the fact that a commandment was written that "whosoever does not keep the fast shall die the death," 352 the Lord commanded this [i.e. to eat], b~cause he himself was going to offer the vessel of the spirit as a sacrifice for our sms ... you alone shall eat, while the people fast and mourn in sackcloth and ashes. 353

This substitution may have been part of the proto-typology, i.e. it may have occurred very early. Beyond this passage, it is possible that the author of Colossians is propagating the abolition of all festivals. 354 Nevertheless~ we cannot extrapolate from these texts an anti-Yom Kippur attitude in other communities - as shown in Luke and Romans. Only in the second century are more voices raised explicitly against the fast of Yom Kippur. 355 The anonymous Epistle to Diognet (second or third century CE) holds forth: 351

See above, p. 213. Cf. Lev 23:29. 353 Barnabas 1:3.5. 3S4 See also above, p. 216, note 337, on Gal4:10. m See my earlier analysis of the ambiguous phrase of Tertullian (above, p. 157, note 40). Justin, notably, does not polemicize against the "obsolete" fast of Yom Kippur. 352

220 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries And next I suppose that you are especially anxious to hear why Christians do worship in the same way as the Jews. The Jews indeed, insofar as they abstain -:·· from the kind of [pagan] worship described above, rightly claim to worship tli'e one God of the universe and to think of him as Master. ... But with regard to their qualms (lJHxpOO££<;) regarding meats, and the superstition (&:tcn&:n.~ovUtv) concern~ · the Sabbath, and the false pretension (W..CU:owiav) in circumcision, and the hypo.._ crisy (eipom:iav) about the Fast (ti\<; Vl')
Likewise Aristides (117-161 CE): Nevertheless they [the Jews] too erred from true knowledge and in theit imagination they think to serve God, whereas by their mode of observance it is to the angels and not to God that their service is rendered -as when they celebrate Sabbaths and New Moons, and feasts of Unleavened Bread, and the Great Fast, and fasting and circumcision and the purification of food- things, however, which they do not observe perfectly. 357

,,

'

These are clear-cut polemics against observances regarded as Jewish therefore non-Christian, including the fast of Yom Kippur. We do not, however, have the means to estimate how many people stood behind the one position or the other in the second century. Further evidence in favbr of the abolition of Yom Kippur has been seen in the typological interpretations of the temple cult. Certainly, this theological argument has some weight to it as made manifest by the polemics in Barnabas. Origen and Chrysostom, too, will use this argument to try to convince Christians observing Yom Kippur not to do so. 358 Regarding first-century texts with allegorical and typological interpretations of the Yom Kippur temple ritual, however, we cannot simply read into all of them a negative stance toward the Jewish ritual. At this point, I would like· to recall the list of four possible relationships between a ritual and its interpretation, mentioned in the introduction: 359 · a) Interest in and support for the ritual by proposing a new rationale b) Neutral disinterest in the realities, sometimes in favor of a more spiritualized level c) Substitution of the ritual for temporary constraints d) Substitution of the ritual for theological and sociological reasons

356

Diognet3:1-4:1, transl. Holmes. 357 Syriac Aristides, Apology, 14:4, my translation after ANF. Cf. the Italian translation in C. Alpigiano, Aristide di Atene. Apologia (Biblioteca Patristica II; Florence, 1988), p. 113; and the German in E. Hennecke, Die Apologie des Aristides (Texte und Untersuchungen 4:3; Leipzig, 1893), p. 35. 358 See below, pp. 265-272 and 278-279. 359 See above, pp. 6--7 _


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of the Christian Jewish writings investigated displays the first aliias exemplified in /Enoch, nor the third attitude, favored by the yet Paul, who considered the temple service to be among the Godgifts (Romans 9:4) when allegorizing it in Romans 3:25 and in Gala3:10.13, is probably an example of the second attitude, supporting a spiritual worship - similar to Philo 360 As noted above, Paul does not the observance of Jewish festivals in Rome. Most of the Christian Writin!!S investigated in this chapter belong to the fourth group. We have seen that Barnabas and Tertullian combined harsh polemics the temple with criticism of the fast. We have no information rethe stance of Hebrews or }John toward Jewish prayer assemblies the temple or toward the fast, yet their typologies take a clearly mtii-t<:mJDie stand and their imaginaires strive to construct a substitute for t··~'ertoan:s. the same is true for Matthew. l·r<:g,.rd the following four reasons as responsible for the decline of Yom •Ki~~~~in~:th::e~ 1~~iturgical calendar of Christianity: ' the destruction of the temple ended the most solemn part cult, the celebration of the high-priestly ritual. The destruction of the could be used not only as a theological argument, validating the ·~~:.;~~~i:~s of Jesus or being interpreted as punishment for his crucifixion. to Luke's portrayal in Acts, the temple was the center of warChristian Jews. In the temple, however, they had to follow ;· t11e-r·elillio:us calendar of the establishment, particularly on Yom Kippur. Theologically, the vicarious atoning death of Christ decreased the im'/portan<:e of other means of atonement and in the eyes of some made them .':en:tirely void. At the beginning of the second century, the myth of Christ as priest permanently interceding for his followers in the heavenly holy Of holies had won quite widespread attention and was considered by some ·an appropriate and superior substitution. However, we should not exagthe weight of the theological argument. A considerable number of and fourth-century Christians in Syria-Palestine celebrated Yom together with their Jewish neighbors. Origen, Chrysostom and

1

t:

Philo and 4Maccabees I7 solved the question how to achieve atonement in a place or time (4Maccabees), where the temple is out of reach in most instances in a way to Paul in Romans 3:25. This was true also for the proto-Christian commun. Palestine and especially for those who disregarded the temple. The discusto whether "the theology of the cross" led to an anti-temple attitude or an antiattitude led to a theology of the cross narrows the historical situation to a theoquestion. But there are many more factors - historical, liturgical and sociological I argue below.


Byzantine legal texts provide ample evidence for this 361 While these texts demonstrate that the leading theologians considered observation of Yom Kippur to be anti-Christian, a large part of the population continued to be attracted to this means of atonement without perceiving the observation to be theologically problematic. This is true, as well, for Jewish Christians who may have regarded the death of Jesus as atoning and yet kept on observing Yom Kippur. Liturgically, a fast and intercessionary prayers could be observed on any given day in the year, preferably on a theologically meaningful date such as around the memorial day of Jesus' death. Jesus' intercession in the heavenly holy of holies was ongoing and could be remembered at any place or time, making not ouly the geographical but also the chronological anchoring of Yom Kippur unnecessary. Fasting and prayer for atonement, too, were possible throughout the whole year. Consequently, communal fast could be moved to any other date, preferably one of religious importance. The phenomenon of a pre-paschal fast from Friday to Sunday morning (the only early Christian complete abstention from food and drink lasting more than 24 hours)362 probably has to be understood in this way, as a transformed continuation uf the fast accompanying the atoning service of the Christian high priest in the heavenly holy ofholies. 363 Sociologically, Gentiles who became Christians without an intermediate station as God-fearers via the synagogue reinforced the introduction of pagan religious behavior unconnected to Jewish festivals. 364 The latter point is important for understanding the difference between Christian Jewish, Jewish Christian and Gentile Christian communities. The question of whether to observe the Jewish autumn festivals was one not only of theology but also of collective tradition, otherwise it is difficult to explain 361

See pp. 273-277, below. I would like to thank Stephane Verhelst for drawing my attention to this point. 363 On the pre-paschal fast and Yom Kippur, see Tertullian, On Fasting 2:13-14; On Prayer 18. In general, see Irenaeus apud Eusebius, History of the Church 5:24:17ff; Justin, First Apology 61; Traditio Apostolica 33 (ed. Batte, SC llbis, pp. 114-115); ApostolicConstitutions 7:23:4 (ed. Metzger, SC 336, pp. 50-51); Didascalia 21 (ed. VOObus, CSCO 407, pp. 214:&-217:19 [text]; CSCO 408, pp. 199:1-201:20 [trans!.]). A detailed investigation of Didascalia 21 is included in G.A.M. Rouwhorst, Les hymnes pasca/es d'Ephrem de Nisibe. Analyse theologique et recherche sur l'ivolution de laflte pascale chr€tienne a Nisibe et a Edesse et dans quelques Eglises voisines au quatri€me si€cle (2 vols; Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 7; Leiden, 1989), vol. 1, pp. 157-190. On the connection to Mark 2:20, see F.G. Cremer, Die Fastenansage Jesu. Mk 2,20 und Parallel en in der Sicht der Patristischen und Scholastischen Exegese (Bonner Biblische Beitrage 23; Bonn, 1964), pp. 21-40. 364 See above, p. 214, note 331, for references in Philo, Josephus and the Palestinian Talmud on pagan God-fearers observing Yom Kippur rituals. 361


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the continuation of Yom Kippur observance in Jewish Christian communities who conceived of Jesus' death as vicarious atonement in the same way as Gentile Christians did. Obviously, the argrunentations of Paul, Hebrews and Colossians influenced Christian thought and behavior. Yet the clue as to why particularly these texts were successful lies not only in the quality of their argument but also in the sociological and historical circumstances of the disparate types of early Christian communities. The theological arguments were probably more convincing to a Gentile audience in the Diaspora, especially when the temple no longer exist. 6.3 The History of Traditions

We can now return to the question of what can be learnt from the early Christian texts about the different attitudes toward the ritual and imaginaire of Yom Kippur in the temple and outside it. Three general theological and literary developments have to be mentioned concerning Yom Kippur in Christian Jewish thought in the early decades of the first century, the thirties and forties. First, some Christian Jews conceived of Jesus' death as vicarious atonement. 365 Second, prophetic passages and motifs from common legends served some Christian Jews who, in telling the story of Jesus' Passion compensated in their own way for the lack of detailed historical koowledge with prophetic passages, or rendered koowo historical details theologically meaningful. Third, parts of Second Temple Judaism's expectations of a (high-)priestly Messiah were transferred to Christ. In the proto-typology of Barnabas, the conceptions of Jesus as sin offering, scapegoat and an allusion to his high priesthood all cluster under the umbrella of Yom Kippur. It is difficult to decide if the proto-typology was developed by people in a Semitic or a Greek environment who were familiar with the details of the ritual; whether by their priestly profession, observance or acquaintance with an early form of Seder Avodah. In its earliest form, this typological exegesis of Second Temple ritual regarded Halakhah as a divine source of prophecy, an assumption that was turned upside down by the heirs of the tradition. Probably this did not yet entail an anti-temple attitude as in Barnabas or Hebrews.

365

Several factors caused this development, including such cross-cultural Mediterranean concepts as the Noble Death and the Pharmakos, but also more specific Jewish ideas such as the death of the righteous and sacrificial understandings of martyrs' deaths. To narrow this concept to an intra-Jewish development completely detached from its environmental culture is a rather improbable reduction of the evidence regarding the setting of Second Temple Judaism as a creative religion at the crossroads of many cultures.


If the proto-typology was not originally fonnulated in Greek, it must have entered a Greek context at some point to be received by Barnabas, Justin and Tertullian. Possibly it is at this point also that the anti-temple tendency was added - an influence that could be connected to such groups as those that emerged around Stephen. It is not clear when the concept of the Eucharist as anti-type to the fasting on Yom Kippur entered the prototypology. It must be assumed that any group holding this opinion consequently did not observe the fast of Yom Kippur - a development more probable in the second stage of the tradition since the first stage regarded post-biblical Halakhah as a cherished source of prophecy. Greek-speaking Christian Jews developed the ll.aatl\ptov-typology of Romans 3:24/25-26*. This must have happened at some point before 56 CE in a communitY with which Paul had been in contact- i.e. in any city from Antioch to Corinth. If Paul's source already had an anti-temple attitude, the setting of the fonnula could be the same as the Greek proto-typology of Barnabas or Hebrews. In a second stage, Paul adapted Yom Kippur traditions in two letters written around 55 CE. 366 Considering his rare use of temple cult metaphors, this indicates the relatively serious importance attached to Yom Kippur temple ritual among these typologies.367 This appeal of the Yom Kippur temple ritual matches Romans 9:4, where Paul reveals how highly he regards the temple service by subsuming it under the God-given gifts. The cross-cultural phenomenon of Pharmakos rituals may have served as a catalyst for Paul's Christological scapegoat typology in Galatians, perhaps also for other New Testament passages such as John 1:29 and !Peter 2:24. It probably did so for the reception of the proto-typology of Barnabas in Justin, Tertullian and Hippolytus and of the scapegoat typologies in Origen.368 Probably for the same reasons of an easily understandable rationale, Matthew reformulated his Barabbas episode along the lines of the Second Temple scapegoat ritual 369 In the third stage, Hebrews (60-90 CE) and Barnabas (around 100? CE) certainly polemicize against the temple, as most probably does !John (90100 CE). Finally, to the authors all of the discussed texts - the prototypology of Barnabas (and Barnabas itself), Romans 3:24/25-26*, Hebrews, !John, Paul and Matthew - attribute a special importance to cultic 3

Rom 3:24-26* and Gal3:10.13. By way of comparison: Passover is mentioned only once in 1Cor 5:7. 368 See pp. 171-173, above. 369 Matthew is usually considered as writing to a Jewish-Christian audience, one that included Gentiles, perhaps in Syria around 90 CE. See Schnelle, Einleitung in das Neue Testament, pp. 261-264. Others date Matthew slightly earlier, see ibidem. 66 367

T


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sacrificial atonement achieved by means of a mediator. However, it would be wrong to conclude that Yom Kippur outside the temple had no impact on earliest Christianity. Colossians 1:12-20 may be one such case; the influence of a Seder Avodah on Barnabas may be another. Ultimately, the corpus of Second Temple Yom Kippur prayers is too small for a reasonable degree of certainty to be reached on this point.

Concluding Thoughts Yom Kippur had a decisive influence on the formulation of the early Christian myths of the atoning death of Christ and his permanent intercession in the heavenly holy of holies. Three major typologies depict Jesus as scapegoat and sin-offering goat (Barnabas), high priest, veil and sacrifice (Hebrews) and kapporet (Romans). All of them belong to the formative period and were probably in use already before Paul.370 This threefold impact of Yom Kippur on the formation of the earliest Christian conceptions of Christ's vicarious atoning death has not received sufficient emphasis in previous scholarship. Regarding Barnabas, the age and importance of the proto-typology has not been acknowledged by earlier investigations of Yom Kippur's impact on earliest Christianity - those by Norman H. Young, J.P. Scullion or Wolfgang Kraus, who approached the topic from a canonical viewpoint. Barnabas' importance for understanding earliest Christology is not less than that of Hebrews and Romans, even if its impact was smaller. Any belittling of Barnabas' importance relegates the early Christian use of its Christological scapegoat typology to an unjustifiably marginal status. On the other hand, despite the direct influence of Barnabas on the Passion narrative in the Gospel of Peter, an influence of the scapegoat rite on all canonical Passion narratives (Crossan's theSis) is unlikely. Concerning the Epistle to the Hebrews, I have proposed a new theory of emergence of the high-priestly Christology, with Yom Kippur as root rather than as late frame. As for Romans, I have argued for one of the two "classic" interpretations ofRomaus 3:25, i.e. the typologization of the kapporet. Yet unlike most others, I see no compelling reasons to assume that Paul wanted to advocate a substitution of the temple ritual for Yom Kippur. All three of these texts used earlier Yom Kippur traditions, making Yom Kippur one of the first cultic imageries to be used in the fonnation of the Christian mythology. 370

I.e., the proto-typology behind Barnabas (including the allusion to Jesus' higb. priesthood in Zech 3) and the source of Paul, Rom 3:24-25*.


!John compares Jesus to the atonement, using Yom Kippur imagery. This interpretation belongs to a later stage in the development of Christian Judaism, probably the end of the first centnry. Beyond these texts, further passages include less obvious allusions to Yom Kippur. Schwartz' argument for a connection of Galatians 3:10.13 to the scapegoat ritual is very plausible and may be strengthened by further arguments. I propose a new reading associating also Matthew27:15-23 with the scapegoat ritual. Other allusions to the scapegoat rationale may be seen in the Larub of God (John I :29) and the Christo logical application of the Servant Song in !Peter 2:24; but the arguments for this view are much less compelling. Finally, an influence on the Christological songs of Philippians and, in particular, Colossians is possible, but such a claim needs to be strengthened by more evidence. Sources of Jewish influence on the early Christian imaginaire encompass a range of types. Some of the earliest Christian texts on Yom Kippur (Barnabas, Hebrews, Matthew) betray intimate knowledge of temple ritual. The justification of Jesus' high priesthood with Zechariah 3 probably reflects Second Temple Judaism's imaginaire of Yom Kippur with its linkage of Zechariah 3 to Yom Kippur. Hebrews seems to be close to apocalyptic traditions of the high-priestly ascent to the presence of God in the heavenly holy of holies and the cosmological fight against the leaders of the evil powers. No Christian Jewish writing seems to have been influenced by the Bible, alone, detached from oral or written traditions and from the rites of the contemporary Yom Kippur. The main importance of the Yom Kippur passages in the New Testament lies in their becoming "the canon within the canon." Beginning with Origen, readers approach Paul primarily via Hebrews, which until modem times would be associated with his name. Romans 3 is understood as a summary of the expose in Hebrews, rendered Paul the theologian of substitution and sacrifice -to a far greater extent than he indeed was. 371 Most important, the rationale of Christian ritual is explained mainly on the basis of the conceptions of Hebrews. The celebrant of the Eucharist is a vicar of the heavenly high priest, the church is the temple, and the Eucharist is Christ's sacrifice. 372 Two factors may account for this strong impact of Yom Kippur on early Christian mythology. First, Yom Kippur was of central importance for any Jew. It was highly mythologized and connected to eschatological expectations of a priestly redeemer. Its atoning function could be easily connected to the rationale of Jesus' death as vicarious atonement. Second, from a 371 372

See pp. 265-266, below. See pp. 269-272, below.


227

cross-cultural perspective, sacrificial categories are more easily translatable than refmed allusions to local mythologies such as those of the Old Testament. It is therefore possible that one reason for the spread of the high-priestly Christology and the scapegoat typology was that they were useful in the Christian mission to the pagans. While the first factor applies to the shaping of the mythology, the second explains its acceptance and elaboration. Most Christian Jewish sources- Hebrews, Barnabas, !John and probably Matthew - polemicize against the temple ritual of Yom Kippur and presume its substitution by Christ's self-sacrifice and by Christian worship. Yet Acts 27:9 demonstrates that some Christian communities continued to observe Yom Kippur's fast, among them Luke's community, opponents of the author of Colossians and part of the Roman community (Romans 14:5-{i). Of all first-centnry Christian Jewish writings, only Barnabas betrays opposition to the popular fast. That this aversion was probably expressed also in the proto-typology shows that different Christian Jewish groups could from the beginning of the Jesus movement until at least the end of the first century hold opposite attitudes to Yom Kippur's fast. Paul takes an intermediate position, leaving it up to the individual follower of Jesus to decide which festivals to observe. Other individuals and communities did not adopt the fast or stopped observing it for any of various reasons: theological (conception of Jesus' atoning death and his permanent heavenly intercession), historical (the destruction of the temple), liturgical (fasting is more individual and not bound to a worship structure) and/or sociological (increasingly Gentile Church). Nevertheless, as will be seen in the chapter on Christian autumn festivals, a number of Christians continued celebrating Yom Kippur, and other Jewish festivals, with their Jewish neighbors until at least the fourth century 373

373

See pp. 273-277, below.

Yom Kippur Imagery in Gnosticism and in Early Christian Mysticism

229

gen)I The chronological relationship of the Nag Hammadi texts to the writings quoted by the Church Fathers is unclear. The three teachers Theodotus, Marcus and Heracleon, pupils of Valentinus - lived at the beginning of the second half of the second century. The G_ospel of Philip is dated to the third century but is usually understood as bemg a collectwn of earlier sources. Chapter 5

Yom Kippur Imagery in Gnosticism and in Early Christian Mysticism The imagery of the high priest's entrance into the holy of holies was widely used as a mytholegumenon in soteriology, in initiation rituals of Valentinian Christianity and in Clement of Alexandria's mysticism. These Christian Gnostic and mystic traditions take up the common Jewish image describing divine visions in apocalypticism and in the Hekhalot literature; Clement also adopts Philonic ~oncepts. In this chapter, the first section examines the use of the high priesCs entrance in the Valentinian conception of the eschatological entry of Jesus and his followers into the Pleroma. The second section deals with the application of this mytholegumenon in descriptions of the initiation ritual of the bridal chamber in the Gospel of Philip. The final section analyzes briefly the mystical vision of God in Clement of Alexandria, showing its dependence on the entrance of the high priest in Valentinian soteriology and Philonic mysticism. Two fmdings make this investigation an important contribution to the guiding question of the influence of Yom Kippur on early Christianity. First, the Valentinian Christian authors do not simply adopt the mytholegumenon from their Jewish tradition, rather they return to Leviticus 16 and post-biblical traditions for embellishing the Yom Kippur motifs in the texts, i.e. Yom Kippur remains an important source of inspiration. Second, the initiation ritual of the bridal chamber is the earliest use of Yom Kippur · imagery in a Christian ritual. Of general interest beyond the impact of Yom Kippur is the position of Valentinian texts in the history of the tradition of the proto-mystical heavenly journey with regard to the three forms of mysticism: Philo, Hekhalot literature and Clement. The sources investigated include two Nag Hammadi codices - the Gospel of Philip (NHC 2:3), and the Valentinian Exposition (NHC 11 :2)- and traditions from three different schools of Valentinian Gnostic Christianity (Theodotus, Marcus and Herac!eon) preserved in the polemics of three "mainstream" Christian writers (Clement of Alexandria, Irenaeus and Ori-

1. The High Priest's Entrance in Valentinian Soteriology The earliest Valentinian texts with the high priest's entrance are found in two passages in Clement's Excerpts from Theodotus (Excerpta ex Theadolo),' chapters 27 and 38. They describe an eschatological approach to God in the picture of the high priest entering the holy of holies. Since the Valentinian authorship of Excerpts from Theodotus 27 is disputed and it may have originated with either Theodotus or Clement, it will be discussed in the third section, on Clement 3 Here, I will focus on the undoubtedly Valentinian chapter 38: 4 A) A river of flre goes forth under the throne 5 of Topos and flows into the void (t:i.r; .o KevOv) of the creation which is Gehenna/ and it is never filled, though the fire flows from the beginning of creation. And Topos itself is fiery. 7 Therefore, he 1 1 speak of three Gnostic teachers for the sake of simplicity. It is usually assumed that in Excerpts from Theodotus Clement collected the works of several Valentinian Gnostic thinkers. 2 Theodotus has been preserved only indirectly, in Excerpts from Theodotus by Clement of Alexandria. Due to the character of the book it is often unclear which portions derive from Theodotus (or other Valentill:ian sources) and which belong to Clement's commentary. I used the Greek edition and French translation by F. Sagnard, Clement d'Alexandrie. Extraits de Theodote. Texte grec, introduction, traduction et notes (SC 23; Paris, 1948), and the sometimes less trustworthy English translation by R.P. Casey, ~he Excerpta ex Theodoto of Clement of Alexandria. Edited with Translation, IntroductiOn and Notes (Studies and Documents I; London, 1934). 3 See pp. 240-243, below. 4 For our purposes it is not important whether the anonymous quotation is by Theodotus, as most scholars agree, or by someone else, as is possible: cf. Sagnard, Clement d'Alexandrie. Extraits de Theodote, pp. 140-141. s Cf. JEnoch 14:19 "And from underneath the throne came forth streams of blazing fire" and Dan 7:9-10 "a river of fire streamed and came forth from before him." 6 For a similar picture of the fiery stream, the sweat of the 111'n flowing from the throne to the Gehenna, see bHag 13b as exegesis of Dan 7:9-10. Joachim Jeremi~ traces the "void of the creation" to a popular etymology of the Gehinnom as z:JJ~n R1l (I.e. "Tal des Vergeblichen") referred to in Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes, p. 15, note 73. 1 Cf. e.g. Deut 4:24 for the depiction of God as fiery.

230 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries says (cp11ai), he has a veil (Ka-raxS:caaJla) in order that the [spirits] may not be destroyed by the sight [of him]. And only the archangel enters to him (Jl6voo; Of: 0 J\pxO:y-yeJ..oo; £ia£pxetatnp0r; aU-r6v). B) As an image for this, also the high priest entered the holy of holies once every year (oU Kat' eiK6va t::ai 6 O.pttep~ «xal; toU tvtatrtoUS eio; tO: ciyta -c&v &:yi.rov eim]et). 9 C) Thence (S:veev) Jesus, called for help, also sat down with Topos (G1.1V£Ka9i:o9TJ -r<{l T6x<9), that the [spirits] might remain and not rise (npoavao-r1J) before him, and that he might tame (fu.tepOOoTJ) Topos and provide (1tapO.axtJ) the seed with a passage (OioOov) into the Pleroma. 10

The scene, which appears in the context of a description of the netherworld and the destiny of hylics, psychics and pneumatics, can be described as follows: The demiourgos (Topos) sits on the throne in the holy of holies. He is covered by a veil to protect the pneumatics, who would be destroyed by the sight of him. 11 The pneumatics have to cross this dangerous zone (the holy of holies) to reach the Pleroma. This transit is possible only with the aid of Jesus the high priest and the angel of the Pleroma, who comes down to placate the demiourgos. The entrance of the high priest to the holy of holies signifies the incarnation of Jesus in the psychic Christ. 12 The demiourgos is a dangerous deity but not an evil one, given that he will not be annihilated; after the entrance of the seeds to the Pleroma, he will stay in the eighth realm and inherit the place of Sophia. 13 This description has a tripartite structure: an apocalyptic tradition (A), a reference to the biblical typology (B) and an explanation (C) that incorporates A and B in the Valentinian mythos. The juxtaposition of the Gnosti8 Excerpts from Theodotus 38 is the only Valentinian passage to include the chronological reference to 0:1ta~ toii ivtau-roii, i.e. the eschatological Yom Kippur, in the typology. This may be for its clearly eschatological concept over and against more ambivalent or clearly non-eschatological concepts in the other Valentinian texts. 9 Cf. Heb 9:7a: £it; oe t:i)v Orut:i:pav [CfiCTlVi)v] ti1Taq ro1] ivzaurOUjl6 VQ r; 6 dpxt&pt;{Jt;. Yet the similarity between the two passages is very generaL Any allusion to the Epistle to the Hebrews might rather derive from the epitomizing Clement: see pp. 232, note 17, below. 10 I have made slight changes to Casey's translation, based on Sagnard's edition. 11 Notably, Theodotus does not draw upon the ceniral act of the apocalyptic visionary, who joins the heavenly liturgy in his prayer. 12 As is stated, for example in Excerpts from Theodotus 59:2-3: "And when he came into the region of Topos, Jesus found to clothe himself in the foretold Christ, whom the Prophets and the Law announced as an image of the Savior. But even this psychic Christ that he put on was invisible, and it was necessary for him when he came into the world to be seen here, to be seized, to be a citizen, and to hold on to a sensible body. A body, therefore, was spun for him out of an invisible psychic substance and arrived in the world of the senses empowered by a divine preparation" (my translation, based on Casey). 13 Cf. Excerpts from Theodotus 34.


231

cizing interpretation (C) with the apocalyptic tradition (A) modifies the latter extensively. Its main point has shifted completely. The scopos is no longer the description of a "mystical" experience or a heavenly journey to learn about cosmological secrets, but an eschatological myth. Furthermore, central features are changed, similar to the shift in the biblical creation myth in Gnostic interpretation. God has been downgraded to demiourgos, a jealous minor deity who is an obstacle to the true aim of the ascent; and the entrance to the throne is perceived as merely a step on the path to salvation in the Pleroma and to the fmal unification with God. One of the sources of Excerpts from Theodotus 38 was a Jewish mystical text; 14 in Scholem's words:"§§ 37-39 of the Excerpta ex Theodoto are all soaked with Merkabah mysticism." 15 Indeed, the chapter appears to be the oldest source for some terms and conceptions attested only much later in Jewish literature; Excerpts from Theodotus 38 therefore manifests an intermediate state between apocalyptic texts and the mysticism of the Hekhalot literature. 16 14 Hofius calls Excerpts from Theodotus 38 a (Jewish) non-Gnostic text that was inserted into its Valentinian context; Scholem and Lueken speak of Jewish elements or tradition. Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes, pp. 15-16; Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, pp. 34-35; Lueken, Michael, pp. 96-97. 15 Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, p. 34, note 10. It was Henri Marrou, who in a review of the second edition of Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism drew Scholem's attention to this passage: see Revue du Moyen Age Latin 5 (1949) 166-172, here p. 169. Scholem adds that "Jewish elements ... clearly represent a deterioration of the Jewish tradition ... partly misunderstood or reinterpreted." While most of the concepts appear in the prophetic visions and apocalyptic heavenly journeys (the fiery river, the fiery God, the throne, the restricted access), and I Enoch 14 is certainly very close to this text, the closest parallel is probably the famous collection of passages on heavenly ascent in bHag 13a-14a. 16 For example, Topos recalls the Hebrew term Olj?i'Jil as a designation of God, employed here as a term for the demiourgos: see Excerpts from Theodotus 34; 37; 59:2. See also Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, pp. 34-35. The expression 6 9p0vor; t:oi; T01tou, however, which Scholem linked with lNOJ rnpn ?w and which is quoted by Hofius et al. as proof of further terminological proximity, does not appear in Schafer's Concordance, neither did I find it on the Responsa Project en-Rom ofBar-Ilan University (Version 8).1ts absence in early Hebrew literature points to a certain terminological distance! By far the most common term is 11lJJ NO'J. The emended term -cO: JtveU~at:a most probably designates those angels who as in !Enoch 14:21, are not allowed to approach or look upon God. The J\pxtind.o<;: may refer to the tradition of Michael as the angelic high priest in later texts: see Lueken, Michael, pp. 96-97; and Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism, and Talmudic Tradition, p. 49, note 19. Scholem was apparently not aware of Lueken- otherwise he would have quoted him instead ofMarrou on p. 34.


The editors argue also for an influence of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Yet this is by no means clear. The only possible parallel is: ''the high priest entered the holy of holies once every year," which is similar to Hebrews 9:7: "into the second [tent], once a year only the high priest [entered]." 17 Yet the expression is quite general; Philo employs a similar 18 one. Moreover, even if one wants to argue on linguistic grounds, the sentence may derive not from Theodotus himself but from his epitomist, Clement of Alexandria. Other than this vague allusion, Excerpts from Theodotus 38 does not betray any specific influence from the Christology of the Epistle to the Hebrews, and the differences and omissions are numerous. No mention is made of Melchizedek, the sacrifice of his bloo~ or Christ as a veil. Moreover, the contents of the holy of holies are completely different. Hebrews does not use the term OioOo£ to express the passageway to God. It is therefore possible that the strong priestly connotations in the Jewish apocalyptic traditions of the vision of God 19 triggered Theodotns to connect it with a high-priestly Christology known to him independently of Hebrews. In that case, the Epistle to the Hebrews as well as chapter 38 are both independent witnesses to the same Jewish , apocalyptic tradition.

2. The High Priest's Entrance and the Ritual of the Bridal Chamber The image of the high priest's entrance into the holy of holies is connected to the Valentinian ritnal of the bridal chamber as described in the Gospel of 20 Philip. The Gospel of Philip's employment of the imagery of the high


priest's entrance to the holy of holies addresses the central question of the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity. Students of Gnosticism knew the ritual of the bridal chamber already before the Gospel of Philip was unearthed in Nag Hammadi, for example from several passages in Irenaeus' Adversus Haereses. 11 Yet Irenaeus does not link the temple images to the bridal chamber. Such an association appears for the first time in the Gospel of Philip in a form closely connected to the traditions of Theodotus. There were three buildings specifically for sacrifice in Jerusalem. The one facing the west was called "the holy." Another, facing south, was called "the holy of the holy." The third, facing east, was called "the holy of the holies," the place where only the high priest enters. Baptism is "the holy" building. Redemption is the "holy of the holy." "The holy of the holies" is 1he bridal chamber. Baptism includes the resurrection [and the] redemption; the redemption (takes place) in the bridal chamber. But the bridal chamber is in that which is superior to[ ...] you (sg.) will not find[ ... ] are those who pray[ ... ] Jerusalem.[ ...] Jerusalem who[ ... ] Jerusalem, [... ]those called the "holy of the holies" [... the] veil was rent, {... ]bridal chamber except the image [··-11 10 above. Because of this its veil was rent from top to bottom. For it was fitting for some from below to go upward. The powers do not see those who are clothed in the perfect light, and consequently are not able to detain them. One will clothe himself in this light sacramentally in the union. 22 69

The Gospel of Philip imagines a Jerusalem with three sanctnaries having openings to different directions (west, south, east) and of increasing sanctity, and associates them with three rituals (baptism, Redemption/Eucharist and the "bridal chamber"). Most probably, this tripartite structnre imitates the threefold sacred geography of the Jerusalem temple with devir, zevul and ulam. Such a threefold partition appears also in a Heracleon23 - if we 1988). On the perplexing ritual of the bridal chamber, see De Coninck, "Entering God's Presence," especially pp. 505-521 with extensive bibliography. One could add J.J. Buckley, "A Cult-Mystery in 'The Gospel of Philip'," Journal of Biblical Literature 99 (1980) 569-581; and the Valentinian inscription interpreted by P. Lampe, "An Early Christian Inscription in the Musei Capitolini," Studio Theologica. Scandinavian Journal of Theology 49 (1995) 79-92. 21 See Against the Heresies 1:7:1; 1:13:3-4; 1:21:3. Irenaeus cormects the ritual especially to the figure of the Valentinian teacher Marcus. On previous interpretations of the ritual, see Buckley, '"A Cult-Mystery in 'The Gospel of Philip'," pp. 575-579. 12 Gospel of Philip 69:14--70:9, Isenberg's translation. Unfortunately, in this passage the manuscript is tom exactly at the passage significant for understanding the ritual of the bridal chamber. 23 Heracleon (ca. 145-180 CE), the disciple ofValentinus is known for having written the first Christian commentary and the first commentary at all on a book of the New Testament. He is preserved in Origen's commentary on John. a polemical response on Heracleon. On his hermeneutics, see E.H. Pagels, The Johannine Gospel in Gnostic Exegesis: Herac/eon 's Commentary on John (Society of Biblical Literature Monograph

3

Finally, I do not know of any earlier attestation for the protective or concealing function of the veil in front of the divine throne in a visionary text prior to Excerpts from Theodotus 38. A veil of the Dvir appears in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice 4Q405 15 ii- 16, lines 3 and 5; however, without a concealing function (at least in the preserved text). On the veil in other early Jewish texts, see Hofius, Der Vorhang vor dem Thron Gottes. 17 Excerpts from Theodotus 38: 6 O.pxu:peUt; lixal; toti E.vtatrtoti tit; tO: iirta 't"OOv O.rirov dmjtl. Heb 9:7: Eit; Sf: n]v SE:1rt£pav O:ttal; toU ivtamoU J.t0vo<; 6 ci:pttEpsUt;. 18 Legatio ad Gaium 306 .a d8trta ...• ti.<; a iixa:; l"Oii ivtamoii 0 J.ti:ra<; i.Ep£-ilt; eia£pxemt 't"f:t vr]auiq.. 19

For the priestly connotations of the apocalyptic vision, see e.g. Himmelfarb, Ascent to Heaven in Jewish and Christian Apocalypses, pp. 20--25 and 29-46. 20 The Gospel of Philip, found in Nag Hammadi, is commonly placed in a Valentinian Gnostic provenance, probably in Syria. See the introduction to the Gospel of Philip by Wesley Isenberg in J.M. Robinson, The Nag Hammadi Library in English (Leiden,

233


can rely on Origen. Heracleon compares the three spheres for pneumatics psychics, and hylics to the holy of holies, 24 the forecourt of the temple2s and the rest of the world26 The holy of holies is the Pleroma, which has been accessed by Jesus the high priest and will be entered by the pneumatics.27 What do the holy of holies and the high priest's entrance symbolically represent in the Gospel of Philip? The holy of holies is the place of pure hght, the Pleroma. A veil conceals God's creative activity within.28 This Series 17; Nashville [Tenn.] and New York, 1973), especially chapter 2. See also Y. Janssens, "Heracleon. Commentaire sur I'Evangile selon saint Jean," Le Musion 12 (1959) 101-151; 277-299; W. Foerster, Von Valentin zu Herakleon. Untersuchungen ii.ber die Que/len und die Entwicklung der valentinianischen Gnosis (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der a!teren Kirche 7; Giessen, 1928), pp. 9-12; C. Bam.mel "Herakleon," Theologische Realencycloptidie, vol. 15 (1986) 54-57, with an extensive bibliography; C. Gianotto, "Heracleon," Encyclopedia of the Early Church (1992) val. 1, p. 374; on the place of this fragment inHeracleon's theology, see also B. Aland, "Erwlihlungstheologie und Menschenklassenlehre. Die Theologie des Herakleon als Schliissel zum Verst~ndnis der christlichen Gnosis," in: M. Krause (ed.), Gnosis and Gnosticism. Papers read at the Seventh International Conference on Patristic Studies (Oxford, September 8th-13th 1975) (Nag Ham.madi Studies 8; Leiden, 1977; pp. 148-181), here pp. 160-164. 24 Or the temple. 25 Or Jerusalem. 26 Origen states: "(210) But let us also consider Heracleon's words. He says the ascent [to] Jerusalem indicates the Lord's ascension from [the region ofj material things to the psychic region (t't:n:O -c&v UA.uc&v ai~ -cOv 'I'UXtKOv -c6nov), which is an image of Jerusalem. (211) And he thinks the expression, 'He found in the temple (i.apip),' [John 2:14) and not 'in the forecourt of the temple (xpov6.Cf1],' is used that it might not be thought that the mere calling (KAi)

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veil is rent in the moment of C~st's death. 29 The high priest Jesus and Gnostics who are called pnests, enter.30 Before that, they have to some , and be reborn. "If anyone becomes a son of the bn"dal nceive the light c~amber he will receive the light. If anyone does not receive it while he is e re he ~ill not be able to receive it in the other place."31 This light helps he, · powers, smce · "the powers do not the Gnostic to overcome the watching e those who are clothed in the perfect light, and consequently are not s~le to detain them."32 A union with the light is achieved in a ritual, ~sacramentally." 33 The sacramental aspect of the ~on refers to the ritual of the bridal chamber, which enables the Gnostic to enter. the holy of hOlies. "The holies of the holies were revealed, and the bndal chamber invited us in."34 .•• April De Coninck has suggested that the bridal chamber was ~ mitlation ritnal with an un-erotic (and therefore godly) sexual umon, which was upposed to restore the divine harmony by overcommg the pnmordtal s ~ separation of man and woman.

the cross [and under] its anns. This ark will be [their] salvation when the flood l of water surges over them. If some belong to the order of the pries~hood, they will be able to go within the veil with the high priest. For this reason, the ved was not rent at the top only, since it would have been open only to those above; nor w~ it rent at the bottom only, since it would have been revealed only to those below. But It was rent from top to bottom. Those above opened to us the things below, in order that we may go in to the secret of the truth. This truly is what is held in high regard (and) what is strong! But we shall go in there by means of lowly types and forms of weakness. They are lowly inde~d when compared with the perfect glory. There is glory which surpasses glory. There ts power which surpasses power. Therefore, the perfect things have opened to us, tog~ther wtth the hidden things of truth. The holies of the holies were revealed, and the bndal chamber invited us in." Gospel of Philip 84:20-85:21, Isenberg's translation, here and henceforth. On the aspect of revelation, see Valentini an Expos~tion NHC xi,2; 25?0-39. ""~He is] ... the [true] High Priest, [the one who has] the authonty to enter the Holies ofHohes, revealing the glory of the Aeons and bringing forth the abundance to 'fragrance'" (transl. J.D. Turner). 29 Gospel of Philip 85:5-10. . . 30 ""If some belong to the order of the priesthood, they will be able to go Withm the veil with the high priest" (Gospel of Philip 85: 1-5). 31 Gospel of Philip 86:1-5. 32 Gospel of Philip 70:5-10. 33 "One will clothe himself in this light sacramentally in the union" (Gospel of Philip 70:1-5). 34 Gospel of Philip 85:1-21. 35 See De Coninck, "Entering God's Presence," pp. 505-521.

236 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries But the woman is united to her husband in the bridal chamber. Indeed, those who have united in the bridal chamber will no longer be separated. Thus Eve separated from Adam because it was not in the bridal chamber that she united with him. 36

At once, the ritual of the bridal chamber pre-enacts the fmal union of the Gnostic with his or her light spirit in the eschaton and imitates the union of the Father and the Mother from which Jesus was bom. 37 Both the ritual and the eschatological event are called "bridal chamber." There is an unresolved tension between two traditions referring to the eschatological future and to the present, similar to that between the eschatological approach to God in Excerpts from Theodotus 38 and the present mystical vision in Excerpts from Theodotus 27. The veil is said to be rent in the future 38 or to be already rent. 39 The renting of the veil connected to the destruction of "the house," alludes to the Passion and the destruction of the temple. It signifies the revelation of the previously hidden mysteries of the holy of holies. 40 The Gospel of Philip explicitly states that there is a difference between the eschatological event and the present ritual: Whereas in this world the union is one of husband with wife - a case of strength complemented by weakness(?)- in the Aeon (eternal sphere), the form of the union is different, although we refer to them by the same names. 41

The effects of the ritual in the present time is an aspect that helps to elucidate the place of Yom Kippur imagery in the ritual of the bridal chamber. Gnosticism and mysticism both yearn for the same outcome -union with or vision of God; yet the two are distinct in their conception of this union or vision. Entering the Pleroma in the bridal chamber means achieving a vision of God. This entry is not purely eschatological, as in the Epistle to the Hebrews; it has a ritual pre-enacment, which means that a mystical vision of God is achieved during the ritual. That this vision is described with Yom Kippur imagery brings us back to the central question regarding the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity: Why did the Gospel ofPhilip employ the imagery of the high priest's entrance to the holy of holies? Even if Valentinians received the idea from apocalyptic Jewish traditions, as indicated in the first section of this chapter, an explanation is still needed as to what caused them to accept 36

Gospel of Philip 70:15-25. Gospel of Philip 71:1-15. 38 Gospel of Philip 84:25-30. 39 Gospel of Philip 85:5-10. 40 The veil is not a divine embodiment as in the Valentinian Exposition, nor does it have a positive protective function as in Excerpts from Theodotus 38; it conceals the true revelation until it is rent. This probably reflects Heb 10: 19-22. 41 Gospel of Philip 76:5-10. 37


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it. I suggest there are four such reasons. First, the authority of Judaism as the origin of this tradition may have caused reverence for the tradition. A second reason- or a hint of it- may be found in those traditional element~ reinforced by the Gospel of Philip: The Valentinian re-ritualization of the' high priest's entry emphasizes the sexual aspects connected to the holy of holies.42 Third, the ritual aspect of the high-priestly imagery matches well a ritual context of practical mysticism with induced ascent to a heavenly temple. Whoever prefers to use Leviticus 16 over other prooftexts for mystical encounters with God - Exodus 3, Genesis I 5 or Mark 9 - probably does so, since the rihlal connotations of Leviticus 16 match his own conceptualization that a vision of God (or the possibility of obtaining esoteric knowledge from God's nearest environment) can be achieved ritually. Fourth, for the initiated, the secrecy of the holy of holies suitably symbolizes the esotericism of the revelation. The first reason can be linked to the Jewish origin of the tradition, revered by the Valentinian Christians; the other three reasons are intrinsic to the sexual, ritual and esoteric connotations of the tradition itself, which suited the Gnostic conception and its rihlalization.

3. Philonic and Valentinian Mysticism as Merged in Clement of Alexandria Salvatore Lilla claimed that the Philonic and the Valentinian usage of Yom Kippur imagery in the descriptions of the divine vision strongly influenced Clement of Alexandria's mysticism, especially as formulated in Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4 -as did Judith Kovacs more recently and in different tenns. 43 This interdependence is relevant for the investigation of Yom Kip42 De Coninck has assembled the traditional material behind this conception (some of which was discussed in the introductory chapter, above, p. 126). 43 S. Lilla, Clement of Alexandria: A Study in Christian Platonism and Gnosticism (Oxford, 1971 ), pp. 173-181; J.L. KovaCs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis: Clement of Alexandria's Interpretation of the Tabernacle," Studia Patristica 31 (1997) 414-437. See also J .E. Davison, "Structural Similarities and Dissimilarities in the Thought of Clement of Alexandria and the Valentinians," Second Century 3 (1983) 201-217. Other discussions of this passage can be found in W. VOlker, Der wahre Gnostiker nach Clemens Alexandrinus (Texte und Untersuchungen 57; Berlin, 1952), pp. 403-432; A. Mehat, Etude sur les 'Stromates' de Climent d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1966), pp. 456-475; A. Le Boulluec (ed., transl.), Clement d'Alexandrie. Les Stromateis. Stromate V. Tome II commentaire, bibliographie et index (SC 279; Paris, 1981 ); A. van den Hoek, Clement of Alexandria, and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 3; Leiden, 1988), pp. 116--147.


pur's impact on early Christianity, since it is the high priest's entrance that connects the ascent visions of all three corpora. I discuss first the Clementine Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4, then Excerpts from Theodotus 27, of ambivalent Clementine or Valentinian authorship.

3.1 Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4

Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4 describes the ascent of the Gnostic to the vision of God in terms of the high priest's entrance to the holy of holies. So the high priest puts off his consecrated robe (the universe and the creation in the universe were consecrated by him assenting that what was made, was good), washes himself and puts on the other tunic (a holy-of-holies one, so to speak), which is to accompany him into the adytum. 4 It seems to me that he exhibits the Levite and Gnostic as the chief of the other priests. Those other priests are bathed in water and clothed in faith alone, and they expect their own individual abode. [The high priest], however, distinguishes the objects of the intellect from the sensual things. He rises above the other priests and hastens to the entrance to the intellectual world to wash himself from the things here below, not in water, as formerly one was cleansed on being enrolled in the tribe of Levi, but already by the Gnostic Word. • 40:1 [The high priest] has been purified in his whole heart and thoroughly regulated. He has improved that mode of life, received from the priest, to the highest pitch. Having been sanctified in both word and life, he puts on the bright array (yO:vrov:a) of glory and receives the ineffable inheritance of that spiritual and perfect man, "which eye hath not seen and ear hath not heard and which hath not entered into the heart of man." Having become son and friend, he is now replenished with insatiable contemplation face to face. · For there is nothing like hearing the Word Himself, who by means of the Scripture inspires fuller intelligence. 2 For so it is said, "And he shall put off the linen robe, which he had put on when he entered into the holy place, and shall lay it aside there and wash his body in water in the holy place and put on his robe" [Leviticus 16:4]. 3 But in one way, as I think, the Lord puts off and puts on by descending into the sensual region; and in another, he who through Him has believed puts off and puts on, as the apostle intimated, the consecrated stole. 4 Thence, after the image of the Lord, the worthiest are chosen from the sacred tribe to be high priests, and those elected to the kingly office and to prophecy are anointed. 44

5:6:39:3

The passage stands in the context of an allegorical exegesis of Exodus 2628 (the tabernacle, the vestments and the high priest) and is heavily influenced by Philo, especially Vita Mosis 2:95-135 45 In the relevant 44 I slightly amended the translation from A. Cleveland Coxe (ANF) according to the Greek in SC 278. 45 Stromateis 5:6:32-40 has been investigated in detail by van den Hoek, Clement of Alexandria, and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis, pp. 116--147, see especially her table

1


239

passage 5:6:39:3-40:4, Clement switches his focus from Exodus 26--28 to Leviticus 16 and "departs entirely from his Philonic Vorlage" toward motifs adopted from Valentinian Gnosticism.46 Clement focuses on the preparations of the high priest, who washes himself and changes his clothes explicitly quoting the relevant passage in Leviticus 16:4. The historical high priest represents simultaneously Jesus and the Gnostic Christian. Jesus is mentioned only once, his entry to the holy of holies signifYing his incarnation (40:3). The Gnostic clearly dominates the scene. For the Gnostic as high priest, the entrance is not the descent into matter but the mystical ascent to the intellectual world, with the vision of God as its final goal (40: 1.4). Only for the Gnostic are the details of the priestly purification ritCs allegorized. The washing represents a special second baptism- not with water (as do the Levites) but with the Logos (39:4). The donning of a new garment is explained as putting on "the bright array of glory" (40: I). The former is reminiscent of the Valentinian distinction between pneumatic and psychic Christians.47 The latter almost certainly refers to the famous garb of light, which according to the Valentinian form of the Jewish tradition was the purpose of the unification ritual of the bridal chamber. Yet Clement differs from Valentinian soteriology. While Clement adopts the V alentinian distinction between a reward for the psychics and an even higher reward for the Gnostics/pneumatics, he changes it from two separate categories to two separate stages. According to him, the psychic can become a Gnostic, which matches Clement's hermeneutics toward Valentinian conceptions in Stromateis 5:6. Adapting many Gnostic conceptions, he hlrns some of them against their inventors. 48

on p. 118. See also the apparatus of Stahlin's edition and in Sagnard, Clement d'Alexandrie. Ex traits de Thiodote, appendix C; and the commentary of Le Boulluec, Clement d'A/e:xandrie. Les Stromateis. Stromate V. Tome II (SC 279; Paris, 1981). 46 Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis," p. 414. 47 Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis," pp. 419 and 427-430. 48 Like Heracleon, Clement proposes a tripartite sacred geography: the holy of holies, the holy shrine and the forecourt are connected to Gnostic Christians, psychic Christians and pagans, respectively. Yet, while Heracleon associated the holy of holies with the Gnostics, the forecourt is the place of the psychics. Moreover, Clement calls the Gnostic Christians high priests and Levites, which may be a pejorative pun on the association of Levites with psychics in Heracleon. See Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis," pp. 428 and 429.

240 The Impact of Yom. Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries

3.2 Excerpts from Theodotus 27

In a picture closely resembling the one in Stromateis 5:6:39:3-40:4, Excerpts from Theodotus 27, too, employs the high priest's entrance: The priest (iepeU<;) on entering within the second veil (ciatcl:lv f:v1:0<; wo Ka"t:axe•«op.a•o<; 1:0i.l Oemipou) removed the plate (:Jti1:aAov) at the altar of incense, and entered in silence (f:v atyfJ) with the Name engraved upon his heart, indicating the laying aside of the body ( •o"ii mOJ.la•o<;) which has become pure like the golden plate and nimble (KoUqlou) through purification ... the laying aside as it were of the soul's body (•o"ii cOOnep aOOJ.ltt"to<; •fl<; 'Vl.IXfl<;) on which was stamped the luster of piety, by which he was recognized by the Principalities and Powers (•at<; :o\PXats Kai •at<; 'E~owiat<;) as having put around [him] (xepuceiJ.levo<;) the Name. 2 Now he discards this body, the plate which had become weightless (
The exact relationship of the passages in the Excerpts and that in the Stromateis is disputed. The crux is whether Excerpts from Theodotus 27 reflects Theodotus or is a gloss by Clement of Alexandria. 50 The "Gnostic" 49

I have slightly changed the translation of Casey, The Excerpta ex Theodoto of Clement ofAlexandria. Edited with Translation, Introduction and Notes, according to the Greek in Sagnard, Clement d'Alexandrie. Extraits de Theodote. 50

The latter position was expressed nearly a century ago by 0. Dibelius, "Studien zur Geschichte der Valentinianer," Zeitschriftftir die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der iilteren Kirche 9 (1908) 230--247, 329-340. The main argument is the entrance of the soul into the pneumatic sphere. Sagnard, Clement d'Alexandrie. Extraits de Th€odote, p. 11, goes so far as to state that "l'Extrait 27 est tout a fait caracteristique de Ia maniere de Clement, et peu de fragments pourraient lui etre attribues avec autant de siirete." Neither Dibelius nor Sagnard were able to take into consideration the texts from


241

terminology does not provide any clue since the terms appear also elsewhere in Clement and since the chronological relationship between the Stromateis and the Excerpts from Theodotus is unresolvedY Salvatore Lilla understands Excerpts from Theodotus 27 as quoted from Theodotus and uses it as evidence for Valentinian influence on Clement. Judith Kovacs argues that Clement in this chapter discloses to the reader his most esoteric thoughts, which he still concealed in the Stromateis - in which case, Excerpts from Theodotus 27 is a further development by Clement himself. 52 Regardless of the authorship of this passage, the ambivalence of its attribution is in itself a good illustration of the proximity of Clement's thought to Valentinian theologians like Theodotus. In either case, the close relationship is obvious. Again, the picture of the high priest entering the holy of holies is employed to describe the ascent of the Gnostic's soul through the rational sphere and its guarding powers into the pneumatic sphere, where he "is granted to see God face to face." Here again, the author focuses on the changing of clothes, yet he uses an otherwise unknown tradition that the high priest removed the plate with the divine name only at the altar of incense on entering the holy of holies. 53 The removal of the plate with God's name 54 indicates the soul putting aside the body. 55 The altar of incense refers to the place of the ministering angels who carry the prayers to God. The soul is transformed into a Logos. The terminology for

Nag Hammadi; a revision of their arguments is therefore a desideratum. The remarks in Procter's dissertation cannot be regarded as advancing the status quaestionis. See E. Procter, Christian controversy in Alexandria: Clement's polemic against the Basilideans and Valentinians (American University Studies Series VII, Theology and Religion 112; New York, 1995). 51 If Stromateis 5 is earlier than Excerpts from Theodotus, Clement used "Valentinian" terminology independently of Theodotus. Only if Excerpts from Theodotus is earlier than Stromateis 5 may Clement have learned the Valentinian terminology from Theodotus. 52 Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis," p. 433. 53 This motif may reflect acquaintance with priestly traditions: see Bezalel, "Clement of Alexandria on an Unknown Custom in the Temple Service of the Day of Atonement," and Wolfson's note in Casey, The Excerpta ex Theodoto of Clement of Alexandria.

Edited with Translation, Introduction and Notes. 54 The conception that the control over a name is achieved by not pronouncing it is paradoxical and contradicts the solemn proclamation of the name in Yom Kippur's ritual. The emphasis is on silence - the name is not uttered but written on the heart. 55 It is unlikely that the material body is intended, since the body is removed in the spiritual sphere. Lilla, Clement of Alexandria, p. 178, suggests seeing here a reference to the lower part of the soul, as in Excerpts from Theodotus 64. This position is accepted also by Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis," p. 435.


the metamorphosis of the soul into a Logos evokes the ritual of the bridal chamber. Thus, having transcended the angelic teaching and the Name taught in Writing, [the soul] comes to the knowledge and comprehension of the facts. It is no longer a bride56 but has become a Logos and rests with the bridegroom together with the First-Called and First-Created, who are friends by love, sons by instruction and obedience, and brothers by community of origin. 57 27:5

What were the sources of this passage? As with Excerpts from Theodotus 38, chapter 27 also may have been written without the influence of Hebrews but in a similar spirit. 58 The author uses some Philonic categories. 5 9 It is possible that the laying aside of the ne
56 This formulation does not have to be a polemical pun against the Valentinians, as Kovacs, "Concealment and Gnostic Exegesis,» pp. 436-437, proposes, since every bride changes her status after having been united with her bridegroom in the bridal chamber 57 Excerpts from Theodotus 27:5. 58 While the opening formulation about the second veil calls to mind Hebrews, the second veil is known also apart from Hebrews: see Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews. The rest of the passage does not betray any relationship to the Epistle. In particular, the central motif of Excerpts from Theodotus 21, the removal of the plate, is Completely absent from the New Testament writing. 59 The (material) plate, which the high priest removed, represents the body, the place before the holy of holies the rational sphere; and the altar of incense the angels lifting prayers aloft. 60 This rite is attested only here. We cannot be sure if it is based on Christian Gnostic exegetical speculation, on Jewish ritual speculation or on the practice in the temple: see note 53, above. 61 See C.R.A. Morray-Jones, "Transformational Mysticism in the ApocalypticMerkabah Tradition," Journal of Jewish Studies 43 (1992) 1-31; and cf. M. Mach, Entwicklungsstadien des jiidischen Engelglaubens in vorrabbinischer Zeit (Texte und Studien zum antiken Judentum 34; Tiibingen, 1992), chapter 3.4.4.1. 62 See above, pp. 110--112. 63 See e.g. Ascension of Isaiah 9-10, and Himmelfarb's observations on similar elements in Hekha/ot Rabbati and Hekhalot Zutrati in her paper "Heavenly Ascent and the Relationship of the Apocalypses and the Hekhalot Literature," Hebrew Union College Annual 59 (1988) 73-100, here pp. 82-86.

1I


243

Given that Clement wanted to describe the Gnostic's vision of God, why did he choose to do so with the imagery of the high-priestly entrance? It cannot be a high regard for his Gnostic source. Nor does he hint at a specific mystic ritual. It may have been the image of a hidden holy of holies accessible only to the initiated, an image that matches Clement's concept of different levels of Christians.

Conclusions and Implications Valentinian theologians of the second century, among them Theodotus, Heracleon and the writer of the Valentinian Exposition, adopted the motif of the high priest's entrance into the holy of holies from Jewish apocalyptic ascent visions to describe the eschatological entrance of Christ and the pneumatics into the Pleroma. The ritual of the bridal chamber portrayed in the Gospel of Philip gives in this world a foretaste of the eschatological entrance. It employs sexual connotations of the Jewish imaginaire of the holy of holies to depict union with the light. Together with Philo, these Valentinian conceptions and probably also the ritual of the bridal chamber influenced Clement of Alexandria's model of the ascent of the Gnostic's soul to the vision of God. The imagery of Yom Kippur did not become a fixed tradition in the Gnostic literature of the second century. Until Clement, various images and conceptions associated with Yom Kippur continued to inspire thinkers and reform the tradition. The Valentinians reinforced the apocalyptic motif of the change of clothes with the idea of the high priest's plate (ne
l1 .

ii,,

~-

Chapter 6

;;,

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Yom Kippur in Jewish Christian Legends Two Jewish Christian legends are connected to Yom Kippur-' First, James, the brother of Jesus, is described as behaving every day as if it were a Day of Atonement. I argue that this legend is understood better against the background of tensions concerning Jewish Christianity and the observation of Yom Kippur. Second, Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist, is said to have received the annunciation of his son's conception when serving as high priest in the holy of holies on a Yom Kippur. This legend was used for calculating the dates of conception and birth of Christ and John. Furthermore, a holiday celebrating this event emerged in the Eastern Church. As I will show in the chapter on Christian autunm festivals, its readings are closely related to the Jewish :lnd the Christian imaginaires of Yom Kippur. 2 Jewish Christian traditions from the second century recognize at least four legendary leaders who are described in high-priestly terms, although historically they were definitely not high priests in the temple and some of them were neither Aaronides nor even Levites. These leaders include: (1) Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist,' (2) Simeon,' (3) John, the Beloved Disciple,' and (4) James, the brother of Christ' 1 Here, I have chosen the term "legend" instead of"myth" because we do not know to what extent the Jewish Christian stories investigated in the current chapter were of foundational status for Jewish Christians. Zechariah's and James' promotion to high priesthood became part of mainstream Christian mythology; but this chapter deals with the Jewish Christian provenance. 2 See below, pp. 322-328. 3 On apocryphal legends linked to Zechariah, see still A. Berendts, Studien uber Zacharias-Apokryphen und Zacharias-Legenden (Leipzig, 1895). 4 On Simeon (Luke 2:25.34), see S. Porter, "Simeon 3," Anchor Bible Dictionary 6 (1992) 26-28. 5 On John in general, see R.A. Culpepper, John, the Son of Zebedee. The Life of a Legend (Studies on Personalities of the New Testament; Columbia [S.C.], 1994). 6 On James in general, see J. Painter, Just James. The Brother ofJesus in History and Tradition (Studies on Personalities of the New Testament; Columbia [S.C.], 1997); W. Pratscher, Der Herrenbruder Jalrobus und die Jakobustradition (Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments 139; GOttingen, 1983); and idem, "Jakobus (Herrenbmder)," Rea//exikonfor An/ike und Christentum 18 (1998) 1227-1243;

r.-

Yom Kippur in Jewish Christian Legends

245

In a Christian context this is a remarkable anomaly, considering that in the first centuries there were no Christian priests. Priests (i.e. presbyters) and high priests (i.e. bishops) served in Christian churches only from the third century in the West and probably only from the fourth century in the East 7 Before this, various offices conld be compared to that of priest, but these comparisons stayed in the realm of metaphor; there was no separate class of priests. Probably, among the Jewish Christian communities, the high-priestly title served to endow their leaders with the traditional termino logy of Jewish religious leadership, perhaps with connotations of exceptional powers of intercession and hereditary authority. The symbol for these aspects of authority and leadership of the high priests is the lcita,ov (f'l), one of the high-priestly and royal insignia, which is associated with James and with John. 8 The f'l was a golden plate with the inscription ~'Holy to the Lord," which was worn on the miter. 9 Biblical and rabbinic traditions ascribe expiating and apotropaic qualities to the f'l. 10 Epiphanius shows knowledge of a tradition related to Jewish post-temple conceptions of the plate as having an oracular function - the ability to distinguish between sinners and the righteous. 11 Leviticus 8:9 eqnates the high-priestly f'X with the 1Tl. The uncut hair of the Nazir is called 1Tl, too, and this has led some scholars to explain nEtaAov in this context as referring to the Nazirite tradition. 12 In my opinion, the fact that the ,rJ was also one of the royal insignia links it to ruling power and leadership. 13 If Jewish Christian tradition continued to use the Jewish terminology, designating their leaders as high priests, how did they relate to Yom Kippur, the ritual of the high priest? These traditions can provide us with a M. Hengel, "Jakobus der Herrenbruder- der erste Papst?" in: idem, Paulus und Jakobus. Kleine Schriften III (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament 141; TUbingen, 2002; pp. 549-582). 7 B. KOtting, "Die Aufnahme des Begriffs •Hiereus' in den christlichen Sprachgebraucb," in: idem, Ecclesia peregrinans. Das Gottesvolk unterwegs. Gesammelte Aufsiitze (MOnsterische Beitrlige zur Theologie 54:1; MUnster i. W., 1988; pp. 356-364), pp. 352-353, see also note 52, there. a Epiphanius, Panarion 29:4; Polycrates apud Eusebius, History of the Church 3:31:3; History of the Church 5:24:3. 9 Exod 28:36ff. 10 Exod 28:38; mPesah 7:7; hPesah 71a; mZebah 8:12; mMenah 3:3; bZebah 88b. 11 Epiphanius, De xii gemmis 2:1; the tradition appears in Protevange/ium of James 5:1; bYebam 60b; Targum Pseudo-Jonathan Num 31:17-18. 11: Num 6; Jer 7:29. 13 See G. Mayer "1TJ" in Theologisches WOrterbuch zum Alten Testament 5 (1986) 329~334. In lQSb Rule of Blessings iv:28 the priest wears a lTJ (consecration) for the holy of holies. In 4Q161 Pesher Isaiah 8-10 iii 20 the messianic king wears a 1n.

246 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries glimpse into Jewish Christian ritual, about which evidence is so scant, especially concerning Yom Kippur. Of the four figures mentioned, only Zechariah and James are described in passages relating to Yom Kippur. They will be the topics of the two sections that follow. Two other early Jewish Christian high priests, Simeon and the apostle John, are briefly described in an excursus.

1. James, the Permanently Interceding High Priest Hegesippus' Hypomnemata is the earliest source to describe James, the brother of Jesus, with strong high-priestly motifs." I suggest it was Hegesippus who portrayed James behaving every day as if it were Yom Kippur: he intercedes regularly in the holy of holies, and he observes permanently the prohibitions of Yom Kippur. With this, Hegesippus proposes an alternative to the singularity of Yom Kippur's afflictions and its highpriestly service. For James, the Christian high priest, the holy of holies is always accessible and it is always possible for him to offer up prayers in that location, where God is closest. Consequently, a special Day of Atonement is unnecessary. Unfortunately, the original text of Hegesippus has been preserved only indirectly; the relevant passages appear only in Eusebius' Historia Ecclesiastica and Epiphanius' Panarion. 15 Yet the question of the textual relationship between Hegesippus, Eusebius and Epiphanius has not been resolved. Did Epiphanius know of Hegesippus only indirectly, via Eusebius, or did he read him directly? Most scholars tend to hold the first opinion and discard Epiphanius. 16 However, decisive arguments have not 14

Much of this section has been previously published in StOkl Ben Ezra, •"Christians' Celebrating •Jewish' Festivals of Autumn." On introductory questions to Hegesippus, see T. Halton, "Hegesipp," Theologische Realenzyklopiidie 14 (1985) 560-562. Hegesippus' Hypomnemata are usually dated to around 180. Eusebius claims he is of Jewish origin, although scholars have called this into question. He may have been a Gentile Christian: see W. Telfer, "Was Hegesippus a Jew?" Harvard Theological Review 53 (1960) 143153; N. Hyldahl, "Hegesippus Hypomnemata,'' Studid Theologica 14 (1960) 70-113. Oded Irshai has demonstrated that at least the traditions Hegesippus used betray a Jewish background: 0. Irshai, "Historical Aspects of the Christian-Jewish Polemic Concerning the Church of Jerusalem in the Fourth Century (In the Light of Patristic and Rabbinic Literature)" [in Hebrew with English summary} (2 vols; Ph.D. dissertation; The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1993), vol. l, p. 12. 15 Eusebius, History of the Church 2:23:4-7; Epiphanius, Panarion 29:4; 78:13-14. 16 Admittedly, Epiphanius' greater precision and his use of explicit titles are no arguments for a direct acquaintance with Hegesippus and may be explained by an attempt to systematize Eusebius' version.


247

been put forward. Some motifs in Epiphanius' paraphrases are conspicuously close to Jewish traditions and might refer to a direct relationship to Hegesippus. 17 The descriptions of James' behavior can be divided into two parts, the high-priestly aspects and the ascetic aspects. The high-priestly aspects consist of the following motifs: James' garments, his intercession, his presence in the holy of holies and his charismatic rairunaking. Epiphanius explicitly refers to James as a high priest. May that not have been part of Hegesippus' account? That it was not unthinkable in the second century to address a Christian hero as '"high priest" is proven by the Protevange/ium 8, which explicitly calls Zechariah a high priest. First, Eusebius' statement that James wears only linen and never woolen garments recalls the instructions for priests in Ezekiel44:17-18. Linen garments are used by ordinary priests in the daily service and by the high priest on his entering the holy of holies. Second, Eusebius relates that James prayed in the sanctuary (tli Ci:yta, 0 va6,) and that he was the only one allowed to enter it. The latter fact makes it certain that Eusebius had in mind the most restricted area, the holy of holies 18 In fact, Rnfinus and Jerome, Eusebius' translators into Latin and Syriac translated the term as "holy of holies." Zabn has suggested that Eusebius' text might in the fourth century have read "-tO. ii:yta 1:&v O:yirov," even if no extant manuscript actually preserved this reading. 19 Third, according to Eusebius, James prayed without cessation on behalf of his people. The discrepancies of Epiphanius' portrayal from Eusebius' can be explained as "improvements" by Epiphanius so that his source would match better the biblical precepts of Yom Kippur. Epiphanius em11 T. Zahn, "BrUder und Yettem Jesu," in: idem, Forschungen zur Geschichte des neutestamentlichen Kanons und der altkirch/ichen Literatur (Leipzig, 1900; val. 6:2, pp. 225-372), p. 262; H.J. Lawlor, "The Hypomnemata of Hegesippus," in: idem, Eusebiana- Essays on the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius (Oxford, 1912, PP- 1-97). That Epiphanius was dependent on Eusebius is defended by E. Schwartz, "Zu Eusebius Kirchengeschichte," Zeitschrift for die neutestament/iche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der tilteren Kirche 4 (1903) 48-66, here p. 50; J. Munck, "Presbyters and Disciples of the Lord in Papias. Exegetic Comments on Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History, III, 39." Harvard Theological Review 52 (1959) 223-243, here pp. 241-242; Pratscher, Der Herrenbruder Jakobus und die Jakobustradition, pp. 103-104; F.S. Jones, "The Martyrdom of James in Hegesippus, Clement of Alexandria, and Christian Apocrypha, Including Nag Hammadi: A Study ofTextual Relations," in: D.J. Lull (ed.), Society of Biblical Literature 1990 Seminar Papers 29 (Atlanta [Ga.], 1990; pp. 322-335). 13 While -rir. Urm and 0 vaO<; usually refer to the temple, they can also have the specific meaning of holy of holies: see Heb 9:2 or 9:3, depending on which manuscript is chosen; Josephus, Bellumjudaicum 1:152. 19 Zahn, "BrUder und Yettem Jesu," p. 230.


ploys explicitly the titles "high priest" and "holy of holies," and he quotes Leviticus 16 in relating that James entered the holy of holies only once a year. Eusebius' unbiblical "unceasing Yom Kippur" is clearly the lectio difficilior. But if Hegesippus described James as permanent intercessor in the holy of holies, James behaved every day, as if it were Yom Kippur. This is the first indication that Hegesippus polemicized against a special Day of Atonement. Fourth, the historiola of James as rainmaker in Epiphanius' account may point to Jewish traditions about the high priest on Yom Kippur. "And once, when there was a drought, he raised his hands to the heaven and prayed, and immediately the heaven gave water."20 This feature is usually explained as an exposition on Elijah's prayer for rain in !Kings 18:42-45 or James 5:16-18, which certainly may have influenced the choice of words in Epiphanius. Yet the context of Yom Kippur is reminiscent of a Babylonian tradition according to which it was one of the high-priestly tasks on Yom Kippur to pray for the beneficial amount of rain in the coming year. 21 The high priest's skills as institutionalized rainmaker were challenged by charismatic rainmakers. In the discussion of the highpriestly prayer in the Babylonian Talmud, Rabbi Yosef compares the power of prayer of a charismatic rainmaker such as Hanina ben Dosa to that of a high priest's prayer and reaches the conclusion that the prayer of this charismatic personage is more effective than that of the high priest. I suggest understanding Epiphanius' historiola of James, the rainmaker, as alluding to James' high-priestly role and simultaneously to his charismatic function, which implies polemics against the skiJls of the historical high priest on Yom Kippur. Epiphanius' account starts with a drought, which lasted exactly until the moment when James lifted his hands to heaven. If the Babylonian concept was held also in Palestine in Hegesippus' time (the second century), then the high priest was responsible for the drought and James, the charismatic rainmaker, demonstrated his superiority. Not only the high-priestly aspects but also the ascetic practices of James recall Yom Kippur, and may perhaps point to a conscious association with the Day of Atonement, rather than the customary explanations: Nazirite22 20

Epiphanius, Panarion 78:14. bYoma 53b; bTa'an 24b. On James as a Nazirite See E. Zuckschwerdt, "Das Naziraat des Herrenbruders Jakobus nach Hegesipp (Euseb, h.e. II 23,5-6)," Zeitschrift for die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde der iilteren Kirche 68 (1977) 276--87. Of the three Nazirite abstinences (alcohol, haircutting and being in the presence of corpses, see Num 6:1-7), James observed two. Moreover, the fonnulation iK KOli..ia<; 11Tttp0<; airtoU, which is employed regarding Samson, clearly tries to turn James into a Nazirite. Epiphanius reduces the similarity to the Nazirite tradition by skipping the abstention from wine. 21 22


249

or Rechabite23 traditions. According to Eusebius, James avoided alcohol from birth, nor did he eat meat; he did not cut his hair, embalm himself, or frequent a bathhouse. Epiphanius does not mention the abstention from wine and from anointing, but he adds abstention from sexual intercourse, from wearing sandals and from wearing a second coat. 24 If we assume that Eusebius and Epiphanius used Hegesippus independently and adopted different but complementary details, we can reconstruct a list of seven prohibitions: drinking wine, eating meat, haircutting, bathhouse, anointing, wearing sandals or a second coat, and sexual intercourse.25 I find especially telling that Eusebius, Epiphanius and Mishnah Ta 'anit agree on the mention of keeping away from public bathhouses, a prohibition that does not fit the Nazirite or the Rechabite traditions. 26 The last four prohibitions agree with Jewish custom on public mourning days as described in the Mishnah Ta'anit. 21 To abstain from wine and meat is a rnle for the eve of Tish'a be'Av 28 However, the closest parallel to the whole list is the six prescriptions for Yom Kippur: eating, drinking, washing, anointing, wearing sandals and sexual intercourse. 29 If the assumption is correct that Epiphanius and Eusebius independently copied directly from Hegesippus, Hegesippus portrayed not only the high-priestly but also the ascetic aspects of James' behavior as a permanent Yom Kippur. Now we have to take into consideration the religious situation after the destruction of the temple. The entrance of the most sacred person into the most sacred place to intercede in God's presence for humanity's sins had been restricted to the most sacred day, Yom Kippur. Fasting and praying were of major importance, but they happened also on other days. In this context, Hegesippus portrays James, the leader of the Jewish Christian faction, as fasting and interceding Wlceasingly in the most sacred place as if every day were Yom Kippur. This portrayal spreads the unique sanctity of that 23 On the Rechabite background see the discussion in Irshai, "Historical Aspects of the Christian-Jewish Polemic Concerning the Church of Jerusalem in the Fourth Century," vol. 1, pp. 8-12 and vol. 2, pp. 13-16, notes 67, 68, 71, 83-86). 24 The latter two may also depend on Matt 10:10; however, many of the motifs of Matt 10 are missing. 2S The following abstineoces are mentioned by both: meat, bathhouse, haircutting. Only Eusebius mentions wine and anointing, while Epiphanius is the only one to refer to sandals, second coat and sex. 26 mTa'an 1:6. T1 mTa'an 1:6; 4:7. 28 mTa'an 4:1. 29 mYoma 8:1, no eating, drinking, washing, anointing, sandals or sexual intercourse. The frrst two are modified, because total abstinence from food and drink is impossible even for pennanent ascetics. There is no prohibition against using a public bathhouse, since washing is forbidden altogether.

250 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries day to all days of the year. If James, the Jewish Christian leader par excellence, could, according to Hegesippus, approach God directly every day, a special Day of Atonement had become superfluous for the followers of James, i.e. Hegesippus' Jewish Christian contemporaries. By the same token we can conclude (if our thesis is correct) that some Jewish Christian groups, those against whom Hegesippus drew his portrayal, did observe Yom Kippur.

2. Zechariah's Revelation on Yom Kippur Luke I tells the story about Zechariah, the priest, who on offering incense in the temple is approached by Gabriel, who announces to him the future birth of John. If we consider Luke's account as historical, Zechariah's act was part of the duty of every member of the priestly watches who participated in the temple service; in this case, Zechariah was most probably offering the daily incense offering in the sanctuary, the "holy area" outside the holy of holies. Suddenly, in the fourth century, simultaneously in many places and in many languages, •a tradition appears about Zechariah, the high priest, receiving the revelation on entering the holy of holies on Yom Kippur or Sukkot: 30 in Latin in the anonymous de solstitiis (third or fourth century?) and Ambrose (d. 397); in Syriac in Ephrem (d. 373); in Greek in Chrysostom's Christmas Homily from 386. 31 The simultaneous attestation is so widely dispersed that the tradition must be older than the end of the fourth century.

30

See above, p. 68, notes 289 and 290 for other authors who considered the two festivals as one, or who confused Sukkot and Yom Kippur. On the same confusion ofSukkot and Yom Kippur in relation to John's annunciation or conception, cf. e.g. Chrysostom, Christmas Homily 5 (PG 49:357 C); Pseudo-Chrysostom, In laudem conceplionis sancti Joannis Baptistae (PG 50:789 A). 31 De solstitiis et aequinoctiis (ed. Botte, pp. 96-98); Ambrose, Commentary on Luke 1:22 (CCSL 14:17, lines 339-346); Ephrem, Commentary on Exodus 12:2-3 (CSCO 152:141); Commentary on the Diatessaron 1:29 (SC 121:61-62); Homily on the Nativity 5:14, 26:12; 27:3.13 (conception of Jesus on 10 April, six months after John); John Chrysostom, Christmas Homily, PG 49:351-62. The tradition also appears in many other writings, among them those of the mid-sixth-century traveling businessman who is known by the name of Cosmas Indicopleustes: Christian Topography 5:9 and 5:37 (SC 159:20-23 and 66-69); and an anonymous commentary on Luke from Jerusalem, which the editor dates to 400-450, fragment 10, published in J. Reuss (ed.), Lukas-Kommentare aus der griechischen Kirche. Aus Katenenhandschriften gesammelt und herausgegeben (Texte und Untersuchungen 130; Berlin, 1984), pp. 23-24.


251

Already in the Protevangelium of James, a Jewish Christian legend of the mid-second century,32 Zechariah had been promoted to high priest. Yet the actual scene of the annunciation is only indirectly alluded to: "About that time [when Mary was working on the temple curtain] Zechariah became mute, and Samuel replaced him, until Zechariah spoke" (10:2). Neither time nor place nor· details of the encounter with Gabriel are specified." Elsewhere in the Protevangelium, the holy of holies is a place of revelation (8); nevertheless, the annunciation does not have to have happened on Yom Kippur, since in the Protevangelium, the holy of holies can be entered every day (as in Hegesippus). 34 Yet from promoting Zecha32 On the Protevangelium, see H. Smid, Protevangelium Jacobi. A Commentary (Apocrypha Novi Testamenti 1:1; Assen, 1965); E. de Strycker, La forme lap/us ancienne du Protivangile de Jacques. Recherches sur le Papyrus Bodmer 5 avec une edition critique du texte grec et une traduction annotie. En appendice: Les versions arm€niennes traduites en Latin par Hans Quecke (Subsidia Hagiographiica 33; Brussels, 1961); 0. Cullmann, "The Protevangelium of James," in: W. Schneemelcher (ed.), New Testament Apocrypha. Vol I. Gospels and Related Writings (Louisville [Kentucky], 1991; pp. 421-438); and now also R.F. Hock (ed.), The Infancy Gospels of James and Thomas with Introduction, Notes, and Original Text featuring the NEW Scholars Version Translation (The Scholars Bible 2; Santa Rosa [Calif.], 1994). I used Tischendorfs division into chapters and verses as printed in Cullrnann. On the Jewish Christian provenance, see E. Cothenet, "Protevangile de Jacques: origine, genre et signification d'un premier midrash cbretien sur la Nativite de Marie," in: W. Haase and H. Temporini (eds.), Aufttieg und Niedergang der ROmischen Welt 2:25:6 (Berlin and New York, 1988; pp. 4252-4269); F. Manns, "Une ancienne tradition sur la jeunnesse de Marie," in: idem, Essais sur le Judio-Christianisme (Studium Biblicum Franciscanum Analecta 12; Jerusalem, 1977; pp. 106-114); and S. Lieberman, "The Temple: Its Lay-Out and Procedure," in: idem, Greek in Jewish Palestine/Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (New York and Jerusalem, 1994; pp. 164--179). From time to time I will refer to Jewish para1lels that demonstrate that the Protoevangelium was most probably written by a Jewish Christian (contra Hock, The Infancy Gospels of James, pp. 9-11). S. Verhelst, "Le 15 Aollt, le 9 Av et le Kathisme," Questions Liturgiques 82 (2001) 167169, argues for a later date of the Protevangelium. 33 The inner chronology of the Protevangelium is problematic. Joseph is supposed to have -left Mary at age twelve (8:2; 9:3), but on his return she is already sixteen (12:3). The last point could be a later addition, as it is unnecessary for the narrative if we assume that giving birth age 12/13 was considered acceptable in second-century Christianity. 34 For example, Zechariah enters it to receive an oracle about what to do with Mary (8-9). The holy of holies is also the place of God's presence. Mary is described as having lived in the holy of holies for nine years being nurtured by an angel: "How could you lower your soul? Did you forget the Lord, your God, you, who were educated in the holy of holies (ti..:; tti iiytn -r&v O.yi.rov) and received nurture by the hand of angels? You, who listened to their hymns and danced before them, what did you do?'' Mary's involvement in the sanctuary is continued by her participating in sewing the curtain of the temple (I 0) during which Gabriel announces the conception of Jesus. This close association of Mary and the teinple probably has two functions. First, the purity of Mary enables her to live in


riah to high priesthood it is only a small conceptual step to placing the annunciation scene in the context of a special ritual of the high priest, i.e. Yom K.ippur. 35 The fourth-century embellishment may well have circulated already in second-century Jewish Christian circles, whose members regarded Zechariah as a high priest. A hint on this may be manuscript S of the Old Syriac, which improves Luke's laconic statement "to offer the incense in the temple of the Lord" (I :9) to "to bring in the incense" -presuming a movement into a building, which conld be the holy of holies or the sanctuary. 36 How is it possible to explain the legendary metamorphosis of Luke's simple account- a priest offering incense in the sanctuary at an unspecified time- to the detailed, sophisticated version- a high priest offering incense in the holy of holies on Yom Kippur? I propose two explanations: First, a story about a high priest who receives a revelation in the most sacred place on the most sacred day is more interesting than a story about some priest who enters some place on some date. 37 If legend promotes to high priesthood the priest who enters the sanctuary and receives a revelation during his incense sacrifice, the likelihood increases that the place and the ritual will also be promote&. Second, the Jewish imaginaire of Yom Kippur closely associates the high priest's entrance to the holy of holies and the incense sacrifice with encounters with angels and with the divine. 38 For people accustomed to thinking in the tradition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, which places the incense altar in· the holy of holies, this shift

the holy of holies and, naturally, the holy of holies protects her purity. Second, the presence of God passes from the holy of holies to Mary. The tradition influenced early Islam and may therefore be Jewish Christian: see Qur'an, Sura 3:37 (the family of 'Imran). The tradition of the virgins sewing the temple veil also points to a Jewish Christian provenance, since it appears in 2Baruch 10:19; m$eqal8:5; Pesiqta Rabbati26:6: see Lieberman, "The Temple: Its Lay-Out and Procedure," pp. 167-169. 35 On the various texts dating the revelation of Zechariah to Yom Kippur, see J.F. Coakley, ''Typology and the Birthday of Christ on 6 January," Orientalia Christiana Analecta 236 (1988) 247-256; and A. de Halleux, "Le comput ephremien du cycle de Ia nativit6," in: F. Van Segbroeck, et al. (eds.), The Four Gospels 1992. Festschrift Frans Neirynck (Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium 3; Leuven, 1992; pp. 2369-2382). 36 Two Western writers, lrenaeus of Lyon (d. after 178) and Victorinus of Poetovio (d. 304), state that Zechariah brought a sacrifice: see Irenaeus, Against the Heresies 3:10:1, cf 3: ll :8; and Victorinus, Commentary on the Apocalypse 4:4 (SC 423:68; cf. CSEL 49:50-51). 37 Daniel Schwartz, in an oral communication. 38 See pp. 79-85, 110-112 and 124-127, above.


253

becomes even slighter. 39 Even if the full-fledged tradition appears only in fourth-century mainstream sources, the Protevangelium strongly suggests that an early form existed already in Jewish Christianity. The simultaneous surfacing of the tradition at the end of the fonrth century in many languages and areas can be explained in light of the promotion of the celebration of Christmas at that time. For computing Christ's birthday, the references in the account of Jolm the Baptist's birth are indispensable, first and foremost being the armunciation to Zechariah, the only event that could be assigned to a specific day- the tenth of Tishri. 40 I will give my translation of the most interesting and probably earliest passage on Zechariah and Yom Kippur from the anonymous tract de solstitiis et aequinoctiis conceptionis et nativitatis Domini nostri /esu Christi et Iohannis Baptistae, since the text is not easily available and has not been translated: In the times when Zechariah, the father of John, served in the priesthood of the Jews according to the decree of the law and the ptophecy of Jonah, which proclaimed to the Ninevites the destruction of their city after three days, the Ninevites had gained mercy from God's action through penitence.41 In memory of this, now, the Jews observe every year a fast in the month of September, which they solemnly call Booths42 or Tabernacles. 43 Therefore the priests at that time offered sacrifices to God for the sins of the people in those days in the month of September according to the law's commandment; therefore, when Zechariah sacrificed at the altar, he immediately professed that he was not a priest nor worthy [to inter~ cede] with prayers for the sins of so wicked a people. But [Zechariah] remembered that Christ himself was going to be the only true priest, about whom the father had said: You are priest in eternity according to the order of Me/chizedek [Ps 110:4], who alone offers an appeasing sacrifice for the sins of all to God. And Zechariah prayed for His coming ....44

39 On possible reasons for Hebrews placing the incense altar in the holy of holies, see Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews, pp. 234-236; and cf. IKgs 6:22; 2Baruch 6:7. 40 For example, Ephrem writes "From the tenth day of the seventh month, when Zechariah received the announcement of the birth of John, until the tenth day of the first month, when Mary received the announcement of the angel, six months passed." Commentary on Exodus 12:2, transl. by J.P. Amar, E.G. Mathews and K. McVey, St. Ephrem the Syrian. Selected Prose Works. Commentary on Genesis. Commentary on Exodus. Homily on our Lord. Letter to Pub/ius (Fathers of the Church 91; Washington, D.C., 1994), pp. 246-247; cf. CSCO 152:141. 41 This is one of the earliest attestations for an association of Jonah with Yom Kippur; see above, note 219, pp. 55-56 and pp. 57-59. 42 Metel/itum is a transcription of the Aramaic term Nn71t17J I M77t:IZJ. 43 Scaenophegiam is a transcription of the Greek term aKllVOltTJYia. 44 Here follow references to the fulfillment of prayers from Matt 7:9-11; 1John 5:15.

254 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries Thus, when Zechariah had prayed for this, the angel Gabriel answered him: Zechariah, your prayers have been heard Behold, Elizabeth, your wife will bear you a son, and you will name him John. You will have jay and gladness, and many will rejoice at his birth, and he will be great in the sight of the Lord. He will not drink wine or strong drink; soon, even before his birth he will be filled with the Holy Spirit. He will turn many of the people of Israel toward the Lord their God and he will go before him [Luke 1:13-17]. The story happened before the first year of Tiberius Caesar [14 CE], in the month of September, on the eighth Calends of October (24 September], on the eleventh [day of the] waxing moon [II Tishri], when the Jews have to celebrate the fast of Tabernacles. Then, indeed, after the ninth year, Tiberius Caesar [23 CE] computed time and course of the moon, and this day, the eighth of the Calends of every October, happened to be the equinox, when the night begins to be longer than the daylight. For he must increase, he said, but I must decrease [John 3:30]. For the light had become less than the darkness when the Jews, according to the law and the prophecy, offer God the sacrifices in which John was conceived, in which they were also accused by the Lord, as the prophet Isaiah says: What to me is the multitude of your sacrifices? Says the Lord; I have had enough of your burnt offerings of rams and the fat of calves and goats. [Isaiah 1:11]. For these [offerings] were offered previously for the sins of the people, which already had to cease when John the Baptist was conceived. And therefore Zechariah, his father, the priest of the Jews, became mute, since their sacrifices already then had to cease and "become mute,, which were offered for the sins of the people. The one and only priest came, who offered a sacrifice to God for the sins with his own single spotless lamb. And John showed him to the Jews: Here is the Lamb of God who bears the sin of the world [John 1:29].45

The "eleventh (day of the) waxing moon," 1l Tishri, could be understood as the day after Zechariah finished performing the Yom Kippur service, returned home, had intercourse with Elizabeth and John was conceived. 46 The high priesthood of Zechariah is explicitly declared to be inferior to the "only true" high priesthood of Jesus. The confusion and identification of Sukkot and Yom Kippur occur very frequently, 47 probably because the two festivals are so close on the calendar and because the construction of booths is more perceptible to the outside observer than prayer assemblies taking place inside synagogues. Here the date (I 0 Tishri) and the ritual (intercession and sacrifice for atonement, Jonah, repentance) refer to Yom Kippur. This is not the place to engage in a discussion of the convoluted provenance of de solstitiis, but its acquaintance with Jewish ritual and the use of a transcription metellitum for the 41

De solstitiis et aequinoctiis (ed. Batte, pp. 96-98). I will return to the computation and the speculations about the astronomical constellations in the section on the commemoration day of the annunciation to Zechariah; see below, pp. 322-328. 47 See above, p. 68, notes 289 and 290, and p. 250, note 30. 46


255

Aramaic Kn'11~~/Kn'??c~ for booths bespeak an author residing in an area with Aramaic and Jewish influences but with Latin as the language. The frequency with which Ephrem refers to the computation, his acquaintance with traditions of the Protevangelium, and the reading of the Old Syriac point to a generic connection between the Jewish Christian legend and the Syriac mainstream authors. The writings of such mainstream authors as Ambrose, Ephrem, Chrysostom, Beda and Ishodad, and the institution of a festival, prove that Zechariah's high priesthood and the annunciation in the holy of holies on Yom Kippur-Sukk.ot became "faits Iegendaires." I will return to this tradition in the chapter on Christian autumn festivals, where I analyze the festival that commemorates the annunciation to Zechariah in the Eastern Church and is closely related to the Jewish and the Christian imaginaires of Yom Kippur.48 Does the Protevangelium betray any attitude toward Yom Kippur? It seems not. Unlike in Hegesippus, the aspect of permanent intercession in the holy of holies is missing, as is the self-affliction. But as in Hegesippus, the holy of holies is always accessible to the Christian Jewish high priest, who in the end will be murdered in the sanctuary. Remarkably, the annunciation scene, which the later Christian mainstream tradition depicts as happening on Yom Kippur, is completely marginalized. If we take into account the possibility that the Yom Kippur tradition was already circulating in second-century Jewish Christianity, was there a reason to suppress it? Suppression would fit the general tendency of the Protevangelium to minimize the position of John the Baptist and replace him with Mary. Excursus: Simeon and John as High Priests Simeon, another figure from Luke's nativity narrative, is the beneficiary of two promotions. Luke's account provides no evidence that Simeon was a priest or even a Levite. Yet a few Christian texts call Simeon a priest, 49 most probably because of the close association with the temple in Luke's account (2:25-35). The Protevangelium promotes 48

See below, pp. 322-328. A search in the TLG 8.0 resulted in, among other sources, Pseudo-Epiphanius, De prophetarum vita et obitu (recensio prior) (ed. Schen:nan p. 24 line 11 ); Pseudo-Athanasius, Testimonia e scriptura (PG 28:64C); Johannes Damascenus, Sermo in annuntiationem beatae Mariae uirginis (PG 96:652C). The authenticity of the last has been rejected by J.M. Hoeck, "Stand und Aufgaben der Damaskenos-Forschung," Orientalia Christiana Periodica 17 (1951) 5-60, here p. 40, note 96. On Simeon in the Vitae Prophetarum, see A. Schwemer, Studien zu den friihjiidischen Prophetenlegenden. Vitae Prophetarum (2 vols; Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 49 and 50; Ttlbingen, 1995, 1996), vol. 2, pp. 326-327. On the Vitae Prophetarum as Christian composition, see D. Satran, Biblical Prophets in Byzantine Palestine. Reassessing the Lives of the Prophets (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 11; Leiden, 1995). 49

256 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the First and Second Centuries Simeon further, to high priesthood (24). He becomes the successor of the murdered Zechariah. This did not become part of general Christian lore; the only other text known to me that calls Simeon a high priest is the Latin version A of the Descent to HelL A second Simeon, the son of Clopas is traditionally seen as the successor of James as bishop of Jerusalem. While I could not fmd any explicit mention of Simeon Clopas as (high) priest, it is possible that he was not always sharply distinguished from the Simeon who held Jesus as a baby in his hands. 50 Tradition closely links three Christian (high) priestly figures: Zechariah, Simeon and James. 5 1 This becomes most evident through the discovery of their common tomb on the Mount of Olives in the year 351 by a hermit, Epiphanius.s2 In any case, in the plot of the Protevange/ium, having two successive Christian Jews in the high priesthood reinforces the Christian claim to the temple as a place of God's presence. The last of the figures to be examined is John, the Beloved Disciple. He is different, in that his high priesthood did not become a "fait tegendaire" as did the high priesthood of Zechariah or James or even Simeon. Very few sources refer to him in high-priestly terms. 5 3 The earliest such source is a letter by Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus and fervent leader of the Quartadeciman faction, to Victor of Rome written around 190 CE, preserved in Eusebius: " ... John, who reclined upon the bosom of the Lord, and who was a priest wearing the sacerdotal plate (xhalov), was both a witness and a teacher. .. " 54 While Polycrates uses the term h:pciJ<; (priest) and not O:p;tisp&iJc; (high priest), the xS-caAov clearly designates John as a high priest. Consequently, Rufinus translates the first passage with sacerdos (priest) and the second with summus sacerdos (high priest). 55 The only other attestation I have heard of, and this only indirectly, is the colophon of a Paris manuscript of Hippolytus "Odes on All the Scriptures," mentioned by Robert Eisler. 56 How could John have become a high priest? There are at least two possibilities: family relations with the "high priests" Jesus and James,5 7 or his exceptional rank by virtue of being the last surviving apostle. As noted earlier, the xf:taAov may well have been perceived as a symbol of power of the highest rank. There can be no doubt that Polycrates' reason for including this tradition in his letter to Victor was to enhance his own position regarding the celebration of Easter on 14 Nisan. One could paraphrase his argument thus: "I observe the same liturgical custom as Polycarp and as John, who was the bearer of the 1ti:-cal.ov." And one could add: "And he, the chief priest, should know when to celebrate

50 Possibly, Hegesippus considers Simeon Clopas to be a high priest. Eusebius writes that the attempt to save James was undertaken by a Rechabite priest. Instead of these corrupt lines, Epiphanius writes Simeon Clopas. 5 1 E.g. all of them are called ''just." 52 See F.-M. Abel, "La sepulture de saint Jacques le Mineur,'' Revue Bib/ique 16 (1919) 480-499. But see also S. Verhelst, "L'apocalypse de Zacharie, Simeon et Jacques,'' Revue Biblique 105 (1998) 81-104. 53 See Zahn, "BrOder und Yettem Jesu," pp. 209-213. 54 Polycrates apud Eusebius, History ofthe Church 3:31:3; 5:24:3. 55 Jerome quotes Polycrates usingpontifex (priest): De viris inlustribus 45 (Texte und Untersuchungen 14:29 [Ernest Cushing Richardson, 1896]). 56 "Odes on All the Scriptures" in Paris Codex Coislin. 195, according to Robert Eisler, The Enigma of the Fourth Gospel (London, 1938), p. 55. 57 According to one tradition Salome, John's mother, was Mary's sister, and John and Jesus were in fact cousins: see Zahn, "BrOder und Yettem Jesu," pp. 340---341.


257

festivals." The information about John is, after all, much more sketchy than our sources about Zechariah and James, and all conclusions about his high priesthood are subject to this sketchiness.

Conclusion Hegesippus' portrayal that the holy of holies was always accessible and that James practiced ascetic behavior as if every day were Yom Kippur makes a Day of Atonement obsolete, especially if the temple ritual is no longer performed. Instead, Hegesippus promotes the practice of fasting and praying every day. Perhaps we have to understand even the mishnaic assertion that it is the Day of Yom Kippur that atones as a reaction to similar arguments. 58 The Mishnah would have countered Hegesippus by maintaining that Yom Kippur is not obsolete, since it was never the priestly ritual that achieved the atonement but the special day. At some point between the second and fourth centuries, Zechariah becomes a high priest entering the holy of holies on Yom Kippur for all these reasons: the story's appeal, the traditional association of the entrance into the holy of holies on Yom Kippur with revelation, and the suitability of Yom Kippur as the date for the computation of Christmas.

58

mYoma 8:8-9.

Part Three

The Impact ofYom Kippur on Early Christianity from the Third to the Fifth Centuries

I

I l

II.

1l

Chapter 7

Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Polemics against the Contemporary Yom Kippur Over the centuries the biblical Yom Kippnr imagery from Leviticus acquired increasing importance for Chtistian sages. In first-century Chtistian Judaism, it was only for the community of Hebrews and some other Christian Jews that Jesus was a high priest entering the holy of holies - by the third century, Jesus is the heavenly high priest for almost every Christian. Not only Jesus but even a bishop who celebrated the Eucharist could be described as a high priest upon entering the holy of holies of his church. Moreover, while the New Testament calls Jesus a scapegoat in allusive terms, in fifth-century Christianity the scapegoat has become a common image explicitly used to explain the atoning function of Chtist's death. This impact was mainly "bookish" or "biblical" via the inclusion of Leviticus, Hebrews and Romans into the Christian canon. Yet even if the main impact of Yom Kippnr derived from its biblical version, we still have to ask why it was this imagery that became so attractive. I claim that Yom Kippnr as observed by Jewish contemporaries of the Church Fathers contributed to the increasing use of the Yom Kippur imagery by Christians. To address this point, the chapter opens with a brief presentation of some aspects of Christian exegeses of Leviticus 16, focusing on the writings of the first and most inte:resting commentator, Origen. It also reflects on the increase in the use of terms relating to institutions central to Yom Kippnr (holy of holies, high priest, kapporet) in Christian litnrgical terminology- what Steven Fine calls "templization" (section 1). 1 The three sections that follow analyze the challenge posed to Christianity and its claim regarding the exclusivity of Christ's once-and-for-all Day of Atonement sacrifice by the continuing observance of Yom Kippur. I begin

with a description of the evidence for Christian participation in the Jewish fast, which caused considerable tension in Caesarea and Antioch. I maintain that Origen wrote his exegesis of Leviticus 16 and 23 as an attempt to

keep these Christians from fasting on Yom Kippnr (section 2). I then ana1 For the term and its ramifications in late antique Judaism, see Fine, This Holy Place, pp. 41-59, 79-94, 132-156.

262 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries

Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Polemics against Yom Kippur

lyze the evidence provided by those authors who polemically describe contemporary Yom Kippur rites, some even as firsthand witnesses, which testifies against an exclusively "bookish" relationship to Yom Kippur. That many of these descriptions appear in Christian tracts on fasting may be seen as further evidence for Christian attempts to keep fellow Christians from joining the "fast of the Jews" (section 3). Finally, I address the other side of the coin, discussing Jewish polemics in Yom Kippur-related texts in opposition to the Christian concept of atonement (section 4).

263

b) Eusebius of Emesa (d. ca. 359) wrote a selective commentary in Greek preserved in an Armenian translation. 6 He is'the only exegete of Leviticus who did not comment on chapters 16 or 23. 7 c) Augustine (354-430) wrote two works on the Heptateuch, Quaestiones and Locutiones, which explain difficult passages. Within this framework he also dealt with Leviticus. 8 d) Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444) wrote the G/aphyra, a selective commentary on the Pentateuch (before 423). Another spiritual commentary on Yom Kippur is extant in sections of his On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth (around 415). 9 e) A presbyter, Hesychius of Jerusalem, wrote an extensive verse-byverse commentary (430-450) translated into Latin by an anonymous translator (probably of the sixth century). 10 This is the only exegetical tract covering exclusively Leviticus, and the only extant early Christian commentary on Leviticus verse by verse. f) Theodore! of Cyrus" wrote Questions on the Octateuch (after 453).

1. Christian Exegesis of Leviticus and

the Templization of the Liturgy Quite surprisingly, Greek and Latin as well as Syriac and Armenian material on Leviticus, and specifically on Yom Kippur, abounds. Leviticus, particularly those chapters dealing with sacrifices, is commonly regarded as the book least known among Christians at all times. Symptomatic of this neglect is the "Biblica" index of the (otherwise extremely helpful) C/avis Patrum Graecorum, which lists not a single exegetical tract for Leviticus2 -though there are as many exegetical tracts dealing with Leviticus as with Hebrews, namely seven (originally written in Greek and dating back to before 500 CE). 3 When counted together with Latin, Syriac and Armenian works there are many more. The following is to my knowledge the most complete list of early Christian exegetes dealing with Leviticus as a whole book (i.e. without homilies covering single chapters):

classic by N. de Lange, Origen and the Jews (Cambridge [UK], 1975). Nevertheless, de Lange does not refer to the exegesis of Lev 16. 6 Vahan Hovhannesian, Eusebe d'Em€se, 1. Commentaire de l'Octateuque (Venice, 1980); yet the commentary on Leviticus fills only ten pages, 125-134. 1 B. ter Haar Romeny suggests that Eusebius' opposition to allegory might explain his lack of interest in the sacrificial passages: see his "Early Antiochene Commentaries on Exodus," in: E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studia Patristica 30 (Leuven, 1997; pp. 114ll9),herep.117. 3 Augustine, Quaestionum in Heptateuchum fiber tertius (CCSL 33:175-233), here pp. 211-214; Locutionum in Heptateuchum fiber tertius (CCSL 33:424-431), here p. 428. 9 Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyrorum in Leviticum tiber (PG 69:539-590); On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth (PG 68:133-1125), here pp. IIOS1108. On Cyril, his exegesis and Judaism, seeR. Wilken, Judaism and the Early Christian Mind. A Study of Cyril of Alexandria's Exegesis and Theology (New Haven [Conn.] and London, 1971), especially pages 39--68. On the Glaphyra and On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth, see ibidem, pp. 69-92. 10 Hesychius, Commentary on Leviticus (PG 93:787-1180). SeeS. Tampellini, "Introduzione allo studio del Commentarius in Leviticurn di Esichio di Gerusalemme," (Ph.D. dissertation; Bologna, 1998); and his preliminary survey, "L'esegesi del Levitico di Esichio di Gerusalemme. Osservazioni introduttive e sondaggi preliminari," Annali di storia de!l'esegesi 13/1 (1996) 201-209. I would like to express my deep gratitude to Stefano Tampellini for providing me with a copy of his dissertation. 11 Lived ca. 393-466, mainly in Cyrus, a small town close to Antioch. See C. T. McCollough, "Theodoret of Cyrus as Biblical Interpreter and the Presence of Judaism in the Later Roman Empire," Studio Patristica 18 (1983) 327-334. On Theodoret's exegesis, see J.-N. Guinot, L 'exegese de Theodoret de Cyr (Theologie historique, 100; Paris: Beauchesne 1995), especially pp. 771-75. Greek edition by Ferm\ndez Marcos and Saenz-Badillos, Theodoreti Cyrensis Quaestiones in Octateuchum.

a) Around 240 CE Origen4 wrote a set of homilies preserved in Rufinus' Latin translation. Homilies 9 and I 0 deal with Yom Kippur-' 2 M. Geerard and F. Glorie (eds.), Clavis Patrum Graecorum. Volumen V. Indices, Initio, Concodantiae (Corpus Christianorum Tumhout, 1987), p. 118. This. fact does not detract from the praiseworthiness of this erudite work of scholarship; it merely demonstrates the lack of Christian interest in Leviticus. 3 Geerard and Glorie, Clavis Patrum Graecorum, vol. 5, pp. 146-147, lists seven (Origen, Theodore.ofMopsuestia, Severns ofGabala, John Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, Gennadius and Theororet of Cyrus). Almost all of them are extant only in fragments. 4 Lived ca. 185-254 in Alexandria and Caesarea, writing his homilies from Caesarea. 5 W.A. Baehrens, Origenes Werke, sechster Band: Homilien zum Hexateuch in Rujins Obersetzung. Erster Teil: Die Homilien zu Genesis, Exodus und Leviticus (GCS 29 [Origenes 6]; Leipzig, 1920); on Yom Kippur, see pp. 417-445. The French translation and the notes by Marcel Borret in SC 286 and 287 (Paris, 1981) are very helpful. I quote from the English translation by G.W. Barkley, Origen. Homily on Leviticus 1-16 (The Fathers of the Church 83; Washington D.C., 1990). On Origen and the Jews in general, see the

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g) Cyprian, ''the Poet" of Gaul (early fifth century) wrote some lines on Leviticus 16 in his poetic retelling of the Heptateuch 12 h) A selective commentary in Syriac exists under the name of Ephrem.'3 i) Questions on the Old Testament are ascribed to Isidore of Seville (ca. 560-636). 14 j) Paterius excerpted writings of Gregory the Great in his De Expositione Veteris ac Novi Testamenti. 15 k) Ishodad of Merv (ninth centnry) compiled a commentary from previous exegeses of Leviticus. 16 In his chapter on Leviticus 16 he quotes Narsai (d. ca. 503), John of Beth Rabban (d. 567), Abraham of Beth Rabban (d. after 567), Michael (sixth to seventh centuries) and Daniel bar Tubanita (seventh century)." Of these, John wrote a commentary, Michael Questions, and the others most probably Memre.

12

Cyprianus Gallus, Heptateuchos (CSEL 23:1 p. 104-115 [R. Peiper 1891]).. P. Benedictus (ed.), Sancti Patris Nostri Ephraem Syri Opera Omnia quae exstant Graece, Syriace, Latine, in sex tomos distributa ad MSS. Codices Vaticanos, aliosque castigata, muftis aucta, interpretatione, praefationibus, no/is, variantihus lectionibus illustrata Nunc primum sub Auspiciis Clementis XII. Pontificis Maximi e Bibliotheca Vaticana Prodeunt. Tomus Primus Syriace et Latine (Rome, 1737); on Lev 16, see vol. 1, pp. 244-245. A further commentary, extant in Armenian, is also attributed to Ephrem: see E.G. Mathews (ed., trans!.), The Armenian Commentaries on Exodus-Deuteronomy Attributed to Ephrem the Syrian (CSCO 587:83-123, 588:67-93; Scriptores Armeniaci 25-26; Louvain, 1998). The editor dates the translation to around 1100 CE: see idem, The Armenian Commentary on Genesis Attributed to Ephrem the Syrian (CSCO 572; Scriptores Armeniaci 23; Louvain, 1998), pp. l-li. 14 Ps(?)-Isidore, Quaestiones de ueteri et nouo Testamento. On Leviticus, see PL 83, pp. 321-340. On Yom Kippur, see PL 83:333-334. Its authenticity bas been questioned by B. Altaner, "Der Stand der Isidorforscbung," in: Miscellanea lsidoriana (Rome, 1936) (non vidi), cf. E. Dekkers and A. Gaar, C/avis Patrum Latinorum (CCSL; Steenbrug, 3 1995), pp. 398 and 402, number 1194. 15 On Leviticus, see PL 79:753-762. 16 Ishodad of Merv's commentary on Leviticus has been edited and translated by Ceslas Van den Eynde as Commentaire d'!Sodad de Merv sur /'Ancien Testament. II. Exode- Deutironome (Text: CSCO 176 "" Scriptores Syri 80; Translation: CSCO 179 "" Scriptores Syri 81; Louvain: Peeters 1958). I would like to express my gratitude to Clemens Leonhard for drawing my attention to this important collation of earlier commentaries. 17 On the identity of the authors and their period, see the introduction of van den Eynde, Commentaire d'Iso'dad de Merv sur !'Ancien Testament. II. Exode-Deutironome [translation] (CSCO 179, Scriptores Syri 81; Louvain, 1958), pp. vii-xi. 13


265

k) Theodore bar Koni (end of eighth century) compiled older interpretations of Leviticus, too; yet his Yom Kippur traditions are anonymous.18 Other ancient writings on Leviticus are lost. We know of the following commentators: 19 l) Victorinus ofPettau (d. ca. 304). m)Diodorus of Tarsus (d. before 394). n) Apollinaris of Laodicea (d. ca. 390). o) Theodore of Mopsuestia (d. 428) possibly wrote a commentary on Leviticus. p) Some fragments of lost Greek commentaries survived in the Catenae, first assembled by Procope of Gaza (d. 538). The earliest and most important tracts on Leviticus by Origen and Hesychius were written in Palestine and many others in Syriac-speaking areas with large Jewish populations. Many commentaries emerged in the first half of the fifth centnry, the golden era of exegetes among them those by Cyril of Alexandria, Hesychius, Rufmus (translation of Origen), perhaps Theodore of Mopsuestia, and shortly afterward also Theodore!. The interpretations of Leviticus 16 and 23 proceed gene~ly along Hebrews' high-priestly typology/0 and in general, the status of h1gh pnest became one of the standard attributes ofChrist.21 Origen, the first Christian exegete of Leviticus explicitly justifies his exegesis in terms of the 18 Theodore bar Koni, Scholia Mimra 3:43. See Hespel and Draguet (CSCO 431, 432; Scriptores Syri 187, 188), pp 169-173. , 19 Compare R. Devreesse, Les anciens commentateurs grecs de l Octateuque et des Rois (Studi e Testi 201; Vatican City, 1959), passim; and idem, "'Anciens commentateurs grecs de l'Octateuque," Revue biblique 44-45 (1935-1936) 16~191, 201-2~0, 364-38~. 20 M.A. Signer, "Fleisch und Geist. Opfer und VersOhnung m den exe~ettsch~~ !radttionen von Judentum Wld Christentum," in: H. Heinz (ed.), Vers6hnung m der JUdlschen und christlichen Liturgie (Freiburg i.Br., Basel and Vienna, 1990; PP· 197-219). On Christian exegesis of Leviticus, see also the studies in Annali di storia .dell'esegesi 13/1; G. Rouwhorst "Leviticus 12-15 in Early Christianity," in: M. Poorthuts and J. Schwartz (eds.), Purity 'and Holiness (Jewish and Christian Perspectives Seri~s 2~ Leid~n.' 2000~ pp. 181-193); Tampellini, "Introduzione alto studio del Commentanus m Levtttcum dt Esichio di Gerusalemrne"; R. Wilken, "Origen's Homily on Leviticus and Vayikra Robbah," in: G. Dorival and A. le Boulluec (eds.), Origeniana Sexta. Orig~ne et !a B!ble I Origen and the Bible. Actes du Colloquium Origenianum Sextum C:ha~ttliy, 30 aout- 3 septembre 1993 (Bibliotbeca Epheme?dum TJ:teologi_c~ L~vanten~t~m 118; ~~ve~,, 1995; pp. 81-91); R.J. Daly, "Sacrifictal Sotenology m Ongen s Homthes on Levtttcus, in: E.A. Livingstone (ed.), Studio Patristica 17:2 (Oxford, 1982; pp. 872-878). . 1:1 A monograph on the high priest in Christianity is a desideratum. A good overvtew of the high priest in late antique Christology can be found in G. ScbOllgen and F.-L. Hossfeld, "Hoherpriester," Reallexikon for Antike und Christentum 16 (1994) 4-58, columns 25-37 (by ScbOllgen).



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a Christological interpretation, with each goat representing one of Christ's natures. 31 The scapegoat becaroe very appealing to Christian theologians. It appears in almost all works that interpret only selected parts of Leviticus, such as the Quaestiones on Leviticus. 32 Also, in tracts that do not specifically deal with Leviticus the scapegoat typology appears frequently, as in such authors as Ambrose, Jerome, the anonymous commentator on Mark, Cyril of Alexandria and Theodoret. 33 Additionally, distinct tracts are dedicated to the scapegoat, aroong them Jacob of Sarug's Homily on the Scapegoat (d. 521). 34 What is the reason for this appeal, considering that the scapegoat is only implicitly typologized in the New Testament? One might have thought that the exegetes built on the implicit New Testament allusions (Galatians 3:13; Matthew 27:15-23) or on the proto-typology behind Barnabas 7. 35 Origen's Christological typology is in fact based on the Barabbas episode, but Matthew 27 cannot be his source, since he uses all four Gospels and his reading is rather an eisegesis than an exegesis. The proto-typology of Barnabas might have served as a model, especially since Barnabas had quasi-canonical status in some circles. Yet despite its use by Justin, Tertullian and Hippolytns, the proto-typology does not appear io later exegeses36 A possible explanation may be the halakhic traditions upon which

"Pauline" Epistle to the Hebrews as his hermeneutical key to Yom Kippur.22 Origen also uses other New Testament texts- such as Romans 3:25 and IJohn 2:1-2 - as interpreting key texts.23 Among the passages discussed in chapter 4 (on the Christian imaginaire), these two are quite explicit about their connection to Leviticus 16. Where no explicit New Testament typology exists, Origen works analogically to Hebrews, with Christ as key for interpretiog texts typologically. Thus almost all features of Leviticus 16 are typologized: not only the high priest, but also the calf, the ram, both goats, the kapporet and the "prepared man" are interpreted Christo logically. 24 Origen gives many interpretations of the scapegoat. He connects a Christological scapegoat typology to the Barabbas episode; 25 a second typology is associated with the two crucified criminals; 26 a third, an allegory based on Philo, explains the goats as evil versus good thoughts/7 and a fourth and fifth see in the goats symbols of evildoers versus good people and sinners versus repentants. 28 All of Origen's interpretations have in common that they are "bipolar" - the scapegoat represents something bad, the sacrificial goat something good. Similar models are found in Augustine and Pseudo(?)-Isidor19 Emperor Julian goes a step further and explains that the scapegoat is a chthonic sacrifice belonging to the chthonic deities.30 Yet the Greek exegetes of the fifth century and the extant Syriac exegetes strongly oppose this line of exegesis as polytheistic and promote

3! Cyril of Alexandria, Glaphyrorum in Leviticum liber (PG 69:580A-589B); Ep. 41 ad Acacium Scythopoli (ed. Schwartz, vol. 1:1:4, p. 40-48; cf. PG 77:201C-221A); Contra Julianum IX (PG 76:960A-970A); Homilies on Luke 53 (ed. Chabot, p. 191; transL Tonneau [CSCO 140], p. 129). Theodore!:, Eranistes, (ed. G. Ettlinger, 208:26-211 :32; cf. PG 83:249D-256B); Quaestiones in Leviticum 22 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and S
22

Yet in the time of Origen, Hebrews still had a highly controversial status. Might it have been the suitability of Hebrews in Christianizing the sacrificial prescriptions of Leviticus that fostered Origen's use of it? It may be no mere coincidence that Origen is the first to extensively interpret Leviticus and use the sacrificial statements of Hebrews. A glance into the Biblia Patristica reveals that Origen used the ninth chapter of Hebrews in works older than the Homily on Leviticus, e.g. the Commentary on John, On Prayer and Exhortation to Martyrdom. The use of Heb 9, however, abounds in the ninth and tenth Homilies on Leviticus; and Origen, via his exegesis of Leviticus, may have promoted acceptance of the only New Testament writing with an explicitly sacrificial theology: see J. Allenbach et al., Biblia Patristica. Index des citations et allusions bibliques dans la littirature patristique (1 vols; Paris, 1975-). 23 Rom 3:25 and llohn 2:1-2 appear e.g. in Homily on Leviticus 9:5:8 (SC 287:94). 24 See e.g. Hesychius, Commentary on Leviticus (PG 93: 1001A). 25 Homily on Leviticus 10:2:2 (SC 287:134). 26 Homily on Leviticus 9:5:2 (SC 287:88). 27 Homily on Leviticus 9:6:1 (SC 287:96). 28 Homily on Leviticus 9:4:3 (SC 287:84) and 9:3:3 (SC 287:82). 29 Augustine, Quaestionum in Heptateuchum liber tertius 55 (CCSL 33:213, lines 1359-1372); Pseudo(?Hsidore, Quaestiones in Leviticum 15 (PL 83:333-334). 30 Julian, Against the Galileans 299A-305B transl. by W.C. Wright. The Works of the Emperor Julian. With an English Translation (LCL Julian 3; London and Cambridge [Mass.], 1961; pp. 319-427), here pp. 404-405.

I

l

268 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries the typology is based. Typologiziog the red ribbon implicitly ascribes validity to the Jewish Halakhab. Perhaps this is the reason for Ishodad's polemics against exegetes who tell of the red ribbon. 37 Jewish exegesis may be involved in the rejection of the proto-typology, since Ishodad links the red ribbon to Isaiah I: 18, an association that appears in rabbinic sources but not in Barnabas. 38 In sum, the easiest explanation for the emergence and popularity of the scapegoat typology is the necessity to Christianize Leviticus 16, together with the rest of the Old Testament. This is one reason, but it cannot be the only reason, since the scapegoat typology appears also in texts unconnected to Leviticus 16. I have argued elsewhere, that the scapegoat was particularly well suited to promote to pagans the idea of Christ's vicarious atonement, since for them, the rationale of the scapegoat was similar to that of their localpharmakos. 39 Nevertheless, the mythologization of the Yom Kippur ritual in the story of Christ's atoning self-sacrifice was insufficient to keep the new religion going. People who ascribed an atoning effect to this death by undergoing baptism continued to sin after Christ's death and therefore needed further frequent means of atonement. The need to address this problem is seen in passages of the Christian exegeses of Leviticus 16 that speak about the individual Christian. The individual sinner requires some form of connection from the saviog event of the past to his life io the present, a link providing the possibility to expiate his sins, to propitiate the divine wrath or to avoid punishment for transgressions. This can take different forms. Origen suggests atonement via a psychological cleansing, confession of sins, a radical change toward an ascetic lifestyle, good deeds, martyrdom and attendance at Christian rituals 40 The individual could imitate the high priest by expelling his/her bad thoughts; he/she could imitate Christ's self-sacrifice in martyrdom, which for Origen has a vicarious atoning effect for the community; he/she could give alms pr fast. In any case, presence was necessary in the worship. 41 Origen equates attendance at Christian communal cum liber, PG 69:588A). Alternatively, this might hint at Cyril's direct contact with a Jewish exegetical tradition. The tradition about the red ribbon appears in Ishodad, Commentary on Leviticus 16 (CSCO 176:104, lines 11-15); and in Pseudo-Ephrem, Commentary on Leviticus 3 (CSCO 587:118-119; 588:89-90). Both texts refer to Mic 7:19, a passage read in the synagogue on Yom Kippur: see above p. 56. 37 Ishodad, Commentary on Leviticus 16 (CSCO 176:104, lines 11-15). 38 See above, pp. 130--131. Pseudo-Ephrem mentions also Isa 1:18-19. 39 On the pharmakos, see above pp. 171-173; and more fully StOkl, "The Christian Exegesis of the Scapegoat between Jews and Pagans." 4<1 Homily on Leviticus 9:8:5 (SC 287:108-112); 9:9:4 (SC 287:114-118). 41 For the vicarious atoning effect of martyrdom, see Origen, Exhortation to Martyrdom 30:16; for attendance at worship, see Homily on Leviticus 9:5:9 (SC 287:94--96).


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prayer with participation in the high priest's intercessionary prayer by the people who wait for his exit from the holy ofholies. 42 While this is not yet a full-fledged sacrificial view of the Eucharist, Origen provides the first hint that Christian worship is beginning to take over the atoning function of Yom Kippur. In the words of Robert Daly: "It is true that numerous texts can be made good sense of only on the supposition that Origen conceived of the Christian liturgy as sacrificial. Be that as it may, the important point to remember is that when Origen thought of Christian sacrifice, foremost in his consciousness was apparently not a liturgical rite of the Church, but rather that interior liturgy of the Christian heart and spirit by which a man offered himself and all his prayers, works and thoughts through Jesus Christ to God the Father.'"'' Phenomenologically, the frequent partaking of the Eucharist is the exact opposite of a fast observed once a year. The substitutive relation of the Eucharist to Yom Kippur can be seen even more clearly in the long-term process of templization. 44 By templization I mean th_e use of temple terminology for other institutions, in this case, for the Christian mass: calling the bishop "(high) priest," the table for the Eucharist "altar," the church "temple," and the special sanctuary in it "holy of holies." Full-fledged impositions of the temple terminology of Yom Kippur on the Christian mass can be found in medieval Latin authors such as Amalar of Metz (d. ca. 850) or Hildebert (d. 1133) and Ivo of Chartres (d. 1116). 45 Sometimes these interpretations even include the 42

Homily on Leviticus 9:5:9 (SC 287:94-96). R.J. Daly, "Sacrifice in Origen," Studia Patristica II (1972) 125-129, here 129. See also the table on p. xxxv in Theo Hermans, Origime. Theologie sacrificielle du sacerdoce des chritiens (Tbeologie historique I 02; Paris 1996). 44 See Fine, This Holy Place, pp. 41-59,79-94, and 132-156. 4 ~ An edited version of Amalar's works appeared in J.M. Hanssens (ed.), Amalarii episcopi opera liturgica omnia (Studi e Testi 138-140; Vatican City, 1948-1950). The other works are still only in Migne: Hildebert, versus de mysterio missae, PL 171: 1177-1194 (esp. 1183-1190 on Yom Kippur) and liber de sacra eucharistia, PL 171:1195-1212 (here esp. 1212); Ivo, Sermo V sive opusculum de convenientia veteris et novi sacrificii, PL 162, 535-562 (esp. 553-561 on Yom Kippur). On the authors and their Yom Kippur interpretations, see J.A. Jungmann, Missarum sollemnia. Eine genetische Erkliirung der rOmischen Messe (2 vols; Vienna, Freiburg i. Br., Basel, 5 1962) vol. I, p. 146; vol. 2, pp. 289-90; R. Suntrup, Die Bedeutung der liturgischen Gebiirden und Bewegungen in lateinischen und deutschen Auslegungen des 9. bis 13. Jahrhunderts (Mil.nsterische Mittelalter-Schriften 37; Munich, 1978), p. 459; and A. Franz, Die Messe im Deutschen Mittelalter (Dannstadt, 1963, repr. Freiburg, 1902), pp. 429--431. On Amalar, see also E. Volgger, Die Feier des Karfreitags bei Amalar von Metz (7751780-850) (Ph.D. dissertation, Vienna, 1993); C. Schnusenberg, Das Verhiiltnis von Kirche und Theater. Dargestellt an ausgewiihlten Schriften der Kir43

270 The Impact o[Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries scapegoat rite. 46 While the date of these texts clearly lies beyond the scope of this work, these influential commentaries illustrate the continuous inspiration of Yom Kippur's temple rites. Yet the templization of Christian liturgy began much earlier, becoming visible to a growing extent already in the fourth century. Not finding a Christian pendant to Fine's study, I turned to Lampe's Patristic Greek Lexicon and checked for liturgical use of terms belonging to the temple vocabulary, to gain a preliminary impression on templization. 47 Three terms of the temple terminology are pertinent to Yom Kippur: "high priest," "holy of holies" and "kapporef'representing the performer, the place and an instrument of the ritual. First, "high priest" and "high priesthood" are compared to Christian offices, including bishops, from the beginning of the second century (I Clement); but this is not yet templization in the strict sense.48 For the direct use of "high priest-(hood)" for bishops, priests and celebrants of the Eucharist, Lampe cites texts from the fourth, fifth and sixth centuries, respectively. 49 Georg SchOllgen cites also examples from the third century. 50 In Latin, Tertullian, as early as the third century, calls the bishop "high priest," 51 and Cyprian calls a celebrant of the Eucharist "priest," with an explicit sacrificial interpretation fashioned on an imitation of the high priest Christ.


thus begins to offer according to what he sees Christ hiinself offered, performs truly in the place of Christ. 52

Second, while several fourth-century authors use "temple" (va&c;) for church, 53 the use of "holy of holies" for a special area in the church emerged in Jerusalem. Lampe ascribes to Eusebius the frrst use of "holy of holies" ('til Ci-yta 't&v 0.-yirov) for the tomb in the Holy Sepulcher. 54 The revered and most holy witness {J.tap·niptov) of the resurrection of the Savior has reappeared against all hope, and the holy-of-holies grotto (•6 ye Ciytov •&v ciyi.rov Civ-rpov) has received a [similar] image of the Savior's revival. 55

This concept appears roughly 50 years later in the description of the Holy Land pilgrimage of Paula and Eustochium in their letter to Marcella, preserved as letter 46 among those of Jerome: If Jerusalem was destroyed, it was that its people might be punished; if the temple was overthrown, it was that its figurative sacrifices might be abolished. As regards its site, lapse of time has but invested it with fresh grandeur. The Jews of old reverenced the Holy of Holies, because of the things contained in it -the cherubim, the mercy-seat, the ark of the covenant, the manna, Aaron's rod, and the golden altar. Does the Lord's sepulchre seem less worthy of veneration? As often as we enter it we see the Saviour in His grave clothes, and if we linger we see again the angel sitting at His feet, and the napkin folded at His head. Long before this sepulchre was hewn out by Joseph, its glory was foretold in Isaiah's prediction, "his rest shall be glorious," meaning that the place of the Lord's burial should be held in universal honor. 56

For, if Christ Jesus, our lord and God, is himself the high priest of God the father and first offered himself as a sacrifice to the father and commanded this to be done in commemoration of himself, certainly the priest who imitates that which Christ did and then offers the true and full sacrifice in the Church of God the father, if he

chenviiter und liturgischen Texten bis auf Amalarius von Metz (Bern, 1981); and E.T. Francis, The Eucharistic Theology ofAmalarius of Metz (Paris, 1977) (non vidz). On the Greek predecessors of the Latin "exegetes," see R. Bomert, Les commentaires byzantins de la divine liturgie du VIle auXVe sii!cle (Archives de I' orient chretien 6; Paris, 1966). I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Ewald Volgger, who graciously made available to me a copy of his fascinating dissertation on the little studied field of medieval liturgy exegesis. 46 On the scapegoat rite in Iva's allegory of the mass, see PL 162:557C, 559B. 47 This impression needs to be reinforced by investigating especially the archaeological data from inscriptions. The passages that follow reflect mostly Lampe. For ftuther passages from all periods, see H. Nibley, "Christian Envy of the Temple.'' Jewish Quarterly Review 50 (1959/60) 97-123,227-240. While there is a distinction between metaphoric usage (the bishop is like a high priest) and direct usage (the high priest offers the Eucharist), and both are of interest in our quest, the latter bespeaks a more advanced stage. 48 On the use of «high priest" in Christian administration, see Scb
271

Paula and Eustochium revere Jesus' grave as a substitute for the original holy of holies: The tomb is no less worthy of veneration. A beautiful application of the high priest and his entry into the holy of holies to a Christian ritual can be found in the report by Gregory of Nazianz about his own ordination by Basil in the year 372 modeled on the Aaronic investiture in Exodus 29. For you anoint a high priest and put on him the [high-priestly] robe, and crown him with the turban, and lead him to the altar of the spiritual burnt offering, and sacrifice the calf of perfection, and fill his hands with the Spirit [=ordinate him], and lead him into the holy of holies in order to initiate him, and make him into «a minister of the true tent that the Lord, and not man, has set up" [Heb 8:2]Y 52

My translation of Cyprian, Letter 63:14:4 (CSEL 3c:410-4Il). Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, p. 897. 54 Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, p. 19. 55 My translation ofEusebius, Vita Constantini 3:28 (GCS 7:96). 56 Jerome, Letter 46:5; transl. W. Freemantle, NPNF 2:6:62; my emphasis. 51 My translation of Gregory of Nazianz, Homily 10:4 (PG 35:828D-832A). A French translation is available in SC 405 (M.-A. Calvet-Sebasti; Gregoire de Nazianze. Discours 6-12; Paris 1995), here p. 325. 53

y. ,. I



In this implicit typology, Gregory imports the temple terminology into Christian worship, leaving it open to question whether he is implying a mystical allegory (Gregory entering into the heavenly sanctnary) or a typology on the historical church building in which the ordination took place. By equating the ministers of the biblical temple, the heavenly sanctuary and the church building, Gregory most likely has both of these interpretative levels in mind Such a triad appears in the catecheses of Theodore ofMopsuestia. 58 The high priest's entry into the holy of holies, Christianized in Hebrews, has been re-ritualized in the Christian liturgy. Finally, iAaan]ptov may describe a special place in a church, as in the Typicon of Sabas.59 Other instances are from the end of the first millennium. 60 The impetus necessary for the metaphorical use of iAaa'ti}ptov in Christian ritual is much smaller. The celebrant of the Eucharist - the Christian high priest, so to speak- brings the blood into the holy of holies. Yet he does not sprinkle it, neither does his source of inspiration, Hebrews, speak of sprinkling or employ kapporet in Christ's entry to the heavenly holy of holies. It is, therefore, the Yom Kippur typology of Hebrews rather than Leviticus 16 itself that influenced templization. In sum, in the context of €hristian ritual atonement, Yom Kippur's imagery: "high priest(hood)," "entry to the holy of holies" and "scapegoat" had clearly achieved an important place among some Christians, bnt without the motif of blood sprinkling on the kappore/. 61 Did this rise of Yom Kippur's imagery happen only because of the "bookish" or "biblical" influence of Leviticus, Hebrews and Romans? The following sections argue that while the biblical versions of Yom Kippur must be credited with the main impact, we cannot fully comprehend the rise of the Yom Kippur imagery without assuming an impact on some Christian authors of the fast as celebrated by contemporary Jews.

273

2. Christian Participation in the Jewish Fast A considerable number of Christians in third-century Caesarea and latefourth-century Antioch observed the Yom Kippur fast together with their Jewish neighbors. Above, I argued that Lnke's community, the opponents of the author of Colossians, and some among Rome's Christian Jews observed the fast around I 00 CE. 62 These Christians did not conceive of their participation in the fast as contradictory to Christian atonement theology. Origen and Chrysostom, however, did, and reacted by attacking the Jewish fast, pointing out its discrepancies in relation to the biblical Yom Kippur and proposing Christian alternatives. Two passages illustrate Origen's wrath against members of his own parish in Caesarea Maritima who participated in the Jewish fast. He declares in his twelfth Homily on Jeremiah: You, who observe the Jewish fast ('nlv Vlla•eiav •tlv louOaixijv) as if unaware of the Day of Atonement that exists since Jesus Christ, you have not beard of the hidden atonement, but only of the apparent. Because, hearing of the hidden atonement is hearing how God put Jesus forward as atonement (il.aap.Ov)for our sins,61 and that he himself is an atonement for our sins, not only for ours, but also for those of the whole world [lJohn 2:2J.64

The passage cannot be seen as an attack on Jews, because in that case the would be superfluous. Part of Origen's audience apparently followed the atoning fast of Yom Kippur, and it is them that he is addressing. It seems that these people were attracted to Judaism even beyond Yom Kippur, since Origen complains also about Christian observance of circumcision and Passover. He is upset about these .. dangerous ones in between." In his eyes, Christianity and Judaism are exclusive alternatives. Whoever fasts with the Jews has neither understood nor accepted the atonement inherent in Jesus' death. The second passage appears in Origen's tenth Homily on Leviticus:

1ou~aiK1\v

Whence also we must say something now to those who think that in virtue of the commandment of the Law they must also practice the fast of the Jews (eos, qui putant pro mandato legis sibi quoque Judaeorum ieiunium ieiunandum). 65 58 See the short analysis in Bornert, Les commentaires byzantins de Ia divine liturgie du VIle au XVe siecle, pp. 80-82. 59 Kraus, Der Tod Jesu als Heiligtumsweihe, pp. 30-32, referring to C. du Cange, G/ossarium ad Scriptores Mediae et lnfirmae Graecitatis (Graz, 1958; repr. of 1688) [column 513]. The Typicon is from the fifth century, but has been frequently reworked. 60 Lampe, A Patristic Greek Lexicon, s. v. 61 . Interesting also is the addition of the Armenian word "atonement" (pUJLDlpP.h} to· some Armenian anaphoras, and the imagery of the high-priestly ritual in the St. James Anaphora mentioned in Ligier, Pichi d'Adam et piche du monde. Bible, Kippur, Euchoristie (2 vols; Theologie 49; Paris 1960, 1961), 2:304-306. See also the appendix.

Again, the people fasting "the fast of the Jews" cannot be Jews, but they may be either Judaizing Christians or Jewish Christians. In third-century 62

See above, pp. 212-218. Cf. Rom 3:25. 64 My translation of Origen, Homily on Jeremiah 12:13 to Jer 13:17; Greek in GCS 6:100 (Klostermann). 65 Origen, Homily on Leviticus 10:2:1 (SC 287:132), trans!. Barkley, p. 204. Latin also in GCS 442:10-11. 63


Palestine the distinction between these two groups might not always have been very clear. 66 It is more likely though that Origen was disturbed by dissenters of his primary community, Judaizing Christians, rather than by Christianizing Jews. The latter were more likely to upset Jews over their adherence to the Christian Messiah. While I found no references to Christian participation in the Jewish fast in subsequent Palestinian authors (such as Eusebius and Cyril of Jerusalem), two Antiochene sources from the end of the fourth century, Chrysostom (ca. 347-407) and the Canons of the Apostles, prove that Christian participation in the fast of Yom Kippur was a continuing phenomenon in Syria-Palestine, at least in cities with a dense Jewish population." Chrysostom states at the beginning of his first Homily against the Jews (386), 68 that a burning issue keeps him from continuing his homilies against the Christological heresy of the "Anomoeans." This burning issue was the participation of Christians in the Jewish festivals. (I :4) Another very serious illness calls for any cure my words can bring, an illness which has become implanted in the body of the Church. We must first root this ailment out and then take thought for matters outside; we must ftrst cure our own and then be concerned for others;:who are strangers. (5) What is this disease? The

66 Some Gentiles who became Christian may have earlier been attracted to Judaism (before converting to Christianity)- would they be Judaizing Christians or Jewish Christians? 67 On Chrysostom and the Jews, see in particular R.L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews. Rhethoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century (The Transformation of the Classical Heritage 4; Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, 1983), who builds on the work of M. Simon, "La polemique antijuive de Saint Jean Chrysostome et le mouvement judaisant d' Antioche," in: idem, Recherches d'histoire Judeo-Chretienne (Etudes Juives 6; Paris, 1962; pp. 140--153). See also R. Brandle, "Christen und Juden in Antiochien in den Jahren 386/387. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte altkirchlicher Judenfeindschaft," Judaica 43 (1987) 142-168; A.M. Ritter, "Erwi:i.gungen zum Antisemitismus in der Alten Kirche: Acht Reden tiber die Juden," in: B. Moeller and G. Ruhbach (eds.), Bleibendes im Wandel der Kirchengeschichte (Ttibingen, 1973; pp. 71-91). On Chrysostom's biography, see J.N.D. Kelly, Golden Mouth. The Story of John Chrysostom. Ascetic, Preacher, Bishop (Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1995); on the context of these sermon, see pp. 62-66. I have used mainly the translations of P. W. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians (The Fathers of the Church 68; Washington, D.C., 1979); and Brandle and Jegher-Bucher (eds.), Acht Re_den gegen Juden, which includes an excellent commentary. Brandle is also working on a new edition in the series SC. The gap in the text of the second sermon can now be filled by the recent manuscript found and published by W. Pradels, R. Brandle and M. Heimgartner, "Das bisher vermisste Textstilck in Johannes Chrysostomus, Adversus Judaeos, Oratio 2," Zeitschrift for Antike und Christentum (2001) pp. 23-49. 68 Some have suggested calling the sermons "Against the Judaizers," since there is as much polemics against Judaizers as there is against Jews.

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festivals of the pitiful and miserable Jews are soon to march upon us one after the other and in quick succession: the feast of Trumpets, the feast of Tabernacles, the fasts. 69 There are many in our ranks who say they think as we do. Yet some of these are going to watch the festivals and others will join the Jews in keeping their feasts and observing their fasts. I wish to drive this perverse custom from the Church right now. My discourses against the Anomoeans can be put off to another time, and the postponement would cause no harm. But now that the Jewish festivals are close by and at the very door, if I should fail to cure those who are sick with the Judaizing disease, I am afraid that, because of their ill-suited association and deep ignorance, some Christians may partake in the Jews' transgressions; once they have done so, I fear my homilies on these transgressions will be in vain. For if they hear no word from me today, they will then join the Jews in their fasts; once they have committed this sin it will be useless for me to apply the remedy. 70

Among the Jewish autumn festivals, it is particularly the fast that arouses the wrath of the venom-spewing "Golden Mouth." It is its atoning purpose, which is highly incompatible with Christian theology and throws doubt on the exclusivity and finality of Christ's atonement - even though, from a historical point of view, New Year and Sukkot may have been as attractive to the Christians as the Day of Atonement. Chrysostom' s words show that there were different levels of participation. There were people who only fasted, and there were those who also participated in the custom of walking barefoot. Do you fast with the Jews? Then take off your shoes with the Jews, and walk barefoot in the marketplace, and share with them in their indecency and laughter. But you would not choose to do this because you are ashamed and apt to blush. Are you ashamed to share with them in outward appearance but unashamed to share in their impiety? What excuse will you have, you who are only half a Christian?71

But the last of Chrysostom's homilies reveals that Golden Mouth had not not been very successful with his warnings (8:4). The third witness to Christian participation in Yom Kippur's fast is Canon 70 of the Canons of the Apostles, probably from late-fourth-century Antioch. 72

69

I commented earlier on the strange order of the festivals: above, pp. 68-69. Against the Jews 1:1 :4; trans!. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians, pp. 3-4. 71 Against the Jews 1:4:7; transl. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians, p. 16. 72 The Canons of the Apostles are the ftnal part of the Apostolic Constitutions (8:47:170

85), assembled in Syria about the end of the fourth century. Some scholars presume Antioch to be the place of this compilation. For text and introductory questions, see Metzger, Les Constitutions apostoliques, SC 320, pp. 13-94; SC 336 pp. 9-12 and 274--309.

276 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries If a bishop or another cleric should fast with the Jews or celebrate holidays with them or accept their festive gifts, such as unleavened bread and anything similar to this, he shall be deposed; if a layman, excommunicated. 73

This is the earliest legal text referring to Yom Kippur. The explicit prohibition of fasting is among the redactional additions of the Canons of the Apostles to formulae adopted from its source, 74 which did not mention fasting. 75 It was the situation in the community or communities authoring the Canons of the Apostles that caused the inclusion of this prohibition. Fasting now appears at the top of the list. demonstrating that it was the problem of greatest concern. The punishment imposed is draconian; it resembles that for entering synagogues with the intention to pray, or contributing to synagogues or temples. Is it possible to understand the distinction in the law between laity and clergy as evidence for participation of clergy in Yom Kippur? If any priest or bishop defended his participation in the Jewish fast, such a defense did not survive in writing. 76 But neither do I know of any statement referring to bishops deposed or excommunicated for participating in Yom Kippur. Therefore, no fmal conclusion can be drawn about possible clerical participation in the Jewish fast. Th~ Canons of the Apostles remained a highly authoritative source in Byzantine legislation. 77 Various commentaries remark upon Canon 70; other texts include a prohibition on participation in the Jewish fast. 78 Nevertheless, it is difficult to decide if such repetitions of 73

Ei no; SxiaKoxoo; ft iiHoo; KATjptKOo; VTJO"t"eUet).unci louOaimv ft i:op•id;;et Jl£-c" ain:&v ft O€:X.£"t"at ain&v -cit •ii.o; iop-cfjo; l;ivta. otov iii;;U).l« i1 n "t"OlOiitov. Ka6atpeiaem· si. AaiKOo;, (upopt-

se

l;;i:a9m. Canons of the Apostles 70, in Linder, The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages, #l/3, p. 27. The passage is commented on or included in the following later collections: Johannes Scholasticus (around 540-560), Collection of Canons in 50 Titles (Linder, #6/104, see also #6/102); Photius' and Theodoros Balsamon's recensions of the Nomocanon in 14 Titles (Linder, #7/121, see also #7/118, #7/177, #7/187). 74 Canon 70 is generally regarded as a combination of canons 37 and 38 from the Council of Laodicea, held in Syria around 380. However, neither passage includes the fast. 75 Was it that Christian participation in the Jewish fast was not considered as threatening their identity? 76 Leo defends the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month and distinguishes it from the Jewish fast. 11 Despite the condemnation of the Apostolic Constitutions in the Trullanum, see Linder, The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages, p. 26. 78 John Chrysostom's sermons against Christian participation in the Jewish festivals of autumn are referred to explicitly by Johannes Zonaras (twelfth century) in his part of the Tripartite Commentary to the Conciliar Legislation: see Linder. The Jews in the Legal Sources ofthe Early Middle Ages, #28/353. He and his contemporaries Theodoros Balsaman and Alexios Aristenos comment also on the prohibition contained in the Canons of the Apostles: see Linder #28/356, 357, 360,370, 371}.

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a prohibition reflect the acuteness of the problem or are merely the carrying forward of a tradition. In the West, the authority of the Canons of the Apostles (known through a sixth-century translation) was much weaker. 79 Origen, Chrysostom and the Canons of the Apostles provide evidence for the participation of Christians in the Yom Kippur fast in third-century Caesarea and fourth-century Antioch. All three texts react sharply against this Judaizing attempt, which they consider incompatible with Christianity 80 Shlomo Pines has suggested that the strong presence of Jewish Christians in Antioch might stand behind this phenomenon. 81 In the following section, I will deal with some more general aspects of the Christian Yom Kippur polemics. Yet polemics can exist without a historical raisori d'8tre. The importance of the passages on Cluistian participation in Yom Kippur lies in their providing proof that the Jewish fast was not an imaginary "opponent," attracted Christians in a very concrete way and influenced the Christianization of Leviticus in exegesis, thereby contributing to the inclusion of Yom Kippur imagery in the thought of some authors and in the liturgy.

3. Christian Polemics against the Contemporary Yom Kippur The contemporary Yom Kippur influenced Origen's attempts to persuade Christians not to participate in Yom Kippur, resulting in a reinterpretation of Leviticus 16. How "productive" was the tension that Yom Kippur caused between Christians and Jews in the work of other authors? To what extent are other Christian interpretations of Leviticus 16 merely "bookish" Christianizations of the Old Testament and to what extent can they be understood as reactions to a contemporary Jewish fast perceived as threat? In this section, I want to investigate more closely the interconnection between polemics and reinterpretation.

79

Linder, The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages, #105/949. Finally, is it possible that Basil, too, fought Christians observing Yom Kippur? In his first Homily on Fasting he counters the claim that Yom Kippur is to be venerated for being the first fast commanded by God with the argument that Adam was ordered to fast long before the Torah was given (Basil, Homily on Fasting 1:2 (PG 31:165BC). If his argument reflects a similar one existing in his community, it is possible that in Basil's community, too, some Christians observed the Jewish fast. 81 S. Pines, "The Jewish Christians of the Early Centuries of Christianity According to a New Source," in: G.G. Stroumsa (ed.), The Collected Works ofShlomo Pines. Vol. 4. Studies in the History of Religion (Jerusalem, 1996; pp. 211-284), here pp. 244-245. I would like to thank John Gager for drawing my attention to this point. 80


Christian texts railing against Yom Kippur may be polemicizing against a literal equation of the biblical Yom Kippur with the earthly temple and I or they may be polemicizing against what they understand as the Jewish concept of fast and other contemporary Yom Kippur rites. Are polemics against Yom Kippur mostly "paper tiger" reactions against an imaginary Jewish institution with no real impact in the community of the writer? Before classifying the various texts, I want to present the basic lines of the Christian polemical argument. Since most of the texts have already been quoted in the two preceding sections (or in the section on Christian descriptions of Yom Kippur in part 1), I will not repeat the list here. 82 First, the polemics against literal interpretations of Leviticus 16 are based mainly on the historical argument that the temple and its institutions had been destroyed according to the divine plan foretold by Jesus, showing clearly that they were merely manifestations of heavenly truths. This argument is based on the concept that there are only two ways to interpret the Bible, either literally or allegorically, 83 which for the polemicists means Jewish or Christian. Tertium non datur. There is no room for a non-Christian non-literal reading. Either God referred to atonement in the earthly temple- which is no longer standing- or he must have meant another temple, which can only be the Christian one. Origen writes for example: Therefore, let whoever observes these fasts go up "three times a year" to Jerusalem "to appear before the Temple of the Lord," to offer himself to the priest. Let him seek the altar which was turned into dust; let him offer sacrifices, with no high priest standing by. For it is written that, fasting, the people will offer "two he-goats" in a sacrifice. Upon these they ought to cast lots that one of them become "the lot of the Lord" and be offered as a sacrifice to the Lord; but the other's lot is that it be sent "living into the wilderness," and to have in himself the sins of the people. Consequently, all these things must be completed by you who want to observe fasting according to the precept of the Law. 84

Chrysostom objects explicitly to Jewish (and Christian) claims that some features in the synagogue have taken over temple functions. He observes that Christians are attracted to synagogues because they deem that the Torah scrolls bestow a temple-like sanctity on the place; they call the Torah shrine an "ark," associating it with the ark of the covenant. 85 Yet an ark doth not a temple make, and Chrysostom counters the Jewish templization by pointing to its partiality. See above, pp. 70-77 and 262~277. There are, of course, several Christian interpretational levels, but for the sake of the argument, I consider them all as "allegorical." 84 Homily on Leviticus 10:2:1 (SC 287:132-134), transl. Barkley, Origen. Homily on Leviticus 1-16, p. 204. 85 AgainsttheJews4:7:6; 6:7:1-7. 82

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What sort of ark is it that the Jews now have, where we find no propitiatory, no tables of the law, no holy of holies, no veil, no high priest, no incense, no holocaust, no sacrifice, none of the other things that made the ark of old solemn and august? 86

It might be no coincidence that Chrysostom lists those items needed especially for Yom Kippur's temple rite. The propitiatory, the holy of holies, the veil and high priest and the sacrifices - all are missing in the synagogue - how then can they provide atonement? Chrysostom acknowledges that there are priests in the synagogues, but they are not true priests, lacking proper ordination: We fmd none of these [rites] today: no sacrifice, no holocaust, no sprinkling of blood, no anointing with oil, no tent of meeting where they must sit for a defmite number of days. This makes it obvious that the priest among the Jews today is unordained, Unclean, under a curse, and profane; he only provokes God's wrath. If a priest could not be ordained in any other way than by these rites, and these rites no longer exist, then there is no possible way that their priesthood could have continued to exist.87

Chrysostom mocks Jewish templization, which ignores the elements crucial to Yom Kippur. If we read this passage in the context of the parallel templization of church buildings, administration and liturgy, which focused on just these items - the holy of holies, the veil, the high priest and sacrifices and later also the propitiatory- Chrysostom's polemic becomes even more mocking. "We," the Christians, have the true temple in heaven and in the Church; "you" do not. Analyzing the Christian exegesis of Leviticus 16, I found very little evidence for a familiarity with Jewish exegesis. Almost all parallels can be explained with the common biblical source. 88 An exception may be a reference to the deification of the high priest on his entering the holy of holies, which is found in Leviticus Rabbah, in Origen and in Philo,89 Cyril's reference to the twinning of the goats may be dependent on a Jewish tradition; 90 likewise Ishodad's polemics against the red ribbon 91 While this does not preclude explaining some Christian interpretations of Leviticus 16 as reactions to the attraction of the contemporary Yom Kippur, their authors' acquaintance with the contemporary Yom Kippur has first to be shown. 86 Against the Jews 6:7:2; trans!. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians, p. 172. 81 Against the Jews 6:5:9; trans!. Harkins, Saint John Chrysostom. Discourses against Judaizing Christians, p. 167. 88 For example, the interpretation of Azazel as a demon. 89 See above, p. 125, note 243. 90 See above, note 36, pp. 267-268. 91 See above, p. 38.


Second, those who polemicize against the fast are in a difficult position, given that fasting is honored among Christians, too. Galatians 4:9-10 is frequently cited as stating that though Christians may fast every day and should fast frequently, they should not observe any special holy day. Basil, in his first Homily on Fasting, counters the claim that Yom Kippur is to be venerated for being the first fast commanded by God with the argument that Adam was ordered to fast long before the Torah was given. 92 If his argument reflects a similar one existing in hls community, it is possible that in Basil's community, too, some Christians observed the Jewish fast. Many Church Fathers denounce the Jews as hypocrites, quoting the words of Isaiah 58 and Jonah: people fasting demonstratively in sackcloth and ashes, as opposed to the inward fashion of Christians, who anoint the head and wash the face, as Matthew 6:17 enjoins 93 The use oflsaiah 58 and/or Jonah may be a polemical response to their function as Haftarot on Yom Kippur; yet both religions may have chosen the texts merely for their suitability and their place in the common canon. Similarly, the use of Matthew 6:17 could be based on an awareness of Jewish fasting rites, but could equally be traditional use of the main New Testament prooftext. These depictions do not provid<>. any clue as to whether the Christian polemics are attacking a real fast or an imaginary one, as long as they do not specifY other rites confirmed by Jewish sources- as in the case of Tertollian (praying in open places, festal garments, waiting for evening star), Ephrem (praying, purification), Chrysostom (dancing barefoot on the marketplace), Leo (walking barefoot) and Theodore! of Cyrus (laughing, playing and dancing): 94 He [God] ordered fasting on the tenth of the month. Therefore, he called this day the Day of Atonement. He said "Humble your souls from the evening of the ninth of the month" 95 and "every soul, which will not be humbled on that day, that soul will be destroyed from your people."96 Yet the Jews, who undisguisedly fight against the law, do not look sad on this day, but laugh and play and dance and practice unchaste words and deeds (yeA.&cn Kat xai,ouat Kai xopeilooot Kai (hco1..6:ctot<; PtlJ.lam Kat xp6:yj.laot KixPTJV't"at). 97

Theodore! juxtaposes the biblical commandment with Jewish practices, implying that the joyous character of the Jewish fast completely 92

Basil, Homily on Fasting 1:2 (PG 31:165BC). E.g. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 40:4; Origen, Homily on Leviticus 10:2:4 (SC 287:136); Ephrem, Homilies on Fasting2:1; Basil, On Fasting l-2; Leo, Sermon 92:2. 94 For these texts, see above, pp. 73-76. 95 Lev 23:27.32. 96 Lev 23:29. 97 My translation of Quaestiones in Octateuchum, In Leviticum 32 (ed. Fernandez Marcos and Siienz-Badillos, p. 183:12-19). 93

ChriStian Exegesis of Leviticus and the Polemics against Yom Kippur

281

contradicts the precepts of Leviticus, which speaks of "humbling the soul."" Dancing matches Mishnah Ta 'anit 4:8 and proves that Theodoret was an "eyewitness." It is not clear to me what stands behind "unchaste words and deeds." It is probably just unfounded polemics. If Theodoret's words reflect actual Jewish behavior, this might be in reference to the grooming of the dancing maidens, as mentioned in Mishnah Ta 'anit 4:8. The Christian texts on Yom Kippur can be classified according to the two categories mentioned above - polemics against a literal reading of Leviticus 16 or polemics against a hypocritical fasting practice. The manner in which an interpretation of Leviticus 16 relates to the contemporary Jewish fast can be classified by which of these two areas the authors cover - i.e. whether their authors are "eyewitnesses" of a contemporary Yom Kippur or not. Eyewitnesses are those who describe contemporary Yom Kippur rites that they could not have derived from biblical exegesis. Fasting, for example, is too common to serve as a basis; but dancing and other joyful activities, walking barefoot, praying, and the like point to personal acquaintance (e.g. Barnabas, Tertollian, Theodoret, Chrysostom, Leo, Ephrem). Authors who betray firsthand acquaintance with Judaism regarding topics other than Yom Kippur also belong to this group (e.g. Justin, Origen, Cyril of Alexandria, Jacob ofSarug). "Eyewitnesses" who polemicize against the contemporary Jewish fast in the context of a reinterpretation of Leviticus 16 and 23 provide an example of the impact of the contemporary Yom Kippur on the development of 100 Christian thought. 99 To this group belong Barnabas, Justin, Tertullian, Origen, Theodoret and, as we shall see in the next chapter, also Leo. 101 This attitude is similar to that of an American rabbi who promotes Hanukkah while simultaneously polemicizing against Christmas. Even if he does not complain about Jews having a Christmas tree in their house, it is clear that his polemics and his promotion of the Jewish festival are related. His

98 Exceptionally, Theodore! refers to the contemporary Yom Kippur not with "fast," but with "Day of Atonement," most probably because of his biblical lemma. 99 I.e. texts that juxtapose an attack on the Jewish fast with a Christian reading of the high priest or the goats. 100 In On Fasting, Tertullian refers positively to Judaism, but only in this specific context, because he wants to portray the Jews as more devout than the non-Montanist Christians. This bias becomes apparent from his less sympathetic references in Against Marc ion and Against the Jews, where he denounces those observing the Jewish fast as "fasting from salvation." 101 On Leo, see pp. 74-76 above and 312-317, below.

282 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries promotion of Hanukkah is linked to his reactions to the perceived threat of Christmas. 102 "Eyewitnesses" who polemicize against the contemporary Jewish fast without giving a Christian reinterpretation of Leviticus 16 or 23 provide evidence of the ongoing challenge of Yom Kippur for Christians. To this group belong Ephrem, Chrysostom and perhaps also Eusebius and Basil. Those authors who give a Christian reinterpretation of Leviticus 16 or 23 without referring to the contemporary Jewish fast - such as Augustine and Cyprianus Gallus - may be instances of a solely "bookish" influence of Yom Kippur, but this is merely an argumentum e silentio. The example of Origen, who does not detail contemporary rites though he is clearly an eyewitness to Christian participation in them, shows that we should not jump to conclusions. Two exegetes of Leviticus 16, Hesychius and Cyril of Alexandria, refer to the "fast." 103 Their exegesis does not provide evidence as to whether the polemics were directed against the Yom Kippur of their contemporary Jewish neighbors or against an imagined institution. Stefano Tampellini has found no conclusive evidence that Hesychius was familiar with Jewish exegesis. 104 Further investigation might reveal some contact. His being in Jerusalem suggests that Hesychius was acquainted with living Jews. Robert Wilken's examination of Cyril's relationship to Judaism makes it quite reasonable to believe that Cyril knew the Jewish fast directJyi05 Cyril's exegesis of Leviticus 16 in the Glaphyra should therefore be read together with the references to the true spiritual fast in On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth as an anti-Jewish polemic. Cyril, then, probably belongs to the eyewitnesses. Finally, those authors who mention Yom Kippur but most probably were not eyewitnesses and have not provided a Christianized version of Leviticus 16 or 23 merely constitute evidence for Christian awareness of the existence of Yom Kippur, biblical or post-biblica!. 106 In sum, many texts from all times and geographical zones attest to the tension Christian theologians felt toward the contemporary Yom Kippur 102 On some aspects of the impact of Christmas on American and German Judaism, see J. Weissman Joselit, '"Merry Chanuka': The Changing Holiday Practices of American Jews, 1880-1950," in: J. Wertheimer (ed.), The Uses of Tradition. Jewish Continuity in the Modern Era (New York and Jerusalem, 1993; pp. 303-325). 103 Hesychius, Commentary on Leviticus 23:27-32, PG 93:10928; Cyril of Alexandria, On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth (PG 68:1105BC). 104 Tampellini, "Introduzione allo studio del Commentarius in Leviticum di Esichio di Gerusalemme," pp. 229-231. 105 Wilken, Judaism and the Early Christian Mind; cf. pp. 267-268 note 36 above. 106 E.g. the polemical references in Aristides, Apology 14:4 (Syriac); and Diognet 3: 14:1. See above, pp. 219-220.


283

(Barnabas, Justin, Tertu!lian, Origen, Theodore!, Leo, Ephrem, Chrysostom and perhaps also Eusebius, Basil and Cyril of Alexandria). Some of them provide us with quite conclusive evidence for an impact of contemporary Yom Kippur upon some exegetes of Leviticus 16 (Barnabas, Justin, Tertullian, Origen and Theodore!) and, as we shall see in the next chapter, on the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month (Leo). On the other hand, some exegetes seem to be influenced merely by the biblical Yom Kippur (Augustine, Hesychius? and Cyprianus Gallus).

4. Anti-Christian Polemics in Yom Kippur Texts If Yom Kippur was a challenge for Christian theologians, the Christian claim of Christ's once-and-for-all fulfillment of the Day of Atonement ritual might by the same token have been a challenge for Jewish theologians. The ideal liturgical Sitz im Leben to express answers to these Christian claims would be the Yom Kippur service. In turn, inclusion of polemics against the Christian atonement concept in the Yom Kippur liturgy explains at least some of the Christian concerns against participation in Yom Kippur. To_ show this "other side" of the tension around atonement and Yom Kippur, I collected some statements from the Talmud and from Sidrei Avodah that may be understood as polemical reactions against Christian claims to have inherited the biblical high priesthood, against high-priestly Christo logy and against the atoning power of the cross. All of these concepts became more manifest to non-Christians during the Christianization of the Roman Empire (especially of the Holy Land), through the development of a more public litnrgy and through the finding of the True Cross and the development of its cult. Two famous passages in the Talmudim divide the Second Temple period into three declining epochs: the 40-year golden age of Simon the Just, the 40-year dark age before the destruction of the temple, and the age in between. 107 In the golden age, the lot of God always carne up in the right hand, the red ribbon always became white and the western lantern always burned. In the intermediate age, this was not always the case. And in the dark age, the 40 years preceding the destruction of the temple, $is was never the case. As the text appears now, there is clearly a relation between the golden age and the dark age, both 40 years long, with the first verging on ideal conditions, the latter leading to catastrophe. However, the first passage, which deals with the golden age and the intermediate age, and the 17 0

yYoma 6:3, 43c; bYoma 39ab.


second passage are separated by an anecdote on Simon the Just. The tradition about the red ribbon, which no longer became white in the 40 years before the destruction of the temple, appears also on its own. 108 The two traditions may therefore have been transmitted independently, joined only at a later stage, reflected in the Talmudim. 109 There may be a second intention in the passage on the dark age, beyond portraying the high-priestly Verfallsgeschichte from an anti-Christian stance. About 40 years before the destruction, i.e. around 30 CE, Jesus was crucified, and according to the Christians, this death effected atonement. The rabbis claimed the opposite: that exactly from that time, the red ribbon no longer became white, i.e. atonement was no longer effected. 110 Another Baraita from the Tosefta explicitly mentions trl,?J, heretics. "They asked Rabbi Aqiva: "What (shall the high priest do)? (Shall he) switch (the lot) from the left (hand) to the right (hand)?" He said them: "Do not give the heretics an opportunity to oppress you." 111 The commentators of the Talmud read into Aqiva's warning that the sages should not create the impression that they decide halakhic questions arbitrarily. While Rashi understands the O'l'~ as disciples of Jesus, it is difficult to define the exact opposition group. I suggested above that the reappraisal of the Levitical priesthood, especially in the piyyutim - inspired by priestly circles - might have been directed against the rising high-priestly Christology and the Christian use of the term "priest" in the administration, especially after the imperialization of Christianity had made these concepts concrete in the context of the empire and its cities. According to the Christian claim, Christ replaced tbe Levitical priesthood with his Melchizedekian priesthood, the former being corrupt and its rituals without power. In the first part of the Sidrei Avodah on the world's history up to Levi, however, Melchizedek plays no role. The Sidrei Avodah glorifY the works of the Levitical high priests, their power and effectiveness. It is noteworthy that these Sidrei Avodah evolve in Palestine during approximately the same period as the high-priestly 108

bRH31b.

Of course, the dating of the Baraita is difficult, but its being written in Hebrew may perhaps point to an earlier time, still in the Tannaitic era. However, one cannot be sure about this. 110 I would like to thank Ephraim Shoham Steiner for this reading. Hans Kosmala sug· gested that the passage reflects a Jewish disbelief in the atoning effect of the sacrifices of Yom Kippur: H. Kosmala, "Jom Kippur," Judaica 6 (1950) 1-19, here pp. 18-19. 111 tYoma 2:10: m11? o•J11:J'7 m;m mm '7N D;"''7 '1JN 1'1J''7 '7NniZ71J muw? l:l1:J N:l'j?S '1 nN 1'7N:IZl D:l'1nN. This Baraita appears also in bYoma 40b, slightly adapted. Due to the censure the modem prints read "Sadducees," but all good manuscripts read PJ'IJ. See Rabbinovicz, Diqduqey Soferim, vol. 4, p. 111. 109


285

Christology becomes more visible in the liturgy, especially in the newly constructed churches in Palestine. In his recent Poetry and Society in Jewish Galilee of Late Antiquity, Joseph Yahalom dedicated two sections to anti-Christian polemics in the piyyutim for Rosh Hashanah by Yose ben Yose and Yannai. 112 If these paytanim did not hesitate to express their Jewish identity over and against the Christian environment in liturgical compositions for the New Year, it would be strange not to fmd at least some similar expressions in piyyutim for Yom Kippur. Most scholars admit to the presence of quite strong antiChristian polemics in the Yom Kippur piJYut Ha 'Omrim leKhilay Shoa ', 113 which I, however, leave aside, since the polemics·are not directed specifically against high-priestly Christology. Yahalom refers to a possibly antiChristian passage in a stanza dealing with the Sabbath in what is probably the earliest extant poetic Seder Avodah- 'Az be 'Ein Kol: 114 Those smearing whitewash on [the Sabbath] do not have rest [on it] since the wicked (are) withheld from its light. D'I11171 1:!7J1JJ num ,, ltlli'IJJ' N7 tJ

'7~n

•no

These lines are a play on words in Ezekiel 13: II: "Say to those who smear whitewash on it (that it shall fall)," and Job 38:15: "Light is withheld from the wicked (and their uplifted arm is broken)," where the same expressions ~!:In ,nt? and 011M tPYtv1n Yl?J'l appear. Here, it may be understood as an antiChristian polemic comparing to wicked sorcerers those who impose Sunday over the Sabbath, a hot issue in the late fourth century.

112 Yabalom, Poetry and Society in Jewish G.alilee of Late Antiquity, [in Hebrew] (Tel Aviv, 1999), pp. 64--71 and 72-80. 113 Y11J7 •'7•J7 D'11:JlNil (ed. Zulai, p. 339); S. Lieberman, "Hazonot Yannai" [in Hebrew] Sinai 4 (1939) 219-250, here pp. 224ff. Johann Maier tried to refute this view, suggesting that the polemical reading is only a medieval interpretation: see J. Maier, "The Piyyut 'Ha'omrim Ie-khi/ay shoa' and Anti-Christian Polemics" [in Hebrew] in: E. Fleischer and J. Petuchowsky (eds.), Studies in Aggada, Targums and Prayers of Israel in Memory of Josef Heinemann (Jerusalem, 1981; pp. 100-110); but Zvi Rabinovitz, the recent editor ofYannai, rightly states that Maier's arguments are hardly convincing: see Z.M. Rabinovitz (ed.), The Liturgical Poems of Rabbi Yannai according to the Triennial Cycle of the Pentateuch and the Holidays. Critical Edition with Introduction and Commentary [in Hebrew] (2 vols; Jerusalem, 1985, 1987) vol. 2, pp. 207-227, esp. pp. 221-222. See also Yahalom, Poetry and Society in Jewish Galilee of Late Antiquity, pp. 73-74. On Yannai, see also N.M. Bronznick, The Liturgical Poetry of Yannai. Explanations and Interpretations with Suggestions for Textual Emendations and Completions of Lacunae (Jerusalem, 2000). 114 'Az be'Ein Kol ("Then, when there was nothing") (ed. Yahalom, p. 88, lines 214215, with notes).

286 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries Other verses that I collected from the Sidrei Avodah before Yannai match such a context of Christian-Jewish polemics. I have focused on statements against the high-priestly Christology, Christian claims on the priesthood and the salvific effect of the wood of the cross. Naturally, the polemical tendency changes from Seder to Seder and some Sdarim show more specific anti-Christian polemics than others. us The Seder Avodah 'Az be 'Ein Kol, includes another two double stanzas that may refer to Christ's atoning death on the cross: An opening of righteousness, for a criminal (YID1!l) cannot

he [the high priest] shall open for himself atone for criminals. 116

According to the Christian concept, Christ died on the cross, a punishment for criminals, but is himself considered sinless - tmlike the Levitical high priests, who "had to offer a sin offering before being able to atone for others." This concept is turned on its head by 'Az be 'Ein Kol. It claims that the Levitical high priest did a good thing in bringing a sin offering for his transgressions and confessing his sins, while that criminal who died on the cross cannot supposedly atone for othersY 7 The famous paytan Yose pen Yose composed many, very different Sidrei Avodah and other religious poems. One poem for Yom Kippur is the lamenting confession 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gado/. 118 The polemical intent becomes clear from the third line: The service has ceased from the House of Service and how shall we serve the Pure when the foreigner (,T) opresses us. 119

The current (Christian) government keeps the community from rebuilding the temple and reinstalling the liturgy. 120 The poet reacts to the Christian substitution theology thus:

r


287

The contemptible [Israel], 121 the foreigners (D'1T) treated her with contempt and how will we come to our heritage (;-t'mJ'7), when our heritage belongs to the foreigners (c•,T?).m

Clearly, 1r refers to the ruling Christians, who claim to be heirs to the heritage belonging to the Jews, which may include the "Old" Testament, the land oflsrael and the (high) priesthood. Finally comes the line

I

The woods of the order (1,37 'lll) stopped on the altar of wood (TY) 123 acd how shall we become pure by the wood (fYJ.), when we failed at the wood (fYJ.)?124

Repeating the key word "fY" four times is almost certainly a pun on the yY, i.e. the cross and its (im)potence in achieving purity. This type of polemic against the "wood" of the cross is comprehensible over and against the rising cult of the cross and the distribution of cross relics after the discovery of the True Cross around 335. Yose's most famous Seder Avodah is 'Attah Konanta '0/am beRov Hesed, still in use in the custom of three northern Italian cities to this day.l2 5 This Seder Avodah contains an ambiguous line on the Levitical priesthood: And the pillagers of their [the priests'] honor will be swallowed and infected. 126

At first glance, this line refers to the past, i.e. Korach and Hezekiah. Yet the future tense might well be understood as directing curses against those who will claim the honor of the biblical priesthood, i.e. the Christian priests and their heavenly high priest. This interpretation becomes clearer in light of two sentences in Yose's longest Seder Avodah, 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah, 127 which can be understood against Christian conceptions of priesthood. 128 To the foreigner (1T) he will not give the heritage of their (the priests') honor/ no human being will inherit the gift of their part. 129

115 E.g. 'Asapper Gedo/ot (ed. Mirsky, pp. 203-210). 116 'Az be'Ein Kol (ed. Yahalom, p. 146, lines 762-763). 117 Regretfully, the extant fragment of 'Az be 'Ein Ko/ ends abruptly in the middle of the bull being slaughtered. Another early Seder Avodah, which seems to be closely connected to 'Az be 'Ein Kol, also contains the line "for a criminal (:111019) cannot atone for criminals" (line 382). Yahalom added the extant fragment in his edition of 'Az be'Ein Ko/. We cannot be sure about the Seder's title, since the first lines are missing. Yahalom suggests seeing here the lost 'Aromem le'EI ('nb czmN) by Yose ben Yose. 118 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol (We do not have a high priest) (ed. Mirsky, pp. 210-216). l19 Ed. Mirsky, p. 210, line 3. 120 The feeling of persecution and oppression is expressed also in the following: "The blood of the sprinkling offer has left the House of Offering I and how shall we sprinkle blood, when our blood is poured out?" (ed. Mirsky, p. 211, line 8).

121 Cf. Mirsky's commentary to this line. Ed. Mirsky, p. 212, line 14. 123 ·Mirsky refers to the altar of wood in Ezek 41:22. 124 Ed. Mirsky, p. 215, line 32. 125 'Attah Konanta '0/am beRov Hesed (1on :mJ. o?lY ;-~mm .1nl() (You established a world most graciously) (ed: Mirsky, pp. 178-203). 126 Ed. Mirsky, p. 187, line 71: U1lll'l1Y?n• rnnJ •n:11. 127 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah. Here (ed. Mirsky, pp. 127-172). 128 The very beginning of 'Azkir Gevurot 'Eloah emphasizes absolute monotheism in an almost patripassianistic way and defines Jewish identity over and against all others (ed. Mirsky, p. 127, lines 1-4). 129 Ed. Mirsky, p. 148, line 119. 122

288 The Impact a/Yam Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries This line is quite similar to the lines of 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol, quoted above, but here the priestly honor is endangered explicitly by the foreigners, the ruling Christians, as in 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol. Another half-line m~m ,rnJ. tPpm ,,xu can be interpreted in two different ways, either as "the keepers of the laws, the swift in commandments" or "the Christians of the 'laws' are pillagers of the commandments." The first praises the priests, the second is an indictment of those who deprived Israel of its commandments and yet claim to fulfill them. The passages cited above may be understood as a rejection of Christian claims to have inherited the priesthood, to have a sinless high priest and to have an all-atoning cross. The rabbinic texts and the piyyutim coWlter these claims by maintaining that strangers cannot inherit the priesthood. The Christian Pseudo-Messiah died as a criminal on the cross and cannot even atone for himself. That his death had no atoning effect is shown by the cessation of the miracle of the red ribbon in the year he died. While these are polemics on general Christian ideas, they are embedded in liturgical and halakhic Yom Kippur texts, showing the Jewish aspect of the tension between two religions concerning the question of atonement and priesthood, particularly on this special day.'


289

texts pertaining to the fast. The Jewish Yom Kippur prayers, then, also developed partly in response to Christian atonement theology. The impact of the contemporary Yom Kippur on early Christianity encompasses a "positive adoption," 130 in the sense that it attracted some Christians to observe the fast, and a "negative reaction," in the sense that it provoked polemics against and dissociation from the contemporary Yom Kippur. Yet Christianity did not react by rejecting the Yom Kippur imagery altogether. On the contrary, another "positive" effect regarding Yom Kippur was the continuing development of a detailed Christian interpretation of the biblical Yom Kippur and its intensified use in Christian theology. It is conspicuous that Origen, the first great Church Father to interpret Christ's death as an atoning sacrifice, is also so deeply engaged in an exegesis of Leviticus 16 in the sociohistorical context of the challenge of Christian's participating in Yom Kippur. In the next chapter! will argue that this tension also affected the Christian festival calendar by attempts to counter, through concurrent feasts, the appeal of the Jewish fast.

Conclusion Yom Kippur's temple imagery had an enormous impact on early Christian sacrificial theology and the interpretation of the liturgy. That this impact was not only the "bookish" legacy of the adoption of Leviticus, Hebrews and Romans into the Christian canon and the necessity to explain them, but also the outcome of Jewish-Christian tensions on the issue of atonement and the Day of Atonement has been argned on the following basis. The earliest Christian exegete of Leviticus, Origen, who par excellence sets the stakes for successive generations, states explicitly that he is battling the "problem" of Christians participating in the Jewish fast. He views their participation as denying the exclusivity of Christ's once-and-for-all atoning death. Statements by Cbrysostom and in the Canons of the Apostles prove that Yom Kippur continued to attract Christians and to disturb theologians. Although I found no further explicit examples of Church Fathers fighting this phenomenon, the numerous Christian authors polemicizing against Yom Kippur and betraying firsthand knowledge of Jewish rites constitute evidence of the threat these authors felt from Yom Kippur's alternative atonement. The Jewish side of this tension is expressed in the polemical passages inserted in the Yom Kippur liturgy and in halakhic 130

On these terms, see the introduction, on types of influence, above, pp. 4-6.

1

Yom Kippur and the Christian Autumn Festivals

291

These festivals have been frequently investigated, most recently by Louis van T ongeren in his dissertation on the Exaltation of the Cross. 2 Sources on the early development of these festivals are scarce. Eusebius, Socrates and Sozomenos describe the actual dedication in 335. 3 Details of the liturgy of the yearly festival can be found in Egeria, 4 in the Armenian

Chapter 8

Yom Kippur and the Christian Autumn Festivals In the late third century, the central Christian festal seasons were spring and early summer with Easter and Pentecost. During the fourth century, Christmas entered most liturgical calendars and gave the Christian year a second, winter focal point. Yet the autumn still had no major Christian festival, in contrast to the intense Jewish festival cycle of Tishri. While Judaism was generally attractive to Christians, the autumn festivals seem to have been particularly appealing. I suggest seeing two later Christian festivals in autumn as related to the Jewish fall feasts, especially Yom Kippur. The Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross emerged from bookish imagination but plausibly also to provide a Christian alternative to the Jewish autumn festivals (section 1). The liturgical traditions of the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month include customs adopted from the Jewish autumn festivals as well as polemics against Yom Kippur. Perhaps it is even a Christianized Yom Kippur (section 2). In addition, the commemoration of the annunciation to Zechariah developing in the East, possibly in fourth-century Jerusalem, reenacts Jewish-Christian legends around Zechariah and Yom Kippur (section 3). 1

1. The Encaenia, the Exaltation of the Cross and Yom Kippur The Encaenia are the yearly commemorations of the dedication of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher- first the Martyrion in 335, later also the Anastasis. The Exaltation of the Cross celebrates the (alleged) invention of the True Cross by Helena Augusta. It began as part of the Encaenia and gradually developed into a separate (estival. A distinct name for it is attested for the first time in the sixth century. Both festivals spread widely from their Jerusalem origin, sometimes with a slight change in the date. The Encaenia reached most Eastern Orthodox churches; the Exaltation is celebrated in the Eastern traditions as well as in the Roman Church.

i

1 For a possible additional influence of Yom Kippur on early Christian liturgy, see above, p. 3, note 10, and the appendix.

.i

j~l.~~

2 L van Tongeren, Exaltatio crucis. Het fees! van Kruisverhe.ffing en de zingeving van het kruis in het Westen tijdens de vroege middeleeuwen: Een liturgie-historische studie (TFT Studies 25; Tilburg, 1995); English translation, Exaltation of the Cross. Towards the Origins of the Feast of the Cross and the Meaning of the Cross in Early Medieval Liturgy (Liturgia condenda 11; Leuven, 2001). Van Tongeren has summarized the frrst two chapters in a concise article, "Yom Kreuzritus zur Kieuzestheologie. Die Entstehungsgeschichte des Festes der KreuzerhOhung und seine erste Ausbreitung im Westen," Ephemerides Liturgicae 112 (1998) 216-245, on the development until the seventh century: see pp. 216-226. See also J. Hallit, "La Croix dans le rite byzantin," Parole de !'Orient 3 (1972) 262-311, here pp.288-293; and R.P.F. Mercenier and F. Paris, La pri€re des iglises de rite byzantin.ll. Lesfites.l. GrandesfJtes]lXes (Amaysur-Meuse Belgique, 1939), pp. 32-58, on aspects of the modem cult (I was not able to consult the more recent 1953 edition); for the description of the Armenian rite, see: S. Der Nersessian, "La ," Annuaire de l'institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales et slaves. lla:yKaptrela. Mit~ges Henri Grigoire l 0 (1950) 193-19&_ Useful lexicon articles are R.F. Taft and A. Kazhdan, "Cross, Cult of the," The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium 1 (1991) 551-553; and A. Bugnini, "Croce. VII. La C[roce] nella liturgia," Enciclopedia Cattolica 4 (1950) 960-963. The classic book by A. Frolow, La relique de Ia vraie Croix (Paris, 1961), is not helpful on the ritual history of the Exaltation. 3 Eusebius, Vita Constantini 4:40-46. Cf. Socrates, History of the Church 1:33; Sozo~ menos, History of the Church 2:26; A.-J. Festugiere, B. Grillet and G. Sabbah (transl.), Sozom€ne: Histoire Ecc/esiastique. Livres I-II. Texte grec de l'idition J. Bidez (SC 306; Paris, 1983), PP- 346-349; cf. the Chronikon Paschale §334, ed. L. Dindorf, Chronikon Paschale (Corpus Scriptorum Histori.ae Byzantinae; Bonn, 1832), PG 92:67-1028); Eng~ lish translation by Michael and Mary Whitby_ Chronicon Paschale 284-628 AD (Trans~ lated Texts for Historians 7; Liverpool, 19&9), p. 19-20; and the pilgrim Theodosius (ed. P. Geyer, CSEL 39:135-150), here pp. 140-142. 4 "(I) Also, Feast of the Dedication (dies enceniarum) is the name they use for the day when the Martyrium, the holy church on Golgotha, was consecrated to God. {2) Moreover, the holy church which is at the Anastasis, at the place, that is, where the Lord rose after His Passion, was also consecrated .to God on the same day. (3) The dedication of these churches is observed with the most solemn liturgy, since the cross of the Lord was found on that day also. (4) This is why it was decreed that when the above-mentioned holy churches were first consecrated the consecrations would be on the same day as that on which the cross of the Lord was found, so that these events might be celebrated at the same time, on the same day and with full liturgy. {5) It was also discovered from the Scriptures that this Feast of Dedications would be on the day when the holy ruler Solo~ mon stood and prayed before the altar of God in the newly completed house of God which he had built, as it is written in the books of Paralipomenon [2Chr 5-7, esp. 7:9-10; cf. 1Kgs 8]. (6) When this Feast of the Dedications is at hand, it is observed for a period


and Georgian translations of the Jerusalem lectionary (the Old Armenian Lectionary and the Old Georgian Lectionary), 5 and in few other places. 6

of eight days. (7) Many days beforehand a crowd of monks and aputactitae begin gathering together from various provinces, not only from Mesopotamia and Syria, from Egypt and the Thebaid, where the monks are numerous, but also from all other plaCes and provinces. (8) In fact, there is no one who would not go to Jerusalem on this day for such a solemn liturgy and for such a splendid feast. (9) Lay people, both men and women, also gather together in Jerusalem on these days from all provinces in the spirit of faith and on account of the feast day. {LO) Though fewer in number, there are still more than forty or fifty bishops in Jerusalem during these days, and with them come many of their clergy. {II) What -can I add? Everyone considers that he has fallen into great sin if he is not present on days of such solemnity, unless there be conflicting obligations, such as would keep a man from fulfilling a good intention. (12) During the Feast of the Dedications, the decoration of all the churches is similar to that at Easter and at Epiphany, and on each day they assemble for the liturgy in various holy places, just as at Easter and at Epiphany. (13) On the first and second days, everyone goes to the major church, called the Martyrium; (14) then on the third day to the Eleona, the church situated on the mountain from which the Lord ascended into heaven after His Passion. Within the church there is a grotto, in which the Lord taught the appstles on the Mount of Olives. (15) Then on the fourth day ... " Egeria, Diary 4~9 (her diary ends here); G.E. Gingras (transl.), Egeria: Diary of a Pilgrimage. Translated and Annotated (Ancient Christian Writers 38; New York and Ramsey [N.J.], 1970), pp. 126-128. For the sake of convenience, I have nwnbered the sentences. 5 A very useful introduction to the role of the early lectionaries in the history of the Jerusalem liturgy is the study by S. Verhelst, ..La Iiturgie de Jerusalem a l'epoque byzantine. Genese et structures de l'annee liturgique'' (Ph.D. dissertation, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1999). The Old Armenian Lectionary has been edited by A. Renoux, Le codex armenien Jerusalem I2 I, TOme I: Introduction: Aux origines de Ia liturgie hierosolzmitaine, lumi€res nouvelles. T6me 2: Edition comparee du texte et de deux autres manuscrits (PO 35: l; 36:2; Turnhout, 1969, 1971). He also published later (but still very early) manuscripts, Ch. [=A.] Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie: Le Casoc'. I. Introduction et liste des manuscrits. II. Edition synoptique des plus anciens temoins (PO 44:4; 48:2; Tumhout, 1989, 1999). The Old Georgian Lectionary has been edited and translated by M. Tarchnischvili, Legrand lectionnaire de l'iglise de Jerusalem (V-VIIr steele) (CSCO 188, 189, 204, 205 = Iberi 9, 10, 13, 14; Louvain, 19591960). G. Garitte (ed.), Le calendrier palestino-giorgien du Sinaiticus 34 {X steele) (Subsidia Hagiographica 30; Brussels, 1958), has published a calendar that is based on a lectionary. The Typicon of Constantinople has been edited by J. Mateos ( ed.), Le typicon de Ia grande iglise. Ms. Sainte-Croix n° 40, X steele. Tome I Le cycle des douze mois. Tome II. Le cycle des fetes mobiles (2 vols; Orientalia Christiana Analecta 165-166; Rome, 1962-1963). 6 Sozomenos, History of the Church 2:26. Sozomenos wrote between 439 and 450. "The temple, called the 'Great Martyrium,' which was built in the place of the skull at J erusalem, was completed about the thirtieth year of the reign of Constantine; ... the temple was therefore consecrated .... Since that period the anniversary of the consecration has been celebrated with great pomp by the church of Jerusalem; the festival continues eight


293

According to Egeria, who probably visited Jerusalem sometime between 381 and 384 CE, the Encaenia last· eight days and commemorate simultaneously three events: the invention of the cross (3),7 the dedication of the Martyrion (I) and the dedication of the Anastasis (2). She leaves no doubt that it was the invention of the cross that set the date for the two dedications (4), and that the cross is the reason for an exceptionally splendid liturgy. Egeria does not yet distingnish between a week for the churches and a day for the cross, or a first day in the Anastasis and a second in the Martyrion, as is done in the Old Armenian Lectionary. 8 Apparently, for the pilgrim of the late fourth century, the feast of the dedication is the invention of the cross, and the Exaltation is the Encaenia. Egeria (and later Sozomenos) assign a quasi-obligatory character to pilgrimage to the festival (II). The Encaenia equal in solemnity only two other festivals, Easter and Epiphany, the two other Christian octaves (12). Unfortunately, Egeria does not give a date for the festival. 9 The earliest source for this is the Old Armenian Lectionary, giving 13 to 20 September." However, Egeria explicitly compares the dedication of the Holy Sepulcher with that of the First Temple. According to her, the Encaenia are celebrated on the same days as the dedication of the first "house of God" as shown by a passage in "Chronicles." 11 days, initiation by baptism is administered, and people from every region under the sun resort to Jerusalem during this festival, and visit the sacred places" (transl. NPNF). See also the homilies under the name of Ephrem, published by S. Heid, "Zwei an den Enkainien der Jerusalemer Grabeskirche gehaltene Predigten des griechischen Ephram," Oriens Christianus 84 (2000) 1-22. Heid accepts their authenticity and dates them to 35()-375 CE (p. 2). There are also homilies by Alexander the Monk, Sophronius (d. 638) and Andreas of Crete (d. ca 740), but they go beyond the chronological scope of this investigation. See Sophronius, Homily on the Exaltation of the Venerable Cross and on the Holy Anastas is (PG 87/3:3301-3310); Alexander the Monk, On the Finding of the Venerable and Lifegiving Cross (PG 87:3:4021-84); and Andreas of Crete, In exaltationem S. Crucis orationes 1-2 (PG 97:1017-1036, 1035-1046). 7 The numbers in parentheses refer to my earlier enumeration of the sentences in Egeria, Diary, see above, note 4. 8 For Egeria, the statio for the first two days is the same, the Martyrion. This has been analyzed by Verhelst, "La liturgie de Jerusalem a I'epoque byzantine," PP- 159-160 and 163. 9 Since in her diary, Egeria describes the Encaenia after the Holy Week and Pentecost, it becomes clear that the Encaenia were later in the year. JO On the question of the date, see below, p. 296, note 28. u I.e. 2Chr 7:8-10. According to this passage, Solomon consecrated the temple just before Succot, 8-14 Tishri. This date matches the Encaenia only imprecisely. Why does Egeria refer to Chronicles and not to Kings -which leaves open the exact day of the seventh month and therefore fits better - which in general was better known than Chroni-


The structural similarities between the Encaenia and the two Jewish temple dedication festivals, Sukkot and Hanukkah, have led some scholars to suggest a genetic connection. 12 They point out that Egeria calls the festival dies encenarium, the Latin name for Hanukkah. The Encaenia and Sukkot take place in the seventh month (the same season), last for eight days (including Shmini Azeret), commemorate the dedication of a place of worship and are an occasion for pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Several readings of the Old Armenian Lectionary and the Old Georgian Lectionary, witnesses to the Jerusalem lectionary, evoke the temple and refer to Jerusalem and to the cross. 13 Moreover, readings from other old manuscripts of the Armenian Lectionary, probably from the fifth to

cles? The parallel passage in lKgs 8 speaks of an eight-day dedication (verses 65-66) in the seventh month (2) leaving the exact dates open, probably presupposing that the dedication of the temple was celebrated during the festival ofSuccot. In any case, 8-14 Tishri would include Yom Kippur on 10 Tishri. Interestingly the author of Chronicles, in whose time the Day of Atonement was definitely part of the Jewish ritual calendar, does not comment on this. See the reference to Jewish traditions regarding this issue above, page 123. 12 In affirmation, see H. Vincent and F.-M. Abel, Jerusalem: recherches de topographie, d'archiologie et d'histoire (2 vols; Paris, 1912-26), here vol. 1, p. 203; J. Wilkinson, "'Jewish Influences on the Early Christian Rite," Le Museon 92 (1979) 347-359; See also idem, Egeria's Travels to the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 2 1981), pp. 298-310 (= ..Jewish Influences on the Jerusalem Liturgy"); M.F. Fraser, "Constantine and the Encaenia," Studia Patristica 29 (1997) 25-28; J. Schwartz, "The Encaenia of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Temple of Solomon and the Jews," Theologische Zeitschrift 43 (1987) 265-2&4; J. van Goudoever, Biblical Calendars (Leiden, 1959). Skeptical are A. Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy (revised by Bernard Botte; English edition by F.L. Cross; London, 1958), here p. 203; E.D. Hunt, "Constantine and Jerusalem," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48 (1997) 405-424; 0. Irshai, "Constantine and the Jews: The Prohibition against Entering Jerusalem - History and Hagiography," [in Hebrew with English swnmary] Tarbiz 60 (1995) 129-178; Verhelst, "La liturgie de Jerusalem a l'epoque byzantine," pp. 159-164. A book-length study devoted to the festival is a desideratum. M. Black, ''The Festival ofEncaenia Ecclesiae in the Ancient Church with Special Reference to Palestine and Syria," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 5 (1954) 78-85; favor Hanukkah as background, as does S. Verbelst. I would like to express my great appreciation to Stephane Verhelst for making available to me material- by now probably in print - before its publication. 13 John 10:22-42 (Jesus on Hanukkah in Jerusalem) on the first day and lCor 1:18-24 (the foolishness of the cross) on the second day in all witnesses of the ancient Jerusalem lectionary; Mark 11:15--18 (the "Cleansing" of the temple) in the Lathal manuscript of the Old Georgian Lectionary on the fourth day: see Tarchnischvili, Legrand lectionnaire de l'iglise de Jerusalem, No 1253; also John 2:12-22 in the old Armenian witnesses V and W: see Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie, PO 48:2:239.


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seventh centuries, 14 proscribe verses like "blessed are those who dwell in your house for ever and ever singing your praise," 15 or "we ponder your mercy, 0 God, in the midst of your temple." 16 Considering that the recital took place in J.erusalem's new central sanctuary, most people certainly understood the Martyrion to be Solomon's temple, just as did Egeria. Fifry years after Egeria, Sozomenos makes the equation explicit: "The temple ( va6<;), called the "Great Martyrium," which was built in the place of the skull at Jerusalem, was completed about the thirtieth year of the reign of Constantine." 17 While this terminology was used also for other church buildings, it is particularly true for the Martyrion. 18 Egeria's explicit reference to the dedication of Solomon's temple and the various temple readings of the Old Armenian Lectionary demonstrate that the participants and the makers of the liturgy were conscious of this relationship at least in the last quarter of the fourth century. In addition, two other verses of the readings may well have been chosen as polemical puns against the contemporary Sukkot, mocking "those Jews" in their tents: "I would rather choose to be thrown aside in the house of God than live in the tents of the sinners"; 19 and "I divide Sichem, and the valley of the tents I distribute."20 As we know from Chrysostom, such metaphors were used in Christian anti-Jewish sermons polemicizing against Sukkot.21 Yet Sukkot is not the only Jewish festival with possible connections to the Encaenia. The first to suggest an influence of Yom Kippur on the Encaenia was Jan van Goudoever. 22 After him, Michel van Esbroeck proposed to see Yom Kippur as background to a homily, which he suggests to be by John II of Jerusalem, on the dedication of the church of Zion on the third day of the Encaenia.23 More recently, Michael Fraser has made an exten14 On the Encaenia, the Exaltation of the Cross and the manuscripts Vienna 285 (V) and Vienna 3 (W), see Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie, PO 48:2:127135. 15 Ps 83:5 LXX, read on Wednesdays: see Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie, PO 48:2:240. 16 Ps 47:10 LXX., read on Thursdays: see Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie, PO 48:2:241. 17 History of the Church 2:26; trans!. NPNF. For the Greek text ofBidez with French translation, see Festugiere, Grillet and Sabbab, pp. 346--349. IS See above, pp. 271-272. 19 Ps 83:1lb LXX, read on Wednesday. 2 a Ps 59:8b LXX, read on Sunday. 21 Chrysostom, Against the Jews 7:1 (PG 48:915). 22 See van Goudoever, Biblical Calendars, p. 211. 23 SeeM. van Esbroeck, "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes deS. Etienne, de la SainteSian et de Ia Croix," Analecta Bollandtana 102 (1984) 99-134; and idem, "Une homelie sur l'Eglise attribuee a Jean de Jerusalem," Le Museon 86 (1973) 283-304.

296 The impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries sive claim for the influence of Yom Kippur on the date of the dedication festival. 24 Discerning the latent influences of either Sukkot or Yom Kippur is very difficult. Both festivals take place at the same time of year. In the Second Temple period, both focused on the temple, and it is the temple dedication, not the practice of constructing booths or dancing with lulavim, that influenced the Encaenia. 25 Yet six observations- regarding sacred time, sacred place, the purpose and content of the Encaenia/Exa!tation rites and some Jewish reactions - refer specificallyto Yom Kippur. First, in the templization of church buildings, the most sacred space in the church of the Martyrion is the first to be called holy ofholies. 26 Doing so evokes the sacred geography of Yom Kippur's rituaL-In addition, in Jeromes's comparison of the cave to the holy of holies, he underscores that like the adytnm of the former Jewish temple, it is a special place for supplicatory prayers but that unlike the latter the cave can be freely entered. 27 However, the holy of holies is not used on days other than Yom Kippur. Second, while any date close to Sukkot is also close to Yom Kippur, in fact, as M. Fraser has calculated, the actual dedication of the Martyrion on 13 September 335 28 most probably coincided with that year's Yom Kippur.29 Was this a coincidence or deliberate?30 Many scholars prefer to 24

See Fraser, "Constantine and the Encaenia." Is the rite of raising the cross in three (later four) directions taking up a theme of the lulav ritual? Palm Swtday, perhaps also Epiphany, is reminiscent ofSukkot: see Verhelst, "La Iiturgie de Jerusalem a l'epoque byzantine," pp. 79 and 225-226. 26 See above, p. 271. 27 See Jerome, Letter 46:13; Letter 108:9. 28 A nwnber of scholars doubt that the dedication took place on 13, 14, 15 or 17 SepM tember. The last date found in the Chronicon Paschale is most probably a scribal error (Verhelst, pp. 160-162, however, argues in favor of accepting it). 15 September is transM mitted by the pilgrim Theodosius. This may be a return to the biblical model of Sukkot. 13 and 14 September are equally well attested. A detailed discussion can be found in e.g. van Tongeren, "Yom Kreuzritus zur Kreuzestheologie," pp. 222-226. 29 Fraser, "Constantine and the Encaenia." 30 Verhelst, "La liturgic de Jerusalem a repoque byzantine," p. 161, note 17, who is very careful in computing dates and tends to favor Jewish or Jewish-Christian influences, discards Fraser's calculation as "aleatoire." However, we are on quite reliable ground. Yom Kippur always falls in a certain moon phase between new moon and full moon. This astronomical constellation fits only 13 September, plus/minus one or two days for manual observation mistakes. For this date, following close upon Rosh Hashanah, it is hardly conceivable that the Jewish astronomers would so seriously have miscalculated the leap year that Rosh Hashanah would have fallen a whole lunar month either earlier (15 August) or later (13 October), since this would have seriously confused the ritual and agricultural life. For a Yom Kippur on 13 October, Rosh Hashanah would have had to occur on 3 October. Dershowitz and Reingold's calendar program gives 27 September as 25


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follow Ildefons Herwegen's suggestion (publicized by Anton Baumstark) that Constantine chose the date of the Encaenia over and against the Ides of September and the ludi Romani, which commemorate the dedication of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus on the Capitol, in order to manifest the Christianization of Aelia Capitolina, the city of the gods of the Capitol. 31 An anti-pagan determination of the date of the Encaenia is indeed probable. But does this exClude an anti-Jewish one? Even if one adopts the view that Constantine did not betray anti-Jewish attitudes, Jerusalem's Church officials certainly did. 32 Furthermore, the structure of the Encaenia is molded on the biblical model, not the pagan. It is celebrated during eight days, not fourteen as in the earlier version of the ludi or four as in the later one. 33 Oded Irshai and E.D. Hunt have independently suggested the interesting hypothesis that the anti-Jewish stance is a later local, ecclesiastical development veering away from Constantine's originally anti-pagan direction. 34 Yet even if the typology to Solomon's temple dedication, preserved in Egeria's report, was introduced only in the time of Cyril of Jerusalem, the length of the festival, given as eight days, is original and points to a conscious typology of the biblical chronology at the outset. Furthermore, as noted in the previous paragraph, Eusebius already called Jesus' tomb "holy of holies," a clear allusion to the substitution for the temple. Therefore, also geographically, the temple typology was part of Christian consciousness from the beginning. These observations do not contradict the chronological sequence of attitudes

the latest possible date for Rosh Hashanah in the Julian calendar of the third/fourth century CE (and 28 August as the earliest possible one). We can therefore be quite certain

that in 335 Yom Kippur fell on 13 September(± two days for an observational error), i.e. it coincided with the dedication day of the new Christian "temple." Yet this is only a small point in the argumentation, and the observation is valid mainly for the year of inception of the ritual (though, naturally, Yom Kippur and Suk:kot are always celebrated quite close to the Encaenia and the Exaltation of the Cross). 31 Baumstark, Comparative Liturgy, p. 203. n Irshai, "Constantine and the Jews," p. 172, opts for a primarily anti-pagan orientation. 33 See H.H. Scullard, Festivals and Ceremonies of the Roman Republic (London, 1981), pp. 183-186, on the Ludi Romani 5-19 September, and pp. 186-187 on the dedication of the temple of Jupiter Optimus Maximus. See also the calendar at the end of K. Latte, Romische Re/i'gionsgeschichte (Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft 5/4; Munich, 1960). 34 Irshai, "Constantine and the Jews," p. 172. Hunt, "Constantine and Jerusalem," p. 422, does not refer to Irshai's paper in Hebrew, published only shortly before Hunt's.


proposed by lrshai and Hunt, but they make the chronological aspect of their hypothesis less likely.35 Third, a reading of the Old Georgian Lectionary for the third day recalls a theme related to Yom Kippur, the high-priestly service of Jesus in Hebrews 8:7-9:10. 36 An Armenian Lectionary for the fifth day of the Encaenia - preserved by one old manuscript, which, according to the editor, Charles Renoux, reflects Jerusalem's liturgy before the eighth century and perhaps as early as the fourth37 - picks up the same theme, reading Hebrews 3:1--{i on the fourth day and Hebrews 9:11-16 on the fifth. 38 This juxtaposition of the Christian interpretation of the Day of Atonement with the date of Yom Kippur may point to a consciousness on the part of Christians about the proximity of the Jewish fast. Fourth, the cross, the central object of the festival, is the Christian symbol for atonement. This fact finds expression in the liturgy in the adoration and elevation of the cross. The earliest explicit source for the ritual adoration of the cross on the second day of the Encaenia is the Old Armenian Lectionary. Egeria may have known of such a rite. 39 The earliest description of the rite of elevation of the cross in the Old Georgian Lectionary prescribes an extremely long sequence of 50 Kyrie Eleison by the congregation upon each of the elevations of the cross by the celebrant."" Such a mantra for mercy is conceivable, particularly in view of the special atoning force ascribed to the True Cross. While it is not certain that the cross was part of the liturgy in the actual dedication of the Church in 335, it had a 35 In an oral communication, Oded Irshai stated that today he regards an influence of Sukkot as more feasible than he did in 1995. 36 Tarchnischvili, Legrand /ectionnaire de /'iglise de Jerusalem, N° 1249. 37 See above, p. 295, note14. 38 Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Arminie PO 48:2:240. The Old Georgian Lectionary reads Heb 8:7-9:10 on the third day: see Tarchnischvili, Le grand lectionnaire de I 'iglise de Jerusalem, N° 1247-1250. 39 Egeria describes an adoration of this kind only on Good Friday. Given the pivotal place Egeria ascribes to the cross in the Encaenia, either she omitted an already existing adoration rite from her description, or the rite may have been performed on one of the later days of the Encaenia, which are not part of the extant text of the fragment. In any case, we cannot be sure that she was unaware of such a rite during the Encaenia. 40 Lathal manuscript: see Tarchnischvili, Legrand lectionnaire de /'iglise de Jerusalem, No 1240 in the notes. Verhelst, "La liturgie de Jerusalem a l'epoque byzantine," p. 163, examining the data of the Georgian lectionaries speaks of an earlier layer of three elevations of the cross and four in the later tradition. According to ms Oxford 30322 (Codex Auct. E. 5.10) from the fourteenth century, the cross is lifted three times in all four directions. According toms Oxford 30322, the Kyrie is repeated 100 times, then 80 times and finally 60 times: see Mateos, Le typicon de Ia grande eg/ise, vol. L p. 41, note 2.


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crucial function as a relic of atonement from Cyril's time on. 41 Moreover, there is an ambivalent tension between the cross and Jews in Christian and Jewish texts. In some of the legends of the cross's discovery a Jew plays the ambivalent role of keeper of the secret tradition of the location of Christ's tomb and concealer of it.42 According to van Esbroeck, the first staurophylax, Porphyry, appointed in the time of John II of Jerusalem, was a Jewish Christian.43 In Christian conciousness, the cross became a visible token of Christianity's supersession of and superiority to Judaism.44 Polemics against the cross (fY), in rabbinic literature and in piyyutim, show the Jews' awareness of the importance of this artefact and its theological significance. 45 Fifth, the focus on the concept of atonement and the adoption of temple geography are connected in a homily, published by van Esbroeck46 41 See Cyril of Jerusalem, Epistula ad Constantium 3 (ed. Bihain p. 287); Catecheses 4:10; 10:19; 13:4. Some scholars doubt that the cross was already there before the dedication, since Eusebius does not mention it: see Hunt, «Constantine and Jerusalem," pp. 415-416. Hunt bases his view on the silence of Eusebius and the testimony of the pilgrim of Bordeaux. However, the discovery may have been made after the pilgrim's visit in 333 but before 335. Moreover, Ze'ev Rubin has convincingly argued that Eusebius had his reasons for passing over Jerusalem's artifact of ritual power. The discovery was closely connected to Makarius, the competitor for the hegemony of Eusebius' Caesarea: see Z. Rubin, "The Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the Conflict between the Sees of Caesarea and Jerusalem," in: L.I. Levine (ed.), The Jerusalem Cathedra 2 (Jerusalem, Detroit, 1982; pp. 79-105). The argument is continued in z_ Rubin, "The Cult of the Holy Places and Christian Politics in Byzantine Jerusalem," in: L.l. Levine (ed.), Jerusalem- Its Sanctity and Centrality to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam (New York, 1999; pp. 151-162); see also J.W. Drijvers, Helena Augusta. The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of Her Finding the True Cross (Brill's Studies in Intellectual History 27; Leiden, 1992), pp. 81-93; and H.A. Drake, "Eusebius on the True Cross," Journal of Ecclesiastical History 36 (1985} 1-22. The wide and early distribution of parts of the relic of the True Cross and the mention already by CyrjJ of Jerusalem of the finding of the cross under Constantine make an Jnventio Crucis after the construction of the churches rather unlikely - not to mention the technical difficulties of such excavations at such late a point. 42 Cf. van Tongeren, "Vom K.reuzritus zur K.reuzestheologie," PP- 219-222; Drijvers, Helena Augusta, part II, particularly chapter 6. 43 Cf. van Esbroeck, "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes de S. Etienne, de Ia SainteSian et de Ia Croix," pp. 112-113. 44 Cf. Drijvers, Helena Augusta, p. 187. 45 See e.g. the passage quoted above, p. 285; and Schwartz, "The Encaenia of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Temple of Solomon and the Jews." 46 He published the Armenian text and a Latin translation in: van Esbroeck, "Une homelie sur l':Eglise attribuee a Jean de Jerusalem." His more recent article includes a French translation: see van Esbroeck, "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes deS. Etienne, de Ia Sainte-Sion et de Ia Croix," PP- 115-125.

300 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries According to him this homily is connected to the dedication of the new church on Mount Zion and was delivered by John II of Jerusalem (3864 I 7) on the third day of the Encaenia, one day after the Exaltation of the Cross (15 September 394). 47 If van Esbroeck's dating of the dedication is correct,48 the last day of the week of Encaenia (20 September), coincided with the eve of Yom Kippur. 49 Moreover, the homily focuses on the propitiatory (ml~)), the central object of the Yom Kippur sprinkling rite in Leviticus, Hebrews, Romans and the Mishnah. Indeed, John states his intention as being "to narrate worthily with holy words that mystery of this holy propitiatory (pmunpmh) and that divine dwelling betrothed through the prayers of all saints."" Therefore, the homily is best understood against the background of the Day of Atonement. 5 1 Finally, an Armenian text from about the seventh century mentions a fast for the festival of the cross claiming its origin is Jerusalemite praxis. 52 47

The Clavis Patrum Graecorum continues to list the homily under dubia. For his arguments, see van Esbroeck, "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes deS. Etienne, de Ia Sainte-Sian et de Ia Croix," pp. 109-112. 49 According to the calendar-computation program by Nachum Dershowitz and Edward Reingold (http://emr.cs.uiuc.edu/home/reingold/calendar-book/index.shtml). 50 My translation of section 23. For the Armenian text, see van Esbroeck, "Une homelie sur l'Eglise attribuee a Jean de Jerusalem," p. 292. John describes eight spheres (1) the divine ether, (2) heavenly Jerusalem, (3) the Garden of Eden, (4) the arch of Shem and Noah, (5) Mount Moriah, (6) Mount Sinai, (7) the temple and (8) the Church. Most of the sections on each sphere end with a statement on the mediating power of the holy propitiatory (barekhawsout'eamb sourb k'avaranis) (1,2,3,4,7 and 8). The passage on Mount Moriah (5) ends with a blessing on the foundation stone of the church. The passage on Mount Sinai ends with the warning not to bring alien fire near, picking up the story ofNadab and Avihu (Lev 10; 16:1): see van Esbroeck, ..Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes deS. Etienne, de Ia Sainte-SiOn et de Ia Croix," pp. 121-123. 51 Van Esbroeck, "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes de S. Etienne, de la Sainte-Sian et de Ia Croix," pp. 111-112. Van Esbroeck also explains two remarks on fasting (section 71) and penitence (section 51) as allusions to Yom Kippur: see van Esbroeck, p. 120, note 88 and p. 122, note 96. While these remarks contribute to the atmosphere of atonement, they remain very general and do not use any of the biblical Yom Kippur passages. 52 See the texts by Step'anos Siwnec'i (sixth or seventh century) published by E. Petrosyan in Ejmiazin 41 (1984) 44--50 (non vidz), mentioned by Renoux, Le Lectionnaire de Jerusalem en Armenie, PO 44:4, p. 434, note 11. However, Renoux reminds us that this praxis is not mentioned in any of the Armenian lectionaries prior to the thirteenth century. On p. 468, in note 21, he lists five manuscripts from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries mentioning five days of fast from Monday to Friday prior to the Encaenia on Saturday and the festival of the cross on Sunday. This fast is still an obligation in the modem Greek Church: see Hallit, "La Croix dans le rite byzantin," pp. 290-292; Mercenier and Paris, La priere des eglises de rite byzantin, pp. 33-35. Unfortunately, they do not specify when this practice was introduced. I would like to thank Stephane Verhelst for drawing my attention to the Armenian text. 48


301

What kind of Sukkot/Yom Kippur influenced the emergence of the Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross? The parallel elements in the Christian and Jewish festivals point to the biblical background with the temple, not to the contemporaneous way of celebrating Sukkot by building booths and parading with lulavim. The only contemporaneous ritual influence could be the fast of the Exaltation, but I do not know when the Christians introduced this fast. We have here, then, a special form of"book.ish" influence. However, the dedication of a church, even as central as the Holy Sepulcher, does not in itself explain the establishment of a yearly festival that attracted the attention of so many people. How can the sudden rise of the Encaenia in fourth-century Jerusalem be explained? I suggest two factors that sparked the emergence of the Encaenia at this place and time: the Ortsgeist of the Holy Land and the challenge of contemporary Judaism's festivals. I consider the main factor to be the Ortsgeist of the Holy Land, the influence exerted by the symbolic language of the Holy Land on its rulers. Accordingly, in the fourth century, the consecration of the new central sanctuary of the rulers of the land of the Bible followed the mythological consecration ceremony of the land's temple, linked to Solomon, Bezalel and the date of Sukkot. The challenge of the festivals of contemporary Judaism is a possible second factor. The Homilies on Leviticus by Origen and the polemical passages in the Sidrei Avodah show the tension over Yom Kippur and atonement between Christians and Jews in the third and fourth centuries, especially in Palestine. Chrysostom's orations Against the Jews from Antioch, delivered only fifty years after the dedication of the Holy Sepulcher, attest to the same friction. He assembles his flock for an exceptional prayer service on Yom Kippur to keep Christians from attending the Jewish service. 53 Furthermore, there are some hints of a Jewish reaction to the proximity of the Encaenia to Sukkot. Joshua Schwartz has suggested that the Christian festival caused a transformation of Jewish exegetical traditions regarding the construction of the Third Temple, the time of which was postponed from Tishri (the month of the Encaenia) to Heshvan. 54 Therefore, even if the Jewish community of fourth-century Jerusalem and its environs was very small and probably rather clandestine, 55 and most 53 W. Pradels, R. Brandle and M. Heimgartner, "The Sequence and Dating of John Chrysostom's Eight Discourses Adversus ludaeos," Zeitschrift for Antike und Christentum 6 (2002) 90-116, here p. 95. 54 Schwartz, "The Encaenia of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, the Temple of Solomon and the Jews." 55 Cf. G. Sternberger, Jews and Christians in the Holy Land. Palestine in the Fourth Century (Edinburgh, 2000), pp. 17-21 and 40-43.


inhabitants of the city were pagan, Judaism and its rituals remained an ideological challenge. The same is true of the Jewish Christian community.56 Cyril of Jerusalem's warnings not to follow Jewish practices attest that Jerusalem Christians felt continuously threatened by the attractiveness of Jewish ritual (even in its traditional baptism catechesis). Moreover, Galilee, with its dense Jewish population, cannot have failed to have an impact on Christian pilgrims to and inhabitants of Jerusalem. Yet the tension over the rituals of contemporary Judaism explains only the location, not the time of the appearance of the Encaenia. The biblical character of the Encaenia, which focuses on the temple with its holy of holies and its atoning function, could be a Christian challenge to the temple-less Jewish interpretation of the Sukkot commandments ~mphasizing booths and lulavim instead of the sanctuary. In sum, the parallels between the Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross and Sukk.ot are impressive. The Encaenia, one of three central pilgrimage festivals, is celebrated for eight days in the seventh month and commemorates the dedication of the sanctuary. The sanctuary is called "the temple" and appropriates various legends originally associated with the Jewish temple. Six further observations may bespeak an additional influence of Yom Kippur: The cave of the Holy Sepulcher was revered as the holy of holies; 13 September 335 probably coincided with 10 Tishri; Hebrews 9, with its description of Jesus' high-priestly ritual, is read during the Encaenia; the cross liturgy focuses on atonement; John's dedication homily focuses on the kapporet; and Christians fast on the festival of the cross, a practice probably originating from Jerusalem in early times. 57 The main factor underlying the introduction of this dedication festival, modeled on the biblical type, was most probably the new status of the Bible as an ideological model for reforming the political reality and its expression in religious symbols by the (now) Christian authorities of fourthcentury Palestine. The Christianizers of Palestine had to follow their myth, which encompassed both the New Testament and the Old. The symbolical expression of political power over the earthly Jerusalem could be expressed only in terms of the Old Testament, with its temple, King Solomon, Sukkot and Yom Kippur. 56

G. Stroumsa, "'Vetus Israel': Les juifs dans la littterature hierosolymitaine d'epoque byzantine," Revue de /'histoire des religions 205 (1988) 115-131, includes a number of very suggestive passages on the existence of a Jewish Christian community. Stemberger, Jews and Christians in the Holy Land, pp. 71-81 and 111-114, on the other hand, is much more hesitant. 57 Fraser mentions the second, fourth and fifth points; van Esbroeck the fifth.

T


303

A second, more marginal factor was the concurrent situation of Palestinian Christianity in the land of the Jews and the appeal of the Jewish rites to outsiders, pagans, Christians and potential converts.

2. The Fast of the Seventh Month (Ember Day of September) and Yom Kippur The Fast of the Seventh Month (Ember Day of September), one of the major Christian liturgical events of fifth-century Rome, has been much researched. 58 While some scholars have pointed to Yom Kippur as background, 59 the opinio communis regards its influence as biblical at the most. I will argue that the links between Yom Kippur and the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month are more numerous and closer than was previously thought. Our understanding of the promotion of the festival by Leo in the fifth century can be significantly enhanced by taking into consideration not only the biblical but also the contemporary Yom Kippur. 60 58 See G. Morin, "L'origine des Quatre--Temps," Revue Binidictine 14 (1897) 337346; L. Fischer, Die kirchlichen Quatember. Jhre Entstehung, Entwicklung und Bedeutung in liturgischer, rechtlicher und kulturhistorischer Hinsicht (Veri:Sffentlichungen aus dem kirchenhistorischen Seminar Miinchen IV. Reihe Nr. 3; Munich, 1914); K. Holl, "Die Entstehung der vier Fastenzeiten in der griechischen Kirche," in: Gesamme/te Aufstttze. Vol. 2. Der Osten (TUbingen, 1928; pp. 155-203); J. Schiimmer, Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis, mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Schriften Tertu/lians (Milnster, 1933); J. Danielou, "Les Quatre-Temps de septembre et la fete des Tabernacles," La Maison-Dieu 46 (1956) 114-136; J. Janini, S. Siricio y las cuatro temporas. una investigacion sobre las fuentes de /a espiritualidad seglar y del Sacramentario Leoniano. Leecion inaugural del curso 1958-59 (Valencia, 1958); G.G. Willis, "Ember Days," in: idem, Essays in Early Roman Liturgy (Alcuin Club Collections 46; London, 1964; pp. 49-97); A. Chavasse, "Le sermon III de saint Leon et la date de la celebration des Quatre-Temps de septembre," Revue des sciences religieuses 44 (1970) 77-84; T.J. Talley, "The Origin of the Ember Days. An Inconclusive Postscript," in: Rituels (Melanges P.-M Gy) (Paris, 1990; pp. 465-472); J.-L. Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome," Revue Benedictine 103 (1993) 339-365. For handbook sections, see A. Chavasse, "Les Quatre-Temps," in: A.G. Martimort (ed.), L'iglise en Priere.lntroduction aIa Liturgie (Paris, Tournai, Rome, New York, 1965; pp. 758-767); H. Auf der Maur.,Feiern im Rhythmus der Zeit. Herrenfeste in Woche und Jahr (Gottesdienst der Kirche. Handbuch der Liturgiewissenschaft 5/1; Regensburg, 1983); A. Nocent, "Le quattro tempora," in: M. Auge et al. (eds.), AnOmnesis. Vo/6: L 'anno liturgica: storia teologia e celebrazione (Genoa, 1988; pp. 263-266). 59 In the past century, this thesis has been most prominently defended by Fischer, Die kirchlichen Quatember, p. 7, and SchOmmer, Die altchristliche Fastenpraxis. 60 St5kl Ben Ezra, "Whose Fast Is It?'' was based on a previous version of this chapter.


Three kinds of sources are available for the early understanding of the fast: The main source is the nine Sermons by Leo the Great (440--461) on the fast of September. 61 They are supplemented by short notes in various 62 sources The Codex Verona Bib/. Capit. LXXXV (80), traditionally known as the Sacramentarium Leonianum or Sacramentarium Veronense preserves prayers predating the seventh century;63 and the Epistolary of Wurzburg (seventh to eighth centuries) aud the Comes of Alcuin (eighth century) give evidence for liturgical readings on the Ember Days in the Roman Church going back at least that far. 64

2.1 The Origin of the Solemn Fasts Today, the term Ember Days (Latin quattuor temporum, French QuatreTemps, German Qua/ember) refers to a series of fasts observed after four holidays: the first Sunday in Lent, Pentecost, Holy Cross Day (in September) aud St. Lucia (13 December). They include fasts on the Wednesday and Fnday aud a night vigil from Saturday to Sunday65 However, the late antique version of the fast is quite different from the modern one. 66 First,

61

There are also nine sermons on the fast of December and four on the Pentecostal fast. I used the edition by A. Chavasse, Sancti Leonis Magni Romani Pontificis Tractatus Septem et Nonaginta (2 vols; CCSL 138-I38A; Tumhout, 1973); English translation by Conway and Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons; French translation by R. Dolle, Leon le ?rand Sermorz: (4 vols; S~ 22, 49, 74, 20?; Paris, ~964, 1969, 1971, 1973). 6 E.g. Tertulhan, On Fastmg 14:2-3; Phtlaster, Drversarum Hereseon Liber 149; as well as the anonymous Liber Pontificalis and De so/stitiis. These sources will be discussed below. 63 The Sacramentarium Veronense was edited in the seventh century, but the prayers are older. I used L. EizenhOfer, P. Siffrin and L.C. Mohlberg (eds.). Sacramentarium Ver~nense (Cod[ex] Bibl[ioteca] Capit[olare] Veron[ensis} LXXXV [80]) (RerumEcclesiastlcarum Documenta, series maior Fontes [Sacramentarium Leonianum] 1; Rome, 3 1978), pp. 108-ll4. 64 The data have been conveniently assembled by A. Chavasse, Les lectionnaires rom~ins de Ia Messe au VIle et VJ/le siec/es (2 vols; Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia 22; Fnb~urg, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 11-21 for the Epistle readings and pp. 25-38 for the Gospel readmgs.Cf. the tables in G. Godu, "Epitres," Dictionnaire de /'archeologie chretienne et liturgie 511 (1922) 245-344; and H. Leclerq, "Lectionnaire,'' Dictionnaire de l'archeologie chretienne et liturgie 8:2 (1929) 2270--2306. 65 Antoine Chavasse argues that the Sunday, being the beginning of the. week, should also be understood as being part of the Solemn Fasts: see his "Le sermon III de saint Leon et la date de la celebration des Quatre-Temps de septembre," p. 79. 66 On the modem Ember Days, see R.E. McNally, "Ember Days," New Catholic Encyclopedio 5 ( 1967) 296-298.


305

the name changed. 67 I employ the names used by Leo I aud Gelasius I to avoid anachronistic terminology: ieiunium so/lemne (Solemn Fast) for the series of fasts; or ieiunium quatri/septimi/decimi mensis (Fast of the Fourth/Seventh/Tenth Month) for a single fast. 68 Second, the exact dates of the fasts were assigned only in the eleventh century, by Pope Gregory VII; until then, their dates varied greatly 69 Third, most scholars agree that the Ember Day of Lent did not belong to the original series of fasts; some would even exclude the Ember Day after Pentecost. Consequently, scholars - especially those writing in French- often speak of Trois-Temps or Deux-Temps instead of Quatre-Temps. Fourth, the ancient festival was far more important than the modem rite suggests. 7 Finally, it was practiced in the beginning solely in the city of Rome and was only gradually adopted in other countries.

°

The exact time of origin of the Solemn Fasts has been the subject of numerous books and articles.71 The universally accepted terminus ante quo is the flrst major extant source, the sermons of Leo, in whose time the festival was already well established. Three periods are proposed for its origin:

67 The English name Ember Days is an abbreviation of the German Quatember, itself an abbreviation of the Latin {ieiunia) quattuor temporum, which appeared for the first time in the eighth century. 68 For a similar decision, see Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome." In fact, Leo uses the term Fast of Pentecost. From Gelasius on, the terminology becomes unified and the fast after Pentecost is called the Fast of the Fourth Month. The lectionaries use another tenn to refer to the vigil: sabbatum in duodecim lectiones, which remained in use until the twelfth century. This name derives from the custom of reading the six lections frrst in Greek then again in Latin, under the Greek domination of Rome (550-750). See A. Chavasse (ed.), Le SacFamentaire gf}/asien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316), sacramentaire presbyteral en usage dans les titres romains au VIle siJcle (Bibliotheque de Theologie, serie 4/1; Tournai, 1958), 107-110. 69 Antoine Chavasse has shown that the date of the "Deux-Temps" of September and December was much more variable than previously thought; e.g. the Fast of December could be celebrated after Christmas. See Chavasse, "Le sernton III de saint Leon et la date de la ctH6bration des Quatre-Temps de septembre." 70 In the earliest Sacramentary, the Veronense, the prayers for the Fast of the Seventh Month extend over as many pages as Christmas, and more pages than Pentecost. Its importance increased even further when it was gradually introduced all over Europe. 71 On this question, see Chavasse, "Le sermon III de saint Leon et la date de la celebration des Quatre-Temps de septembre"; Danielou, "Les Quatre-Temps de septembre et Ia tete des Tabernacles"; Fischer, Die kirchlichen Quatember; Janini, S. Siricio y las cuatro temporas; Morin, "L'origine des Quatre-Temps"; and most recently Talley, "The Origin of the Ember Days"; and Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des QuatreTemps aRome."

,.,-,. 306 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries the time of the apostles (first/second century), the late second or early third century and the late fourth century. Some scholars, especially from the early modem period, regard the Solemn Fasts as an apostolic continuation of an Old Testament practice, taking literally some statements in Leo's sermons. 72 However, Leo's formulations may have meant "traditional" in a wide sense rather than "apostolic" in a n~ow sense. 73 Furthermore, his statements clearly served a rhetorical function. With the attribution to the apostles, Leo wanted to foster the authority and observance of the fasts, which are considered a Judaizing practice. The time of Pope Siricius (384-399) was suggested by Jose Janini whose theory is favored by some major liturgists, among them HansjOrg Auf der Maur. 74 Janini based his thesis mainly on Jerome and on Philaster of Brixen (d. ca. 397), who supposedly polemicized against the Roman Solemn Fasts. 75 Yet, as Jean-Louis Verstrepen has shown, Janini's reading of Jerome is quite speculative, and the most relevant polemical passage is aimed at Jews observing Yom Kippur and against Christians participating in it in Syria-Palestine (where Jerome lived) rather than being a polemic against the Roman fasts far fmm Bethlehem. 76 Philaster, who describes a group that keeps four fasts according to Zechariah 8:19 and employs the term quatuor tempora (the first occurrence of this term),77 does not support I anini's thesis. Philaster;s dates do not match those of the Roman Solemn Fasts, and his term quatuor tempora does not refer to the Solemn Fasts. 78 Thomas Talley and Jean-Louis Verstrepen revived the traditional theory of an origin of the Solemn Fasts in the late second or early third century

n Sermons 78:1; 79:1~2; 81:1 (Pentecost); 89:1.4; 90:1; 92:1.4; ·93:3 (September); 15:2; 17:1; 20:1 (December). 73 See Janini in Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome/' pp. 347-349. 74 Janini, S. Siricio y las cuatro temporas; Auf der Maur, Feiern im Rhythmus der Zeit. 75 Jerome, Commentary on Galatians 4:10 (PL 26:377~378); Letter 52:10 (CSEL 54:432--433); Commentary on Zechariah 8:18-19 (CCSL 76A:820); Philaster, Diversarum Hereseon Liber 149 (CSEL 38:120-121). 76 Cf. Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome~" pp. 353-357 and the passages discussed there, esp. Commentary on Galatians 4:10. 11 Diversarum Hereseon Liber 149: absolute praedicauit, ut mysteria Christianitatis

in ips is quattuor ieiuniis nuntiata cognosceremus. Nam per annum quattuor ieiunia in ecc/esia ce/ebrantur, in natale primum deinde in pascha, tertia in ascensione, quarto in pentecosten (CSEL 38:120:24-121:4 [Friedrich Marx 1888]). This text was written 385~ 391. 78

Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps

a Rome," pp. 341-343.

II I'


307

follow~g a statement in the Liber Pontifica/is about Callistus I, bishop of Rome m 217-222: He decreed that on Saturdays three times a Year there sho 1d b f t fr wine and oil according to the prophecy.79 u e a as om com,

While agreeing that the part of the Liber P ontifica/is dealing with the history before Anastasius II (496-498) is generally legendary so Talley tries to corroborate the Liber with a passage in Tertullian' s On Fdsting. Why do we devote to, Stations the fourth and , t . . sixth days of th eweek ,and t O.tass the 'preparation-day ? Anyhow, you sometunes continue your Stat"ton even over the Sabbath, - a day never to be . kept as a fast except at th e passover season, according to a reason elsewhere given. 11

Tertullian polemicizes against "Psychics" (most probably to be understood as Roman non-Mo_ntanists), who extend the Weekly station fasting from Wednesday and Fnday t~, Saturday. Talley emphasizes Tertullian's use of "sometimes (si quando). These Psychics do not fast every Saturday but only during certain weeks:- perhaps the Solemn Fasts? Fasts on sarur'days are extremely rare. Tertulhan refers to the pre-paschal fast as the only exception acceptable to him. From this passage one can gather that Tertullian was polemicizing against an early form of the Roman Solemn Fasts.

79 Translation by ~- Da:is, The Book ~~Pontiffs (Liber pontijicalis): The Ancient Biographies of the Ftrst _Nmety Roman Btshops to AD 715 (Translated Texts for Historians. Latin Series 5; Ltverpool, 198~), ~- _7· The Latin reads "Hie constituit ieiunium die sabbati ter in anna fieri, frumentt, Vlnt et olei, secundum h . , L D i.T.t"trdt" t propettam.~.uchesne, Lib e i er pontlifi~~a.ts. ex e, _m o uc 10n e .commentaire (reprint of original edi-

tion [1886-92] with add1tton of a .thrrd volume; Pans, . . 1955-195?), herevo. 1 1,p. 141 . 1n the eyes of a later copytst the Latm p~e was too Imprecise and he consequently added "in the fourth, seventh and tenth months. The "prophet" is usuafaslly understood as_referring to Zech 8:I 9 _However, Zechariah explicitly mentions_Jour. ts. 1 suggest see~g a special tradition ofExod 23 :14-17 as the "prophet" behmd thts pas_sage, resembl.mg the statement in de solstitiis: Initium

et o/eae iuda in laer·r· mens is frumentariae et vindemwe . .. . ertt . . domui ( l zam et gau d.tum e1 d"tes festos_ mu~tos: .s~e.De solstltus_ et aequzn?ctus ed. Botte, pp. 95 :84-96 : 105 ). Note that the tnparttte diVISIOn of the fruits and therr harvests are identical · th tw t xts so In any case, the statement in ~e ~iber P?ntificalis is witne~ toe theaU:de~tanding

of the origin of th~ Ember Days b~mg m the ttme of the compilation of the earliest part of the Liber, the s1xth century. As m Leo, the Solemn Fast has an ancient and honorable aura. s1 On Fasting 14:2~3; translation by S. ThelwaU in ANF 4:tt 2 . The Latin reads: Cur

stationibus quartam parasceuen.? Qu amquam uos . et sextam sabbati . . dicamus et ieiuniis . etiam sabbatum, Sl quando, contmuatts, numquam msi in pascha ieiunandum secundum rationem alibi redditam CCSL 1 (Gerlo) p. 1273:3-7.


Another possible reference to the Solemn Fasts is the enigmatic tractate de solstitiis, 82 which refers to three fasts in the fourth, seventh and tenth months 83 Following Lietzmann, Verstrepen places the text in fourthcentury Rome and states that de solstitiis is "un temoignage de 1' existence de trois jefmes saisonniers dans l •Eglise latine vers la moitie du IVe siecle."84 There are several ways to connect the chronological equations in the text with the Solemn Fasts. 85 However, a Roman provenance of de solstitiis is less than certain, which makes a conclusive interpretation of the passage difficult. In sum: While we can be sure that the introduction of the three fasts occurred well before Leo, we do not know the exact period. Talley has given new support to the chronological aspect of the legend in the Liber Pontifica/is and the passages in Tertullian; less probably, de solstitiis may refer to the Solemn Fasts. That the Fast of the Seventh Month was not mentioned earlier, more often or more explicitly can be quite easily explained. The fast may have existed in the time of Callistus and Tertullian without being important enough to be noted more widely and not achieved its significance until Leo the Great. Against those who want to date the fast late, we have to keep in mind that an arg.umentum e silentio, which is usually weak, is even weaker in a field with such sporadic evidence as early Christian liturgy. Yet a decisive argument for the early dating has still not been brought forward. 82 For further background infonnation on this tractate, see the different views in the introduction to Batte's edition; and H. Engberding, "Der 25. Dezember als Tag der Feier der Geburt des Herm," Archiv fiir Liturgiewissenschaft 2 (1952) 25-43. 33 "leiunium quartum et septimum et decimum erit domui iuda in laetitiam et gaudium et solemnitates bonas et diemfestos multos": see De solstitiis et aequinoctiis, ed. Batte p. 95:63-65. 84 Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome," pp. 346--347,

~~~

85

.

The first, suggested by Verstrepen, understands the passage as referring to the Solemn Fasts after Pentecost and in September and December. Two other interpretations consider a second chronological equation, which speaks of the three temple pilgrimages (n•'7l1) in Nisan, Sivan (!) and Tishri, -"Quod si ergo ipse est initium anni, iam utique ab ipso quartum mensem iunium numeraremus et septimum septembrem et decimum decembrem, de quibus dominus ad Moysen dicit: 'Tribus temporibus diem festum agetis mihi' (Exod 23:14)": see De solstitiis et aequinoctiis, ed. Bone, p. 95:81-85- perhaps referring to the pre-paschal fast and to the Solemn Fasts after Pentecost and in September. However, the author places the three Jewish festivals in June, September and December; he was therefore probably referring to the three week-long festivals of Passover, Sukkot and Hanukkah, in Nisan, Tishri and Kislev. In this case he would refer to the pre-paschal fast and to the Solemn Fasts of September and December, which would match weU the theory of an early "Deux-Temps."

1


309

Apart from the date of origin of the Solemn Fasts, the question of their religious background and context is of central importance for estimating the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity, since, according to one of the theories, the Solemn Fasts are transformations of Jewish fasts, including Yom Kippur. Until recently, most scholars and handbooks tended to accept Morin's theory (1897) of a pagan origin for the Ember days. 86 Morin refers to the three pagan Roman festivals offeriae sementivae,feriae messis andferiae vindemiales that were Christianized. Belonging to the class of feriae conceptivae, the date of the Christian fasts was not fixed but determined each year anew. According to Morin the dates fell in the following periods: the feriae sementivae - 11 November to 25 December; the feriae messis June-August; the feriae vindemiales -19 July to 25 September." Morin has suggested that the Ember days were established in competition with or as a substitute for and sublimation of these three feriae, part of "le desir de faire concurrence a l'une ou l'autre solennite du ferial paien en vigueur a Rome durant les premiers siecles de rere chretienne." 88 Morin's hypothesis was the opinio communis for a hundred years, until recently refuted by Talley, who showed that Morin, the great master of liturgy, had based his theory on faulty research (by others) of the classical sources 89 Talley pointed out that the feriae sementivae took place not in December but rather at the end of January. Their date, therefore, does not match the Fast of the Tenth Month. 90 While this suffices to overthrow Morin's hypothesis,

86 See e.g. Chavasse, "Les Quatre-Temps"; and Auf der Maur, Feiern im Rhythmus der Zeit. 87 Morin gives a quite impressive list of similarities between these pagan Roman feriae and the Ember Days: Both were originally restricted to the city of Rome. These feriae are three in number, as were the original Ember Days. They are celebrated at the same times of the year. They are not fixed in the calendar but determined by the priests. They combine an agricultural basis with purification, expiation and apotropaic aspects. Among the three festivals, the feriae sementivae are the most important. Similarly, the Saturday of the December Ember Days was more important than the others and with Simplicius became the only ordination day. 88 Morin, "L'origine des Quatre-Temps," here p. 341. 89 Talley, "The Origin of the Ember Days." The long prevalence of Morin's hypothesis may be an outcome of the increasing specialization of scholars, the Jack of communication among different fields of research and the seminal authority of Dom Morin in the field of liturgy. 90 The Fast of the Tenth Month could be observed at the beginning of January or as late as the feriae sementivae.

"..'· T :\~; _./ '--'-"''-"


there are fwther serious questions regarding the content of his argument and the method he used. 91 Given that the debate about the background of the festivals has once again been revived, any new hypothesis should, ideally, propose an answer to all of the following questions: Is it possible that there were once only one or two fasts, or is three the original number? When and why were they instituted? Why are they observed only in Rome? Why are they observed in this season? Why was the exact time of their observation not fixed? Why are they observed on Wednesday, Friday and Saturday? Why do they include a vigil? Why are most readings from the Old Testament? What is the special character of each fast? How has this character changed? What is the relationship of the fasts to pagan and to Jewish festivals? Unfortunately, so bro~d an investigation into the background and development of the three fasts carmot be undertaken for the present. Here, I will offer only some reflection on the Fast of the Seventh Month. Could the Solemn Fasts be an independent Roman Christian invention?" In this case, the emergence of the Fast of the Seventh Month and all its "Jewish" elements have to be explained as "throwbacks" to the Old Testament by a liturgical innovator intimately familiar with the Bible. Also, the development of a special fast after Pentecost is comprehensible in light of the prohibition on fasting during the 50 days after Easter. The Solemn Fast after Pentecost underscores the beginning of regular station fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays. The emergence of the Fast of the Tenth Month, however, is more difficult to explain. Does it pick up elements of Hanukkah? The central difficulty is to give a reason for the structural similarities of the three fasts as a group and to rationalize the need to found seasonal festivals with such strong agricultural elements in a vast metropolis like the city of Rome, and exclusively there. Talley's early dating opens the door to a "positive" influence through Jewish converts in early times ("apostolic influence" or "adoption"). If we consider the Solemn Fasts as a series, the only Jewish series of fasts that 91 See Talley, "The Origin of the Ember Days." Only theferiae sementivae belong to the chronologically undeterminedferiae conceptivae. There seems to be no other special connection between the three feriae. The Ember days of Pentecost are rarely in June never in July or August parallel to the /eriae messis. Chavasse, "Le sermon III de saint Leon et la date de la celt~bration des Quatre-Temps de septembre," showed that the Ember days of September may take place also after the equinox. The connection of expiation, protection and apotropaic aspects with harvest festivals is quite common; we also find it in the connection of Yom Kippur and Sukkot and in Philo's understanding of Yom Kippur. 92 Scholars of comparative religion sometimes forget the option of indigenous religious creativity and exaggerate the dependence on various other traditions.

i L i


311

comes into consideration as a source of influence is the one based on an interpretation of Zechariah 8:19: "The fast of the fourth month, and the fast of the fifth, and the fast of the seventh, and the fast ofthe tenth."93 The Mishnah and Talmudim interpret this verse as referring to the Jewish fasts in the accompanying list: 94 Julian Date

A

Date in the Jewish Calendar 9th or 17th Tammuz

B

91b Av

c

3ro Tishri 10 Tevet

beginning July mid August mostly September beginning of December be_g!nni_!!g_of Jan~

D

beginning June

Event mid July

Fall of the wall of Jerusalem Destruction of the temple Death of Gedaliah Beginning of the siege of Jerusalem

The dates of the Jewish fasts A, C and D come quite close to the Christian Solemn Fasts?' Can the origin of the Solemn Fasts be an interpretatio Christiana of the months given in Zechariah 8:19? The first to connect Zechariah 8:19 to the Solemn Fasts is Gelasius I in the late fifth century 96 In Roman Christian minds of the seventh century, Zechariah 8:19 is definitely connected to the Solemn Fasts since it is read during the Saturday vigil of the Fast of the Seventh Month 97 All references to Zechariah 8:19 prior to Gelasius are unconnected to the Solemn Fasts. 98 It therefore seems more plausible that the references to Zechariah 8:19 from Gelasius onward are an attempt to endorse an already existing practice with biblical authority rather than the adoption of a Jewish practice - testifYing to biblical 93 The Vulgata reads: ieiunium quarti et ieiunium quinti et ieiunium septimi et ieiunium decimi. But of course the Vulgata was not yet the accepted Bible version in the fifth century. 94 mTa'an 4;yTa'an 4:5, 20b; bRH 18b. 95 The lack of a Christian equivalent to B can be explained theologically. A Christian fast on the day of the destruction of the temple would be a contradiction in terms. This is not quite so with Gedaliah's death and the siege of Jerusalem and fall of its walls. 96 See below, p. 313, note 110, for the quotation. 91 See below, p. 318, for list of the readings. 9& Philaster uses Zech 8:19 referring to a different series of fasts (see above). While Jerome knows the Jewish fasts, he does not connect the Christian Solemn Fasts to Zech 8:19: see Commentary on Zechariah 8:18-19 (CCSL 76A:820), referring to the 17 Tammuz, 9 Av, 3 Tisbri and 10 Tevet. He compares the Jewish and Julian calendars, starting with April as the first month and consequently reaching July, August, October and January as months of the fast. This difference most likely reflects the Syriac calendar, which sets Nisan in April. Leo does not refer to Zech 8:19, nor does his terminology betray influence of this verse. He uses not ieiunium quarti (mens is), the term used in Zech 8:19, but Fast of Pentecost.


influence rather than apostolic influence or the adoption of contemporary Jewish rites. Ludwig Fischer and Jean Danielou argued for "apostolic'' influence only in the case of the Fast of the Seventh Month. Fischer argued at the beginning of the last centnry that Yom Kippur is the background to the Fast of the Seventh Month. 99 In contrast, Dani
2.2 Leo's Sermons on the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur The ambivalent attitude of Lee the Great toward the Jewish Day of Atonement in his Sermons on the Fast of the Seventh Month demonstrates that the contemporary Jewish Day of Atonement was an important factor in the development of the Christian fast. Leo's description of the concepts and rites of the Fast of the Seventh Month is very detailed, and many of them parallel the concepts and rites of Yom Kippur. At the end of each sermon, Leo admonishes his hearers to observe a fast on Wednesday and Friday and a Saturday to Sunday night vigil. Christians, he admonishes, should abstain from "worldly occupations," and food consumption should be reduced; but whoever does not feel strong enough may eat. 103 The purpose of the Fast of the Seventh 99 Fischer, Die kirch/ichen Quatember, pp. 10-11. Antoine Chavasse suggested seeing in the change of the name of the Fast of Pentecost to Fast of the Fourth Month (in analogy to the Fast of the Seventh I Tenth Month) evidence for the unification of the Solemn Fasts and the dissociation of each of them from their individual origins (personal communication referred to by Verstrepen, "Origines et instauration des Quatre-Temps a Rome,.. p. 343, note 21). 100 DankHou, "Les Quatre-Temps de septembre et la Fete des Tabernacles." 101 On Fischer, see also G. Morin, "Review on Fischer 1914," Revue Benedictine 31 (1914-1919) 349-51. 102 See Nocent, "Le quattro tempora," who states: "Non e perciO possibile, almena a tutt'oggi, conoscere con certezza le origini delle Quattro Tempora" (p. 264). 103 E.g. Sermon 87:2; 89:1. Similar rulings for sick, pregnant, very young or very old people exist, of course, in rabbinic Judaism: see mYoma 8.


313

Month is purification and protection of the community, propitiation of God and forgiveness of sins. 104 The placatory function of fasting is expressed e.g. in Sermon 88:1: "The arousal of divine justice ... could not be placated except by fasting," and Sermon 94:4: "By the devotion of our fast we may please the merciful God." 105 The discipline of the body is strengthened by the abstention from food, the soul by the abstention from sin. 106 Here and there Leo adds sacrificial connotations, mostly speaking of alms as the "sacrifice of mercy." 107 In one passage Leo explicitly juxtaposes fast and sacrifice with a placatory function: "The God of mercies, pleased by the sacrifice of the fast, will hear us, through Christ our Lord." 108 Almsgiving is obligatory for all, regardless of fasting, and a fast without almsgiving is considered a mere expression of avarice. 109 From the time of Gelasius I (492-496), 110 the fasts gain yet another dimension by being occasions for the ordination of priests and deacons. This practice might even have been the custom as early as the days of LeoY 1 The communal character of the 104 This comes out strongly also in the Veronense, e.g. 873: "Adesto, domine,fidelibus tuis, et quos caelestibus institues sacramentis, a terrenis conserua periculis." (ed. EizenMfer, Siffrin and Mohlberg, p. 110); and 876: "Omnipotens sempiterne deus, misericordiam tuam supp/ices exoramus, ut hoc tuum, domine, sacramentum non sit nobis reatus ad poenam, sed fiat intercessio salutaris ad ueniam: sit abolltio peccatorum, sit fortitudo jragilium, sit contra mundi pericula jirmamentum.., (ed. EizenhOfer, Siffrin and Moh1berg, pp. 11 o-111 ). 105 Cf. also Sermon 93:3 "When our three devotions come together into one design, that is 'prayer, alms, and fasting,' the grace of God furnishes us with a restraint in desires, the granting of our prayers, and forgiveness of sins." On the propitiation by prayer and almsgiving, see also Sennon 12:4; 15: I; 20:3 "a certain power of baptism is set in almsgiving." 106 E.g. Sermon 86:1-2; 87:1; 88:1-2; 89:3; 92:2; 93:3; :94:1-2. !07 E.g. Sermon 13:2; 20:2; 88:5. 108 Deus misericordiarum ieiunii sacriflcio placatus exaudiat per Christum Dominum nostrum (Sermon 89:6). Cf. Veronense N° 895, Accepta tibi sin/, domine, quaesumus, nostri dona ieiunii; quae et expiando nos tua gratia dignos efficient, et ad sempiterna promissa perducant (ed. EizenhOfer, Siffrin and Mohlberg, p. 112). 109 E.g. Sermon 15:2; 87:3. The traditional triad- fast, prayer and almsgiving- reflects the central chapter of the Sennon on the Mount (Matt 6). On Leo and almsgiving, see R. Bolle, "Un docteur de 1'awn6ne, S. Leon le Grand," Vie Spirituelle (1957) 266--287. 110 Gelasius, Letter 14 (PL 59:138A): Ordinationes vero presbyterOrum seu diaconorum non nisi quarti, septimi, et decimi mensium jejuniis; sed et ingressu quadragesima/i atque media, vespere sabbati noverit celebrandas. In the Veronense, the prayers for ordination and for the memorial of ordinations of bishops follow the prayers for the Fast of the Seventh Month. 111 In fact, Leo I celebrated his ordination day on the Fast of the Seventh Month in the year 443: see Chavasse, "Le sermon III de saint Leon et la date de Ia celebration des Quatre-Temps de septembre." It is possible that his ordination day, Sunday, 29 September 440 CE, coincided with the end of the vigil of the September Fast. However, this may


fast is of central importance. For Leo, the communal fast and almsgiving constitutes an apotropaic protection rite for the whole commWlity, since they purify the Church as a whole and unify it against the attacks of the devil.II 2 Although the watchful fury of the cruel enemy rages and spreads out hidden snares everywhere, he can take no one, he can wound no one, if he finds everyone armed, everyone active, everyone sharing in the works ofmercy. 113

This concept recalls the importance of the communal fast on Yom Kippur and reflects a relatively recent shift in Ecclesiology- Augustine's view of the Church as a "school of sinners." 114 The fast of the individual does not need appointed days and belongs to the "voluntary observances . . . dependent on private initiative" (Sermon 88:2); the combination of communal fast and prayer is a more efficacious means of purification and remission of all sins than is the individual fast:


tion of God through fasting, alms, supplicatory prayers and abstention from work, the unifying communal character, the sacrificial connotation and the association with ordination. Taken singly, none is sufficiently distinctive, as cumulative evidence, however, they are noteworthy for pointing to a relation between Yom Kippur and the Fast of the Seventh Month. But as noted earlier, Leo is careful to emphasize the distinctions from the parallel Jewish fast. While Christians should abstain from "worldly occupations," they may perform "necessary" works; and food consumption is reduced, not completely forbidden, and whoever does not feel strong enough, may eat. 117 The close and ambivalent relationship between the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month and the Jewish Day of Atonement is most clearly expressed in Leo's 89th Sermon: When, therefore, dearly beloved, we encourage you on to certain matters set out even in the Old Testament, we are not subjecting you to the yoke of Jewish observance, nor are we suggesting to you the custom of a worldly (carnalis) people. Christian self-denial surpasses their fasts, and, if there is anything in common between us and them in chronological circumstances (temporibus), the customs (moribus) are different. 118 Let them have their barefoot processions (nudipedalia), and let their pointless fasts (ieiunia) show in the sadness of their faces (in tristitia uultuum). We, however, show no change in the respectability of our clothes. We do not refrain from any right and necessary work. Instead, we control our freedom in eating by simple frugality, limiting the quantity of our food, but not condemning what God has created. 119

We are all cleansed by the daily gift of God from various contaminations. In unwary souls, however, many gross spots adhere that ought to be washed out with greater care and cleansed with more effort. The fullest remission of sin is obtained when there is one prayer and on~ confession of the whole Church. 115

The Sermons on the fasts of the fourth and tenth months show that these characteristics are common to all three fastsn• Propitiating and purifying are the general aims of most fasts. Among the characteristics of the Fast of the Seventh Month that recall Yom Kippur are: the date, the general ideas of purification and of propitiahave been a coincidence. A similar juxtaposition of atonement with ordination can be found in the rabbinical understanding of the high-priestly preparation week before Yom Kippur: see Knohl and Naeh, "Milu'im veKippurim." 112 See e.g. Sermon 18:2; 88:2-4; 89:2. 113 Sermon 88:2. 114 Perhaps, the emergence of another collective repentance ritual in the fifth century, the rogations in Gaul, may reflect this shift in Ecclesiology. The rogations, however, probably developed out of local pagan rituals: see G. Nathan, "The Rogation Ceremonies of Late Antique Gaul. Creation, Transmission and the Role of the Bishop," Classica et Mediaevalia. Revue danoise de philology et d'histoire 49 (1998) 275-304; and W. Klingshirn, Caesarius of Aries. The Making of a Christian Community in Late Antique Gaul (Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, Fourth Series 22; Cambrigde 1994), pp. 177 and 240. I would like to thank Peter Brown for kindly drawing my attention to these connections. 115 Sermon 88:3. 116 Cf. Sermon 12:4; 78:4 on purification; 12:4; 15:1; 20:3; 78:4; 81:4 on propitiation and forgiveness; 19:2; 78:2 on protection; 13:2; 20:2 on the sacrificial character; 18:2 on the communal character.

315

Unlike Christians, Jews have barefoot processions nudipedalia (I), their fast is expressed by sadness (2) and less respectable clothes (3), and they abstain completely from work (4) and food (5). As noted earlier, Leo's mention of the barefoot processions makes it almost certain that he is describing contemporary Yom Kippur rites as an eyewitness and not from a "bookish" familiarity with the Jewish fast. His statements are not imaginary polemics against the biblical Day of Atonement but reflect a real conflict between three parties: his contemporary )ewish neighbors who observe their fast, those Christians who observe the Fast of the Seventh Month and those Christians who apparently attack the Christian fast as a Jewish observance. Leo admits to similarities, but strongly emphasizes the distinction so as to defend the fast against accusations of Judaizirig practice. Unlike Chrysostom, Leo does not complain abont Christians actually 117

Sermon 88:3; and see the sources given above in note 103, p. 312. The translation of Freeland and Conway ("if there is anything in common between us and them in circumstances, there are great differences in our character") misses some aspects of the comparison. Dolle's French translation goes in the same direction as my suggestion. Mores is the headline for the five customs that follow. li9 Sermon 89:1 (CCSL l38A: 551). Cf. the discussion on pp. 74-76 above. 118

316 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries-

participating in the Jewish festivals and the fast, but he defends himself against accusations of Judaizing by explaining the similarities as belonging to the apostolic Jewish heritage. Like the Ten Commandments, the Solemn Fasts are the valuable part of the Old Testament precepts, which have been adopted into the new covenant. Judaizing is orthodox- if it is apostolic: The Apostles distinguished the Old Testament decrees, dearly beloved, in such a way that they might extract some of them, just as they had been composed, to benefit the teaching of the Gospel. What had for a long time been Jewish custom could become Christian observance (obseruantiae}, for the Apostles understood that the Lord Jesus Christ had come into the world, 'not to destroy the law but to fulfill it., 121)

The Christianized fasts, then, are converted Old Testament precepts. When, from the teaching of ancient doctrine, dearly beloved, we undertake the fast of September to purify our souls and bodies, we are not subjecting ourselves tolegal burdens. We are embracing the good use of self-restraint that serves the Gospel of Christ. In this too, Christian virtue can 'exceed that of the scribes and Pharisees,' not by making void the law, but by rejecting worldly wisdom. Our fasts ought not to be such as were those about which Isaiah the prophet, with the Holy Spirit speaking in him, said.l21

What makes the Jewish practice' into a Christian one are mainly its performers. Confidently encouraging you with fatherly counsels, dearly beloved, we preach the fast dedicated in September to the exercises of common devotion, sure that what was frrst the Jewish fast will become Christian by your observance. 122

In sum, Leo's descriptions of the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month display a great similarity to the rites and concepts connected to Yom Kippur. Feeling under attack by Christians who are annoyed at the similarity between the Christian and Jewish fasts, Leo emphasizes the distinctions and defends the Christian practice as apostolic legacy. His references to the contemporaneous Yom Kippur make clear that the tension between the Christian and Jewish fasts is not based on an imaginary biblical model but reflects a historic proximity. Leo's promotion of the Fast of the Seventh Month and his emphasis on its Christian character have to be understood as a reaction - on the one hand against the attacks by fellow Christians and on the other against the competing presence of the simultaneous Jewish 120 Sermon 92:1 (CCSL 138A 568:1-6}; transl. by Conway and Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons, p. 385. 121 Sermon 92:2 (CCSL 138A 569:31-39); transl. by Conway and Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons, p. 386. 122 Sermon 90:1 (CCSL I38A 556:1-4}; transl. by Conway and Freeland, St. Leo the Great: Sermons, p. 379.


317

fast. Regarding the remarkable correspondence between the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur, it is likely that some rites were indeed directly adopted- e.g. via converts or Judaizantes- though it is difficult to point to specific instances. This impression is reinforced by analyzing the parallels between the readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur.

2.3 The Readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur Our earliest sources for the biblical readings of the Roman order, the Comes of Wurzburg and the Comes of Alcuin, mention highly interesting readings for Wednesdays, Fridays and the Saturday vigils. 123 The sheer number of Lectiones (six) demonstrates the solemnity of the vigil. In the Roman lectionary, only the Easter and Pentecost vigils have six lessons. In a sense, the vigils of the Solemn Fasts are therefore seasonal repetitions of the paschal fast and vigil 124 The choice of these readings clearly reveals a close relation to the Jewish festivals of autumn, especially to Yom Kippur and the themes related to it (see accompanying table). There are two possible explanations for the correspondence between the two reading cycles: (a) through adoption from the Jewish lectionary direct "positive" influence; or (b) through the content of the biblical texts themselves and the liturgical context they suggest - "bookish" influence. The former was suggested by Ludwig Venetianer and again by Eric Werner.125 Antoine Chavasse argues for the latter, speaking of "Ia perspective d'un Romain du IVe sii!:cle qui relirait I' Ancien Testament pour s'en inspirer dans la reglementation d'Wle celebration desti~ee a prendre place au cours du 'septii!:me mois' ." 126

123 On the readings, see Chavasse, Les /ectionnaires romains de Ia Messe au VIle et VIlle steeles, vol. 2, p. 19 and p. 42; and the helpful table in Chavasse, Le Sacramentaire gilasien (Vaticanus Reginensis 316), sacramentaire presbytira/ en usage dans /es titres romains au VIle steele, pp. 110-111; or see G. Godu, "Evangiles," Dictionnaire de l'archio/ogie chritienne et liturgie 5/1 (1922} 852-923, especially columns 896-923, and Godu, "Epitres." 124 Talley, "The Origin of the Ember Days," p. 470. 125 L. Venetianer, "Ursprung und Bedeutung der Propheten-Lektionen," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenltindischen Gesellschaft 63 (1909) 103-170, here pp. 140-141; E. Werner, The Sacred Bridge. Liturgical Parallels in Synagogue and Early Church (New York, 1959), p. 80. · 126 Chavasse, "Le sermon III de saint Leon et Ia date de la celebration des QuatreTemps de septembre," p. 81. The fourth century is probably too early a dating for the readings. Of all the Lectiones and Gospel readings, Leo quotes only Mark 9:29 (Sermon 87:2}. But the general idea is valid also for the installation and promotion of the festival in Leo's time and even before him.

318 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries Dav of Readin"' Wednesday (Wdl) (Wd2 (WdG Gosnel Friday CFrn' (FrG) Gospel

Lectiones Amos 9:13 15 Nehemia 8:1 10 Mark 9:17 29 Hosea 14:2 10 Luke 5:17 26

Saturday vigil (Sal) (Sal a) 127 (Sa2) (Sa3)

Leviticus 23:27 32 Jeremiah 30:8 II Leviticus 23:34--43 Micah 7:14--20

(Sa4)

Zechariah 8:14 19

(Sa5) (Sa6)

Exodus 32:11 14 Hebrews 9:2 12

(SaG) Gospel

Luke 13:10-1'7

Contents Restoration of Israel; agricultural motifs; end of the Book of Amos Readin.g of the law on New Year Exorcism Call for Israel to repent; agricultural motifs; end of the Book of Hosea Debate over forgiveness of sins and healin2 of the lame Yom Kippur Eschatoio2ical nromise of salvation Sukkot Prayer for protection and forgiveness, end of the Book of Micah Eschatological conditions and fourfold fast God is nronitiated bv Moses The tabernacle and Christ the high oriest oerfonnin2 atonement Releasing (on the Sabbath) the woman bound bv Satan 128

Four texts refer directly to the three Jewish festivals of autumn. Most clearly, (Wd2) Nehemia 8:1-10 relates to New Year, (Sal) Leviticus 23:27-32 to Yom Kippur, (Sa2) Leviticus 23:34-43 to Sukkot and (Sa4) Zechariah 8:19 could be understood as referring also to the fast of Gedaliah. The order of texts follows the chronological order of the festivals. The only New Testament Epistle reading among the Lectiones, (Sa6) Hebrews 9:2-12, describes the new Day of Atonement of Jesus Christ. The language of two of the lectures, (Wdl) Amos 9:13-15 and (Frl) Hosea 14:2-10, is replete with agricultural allusions, fitting the atmosphere ofSukkot. The main theological line of the readings encompasses sin, repentance, propitiation, forgiveness and restoration. (Wdl) Amos 9:13-15 and (Frl) Hosea 14:2-10 speak about the restoration of Israel or about its beiog called to repentance, topics reminiscent of Yom Kippur, (Sa4) Zechanah 8:14-19 and (Sa5) Exodus 32:11-14 address God, forgiver of sins, bemg placated by fast and iotercession. (Sal b) Jeremiah 30:8-1 I and (Sa3)

12

~ This text appears only in the Comes of WUrzburg (N° 146), not in the Comes ofAJ-

cum. 128 This exorcism evokes a discussion on the meaning of the Sabbath and is read on Saturday.


319

Micah 7:14-20 129 speak of salvation and forgiveness and protection of Israel agaiost its enemies. The three Gospel readings talk about healiog exorcisms connected to the forgiveness of sins. At first glance, the choice of pericopes seems to confim1 Chavasse's theory that the rites of the Fast of the Seventh Month were shaped by a Cbristian who combed the Old and the New Testament for texts pertaining to September. There are, however, several problems with this approach. The "bookish" explanation does not account for the unusually large number of lections for this Christian fast. Nor does it explain the preeminence of Old Testament pericopes among the readings. Indeed, a Christian mining the Christian Bible for passages about repentance, propitiation, forgiveness and restoration could find more than enough in the New Testament. Moreover, Chavasse addressed only the content of the passages, without considering their Jewish liturgical use. Investigation of the latter shows that a number of lections of the Christian fast betray connections with Yom Kippur, thus making it probable that some Christians were acquainted with Jewish liturgical habits-' 30 Five of the Old Testament passages of the Fast of the Seventh Month are read in some synagogues at about the same time - three on Yom Kippur itself; the other two very close to Yom Kippur. On Yom Kippur itself: (Sal) Leviticus 23:27-32 and part of (Sa3), Micah 7:18-20, and, in some Palestinian communities, (Sa5) Exodus 32: I I -1 4.m On Sabbath Shuva between New Year and Yom Kippur: (Frl) Hosea 14:2-10 (as well as Micah 7:18-20). 132 On Sukkot: (Sa2) Leviticus 23:34-43. Particularly the choice of two readings, (Frl) Hosea 14:2-10 and (Sa3) Micah 7:14-20, is not easily explained without reference to the Jewish reading cycle. Readings from the minor prophets are extremely rare in the Roman lectionary; Micah is read only here, while Hosea is read on only

129 Three of the lectures are actually the very end of the books of Amos, Hosea and Micah (Wdl, Frl, Sa3). 130 When comparing the readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur, we have to be aware that nothing is known about the readings in Rome's synagogues in the fifth to sixth centuries. All of the following remarks are valid only if at least part of the readings agreed with the mishnaic, talmudic and post-talmudic readings: see above, pp. 54-59. We have to be aware too that of all Epistle and Gospel readings, Leo refers only to Mark 9:29 (Sermon 87 :2). 131 See above, p. 55. This observation escaped my attention in StOkl Ben Ezra, "Whose Fast Is It?" In some rabbinic traditions, Exod 32-34 is linked to Yom Kippur: see yYoma 7:3, 44b; Leviticus Rabbah 21:10 (ed. Margulies, pp. 489-490). See alsoyYoma 8:9, 45c, discussing the episode of the golden calf as one of the prooftexts on which to base the confessions. 132 Hos 14 is also the scriptural focus of bYoma 86a-b: seep. 56, above.

,320 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries one other occasion. Second, these specific pericopes - Micah 7 and Hosea 14- do not seem to have been well known among Latin authors. 133 In short, if a Christian reader were to have connected these texts to the fast, he would have been making an extremely atypical choice. A more plausible explanation is that the choice of Micah 7 and Hosea 14 as readings in the Christian services was connected to their use in some Synagogues in September. Furthermore, the final epistolary reading of the Saturday vigil, (Sa6) Hebrews 9:2-12, depicts Jesus Christ performing the high priest's ritual from the Day of Atonement, but includes no reference to September. Therefore, whoever chose this reading was likely aware of its typological and polemical connection to Leviticus 16, the main lesson of the Jewish festival (or the Seder Avodah). By virtue ofits position after the Old Testament readings, Hebrews 9:2-12 is presented as the apex of the whole reading circle, communicating to the hearer that Christ himself undertakes the atoning work of the true Yom Kippur. In light of the competitive situation attested by Leo, it is quite plausible that Hebrews 9:2-12 was chosen as a polemical, supercessionist substitute for Leviticus 16. 134 Direct contact, however, cannot explain all of the readings. Some readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month are not connected to the Jewish liturgy for the month ofTishri (e.g. Amos 9:13-15; Nehemia 8:1-10; Zechariah 8:14-19). Moreover; a number of texts central to Yom Kippur are not read on the Fast of the Seventh Month: Leviticus 16 and 18; Numbers 29:7-11; Jonah and Isaiah 57:15ff.U 5 Leviticus 18 and Jonah might not have been read in the majority of synagogues. 136 While Hebrews 9:2-12 can explain the disregard of Leviticus 16 and Numbers 29:7-11, it is difficult to give 133 See Biblia patristica; the index to the translated (and therefore incomplete) works of Augustine by J.W. Sites, A Scripture Index to the Works of St. Augustine in English Translation (Lanham, New York and London, 1995) gives an equally meager use of the minor prophets by Augustine. A single verse, Hos 14:10, is used widely without any connection to repentance. The crucial verses about repentance, Hos 14:2-3 almost never appear in early Christian Latin literature. Again the exception proving the rule is the pseudo-cyprianic Exhortation to Penitence probably from Spain from about the same time as Leo, cf. C. Wunderer, Bruchstii.cke einer afrikanischen Bibelii.bersetzung in der pseudocyprianischen Schrift Exhortatio de paenitentia (Programm der kgI. Bayer. Studienanstalt zu Erlangen; Erlangen, 1889), here p. 34 for the dating. 134 Venetianer, "Ursprung und Bedeutung der Propheten-Lektionen," pp. 140-141, argues that the mishnaic reading Lev 23:27-32 was abandoned as a reaction against its adoption in the Christian fast. This is overextending the Roman evidence to the rest of the Jewish world. 135 Neither does Leo quote them or allude to them. For the readings in the early synagogue service, see above, pp. 54-59. 6 13 See above, pp. 56-57, especially note 219.

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reasons for the neglect of Isaiah 57:15ff (especially Isaiah 58:5ff). But neither can the "bookish" model explain the absence of Isaiah 57: 15ff and Jonah, since both texts would have matched the themes of the Christian vigil of the Fast of the Seventh Month perfectly. Christians combing the Old Testament for suitable texts surely encountered these passages, which are very commonly used in Christian literature, especially as prooftexts for Gentile groups who claim to fast more piously than Jews do. 137 Different reasons, then, may have influenced the choice of readings. Some may have been adopted directly via Jewish Christians or Judaizantes,138 some may have been chosen by attentive readers qf.the Old Testament,139 some may have been selected as polemical responses against the contemporary Jewish fast, 140 and some may have been read without direct relation to the Jewish fast. 141 Thus we can speak of three kinds of influence: influence through the adoption of Jewish ritual customs, influence through polemical reaction to Jewish ritual customs and "bookish" (biblical) influence. 142 Conclusion The Fast of the Seventh Month and Yom Kippur are closely related, though the origin of the Christian fast remains obscure. The biblical Yom Kippur served as the model for the Christian fast, as did the concepts and lections connected to it. This is shown by the reading of Leviticus 23:2732 and by Leo's explicit reference to the Christian fast as a Christianized Day of Atonement adopted by the Apostles. Beyond that, the contemporary Jewish fast also played a role in the promotion of the Christian fast and influenced some of the rites and concepts connected to it. Christian awareness of the contemporary Yom Kippur becomes clear through Leo's de131 Parts of Isa 57:15-58:14 are read during Lent according to the lectionaries in most churches. Parts of Jonah are usually read during the Easter vigil, again according to most lectionaries. To be sure, reading the whole Book of Jonah or Lev 16 would have made for an exceptionally long reading; but this does not exclude the possibility of selecting some verses, pars pro toto. 138 Notably, those passages that appear in the Jewish reading cyc1e but show no intrinsic connection to a fast in autumn, e.g. (Frl) Hos 14:2-10 and (Sa3) Mic 7:14-20. Of course, other texts from the Jewish reading cycle may have been adopted, too, such as (Sal) Lev 23:27-32 and (Sa5) Exod 32:11-14. "' E.g. (Wd2) Neh 8:1-10; (Sa2) Lev 23:34-43; (Sa4) Zech 8:14-19 and perhaps also (Sal) Lev 23:27-32. 140 E.g. (Sa6) Heb 9:2-12 and perhaps also (Sal) Lev 23:27~32 and (Sa5) Exod 32:1114. 141 E.g. (Wdl) Amos 9:13-15 and the special reading in the Comes of Wii.rzburg, Jer 30:8-11 and the Gospel readings. 142 Even "apostolic" influence cannot be ruled out.

322 The Impact of Yom Kippur on Christianity in the Third to the Fifth Centuries scriptions of contemporary Jewish practice (nudipedalia), previously misunderstood as references to a pagan practice. Some lections (e.g. Frl, Hosea 14:2-10 and Sa3, Micah 7:14-20) were probably direct adoptions from Jewish readings of Tishri. Others (e.g. Sa6, Hebrews 9:2-12) were chosen as a polemical reaction against the contemporaneous Day of Atonement in order to make manifest the supersession by the Christian fast -just as Leo tried to express the superiority of the Christian fast compared to its Jewish prototype. While he may have perceived the fast of his Jewish contemporaries as threatening the Christian identity, his main thrust is to propagate the Christian Fast of the Seventh Month and justify it against possible accusations of Judaization by fellow Christians. Unlike Chrysostom, Leo does not complain about Christians taking part in Jewish festivals. Plausibly, the Roman fast prevented Christians from participating in Jewish Yom Kippur services. It would be interesting to know whether the institution of the Fast of the Seventh Month was a reaction to a situation similar to that in Antioch of a mass movement of Judaizing Christians. Unfortunately, our limited knowledge of the Jewish and Jewish Christian communities in Rome in the third to fifth centuries precludes being more precise. Notwithstanding the dangers inherent in making statements about psycho-religious constellations 1,500 years ago, it does seem that the Fast of the Seventh Month answered the same collective psycho-religious needs as did the Day of Atonement. It is a day of communal purification, propitiation and expulsion of evil spirits at the time of the harvest, marking the end of the agricultural cycle of sowing, tending and harvesting. It is a fast in the midst of an abundance of food, a moment of communal contemplation of the self in relation to God, in the days of reckoning the human labor of a year dependent on factors beyond human contra l.

3. Eastern Commemoration of Gabriel's Annunciation to Zechariah Early Christian tradition elevated Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist, to high priesthood, 143 and according to legend, Zechariah received the annunciation of the conception of his son in the holy of holies on Yom Kippur. Two factors gave impetus to the development of this tradition. First, the mystery surrounding the place of the annunciation, the ritual performed by Zechariah and his hierarchical position in Luke 1 all provided fertile 143

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ground for creative speculation. The more famous the hero of a tra_dition, the more interesting his story. Second, some people attempted to g1ve the birth of Christ - an important event of redemption history- a place in the liturgical calendar and looked for hints on which to base their calculations. The scant chronological references in Luke 1 about the visit of Mary to Elizabeth were the only data they could use. And these references could give only relative dates. Christ was born half a year later than John, and in each case the annunciation and conception had happened nine months earlier. But when exactly? Explaining the ritual performed by Zechariah as being part of the Yom Kippur temple service provided a fixed point for the calculations. Jn the Greek and Syriac East this chronological fixation of the legendary event found liturgical expression in the establishment of a commemoration day for the annunciation to the high priest Zechariah of the birth of his son, John the Baptist. Establishing a liturgical event such as the commemoration day might well be connected to the finding of Zechariah's relics, together with those of Simeon and James the Just, 144 in Jerusalem on the Mount of Olives on 1 December 351. 145 In other words, the location of Zechariah in sacred geography might well have been the impetus for adding Zechariah's annunciation into the liturgical calendar, which probably spread from Jerusalem to other places. The tradition of the discovery of the tomb of the three Christian (high) priests- Zechariah, James and Simeonoriginally points to a Jewish-Christian provenance, as the Protevangelium of James mentions Zechariah and Simeon and claims to have been written by James the Just. Yet in the fourth century, the Protevangelium was already widely known and independent of Jewish-Christian circles. Three main traditions mandate for dates for the commemoration day in the respective liturgical calendar. First, in the Greek Synaxarion, the annunciation is commemorated on 23 September. The same is true for two West Syriac calendars, 146 which are relatively late and, according to Baumstark

144 On the connection between the three figures, see above, pp. 255-257. Some Synaxaria commemorate the three figures together, on 23 October. 145 The source for this event is a tenth-century Latin text, which is a translation of a lost, most probably Greek, text first translated by Abel, "La sepulture de saint Jacques le Mineur." The legend is confirmed by some lectionaries, which record this event as being on 1 December, and by Theodosius, who knew of the existence of such a tomb in 530, see CSEL 39:140-142 (ed. P. Geyer). I 46 Ms Paris 146 (seventeenth century), Vatican 69 (sixteenth century) and British Museum Add. 17232 (1210), all published by F. Nau in Martyrologes et Menologes orientaux (PO 10; Paris, Freiburg i.Br., 1915).

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and Engberding, are influenced by the Byzantine calendar. 147 The Coptic Synaxarion, too, commemorates the annunciation on 26 Thoth, which is 23 September in the Julian calendar. 148 Second, the Old Georgian Lectionary, witness for the Jerusalem tradition, commemorates the visio Zachariae et mutitatis (eius) on 27 September; 149 and a similar date, 26 September, is confirmed by an early Syriac calendar. 150 Baumstark suggests Palestine as the point of origin for the commemoration days of some biblical figures and events in the Old Georgian Lectionary, among them the annunciation to Zechariah. 151 Following Baumstark's suggestion, I will speak of the Jerusalem date (26 I 27 September) as distinct from the Byzantine date (23 September). The Arab polymath AI Birnni gives yet a third date. In a treatise on calendars ca. !000 CE he writes that on the tenth day of Tishri A (I 0 October)152 the Me!kites celebrate the "commemoration of the prophet Zacha147 A. Baumstark, Festbrevier und Kirchenjahr der syrischen Jakobiten. Eine /iturgiegeschichtliche Vorarbeit auf Grund Handschriftlicher Studien in Jerusalem und Damaskus, der Syrischen Handschriftenkataloge von Berlin, Cambridge, London, Oxford, Paris und Rom und des unierten Mossuler f"estbrevierdruckes (Paderbom, 1910), p. 274; H. Engberding, "Kann Petrus der Iberer lnit Dionysius Areopagita identifiziert werden?" Oriens Christianus 38 (1954) 68-95, here pp. 75-76. 148 F. Nau (ed.), Martyrologes et Menologes orientaux. Les M€nologes des evang€/iaires coptes-arabes (PO 10/2; Paris, Freiburg i.Br., 1915; pp. 165-244), p. 189. The manuscripts consulted were written in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. 149 Garitte, Le calendrier palestino-g€orgien du Sinaiticus 34, p. 341; cf. "Visio Zachariae aphonia" in Paris Codex Georg. 3 and the Lathal manuscript of the Old Georgian Lectionary: seeM. Tarchnischvili, Legrand /ectionnaire de l'riglise de Jerusalem, N° 1257. Garitte also refers to Bolotov, who claims to have seen a text by Maximus Confessor mentioning 27 September as the day of the annunciation to Zechariah. Garitte, Le calendrier palestino-griorgien du Sinaiticus 34, p. 341. A search for Za:x.a in TLG 8.0 did not yield a text speaking of Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist, in the digitalized texts of Maximus. 150 British Museum Add. 14519 (eleventh to twelfth centuries), published by F. Nau in Martyrologes et M€nologes orientaux (PO 10; Paris, Freiburg i.Br., 1915). 151 "lhre Heimat in Palastina suchen mOchte man sich femer auch bei einigen G~cht nistagen biblischer Gestalten versucht fuhlen [sic!], die dem huarizmischen Heiligenkalender [the source of AI Biruni] gegenfiber dem gemeinbyzantinischen Brauche wie gegentiber der georgischen Ueberlieferung eigentO.m!ich sind" cf. A. Baumstark, "Ausstrahlungen des vorbyzantinischen Heiligenkalenders von Jerusalem," Orientalia Christiana Periodica 2 (1936) 129-144, here p. 137. Baumstark refers to Zechariah (10.10); Joseph of Arimathiah (29.12); Elijah (7.8.); Elisha (8.8.); Jeremiah, Zechariah and Ezekiel (16.8.); and all prophets (30.8.). 152 The Arabic reads "Tishrln." In Syriac Tishri A is used for October and Tishri B for November (Payne Smith, s.v.). That "Tishrin" is in any case the same as October can be learned from the beginning of the preparation fast before Chrisbnas, which begins on the sixteenth day ofTishrin II (16 November), 40 days before 25 December.

rias." 153 "On this day the angels announced to him the birth of his son John, as it is mentioned in the Koran, and in greater detail in the Gospel."154 The explicit notation of the date 10 Tishri demonstrates the direct link to Yom Kippur. This date is adopted also by Ephrem (d. 373) who, however, does not refer to a festival. 155 Christian liturgical sources describing 10 October as the date for the commemoration of Zechariah are nnknown to me. 156 For the Byzantine and Jerusalem dates, too, there exist explanations based on 10 Tishri and connecting Zechariah's revelation to Yom Kippur. The earliest text known to me (third or fourth centnry?) giving a raison d'etre for the Byzantine date is the Latin tractate de solstitiis et aequinoctiis conceptionis et nativitatis Domini nostri Iesu Christi et Johannis Baptistae. 157 This text is also the earliest to give a Julian date for the annunciation to Zechariah, albeit without mentioning a liturgical commemoration. It is the main theological idea of de solstitiis to prove the coincidence of biblical revelation and divinely ordered nature. John and Jesus were conceived on the equinox and born on the solstice, the most important astronomical dates of the year 158 The "eleventh [day of the] waxing 153 Islamic tradition apparently also identifies the prophet Zechariah as the father of John the Baptist. 154 AI Biruni, The Chronology of Ancient Nations (Sachau, p. 286 [291]). The part of AI Biruni's book relevant for Christian 1fturgy was also published by R. Griveau (ed.), Martyrologes et Mrinologes orientaux XVI-XVIII. Les fltes des Melchites, par AI-Birouni (PO 10:4; Paris and Freiburg i.Br., 1915; pp. 289-312). Highly interesting is Al-Biruni's explanation of the Muslim 'Ashura (Sachau, pp. 326-327 [329-330]). Among the different ideas related to 'Ashura in Muslim tradition are the following: "People say that on this day God took compassion on Adam, that the ark of Noah stood still on the mountain Aljfidi, that Jesus was born, that Moses was saved (from Pharao), and Abraham (from the fire ofNebukadnezar), that the fire around him (which was to bum him) became cold. Further, on this day Jacob regained his eyesight, Joseph was drawn out of the ditch, Solomon was invested with the royal power, the punishment was taken away from the people of Jona, Hiob was freed from his plague, the prayer of Zechariah was granted and John was given to him." (Sachau, p. 326 [329]). On the 'Ashura, cf. above p. 34, note 100. 155 Ephrem, Commentary on Exodus 12:2-3; (CSCO 152:141); Commentary on the Diatessaron I :29 (SC 121 :61-62); Homily on the Nativity 27:18; see Coakley, "Typology and the Birthday of Christ on 6 January"; and de Halleux, "Le comput ephremien du cycle de Ia nativite." 156 Of course, 23, 26 and 27 September sometimes coincide with 10 Tishri in the Jewish calendar. AI Biruni, however, was referring to a Christian Syriac calendar. 157 De solstitiis et aequinoctiis (ed. Batte, pp. 96-98). For the text, see above, pp. 253254. JjS The fust to connect the equinox to the festivals of Tishri (not Yom Kippur) was Philo, De specialibus legibus 1:186.


moon" (i.e. II Tishri) in de solstitiis should probably be understood as the day after Zechariah concluded the Yom Kippur service, returned home and had intercourse with Elisabeth- and John was conceived. Accordingly, the conception took place at the equinox, 24 September, one day after the annunciation on Yom Kippur, which happened to be 23 September. De solstitiis does not speak of a commemoration day, but the chronology matches the Byzantine Synaxarion. Among other early authors explicitly connecting Yom Kippur to the annunciaton to Zechariah on 23 September are commentaries on Luke by Pseudo-Epiphanius and an anonymous Jerusalemite (400-450). 159 The earliest explanation for the Jerusalem date known to me is the commentary to the liturgy that is anonymous but recorded under the name of George, bishop of the Arabs, edited by R.H. Connolly, usually dated to the tenth century. 160 In the chronographical introduction to his explanation of the liturgy, the author includes the following passage: And John was annunciated on the tenth [day] of the seventh lunar month, i.e. Tishri (first Tishrin), which was on the 26th day of the seventh solar month, September (Elul), on a Thursday. 161 Because in that year the fast of the tenth day fell on a Friday and the Jews do not pbserve [a fast on] a Friday because of the fear that in the event that one would- die, he would stay unburied and decay, they changed it to the Thursday. Afterwards Zechariah stayed until the 26th day of the lunar [month], 162 and then the days of his ministry were full. John was conceived at the beginning of the lunar month Marheshvan (later Tishrin), or on the 17th day of the solar month October (first Tishrin), on a Friday. And he stayed in the womb during the lunar months of Marheshvan (later Tishrin), Kislev (Kenon), Tevet (Kenon), and Shvat and Adar. In the sixth month, however, the beginning of the lunar month of April (Nisan), on the 29th day of the solar month March (Adar), Christ our Lord was conceived. And John was bam on

159 For Pseudo-Epiphanius, see F.C. Conybeare "The Gospel Commentary of Epiphanius" Zeitschrift for die neutestamentliche Wissenschafi und die Kunde der dlteren Kirche 7 (1906) 318-332; 8 (1907) 22!-225, he" (1906) p. 325 (folio 73-74). For the anonymous Jerusalemite commentary on Luke see, fragment 10 in Reuss, Lukas-Kommentare aus der griechischen Kirche, pp. 23-24. Cf. also the spurious correspondence between Cyril of Jerusalem and Julius of Rome in PG 96:1436--1449. 160 R.H. Connolly (ed.), Anonymi Auctoris Expositio Officiorum Ecc/esiae Georgio Arbelensi Vulgo Adscripta. Tomus I-IV (4 vols; CSCO 64; 72; 76; 71 [Scriptores Syri 25; 29; 32; 28]; Paris I Leipzig, 1911-1954). 161 This very specific constellation of a Day of Atonement ( 10 Tishri) being a Thursday that falls on 26 September is very rare. 162 26 Tishri here equals 12 October. Sukkot (with Simhat Torah) ends on 22 Tishri or, outside the land of Israel, on 23 Tishri.

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the I81h day of the solar month July (Tammuz), which is the fifth of the lunar month Av, on a Wednesday. 163

While the proposed chronology is impossible, 164 the theological idea behind it is interesting, since the author apparently tries to establish a mathematical foundation for the date 26 September as Yom Kippur in the year of the conception of John the Baptist. Coincidence with the equinox plays no role. The definitive inspiration for the Syriac author is the Jewish date of Yom Kippur. Here, the period between annunciation (26 September) and conception (17 October) is much longer than in the Byzantine calendar. However, the author does not use the explicit term "Yom Kippur," nor does he describe Zechariah as a high priest; yet he clearly knows these details from the tradition. Both texts link the annunciation to Zechariah with the Jewish fast. But whereas for the Byzantine text the coincidence with the astronomical constellation of the equinox is clearly central, the Syriac text concentrates much more on Yom Kippur and seems to be fairly well acquainted with Jewish calendar regulations. It is commonly assumed that the Old Georgian Lectionary reflects the liturgy in Jerusalem in the fifth to seventh centuries 165 The Lathal manuscript (L) and the Paris manuscript (P) of the Old Georgian Lectionary give the following readings for the visio Zachariae: Psalm 141 (140):1.3; Proverbs 12:25-13:3; Zechariah 2:13-3:4; Hebrews 8:7-9:10; 166 Psalm 119 (118):131; Luke I :1-20 167 This is an impressive assembly of many of the texts connected to the Jewish and/or Christian imaginaire of Yom Kippur. The most siguificant readings are those of Luke 1:1-20 (the story of the annunciation to Zechariah), Hebrews 8:7-9:10 (Christ's fulfillment of I 63 My translation of the Syriac in ed. Connolly, (CSCO 64:40, lines 14-29). I refer to the lunar months by their Jewish names and have put the literal translation of the Syriac month name in italicized parentheses. Connolly's Latin translation (CSCO 71:34-35) makes it difficult to distinguish between the Jewish lunar months and the Roman solar months. 164 If the preceding 10 Tishri fell on 26 September, 29 March cannot fall on 1 Nisan. Also, if 26 September was a Thursday, 18 July of the following year cannot coincide with 5 Av and has to be either a Friday or, in the event the following year is a leapyear, a Thursday. 165 Compare Verhelst, "La liturgie de Jerusalem a l'epoque byzantine," pp. 12-16; and the introduction in Garitte, Le calendrier palestino-giorgien du Sinaiticus 34. 166 The manuscripts refer to 8 September, the birth of Mary, see Tarchnischvili, Le grand lectionnaire de l'iglise de Jerusalem, N° 1225. Cf. also the reading of the same passage of Hebrews for the dedication of the (new) Kathisma church (p. 27, No 1145). On this festival, see Verhelst, "Le 15 Aofit, le 9 Av et le Kathisme." 167 See Tarchnischvili, Legrand lectionnaire de l'iglise de Jerusalem, No 1257.

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Yom Kippur) and Zechariah 2:13-3:4 (the encounter of the high priest Jesus, son of Jehozadak, with the angel, God and Satan), which were apparently understood as typologically related to Zechariah's encounter with Gabriel. The other readings are related to Zechariah's revelation: Psalm 141 (140):1.3 refers to prayer and the request to send a gnardian to watch the mouth, i.e. to prayer and to silence; Proverbs 12:25-13:3 speaks of the just and wise son and the virtue of silence; and even Psalm 119 (118): 131 may be understood against this background. "With open mouth I pant, because I long for your commandments." The readings chosen for this day are clearly a dramatization of the annunciation story set against the background of Yom Kippur. In swn, if we speak of a Jewish influence on the ritual commemorating the annunciation to Zechariah, it is mainly of a bookish influence we speak. The Jewish calendar offered a welcome solution to a technical question of importance for Christian calculators of the Messiah's birth. The festival, then, is a side result of this solution - in itself of rather minor importance. Nevertheless, it is a striking case of the re-ritualization of a Christian legend that is based on an epis~e from the New Testament, placed in the setting of the Jewish festival cycle. It is not the re-ritualization of Yom Kippur itself; but it commemorates an event that, according to Christian mythology, took place on Yom Kippur. Unlike the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month, this festival adopts the temple imagery, not the fast. The inclusion of Hebrews 8:7-9:10 and Zechariah 2:13-3:4 in the readings of the Old Georgian Lectionary reflects the Clrristian imaginaire of Yom Kippur's temple ritual beyond the story of Zechariah in Luke 1:1-20. The calculations by Ephrem, de solstitiis and Pseudo-George reveal that some Christian theologians were well aware of the contemporary Yom Kippur and might have chosen the readings accordingly. Consequently, the annunciation to Zechariah, too, provides evidence for Yom Kippur being a continuous inspiration for Christianity. 168

168 The Byzantine Synaxarion and the calendar of John Zosimus (ed. Garitte, p. 336) commemorate the prophet Jonah on 21 September. The proximity of its date to Yom Kippur and its significant liturgical place in Yom Kippur services from very early on are conspicuous. However, since neither the Old Armenian Lectionary nor the Old Georgian Lectionary mention Jonah at this time, it would appear to be a rather late adoption.

General Conclusions I wonld like briefly to summarize the main resnlts of my investigations before launching into some of their implications as well as suggestions for further research. First, the temple ritual was widely interpreted and connected to several myths in the Jewish imaginaires of Yom Kippur, to the reservoirs of motifs, myths, concepts and sensual impressions regarding Yom Kippur in the various Jewish groups. Three main interpretations emerge. The entry of the high priest into the holy of holies was perceived as an encounter between a human being and God, and it was seen to mirror the heavenly journey of the apocalyptic (I Enoch 14), and the ascent of the mystic's soul to God in Philo and in Hekhalot mysticism. In eschatologically oriented groups, a high-priestly redeemer was expected to conquer the lord of Evil and to liberate his good prisoners on the eschatological Day of Atonement (IIQMe/chizedek, !Enoch 10). Accordingly, the scapegoat was usually conceived of as the symbol or embodiment of evil - evil thoughts of men in Philo, even demonized as the leader of the evil forces in 1Enoch 10, in 4Q 180 and 4Q 181, in the Apocalypse of Abraham, and in some rabbinic statements. Second, the Jewish imaginaires of the Yom Kippur temple ritual extensively influenced the formulation of the Christian Jewish myths and conceptions about the atoning effect of Jesus' death and his ascent to God. I believe this impact to be greater than proposed in the earlier studies by Young, Scullion and Kraus using a canonical approach. Third, these Christo logical mythologizations of the temple ritual did not always entail an abolition of the fast. There is evidence that some Christian Jews continued to observe the fast of the Day of Atonement at least until the end of the first century, while others ceased to fast perhaps as early as the first half of the first century. Fourth, after the destruction of the temple, Yom Kippur continued to influence Christianity in various ways. Beginoing with Origen, some theologians expressed their concern that the continuous participation of Christians in the Jewish fast stood in contradiction to the Christian typological myth. Other Christian theologians reacted polentically against the Jewish fast, through increased propagation of Christian sacrificial atonement theology, through intense Christianization of the Old Testament texts on the Day of Atonement, and through the propagation of competing autumn festivals in Rome and Jerusalem.

General Conclusions

General Conclusions

Fifth, the imagery of the high priest's entry into the holy of holies employed in Jewish apocalyptic and mystic texts influenced Valentinian Christian soteriology and eschatology and the ritual of the bridal chamber, a form of induced mysticism. And the Valentinian concepts in turn, influenced the early Christian mysticism of Clement of Alexandria.

I assume such a conclusion to be only partially valid (definitely so in Barnabas and Hebrews; perhaps also in Matthew and !John). Moreover, Christian Jews who rejected the temple service might still keep the fast. We can only be sure a group did not keep the fast if they explicitly polemicized against it (Barnabas, Diognet, Aristides). It is unlikely that Paul's statements in Romans 3:25-26 and Galatians 3-4, which do not differ

The great importance of Yom Kippur for the early Christian Jews left its

greatly from Philo's spiritualization, imply a cessation of observance of Yom Kippur, since Paul praises the temple service and accepts that parts of the Roman community continue their observation of (Jewish) festivals.

330

traces in Christian Jewish texts throughout first century, in the traditions

that were later used by Barnabas, Hebrews and Romans (30-65 CE), in Paul's letters (50-60 CE) and Hebrews (ca. 50-60 CE?), in Matthew (7080 CE), and in !John and Barnabas (ca. 95 CE?). Hebrews combined the apocalyptic conception of a high-priestly redeemer appearing on an eschatological Yom Kippur with the idea of the atoning self-sacrifice. The two were present but distinct in other Second Temple texts such as II QMelchizedek and 2Maccabees. The depiction of Jesus as high priest was most likely already current before Hebrews, and the high priesthood of the non-Levite Jesus could be justified through the biblical precedent of a high priest named Jesus in Zechariah 3. This passage was already connected to Yom Kippur in Jewish apocalyptic thought (Apocalypse ofAbraham). Concerning the scapegoat, the Christian Jewish imaginaire of Yom Kippur differed to some extent from the "mainstream" Jewish imaginaire

and developed rather marginal conceptions. The majority of Jewish texts associated the scapegoat with demonic powers and evil - e.g. Philo linked

it to evil thoughts and evil people- or even saw it as a sort of leader of the evil angels as in /Enoch, 4Q!80 and the Apocalypse of Abraham. This mainstream conception seems to stand behind Matthew's redaction of

Mark's Barabbas episode. For the Christian Jewish conception of the scapegoat as a positive type (Barnabas, Galatians, !Peter?, John?), there are only a few parallels- among them Josephus' narrative of Ananus and the rabbinic statement on Ravya bar Qisi. An influence of Jewish Yom Kippur prayers on Christian Jewish texts

(Colossians, Philippians, Barnabas as Seder Avodah) is possible, yet the sources are too meager to make a defmite determination possible. In a later

331

Even more, Luke and his community can be shown to have observed the fast, as did the opponents of the writer of the Epistle to the Colossians and parts of the Roman community. Several factors led to the Christian abandomnent of Yom Kippur and the temple ritual as well as the fast. Historically and liturgically, the destruction of the temple, which ended the temple ritual, weakened the compulsion for a communal fast with prayers on a single special day. Hegesippus portrays James as permanently observing Yom Kippur, which may imply transition from 10 Tishri to any day. Theologically, typological interpretations of Yom Kippur played some role in the abolition of Yom Kippur by causing some Christians to perceive the Christian myth and the Jewish ritual as alternatives. Sociologically, Yom Kippur was for Gentile Christians not so much a custom to be continued as a festival to be newly adopted - a process possible only where the new custom could be sup-

ported by a Christian rationale. Since Christ died in Nisan and not in Tishri, the main meaningful events of earliest Christianity were connected to a different month. It speaks strongly in favor of the importance of Yom

Kippur in Christian Jewish life that a festival not cormected chronologically to the events around Christ's death- events that forged the collective Christian identity - conceptually had so deep an impact on their most profound myth. Yom Kippur continued to influence early Christianity even after the

destruction of the temple. The imagery of Yom Kippur's temple ritual be-

period, a Jewish sermon that may have been part of the Yom Kippur ser-

came increasingly attractive. Jesus' high priesthood and his identification with the kapporet became topoi in Christian atonement theology and in ra-

vice, Pseudo-Philo On Jonah, found its way into Christian collections.' I assume that most Christian Jews continued to observe the fast of Yom Kippur. Only gradually did they cease to do what they were accustomed to

tionales for the Eucharist. The Christological scapegoat typology, too, was widely used to illustrate Christ's atonement. While "bookish" influence of the biblical Yom Kippur may partially explain tltis increase - Romans 3

observing. Unlike previous investigators, who often deduced from the use

of temple typology in a Christian author his rejection of the temple service,

• become the "canon within the canon," and many exeand Hebrews had getes wrote interpretations of Leviticus - I consider the Jewish fast of that period to be also an important factor. Christianity and Judaism competed

1

See the appendix for the possibility that some Jewish Yom Kippur prayers found their way into the Christian liturgy.

for the "true" way of atonement - the Christian myth versus the Jewish

ritual, in much simplified terms. Origen, Chrysostom and the Canons of

General Conclusions

General Conclusions

the Apostles provide evidence for the participation of a considerable number of Christians in the Jewish fast in Syria-Palestine until at least the late fourth century. These Christian theologians perceived this attraction as threatening the distinction of the Christian identity from "fleshly" Judaism by challenging the Christian conception of Christ's atoning death and its rituals. Christian intellectual leaders reacted manifoldly to this challenge. Origen's Homilies on Leviticus are the clearest proof of direct interdependence between the polemics against Christian participation in the Jewish fast and the development of a Christian alternative. The Homilies expand the Christianization of Leviticus 16, starting with the New Testament passages on Yom Kippur but adding further passages. In this, Origen is the first to strongly promulgate Hebrews' sacrificial

herents to their concept of atonement. The Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross probably emerged as part of the growing impact of Old Testament imagery following the Christian assumption of political and religious authority in the land of the Bible- an effect I have called the "Ortsgeist of the Holy Land." Concerning the Roman Fast of the Seventh Month, direct extraordinary parallels between the Christian readings and the reading attested for Yom Kippur. Leo the Great and other readings reveal a "negative" reactive impact of the contemporary Jewish fast. Finally, the annunciation to Zechariah is a re-ritualization of a Jewish-Christian legend using texts pertaining to Yom Kippur in its Christian imaginaire (such as Hebrews 9 and Zechariah 3). Its explicit connection to 10 Tishri in Chris-

atonement theology. Several other Christian writers polemicize against the fast: Barnabas,

tian and Muslim calendrical computations demonstrates once again the awareness of non-Jews of this date in the Jewish calendar.

332

Justin, Tertullian, Theodore! ofCyrns, Leo of Rome, Ephrem, Chrysostom and perhaps also Eusebius and Basil. Most of these authors seem to be acquainted with the Yom Kippur of their period, a fact that suggests Christian sages in other regions felt similarly threatened by the contemporary Jewish fast and not simply by the. image of the biblical Day of Atonement. The competition between Judaism and Christianity regarding the "true"

~'positive"

333

influence, perhaps by converted Jews, plausibly explains the

The results of this investigation support the assumption that early Christianity and early Judaism stood in a competition with each other that caused a mutual influence. In the center of this competition stood the "dangerous ones in between," Christians who continued to observe Yom Kippur and

responded to the challenge posed by Christian atonement theology by in-

Jews who felt a special affmity to Jesus. They aroused the scorn of theologians attempting to define the boundaries of the mainstream identity of each side. Histories of Christian liturgy have yet to incorporate these "dan-

means of atonement, is apparent in Jewish texts, too. Jewish theologians serting polemics against the Christian priesthood and the cross into Yom

gerous ones in between" into their approach to the Christian festal calendar

Kippur liturgical poems. Still, these factors cannot explain the increase in the use of the scapegoat imagery to explain the rationale behind Christ's

of the first, second, third and even fourth centuries. Ritual and social reality seem to differ considerably from the theological ideals drawn up by the

death. It is not a development of canonic traditions, since references in the New Testament are strictly implicit and seldom used as prooftexts. Barna-

Church Fathers and the rabbis, whose aim was to develop distinct identities. The two religions competed for centuries for the allegiance of these ·'dangerous ones in between," proposing mutually exclusive interpretations and re-ritualizations of Yom Kippur's temple ritual, which in reality was

bas proto-typology ceases to be used after Tertullian and Hippolytus probably because of its support for halakhic traditions. And it is not part of the general Christianization of the Old Testament, since it also appears apart from exegeses of Leviticus (e.g. in Origen, Ambrose, Jerome). In my opinion, the proximity of the rationale of the scapegoat to the rationale of the widely known pharmakos rituals endowed an increased use of the scapegoat imagery with practical value in a pagan environment perhaps less familiar with Old Testament stories. Beyond the impact on the theology, at least three Christian festivals celebrated closely to I 0 Tishri, emerged in response to the impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity: the important Encaenia/Exaltation of the Cross in Jerusalem, the equally important Fast of the Seventh Month in

Rome and the marginal commemoration day of the annunciation to Zechariah in the East. The emergence of the first two festivals can be explained in part against the background of Christians and Jews competing for ad-

no longer performed. Yet the two religions shared not only the common (if different) canon of the Old Testament/Hebrew Bible, they also shared the emphasis on sin and atonement and on the psychological need to regularly expiate one's sins and/or propitiate God; and both formulated the ritual and theological answer to this need in terms of Yom Kippur.

In this study, I have tried to scrutinize the Christian sources of the first century as Jewish documents and to read them with "Jewish glasses." Taking up Marcel Simon's thesis regarding Cbrysostom's reaction to Christian

participation in Yom Kippur, I have attempted to draw a broader picture of the influence of Yom Kippur on early Christianity after the destruction of the temple. I have also tried to apply Israel Yuval's approach in understanding Christianity and Judaism as two religions emerging under a mutual competitive influence. Much remains to be done, and many of the

"'T 334

General Conclusions

conclusions have to be seen as tentative given the wide net cast by this study. . I have tried to draw the main lines of the impact of Yom Ktppur on early Christianity as a whole; a more differentiating investigation of the patristic sources might perhaps reveal regional differences (among, for example, Syria-Palestine, Egypt, North Africa and the rest of the Latin West) and especially some sort of correlation between the competthon posed' by and the important influence of the local Jewish comm~ity. At the start of my investigations, the Syriac sources were the corpus m which I expected to find the most interesting texts and the strongest signs of competition between Christians and Jews and of Christian participation in the fast. Yet lacking for the most part a comprehensive index for biblical citations and allusions or the assistance of a digitalized thesaurus, I am not sure if the texts I found or others pointed out to me are representative. The corpus of Syriac texts undoubtedly warrants further investigation. A desideratum is an in-depth analysis of the post-biblical history of Yom Kippur, ideally up to the present. A more meaningful comparison of the patristic exegesis of Leviticus 16 and 23 with the rabbinic can. be achieved only after a critical investigation of all relevant rabbnucal sources, which I was unable to pursue comprehensively given the limited scope of this project. The Christian impact on the Yom Kippur liturgy revealed in this study is very limited. I assume that there are many more statements, omissions (such as the ignoring of Melchizedek in the early Sidrei Avodah) and ritual developments that can be marshaled as reactwns to Christian atonement theology and ritual. Furthermore, it would be fascinating to examine the interpretations of the Mass by Amalar, Hildebert and lvo, who explain the Eucharist wholly in terms of Yom Kippur, including the scapegoat. It would be interesting to kno~ if their intensification of the biblical terminology was in some way hnked to Jewish traditions, or if it was purely an intra-Christian development. Finally, an investigation of non-Jewish descriptions of Jewish festivals might be another promising project, to reveal not only the level of knowledge but also the anthropological perceptions of the other and, via the other, also of the self.

I i

Appendix: Yom Kippur and Eastern Anaphoras I. In a series of studies, Louis Ligier argues that Sidrei Avodah influenced the so-called Clementine liturgy in the Apostolic Constitutions, 1 and that the confession prayers 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am and 'AI Het affected Eastern Christian anaphoras.2 Before Ligier, Erwin Goodenough and Wilhelm Bousset also argued for a Jewish origin of the praefatio of the Clementine liturgy 3 They, however, saw the root in the Jewish Yotzer prayer - an unlikely thesis, as David Fiensy has demonstrated' Ligier has the distinction of being the first Christian liturgist to have seriously studied Sidrei Avodah, such as 'Azkir Gevurot 'E/oah and 'Attah Konanta '0/am beRov Hesed. Ligier's main arguments for the influence of the Sidrei Avodah on the praefatio of the Clementine liturgy are their parallel liturgical locations

1 Apostolic Constitutions 8:12:1-15:11 (SC 336:176-217) are called the Clementine liturgy. 2 L. Ligier, "Autour du sacrifice eucbaristique. Anaphores orientales et anamnese juive de Kippur," Nouvelle Revue Thiologique 82 (1960) 40-55; idem, "Anaphores orientales et prieres juives," Proche Orient Chritien 13 (1963) 3-20; idem, "Celebration divine et anamnese dans la premiere partie de l'Anaphore ou Canon de Ia Messe Orientale," Gregorianum 48 (1967) 225-252; idem, Piche d'Adam etpiche du monde, val. 2, pp. 289-307. 3 The praefatio covers 8:12:6-26 (SC 336:180-191). E. Goodenough, By Light Light (New Haven, 1935), pp. 320-326; W. Bousset, "Eine jOdische Gebetssammlung im siebenten Buch der Apostolischen Konstitutionen," Nachrichten von der Gesel/schaft der Wissenschaften zu Gdttingen, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 1915, pp. 435-489 (here, pp. 449-464) = Religionswissenschaftliche Studien. Aufsiitze zur Religionsgeschichte des Hel/enistischen Zeitalters (ed. by A.F. Verheule; Supplements to Novum Testamentum 50; Leiden, 1979; pp. 231-285), here, pp. 244-259. Bousset argues for a Jewish background only of Apostolic Constitutions 8:12:9-20. See also K. Kohler, "The Origin and Composition of the Eighteen Benedictions with a Translation of the Corresponding Essene Prayers in the Aposto1ic Constitutions," Hebrew Union College Annual I (1924) 387-425, who, unlike Bousset and Goodenough, regards the prayers in book 8 as thoroughly Christianized, "so that their former relation to the Benedictions of the Synagogue was entirely lost sight of' (p. 418), and discusses only prayers in book 7 of the Apostolic Constitutions. 4 D. Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to Be Jewish. An Examination of the Constitutiones Apostolorum (Brown Judaic Studies 65; Chico [Calif.], 1985), pp. 137-141 and 172-176.

Appendix

Appendix

and similarity of content-' Like the Jewish piyyut, the praefatio introduces the ritual anamnesis of the sacrifice (the A vodah of the high priest I the Eucharist). And like the Jewish piyyut, the praefatio recounts the creation of the world and man, and continues with the history of sinful humanity and a saving and punishing God - from Adam's sin, curse and restitution to Joshua, via instances in which God sides with the just (Abel, Seth, Enosh, Enoch, Noah, Lot, Abraham, Melchizedek, Job, Isaac, Jacob, Josef, the exodus, Moses, Aaron) but chastises sinners (Adam, Cain, the deluge, Sodom and the Red Sea). The long and detailed account distingnishes this anaphora from all others. 6 Fiensy's arguments against Bousset and Goodenough are compelling with regard to Ligier as well. He points out that many theological ideas in the praefatio - providence, creation, man as a rational and cosmopolitan being, knowledge of God - match ideas of special importance to the compiler of the Apostolic Constitutions and are therefore unlikely to derive from his Jewish source. 7 The special emphasis on creation and some of the expressions of the praefatio correspond to phrases in Justin Martyr, Theophilus of Antioch and Cyril of Jerusalem concenting Christian worship, as well as to later anaphoras. 8 Moreover, Ligier himself however remarks on a number of dissonances. A number of Old Testament figures - Seth, Enosh, Enoch, Melchizedek, Job, Josef and Joshua - do not appear in the Sidrei Avodah. 9 Since various lists of Old Testament figures appear in other redactional passages of the Apostolic Constitutions and in early Christian literature the distant parallel is easier explained ~s incidenta1. 10 Finally, the position of the prayers in the Jewish and Christian liturgies in fact differs -the Seder Avodah follows the Qedushah (Sanctus), whereas the praefatio precedes the Sanctus.U In sum: the parallel to the Sidrei Avodah is imprecise, and the single motifs appear elsewhere in Christian liturgical context. New arguments are needed to shore up this thesis.

2. According to Ligier's second thesis, some Eastern Christian anaphoras were influenced by the confession prayers 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am and 'AI Het, in that they show the following parallels. 12 First, the specific enumeration of sins according to their gravity (voluntary or involuntary sins; sins committed consciously or out of ignorance, in secret or in public, deliberately or unintentionally; sins in thought, word or deed; known or unknown sins); second, the invocation of God as knowing hidden and secret matters and thoughts (based on Deuteronomy 29:28); third, a correspondence in the formula of three verbs for atonement/forgiveness (in Greek: clvc<;, O.cpc<;, auyxOOpfJaov; in Syriac: .......___.~, ~~~. ·""'------=<-), and three substantives for kinds of sins to the Hebrew verbs n?o, ?n~ and ,OJ with the nouns RUn, 1110 and ~1110; fourth, the position of the Christian prayer following the sacrifice and connected to the remembrance of God. 13 In a book presently in press, Stephane Verhelst greatly refmes and transforms Ligier's proposal. 14 That I engage simultaneously with Ligier and Verhelst does not imply that their theses are identical. Ligier dates the adoption of the Jewish prayer to the first or second century, while Verhelst prefers the third. Also, both Ligier and Verhelst argne that the Christian and Jewish confession prayers fulfill a similar liturgical function at a similar liturgical place. They disagree, however, as to which. For Ligier, the sacrificial interpretation of the Eucharist is foremost, whereas Verhelst emphasizes the Mementos. As I do not have all the necessary material to check these complicated argumentations, I will await the appearance in print of Verhelst's interesting deliberations before engaging with this point. I have chosen to translate here the relevant passages of the two most interesting of the many anaphoras they discuss, the Syriac St. James Anaphora and the Syriac Cyril Anaphora. The former reads:

336

5

Ligier, "Autour du sacrifice eucharistique," p. 41-45; idem, "Celebration divine et anamnese dans la premiere partie de l' Anaphore ou Canon de la Messe Orientale," pp. 245~247; idem, Pichi d'Adam et piche du monde, 2:289-307. 6 Ligier, "Autour du sacrifice eucharistique," p. 48; idem, Piche d'Adam et pichi du monde, 2:295-297 and 301-302. 7 Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to Be Jewish, pp. 141 and 174-175 8 Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to Be Jewish, pp. 138-140. 9 Ligier, Piche d'Adam et piche du monde, 2:297, notes 184 and 185 and p. 302 .. Ligier regards Melchizedek, Job, Josef and Joshua as Christian additions. Seth, Enoch and Henoch appear in Sir 49:14-16. 10 E.g. Apostolic Constitutions 2:55:1, 5:7:12, 6:12:13, 7:5:5; Hebrews 11; James 5:11 and 5:17; I Clement 1-12: see Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to Be Jewish, p. 136. 11 Ligier, P€ch€ d'Adam et p€ch€ du monde, 2:295.

I The people: Pardon, forgive. 2 The priest: Pardon(........_.....), forgive (-<1----...!o-<}, (..._ltu..u..............} 3 those [committed] willingly ( ~) 4 and those unwillingly, •) 5 those committed knowingly(-<

337

remit(~),

God, our lapses

12 L. Ligier, "Penitence et Eucharistic en Orient Tbeologie sur une interference de prieres et de rites," Orienta/ia Christiana Periodica 29 (1963) 5-78, esp. pp. 48---62. 13 Ligier, "Penitence et Eucharistic en Orient," pp. 5Q-56. 14 S. Verhelst, "Une formule du Y8m Kippour." In: idem, Les traditions judeo-chretiennes dans Ia Liturgie de saint Jacques. (forthcoming). I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Stephane Verhelst for sending me this part of his book prior to its publication and for discussing it with me via e-mail.

338

Appendix

Appendix

6 and those unknowingly, 7 those committed in word, in deed and in thought, 8 those concealed ( )

10 and for sins that we sinned before you willfully (111iJ), 11 for sins that we sinned before you secretly (,no::t)

12 and for sins that we sinned before you openly ('l'lJ), 13 and for sins for which we are obligated to bring an'' 'Aseh-sacrifice," 14 and for sins for which we are obligated to bring a "Lo Ta 'aseh sheNataq le'Aseh-sacrifice," 15 and for sins for which we incur death at the hands of the Heaven, 16 and for sins for which we incur excision, 17 and for sins for which we incur forty lashes by the court, 18 and for sins for which we incur beheading, strangling, burning and stoning, 19 for those that are known to us 20 and for those that are not known to us, 21 those that are revealed to us and those that are not known to us are already known to you 22 as it is said, the concealed [things] are for GOD and the revealed [things] are

9 and those revealed(~·), 10 those foreknown to the erring, II those your holy name knows.ts

The Syriac Cyril Anaphora reads: 1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8

The people: Pardon, forgive. The priest: Knower of the hidden [things], judge of the thoughts. Let pass and erase all our sins, [those] known and those not known, [those] committed willingly and those unwillingly, [those] hidden

ours and our children'sforever, that we may fulfill a// the words of this Torah. 20 23 Since you are the forgiver oflsrael and the pardoner of the tribes ofYeshurun in every generation, and apart from you we have no king who pardons and forgives. 21

9 and revealed 10 [those] of now and [those] of previous time and [those] of the future ... 16

Unfortunately, Ligier was not yet able to use Daniel Goldschmidt's introduction to and edition of Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on. Some ofLigier's keen philological perceptions are therefore based on incorrect textual assumptions. Moreover, even if one uses Goldschmidt as Verhelst does, the text of the prayers in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on is too corrupt to be useful for reconstructions. The oldest extant reliable version of 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am/ 'AI Het is therefore to be found in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on: 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

9

You know the secrets of the universe ( 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am ), and the hidderunost mysteries of all the living.

You probe all innermost chambers 11 and see kidneys and heart 18 Absolutely nothing is hidden from you and nothing is concealed from your eyes. May it be your will, GOD, our God that you pardon us (?mnn) for all our iniquities (u•nunll) and you atone (,!l:lll) for us for all our willful sins (1l"3li11:J). 19 For sins ('AI Het) that we sinned before you carelessly (;rll1!7J)

15 My translation of the Syriac text in 0. Heiming, "Anaphora Sancti Iacobi, fratris Domini," in Anaphorae Syriacae II/3 (Rome, 1953; pp. 107-177), p. 168. Cf. A. RUcker,

Die syrischen Jakobosanaphora nach der Rezension des Ja 'qob(h) von Edessa. Mit de11i griechischen Paralleltext herausgegeben (Liturgiegeschichtliche Quellen 4; MUnster in Westfalen, 1923), p. 44. 16 My translation of the Syriac text in A. Raes, "Anaphora Cyrilli Hierosolymitani vel Alexandrini," inAnaphorae Syriacae I/3 (Rome, 1944; pp. 323-363), p. 356. 17 Prov 20:27. 18 Jer 11:20. 19 See y Yom a 8:9, 45c, for the text see above, p. 52, note 197.

339

Ligier and Verhelst point out that the Christian confession prayers use three different verbs expressing the idea of forgiveness corresponding to three kinds of sins, and they see 'Allah Yodea' Razei '0/am as in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga 'on as model for this expression. 22 Verhelst points also to the confession prayer at the end of Yoma in the Palestinian Talmud and to the uvekhen additions to the Amidab. In Seder Rliil Sa'adia Ga'on, the oldest and best text of 'Allah Yodea' Razei '0/am, however, only two verbs (':>mon, 1~Jn) and two substantives (1l'n1l11Y, 1l'Yl119) appear in a single sentence (lines 7-8). In addition, the oldest witness to the confession in the Palestinian Talmud, the Leiden manuscript, also reports only two verbs and two substantives. A later scribe added a third verb and substantive to the Talmudic passage as well as to the 'Allah Yodea' Razei '0/am in Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on and the modern versions. 23 The threefold confession prayer is apparently a later adaption of Leviticus 16. Equally, the uvekhen additions to the Amidah, which mention all .three verbs, are absent from 20

Deut 29:28. My translation of the text given in ed. Davidso:n, Asaf and Yoel, pp. 259-260, based on the translation of the modern Ashkenazy rite by Scherman, The Complete ArtScro// Machzor Yom Kippur Nusach Ashkenaz, pp. 19-25. 22 While the three verbs in the Christian texts do not include an exact equivalent for 1gJ, Verhelst refers to a Georgian version of the prayer that uses a plausible equivalent of 21

,~·J.

23 mYoma 3:8; yYoma 8:9, 45c, c[ the discussion in bYoma 36b and Leviticus Rabbah 3:3. These passages have been discussed by Verbelst.

340

Appendix

Appendix

Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on and from almost all Palestinian witnesses to the Yom Kippur liturgy. 24 It seems more conceivable to me that the Christian authors, too, developed the three-partite formula inspired by the biblical text rather than by Jewish liturgy. A much stronger argument is that the Jewish and Christian confession prayers list particular kinds of sins: voluntary or involuntary sins, sins committed secretly or openly, and hidden or revealed sins. While Ligier and Verhelst use Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on, I will list the parallels according to Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on, whose prayer texts are more trustworthy:

given in the other prayers, this can be easily explained. Concerning the variation in content, Cluistians would neither feel a need for the two kinds of sins connected to sacrifices nor to the types of sins related to death penalties, given in Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on. The more general categories of sins in the two Christian anaphoras could therefore be explained as substitutes for the specific halakhic Jewish types. Regarding the variation in sequence, one may raise the argument that the Christian anaphoras vary among themselves and may have attached little significance to the order. Giving a list of possible sins in a confes.sion prayer is not an uncommon phenomenon. Those wishing to confess want to be sure ~o cover all eventualities. However, the parallels are rather close and the differences can be justified. Finally, the Cyril Anaphora and 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am invoke God as knowing secret matters and thoughts. This idea is based on Deuteronomy 29:28, a verse quoted at the end of 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am (line 22) and could, therefore, again speak for a parallel adaption of biblical traditions. 25 God's omniscience, his knowledge of concealed matters, is mentioned in many ptayers. 26 Ligier emphasizes, however, that the combination of this idea with a confession prayer appears only in 'Attah Yodea' Razei 'Olam and the Christian prayers. The present investigation has shown that we find it also in Qumran, Pseudo-Philo and inscriptions on steles in Delos, in texts very likely connected with Yom K.ippur. 27 While the biblical model may have influenced the Christian and Jewish prayers independently, the cumulative evidence supports a direct link. In sum, the similarity between the Jewish and Christian prayers is more likely rooted in a genealogical than in a phenomenological relation. A close reading of the philological arguments of Ligier and Verhelst reveals that the parallels may point beyond the common use of biblical language to direct liturgical cOimections- i.e. adoption rather than biblical influence. 28 Whether or not Ligier's and Verhelst's theses are correct, they are among the best examples of the profound impact of Yom Kippur on early Christianity. If we remain skeptical, some Christian liturgies of the Eucharist were formulated according to the biblical model of Yom Kippur. Not only did the celebrant of the Eucharist become the high priest and the

Syriac James-Anaphora

parallel types

of sins

3 willingly ( 4 unwillingly 5 knowingly(«

'Allah Yodea' Razei '0/am ('AI Het) in Seder ,...,) )

6 unknowingly

varying types

of sins

8 concealed ( 9 revealed f ?a in word, 7b in deed 7c and in thought,

) '

10 foreknown to the erring, II your holy name knows

Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on 10 willfully {11m) 9 carelessly (:lllWJ) 19 known to us 20 not known to us II secretly (1no:1) 12 open!y{•l?lO) 13 for which we are obligated to bring an "'Aseh-sacrifice" 14 for which we are obligated to bring a

"Lo Ta 'aseh sheNataq le 'Aseh-

Syriac St. Cyril-Anaphora

6 willingly 7 unwillingly 4 known

5 not known 8 hidden 9 revealed 10 ofnow 11 and of previous time 12 and of the future

sacrifice" 15 for which we incur death at the hands of the Heaven 16 for which we incur excision 17 for which we incur forty lashes by the court 18 for which we incur beheading, strangling, burning and stonine:

As the table shows, the sins of types 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 in the Syriac JarnesAnaphora match the sins 10, 9, 19, 20, II, 12 in 'Allah Yodea' Razei '0/am according to Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on. Although the sins do not appear in the same exact order and each prayer lists a number of sins not 24

See above, p. 50, note 187.

I

[

!

341

See above, p. 39, note 130. See foi- example the rabbinic prayers 7, 15, 16, 27, 31, 34 and 35 in the list given in Heinemann, Prayer in the Period of the Tanna'im and the Amora'im, pp. 131-137; and the prayer in Aramaic Levi (4Q213a 1 i 10--11) I additions to the Testament ofLevi2:3 in manuscript Mount Athos. 27 See above, p. 39 and p. 48, note 172. 28 On the types of influence, see above, pp. 4--6. 25

26

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Appendix

church building the temple, but Christian confession prayer also became the confession prayer in the temple on Yom Kippur. 29 lfwe accept Ligier's and Verhelst's observation that the parallels are too close to derive solely from biblical influence, some liturgies of the Eucharist used contemporary Jewish liturgies of Yom Kippui3° as source - via Jewish converts to Christianity," Jewish Christians" or God-fearers. 33 Keeping in mind the late Jewish influence on the readings of the Fast of the Seventh Month, the prayer may have crossed the lines even after the third century. Last but not least, I would like to remind that we should not deny a priori the possibility that the influence may have been mutual. The parallel list of six sins is not attested in Second Temple sources and may equally have its origin in Christian congregations, which in turn influenced 'Attah Yodea' Razei '0/am. Verhelst's reappraisal and review of this part ofLigier's theses demonstrates aroply that further discoveries may be made in the study of the relation of early Christian Anaphoras to Jewish liturgy. 3. Along similar lines, one could argue that another prayer from the eighth book of the Apostolic Constitutions, included among those defined as Jewish by Bousset and Goodenough," may have been part of a Yom Kippur prayer (the phrases in italics have been explained by Goodenough as Christian interpolations): 0 almighty eternal God, lord of the universe creator and chief of everything, who showed forth man as a an ornament of the cosmos (K6alJ.ou K6ey.ov) through Christ, and gave an implanted and written law to him, so that he might live lawfully as a rational being, and gave to the sinner your own goodness, as a pledge to lead him to repentance; look upon those who have bent the neck of their soul and body to you, because He does not desire the death of the sinner, but his repentance, so that he might turn back from his way of evil, and live! 35 He accepted the repentance of the Ninevites; he desires all men to be saved, and to come to a knowledge of truth;

29 30

On this phenomenon of templization, see above, pp. 273-277.

Or, as Verhelst suggests, the confession on Mondays and Thursdays. Ligier "Nnitence et Eucharistic en Orient," p. 57. 32 Verhelst. 33 A possibility that has always to be taken into consideration. 34 Bousset, "Eine jfidische Gebetssanunlung im siebenten Buch der Apostolischen Konstitutionen," p. 278; Goodenough, By Light Light, pp. 331-332. 35 Ezek 33:11. 31

Appendix

343

he accepted with fatherly feelings the son who had consumed his life's savings with loose living, because ofhis repentance. 36 Also now yourself receive from your supplicants their change of mind; for there is no one who will not sin against you! For, if you, should watch lawlessness closely, Lord, Lord, who could stand his ground? Because with you there is the atonement (0 iAaOJ10c;)J37

Several elements are reminiscent of Yom Kippur: God,s kingship, creation and compassion, the giving of the law, the power of repentance, the Ninevites and 6 il.ao~o<;. The quotation from Ezekiel33:11 appears also in the confession prayer of the Ne 'ilah in Seder Rav Sa 'adia Ga 'on. 38 Yet nothing points specifically to Jewish authorship, and the prayer may be a Christian plea for divine mercy. 39 4. Finally, almost a century ago, Henri Leclerq argued for an influence of Yom Kippur piyyutim on the ordo commendationis animae. He compared the list of Old Testament figures in the ordo commendationis animae whose appeals in dangerous situations were heeded by God with similar lists in Mishnah Ta 'anit and various medieval pi_v.yutim for public fasts. 40 The lists, however, vary greatly; many of the characters in the ordo do not appear in the piyyutim,41 and vice versa.42 I would rather argue that a common psychological urge causes the supplicant to call upon previous instances of divine intervention.43

36

Cf. Luke 15:11-32. Apostolic Constitutions 8:9:8-9 (SC 336: 164---165). I have adapted the translation of D.R. Darnell and D.A. Fiensy, "Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers," in: J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 2 (New York, 1985; pp. 671-698), here p. 689 (number 11 ). 311 See Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Yael and Asaf, p. 262). 39 See Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish, pp. 146-147; Darnell and Fiensy, "Hellenistic Synagogal Prayers," p. 689, note 11b. 40 mTa'an 2:1. H. Leclerq, "Defunts," Dictionnaire d'archiologie chritienne et de liturgie 4 (1921) 427-456, here p. 438. I would like to thank Margot Stroumsa-Uzan for drawing my attention to this thesis. 41 Enoch, Job, Lot, Susanna and, of course, the Christian figures Peter, Paul and Thecla. 42 Aaron, Pinbas, Joshua, Elisha, Hezekiah and Mordechai. 43 Interesting also is the addition of the equivalent for atonement {wm.nqalllh) to some Armenian anaphoras (Sahak, Gregory of Nazianz, Cyril of Alexandria, Athanasius). I would like to thank Daniel Findikyan for corresponding on this point, which awaits further elaboration. 37

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Vitae Prophetarum See Pseudo-Epiphanius under "Christian and Gnostic Literature." War Scroll (1 QM) Sukenik, E.L. The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University. (Jerusalem, 1955). Yalqut Shim'oni Hyman, D., D.N. Lerrer and I. Shiloni. Yalqut Shim'oni 'al haTorah leRabbenu Shim'on haDarshan. (9 vols; Jerusalem, 1973-1991). [Hebrew]. Yannai Rabinovitz, Z.M. The Liturgical Poems of Rabbi Yannai according to the Triennial Cycle of the Pentateuch and the Holidays. Critical Edition with Introduction and Commentary. (2 vols; Jerusalem, 1985, 1987). [Hebrew]. Zulai, M. Piyyutey Yannai. (Berlin, 1938). [Hebrew]. Yosse ben Yosse Mirsky, A. Yosse ben Yosse Poems. Edited with an Introduction, Commentary and Notes. (Jerusalem, 2 1991, 1977). [Hebrew].

Babylonicum quum ex aliis libris antiquissimis et scrip/is et impressis tum e Codice Monacensi praestantissimo co/lectae, annotationibus instructae. Pars 4. Tract. Rosch Haschanah et Joma. (Munich, 1871). [Hebrew/Aramaic]. Steinsaltz, A Talmud Bavli, Massekhet Yoma Menuqad uMevu'ar. (Jerusalem, 1983). [Hebrew/Aramaic and Hebrew translation]. Wilna print, reprint Jerusalem, no date. [Hebrew/Aramaic]. Talmud, Palestinian Avemarie, F. Yoma - Versohnungstag. (Obersetzung des Talmud Yerushalmi 2:4; Tiibingen, 1995). [German translation]. Schafer, P. and H.·J. Becker. Synapse zum Talmud Yerushalmi. (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 31, 33, 35, 47, 67, 82, 83; 7 vols; Ttibingen 1991-2001). [Hebrew/Aramaic]. Venice 1523-24, reprint Jerusalem, no date. [Hebrew/Aramaic]. Targumim Clarke, E. G. et al. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan of the Pentateuch: Text and Concordance. (Hoboken [N.J.], 1984). [Aramaic]. Diez Macho, A. et al. Neophyti I. Targum Palestinense MS de Ia Biblioteca Vaticana. Torno Ill. Levitico. Edici6n principe, introducci6n y versiOn castellana, frances a y inglesa. (Barcelona, 1971). [Aramaic and Spanish, French and English translations]. Ginsburger, M. Pseudo-Jonathan (Thargum Jonathan ben Usiel zum Pentateuch). Nach der Londoner Handschrift (Brit. Mus. add. 27031). (Berlin, 1903). [Aramaic]. Maher, M. "Targum Pseudo-Jonathan: Leviticus. Translated with Notes." In: M. McNamara (ed.), The Aramaic Bible. Vol. 3. (Edinburgh, 1994). [English translation]. McNamara, M. (trans!.) The Aramaic Bible. (Edinburgh, 1994). [English translation]. Sperber, A. The Pentateuch according to Targum Onkelos. (The Bible in Aramaic vol. 1; Leiden, 1959). [Aramaic]. Tal, Abraham. The Samaritan Targum of the Pentateuch. A Critical Edition. [With an Introduction]. (3 vols; Tel Aviv, 1980, 1981, 1983). [Aramaic]. Testament of Solomon McCown, C. C. The Testament ofSolomon. (Leipzig, 1922). [Greek text]. Duling, D.C. "Testament of Solomon." In: J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Vol. 1 (New York, 1983; pp. 935-987). [English translation]. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs DeJonge, M. (in cooperation with H.W. Ho1lander, H.J. de Jonge and T. Korteweg). The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. A Critical Edition of the Greek Texts. (Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti Graeci Studia 1:2; Leiden, 1978). [Greek text]. Kee, H.C. Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. In: J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha. Vol. 1 (New York, 1983; pp. 775-828). [English translation]. Tosefta Larsson, G6ran. Der Toseftatraktat Jom hak-Kippurim. Text, Obersetzung, Kommentar. I. Teil, Kapitel I und 2. (Lund, 1980). [Hebrew text and German translation of the first chapters]. Lieberman, S. Tosefta Kifshuta (10 vols; New York, 1955-1988). [Hebrew]. Zuckennandel, M.S. Tosefia. (With supplements by S. Lieberman; Jerusalem, 1937, repr. 1970).

'

' ii; T

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t·

1. 3 Christian and Gnostic Literature 1.3.1 General Collections The Ante-Nicene Fathers: Translations of the Writings of the Fathers down to A.D. 325; Grand Rapids [Mich.], 1986-1989, repr. of Edinburgh 1885-1896. [ANF]. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina; Turnhout, 1954ff. [CCSL]. Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium; Paris, Rome and Louvain, 1903ff. [CSCO]. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum; Vienna, 1866ff. [CSEL]. Elliott, J.K. The Apocryphal New Testament. A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation. (Oxford and New York, 1993). Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte; Berlin, 1897ff. [GCS]. Hennecke, E. and W. Schneemelcher. Neutestamentliche Apokryphen in deutscher Obersetzung. (Tfibingen, 6 1989-1990). Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Graeca; 161 vols; Paris. 1857-1866. [PG]. Patrologiae Cursus Completus. Series Latina; 221 vols; Paris, 1841-1864. [PL]. Patrologia Orientalis; Turnhout, 1903ff. [PO]. Robinson, J.M. The Nag Hammadi Library in English. (Leiden, 3 1988). A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. First Series. (14 vols; Grand Rapids [Mich.], Edinburgh, 1988. repr. of Edinburgh 1886-1890). A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church. Second Series. (14 vols; Grand Rapids [Mich.], Edinburgh. 1988, repr. of Edinburgh 1885-1896). [NPNF] Sources Chretiennes; Paris, 194lff. [SC]. Thesaurus Linguae Graecae. Version 8 [TLG]. Wengst, K. Didache (Apostellehre), Barnabasbrief, Zweiter Klemensbrief, Schrift an Diognet. Eingeleitet, herausgegeben, iibertragen und erliiutert. (Schriften des Urchristentums 2; Darmstadt, 1984).

1.3 .2 Works according to Author and Title lClement: See Apostolic Fathers. Alexander the Monk, On the Finding of the Venerable and Life-giving Cross PG 87:3:4021-84. [Greek and Latin translation].

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Chronikon Paschale Dindorf, L. Chronikon Paschale. (Corpus Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae; Bonn, 1832 = PG 92:67-1028). [Greek text and Latin translation]. Whitby, Michael and Mary. Chronicon Paschale 284-628 AD. (Translated Texts for Historians 7; Liverpool, 1989). [English translation]. Cbrysostom, Fragmenta in Prouerbia (in catenis) PG 64:659-740. [Greek and Latin translation]. Chrysostom, In laudem conceptionis sancti Joannis Baptistae: See PseudoChrysostom. Clement of Alexandria, Excerpts from Theodotus Casey, R.P. The Excerpta ex Theodoto of Clement of Alexandria. Edited with Translation, Introduction and Notes. (Studies and Documents 1; London, 1934). [English translation]. Sagnard, F. Clement d'Alexandrie. Extraits de Theodote. Texte grei:, introduction, traduction et notes. (SC 23; Paris, 1948). {Greek text and French translation]. Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis Cleveland Coxe, A. in ANF 2:299-567. [English translation]. Le Boulluec, A. Clement d'Alexandrie. Les Stromateis. Stromate V. Tome I. Introduction, texte critique {traduction] et index. Tome II. commentaire, bibliographie et index. (SC 278-279; Paris, 1981}. [Greek text with French translation]. SUihlin, 0., L. Frilchtel, and U. Treu. Clemens Alexandrinus, vol. II and III. (2 vols.; GCS 52, 17; Berlin, 4 1985; 2 1970). [Greek]. Comes of Alcuin Chavasse, A. Les {ectionnaires romains de Ia Messe au VIle et VIIIe si€cles (2 vols; Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia 22; Fribourg, 1993). Comes of Wiinburg Chavasse, A. Les lectionnaires romains de Ia Messe au VIle et VIIIe si€cles (2 vols; Spicilegii Friburgensis Subsidia 22; Fribourg, 1993). Cosmas lndicopleustes, Christian Topography Wolska-Conus, W. Cosmos Indicopleustes. Topographie Chretienne. (SC 141, 159, 197; Paris, 1968, 1970, 1973). [Greek text and French translation]. Council of Laodicea Linder, A. The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages. (Detroit [Mich.] and Jerusalem, 1997), number 66/806-807, pp. 463. [Greek text and English translation of the relevant passage]. Council ofTrullanum Linder, A. The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages. (Detroit [Mich.] and Jerusalem, 1997), nwnber 64/802-803, pp. 459-460. [Greek text and English translation of the relevant passage]. Cyprian, Letters Clarke, G.W. The Letters of St. Cyprian of Carthage. (3 vols; Ancient Clrristian Writers 44,46 and 47; New York, 1984-1989). [English translation]. Diercks, G.F. Sancti Cypriani Episcopi Epistu/arum. (2 vols; CCSL 3b and 3c; Turnhout, 1994, 1996). [Latin]. Cyprianus Gallus, Heptateuchos Peiper, R. Cypriani Galli Poeta Heptateuchos. (CSEL 23; Vienna, 1891). [Latin]. Cyril of Alexandria, Commentary in Isaiah PG 70:9-1449. [Greek and Latin translation]. Cyril of Alexandria, Contra lulianum PG 76:503-1002. [Greek and Latin translation].

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Nomocanon in J4 Titles Linder, A. The Jews in the Legal Sources of the Early Middle Ages. (Detroit [Mich.] and Jerusalem, 1997), number 7/108-128 (rec. Photius) 7/129-187 (rec. Theodoros Balsamon), pp. 61-89. [Greek text and English translation of the relevant passage]. Old Armenian Lectionary Renoux, A. Le codex armenien Jerusalem 121, TOme 1: Introduction: Aux origines de 1a liturgie hi€rosolymitaine, lumi€res nouvelles. TOme 2: Edition comparee du texte et de deux autres manuscrits. (PO 35:1; 36:2; Turnhout, 1969, 1971). [Armenian text and French translation]. Old Georgian Lectionary Tarchnischvili, M. Legrand lectionnaire de !'egtise de Jerusalem (J,e~VIIf siecle). (CSCO 188-189, 204-205; Scriptores Iberi 9-10, 13-14; Louvain, 1959-1960). [Georgian text and Latin translation]. Origen, Against Celsus Barret, H. Orig€ne. Contre Celse. Introduction, texte critique, traduction et notes. (SC 136, 147, 150, 227; Paris, 1967, 1968, 1969, 1976). [Greek text and French translation]. Chadwick, H. Contra Celsum. (Cambridge, 1953). [English translation]. Origen, Commentary on John Blanc, C. Orig€ne. Commentaire sur Saint Jean. Texte grec, avant-propos, traduction et notes. (SC 120, 157, 222, 290; Paris, 1966, 1970, 1975, 1982)- [Greek text and French translation]. Heine, R.E. Origen. Commentary on the Gospel According to John. (Fathers of the Church 80, 89; Washington, D.C., 1989). [English translation]. Preuschen, E. Origenes Werke IV. Der Johanneskommentar. (GCS 10; Leipzig, 1903). [Greek]. Origen, Exhortation to Martyrdom Koetschau, P. Origenes Werke I. Die Schrift vom Martyrium, Buch 1-IV gegen Celsus. (GCS 2; Leipzig, 1899; pp. 3-47). [Greek]. O'Meara, J.J. Prayer. Exhortation to Martyrdom. (Ancient Christian Writers 19; New York, 1954). [English translation]. Origen, Homilies on Jeremiah Husson, P. and P. Nautin. Origene. Homelies sur Jeremie. (SC 232, 238; Paris, 1976, 1977). [Greek text and French translation]Klostermann, E. Origenes Werke l/1. Jeremiahomilien, Klageliederkommentar, Erkltirung der Samuel- und Kiinigsbiicher. (GCS 6; Leipzig, 1901; pp .. 1-194). [Greek]. Smith, J.C. Homilies on Jeremiah. Homily on 1 Kings 28. (The Fathers of the Church 97; Washington, D.C., 1998). [English translation]. Origen, Homilies on Leviticus Baehrens, W.A. Origenes Werke, sechster Band: Homilien zum Hexateuch in Rufins Vbersetzung. Erster Teil: Die Homilien zu Genesis, Exodus und Leviticus (GCS 29; Leipzig 1920). (Greek]. Barkley, G.W. Origen. Homilies on Leviticus 1-16. (Fathers of the Church 83; Washington, D.C., 1990). [English translation]. Barret, M. Origene. Homilies sur le Livitique. (2 vols; SC 286-287; Paris, 1981). [Latin text and French translation). Paterius, De Expositione Veteris ac Novi Testamenti, Leviticus PL 79:753-762. [Latin].

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Pseudo-Epiphanius, De prophetarum vita et obitu Satran, D. Biblical Prophets in Byzantine Palestine. Reassessing the Lives of the Prophets (Studia in Veteris Testamenti Pseudepigrapha 11; Leiden, 1995), pp. 121-128. [English translation of Codex Marchalianus]. Schennan, T. Prophetarum vitaefabulosae. (Leipzig, 1907). [Greek]. Schwemer, A. Studien zu den friihjiidischen Prophetenlegenden. Vitae Prophetarum. (2 vols; Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 49 and 50; TUbingen, 1995, 1996), vol. 2, pp. 3*~76*. [Synopsis of the most important Greek manuscripts]. Hare, D.R. ''The Lives of the Prophets." In: J. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Te3tament Pseudepigrapha. Vol. 2 (New York, 1985; pp. 379-400). [English translation of the short recension]. Pseudo-George the Arab, Expositio Ofjiciorum Ecclesiae Connolly, R.H. Anonymi Auctoris Expositio Officiorum Ecc/esiae Georgia Arbelensi Vulgo Adscripta. (4 vols; CSCO 64; 72; 76; 71; Scriptores Syri 25; 29; 32; 28; Paris/Leipzig, 1911-1954). [Syriac text and Latin translation]. Pseudo-Isidor: see Isidor. Pseudo-Jerome, Commentary on Mark Cahill, M. Expositio Evangelii secundum Marcum. (CCSL 82; Turnhout, 1997). [Latin]. ---.The First Commentary on Mark: An Annotated Translation (New York, Oxford, 1998). [English translation]. Pseudo-Johannes Damascenus, Sermo in annuntiationem beatae Mariae uirginis PG 96:648-661. [Greek and Latin translation]. Sacramentarium Veronense EizenhOfer, L. P. Siffrin and L.C. Mohlberg. Sacramentarium Veronense (Cod[ex] Bibl[ioteca] Capit[olare] Veron[ensis] LXXXV [80]). (Rerum Ecclesiasticaru.m Documenta, series maior Fontes [Sacramentarium Leonianum] 1; Rome, '1978). Socrates, History of the Church Hansen, G.C. Sokrates. Kirchengeschichte. Mit Beitriigen von Manja Sirinjan. (GCS, Neue Folge 1; Berlin, 1995). Zenos, A.C. in NPNF 2:2, pp. 1-178. [English translation]. Sopb.ron_ius, Homily on the Exaltation of the Venerable Cross and on the Holy Anastasis PG 87/3:3301-10. [Greek and Latin translation]. Sozomenos, History of the Church Festugiere, A.-J., B. Grillet, and G. Sabbah. Sozomene: Histoire EccJesiastique. Texte grec de !'edition J. Bidez (SC 306, 418; Paris, 1983, 1996). [Greek text and French translation]. Hartranft, C.D. in NPNF 2:2, pp. 179-427. [English translation]. Step'anos Siwnec'i, Riponse aux vardapets d'Aiouanie. Petrosyan, E. in E;iniazin 41 (1984) 44--50. Syriac Aristides, Apology: See Aristides. Tertullian, Ad nationes Holmes in ANF 3:109-150. [English translation]. Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera. Pars I. Opera Catholica. Adversus Marcionem (CCSL 1; Turnhout, 1964; pp. 9-75). [Latin]. Tertullian, Against Marcion Holmes in ANF 3:269-476. [English translation]. Quinti Septimi Florentis Tertulliani Opera. Pars I. Opera Catho/ica. Adversus Marcionem (CCSL I; Turnhout, 1964; pp. 437-726). [Latin].

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1.4 Pagan Literature Aelius Herodianus, De prosodia catholica Lentz, A. Grammatici Graeci. Vol. 3:1. Herodiani Technici reliquiae. (Leipzig, 18671870). [Greek text]. Aesop, Fabulae Hausrath, A. and H. Hunger. Corpus fabularum Aesopicarum. (2 vols; Leipzig, 1959, 1970). [Greek text]. Agatbarchides of Cnidus Stern, M. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Edited with Introductions, Translations and Commentary. (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1974-1984), number 30a, voL l, pp. 106-108. [Greek with English translation of relevant passage]. Alexander of Lycopolis, Contra Manichaei Opiniones Disputatio Stem, M. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Edited with Introductions, Translations and Commentary. (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1974-1984), number 468, vol. 2, pp. 486-487. [Greek with English translation of relevant passage]. Apollodorus of Athens, Peri Theon MUller, K. Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. (5 vols; Paris, 1841-1870; vol. 1, pp. 428-469). [Greek text]. Dio Cbrysostomus, OratWnes Cohoon, J.W. Dio Chrysostom. With an English Translation. Vol. I. Orations 1-11. (LCL 257; Cambridge [Mass.], 1971; repr. from 1932). [Greek with English translation]. Harpocration, Lexicon in decem oratores Atticos Dindorf, W. Harpocrationis lexicon in decem oratores Atticos. (Oxford, 1853; repr. Groningen, 1969; pp. 1-310). [Greek text]. Hecateus, Aegyptica Stern, M. Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism. Edited with Introductions, Translations and Commentary. (3 vols; Jerusalem, 1974-1984), number II, vol. 1, pp. 26-35. [Greek with English translation of relevant passage].

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Grenfell, B., A. Hunt and D. Hogarth. Fayum Towns and Their Papyri. (Egypt Exploration Fund, Graeco-Roman Branch; London, 1900). Paton, W.R. and E.L. Hicks. The Inscriptions of Cos. (Oxford, 1891). Tcherikover, A. Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum. (3 vols; Cambridge [Mass.}, 19571964). [CPJ].

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of Athar-Ul-Bakiya of Albiruni, or Vestiges of the Past. Collected and Reduced to Writing by the Author in A.H. 390-1, A.D. 1000. Translated and Edited with Notes and Index. (London, 1879). [English translation]. Qur'an Picktball, M.M. The Meaning of the Glorious Qur'an. (Cairo, Beirut, n.d.).

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2. Language Dictionaries Bauer, W. Griechisch-deutsches WOrterbuch zu den Schriften des Neu€n Testaments und der iibrigen urchristlichen Literatur. (Berlin, 1958). Bedrossian, Matthias, New Dictionary: Armenian-English. (Venice,1879). Blaise, A. and H. Chirat. Dictionnaire /atin-franrais des auteurs chritiens. (Turohout, 1954). Georges, K.E. Ausfohrliches Lateinisch-Deutsches Handworrerbuch aus den Que/len zusammengetragen und mit besonderer Bezugnahme auf Synonymik und Antiquitiiten unter Beriicksichtigung der besten Hi/fimittel. (2 vols; Hannover and Leipzig, 8 1913/1918). Gesenius, W. Hebriiisches und aramtiisches HandwOrterbuch iiber das Alte Testament. (Berlin, 1962 = 17 1917). Jastrow, M. A Dictionary of the Targumim, the Talmud Bab/i and Yerusha/mi, and the Midrashic Literature. (2 vols in one; repr. Jerusalem, n.d. = London and New York, 1903). Lampe, G.W.E. A Patristic Greek Lexicon. (Oxford, 1961). Levy, J. Neuhebriiisches und chaldtiisches WOrterbuch iiber die Talmudim und Midraschim. (4 vols; Berlin and Vienna 2 1924 [repr. Darmstadt 1962]). Lewis, C.T. and C. Short. A Latin Dictionary Founded on Andrews' Edition of Freund's Latin Dictionary. Revised, Enlarged, and in Great Parts Rewritten. (Oxford, 1969). Liddell, H. G., R. Scott, and H. Jones, A Greek-English Lexicon. (Oxford, 9 1989). Payne Smith, R. and J. Margoliouth. A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, Founded upon the Thesaurus Syriacus of R Payne Smith. (Oxford, 1903, repr. 1957). Sokoloff, M. A Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Byzantine Period. (BarJian, 1990).

3. Encyclopedias The Anchor Bible Dictionary. (Edited by D.N. Freedman; 6 vols; New York, 1992). Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie. (Edited by F. Cabral and H. Leclerq; 15 vols; Paris, 1907-1953). Dictionnaire de Ia Bible. Supplement. (Edited by L. Pirot, A. Robert, H. Cazelles, and A. Feuillet; 11 vols; Paris, 1928ff).

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4. Concordances, Indices, and Other Auxiliary Literature Computer-Konkordanz zum Novum Testamentum Graece von Nestle-Aland und zum Greek New Testament. Ed. by the "Institut fiir Neutestamentliche Textforschung" and the "Rechenzentrum der Universitlit MUnster." (Berlin, 3 1980). Geerard, M. and F. Glorie. Clavis Patrum Graecorum. (5 vols; Corpus Christianorum; Turnhout, 1974-1987). Geerard, M. and J. Noret. Clavis Patrum Graecorum. Supplementum. (Corpus Christianorum; Tumhout, 1998). Dekkers, E. and A. Gaar. Clavis Patrum Latinorum: qua in corpus christianorum edendum optimas quasque scriptorum recensiones a Tertul/iano ad Bedam. (CCSL; Steenbrug, 3 1995). Hatch, E. and H. Redpath. A Concordance to the Septuagint and the Other Greek Versions of the Old Testament (Including the Apocryphal Books). (3 vols; Graz, 1975 ~Oxford, 1897). Lisowsky, G. Konkordanz zum hebriiischenAlten Testament. (Dannstadt, 3 1992). Mayer, G.Jndex Philoneus. (Berlin, 1974). Rengstorf, K.H. A Complete Concordance to Flavius Josephus. (4 vols; Leiden, 19731983).

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5. Secondary Literature r

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Theissen, G. The Religion of the Earliest Churches. Creating a Symbolic World. (Minneapolis, 1999). Theodor, J. and C. Albeck: see above, Genesis Rabbah under "Jewish literature." Tidwell, N. "Didache XIV: I (KATA KYPIAKHN aE KYPIOY) revisited." Vigiliae Christianae 53 (1999) 197-207. Tigchelaar, E.J.C. Prophets of Old and the Day of the End: Zechariah, the Book of Watchers and Apocalyptic. (Oudtestamentische Studien 35; Leiden, 1996). Tr3nkle, H.: see above, Tertullian under "Christian and Gnostic Literature." Treat, J.C. "The Two Manuscript Witnesses to the Gospel of Peter." In: D.J. Lull (ed.), Society of Biblical Literature J99!J Seminar Papers. (Atlanta, 1990; pp. 391-399). Tyson, J. Images of Judaism in Luke-Acts (Columbia [S.C.], 1992). - - - . "Jews and Judaism in Luke-Acts: Reading as a Godfearer." New Testament Studies 41 (!995) 19-38. Urbach, E.E. The Sages. Their Concepts and Belieft. (2 vols; Jerusalem, 1987 = 2 1979). Vajda, G. "Jefine musulmane etjeftnejuif." Hebrew Union Col/egeAnnua/12-13 (193738) 367-385. van den Hoek, A. Clement of Alexandria, and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis. (Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae 3; Leiden, 1988). van Esbroeck, M. "Une homelie sur I'Eglise attribuee a Jean de Jerusalem." Le Museon 86 (1973) 283-304. - - - . "Jean II de Jerusalem et les cultes de S. Etienne, de la Sainte-Sian et de Ia Croix." Analecta Bollandiana 102 (1984) 99-134. van Goudoever, J. Biblical Calendars. (Leiden, 1959). van Henten, J. W. "Martyrdom and Persecution Revisited: The Case of 4 Maccabees." In: W. Ameling (ed.), Miirtyrer und Miirtyrerakten. (Altertumswissenschaftliches Kolloquium 6; Stuttgart, 2002; pp. 59-75). van Tongeren, L. Exaltatio crucis. Hetfeest van Kruisverheffing en de zingeving van het

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395

Index of Sources Old Testament Genesis

4:3 6:1-4 6:15 6:16 15 17:23-27 22 22:13 37:21 37:31 37:31-33 38:30

123 86 199 199 92,237 123 129 67 96-97 126 67 170

Exodus

3 15:22-26 16 17:1-7 18 18:13 19: I 23:14 23:14-17 24 25:4 25:9LXX 25:17 25:17-22 25:40LXX 26-28 26:1 26:31 28:36ff 28:38 29 30:10 32-33

237 47 47 47 121-122 121 122 308 307 187 170 183 105 105 183 238,239 170 170 245 245 271 18, 30, 188-189 95

32-34 32:11-14 32:30 33:9 34: Iff 34:6-7 34:7 35-40 38:5-8 LXX

319 55, 123,318,319, 321 122 89 55, 122-123 123 89 95 105

~eviticus

4 4:20 5:5 8 8:9 8-9 10 14 16 (selection)

16:1 16:1-28 16:2-3 16:3 16:4 16:5 16:6 16:7-10 16:8 16:10 16:11 16:12-13

173 104 26 187 245 95 95,102,300 27, 170 18, 21,28-33, 5455, 62, 70-71, 8182, 86, 87, 93, 100, 117, 146, 171, 173, 187,262,318-321 95, 102,300 21 106 31 28, 29, 102, 239 31, 102

26,29 29 103 26, 102, 103-104, 160 26,29 30, 193

~ 398 16:13 16:14 16:15 16:16 16:17 16:17 LXX 16:18-19 16:18-20 16:20 16:20-22 16:21 16:21-24 16:22 16:22-23 16:23-24a 16:24 16:24-25 16:26 16:27 16:28 16:29 16:29-31 16:29-34 16:30 16:31 16:33 16:34 17:7 18 18:5 18:30 23 23:26-32 23:27 23:27 LXX 23:27-32

23:28 23:29 23:32 23:34-43 23:39 25:9 25:9LXX 25:9-10 25:9-13

i

Index of Sources

106 30 30, 102, 160 30, 182-183 102, 110, 125, 181 110, 125 30 189 81, 102-103, 182183 160 26, 31, 51, 88, 89, 96, 102, 123, 175 169 88, 94, 102, 117, 177 88 31 29,31,81,102-103 32 104 32, 192 192 33, 106 34 21, 26, 160, 212 47,53 16, 33, 102 102 181 128 55, 99, 320 173 55 76 62 15, 74, 104, 106 15 18, 26, 34,54-55, 100, 160,318-321, 334 15, 104 74, 106, 151, 219 74, 106 318,319,321 39 15 15 18, 91, 102-103 90

25:10

104

Numbers

3:4 5:7 6 6:1-7 14:18 14:18-20 19 29:7 29:7-11 29:8 29:8-10 29:8-11 29:11

102 26 245 248 89 56 170, 187-188 34, 106 18, 28,31-32,5455, 32Q-321 31 22,32 23 32, 150, 160

Deuteronomy

4:24 8:3 15:2 21:1-9 21:7-8 21:23 27:26 29:28 31:16 32 32:2b

229 33,47,97 90 169 169-170 154, 164, 173, 175, 178-179 154, 173, 175 39,339,341 38 44 44

97

I Kings 6:22 8 8:65-66 !8:36ff 18:42-45 22:19 22:19-22

253 123,291,294 293-294 55 248 80 82

IChron

28:11 LXX

183

28:12 LXX 28:18 LXX 28:19 LXX

183 183 183

2Chron 5-7 6-7 7 7:8-10 7:9-10 11:15 30:15-20

291 123 123 123, 293 291 128 177

Ezra 3-5 9:6

195 53

Nehemia I :3 8:1-10 9:33

92-93 3!8, 32Q-321 43

Job 1:6 2:1 33:24 38:15

80 80 66 285

Psahns

Joshua 4:19

Index of Sources

I I

I

I I

J

7:8-9 15;3 27 32:5 LXX 34:13 37:11 37:19-20 47:10 LXX 59:8bLXX 69 (68):22 82:1-2 83:5 LXX 83:11b LXX 103 (102):4 103:14 106;6 107;1Q-21

90 92-93 56 89 7Q-71 98 98 295 295 151, 164 90 295 295 93 39 43 66

110:1 110:4 119 (118):131 141 (140):1 141 (140):3

399 186 184 327-328 327-328 327-328

Proverbs

10:10 12:25-13:3 18:3 20:27

Isaiah 1:11 1:13-14 LXX 1:18 1:18-19 6 6:1 6:2 6:3 6:5-7 13:21 26:11 LXX 30;5 34:14 50:6 52:7 53 53;4 53;5 53:6 53:7 53;7-8 53:8 53:9 53:10 53:JQ-12 53:11 53:12 57:15ff 57:15-58:14 58 58:1-5 58;3-5 58:4-5

209 327-328 92-93 337

254 15,34 13Q-131, 268 268 79,80,82 80 80 80 80 128 186 92-93 128 159, 161, 165 90 116-117,177-178, 179,208 177, 179 117,177,179 117 117,177,179 117 117, 177 179 117 177 117,179 117,177,179 55,32Q-321 55,321 56, 70, 72, 75-76, 77, 155, 156,280 73 34 7Q-71

-'¥ 400 58:5ff 58:6 61:1 61:1-3

Index of Sources 32()-321 56, 155, 156, 160 56 90

Jeremiah 7:29 11:20 13:17 30:8-11

245 338 273 318-319,321

Ezekiel 8: II 9-10 10 10:1 13:11 33:9 LXX 33: II 36:25-26 42:15 LXX 43 43:13 43:14 43:14-20 43:17 44:17-18

Daniel 7:9-10 9:5 9:25-26

80 106 80 80 80 285 89 342-343 187 183-184 199-200 199-200 199-200 105 199-200 247

Hosea

14 14:2-10 '14:2-3 14:3 14:10

Obadiah

56

Jonah

55, 56, 58, 7()-72, 75-76, 160,253, 280, 32()-321

2:7 3

93 34

Micah 7:14-20 7:18 7:18-20 7:19

318-321,322 56 56,319 267-268

Habakkuk 2:4 2:15

56, 133, 319 318-321,322 320 133 320

173 98

1-2 2:26

Zechariah 1:8 2:13-3:4 3

3:1 3:1-5 3:2 6:1-3 6:9-15 8:14-19 8:19 12:10

195 183 195 80 327-328 79, 8()-82, 92-94, 95, 101, 160, 165, 180, 194-197,225, 333 80 163 92 80 195 318-321 73,306,307,310312 159, 161, 165

Maleachi Amos

9 9:1 9:13-15

200 199 318-321

1:11 1:12-13 1:14 2:7

Matthew 5:9 5:24 5:38-48 6 6:17 6:16-18 7:9-11 9:9 10:10 10:45 26:3 26:57 26:62-{)3 27:12 27:14 27:15-23

27:15-26 27:16 27:17 27:20 27:21 27:28 27:28-31 27:30 Mark

9 9:17-29 9:29 10:45 11:15-18 14:61 15:5 15:9 15: II Luke

217,218 218 217,218 125

401

New Testament

Haggai

90 80, 82,229,291 43 90

Index ofSources

I 1:1-20 1:9 1:13-17 2:25

163, 167, 224 209 212 179 72,75-76,170,313 7()-71, 280 34 253 168 249 205 168 168 179 179 179 147, 165-171,206, 226,227,267,33()331 145, 165 168 168 156, 168 168 165, 170 163 163 167, 162 237 318 317,319 159 294 179 179 168 168 163,331 323-324 327-328 252 254 244

2:25-35 2:34 4:18-19 4:31-32 5:17-26 6:6 13:10 13:1()-17 15:11-32 22:19-20 23:9 23:48 23:56

255 244 56 215 318 215 215 318 343 213 179 152 215

John

163, 208

1:29

2:12-22 3:30 10:22-42 19:1 19:3 19:9 19:34 19:26 19:37

117, 138, 147, 176178,179,224-225, 226,254 294 254 294 163 163 179 163, 165 177 163, 165

Acts 1:12 5:30 6:1 8:32-33 10:39 12:4 13:14 13:29 13:42 13:44 15:13 17:2 18:4 18:18 18:21 20:6 20:7

215 179 215 213 179 215 215 179 215 215 215 215 215 215 215 215 215

402 20:16 20:28 21:24 22:1 27:9

Romans 1:18 2:4-5 2:16 3 3:21 3:21-26 3:24 3:24-25 3:24-26 3:25

3:25-26 3:26 5:6-11 8:3 8:34 9:4 10:15 14:5-{; 15:24 1Corinthians 1:17 1:18-24 4:17 5:7 15:25 15:26 16:3 16:6 16:11

Index of Sources

215 213 215 215 16, 2M-215, 227, 331 7 203 201,203 201 203, 226 203 197-198 204,224-225 225 145,224,197-205, 330 lOS, 115, 146,203, 205,206,221,225, 266,272 145,197-205,224225,331 203 203 171, 175 189-190 203,221,224 175 215-216,227 175

175 294 175 224 186 li!l;

175 175 175

8:22 9:3 12:17

175 175 175

Galatians

154

1:4 2:20 3 3-4 3:10

173-174 173-174 173-176 145, 331 147, 154, 159, 173176,221,224,226 206 164 1!7, 147, 154, 159, 171, 173-176, 178, 221,224,226,267 173-176 174 174-175 206 174 174 280 216,219

3:10-14 3:10-13 3:13

3:13-14 4:4 4:4-5 4:4-6 4:4-7 4:6 4:9-10 4:10

1:16 5:21 8:18

175 171, 173 175

1:13 1:13-14 1:14 I: 15 1:15-20 I :18 1:20 1:21 1:21-23 2:16-20 4:8

1Thessalonians 3:2 3:5

2:8 2:9 2:10 2:1! 2:19 2:23 2:25 2:28 4:16

1:12 1:12-1'4 1:12-20 1:12-23

5:7 5:8 6:19 6:19-20 6:20 7 7:3 7:14 7:16 7:17 7:25

175 175

7:26 7:27 8:1 8:1-5 8:2

2Thessalonians

175

2Timothy 1:10

186

175

175 Hebrews

Philippians 2:6-11

207 209 207,210 207 209,210 207 207,209 210 207 216-217 175

2:11

Philemon 12

Ephesians 6:22

Colossians

2Corinthians

Index of Sources

61, 63,206, 21!212,226,330 212 212 212 212 175 175 175 175 175 216,227 210 207 61,63,206,207210,225,226,330 210

1:1-4 1:3 1:10 1:13 2:14 2:14-15 2:17 2:17-18 2:18 3:1 3:1-{; 3:2 4:14 4:14-16 4:15 4:15-5:10 4:16 5:5 5:6

180-197, 206, 266 189 184, 187 183 187 191 1!6, 185, 186, 190, 193, 197 184 194 185, 189-190 194 298 184 183, 185, 193 189-190 184 187 190 184 184

8:4 8:5 8:6 8:7-9:10 9 9:2 9:2-12 9:3 9:3-4 9:4 9:7 9:9 9:9-10 9:10 9:11 9:1!-12 9:11-16 9:12 9:13 9:14 9:15-22 9:18-21 9:19 9:19-22 9:21 9:23 9:23-24 9:24 9:25 9:26

403 186-187, 191 184 185 183, 191 190 184 184 194-195 191 184 181, 185, 189-190, 193 183, 184 181, 185 183, 187 183 182-183, 184, 189, 271 187 183, 184 181, 182, 189 298,327-328 145-146, 193,266, 302,333 247 318-322 247 189 193 181,230,232 187 181 191 182-183 182 298 181 185, 187 184, 185 187-188 42 185, 187 193-194 185, 187 183, 184, 189, 193194 183 183, 185, 189-190 185 181, 185, 186

Index of Sources

404 9:28 10:1 10:10 10:11-18 10:12 10:13 10:19 10:19-20 10:19-22 10:22 10:25 10:27 10:32-39 11 11:12 11:28 12:1-12 12:2 12:22-24 12:24 12:25 12:26 12:29 13:11-13 13:11-14 13:13 13:14

181, 190, 193 183 181, 185 185 182, 187 186 185, 187 183 !90-191, 193,236 185, 187-190 181, 191 !86 181 336 183 177 181 187 182 185, 187 183, 183 183 182 159 192 181, 191-192 192

I Peter 1:2 2:4-5 2:22 2:22-24

Index of Sources

2:24 2:25

189 189 179 117, 147-148,178179, 206-207 179,224,226 179

2Peter

146

!John

205-206, 221, 227, 330

1:7 1:7-2:2 1:9 2:1 2:1-2 2:2 4:10 5:15

206 205 206 189-190 205-206,266 178, 205, 206, 273 176,178,205-206 253

Jude

90

6

88

5:11 5:16-18 5:17

336 248 336

1:10 1:13 II: I

217 194, 196 146

Damascus Document

1QS Rule ofthe Community x:6

45

i:ll-17

185

IQ34bis 4Q507

37-38

4Q508 4Q508 1 4Q508 I 1-3 4Q508 2 I 4Q508 2 1-6

37-38 41,45 41 39 38-39,45,48,51, 58, 210 16, 16 37 43 43 38,45 39 43 43 43 43

245

4Ql71 Pesher on Psalms 98 ii:9-10 ii:9-ll

iii:2-3 iii:2-5

16 98 16 98-99

4Ql801l81 4Q180 4Q180 I 7-8 4Ql81

87, 98, 101, 141, 329 87 87, 98, 101, 141, 329

65, 84-85, 100, 140, 191 4Q400-407 4Q401 11 3 4Q401 22 3 4Q40515 ii-162 4Q40515ii-165 11Ql7

4Q203 7 i 6

vi:I9 War Scroll

8-10 iii 20

38 38, 44,45 41,45 42-43,45, 61, 63, 210 37

84 91 91 231-232 231-232 84

4QEnoch Giantr 87

Qumran 16

4Q161 Pesher Isaiah

1Q34 2+1 6 IQ34 2+16-7 !Q34 3 i IQ34 3 ii

Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice

Revelation James

4Ql56 Targum of 46,54,100 Leviticus

209

IQSb Rule of Blessings 245 iv:28

87

IQ22Words of Moses

100 xi:2-8 xi:6-8 xi:7-8

98 100 16

4Q201 iii 9 4Q202 iv II 4Q204 ii 26

86 88 86

83 4Q213a I i 10-11 341

100 iii:9-11

iii:12-iv: 11 iv:l

41, 47, 97 97 115

4Q508 2 3 4Q508 2 4-5 4Q508 3 4Q508 7 4Q508 22+23 1 4Q508 22+23 3 4Q508 30 4Q508 39 4Q508 40 4Q508 41 4Q509 4Q509 3 1-9 4Q509 3 2-9 4Q509 5-6 ii 4Q509 7 4Q509 8 I 4Q509 8 4 4Q509 12 i + 13 4Q509 16 4Q509 97+98 i

37-38,45 38 44

38,45 38,45 38,45 39 39-40,45 41,45 42-43, 45, 61,210

4QEnocha-c

Aramaic Levi IQPesher Habakkuk

405

Festival Prayers

1Q34 1Q34 2+1 1-4

34,37-46,100,209 37-38,43 38,44

Songs of the Sage

4Q510 4Q511

16 16

5Ql3

44-45,61, 63

11 QMelchizedek

40, 41,46, 79, 86, 90-92, 94, 95, 98, 100-101, 116, 121, 141, 185-186, 196197,210,329,330

406 ii 7-8 ii 18 iii 7

91 90 92

llQTemple Scroll 46, 100 xxv-xxvii 203 xxv:l-10 209

xxv:6

xxv:I0-12

xxv:12-l6 xxvi:IO xxvii:3-4 xxv:l4-16

20,30 34 31 29,30 32 22

Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (see

under Pseudo-Philo) 2Maccabees

2:5 4Maccabees

Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha Apocalypse of Abraham14, 79, 81, 86,

90,92-94,196-197, 329,330 13-14 13:1-14:14 13:6--7 13:7 13:10 14:5

93 92-93 92 93 94 94

Apocalypse of Elijah

1:15-21

47-48

Ascension of Isaiah

9-10

242

2Baruch

6:7 10:19

189,253 251-252

!Enoch

85-90,92,95,100-101, 138, 185 79, 85-86 86, 138-139 7, 40, 79, 85-90, 94, 116, 141, 185186,210,329,330 20,3!,88 87 19,31,88 87 88 88 88 87

1-36 6-11 10

10:4 10:4a

10:4--8 10:4--10 10:6 10:7-8 10:8 10:8b

10:9-10 10:10--16 10:11-17 10:13 10:13-14 10:17 10:18-11:2 10:20 12-16 13: I 14

407

Index of Sources

Index of Sources

14:8-25 14:9 14:10 14:14 14:14--23 14:19 14:21 14:24 15:2-16:4

88 186 89 185 92 89 89 89, 115 90 89 79,82-83,89,100, 136, 183,231,329 82 82 82 82 82 229 82,231 82 82

2Enoch

84

22

84, 136

6:28-29 17 17:20--22 17:22

330 189 14, 101-102, 105, 115-116,118, 198199 7,221 115, 200--20 I 115,200

Psalms of Solomon

3:8

34

49:14--16 50:5 50:5-10 50:5-21 50:12-14 50:15 50:16 50:17 50:17-21 50:18-19 50:19 50:20 50:21 50:22 50:24--28

336 190 181 32-33, 60, 136 32 32 32, 136 32, 136 60 33 25,36 32, 136 32, 136 209 181

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs

Testament of Dan

Pseudo-Philo (Latin), Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum

13:5--Q 13:6

36 16,209,210

Pseudo-Philo (Armenian), On Jonah 51-59, 118, 132, 330 36,58 1:11 58 1:23 57 1:30 57 1:35 57,58 1:37 35,57 1:38 36,57 1:41 57 1:48

5:10--11 Testament of Levi 2:3 (Ms Mt. Athos) 2:5-5:7 2:6--7 2:10 3 3:4--Q 5 5:1 5:5 8 8:1-18 8:2-10 18

185 19, 83-84, 100, 183 341 83 83 83 136 83 136 183 137 83, 136 83 196 185

Testament of Simon

6:6

185

Testament of Zebulon Jubilees

16, 51, 79, 90, 9597,99

5:17-18 34

95, 96, 100 34, 95-96, 100, 129, !60 96 96, 129 202-203 34,96 96, 129 95,96,129 177

34:10 34:12 34:12-19 34:13 34:13a

34:18 49:3

Sibylline Oracles 118

1:360--75 8:285-309

164 164

9:8

Testament of Solomon

21:2 Sirach

32-33

4:14 24:15 45:10

61 106 170

185

105, 199

Vitae Prophetarum (see Pseudo-

Epiphanius)

T

I 408

Philo and Josephus Philo

7,46-48,107-114, 125,132,221,237239,242-243

De cherubim

25 199 De congressu eruditionis gratia 89 15,107,206 107 15, 114, 206 107-108 107 25 199 De decalogo 159 16, 107 De ebrietate 86 107 113 87 135-136 107, 110, 112 136 109, 110 De jUga et inventione 100 199 101 199 De gigantibus

52

107, 110

De plantatione

61

15, 19, 31, 88, 107, 112, 113, 114 De posteritate Caini 48 15, 107,206 70--72 48, 51, 107, 112, 113, 114 De somniis

1:213-219 96 1:214 28 1:215 109 1:215-216 107 1:220 96 2:188-189 110--111 2:189 107, 110 2:223-233 Ill 2:230--231 110 2:231 107, 110 2:232 112 2:233 Ill De specialibus legibus I :66--78 107

1:72 1:79-161 1:84 1:162-167 1:162-256 1:168 1:168-193 1:186 1:186--188 1:188 1:190 1:194-256 1:230 1:257-298 1:268 2:39-222 2:41 2:42-55 2:56--70 2:140--144 2:145-149 2:150--161 2:162-175 2:176--187 2:188-192 2:193 2:193-194 2:193-195 2:193-203 2:194 2:195 2:196 2:196--199 2:197 2:198-199 2:200 2:200--202 2:203 2:204-213 De vita Mosis 2:20-23 2:23 2:23-24 2:24 2:26 2:95

409

Index of Sources

Index of Sources

30, 107, 110, 112, 113 107 107, 112 107 107 16, 107 107 16, 34, 46, 108,325 107 22, 32, 94, 112, 114 32, 150, 160 107 109 107 188 108 16, 107 108 108 108 108 108 108 108 I 08, 209, 209 16 16 108 107, 108 16 113 46,49 48 16 41,46 16 108 46, 48, 102-103 108 214 16 107 46, 48, 114 206 199

2:95--135 2:97 2:109-110 Legatio ad Gaium 306

109, 238-239 199 196 16, 20, 30, 112, 113, 206, 232 107, 112

306--307 Legum a/legoriae 112 2:50--56 98, 107, 112, 113 2:52 107, 112 2:56 47, 107, 114 3:174 Quis rerum divinarum heres sit

82-84 84 112 166 179 179-187 187

107 110, 111 107 199 15,107,206 98, 112, 113 107

Josephus Antiquitates judaicae

2:312 3:240--243 4:79 5:166 11:134 16:182 17:165-166 18:94 Bellum judaicum 1:152 4:153 4:164 4:165 5:236 Contra Apionem 1:209 2:282

177 22,31 188 16 16 200 16, 22,29 16,22 247 117 117 117 22 71-72 22,214

Rabbinic and Medieval Jewish Literature Mishnah mAbot 5:5 mBetzah 5:2 mMak 3:2

22

34 120

mSebu 36 120

mMeg

2:5 3:3 3:7 mMenah 3:3 9:8 11:7 mParah 3:1 mPesah 7:7 mRH 1:2 4:5-6 mSabb 9:3

9:4 mSanh 7:4

26 72 26,55

1:3-7 1:6 1:7 mSotah 7:7 mSeqal

127 127 26, 127

8:5

251-252 20-21

mSukkah 245 26 32, 150, 160 28, 188 20-21 245 36 49 130, 131

24

mTa'an

1 1:6 2:1 2:2-5 4 4:1 4:7 4:8

mTamid 7:2

34 249 34, 56, 72, 343 49 311 49,49 249,249 35-36, 57, 69, 72, 74,281 136

T .

410 7:3 mYoma I 1:3 1:4-7 1:5 1:6 l :6--7 1-7 2 3 3:3 3:4 3:4-5 3:6 3:7 3:8 3:9 4 4:1 4:2 4:3 4:4 5 5:1 5:2 5:2-4 5:3 5:3-6 5:4 5:5 5:5-6 6 6:1 6:2 6:3 6:4 6:6 6:7 7 7:1 7:1-3 7:2 7:3 7:3-4 7:4

Index of Sources 32, 136, 19-28,32,171 21 125 22 23, 125 20, 23, 125 29 21 21 21 29 24 29 24,29,29 28 24,26,29,51,339 29 21 23,29 19, 24, 26, 29, 51, 130, 159 20,30 30 21 20, 21, 24, 30, 30 21 127 30 24 21, 30 24 30 19, 21, 160 29, 159 31, !37 31 19, 31, 88, 89, !59 19, 29, 31, !30, 159, 160 31 21 26,33,55,60-61 24,25 31,36 22,23,32 32 24, 31, 32, 33, 69, 126

8 8: I 8:8 8:8-9 8:9 mZebah 8:12

Index of Sources

21,312 34, 74,249 133 257 217

yMQ 1:7, 80d yPe'ah

7:4, 20b 8:9, 2Ib yRH I, 56b 1:3, 57 a

245

Tosefta

tBer 3:6 3:12

tMeg 3:7 3:21-23 IRH 1:13 ISabb 6:1 7:11 tSotah 13:8 14:9 tYoma 1:6 I :7 I :8 1:12 2:10 3:18 3:19 4:2 4:6--8 4:9 4:14 4:14-15

16 16 123-124 210

ySanh

72

10:8, 29c yTa'an 4:1, 67c 4:5, 20b yTer 8:5, 45c

210

yYoma 1:1, 38a--c

52 49 26,55

1:1, 38c

1:3, 39a

131 131

1:4, 39a

125 131

1:5, 39a-b 3:7, 40d

1:5, 39a

5:3, 42c 5:4, 42c

125 125 30, 125 125 284 24,25,33 23 34 134 133 26,52 52

6:1,43bc 6:3, 43c 6:5, 43d 7:1, 44a

7:3, 44b 7:5, 44b 7:5, 44b-c 8:6, 45b 8:6, 45b-c 8:9, 45c

214 49, 132 3ll 16 123 125 125 125 125, 126 30 123 125 126 !59 126,283 131 25 123, 125, 319 129 126 !33 !34 52, 123,319,338, 339

Babylonian Talmud

Palestinian (Jerusalem) Talmud yAZ 2:3, 4la yBer 4:1, 7b 4:1, 7c yMeg 3:2, 74a 3:7, 74b 4:5, 75b

123

bBB l2la bBer 5b 17a bGit 68b-70b bHag

16 16 16, 49, 132 214 26,55 62

13a-l4a

L

1

42

13b bMeg 29a Jla Jib bMenah lOOa 106b l09b bMQ 9a bNed 39b bPesah 4a 54a 77a bRH lOb-lib 16a l6b l8b 2la Jib 32b 35a bSabb 53a bSotah 49b bTa'an l6b-17a 24b 26b 27b 30b bTem 29a bYebam 60b

bYoma !34 53 !31 231

2a--6a

Sb l4b !Sa l9b 20a 23a

411 229 71 26, 55, 57 133 32 133 125 123 !32 75 132 245 123-124 121 36,210 311 88 284 121 53 131 131 49 248 49 133 42, 122, 122 16 245 33 123 125 20,20 125 34, 35, 126, 132 121,206 125

36b 39a-b 39b 40b 42a 53a 53b 54a 61a 67a 67b 68a 70b 74b 85b 86a 8tia-b 87b 88a

26,62,123,339 126 125,283 284 130 30 64,248 126 127 131 128 131 32 35, 41, 47, 97 17, 133 129, 134 56, 133,319 34, 39, 42, 43, 51, 52,53 49

bZebah

88b

245

Sofrim

34 121 49

Avot of Rabbi Nathan (A)

25

121

Tannaitic Midrashim Mekilta de-Rabbi Yishmae/

(ed. Horovitz)

p. 180 p. 196

122 42, 121-122

Sifra

Ahare Mot 2:1 Ahare Mot 2:2 Ahare Mot 2:8 Ahare Mot3 Ahare Mot 4:4 Ahare Mot 4:5

Amoraic and Later Midrashim

Shu/khan 'Arukh

Genesis Rabbah

Yalqut Shim 'ani

22:3 35:3 84:31

26 32 128 30 26 127

123-124 123 130

Exodus Rabbah

15:12 3:3 20:2 20:12 21: I 21:10 21: II 21:12

1:44

34

67,128

25

128

177 339 129 130, 139 56 123,319 110, 125 110, 125

I 51:2 I 51:7 III 33:12 VII 31:34 IX31:33

138-139 139 139 139 139 139

131

Canticles Rabbah On Cant 4:4 (sign9) 133

§811 §§814-816

135 135

Shi 'ur Qomah

§384

135

Ma 'aseh Merkavah

§547 §548 §§548-549 §555

138 52, 137, 137 137 135

Targumim

Pesiqta Rav Kahana Targum Onkelos

Genesis 49:11

Lev 16:22 Lev 16:30

170

Num 31:17-18

65-67

Gen 37:31 Lev 9:3

Lev 16 Lev 16:10

Lev 16:2Ib-22

86 126, 130 67, 12&-130 51,88 128 128

Samaritan Pentateuch

Exod 26:35 Exod 26:36 Exod 30:1-10

Jewish Liturgy 'Aromem le 'El

'AI Het 128 66 122

88 51 245

Targum Pseudo-Jonathan

Piyyutim and Prayers (according to their title)

Medieval Literature

On bfiabb Sib On Exod 18:3

§411 §424

135 242 135 135, 136

251-252 53

24:1-12 54 55-56 24:11 54 24:17-19 56 25 56 25:2 129-130 26:3 130 26:11 Pirqe Rabbi Eliezer51 10 55-56,58 22 128 123 28 124 30 124 31 34, 35, 121, 122, 46 125, 128, 132

Rashi On bNid61a

§390 Hekhalot Zutrati

138

11:10 Psalms Rabbah

242 138 135 135 135 135 136

Metatron

Hekhalot Literature 134-139 3Enoch

128

413

Seder Rabba deBere'shit

4-5 (Synopsis §§5-8) 138 5 (Synopsis §§7-8) 13&-139 36 (Synopsis §§54) 135 39 (Synopsis §57) 135, 135

RavSheshna

§108 §181 §§184-185 §192 §299 §§313-314

Seder Eliyahu Zuta

DeuteronomY Rabbah

On Ps 86:8

Hekha/ot Rabbati

The Story of the Ten Martyrs

Leviticus Rabbah

Pesiqta Rabbati 26:6 35

Smaller Tractates

18:7 19:4 19:6

Index of Sources

Index of Sources

412

'Ana 'E/oheinu Ya'a/eh veYavo

60,286 50 50

189 189 189

~ 414

Index ofSources

'Asapper Gedolot ed. Mirsky, line 197 'Ashanen 'Attah Baharta beYisrael 'Attah Bahartanu 'Attah Barata 'Attah Konanta 'Olam beRov Hesed ed. Mirsky, line 71 'Attah Yodea' Ma'amaqei Lev 'Attah Yodea 'Omqo she! Lev

'Attah Yodea' Razey '0/am 'Atsaltsel 'Ava/ ['Anahnu] Hatanu 'Az be 'Ein Kol ed. Yahalom,lines 214-215 ed. Yahalom, line 553 ed. Yahalom, lines 762-763 'Azkir Gevurot 'E/oah ed. Mirsky, lines 1-4 ed. Mirsky, line 119 ed. Mirsky, line 133 ed. Mirsky, line 160 'Azkir Sela 'Ein Lanu Kohen Gadol ed. Mirsky, line 3 ed. Mirsky, line 11 ed. Mirsky, line 14

ed.Mirsky,line32 'Eleh 'Ezkerah

'Elohai 'ad shelo Notsarti 'Eloheinu ve 'Elohei 'Avoteinu Gal/eh 'E/oheinu ve'Elohei 'Avoteinu Mehol Ha'Omrim leKhilay Shoa' HaLo Kol haNistarot vehaNiglot 'Attah Yodea' Ki 'Avonoteinu Rabu miLemanot Mah 'Anu uMah Hayyenu Mah Ne'emar Lefaneikha Yoshev baMarom Malkhuyot MiMa 'amaqei Lev Ribon Ha '0/amim Riboni Hatati uMura' 'Asiti Shiv'at Yamim

49,60,286 32 63 50 42,50 45 49,60,63,97,287 287 53 53 39, 50, 51, 52, 53, 137-138, 139,336-342 63 43, 50, 53 60,286 285 129 286 49,60,287 287 '287 15 97 63 34,286 286 286 287 287 138-139 53 50 50 285

l

I

Index ofSources

Shofarot uvekhen Ten Pahdekha ve'Attah Hivdalta veHasi'enu VeHen 'Anu 'Attah keTo 'im ve'Ein Levakesh veTitten Lanu Zekhor Lanu Zikhronot

415

49,209 50,339 43 50 40 50 42 42, 49,209

(Ashkenazy) Mahzor for the Days ofAwe (ed. Goldschmidt)

2:568-574 2:574-576

139 42

Seder Rav 'Amram Ga'on (ed. Goldschmidt)

p. p. p. p. p.

49 39,340 39,56 56 63 60, 127

161 166 168 168:5-8 168:7-8

Seder Rav Sa'adia Ga'on (ed. Davidson, Yoel and Asaf)

50 52, 137-138 52 42, 50, 340 50 53 34,43,53,343

p.258 p.259 pp.259-260 pp.259-264 p. 261 p.262

Christian and Gnostic Literature 39 53 34 50 49,209 53 53 52 60, 62-64

Alexander the Monk

Ambrose

On the Finding ofthe Venerable and Life-giving Cross 292

Commentary on Luke

1:22

250

Letters

3:13-14

Alexios Aristenos 276 Amalar

269, 334

267

Anaphoras Cyril (Syriac) St. James (Syriac)

337-342 337-342

""'1'~-

416 St. James (Greek)

Index of Sources

272

Andreas of Crete

In exaltationem S. Crucis orationes

2-3 2-16 5-6 5:14 7

292

Anonymous from Jerusalem

Commentary on Luke

250,326

Apostolic Constitutions

275,276

2:55:1 5:7:12 6:12:13 7 7:5:5 7:23:4 7:30:1 8 8:9:8-9 8:12:1-15:11 8:12:6-26 8:12:9-20 8:47:1-85

336 336 336 335 336 222 217 335 342-343 335 335 335 275

Augustine

Locutionum in Heptateuchuin

CCSL 33:428 Quaestionum in Heptateuchum

CCSL 33:211-214 CCSL 33:213

220,282, 331

7:3

7:3-5 7:4

7:4-5 7:5 7:6 7:6-11 7:7 7:8

7:8-9 7:9

320 7:10 263 263,267 263 263 266,267

149 149 149 163, 163 129, 146, 148-155, 150, 157158, 160, 206,221, 223,225,

Aristides, Apology (Syriac)

14:4

Index ofSources

7:11 7-8

267-268, 330-331 16, 151, 152, 159, 164, 219 150-152 ISO, 151152, 159, 160 32 152, 160, 164,219 19, 29, 153, !59 152-155 153, 159 19, 29, 31, 89, 153, 159, 160, 163, 164, 164 19 153, 159,

160, 163, 194, 196 19, 29, 153, !59 19, 29, 160, 164 149, 188

Basil Homilies on Fasting

Barnabas

1-6

61-62, 146, 148-150, 157, 162, 164-165, 223-224, 227,281 149

1-2 1:1 1:2 1:3

76,279 16 280 15

Canons of the Apostles

70

Comes of Wiirzburg

275, 331 275-277

417 304,317321

Cosmas Indicopleustes

Chronikon Paschale

§334

296 291

Christian Topography

5:9 5:37

250 250

Chrysostom (See John Chrysostom) Cowtcil of Laodicea Canon37 Canon 38

Clement of Rome

}Clement

1-12 36 40:1-5 55:1 61:3

64

336 194 218 172 194 194

Clement of Alexandria 229,

276 276

Cyprian of Carthage

Letters

63:14:4

270-271

Cyprian the Gaul

Heptateuchos

264

237-243 Excerpts from Theodotus 229,241

Cyril of Alexandria

27

Commentary on Isaiah

27:5 34 37 37-39 38 59:2 59:2-3 64 Stromateis 5 5:6 5:6:32-40 5:6:39:3-40:4 5:6:39:4 5:6:40:1 5:6:40:3 5:6:40:4 Comes ofAlcuin

30, 229, 236, 238,24()243 242 230,231 231,234 231 229-231, 234,236, 231 230 241 241 239 238 237-239 239 239 239 239 304,317321

1:14

69

Contra Iulianum

9

267

Epistula ad Acacium 267 On the Adoration and Worship of God in Spirit and in Truth 263

1105-8 263 281 1105BC Glaphyrorum in Leviticum liber 263 580A-589B 267,267 588A 20,29,267268 Homilies on Luke 53 267,267 Cyril of Jerusalem

Catecheses 4:10 10:19 13:4

299 299 299

418

Index of Sources

Epistulti ad Constantium

3

Homilies on the Nativity

299

De solstitiis et aequinoctiis ( ed. Botte)

55, 250, 304, 308,325326

pp.96-98 p. 95:63--{;5 p. 95:81-85 pp. 95:84-96:105 Didache

4:14 14:1-3

253-254, 325-326 308 308 307 218 218 217

Didascalia

21

of the Cross

Epiphanius

73

Diognet

246-250, 256

48-49

Gospel of Peter

146, 161165

3:6-9 3:7 3:8 3:9 5:15-16 5:16

163 163 163, 164 163 163-164 151, 159, 164 152 217 217

245

Panarion

29:4 78:13-14 78:14

245,246 246 248

7:25-27 9:35 12:50

Eusebius of Caesarea

246, 249, 256, 291, 299

Gregory of Nazianz

219-220, 284,331

1:3:2

15, 16, 69

History of the Church

2:23:4-7 2:23:5--{; 3:31:3 5:24:3 5:24:17ff

246 248 245,256 245,256 222

Vita Constantini

Egeria, Diary

236 235 235 235,236 235

292

De xii gemmis

2:1

84:25-30 85:1-5 85:1-21 85:5-10 86:1-5

293-294, 298 291-292

Ephrem

3:28 4:40-46

271 291 305

Letter 14

313

253 325,250

Gospel of Philip

228,232237

Commentary on the Diatessaron

1:29

250,325

69:14-70:9 70:1-5 70:5-10 70:15-25 71:1-15 76:5-10 84:20-85:21

233 235 235 236 236 236 234-235

Homilies on Fasting

1:12 2 2:1 10

16, 73 73 76,280 73

9:1

217

To the Philadelphians

19.4

9:1 Irenaeus

apud Eusebius, History of the Church 5:24:11ff 222 Against the Heresies

1:7:1 1:13:3-4 121~

3:10:1 3:!1:8

233 233 n3 252 252

Ishodad of Merv

267-268 69

10:4

271

Hegesippus

246-250, 256

Quaestiones de ueteri et nouo

Hypomnemata

246

Quaestiones in Leviticum

Heracleon

239

Commentary on John

233-234

Isidore of Sevilla (Pseudo?) Testamento

264

15

266

Ivo of Chartres

269-270, 334

Hesychius of Jerusalem

16 23 23:27-32

267 76 281

Hildebert

334

Commentary on Exodus

12:2 12:2-3

To the Magnesians

16 23:23-26

Homily

Commentary on Leviticus 263, 266

Gelasius

Ignatius

Commentary on Leviticus 264

Demonstratio Evangelica

Commentarii in Zachariam

3:1-4:1

250 250 250 250 325

Homilies on the Exaltation

222

Didymus the Blind

3:32

5:14 26:12 27:3 27:13 27:18

419

Index of Sources

Liber de sacra eucharistia269

Jacob ofSarug (ed. Bedjan) Homily on the Scapegoat

vol. 3:259-282

267

vol. 3:259 vol. 3:263

69 69

vol. 3:264-266 vol. 3:267

267 69

vol. 3:275

69

Versus de mysterio missae 269 Jerome

Hippolytus On Proverbs

Against Jovinianus

158-159

1:15

75

Commentary on Galatians

1

75

420

Index ofSources

2:8-9 4:10

75 306

Commentary on Zechariah

8:18-19 De viris inlustribus 45

306,311 256

Johannes Damascenus Sermo in annuntiationem beatae Mariae uirginis 255

Johannes Scholasticus

276

Dialogus Adversus Pe/agianos

1:35:78-91

267

Johannes Zonaras

271 296 76,306 296 75

Justin Martyr

276

Letters

46:5 46:13 52;10 108:9 112:10 John Chrysostom Against the Jews

l (PG 48:854B) l :1 1:1;4-5 1:2 1:4 l :4; PG 48:8460 l :4; PG 48:849C 1:4:7 1:5 1:8 2 (page l23a) 4:7:6 6:5:9 6:7:1-7 6:7;2 7:1 (PG 48:915) 8:4 Christmas Homily 357BC

280 276, 301 16 69 274-275 72 72 74 74 275 76 76 69 279 279 278 279 295 275 250 69,250

Twelfth Homily on First Corinthians l3l

John of Jerusalem Panegyricus de sane/a ecc/esia domini

23 71 51

299,300 300 300 300

155-156

87:1 87:2

313 312,317, 319 313 313 313 314 314 314,315 313 74-75, 306, 312,315 314 313 306 313 306, 316 306,316 76,279,313, 316 306 306,313, 313 313 313

87:3 88:1 88:1-2 88:2 88:2-4 88:3 88:5 89:1

First Apology

61

222

Dialogue with Trypho

15 39 40:4-5

41 42 46:2 111; l 116-117

155, 156 !55 16, 19, 29, 31, 76, 154, 155-156, 159, 160, 279 !55 155 155 !55 160

89:2 89:3 89:4 89:6 90:1 92:1 92:2

Sermons

12:4 13:2 15: l 15;2 17:1 18:2 19:2 20:1 20:2 20:3 78:1 78;2 78:4 79:1-2 81:1 81:4 86:1-2

311,312317,319, 320 312-317 313,314 313,314 313,314 306, 313 306 314 314 306 3!3, 314 313,314 306 314 314 306 306 314 313

1253 1257

294 324

Origen

125

Against Celsus

172 266 234 10:33 Commentary on Romans 198 Exhortation to Martyrdom 266 268 30:16 1:31

Commentary on John

Homily on Jeremiah

14:3

194

On Prayer

16,273 266, 301, 332 335 159 266 159 266 266 266 269,268 266 268 268 273,278 167,266 76,279 266

Maximus Confessor

324

Pater ius

264

Philaster

311

92:4 93:3 94:1-2 94:4 Liber Pontificalis

Leo the Great

421

Index of Sources

304,306307

Martyrdom of Po/ycarp

Middle Armenian Lectionary

295

12:13 Homily on Leviticus

9:1:1 9:3:2 9:3:3 9:4:1 9:4:3 9:5:2 9:5:8 9:5:9 9:6:1 9:8:5 9:9:4 10:2:1 10:2:2 10:2:4

Diversarum Hereseon Liber

149

304,306

Photius

276

Pilgrim of Bordeaux

299

Old Armenian Lectionary 3, 292, 294-

295,327328 Old Georgian Lectionary 3, 292, 294,

324,327328 1225 1240 1247-1250

327 298 298

Polycarp: To the Philippians 194 12:2

422

Index of Sources

Polycrates

apud Eusebius apud Jerome

Pseudo-Epiphanius

245,256 256

De prophetarum vita et obitu Commentary on Luke

Ad nationes 1:13:4 Against the Jews 14:9 14:9-10 On Baptism 17:1 On Fasting 2:13-14 14:2-3 16 16:6 18

255 326

Protevange/ium ofJames

250-255, 323 5:1 8 8-9 8:2 9:3 10 10:2 12:3 24

245 251 251 251 251 251 251 251 256

Pseudo-George the Arab

326-327

Pseudo(?)-Isisore of Sevilla (see Isidore of Sevilla)

Pseudo-Jerome

167

Commentary on Mark 15:11

267

Letters

Pseudo-Athanasius

Scholia

267

15

Testimonia e scriptura

255

291

Sophronius

Pseudo-Chrysostom 158 In laudem conceptionis sancti Joannis Baptistae250

Homily on the Exaltation ofthe Venerable Cross and on· the Holy 292 Anastasis

Theodosius, the Pilgrim 291, 323

Traditio Apostolica 222 Typicon of Constantinople

292,298 Valentinian Exposition (NHC xi,2)

25:30-39

228, 234, 236

313 313 313

873 876 895 Victorinus

Commentary on the Apocalypse 4:4 252

Pagan Literature

Sozomenos

Pseudo-Cyprian Exhortation to Penitence 320

History of the Church 2:26

De prosodia catholica

Correspondence with

Step'anos Siwnec'i

300

Tertullian

152, 156158, 159


Against Marcion 3:5-24 3:7:7-8

281 156 19,29,31, 72, 154, 156-158, 159, 160

Pseudo-Ephrem (Syriac)


199 Dio Chrysostomus

Fabulae

103 Diodorus Siculus

Agatharchides of Cnidus

199

Orationes

Aesop

326

Pseudo-Ephrem (Armenian)

68

Augustus

Aelius Herodianus

291-292, 295

Pseudo-Cyril of Jerusalem

JuliU$ of Rome

276

Sacramentarium Veronense 304,305, 313

265

Commentary on Isaiah 15 1:14 Eranistes 261 Quaestiones in Octateuchum 267 in Leviticum 22 36, 73-74, in Leviticum 32 280

History of the Church 1~3

270 281 222 304,307 75 36, 71-72 222

Theodoret of Cyr

Socrates

On Sabbaths and Circumcision

Theodoros Balsamon 72 281 19,29,31 72, 156-158

Theodore bar Koni

Severus of Gabala

Pseudo-Anastasius 158

423

Index ofSources

109

71-72 Harpocration the Grammarian

103

Alexander ofLycopolis

Contra Manichaei Opiniones Disputatio 172

Hecateus of Abdera Aegyptica

68 109

Hesychius, the Lexicographer

103

Apollodorus of Athens

Peri Theon

I

l.

103

424

Index of Sources

!socrates

Plutarch

Philippus (oralio 5)

103

Quaestiones Convivales

266

Suetonius

36, 68-69

Julian Against the Galileans

Index of Modern Authors

Divus Augustus

Juvenal Saturae

69-70, 74

76:2 100:4

68 75

Tacitus Historia

Petronius

5:5:4

Satyricon

71

75 Terence

Plato

183

Nomoi

103

Allenbach, J.

Phormia

75

Xenophon

209

Hellenica

Islamic Literature Al BirWii

Qur'an

Sachau) p. 286 [291 1 p. 326 [329]

Sura 3:37

pp.326f[329~

325 325 325

251-252

Archaeological Sources Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum I:725 39, 47-48, 58

Mosaic in Sepphoris

Frescoes of Dura Europos Synagogue 118

Papyrus Fayum (ed. Grenfell/Hunt)

Synagogue

337 Inscriptions of Cos (ed. Paton!Hicks) 8I 347

199 199

Allison, D Alan, G. Alpigiano, C. Altaner, B. Amar,J. Anderson, H. Asaf, S. Ascbim, A. Assmann, A. Assmann, J. Attridge, H.

324,325

The Chronology ofAncient Nations (ed.

Abel, F.-M. Abrahams, I. Abusch, R. Achtemeier, P. Adna,J. Aland, B. Albeck, H. Aletti, J.-N.

129

199

Papyrus Oxyrhynchus (ed. Cowley) 6

AufderMaur Aune,D. Avemarie, F. Aziza, C. Baczk:o, B. Baehrens, W. Baer, Y. Bailey, D. Baillet, M. Bammel,C. Barkley, G. Barrett, C. Barth, M. Bauernfeind, 0. Baumgarten, J.

256,294,323 50,52 139 179 1I6 233-234 20 207, 209 266 !66, 167, I68, 170 29, 150, I 59 220 264 253 115 34, 42, 50, 52, 53, 137, 339, 343. 90 7,264 7 I8I, I82, 183, 184, 185, 186, I87, !88, 189, 191, 194, 242, 253 303,306,309 146, 196 19, 126, 133 71 7 262 28, 55, 107, 120,

I25 I05, I I6, 198,200, 203 37-43 233-234 262,273,278 176-177,182,214 207,2I6 117 35, 97, 99, 171

Baumstark, A.

Beck, E. Becker, H.-J.

Bedjan, P. Belayche, N. Bell, C. Bell, R. Berendts, A.

Berger, K. Betz, H.-D. Beyse, K.-M. Bezalel, N. Bigg,C. Bihain, E. Billerbeck, P. Black, M. Blaise, A. Blanc, C. Blanke, H. Blenkinsopp, J. Blocher, H. Bockmuehl, M. Bolle, R. Bolotov Bomert, R. Barret, M. Batte, B. Bousset, W. Bovon, F. Boyarin, D. Brandle, R. Braun, R. Bremmer, J. Breytenbacb, C. Bronznick Brown, P. Brown,R

Brox, N. Bruce, F.

294,297, 324 73 19 69,267 48 1-2,6 132 244 146 173-174 170 30,241 178 299 13 82,87,88,174,294 75 234 207,216 80 81 21 I 313 324 269-270, 272 262 308,325 335-339 56 I 74,274,301 157 I7I, I72 176 285 314 146, 149, 161, 162, 163, 164, 166, 177, 205,206 178 214

426 Bruckner, R. Buchanan, G. Btlchler, A.


211 212-213 120, 132 BUchsel, F. 104, 105 Buckley, J. 232-233 Bugnini, A. 291 Bultmann, R. 7, 148, 204,205 Burney, C. 177 Buth, R. 54 Cadbury, H. 2!4 Cahill, M. 167 Calvet-Sebasti, M.-A. 271 Carleton Paget, J. 148, 150, !51, 157, !58, 164, 196 Casey, R. 229, 230, 240, 241 Chabot, J. 267 Charles, R. 85 Charlesworth, J. 211 Chavasse, A. 75, 303, 304, 305, 309,310,312,313, 317 Chazon, E. 85 Coakley, J. 252,325 Cody, A. 182 Collins, J. 80,86 Colson, F. 46, 47, 109, 110, Ill, 112, 113 Connolly, R. 326, 327 Conway, A.J. 75,304,315,316 Conybeare, F. 326 Conzelmann, H. 214 Cothenet. E. 251 Cowley, A. 44,62 Cremer, F.G. 222 Crossan, J. 146, !50, 157, 161165, 167 Cullmann, 0. 251 Culpepper, R. 244 Daly, R. 265, 269 Danby, H. 36 Daniel, S. 102, 108 DanicHou, J. 303,305,312 Darnell, D.R. 342-343 Davidson, Y. 34, 42, 50, 52, 53, 137,339,343 Davies, W. 166, 167, 168, 170 Davila, J. 91 Davis, R. 307 Davison, J. 237

De Coninck, A.

126,232-233,235, 237 de Halleux, A. 252,325 de Jonge, M. 83 de Lange, N. 262-263 de Strycker, E. 251 Deiana, G. 18, 107, 108 Deissmann, A. 48 Dekkers, E. 264 Denker, J. 161 Der Nersessian, S. 291 Derenbourg, J. 62 Dershowitz, N. 300 Desan, P. 9 Devreesse, R. 265 Dibelius, M. 161 Dibelius, 0. 240 Dimant, D. 85, 87-88, 90 Dindorf, L. 291 Dindorf, W. 103 Dodd, C. 176 Dolle, R. 304,315 Doutreleau, L. 73 Dragnet 265 Drake, H. 299 Drijvers, J. 299 du Cange, C. 272 Duchesne, L. 307 Dunn, J. 173, 174, 176,203, 214 Durand, G. 7 Duval, Y .-M. 57,58 Eckey, W. 214-215 Eisler, R. 256 Eizenhofer, L. 304,313 Elbogen, L 24, 26, 35, 49, 52, 54, 55, 56, 60, 62, 63, 120 Elior, R. !34, 135 Elliott, J. 179 Engberding, H. 308,324 Epstein, Y. 20 Ettlinger, G. 267,267 Falk, D. 37-45, 97 Fee, G. 211 Fernandez Marcos, N. 74, 263, 267, 280 Festugiere, A.-J. 291, 295 Fiensy, D. 335,336,342-343 Fine, S. 71-72, 261,269 Fischer, L. 303,305,312,312


Fitzmyer, J. Fleischer, E. Foerster, W.

Francis, E. Franz, A. Fraser, M. Freeland, J.P. Freemantle, W. Frey, J. Frey, J.-M. Friedlander Frolow, A. Fuller, R. Fung, R. Gaar, A. Gager, J.

204,214 42, 44, 49, 50, 54, 55,56 233-234 269-270 269 294,296,302 75,304,315,316 271 176-177 48 58 291 162 174 264 I, 48, 277

Garcia-Martinez, F. 90,91

292,324,327,328 46 Geerard, M. 262 Geiger, A. 85,88 Gerlo, A. 71,307 Geyer, P. 291, 323 Gianotto, C. 233-234 Gingras, G. 291-292 Ginzberg, L 124 165 Girard, R. Glorie, F. 262 Godu, G. 304,317 Goitein, S. 34,64 Goldschmidt, D. 39, 40, 49, 50, 52, 56, 60, 63, 127, 139, 340 Goldschmidt, L. 19 Goldstein, N. 120, 131 Goldstein Cohen, N.56 Goodenough, E. 110, 335,341 Goppelt, L. 179 Gordon, R.P. 218 Grabbe, L. 85, 87, 88, 90, 91, 161 Gradwohl, R. 170 Gramaglia, V. !57 Grasser, E. 185, 186, 187 Green, J. 149, 162 Greenberg, M. 80 Grillet, B. 291,295 Grintz, Y. 43, 61, 63, 97 Griveau, R. 325 Garitte, G.

Gartner, Y.

427

263,267 16,97 214 166 5 291,300 246 Hamerton-Ke11y, R.174 Hanhart, R. 80, 81 Hanson, P. 7, 85-89 214 Hanson, R.P.C. Hanssens, J. 269 Harkins, P. 274, 275, 279, 279 103, !04 Harle, P. Harrington, D. 210 Hatch, E. 104 Hawting, G. 34 Heesterman, J. 25 292 Heid, S. Heimgartner, M. 274,301 Heine, R. 234 Heinemann, 1. 25, 49, 341 Heininger, B. 189 Helm, L. !51 Helm,R. 85-86 Heiming,O. 338 116, 213, 244-245 Hengei,M. 220 Hennecke, E. Hermans, T. 269 104, !05 Herrmann, J. 265 Hespel Hilberg, I. 75 82-84,90, 114, Himmelfarb, M. 182, 232, 242 Hock, R. 251 Hoeck, J. 255 Hoffleit, H. 68 49, 52, 60 Hoffman, L. Hofius, 0. 116,182,183,207, 211,229,23!-232 303 Hoi!, K. Holladay, C. 110 Hollander, H. 83 217,220 Holmes, M.W. Horbury, W. 148, !49, 188, 193 Hossfeld, F.-L. 265 Hovhannesian, V. ~63 120 Hruby,K. 294,297,299 Hunt, E. 182, !83, 189 Hurst. L.

Guinot, J.-N. Hacham, N. Hackett, H. Hager, D. Halbwachs, M. HaBit, J. Halton, T.

428 Hvalvik, R Hy1dah1, N.


148, 149, 158 246 Irshai, 0. 246,249,294,297, 298 Isaacs, M. 192 Isenberg, W. 232-233 Jacobson, H. 16,210 Jacquier, E. 214 Janini, J. 303, 306 Janowski, B. 87, 116 Janssens, Y. 233-234 Jegher-Bucher, V. 74,274 Jeremias, J. 177,229 Jervell, J. 214-215 Jones, F. 247 lung, C. G. 7 Jungmann 269 Kl:isemann 185,204 Kazhdan, A. 291 Kelly, J. 274 Kennel, G. 211 Kimelman, R. 1 Kirk, A. 162 Kister, M. 44, 45, 61, 161 Klauck, H.-J. 115,201 Klingshirn, W. 314 Klostermann 273 Knibb, M. 86-87 Knoh1, I. 123, 188, 313-314 KnOppler, T. 145-146, 197, 202, 204 Kobelski, P. 91 Koester, C. 182 Koester, H. see KOster, H. Kohler, K. 335,339 Kosmala, H. 284 KOster, H. 146, 149, 161, 162, 163, 164, 170, 192 KOtting, B. 244 Kovacs, J. 237,239,241,242 Kraft, R. 1, 148, 149, 150, 151 Kraus, W. 22, 95, 105, 127, 146, 197-203,205, 272 Krauss, S. 71-72 Kulik, A. 92-94 Lake, K. 151, 153, 172,214 Lampe, G. 270,271,272 Lampe, P. 232-233

Lane, D. Lane, W.

Lang, B. Laporte, J.

Larsson, G. Latte, K.

Lauterbach

Lawlor, H. Le Boulluec, A.

Le Deaut Le Goff, J.

Leclerq, H. Lecuyer, J. Lehmann, M. Lenhardt, P. Leonhard, C. Leonhardt, J. Levy-Strauss, C. Lewy, Heinrich Liddell, H. Lieberman, S. Liebermann, S. Liebreich, L. Lieu, J. Ligier, L. Lilla, S. Linder, A. Loader, W. Lohmeyer, E. Lohse, E. Longenecker, R. Louf, A. Lueken, W. Lupieri, E. Luz. U. Lyonnet, S Maccoby, H. Macdonald, J. Mach, M. Mack, H. Maher, M. Maier, J. Malachi, Z. Manns, F. Mara, M. Marbach, E. Marc, P.


102 181, 188, 190, 191 127 107, 109 19 297 30, 42, 65-67, 106, 125-126 247 237,238-239 190 7 304,343 195-196 44 209-210 69,264 107,209 9 68,70 104 128,251-252,285 see Lieberman, S. 49 119,205 3, 272, 330n, 335342 237,241 11,276, 277 182, 184, 185, 190, 193-196 207, 208, 209,211 115, 185, 197 174 157, 167 91,231 196 166 209 166 44 242 49 129 49,135,285 54, 59, 60, 61 251 161, 163, 164 34, 75 92

Marcovich, M. 155 Marrou, H. 231,231 Martyn, J. 174 Marx, F. 306 Massingberd Ford, J. 170 Mateos, J. 292,298 Mathews, E. 253,264 Mayer, G. 245 McCollough, T. 263 McLean, B.H. 127, 171, 173, 174, 175, 176 304 McNally, R. McNamara, M. 91 McVey,K. 253 Mehat,A. 237 Meinhold, J. 19 291, 300 Mercenier, R. Meritt, R. 167 Merkel, J. 166 Merklein, H. 197,204 Metzger, M. 217,222,275,343 Michel,O. 117, 170, 182, 185, 186 18, 29, 30, 31, 100, Milgrom, J. 106, 127 Milik, J. 37, 87, 88, 90, 91, 97, 115 Mirkin, A. 177. Mirsky, A. 15, 32, 34, 59, 64, 97,286,287 Mittmann-Richert, U. 213 Mohlberg, L. 304, 313 Molenberg, C. 88 Moo, D. 149, 162, 197, 199, 199,202,204 Morgan, M.H. 75 Morgenstern, J. 56 Morin, G. 303, 309, 312 Morray-Jones, C. 85,242 MUller, K. 103 Munck, J. 247 Mutius, H.G. von 52, 134 123, 188,313-314 Naeh, S. Nathan, G. 314 Nau,F. 323, 324 Neirynck, F. 162 129 Netzer, E. Neusner, J. 20 Newman, H. 71-72 Newsom, C. 84,85,91

429

270 82,86,87,89,162 218 109 37-44, 132 303,312 Nocent. A. Norlin, G. 103 207,216,217 O'Brien, P. T. O'Fearghail, F. 32 54 Offer, J. Onnann, G. 52 Oswalt, J. 117 Otto, R 46 233-234 Pagels, E. 244 Painter, J. 291,300 Paris, F. Patlagean, E. 7 324 Payne Smith 264 Peiper, R. Perrot, C. 54, 56, 97 214 Pesch, R. Petrosyan, E. 300 Pfann, S. 132 92,93,94 Philonenko Philonenko-Sayar, B. 92, 93, 94 Pines, S. 277 Porter, S. 244 Pradels, W. 274,301 Pralon, D. 103, 104 Pratscher, W. 244,247 Prigent, P. 148, 149, 150, 151, 154, 157, 158 Procter, E. 240-241 Prostmeier, F. 148, 194, 196 Puech, E. 90,91 Rabbinovicz. R. 19, 31, 52, 53, 59, 284 Rabinovitz, Z. 59,285 Raes, A. 337 Ramsay, G.G. 69 Redpath, H. 104 Reed, A. 138 Reeg, G. 139 Reingold, E. 300 Rengstorf, K. 105 Renoux, Ch. [~A.] 292,294,295,298, 300 Reuss, J. 326 Richard, M. 158 Ricoeur, P. 8 Nibley, H.

Nickelsburg, G. Niederwimmer, K. Nikiprowetzky, V. Nitzan, B.

430 Rigg,H.


166 182 274 232 Rolfe, J.C. 68 Roloff, J. 205 Rordorf, W. 218 Rosenberg, Y. 19,24, 31, 59,131 Roth, C. 32,60 Rouwhorst, G. 213,222,265 Rubin, z. 299 Rubinkiewitz, R. 85, 89, 90, 92, 93, 94 Racker,A. 338 Sabbah, G. 291, 295 Sabourin, L. 173 Sit.enz-Badillos, A. 74,263,267,280 Safrai, S. 20, 32, 120 Sagnard, F. 229, 230, 238-239, 240 Samter, E. 75 Satran, D. 255 Schafer, P. 19, 52, 134, 135, 231 Scharbert, J. 116 Scheftelowitz, I. 46 Schelkle, K. 178 Scherman, N. 40,65,339 Schiffinan, L. 98 Schlesier, R. 103 SchlUter, M. 52, 134 Schmithals, W. 214 Schmitz, 0. 107 Schnackenburg, R. 177-178 Schnelle, U. 176,205,224 Schnusenberg, C. 269-270 Scholem, G. 134,231 SchO!lgen, G. 265,270 Schramm, T. 212 Schiinuner, J. 303 Schwartz, D.R. 30,107,112,117, 173, 174, 175,252 Schwartz, E. 247 Schwartz, J. 294,299,301 Schweizer, E. 207,209,216 Schwemer, A. 255 Scott, R. 104 Scullard, H. 297 Scullion, J.P. 22, 107 Shinan, A. 54

Rissi,M. Ritter, A. Robinson, J.

Shoham Steiner, E. 284 35, 36, 57-58 Siegert, F. Siffrin, P. 304,313 Signer,M. 265 Siles, J. 320 Silver,DJ. 27 Simon,M. 1-2, 72,274 Sindawi, K. 35 Skarsaune, 0. !50, !55, 156, 160, !96 Smid, H. 251 Spicq, C. !82 Stahlin, 0. 238-239 Sternberger, G. 55, 118, 119, 120, 123, 128, 129,301, 302 Sterling, G. 183-!84 Stem,M. 3, 68-72, 109, 172 207,209,210,216 Stettler, C. StOkl, D. (~Stakl Ben E:rra, D.) 8, 79, 86, 171-172, 173, 194, !95,268 StOkl Ben Ezra, D. 68,212,246,303, 319 Stone, M. 82,84 Strack, H. 62 Strand, K. 146 Strecker, G. 206 Stroumsa, G. 195, 302 Stuckenbruck, L. 86-87 Stuhlmacher, P. 116, 176-177,197, 200 129 Sukenik, E. Suntrup, R. 269 Swartz, M. 52, 59, 63, 64, 97, 137-138 Synge, F.C. 195-196 Tabory, J. 34,49,55, 106,120 Taft, R. 291 Talley, T. 303,305,309,310, 317 Tampeilini, S. 263,265,282 Tarchnischvi1i, M. 292,294,298,324, 327 Telfer, W. 246 ter Haar Romeny, B. 263 Theissen, G. 7 Thelwall, S. 71, 307 Thornton 161 Tidwell, N. 217


Tigchelaar, E. Tischendorf Tonneau, R.-M. Trlinkle, W. Treat, J. Tuilier, A. Turner, J.

86,90,91 251 267 !56, !58 162, 164 218 234 215 Tyson, J. 120, 132 Urbach, E. 34 Vajda, G. van den Eynde, C. 69, 264 van den Hoek, A. 237-238 van der Woude, A. 90, 91 van Esbroeck, M. 295,299,300,302 van Goudoever, J. 294,295 van Henten, J.W. 97, 116,201 van Tongeren, L. 291,296,299 VanderKam, J. 86 131 Veltri, G. 317,320 Venetianer, L. 3, 222,251, 256, Verhelst, S 292, 293, 294, 296, 298,300,327,337342 172 Versnel, H. Verstrepen, J.-L. 303,306,308,312 Vincent, H. 294 269-270 Volgger, E. 237 VOlker, W. Vollenweider, S. 211 Watts, J. 117 39,43 Weinfeld, M. 183, 193 Weiss, H.-F. 129 Weiss,Z. Weissman Joselit, J. 282 Wendland, H.-D. 212

Wengst, K.

431

148, 150, 151, 156, 177 Wenschkewitz, H. 107, 109 Werline, R. 37 317 Wemer,E. 291 Whitby. M.&M. 35, 49, 97 Wieder, N. 204 Wilckens, U. 80 Wildberger 263,265,274,282 Wilken, R. 294 Wilkinson, J. 214 Williams, D. 303 Willis, G. 148, 150, 157 Windisch, H. Winston, D. 132 48, 84, 96, 129 Wintermute, 0. Witherington, B. 214 241 Wolfson 195-196 Wong, C.-K. 147, 167 Wratislaw, A.H. 34 Wright, R.B. 266 Wright. W. 320 Wunderer, C. 30 Yadin, Y. 59, 60, 63, 64, 129, Yahalom, J. 285,286 34, 42. 50, 52, 53, Yoel, Y. 137,339,343 22, 107, 145, 146, Young, N.H. 173, 177,178, 179, 187, 189, 197,211 I Yuval, I. 247,256 Zahn, T. 158 Zani,A. 80, 187 Zimmerli, W. Zuckschwerdt, E. 248 59, 285 Zulai, M.

Index of Names and Subjects

Index of Names and Subjects Aaron 44n, 59,63-64, 187-188, 336, 343n his priesthood 108, 244

his ordination 63n, 95, 123, 128129,140,188,271-272 his rod 271 his sons 95, 102n, 123 Abel336 ablution (see purification) Abraham 44n, Ill, 325n, 336 as high priest 124n blessing of 173 circumcision of 123-124, 140 his sacrifice of Isaac 66-67 in the Apocalypse of A. 92-94 abstinence 33-34, 10&, 248-249, from eating and drinking 34, 4 7, 57, 71-72,74-75,312,315 from haircutting 248-249 from oiling 34 from sex 34, 57,249 from sleep 22-23,29,34-35, 57, 132 from washing 34, 249 from wearing shoes 74, 249 from wine and meat 248-249 from work 33, 312, 315 (see also kashrut, nudipedalia, sex, vigil) Adam 59, 236, 280, 336 adoption (see influence) afflictions 33-36 mourning 33-35,40,70-71, 75n, 96, 99-101, 106, 129n, 150-152, 160, 219,249 sorrow 44-45, 95, 100 wearing sackcloth and ashes 34, 57, 70-71, 106, 151,219,280 weeping 34, 40, 45, 96, 100, 129n wipping oneself 34n wounding oneself 34n

(see also abstinence, atonement, fast, joy, nudipedalia, tears) Africa 334 Aggadah (see Midrash) Alexandria 148n Christian community in 205 Jewish prayers in 36-37,46--48, 5ln, 61, 65, 77 (see also Barnabas, Clement, Cyril, Origen, Philo, Pseudo-Philo) allegory in Clement 238-243and ritual implications for ritual 7, 204, 220221 in Origen 266-267 in Philo 7, 78, 107-114 in polemics 278 almsgiving 134,268,313-315 Amalek 122, 124n Ambrose 250, 255, 267. 332 Amidah 37n, 49-50 additions to 42, 43n, 49n, SOn, 52n, 209,339 and the high-priestly prayer 24-25 angels 8()-94, 252-256 archangels 89, 230, 240 fallen 86-90,92-94, 100, 121, 140, 330 fasting people compared to 132 Gabriel meeting Zechariah 325 God surrounded or served by 82-83, 85, 136, 182,230-231,240-242 high priest compared to 125, 132, 141, 189,242, 328 high priest meeting 8()-81, 125, 252-256 Mary nurtured by an 251n polemics against worship of216, 220

animal sacrifice 28-33, 65-67 (see also burnt offering, goats, kapparol, rams) annunciation of Gabriel to Zechariah 250-255,322-328,332-333 Antioch 10, 57,205,224,261,273-277, 301, 322 apocalypticism 79-101, 329-330 Azazel in 85-101 and Gnosticism 231-232,236, 242243, and Hebrews 185-186, 194-197 and Hekhalot texts 136 high priest in 79-85, 89-92, 185186, 194-197 and Philo 112, 115-116 and Rabbinic Jiterature 128-130 (see also imaginaire, apocalyptic; priests) apostolic (see influence) apotropaic 67, 130-131, 176, 177n, 245, 309n,310n,314 Arabic 2, 324 (see also Al-Biruni) Aramaic 54, 87n, 88n, 92, 122n, 177178,204,218,253n,255 Aravit 49 (see also evening) Aristides 220, 282n, 331 ark of the covenant 21-22,80, 105, 198, 203,271,278-279 Armenian 2, 4n, 57-59, 262, 263, 264n, 272n,291,299-300,30ln Asael85-90, 92, 138-139 Ashura 34n, 325n Asia minor 119n, 148n, 16ln, 256 atonement 2-3, 114, 126-127 and afflictions 47n, 96-97, 101, 114, 134,181,222,253-254,268 and blood sacrifice (see sacrifice and

kapparot) and charity or good deeds 134, 268, 313-3!5 Christian in opposition to Jewish 151,153,155,273-275,278-280, 283 and creation 63-64,208-210 and the death of the sinner 133-134, 286 and the death of a martyr 102, 115-

433

116, 116-1]7, 130,176,268 and the death of Jesus 145,151,153, 155,171,205-206,208,215,219, 221-222,226,273-274 eschatological 81-82, 91 expiation vs. propitiation 15, 17 and high-priestly garments 81, 126127 and the high-priestly intercession 190,194,206,253-254 and high-priestly ritual 83-84, 318 and kapparot 66-67, 126-127 for mythological sins 96-97, 122123 as name of Yom Kippur 15-17 and popular confessions 113-114, 126,205-206,217,268 and prayer 114, 222, 313n and red ribbon 131, 170, 284 and repentance 114, 126, 134, 217, 253-254 and sacrifices 105, 114, 126, 156, 190,200 and scapegoat 88, 94, 106, 113, 116117, 127-129, !56 and the True Cross 298-302 universal 113, 133, 206, 208 vicarious I 02, 115-116, 116-117, 130,145,205-206,219,221-222, 226,268,286 Augustine 263, 266, 267n, 283, 314, 320n Augustus 68n, 70 Azazel 98, 141, 160 as Demon 24n, 67, 79-80, 85-95, 98, 121 goat for 24n, 29, 128 and kapparot 61 mythologization of79, 80, 85-95, 141 Babylonian prayers (see prayers) baptism 188, 193, 206, 210n, 293n, 233, 239, 268, 313n Barabbas 147, 165-171,224,266,267, 330 biblical (see influence) blood absence of83, 100, 108,279 allegorized 112-113 and Joseph 96-97

'I"'

I 434


animal and human 130 atoning 97, 105, 115, 126-127, 127,

172,198,205,208 Jesus' 166, 172, 187-193, 198,205, 208 sacrifices 25-32,65--67, 105, 127-

130,187-193,205-206 in Seder Avodah 60 (see also sprinkling) Boethusians 30, 106, 126n bookish (see influence) Booths (see Sukkot) Brahmans 25 bridal chamber 3, 85, 126, 228, 232-

237,239,242-243,330 burnt offerings 21n, 29n, 31, 32, 129,

152-153,254,271 Caesarea 77, 132,261, 262n, 273,277,

299n

December 304, 305n, 306n, 308n, Calendar, Qumran 37 Canonization of Christian texts 3, 146,226,261,

267,331 of Jewish prayers 54 of Jubilees 99 of Mishnah 119 Celsus 172 Christ (see Jesus) Christian Jews defmition of tenn 10 festival calendar 6, 204, 212n, 213-

Shvat 326 Adar 326 Nisan 97, 123-124, 213n, 256, 308n,

3lln,326,327n,331 Sivan 308n Tammuz 56n, 311, 327 Av249,311,327

Elul 136, 326 Calendar, festal (see festival)

Calendar, Julian 296-297, 309-311,

323-327 January 309, 311 March 326, 327n

April250n, 3lln, 326

June 308-311 July 309-311,327 August296n,297n,309-311 September 4, 74, 253-254, 293-303,

303-322,323-327,328n October 254, 296n, 311n, 323-327 November 309, 324n

Pseudo- 320n Cyril of Alexandria 4n, 20n, 29n, 69, 77,

227, 329 and the temple 7n, 218, 221 290,305n,324n Chrysostom (see John Chrysostom) circumcision 220, 273

Tevet 311,326

of Gaul 264, 282, 283

and high priests 256 imaginaire 78, 85, 94-95, 118, 145-

Calendar, Babylonian 296-297,309-

Kislev 308n, 326

157, 175 ofJesus 154, 164, 173-176 against Jewish priests 279 against Christian priests 287 Cyprian of Carthage 270-271

218,273

Christmas 9-10, 253,257,281-282,

Marheshvan, Heshvan 301,326

in Hebrews 189 in Philo 108, 113 in Qumran prayers 41, 43, 210n in rabbinic texts 122, 123 in Seder Avodah 45n, 59, 63-64 in Sirach 209n curse and scapegoat 3In, 108, 152-154,

309,311,323,324n

Cain 336

311,323-327 Tishri 4, 69, 123-124,253-254,290, 293n,301-302,308n,311,320,322, 323,324-327,331-333


262-268, 279-283 of Jerusalem 274; 297-299, 302, 326n Damascus 205 dance 36, 57 Jewish d. in Jewish sources 36, 57 Jewish d. on Sukkot 296 Jewish d. witnessed by pagans 69-

of Abraham 123-124, 140 Clement of Alexandria 30n, 228, 232,

237-243,330 Clement of Rome 172, 194n, 218n, 270 compassion (see mercy) compulsion (see influence) confession and atonement 59-60, 114, 126 and Jesus 186-187 and the kapparot 67 and mystical prayer 138 in the Passion narrative 167-170 as prayer (vidduy) 39, 48, 50, 51-54,

70,72,74, 77,250n,280-282 Muslim d. on Ashura 34n dangerous ones in between 1, 273,333 (see also Christian Jews, Godfearers, Jewish Christians and Judaizers) Daniel bar Tubanita 264 Days of Awe 73, 121 David 5, 183n, 194 Delos 39, 48, 58 demons (see Azazel, Shemihaza, devil, Satan) demythologization 106 destruction of the temple 13, 18-19,35,

59-60,65,126,127,205-206,212, 217,268,286,314,335-342 in the temple 2ln, 24-27, 29n, 31,

59-60, 127, 136, 169 Constantine 295,297, 299n Coptic 2, 324 cosmology, cosmological 79, 83, 94,

126,135,139,221,227,236,283284,311,329,331 Dionysus 68 devil (see Satan) 67, 80-81,94, 121,

108-114, 132, 180,216,226, 231 Council ofLaodicea 276n covenant42,44n, 187-188 renewal of 42, 45, 95, 122, 124, 188 creation in Christian prayers 336, 342-343 in Colossians 207-210

127-130, 136, 180, 185, 193,206, 314, 318, 328 (see also demons) diaspora Babylonian 54-59, 65, 119 Mediterranean 14, 33-34, 45-48,

54-59, 101-118, 119,223 (see also prayers, Philo, Septuagint) Dio Chrysostomus 199

dream 22, 165, 169 Dura Europos 118 Easter 4n, 124, 213n, 218,256,290,

292n,293,307,317,32ln (see also Passover)

Egypt45,95, Ill, 172,292n,334 (see also Alexandria) Elijah 55, 248, 324n Apocalypse of48 Elisha 343n Ember Days 303-322, 333 Encaenia 290-303, 332 Enoch 82-83, 89, 343n (see also I Enoch) Entrance (see high priest and holy of holies) Ephrem on Christ's birth 255 on Yom Kippur 16n, 73, 76-77,

280-283, 332 on Zechariah 250, 253n, 325, 328 Pseudo-Ephrem 264, 267n, 268n,

293n Epiphanius 245, 246-249, 256n eschatology, eschatological 76, 85-95,

97-100, 115-116, 181-197, 203204,226-227,318,329-330 atonement 91, 181, 226-227 high-priestly liberator 90-92, 101,

185-186, 226-227 in Gnosticism 229-231, 236, 243 in Philo 108, 112 judgment 82 liberation 95,98-99, 140, 181, 185-

186 meal I 57 purification 81, 91, 115 victory over evil41, 85-90, 94, 95,

98, 115-116, 138, 141, 181, 185186 esoteric knowledge 23, 84, 130n, 137139,237, 241 (see also priests, secret knowledge) Essenes (see Qumran) Eucharist contrasted with fast 72, 151-161,

210n,219,224

J

435

436



and templization 226, 233, 261,

269-272 and Yom Kippur 269-272, 4n, 335-

343 Eusebius of Caesarea

on Yom Kippur 15,68-69,274, 282-283,332 on James 246-249, on the Holy Sepulcher 271, 291,297

Eusebius of Emesa 263 Eve 59,236 evening of Jacob lamenting 96, 129n

star280 Tamid 29n, 32 of Yom Kippur 73-74 (see also Aravit) Exaltation of the Cross 4, 290-303,332 Exegesis of Leviticus

Christian 76, 148-149,261-289 function of8, 76-77,268,277-283 Jewish 18-19,21, 23, 27, 113,283288 (see also allegory, typology) expiation (see atonement) fast apotroic function 314 and the battle with Amalek 122 described by non-Jews 68-77,253-

254,278-283,315-316,326-327 on the Exaltation of the Cross 300-

302 of Gedaliah 318 as means of atonement 140, 73n, 313 as name for Yom Kippur 15-17,

107, 117 in the Diaspora 106-107, 114, 117 in Islam 34n in Karaism 34n and public fasts 56n, 57-58, 64, 72n observed by non-Jews 22n, 213-218,

227,273-277,330-331,343 polemicized against by Christians

219-223,277-283,331 purifying aspect 48n as punishment 101 in Qwnran 100 in Samaritanism 34n of the Seventh Month (see Ember Days)

on Yom Kippur 34 paschal4n, 222n, 307, 308n, 317 Fast of the Seventh Month (see Ember Days). festivals Christian participation in Jewish 71-

72,74,77,157,213-223,261,273277,282,283,288,306,315-316, 322,329,331-334 Jewish observance of 46, 306 pagan observation of71-72, 214 Jewish influence on Christian 290-

328 (see also Hannukah, New Moon, Passover, Rosh Hashanah, Sabbath Shuvah, Sukkot; Christmas, Easter, Ember Days, Encaenia, Epiphany, Exaltation, Lent, Pentecost, Sunday; Ashura; Ides, Ludi Romani, Thargelia) food prohibitions (see fast, Kashrut) forgiveness (see atonement, mercy) Gabriel 87-88, 250-254, 322-329 Gaonites SOn, 56, 60, 65-67, 134 garments bells on 155 change of28--32, 81, 93-94, 111112, 135-136, 193,239,241-243 festal garments of people 36,57-58, 71-72,77,128,280 garb of light 233, 235, 238, 239 garment of opinions 112 golden gannents 22n, 28-32, 96n, 170n, 196n,240 heavenly gannents 80, 93, 125, 135136,239 interpretation of golden garments 96-97, 111-112, 122-123, 126, 155, 238 Joseph's gannent 96, 129n linen gannents of high priest 28-32, 58,81-83,122-123,247 linen garments of priests 80, 82-83 messianic 163, 170 of pharmakos 171 ragged clothes 74-75,315 white garments of people 35 white garments of priests 82, 125 (see also sackcloth)

Gentile Christian(s) audience 22n, 148n, 176,201-202, 224n defmition 10, 274n festal calendar 212n, 216,222-223,

227,331 Hegesippus as 246n mission to the 158--159, 173 salvation for 174-176,203-204 Georgian 2, 291-293, 339n, gezera shavvah 26n, 122n Gnosticism 30n, 79, 134, 140, 185n,

228-244 goats 127-130, 150-161, 165-171, 202-203, 266-267 and Joseph 67,95-97 and kapparot 66-61, 128-130 lottery between 21n, 29, 98, 113,

117, 165, 166-169,278 sacrificial goat 29-32, 60-61, 96n,

138, 152-161, 169-171, 187, 192, 208,279 similarity of two 29, 152-157, 159-

160,167-170,266 third goat 28n, 32, 150-152, 157,

160-161 as two kinds of humans 113 (see also scapegoat)

God compassion of39, 45, 48n, 95, 122-

123, 129, 134,203,253,295,313 grace of 46

judgment by 52, 58, 121, 122-123, 201,210 lot of98 omniscience of 39, 48n, 58, 201, 341 presence of39, 48n, 79, 81, 106,

126, 135, 180-191, 193-194,208, 249,256 throne of 80, 82 vision of79-85, 100, 107, 110-112,

114,134-139,232,236-243 wrath of200, 203,279 (see also name) Godwfearers 214-215,219,222, 342 golden garments (see garments) Gregory of Nazianz 4n, 271-272

Haftarah 55-59,76, 156,280 Halakhah and Didache 218

437

and historicity 19-28 and Josephus 22 and kapparot 61 and Matthew 169 and Philo 61-62 and polemics 284, 288 of post-temple prayers 49-65,340 and Proto-typology 159-160, 175,

223-224,267-268,332 and the Septuagint 105 of temple ritual28-33

Hanukkah 281-282, 294, 308n, 310 Hegesippus 218,246-250,254-255,

256n, 257,331 Hekhalot 59n, 79, 118, 125, 134-139, 140,228,231,242,329 Hellenistic Judaism 46-48, 101-118,

204-205 Hezekiah 343n high priest, high-priestly 124-127 becoming superhumane 110-112,

125, 242, 279 bishops as 245, 269-272 celebration at the end of Yom Kippur 33, 126 Christian as 268-269 confession 21n, 24-27, 29n, 31, 51,

59-60, 127, 136, 169 corruption 124-126 entrance to the holy of holies 30-31,

80, 82-83, 110-112, 125, 180,229243 interceding 30, 83, 186-187, 189-

190,206,218,246-249,253-255, 269,222,245,269 James as 246-150 Jesus as 160, 180-197,206,213,

218,225-226,229-230,233-234, 253-254,261,265-266,318-320 John as 256 Messiah 90-92, 10 I, 195-196, 223 mystic as 79-85, 110-112, 134-139,

233-243 in polemics 278-279, 284-288 popular imitation of 132 popular observation of 32, 60-61,

269 praying 19,24-28,30,32, 83, 109, 113,186-187,189,247-248,253254,256-257

438


reading 24-27, 32-33, 55, 58-59,61 sacrificing 28-33, 59-64, 187-189, 335-336 Simeon as 255-256 in Valentinian Soteriology 228-243 vigil22-23, 29, 132 visions of God 79-85, 110-112, 134-139, 233-243 wise man as 110-112 Zechariah as 250-255, 322-328 (see also visions of God) Hippolytus 154, 158-159, 195,224, 256, 332 holy of holies in Christian churches 271-272, 296 entered by believers 188, 190-191 entered by Gnostics 230,233-237, 241 entered by high priest 30-31, 80, 229-243 entered by James 247-248 entered by Jesus 180-197 entered by mystic 79-85, 110-112, 134-139, 23&-243 entered by Zechariah 150 heavenly 83-85, 110-112 (see also high priest, intercession, sprinkling) Holy Sepulcher 271, 290, 293,301-302 hymns 206-212

(see also piyyut, Seder Avodah) Ides of September 297 Ignatius of Antioch 10, 194n, 2l7n

imaginaire definition of 8-10 of Yom Kippur: Apocalyptic 79-100, 112, 115, 136, 193-197,226 early Christian 101, 145-227,327 Gnostic 100,228-243 Greek Diaspora 101-118 Jewish 78-139,243,252, 255 Rabbinic 118-134 incense 2ln, 24, 28, 30, SOn, 84, 100, 106, 108, 111-113, 126, 193, 250, 252,279 incense altar 188-189, 193n, 240-241, 242n, 253n influence adoption 5-6,243,288-289,310-

312,317,328n,321-322,339-341 apostolic 4, 5, 145-227,243, 306, 310-312,316 biblical 5, 311-312, 317, 339-341 bookish 5, 57-58,261-262,282, 288,301,315-321,328,331 compulsion 5-6 defmitions of types of 4-6 Ortsgeist 5, 301, 333 reaction 5-6,289, 320n, 321 (see also polemics) iniquity 39-40,42, 43n, 51, 53n, 92n, 138, 175, 338 (see also sin) intercession of animals 58 of Enoch 82-83 of high priest 30, 83n, 246-249, 253-255,269,222,245,269 of James 218, 221, 246-250 of Jesus 181,185,189-190,193194, 206, 222, 253 of Moses 55,318 popular intercession replacing highpriestly 222, 269, 313n prophetic 83n of Zechariah 253-255 (see also high priest) Irenaeus 222n, 228, 233, 252n Isaac 43,66-67, 129-130, 151,336 Islam 34n, 252n, 325n, 333 Ivo of Chartres 269, 270n Jacob 43, 44n, 95-96, 128-129, 325n, 336 Jacob ofSarug 69,267,281 James the Just 3, 218,243-250,256257,323,331 Jerome 75n, 76, 247,256,267,271, 296,306,311,332 Pseudo-Jerome 167 Jerusalem benediction about 24n Christian Jews of 192,215, 218,256 churchfathers from 77, 250n, 263, 271, 274,282 date for annunciation to Zechariah 324-327 daughters of 36 finding of relics in 323 mountains of 88 in polemics 155-156,278

Index of Names and Subjects qibla to 72n transition of priests from 64 (see also anonymous of Jerusalem, Cyril, Encaenia, Exaltation, Hesycbius, temple) Jesus as atonement 156,205-206 crucifixion of 149, 154, 166-167, 187 as high priest 180--197 identical with Barabbas 167-169 as kapporet 197-205 Parousia of 154-160, 167, 181, 190, 193 Passion of 147, 148-161, 161-165, 165-171, 180,223,225,236,291n as scapegoat 147-179, 206, 267268,270n (see also atonement, curse, high priest, intercession, scapegoat) Jewish Christians community in Jerusalem 301-302 definition I 0 festival calendar 212-213,218,222223,244,245-246,257,273-274 and Gnostics 243 influence on "Judaizers" 277,321322,342 legends 244-257 (see also Hegesippus, Porphyry) Job 336, 343n John Chrysostom 74-77,221-222,250, 274-275,278-283,295,315,331333 Josef l26n, 138-139, 336 Josephus 22-23, 78, 105, 117, 130, 199-200,202,214,330 Joshua son Jehozadak 80-81, 95, 195, 200 Joshua son of Nun 195, 200, 336, 343n joy 33-36,69,72-73,77,99,280-281 (see also afflictions; dance; high priest, celebration) Judaizers 77, 273-275, 277, 306, 315317,321-322 judgment 121-122, 163, 165,203, 210 Yom Kippur as judgment day 36, 52, 57, SOn, 82, 83n, 87-88, 91, 94, 124, 140

439

Julian 266 Justin Martyr 155-156, 157-160,281, 283, 332, 336 Justinian 6 Juvenal69-70, 74 kapparot 65--61 kapporet (l;l..amf)ptov, n1l:lJ, ;Rl.UUUpmb) 30, 80, 104-106, 115, 127, 187, 197-205,261,266,270,272,299300, 302, 331 Karaites 34n, 35 kashrut 216,220 Kingdom of God 49n, 135, 136, 138, 139, 153, 154,207,208, 209n (see also "malkhuyot'') Lamb of God 147, 176-179,226,254 Lections (see reading) Lent304,305,32ln Leo the Great 74-77,281-283, 304306,312-317,320-322,332-333 Levi (Amoraite) 53 Levi (son of Jacob) 44n, 64, 83, 113, 137n, 238, 284 (see also Aaron) Levite 95, 148n, 234n, 238, 239, 244, 255, 330 (see also Aaron) liturgy (see festivals, ritual) Lot 336, 343n ludi Romani 297 magic 66, 131 manna 33, 41, 45, 47, 73n, 97, 100, 124n,271 Marcion 156 martyrs, martyrdom 78, 115-116, 139n, 154,176, 198-201,223n,268 Mary 251, 255, 256n, 323, 327n Melchizedek 64, 90--92, 98-99, 184, 191,232,284,334,336 memory collective 4, 5n, 145 and the Passion narrative 149 of the temple rituall9, 23,27-28, 88, 139 mercy 134, 137, 342-343 and afflictions 34n, 45, 100,253 alms and 313-314 Christian requests for divine 295, 298 and name of Yom Kippur 16, and repentance 95,

440

Index ofNames and Subjects

and sacrifices 129, 313-314 special season of 45, 95 mercy seat (see kapporet) Merkavah (see Hekhalot) Metatron 135 Michael84n, 89,90-91, l84n, 231n, 29ln Michael Syros 264

name(s)

Minhah 49, 50n, 55-56, 60n

Noah 43, 44n, 95, 140, 199, 300n, 325n, 336

miracles 22n, 47, 125,288 Mishnah attitude towards high priests 125 and historicity 19-28, 136-137, 202 Temple ritual28-33, 119-120, 124-

131 ritual of the people 33-36,49-65,

119-120, 133,202,217,249 (see also rabbis) mission to the Gentiles (see Gentiles) Mordechai 343n

Moses 47, 55, 73n, Ill, 121-122,318,

325n,336 mourning (see afflictions) Mysticism Clementine 237-243 Hekhalot 134-139 Philonic 110-112, 237-239,242-

243 proto-mysticism 79-85 Valentinian 228-243 (see also visions) myth, mythical, Mythology defmition 7-8 and Gnostic soteriology 228-232 and the Holy Land 6, 301-302 and imaginaire 9 and Passion 145-171, 173-206,

223-226, 329 mythological events connected to Yom Kippur 66-67,

85-95,95-97,121-124,128,140, 181,328, 329 mythologization 79

ofAzazel85-95, 128-129 of high priest 79-85

of Jesus 145-171, 173-206,223226,268,329 (see also demythologization) Nach.manides 67 Nadav and Avihu 95

God's 41, 60, 135-139, 189,211212,217,240-242,338 Jesus' 189,211-212 of Yom Kippur 15-17 Nazirites 215n, 245,248-249 Ne'ilah 43n, 49, SOn, 56, 132, 343 New Moon 108n, 136,216,220

nudipedalia 34n, 70n, 74-75,315,322 observance ofYom Kippur

by Christians 213-223,273-277 by Jews 46, 71-72 by pagans 214n (see also God-fearers) observation of high priest by people (see high priest) ordo commendationis animae 343 Origen 15, 77, 110, 168, 172,220-224,

234,261-269,273-283,289,329, 331-332 Ortsgeist (see influence) Oxyrhynchus 62

Pagans 1,3,8,199-200,220 celebrating Yom Kippur 71-72, 214n as converts to early Christianity

222-223,227,268,332 describing the Jewish Yom Kippur

68-70 enculturation of pagan concepts in Judaism 101-106 and the Encaenia 297 majority of inhabitants of Jerusalem

301-302 origin of the Ember Days 309-310,

322 (see also nudipeda/ia, pharmakos., ludi Romanl) Palestine 5, 16, 33, Christian Jewish competition in

273-274,278,283-289,334-343 Jewish prayers 37-46, 49, 50, 52 readings in 54-59 (see also Apocalypse of Abraham, Encaenia, Exaltation, I Enoch, Eusebius, Jerusalem, Josephus, Jubilees, Origen, prayers, Seder

T ! I

Index ofNames and Subjects Avodah, temple ritual, Testament of Levi, Zechariah) Palm Sunday 296n Parousia 154-161, 181, 190, 193 Participation of People (see high priest - popular observation of; observance of Yom

Kippur) Passover, Paschal2, 41

Aqedah on 123-124 Christian observance of273 circumcision of Abraham on 123-

124 Lamb 155, 176-177 release of prisoner on 166 (see also Easter)

Paul 171,173-176, !97-205,208,211212,214n,215-216,219,221,224227,266,330-331,343n Peace44,49n, 65n, 98, Ill, 113n, 132, 167,208,210 Pentecost 2, 213, 215n, 290,304, 305n, 308n,310,312n,317 Persia (see also Babylonia) Peter 343n Pharisees 30, 99, 113, 126, 202, 316 pharmakos 147, 155, 171-173, 176, 223n,224,268,332

441

day-long 45, 46, 49, 61 in the Diaspora 46--48

heavenly 82, 85, 135, 135-139,240, 241-242 Hekhalot 137-138, 139 obligatory 49-50, 58 observed by Christians 71-73, 76,

77,280-281 Palestinian 37-46, 49, 50, 52 Qumran 37-46 rabbinic 49-64, 284-288, 335-343 sacrifices and 100, 102, 133 (see also confession, Aravit, Haftarah, high priest, intercession, James, Minhah, Ne'ilah, observance of Yom Kippur, Priester blessing, readings, Seder Avodah, Shaharit, templization, Zechariah) presence of God (see God) priest(s), priestly and apocalypticism 79, 82-83,232 and Barnabas I48n benediction over 24 blessing 49 in Christianity 215n, 245,270-271,

332 eating sin offering 32, 150-152, 157 Josephus as 22 ordination of84n, 123, 187-188,

Philo 46--48, 107-114, 237-239,242243

313

Pinhas 343n Plato and Platonism 103n, 112, 114,

and Philo 30n, 108-113, 118 and polemics, 7, 82n, 152-156, 184,

182-184 Plutarch 36, 68-69 polemics anti-Christian 283-289 anti-Jewish 72, 148-161,219-222,

277-289,295,315-317 pagan 68-70 (see also influence, polemical)

Polycarp 194,256 Polycrates 245,256 Porphyry staurophylax 299

prayers 36-65, 207-212, 284-289, 314315,335-343 atoning function 46 Babylonian 49-64

278-279,284-288,332 priestly origin of Seder Avodah 45n,

63-64,284-288 rivalry with sages 125 secret priestly knowledge 23, 84,

130n, 135-139,237 Simeon as 256-257 the wicked 98 (see Gnosticism. high priest, Seder Avodah, esoteric knowledge) propitiation (see atonement) Proto-Typology 81n, 147-161, 165,

196,219,223-227,267-268-332 purification 127 of the high priest 29, 81n, l02n,

Christian 314-315,330,335-343

238-240

continuity of synagogue with temple

affliction as 46, 96 by baptism 193

18-19,24-28,64-65,136

442


escbatological81, 89, 91 and the Fast of the Seventh Month 309n,312-316,322 Greek p. rites 171 and Isaiah SOn by Jesus 187-189,205-206 of the land 81, 89, 115 of the mystic 135-136 of people 96, 99, 108n, 187-189 of the sanctuary 106, 182n, 187-189 before Yom Kippur 29, 73 Qaraites (see Karaites) Quartadecimans 256 Qumran 37-46, 90--92, 97-100 Rab52 Rabbi 133 Rabbi Abbahu 125n, 133n Rabbi Aqiva 23, 32n, 102n, 136, 139, 284 Rabbi Ba bar Bina 52 Rabbi Eliezer 23, 32n Rabbi Harnnuna 53 Rabbi Meir I2ln, 133 Rabbi Yehudah 53, 62, 121, 133n RabbiYehudahHaNasi l7n, 19 Rabbi Yishmaell28n, 130n, 131, 133134, 135 Rabbi Yohanan 132 Rabbi Yonathan 53 Rabbi Yosef 248 Rabbi Yosef Qaro 67 Rabbis 28-33,49-65, 118-134,283284 rain 44, 75n, 248

ram and the Aqedah 129 Christian typologization of 266 confused with goats 128 in the kapparot ritual 66-67, 130 moment of sacrifice of23, 31 number of22, 28n, 31, l12n Philo on the sacrifice of the 108 the rabbis on the sacrifice of the 124, 128 Rashba 67 Rava 53 Ravya bar Qisi 117n, 130, 140, 330 reaction (see influence) readings high priestly 24--27,32-33,55, 58-


59,61 on Sabbath Shuva 56, 319 on the Annunciation to Zechariah 244, 327-328 on the Encaenia 294-295, 298 on the Fast of the Seventh Month 76, 304,310,317-322 on Yom Kippur 54-59, 65, 76, 77, 99,319-321,321-322 ritual status of 58-59 (see also Haftarah) Rechabites 249, 256n Red Heifer 169, 170n, 188n red ribbon 29, 124, 129, 130-131, 159160,165,268,279,283-284 redemption 121, 123-124, 140, 173176,186,189-191,198,207-210, 233 reenactment of eschatological myth 98, 141 of Jewish Christian legends 322-329 reciting Bible as 54, 61 reciting the Mishnah as 28 in Second Temple Judaism 33, 4546, 61--62, 65, 114, 140, 16ln in Seder Avodah 33, 50, 51, 59-61, 127 renewal of covenant (see covenant) repentance of Azazel 128 and Christian liturgy 318-319, 320n, 342-343 confession as manifestation of 54 created before the world 132 in de so/stitiis 253-254 golden calf and 124, 129 in Hebrews 186 in Hekhalot literature 136 Joseph's brothers and 48, 51, 95-96, !00, 101, 126n, 132 in Justin 155-156, 160 Noah's 95 in Origen 266 in Philo 108, 114, 132 as nion; 201 in Pseudo-Jonah 57 in Qumran 38--39, 45, 132 in rabbinic sources 24n, 119, 121, 124, 126, 128, 132-134 and the readings of the Fast of

and the rogations 314n September 318-319 in Romans 20 I, 203 of Shemihaza 128 ten Days of Awe and 121 vicarious repentance 133 (see also atonement, mercy) resurrection 213n, 233, 271 (see also Jesus, Parousia, Passion) revelation in Gnosticism 236-237 on Mount Sinai 95 natural laws and 325 and Zechariah 250-252, 257, 325, 328 rite 6-7 definition of 6 (see also afflictions, animal sacrifice, baptism, bridal chamber, circwncision, Eucharist, ritual, scapegoat, sprinkling) ritual6-7 definition of 6 of the people 33-77, 107-109, 132134 in the temple 28-33, 109-114, 124132 (see also afflictions, animal sacrifice, bridal chamber, entrance, Eucharist, festivals, reading, reenactment, temple ritual) Rome 70,74-75,205,214-216,221, 273,303-322,329 (see also Clement, Hippolytus, Justin, Juvenal, Leo) Rosh Hashanah and creation 208-209 and Christians 275, 318-319 as judgment day 36n, 38n, 39n, 121, 210 mythological events on 123-124 prayers 44n, 208-209, 285 and Shofar 76 Sabbath, Saturday antiMChristion polemics and 285 Christian polemics against 216,220 Christian observance of 212n, 215n Christianization of 2 and Ember Days 304-305,307,310312,317-318,320

!

l

443

and name of Yom Kippur 16, 69-70, 217-218 in pagan texts 68 in Philo 108n prayers on 49 prohibition to fast on 307 rest 89, 98n as Yom Kippur69-70, 89, 98n, 217218 Yom Kippur falling on 120 (see also Sabbath Shuva, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice) Sabbath Shuva 56,318-319 sackcloth and ashes 34, 57, 70, 71n, 106, 151,219,280 sacred space open space 70-72, 280 (see also synagogue, temple, church) sacred time in Hebrews 181 in Qwnran 97-100 (see also calendar, eschatological, festivals) sacrifice, sacrificial anllnal28-33,65-67, 120,150 human 65-66, 117, 130, 158, 171173, 181, 187 rabbinic interpretation of 124-130 spiritual25, 64-65, 84-85, 108, 112-114, 132-133, 180, 181, 186, 187-189,265-272 and suffering servant 116-117 (see also blood, burnt offering, high priest, pharmakos, prayer, priest, sin offering, temple) Sadducees 30, 106, 113, 126,202, 284n Samaritans 34n, 44, 48n, 189n Satan (see devil) Scapegoat 29, 31 abused 31,88-89, 152-159, Barabbas as 165-171 as Catalyst 176-179 confession on 60, 113, 167-170 cursed 94, 108, 152-159 as demon 79, 85-95 human beings as 116-117, 130, 140, 165-171,330 and kapparot 66-67, 128-130 killed 31, 114, 152-159 sending away 31, 89, 94, 96n, 104,

444


113, 152-154, 158, 159-160, 169, 174-179,206 and suffering servant 116-117 (see also goats, Jesus, pharmakos, red ribbon) Seder Avodah 28, 59-64 and Christian liturgy 335-336 and polemics 284-288 in the Second Temple period 43-45, 59--
blood 24, 29-31, 81 in Christian worship 272, 300 Hebrews on 180, 187-189, 191, 193 Philo on 108, 112-113 in polemics 179 Rabbis on 126-127 Romans on 198, 200, 203 in Seder Avodah 59--60, 127 Stephen 205, 224 Sukk:ot 70n, l20n, in Qumran prayers 39n, 41, Christian polemics against 295 confused with Yom Kippur 68-69, 250, 253-255, and the Encaenia 294-296, 297n, 298n,301-302 and the Fast of September 312, 318319, and Palm Sunday 296n and the Temple dedication 123, and Zechariah 326n Sunday 218,285, 295n, 300n, 304,312 (see also Palm Sunday) Susanna 343n synagogue non-Jews in 222, 273-277, 277mosaics 129 Yom Kippur ritual in 51--65, 127, !56, 212,319-320 and temple ritual24-28, 32, 51, 120 templization 71-72, 278-279 (see also sacred space) tabernacle 95, 150n, 182, 183n, 193, 238,318 Tabernacles (see Sukkot) Tacitus 71n Tamid 2ln, 29, 32, 177n Targum and confessions 51 liturgical use of 54, 100 on Melchizedek 91 in Qumran 46, 54, l 00, translation technique 101, 102, 105, 106 temple allegorization of 109-114 attitudes to 213-214,220-223,223225,244-257, 286 and church (see templization) in Jerusalem 28-33, 82, 88, 99, 135,


141 heavenly 79-85, 134-139, 182-184, 229-243 in polemics 278-279 rabbinic interpretation of 124-131 reenacted in Seder Avodah 59-64 and synagogue (see templization) (see also destruction of the temple, Ortsgeist) temple ritual28-33 (see also allegory, animal sacrifice, high priest, incense, sprinkling, typology) templization 71,261,269-272,278279,296, 341 Tertullian on the contemporary Yom Kippur 36,71-72,76-77,280-283 on fasting on Saturdays 307-308 typologizing Yom Kippur 156-161, 267,332 Thargelion 171 Thecla 343n Theodotus 228-243 Tiberius 68n, 254 Tish'abe'Av249, 3lln Torah blessing of24 giving of 42-43, 55, 122, 124, 129, 140,210, 342-343 in temple service 25, 32 (see also exegesis, Haftarah, reading) transgression 39-40,51, 53n, 91n, 92n, 95-96,123,128,133-134,213,217, 268, 275, 286 (see also sin) typology of covenant institution 187 of high-priestly ritual 180-197,225,

445

230,265-266,271-272,320,328 of kapporet 197-205, 225 of ordination ofLevites 187 oframs 266 of Red Heifer 187 ofred ribbon 159-160, 165, 268 ritual implications of213, 219-223, 271-272,329,331 of sacrificial goat 148-161,225 of scapegoat 98, 138, 147-179, 206, 224,225,266-267,331 of tabernacle/temple 180-197, 271272,297,330 ofveil225 (see also allegory, exegesis, templization) Valentinians 3, 78-79, 84-85, 118, 126n, 137, 191, 22&-243, 329-330, vidduy (see confession) vigil (see abstinence, afflictions, high priest) visions of God in apocalyptic sources 79-85 in gnostic sources 229-237 in mystical texts 110-112, 134-139 (see also dreams, high priest) war with Amalek 122, 124n eschatological78, 87-88, 186 weeping (see afflictions) white garments (see garments) women, daughter 34n, 35-36, 75n, 95n, 96, 128, 171, 174, 292n, 235-236, 318,343n Zechariah ben Qabutar 20 Zechariah, father of John 244,247, 250-255,256-257,322-328,332, 333

Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Alphabetical Index of the First and Second Series

Adna, Jostein: Jesu Stellung zum Tempel. 2000. Volume ll/119. Adna, Jostein andKvalbein, Hans (Ed.): The Mission of the Early Church to Jews and Gentiles. 2000. Volume 127. Alkier, Stefan: Wunder und Wirklichkeit in den Briefen des Apostels Paulus. 2001. Volume 134.

Anderson, Paul N.: The Christologyofthe

Fourth Gospel. 1996. Volume //178. Appold, MarkL.: The Oneness Motif in the Fourth GospeL 1976. Volume l/11. Arnold, Clinton E.: The Colossian Syncretism. 1995. Volume 1!177. Ascough. RichardS.: Paul's Macedonian Associations. 2003. Volume ///161. Asiedu-Peprah, Martin: Johannine Sabbath Conflicts As Juridical Controversy. 2001. Volume li/132.

Avemarie, Friedrich: Die Tauferziihlungen der Apostelgeschichte. 2002. Volume 139. Avemarie, Friedrich and Hermann Lichtenberger (Ed.): Auferstehung-Ressurection. 2001.

Volume 135. Avemarie, Friedrich and Hermann Lichtenberger (Ed.): Bund und Tora. 1996. Volume92. Bachmann, Michael: Siinder oder Obertreter. 1992. Volume 59. Back Frances: Verwand1ung durch Offenbarung bei Paulus. 2002. Volume l/1153. Baker, William R.: Personal Speech-Ethics in the Epistle of James. 1995. Volume IU68. Bakke, Odd Magne: 'Concord and Peace'. 2001. Volume 1l!143. Balla, Peter: Challenges to New Testament Theology. 1997. Volume 11195. - The Child-Parent Relationship in the New Testament and its Environment. 2003. Volume 155. Bammel, Ernst: Judaica. Volume I 1986. Volume 37. - Vo1umelll997. Volume91. Bash, Anthony: Ambassadors for Christ. 1997. Volume !I/92. Bauernfeind, Otto: Kommentar und Studien zur Apostelgeschichte. 1980. Volume 22.

Baum, Armin Daniel: Pseudepigraphie und \iterarische Fii.lschung im frilhen Christentum. 2001. Volume Il/138. Bayer. Hans Friedrich: Jesus' Predictions of Vmdication and Resurrection. 1986.

Volume II/20. Becke1; Michael: Wunderund Wundertiiter im friih-rabbinischenJudentum. 2002. Volume JJ/144. Bell, Richard H.: Provoked to Jealousy. 1994. Volume II/63. - No One Seeks for God. 1998. Volume 106. Bennema, Cornelis: The Power of Saving Wisdom. 2002. Volume /1/148. Be1gman, Jan: see Kieffer, Rene Be1gmeier, Roland: Das Gesetz im ROmerbrief und andere Studien zum Neuen Testament. 2000. Volume121. Betz, Otto: Jesus, der Messias Israels. 1987.

Volume42. Jesus,derHerrderKirche.1990. Volume 52. Beyschlag. Karlmann: Simon Magus und die christliche Gnosis. 1974. Volume /6. Bittner, Wolfgang J.: Jesu Zeichen im Johannesevangelium. 1987. Volumell/26. Bjerkelun.d, Carl J.: Tauta Egeneto. 1987.

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Volume40. Blackburn, Bany Lee: Theios Aner and the Markan Miracle Traditions. 1991.

Volume ll/40. Bock, Darrell L.: Blasphemy and Exaltation in Judaism and the Final Examination of Jesus. 1998. Volume Jl/106. Bockmuehi, Markus N.A.: Revelation and Mystery in Ancient Judaism and Pauline Christianity. 1990. Volume!U36. Bee, Sverre: Gog and Magog. 200 I.

Volume 111135. BOhlig, Alexander: Gnosis und Synkretismus. Teilll989. Vo/ume47-Teil21989. Volume48. BOhm, Martina: Samarien und die Samaritai bei Lukas. 1999. VOlume JJ/111. Biittrich, Christfried: Weltweisheit- MenschM heitsethik- Urkult. 1992. Volume 11150. Bolyki, J(mos: Jesu Tischgemeinschaften. 1997. Volume 11196.

Daniel Stökl Ben Ezra the Impact of Yom Kippur on Early Christianity the Day of Atonement From Second Temple Judaism to the Fifth Century 2003

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