History of the Andhras upto 1565 A. D .
DURGA PRASAD
P. G. PUBLISHERS
GUNTUR-10
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PREFACE I have made made an earnest attempt, in this book, to to present present a concise conci se and clear clear account of the History of the Andhras upto A.D. 1565 1565.. ! do not claim that this thi s is an origina originall contribution on my part in the field of historical histori cal research. I have simp simply ly tried to give a dependable compendium of the best works on the subject covering all aspects. aspe cts. This is neithe neitherr a text book book nor a guide. guide. But I hope hope it serves ser ves the purpose of both the under-graduate and in particular the Post-graduate students of History as a study-material for the concerned paper in their examinations examin ations.. Repetition Repetition of material is unavoidable keeping in view the nature of topic-wise treatment of the subject. I express my deep sense of gratitude to all those writers whose publications ! have made use of with great profit. Also ! extend ext end my grateful thanks t hanks to all those who w ho have been been beh behind ind me in providing the necessary spirit and enthusiasm in my en devour and a nd those who have have seen the book book through through the press. press .
April, 1988. Guntu Guntur. r.
J. DURGA DU RGA PRASAD PRAS AD
CONTENTS Pages
CHAPTER CHAPTER I —INTRODU —INT RODUCTIO CTION N
1.
Sources of History of Andhras till 1565 A.D.
2
Aryanizati Ary anization on of the Andhra And hra country country and its condition in the pre-Mauryan and Mauryan periods periods
1 -5 6-8
CHAPTER II—THE SATAVAHANAS
1.
Ident Identity ity of the the Satavahanas
2
Homelan Homeland d of the Satavahanas
1 2- 17
3-
Chronology of the Satavah Sat avah anas
17 -23 -2 3
4.
Later Sstavahana Sstavah ana Chronology Chrono logy
5
Political History of the Satavahanas
32-3 32 -36 6
8.
The The Satavahana—Western Satava hana—Western Kshtrapa Relations Relation s
36 -4 0
7.
9-12
23 - 31
Cultural condition under the Sat avaha av ahanas nas
40 - 45
CHAPTER III —SUCCESSORS OF THE SATAVAHANAS 1.
The The Ikshvakus Ikshvakus of
Vijaya puri
46 -5 3
2.
The The Brihat phalay anas
53- 54
3
The The Ananda Ananda Gotras
55 -5 6
4
The The Salankayanas
57 -6 0
5.
The Ea Early rly Pallavas Pallava s
60- 70
6.
The Vishnuku Vish nuku ndins ndi ns
70 - S4
CHAPTER IV—THE EASTERN CHALUKYAS 1.
Circumstances Circum stances under which the Eastern Eastern Chslukya Chsl ukyan n rule was established establishe d
2,
political history histo ry of the Eastern Eastern Chalukyas
3.
Relationshi Relat ionship p between the Eastern Chalukyas and the Rash trakut as
4.
5
85 - 91 91 -9 6 97 - 102
The relations between the Eastern Chalukyas and the Cholas (The interference of the Western Chaluky as of Kaly ani in the affa af fair irs s of the Vengi Chaluk Cha lukyas yas))
102- 108
General conditions of the East ern Chalukyan Chalu kyan period
10810 8-11 11 2
CHAPTER CHAPTER V —THE —TH E AGE OF THE CHALUKYACHAL UKYA-CHOLA CHOLAS S 1.
The
condition of Andhra Andhr a under the Chatukya-Chol Chatuky a-Cholas as
2
The The Chodas (Durjaya (Dur jayas) s)
3
The Telugu Choda famili fami lies es
of Vel Velana anadu du
113-118 113-1 18 119-128 128-132 128- 132
Pages
CHAP CHAPTE TER R VI —T HE KAK ATI YAS
1. 2 3.
Early
Feudatory Rulers
13 3-1 35
Rudradeva
135-137
Ganapathideva Ganapathideva
137-142 137- 142
4. Rudramadevi Rudramad evi
142-146
5
Prata parudra paru dra II
146 -151
5-
Prat apar udra and the Muslim Muslim Inv asio ns (The Invasions Invasio ns on Andh An dhra ra))
7.
General
Muslim Muslim 151 151 - 156 156
conditions of the Ka ka tiy a period period
156-164
CHAPTER VII —TH —T H E AGE OF THE MUSUNURl CHIEFS CHIEFS AND THE REDDIS
1.
The Musunuri Musunuri Chiefs Chiefs
165-17 165 -172 2
2.
The Reddis of Kondavidu and Rajahmund ry
172-1 80
3-
The relations between of Vijayana gara
180-187 180-187
the Reddis and the Reyas
CHAPTER VIII —T HE VIJ AY AN AG AR A EMPI EMPIRE RE 1.
The origin origin of the Vija yan aga ra empir empire e
18 9-1 98
?-
Circum stance s under which which the Vijayana gara empire was estab lished lishe d The Sangamas The Saluvas
193 - 205 205 205-219 219 -226
3 4.
5 Tuluv a Dy na sty G. Vijayanagara after aft er the battle of Bannihatti A.D.) A.D.) (Aravidu Dynasty) Dynast y) 7 Gen eral fea ture s of the Vija yan aga ra empire empire Appendix
226 - 255 (1565 (1565
A Note on the Raya Ba hm an i Relatio ns
ILLUSTRATIONS 1st Cover Page: Sculpture from Nagarjunakonda 3rd Century
3rd Cov C over er Page : Monolithic Monol ithic Car, Hampi - 15th 15th Century. 4th Cover Page : Telugu Thalli
255-25 255 -258 8 258 - 273 273 274 274 - 275
CHAPTER
Introduction 1.
Sources Sources of Histor His tory y of Andhras till 156 1565 A.D. A.D .
'History as a subject of study is more or less completely at the mercy of its sources'. It is a fact that we we have no no ancient or medieval literature created in Andhra which can be classified classifie d as truly historical. So it is but natu natural ral one has to depend heavily on 'Primary source material of incidental nature, nature, created not for the purpose purpose of communicating the history of contemporary times chronologically set forth, but to record events and impressions for political, legal and religious purposes like the epigraphs of medieval times, the quasihistorical literary works and so forth'. Just like ancient Indian history, the history of the Andhras is still in the formative stage. Thoug Though h the available avai lable source material is vast, it is incomplete and at the same time diverse in nature and variety. variety. In the last 70 years, years, yeomen service was rendered by eminent scholars and organisations in recovering the records of the past with sustained effort and in reconstructing the history of the Andhras with judicious nature. Of course, the work is still going on. The source material for the writing of ancient and medieval Andhra history can conveniently conveniently be be classified classi fied und under er (i) archaeoarchaeology including epigraphs and numismatics apart from monuments and other ancient relics, relics, (ii) literature, native as well as foreign, and (iii) foreign notices.
2
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOURCES.
Among the available archaeological source materials, epiiptio ions ar graphs or inscrip are e more copious for the ancient end medieval Andhra history. With Asokart Asok art edicts, edicts, our authentic history begins. begins. This royal royal sage sa ge's 's rock edicts edicts in Brahmi Brahmi script script at Erragudi, Rajulamandagiri, Amaravati and Kottam in Andhra reveal the extension of the Mauryan Mauryan authority and its its adminiadministrative strati ve system over ove r the Andhra Andh ra area. are a. Bhatti Bhattipro prolu lu re relilic c casket inscriptions datable databl e to 200 200 B.C. reveal reve al the fact f act that Budd Buddhis hism m spread sprea d far and wide wi de in our our province province in that remote remote age. The Prakrit Prakrit inscriptions in the Kanheri, Karle and Nasik caves, caves , Naganika's Nanaghat record, Balasri's Nasik inscription and Kharavela's Guntupalli records help us a lot for the Satavahana history. Among the post-Satavahana dynasties of Andhradesa, the Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri Vijaya puri occupy an important important place. place. Their Their Nagarjunakonda, Jaggayyapeta, Amaravati and Ramireddipalle Ayaka stone pillar inscriptions constitute the sole source of information for the political, religious and social conditions of the times. times. The The Kondamudi copper copper plate grant gives give s information informati on about the Brihatp Bri hatphal halaya ayanas nas.. Most Most of the inscri inscription ptions s of the early Pallavas, Anandagotras, Salankayana Salank ayanas, s, Vishnukundins, Matharas, Eastern Gangas and the Eastern Chalukyas are only copper cop per plate grants. These records gave importance to the Sanskrit language. The Brahm Brahmii script underwent underwent transf tra nsform ormaation and the the Telugu Telugu script emerged. The Telugu language lang uage also als o found fou nd a place in in the the inscriptions. From From the time of the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi, the number of stone inscriptions increased. Inspite of some drawbacks on the part of all these inscriptions, these are the records which form the most authentic sources for the rulers, their dynastic succession, their chronology, extent of their the ir respective kingdom kingdoms s and the econ econom omic, ic, social and cultural conditions more or less till 11th century A.D. The inscriptions in Brahmi and Vengi characters of the Hindu and the Buddhist Andhras who migrated to the South-East Asian regions from the Kalinga and Andhra coasts indicate that they established only our cultural traditions there. there. For For the medieval
Introduction
3
period of Andhra history, one can conveniently depend upon the inscriptions of the Chalukya-Cholas, Kakatiyas, Musunuris, Reddis and Vijayanagara rulers and their chieftains.
Though not to the extent of epigraphs, numismatics also helps us for our history reconstruction. reconstructi on. Coins made of several metals like gold, silver, copper or other baser metals of different periods periods are available. Of the available available coins of almost ail the Sata Sa tava vahan hana a rulers, the number of potin (coins (coi ns of a mixed char ch arac acte ter) r) and lead coins is more. These These coins bearing the figures of an elephant, a horse, a camel etc. indicate the probable means of conveyance commonly used in that period. The ship-mast coins of Yajnasri Satakarni reveal the brisk maritime marit ime trade of the Satavahana Satavaha na period period.. From the gold coins of the Roman emperors unearthed in some parts of Andhra datable to the Satavahana-lkshvaku period, it may be concluded that the Romans carried on commerce with Andhra And hra and paid gold dinars. dinars. Similar Similarly ly some gold coins of the Eastern Chalukya Chal ukyan n rulers Chalukya Chandra Saktivarma I and Rajaraja Narendra were discov dis covere ered d in Burm Burma. a. The coins of the Kakatiy Kaka tiyas as were in Nandi-Nagari script while the Vijayanagara were in Nagari charact char acters ers.. Coins of different metals in different denominations issued in different periods help us only to some extent in knowing about the rulers, about the extent of the kingdom, and about the religious sentiments of the age.
The ar archae chaeol olog ogiical cal find finds s of the th e past pas t include includ e ston st one e tools, pottery, bricks, megaliths, Buddhist structural remains, Jain relics, constructions of temples, forts and palaces, sculptures and paints. paints. A careful car eful study of these finds thro th rows ws a flood of light on the religious beliefs, the social life and the artistic excellen excellence ce attaine att ained d by the Andhras Andhr as in the past. past. They reveal reveal the evolutionary process of the Telugu culture. LITERARY SOURCES. The literary liter ary sources for ancient and medieval medieval Andhra Andhra history may may be divided into indigenous indig enous and foreign. foreign. Early Ear ly literature references to the Andhras were found in in indigenous litera which includes sriti and smriti works like the Aitareya Brahmana,
4
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
the Epic Epics, s, the Puranas, the early early Buddhist an and d Jain Jai n work wo rks. s. Gunadhya's Brhatkatha, Hala's Gathasaptasati and Vatsyayana's Kamasutras reflected the social and cultural life of the Satavahana vah ana perio period. d. Mentio Mention n was was made to the details of the Rashtrakuta-Eastern Chalukya conflicts in poet Pampa's Gadeyudd yuddha ha and Vikra Vikramarj marjuna una Vija ya, ya , bo both th Kannada Kav K avya ya s, HisHi storical data relating to the Kakatiya, Reddi and Vijayanagara times was obtained from the Sanskrit and Telugu literary works dedicated by poets and scholars to their royal and princel princelyy patrons. Purely liter literary ary works and quasi-historical quasi-historica l kavyas like Prataparudra Yasobhushanam, Siddheswara Chantramu, Somadevarajiyamu, Saluvabhyudayamu, Rayavachakamu, Rangarajacharitra and others, after being purged of all exaggerations, provided some solid historical information relating to the deeds of the kings, kings, princes princes and potentates. The Kalaj Ka laj-nanas and Vamsavalis also rendered help in the reconstruction of history. Apart from these works, some glorified popular ballads like the 'Siege of Bobbili' and ballads relating to Sarvaya Papadu and others threw light on the courage, heroism and reckless valour of the th e local local heroes of different differe nt Andhra regions. regio ns. Anothe Ano therr interesting interesting source of historical historica l information relates to the 'Kaifiyats', These were local revenue records reco rds maintained maintained by village karnams during the medieval and later periods relating to details of the village lands, their nature, ownership, and payabl pay able e tax etc. Changes Changes in the political set up, revenue revenu e assessment and life of the village were faithfully recorded in these village annals which are of great value now as sources of historical historical information. inform ation. Colonel Colonel Colin Colin Mackenzie Mack enzie and subsub sequently C.P. Brown, the two Britishers, rendered yeomen service in getting these thes e records records collected collected and copied. copied. Thes Th ese e local chronicles provided valuable historical material especially from the age of the Vijayanagara Rayas to the British period. ndian Muslim historic ical writings of the medieval In the IIn period, only passing references to the events in Andhra were made. made. For example. exam ple. Allauddin Allauddin Khilji's Khilji's invasions of Andnra were referred as part of his southern conquests in Amir Khusru's Pers Persiian works especially especially in his Tarikh-i Tar ikh-i-Ala -Alai.i. Isami Isami gave an
Introduction
5
authentic authentic description in his his 'Fatuh-us-sa 'Fatuh-us-salatin' latin' in verse, verse, of the circumstances under under which the Andhras revolted against Mahammad Bin Tughlak's authority and established independent kingdoms. kingdoms. Similarly Similarly Barani, Barani, Nizamu Nizamuddin ddin and Shams-i-Siraz Shams-i-Siraz Afif Afif in their chronicles shed some side light light on Andh Andhra ra deve deve-lopments of the the period period.. Among the Nizam Shahi and Adil Shahi dynastic historical accounts, Mohammed Khasim H. Ferishta's Tarik-i-Ferista, though not devoid of narrow sectarian loyalty and rabidly violent animosity towards the Hindus, deserves mention for its references to his patrons Ahmadnagar and Bijapur sultans with the Vijayanagare and other Andhra rulers. The The earliest reference reference to the Andhradesa in fore foreig ign n was s found in the account of Magasthanes, the the Greek literature wa ambassador ambassador in Maurya Chandragupta's court. Of the Greec GreecooRoman writings of the early centuries of Christian era, Pliny and Ptolemys' accounts and the ananymous author's the periplus of the Erythrean Sea' Sea' shed light light on the ports, ports, trade routes, markets and various items of trade, of Andhra during those times. Among the two Chinese travellers who visited India in the 5th and 7th centuries A.D., Fahien Fahien,, though though did not not visit the south, referred in his account to Andhra Parvata Vihara about which he heard. The other Chinese Chinese traveller traveller Hie Hieun un Tsang Tsang came to the South and toured the coastal Andhra as well in the first first half half of the 7th century century A.D. He left us a vivid vivid account account of the religious customs and ways of the life of the people. In 1293 1293 A.D., Marcopolo Marcopolo,, an Italian Italian traveller, visited visited Andhra Andhra and wrote an excellent account of what all he saw in Kakatiya kingdom. Ibn Ibn Batuta Batuta a Moroccan Muslim Muslim traveller (14th century A.D.), Abdur Razzak, the Persian ambassador, Nicolo-De-Conti, the Italian traveller, Nikitin, the Russian merchant (all in the 15th century A.D.), Barbossa, Paes and Nuniz—all Portuguese (16th century) and Barradas, Rubino and other foreigners (17th century) century) provided much useful us eful information, information, in their their travel accounts, reports and correspondence, about the condition ditions s prevailing here and their experiences.
6
2.
HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS
Aryanization Aryan ization of the Andhra Andh ra Country and its its Cond Co ndiition tion in the Pre-Maur Pre -Mauryan yan and Mauryan Maury an Period Periods. s.
The historical period in Andhra starts with the famous Satavaha Satavahanas. nas. Prio Priorr to their emergenc emergence e into power, power, during the 6th and 5th centuries B.C., northern India was under the settled government of the Sisunaga and Haryanka rulers. The two famous reformist faiths. Buddhism and Jainism came to be founded during the same period. period. In Andhra, the Nagas Na gas who were definitely of a non-Aryan stock were having their republican republican states. Some Some other semi-civi semi-c ivilise lised d races races also als o inhabited the thick jungle regions to the south of the Vindhyas, Vindhyas, known known for a long long time time as Dandakaranya Dandaka ranya.. It wa was s during during this period that the Aryans from the north were penetrating into this Dandaka area. The coming of the Aryans into Deccan was peaceful. The progress progress of the 'Aryanisation' is reflected in literature and lege legend nd.. Until Until about 600 B.C., B.C., work wo rks s of North exhibit exhi bit little little knowledge of India, south of the Vindhyas, but acquaintance increased incr eased with the progress of the centuries. centuri es. Legends Legends centring round the name of Agastya found in the Epics and Puranas appear in their own quaintest way to preserve the memory of this vast and and important important cultural movement. It seems the Vedic Rishis, in quest of peace and lonliness, ventured to enter Dandaka forest to establish hermitages on the banks of rivers in the thick of the forests. forests . The local local inhabitants inhabitants who were described by the Aryans Arya ns as 'Asuras 'Asur as and Rakshasas Raksh asas'' might ight have raided their settlements, destroying their sacrifices sacrif ices and interru interrupting pting their penance. The memory memory of these episodes episodes is preserved in tradition regarding the advent of Agastya into the South. The Ramayana when purged of all exaggerations, exaggerations, interpolations and anachronisms, proves the central fact that Rama championed the cause of Aryan culture fighting against the Asuras, thus giving an impetus to the spread of Aryan ideals ideals and institutions institutions in the Deccan, Regarding the the ori origin gin of Andhras, Pundras, Sabaras, Pulindas and Mutibas, the Aitareya Brahmana treats them as descendants of Visvamitra's fifty sons condemn condemned ed by his curse curse to live live on the borders of the Aryan
Introduction
7
settlements. settlements. The Mahabharata regards them as created by Vasishtha from his divine cow to be enemies and opponents of Visvamitra. Visvam itra. The Sabara Sab arass were wer e degenarate degenarate peop people le,, accordi according ng to Sankhyayana Sankhya yana Srauta Srau ta Sutra. What lies behind behind these these legend legendss is the separation of a section of the Aryan community from the main stock and their fusion with the non-Aryans, the Dasyus or Raksh Ra kshasa asass or Nagas, the early inhab inhabita itants nts of Deccan. Deccan. The The Mahabharata and the Puranas refer to the Andhras, Sabaras and Pulindas as the tribes of Deccan. During the age of the the Brahmanas, the Aryans pushed their conquests into the Deccan. Panini and Katyayanas' references point out that they pushed further into, the south and even made contracts with the Pandya, Chola and Kerala peoples of Southern India. The caste system accompanied the spread of Brahmanism from its stronghold in the Gangetic Doab into the Deccan and South Indi India' a'.. The people, who refused refu sed Aryan Ary an practices, dwelled in caves and forests where they have kept up their primitive customs, habits and' languages to the present day. Though we do not have definite information regarding the early history of the Aryan states that arose in the Deccan, it is evident that the imperialism of the Nandas and the Mauryas and the missionary activities of the northern Jain and Buddhist followers were the two forces that hastened the pace of the Arya Ar yanis nisati ation on of the Deccan and Sout South. h. The concept concept of imperi imperiaalism in India had its its origin in the age of the Brahmanas. It aimed at political political integration integration of the country cou ntry under ekarat (sole (sol e m on onar arch ch). ). Celebrating Celebrating its achievements by rituals rituals like AswaAswa medha me dha became a custom. The Nandas and the Mauryas Mauryas from Pataliputra Patalip utra confined the concept first to Northern Ind India ia but later exten ext ende ded d to to the Deccan and South South Indi India. a. According Accor ding to Puranas, Ugrasena Mahapadma Nanda established himself as ekarat by bringing the whole earth under his umbrella. Inscriptions directly or indirectly point out the Nanda and then the Mauryan Maur yan rule rule over the Deccan. The reference to the Nanda king in Kharavela's inscription (Hathi Gumpha) to his carrying away to Magadha a Jina statue as a trophy from Kalinga and the existence of Nanded (Nau Nanda Dehra) on the Godavari testify that a large portion of the Deccan formed
8
HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS
part of the Nanda Nanda empire. Commercially Commercially also also the the South began began to grow in import importan ance ce for for the sake of its diamond diamond and gold gold mines, peart and chank fisheries and numerous opulent marts'. (Kautilya). The low bom and unpopular Nandas were overthrown by Chandragupta Maurya with Kautilya's assistance about 322 B.C. This This founder of the Mauryan Mauryan rule, rule, who established his sway sway over the entire north, pushed forward his conquests to the sout south. h. "Jaina "Jaina references in literature literature and epigraphs associating his name name with Sravana Belgola Belgola in Mysor Mysore e (Karnatak (Karnataka) a) may may be accepted as proof of his acquisition of of this part of the Peninsula as well'. During this period, period, the Kalingas Kali ngas and the Andhras Andhras were powerful forces to reckon with. with. According to Magasthenes, Magasthenes, the Andhras Andhras posses pos sessed sed numero numerous us villages, villages, 30 fortified towns and an army of 1,00,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry and 1,000 elephants. It is well known known that Kalinga Kalinga was w as conquered by by Asoka after a terrible terrible war. No other other conque conquest st is attributed attributed to this ruler ruler.. However the provenance provenance of his Edicts Edicts prove that the country upto the river Pennar in South was included included in his empire. So it may be concluded that in all al l probability the rest of Deccan was earlier conquered by Asoka's grandfather, grandfather, Chandragu Chandragupta. pta. "Bey "Beyond ond the Pennar lay the inindependent Chola, Pandya, Keralaputra and Satiyaputra states. The Nanda and Mauryan imperialism influenced enormously the lives lives of the Decca Deccan n people people.. A uniform unifor m administrative system based upon Aryan Aryan polity came into vogue. The The ideas of the people were gradually moulded in the cast of Vedic, Jain and Buddhist Buddhist creeds. Asoka's Asok a's missi mis sionar onary y activities resulted in the establishment establishment of the Chetyavada Chetyavada scho sc hool ol of Budd Buddhi hism sm at Amaravati The The prevalen prevalence ce of Asok As oka' a's s edicts in the the Deccan Deccan and South indicates the widespread literacy among the people. With Asoka's death, the disruptive forces were let loose The weakness of his successors, the insubordination of vassal sates, the disloyalty of ambitio ambitious us minister ministers s and the aggressio aggression n of foreign foes led to the loss of overlordship of Magadha on the Decc Deccan an,, The The progress of Aryanizati Aryanization on was w as checked for the time being. being. The The Satavahanas Satav ahanas soon appeared on the scene in Deccan.
CHAPTER
The Satavahanas 1.
Identity of the Satavah Satavahanas anas
The Pauranic genealogies refer to the kings of 'Andhra-Jati'. Some Puranas style style them them as Andhrabhritya Andhr abhrityas. s. The The Nanagh Nan aghat at and Nasik cave inscriptions and coins discovered in the Deccan mention mention the names names of of several kings kings of 'Satav 'Sa tavaha ahanana-Kul Kula'. a'. On the basis of certain names, and their order of succession common to various kings mentioned in the two sources, some scholars identified the Satavahanas of the epigraphical records and coins with the the Andhra And hrass of the Puranas. However the Puranas never use the term 'Satavahana' and the inscriptions and coins do not refer to the Satavahanas as the Andhras. On the basis of this, some scholars strongly objected to the identification. According to R.G. Bhandarkar, The Andhrabhritya dynasty of the Puranas is the same as the Satavahana dynasty of the inscriptions'. The basis, he relied relied upon upon,, is that tha t the names occuring in the inscriptions and on the coins as well as the order (of their succession) sufficiently agree with those given in the Purarr Purarras as und under er the Andhrabhritya Andhrabh ritya dynasty. dynas ty. He explained the term 'Andhrabhritya' as meaning 'Andhras who were once servants or dependents.' Dr. K. Gopalachari asserted that the Satavahanas were Andhras Andh ras by tribal connection. connec tion. He suggested that either they were the scions of the royal family in the Andhradesa or Andhra Andhra fortune-hunter fortune-hunterss who accepted service in the western Deccan under the Mauryan suzerains, thereby getting the Puranic appelation 'Andhrabhritya' and that after
10
HISTOR HISTORY Y OF THE ANDHRA AND HRA S
Asoka's death their descendants might have struck a blow in their own interests in the land of their adoption. J. Burgess, V.A. Smith, E.J. Rapson, L.D. Barnett and P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar held the same opinion as that of Bhandarkar as regards the Andhra-Satavahana identity. However V.S. V.S. Suktankar, K.P. K.P. Jayaswal, H.C H.C Roychaudh Roych audhuri uri and V.S. V.S. Bakhle reject rejected ed the Andh ra-Sata vaha na equation. equation. Jayaswal regarded the Satavahanas as probable representatives of the the Satiyap utras of the Asokan Asoka n records. All these schola sch olars rs who denied the identity of the Satavahanas with the Andhras put forth the following arguments :1. The Andhras And hras were in in the eastern part of Deccan. Deccan . If the Satavahanas were Andhras, how was then the inscriptions end coins of the early Satavahana rulers were discovered only in Maharashtra but not in Andhra? 2. Many inscriptions and coins of the Satavahanas were found and no ruler is mentioned any where as the Andhra. 3. The langua lan gua ge of the Andhra And hrass is Telugu. However Howeve r the Satavahan Satav ahana a records are in Prakrit. Prakrit. If the Sa tav ah an as were the Andhras, then their records be issued in Telugu itself but not in Prakrit. 4. The The kings kings mentioned in the Puranas Puran as were either Andhras or Andhrabhrityas but not Satavahanas. 5. The Sa tav ah an as esta blished their their authority authority first first in in Mahara stra st ra . Afte r sometime, they conquered the Andhra Andhra country. cou ntry. Among these rulers, the last 7 or 8 rulers reigned only Andhra proper. Simply Simply because of this the contemp orary Pauranic writers might have mistaken and described the Satavahanas as Andhras. However the above arguments may be refuted on the following grounds :— 1. The The Andh An dhra rass were not simply simply confine con fined d to the eastern eas tern Deccan, Deccan, They we re to be found even in Bastar Bastar area of Madhya
The Satavahanas
11
Pradesh, Northern Kamataka, some parts of Maharashtra and Orissa as well. The The Satavahanas, Satavahanas, starting from Andhra, conquered Maharashtra and se settled ttled there for fo r sometime. He Henc nce e records records of the early ru ruler lers s were we re found there. However the the recently discovered discovered coins coins from from Kondapur and K Kotilingala otilingala (Karimnagar district) in the eastern Deccan refer to Simuka Satavahana, vahana, the founder founder of the Dynast Dyna sty. y. In view of this, this, the t he argument of the Scholars who denied the identity on the basis that records of early Satavahanas are not found in Andhradesa does not hold good. 2. !t is true that inscriptions inscriptions and coins do not refer to the the Satavaha Sata vahanas nas as Andhras. Generall Generally y rulers rulers give the names of their their dynasties dynasties and not the racial affinity. For exam example, ple, the rulers of the Post-Satavahana dynasties like Ikshvaku, Pallava, Salankayana, Vishnukundin and even Reddi, which ruled over Andhra did not claim themselves in their inscriptions as Andhras. But But there is no den denyin ying g the fact that they were Andhras. The The Nasik and Karle inscriptions refer to Nahapana's dynastic name (Kshaha (Ksh aharat rata) a) and and not not his race race (Saka-Pahl (Saka -Pahlava ava known from other other source sou rces). s). Similarly Similarly the Kanheri Kanher i inscription inscription refers to Rudradaman's dynasty (Kardamaka) and not his race (Saka). Hence Satavahana is the the name of the family fami ly (K (Kul ula) a).. They They might have been part and parcel of the Andhra race. 3. No doubt, Telugu is the language of of the Andhras and it had its origins probably in the Desi of first century A.D. However the use of Prakrit might be the custom of that period. It was used in inscriptions not simply by the Satavahanas, but also by their predecessor Asoka, their contemporaries Sungas and their their successors Ikshvakus Ikshvakus and early Pallavas. Pallavas. Even Even the Buddhists also wrote books in Prakrit which was perhaps the language of the masses. 4. It is true the Puranas refer ref er to them either either as Andhras Andhras or Andhrabhrityas but but not not as Satavahanas. Satavahan as. The term 'Andhra'Andhrabhritya' need not be interpreted as 'the servants of the Andhras (as Dr. Suktanka Sukt ankarr did). It may may mean mean the Andhras that were servants'. Furthe Furtherr K.P. Jaya Ja yaswa swall suggested that when when the
12
HISTOR HISTORY Y OF THE THE ANDHRA ANDHRAS S
centre of political gravity shifted from Magadha, the Puranas describe the imperial dynasties with reference to their place of origin as in the case of Vakatakas who were described in the Puranas Puranas as the Vindhyakas. Vindhyakas. So also also the Satavah Satavahanas anas were we re called Andhras in the Puranas. Moreover Moreover Matsya Purana clearly states that Simuka was an 'Andhra Jatiya'. 5. There is evidence to show show that the the Satavah Sat avahanas anas conquered Vidisa, Maharashtra and even Patali Pataliput putra. ra. But But there is no evidence to to their conquest conquest of Andhra area. This This is because because of the fact that they were Andhras and had their political career started first in the Andhra area and then extended to Maharashtra rash tra and other areas. The compiler compilerss of some of the Puranas Puranas were so near in point of time to the Satavahana kings that they could not have in their ignorance foisted the name Andhra on to the Satavahana princes simply because they found or knew them them only only as rulers of Andhra. The fact is that the Paura Pauranika nikass were dealing with them in the larger context of their tribal or communal affinity. Further, if the Satavahanas and Andhras are not identified as one and the same, then numbe numberr of difficulties difficulties will will arise. In view of certain common names and the order of succession, one has to say that two different dynasties with same names of kings ruled over the same area during the same period, which is imposs impossibl ible. e. Thus Thus it appears appears most likel likelyy that the S atava ata vahan hanas as belonged to the Andhra Community.
2.
Home Land of the Satavabanas
A subject of controversy regarding the Satavahanas is their homeland homeland or origin. origin. There The re are conflicting theories and contradictory opinio opinions ns regarding this. thi s. Earlier Earlier scholars like D.R. Bhandarkar conjectured that the land of the Andhras must have hav e at the early pe peri riod od consisted consis ted of certain cert ain parts of the Central Central Provi Provinc nces es togeth together er with with the Visakhapatn Visakhapatnam am district and may have have also included included the Godavari and Krishna K rishna district districts. s. The eastern Deccan was not called called Andhra A ndhra after a fter its conquest by
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
13
the the Satavahanas. Satavahana s. Andhradesa existed where where it is today today even before the Satavahanas came into prominence. BELLARY OR CANARESE ORIGIN Dr. Suktankar viewed that the Satavahanas Satavahanas did did not not belong belong to the the Andhra area as the field field of their their early early activity was confined to the west west of India India and and Paitha Paithan n was their capital capi tal He postulated postulated the theory that Bellary Bellary was the original home of the Satav Sat avaha ahanas nas.. He based based his his theory theory on on the evidence of Macadoni Macadoni inscription inscription of Pulomavi Pulomavi (IV), (I V), the last of the Andhra Satava Sat avahan hanas as and the Hirahadagalli copper plate grant grant of an early early Pallava Pallava ru rule ler, r, wherein wherei n references were made to 'Satavahana ahara' and 'Satavahani 'Satavahani rashtra' respectively. According to him, both these names might be derivatives from Satava Satavahan hanas as onl only. y. The The Satavahanas Satavahanas reigned reigned several several regions regions but no other places were were known after them. them. He Hence nce,, Suktanka Suktankarr concluded, those two t wo places places located in the Bellary Bellary region must be the area of original inhabitance of the Satavahanas and the latter subsequently conquered Maharashtra and later Andhra. However V.S. Bakhle did not accept Suktankar's identification of the original home of the Satavahanas with the Bellary region region which they made their home home in later times. The two two inscriptions prove that the Satavahanas ruled the Bellary region in their last years of rule. rule. But But they do not prove that that it was was their origina originall home. home. There was a gap of more than than 400 400 year years s between the time of the the issue of the two inscriptions and the founder of of the dynasty dynasty who wh o had nothing to do with the t he Bella Bellary ry regi re gion on.. Moreover there are severa severall hills and villages in different parts of Deccan which whi ch were known by the name of the Satavaha Satavahanas. nas. So the argumen argumentt of Suktankar that that except the the two places mentioned in the inscriptions, no other places were known after the Satavahanas is incorrect VIDARBHA ORIGIN Vasud Vasudev eva a Vishnu Mirashi postulated the theory theory that Vidarbha Vid arbha was the home home of the the Satavahanas. Satavahanas. His argume argument nt
14
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
was on the strength strength of two two other inscriptions. inscriptions. One is the the Nasik Nasik inscription inscription of of Bala Sri, Sri, wherein wherein Gautamiputra Satakarni was wa s described described as 'the Lord of Bervakata'. Mirashi identified Benakata with the the regio region n on either either side of the Wainganga. Wainganga. The other inscription is Kharavela's Hathigumpha inscription, wherein mentio mention n was made that Kh Kharav aravela ela marched westward westwards, s, heedless heedless of Satakarni, upto Kannabenna. Kannabenna. According According to Mirashi, Mirashi, Kannabenna is identical with the Kanner near near Nagap Nagapur. ur. Since Since Satakarni's dominions ware mentioned to be in the west of Kalinga, Ka linga, Vid Vidarbha arbha wherein Kanner Kanner flows flows must must have been been the original home of the Satavahanas. However the river Krishnaveni and the city of Dhanyakataka have better claims to be identical identical with Kannabenna Kannabenna and Benakata. kata. Benakata or Benakatak Benak ataka a just lik like Kalyana Kataka, can only be the name of a city but not of a region. region. With regard to the argument argument that Satakarni' Sataka rni's s domini dominions ons lay lay in the west and Andhra lay to the south of Kalinga, is not correct, Satakarni was 'Dakshinapathapati', i.e., the lord of the whole of Deccan. Deccan. Then Then it must be understood understood that his dominio dominions ns were wer e not confined only to the west of Kalinga and moreover Bastar and the neighbouring regions which lay to the west of Kalinga were wer e portions portions of Andhradesa from from very early times. times. MAHARASHTRA ORIGIN There is a strong belief belief among some scholars scholars that t hat Maharashtra was the original home of the Satavahanas. P.T. Srinivasa Ayyangar Ayya ngar,, who accepted the Andhra-Sata Andhra-Satavahana vahana identit identity, y, put put forth arguments to show that the Andhras were a Vindhyan tribe, tribe, that that their kings kings originall originally y ruled ruled over Wester Western n Indi India a and spoke Prakrit and not Telugu and that the extension of their authority was from the west to the east down the GodavariKrishna valley. val ley. When their thei r power declin declined ed in the west, west , the name Andhramandalam travelled to their eastern districts and became became establ est ablis ished hed there. Jogelkar further stren strength gthene ened d this theory. His contention content ion was that the Satavahanas Satav ahanas were Andhras, but but not not Andhr And hras as of the the east coast. They They were known as Andhras because because they lived lived on the banks banks of a river river by name
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
15
Andhra in in Pune dist distri rict ct of Maharashtra. Maharashtra. These Andhras ted a great revolution and drove away the foreigners (Kshaharatas), united the vario va rious us tribes tribes of Deccan and established established a new rashtra. So Maharashtra Maha rashtra was known as Navarashtra. The protagonists of the theory of the Maharashtra origin of the Satavahanas put forth in general the following arguments:(1) (1 ) The The Puranas Purana s describe describe Simuka only only as Andhrajatiya And hrajatiya but but not as Andhradesiya; (2) politically Andhra then was not independent but part of Kalinga; Kalinga; (3) The metronymics metrony mics and the Prakrit language of the Satavahanas indicate their western or Maratha origin; origin; (4) (4) the early Andhra Satavaha Sata vahana na rulers were connecte connected d with Paithan and their their records are found only in the west. wes t. On the basis of these arguments, argum ents, sch olar s concluded concluded that the Andhras lived with Rathikas etc. in Maharashtra and uniting ail of them rose to political prominence. It was either Gautamiputra Satakarni or his son Vasist hiputra Puloma Pulomavi vi that conquered conquere d Andhra desa. However the above arguments may ably be controverted. In the first place, the term Andhrajatiya applied to Simuka does not preclude the possibility of his being Andhradesiya. Secondly, the argument that the then Andhra was not politically independent but part of Kalinga is proved false by the Jatakas and Indica which mention Kalinga and Andhra as two separate and contiguous Janapadas. The The Edict Edictss of Aso ka place the Andhras in present Andhradesa, and indicate it unreasonable to huddle them together together with the others in Maha Ma haras rashtr htra. a. Thirdly, the metronymics argument is not strong one as only the later Satav Sa tavaha aha nas took too k them. them. Further Further Prakri Prakritt was inherited inherited by the Satava Sat avahan hanas as from the Maurya Ma uryass along along with polit politica icall power. power. Fourthly, Fourthly, the early early Satavahan Sata vahana a connection connection with Paithan and the provenance of their records in the west only indicate that in view of the threat from the aliens like Yavanas, they bestowed more attention on the north-west. ANDHRA ORIGIN
The theory that the eastern part of Deccan, i.e. Andhradesa was the the homeland homeland of the the Satav Sa tavah ahana ana s, is championed by
16
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
scholars like like E.J E.J. Rapson, Rapson, V.A. V.A . Smith, R.G. Bhandar Bha ndarkar, kar, J. Burgess Burgess and others. Suktan Suktankar kar and others held this opini opinion on that the Satavah Sata vahana anass came came to power from Andhrad And hradesa esa as unwarranted mainly on four grounds: (1) T h e i r earliest records, epigraphic and numismatic, have been discovered at Nanaghat and Nasik Nasik in the the Western Deccan; Decca n; (2) In Hathigumpha inscription of Kharavela, the dominions of the contemporary Satakarm are spoken of as being to the west of Kharavela's own kingdom of Kalinga; (3) (3 ) Bala Sri's inscription while recounti recounting ng the territorial possessions of her son, Gautamiputra Satakarni makes no mention mention of any locali locality ty in the Andhra And hra area; and (4) the first available Satavahana records begin to appear in Andhradesa only during the reign of his successor Vasisthiputra Pulomavi. These arguments are the result of inadequate appreciation of the a vailable vaila ble information. The preconceived no noti tion on,, that the Satavahanas had nothing to do with Andhradesa until the reign of Pulomavi I, blurred the vision of Suktankar and others in holdin holding g the the Andhr An dhra a origin origin as as unwarran unwa rranted. ted. It is forgotten forgott en that Satakarni (II) of the Nanaghat record, record, who performed two Asvamedhas, one Rajasuya and other sacrifices, bore the title 'Dakshinapathapati', 'Dakshinap athapati', i.e. i.e. the lord of Deccan. Decca n. Deccan natural naturally ly includes Andhra And hra de desa sa which whic h is its eastern eas tern part. If it is conceded that the Satavahanas were Andhras and that they were masters of the Deccan, Deccan , then the sentence 'heedless 'heedless of Satak Sa takarn arni, i, he sent his forces to west' in Kharavela's inscription does not mean that Satakarni's dominions were confined only to the west of Kalinga and had no connection with the Andhra area. Further Bala Sri's record has not completely ignored the Andhra area. It refers refe rs to Sirit Siritana ana (Sris ailam) aila m),, Mahendra (the (th e Eastern Ghats) and an d 'Assaka' 'Assak a' (the (the sou th-e ast pro provi vince nce of Hyderabad state and the Godavari district), as within her son's dominions. Moreover the earliest coins known hitherto were those of Satakarni I, the third third member of the dynasty. dyna sty. Some very important coins coin s have h ave come to light recently. recently. Of such coins the Kondapur coins bear the legend legend 'Sadvahana'. 'Sadvahan a'. On palacographical grounds, this Satavahana can be placed in 3rd century B.C. Dr. P.V. Parabrahma Sastri collected very recently over
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
17
hundre hundred d early coins near the vill village age Kotitingala Kotitingala on the eastern eastern side of of the the hilloc hillock k called Munu Munulag lagutt utta a on the t he right right bank of the river Godavari in the Peddabankur taluk of the Karimnagar district district of Andhra And hra Pradesh. These Thes e include included d seven coins belongbelonging ing to the the first Satavah Sa tavahana ana rule rulerr Simuka. This This discovery is of momentous importa importance nce for the history of the Satavahanas. It leaves no doubt about the association of the Satavahanas with Andhra from the very start. s tart. The legend legend on these these coin coinss strengthens the possibility that king Satavahana of Kondapur coins is none other than Simuka himself who is called Simuka Satavaha va hana na in a Nanaghat label label inscripti inscription on also. also. The The Jain sources sources menti mention on Satavahan Satava hana a as the first first Andhra king king.. The KathasarrtKathas arrtsagara contains a story about about Satavahana. Therefore Satahana Satahana or Simuka Satavahana of the Kondapur and Kotilingala coins respectively is the same Satavahana who founded the imperial Andhra line line and his successors succes sors called c alled themselves themselves Satavah Sata vahana ana s, With regard to the capitals of the Satavahana kings, unreliable and much later legend points to Srikakulam in the Krishna Krishn a district, district, which which can canno nott stand stan d for scrutiny. Dh anyaka any akataka taka (Dharanikota (Dharan ikota in the Guntur district) district) seems to be the eastern capita] and when Maharashtra became part of Andhra empire and when the Satavahanas concentrated their more attention on western Deccan Deccan because of the Saka-p Sak a-pahla ahlava va menace. menace. Paithan became the seat of their government in the west.
3. Chronology of the Satavahanas Of the many complicated problems that the Andhras have presented, the most important one is the problem of their chronology. Divergent views have been expressed by different scholars about the beginning of the Andhra Satavahana rule, but so far no unanimous conclusion has yet been arrived at by the historian on this point of issue. The foundation of the dynasty, which is known by its tribal name Andhra in the Puranas and by its family name Satav Sa tavah ahan ana a in the the epigra epigraphs phs,, is is attribut attributed ed to one Simuka. The 2)
18
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
Purana Pura nas s misspelt the na name me Simuka Simuka as Sisu Si suka ka (Mat (M atsy sya) a) Sindn Sindnuk uka a (Va ( Vayu yu), ), and Sipraka Sipraka (Vis (V ishn hnu). u). Five Five out of the 18 Puranas namely the Matsya, Matsya, the Vayu, Vayu , the Vishnu, the Bhagavata and the Brahmanda, furnish dynastic lists of rulers who wh o ruled Magadha till the the rise rise of the Guptas. Besides the mention of the dynastic lists, they recorded the reigning period of each dynasty and even tir tire e names of the th e princes. prin ces. The Matsya and Vayu shed more light by furnishing in addition the regn regnal al period of each prince. prince. The statements fou found nd in the Puranas would have been accepted as the mast authentic but for the glaring discrepancies in their versions, and also for their self-contradictory statements between the genera! and the specific statements in the same Puranas. Regarding the Andhra dynastic list, the Matsya mentioned in its general statement 29 kings with a total reign of 460 years and in its particular statement, 30 kings with a total reig reign n of 448 448 1/2 years. yea rs. The The Vay u's genera! gene ra! statement refers ref ers to 30 kings ki ngs with a reign reign of 44 441 1 year ye ars, s, w while hile the particular state ment mentions the names of 17 kings with a total reign of 272 1/2 years. Both the Vishnu and the Bhagavata, in their general statements gave the names of 30 kings with a total reign of 456 years. yea rs. In the these se contradicting statemen statements, ts, there is at least leas t one point of unifor uni formit mity y in the Puranic tradition, that the Andhra kings were 30 and that they ruled for over four centuri centuries. es. There is is another anoth er unanimous unani mous statement in all the Puranas, viz : 'Sisuka (Simuka) of the Andhra race, having destroyed Susarman of the Kanva family with main force, and whatever will have been left of the power of the Sungas, will obtain possession of earth', It has been agreed on all hands that the the Kanva Kan va Susarman's Susarman 's rule rule was e ended nded in 28 B. B.C. C. If the Puranic statement that Simuka was the Andhra king who slew Susarman of the Kanva family in 28 B.C. is accepted, then the most complicated problem would arise as to the duration of the reign reign of the Andhra Andhra kings. If the Puranic statement statem ent tha thatt the Andhras A ndhras rule ruled d for more than tha n 4 centuries is taken into account, the rule of the Andhra dynasty would come to an end in the 5th century A.D.
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
19
which is untenable due to the claims of other dynasties which came to dominate domin ate over over their territories. territories. Therefore of the two satements, the most reasonable one should be taken into consideration, rejecting the other. In view of the the fact that that the rule of the Andhras cannot be extended beyond 2nd century A.D., the Puranic tradition, that Simuka ended the rule of the Kanvas may be rejected and the other statement that the Andhras enjoyed a reign of more than 4 centuries can be relied upon. upon. V.A. Smith rejected rejecte d the former tradition with an observation, "the Andhra king who slew Susarman cannot possibly have been Simuka'. R.G. Bhandarkar accepted the first tradition, i.e., Simuka slew Susarman of the Kanv K anva a family. fam ily. Yet he fixed 73 B.C. as the init initia iall year year of the Sata Sa tava vaha hana na rule. rule. Bhanda Bha ndarkar rkar took took Vayu Purana as his authority and relied upon its specific statement of 17 kings and a nd 2721/2 year ye arss rul rule. e. In his view, the the Mats Ma tsya ya furnished the names of those princes (who were 13 in number) belonging to the collateral branches of the dynasty in addition to the 17 kings of the main line, given in the Vayu Purana. By interpreting the clause 'Whatever will have been left of the power of the Sungas' to mean that the Sungas and the Kanvas were simultaneously ruling the territories. Bhandarkar placed the two successive dynasties as contemporary dynasties and came to the conclusion that the 112 year rule of the Sungas also included the 45 45 year rule of the the Kanva Ka nvas. s. On the basis of this reasoning, he fixed the initial year of the Satavahana rule at 73 B.C. (137 + 112 = 24 249; 9; 32 322 2 B.C. - 24 249 9 = 73 B.C. B .C.). ). Bhanda Bha ndarkar rkar's 's reasoning cannot be accepted acce pted because his interinterpretation goes g oes counter to the th e Puranic Puranic testimony testim ony which is confirmed by Bana that Devabhuti, the 10th and last Sunga king was slain by Vasudeva, the first Kanva ruler who usurped the throne of Magadha for himself. himself. In such a case cas e it would would be impossible to make Susarman, the 4th and hast Kanva king, a contempora contem porary ry of Devabhuti. Devabh uti. Anoth An other er improba improbabil biliy iy in BhanBhandarkar's argument is that Matsya mentioned the kings of both main and collateral lines of the Andhra dynasty, while Vayu
20
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
gave only the the kings of the main main lin line e, and and that Va Vay yu's u' s stateme statement nt that 17 kings ruled ruled for fo r 300 years. years. The point to be borne in mind ind is that Vay V ayu u also in its general general statement statemen t mentioned 30 kings kings with a total total re reig ign n of 411 years. If in in Bhandar Bhan darkar kar's 's view, Vayu gave only the names of the kings of the main line, it had surprisingly omitted omitted the name of Pulomavi II, wh who o was a king king of the main main lin line, succeeded to the throne thr one afte af terr Gautamiputra. Gautamiputra. Therefore, Therefore, the argument argument and the view expr express essed ed by R.G. Bhandarkar may may be rejected rej ected and the t he Matsya Matsy a Purana Purana may be accepted in preference to the th e other Puranas Puranas as our authority, for it is fuller in details with regard to the number and names of the Andhra kings and also as it is in harmony with the general statements of the other Puranas including the Vayu which allot more than 400 years to the Andhra dynasty. Dr. Smith accepted the general statement of the Puranas that there were 29 or 30 kings who ruled successively for a period period of four fou r and half centuries and placed the beginning of the Andhra rule in the last quarter of the 3rd century centur y B.C. He observed, "the independent Andhra dynasty must have begun begun its rule about 240 240 or 23 230 0 B.C. long before the depression of the Kanvas about 28 B.C. and the Andhra king who slew Susarman Susarman cannot possibly have hav e been Simutea". Rapson, like Smith, held held that 'the most complete of the extent lists can only be interpreted as indicating that the founder Simuka began to reign before 200 B.C. Prof. G.V. Rao, and Dr. Dr. O. Ramachandraiya Ramachandraiy a while rejecting rejecting the views of Bhandankar Bhandankar and Roy Choudhury Choudhury and an d agreeing agreeing with the conclusion of Dr. Smith and Rapson as nearer to truth, placed the beginning beginning of the Andhra Sata Satava vaha hana na rule in 271 B.C. On the assumption that that the 15th 15th king king of the Matsya Matsy a list, Pulomavi I was the slayer of Susarman of th the Kanva family and the conqueror of Magadha in 28 B.C., the learned professors came to the conclusion that 271 B.C. B.C. was the year year in wh whic ich h the the foundati foundation on of Andhra Satavahana Satav ahana rule was laid.
The Satavahanas
21
The reason for bestowing this greatness on Pulomavi may be imagined imagi ned from fr om two points points : (1) The The Vayu Va yu while giving giving only important names of the t he dynasty, by way of pass passing ing reference mentioned the first four rulers by name, kept silent tilt the advent of Pulomavi, and from him onwards gave a complete and fuller list of kings which fully corresponds with the detaile det ailed d Matsya Mat sya list upto Gautamiputra. Gautamiputra. By the the very mention mention of Pulomavi as the first in the second group of its list, the Vayu indirectly hints the prominence of the ruler who in all probability might be the ruler who slew Susarman in 28 B.C. 2} The fondness shown by he Satavahana rulers in bearing that name undoubtedly indicate the importance of the king who first ap appe pear ared ed with tha thatt na name. me. His His successors must have regarded him as a great ruler whose memory must be cherishedcherished- We find four fo ur rulers, rulers, who came came after aft er Pulomavi, with that name, and that name was very much coveted next to the name of Satakarni. The importance of the name is further heightened by the statement in the Matsya, viz: "As to the Andhr An dhras, as, they are the Pulomas". Pulomas". To cherish his memory by his successors and descendants, Pulomavi's achievements must have been very great and ever remembering. This memorable achievement in all probability might be his conquest of Magadha after slaying Susarma in 28 B.C. On the assumption that Pulornavi I was the conquaror of Magadha and slayer of Susarman in 28 B.C., we may determine the initial year of Simuka, the founder of the dynasty. The total reign of the 4 immediate predecessors of Pulomavi, wa s 19 years. yea rs. During this this pe peri riod od,, the dynasty had to fa ce considerable cons iderable decline decline in in its its fortun for tunes es.. To regain regain the lost lost glory and to set the house in order, Pulomavi, must have spent a consider con siderable able part of his his reign. If we allot a period of 15 years to entrench himself fully in his seat, his attack on Magadha and its conquest must have taken place in 28 B C. + 15=43 B.C. Before him, there were 14 kings whose total reign covered a period of 228 228 years Henc He nce e the first rul ruler er Simuka, the founder of the dynasty must have come to prominence in 228 + 43 B C =271 BC
22
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
The accuracy accura cy of 271 271 B.C. as the starting star ting point point of the Andhra Satavahana 'defacto' rule by Simuka may be verified and found correct by following follo wing another independen independentt line line of reasoning, outside the equation of Pulomavi I with the slayer of Susarman. The Hatigump Hatigumpha ha inscription inscription of Kharave Kha ravela la and the Nanaghat inscription of Naganika help us in this quest. In the Hatigumpha inscription, the name of one Satakarni was menti mentione oned. d. King Kharavela (of Kaling Ka linga) a) in his his second regnal year, year, sent his his armie armiess west "heedless of Satakarni". Sata karni". The date of the Hatigumpha inscription inscription is not known. But it furnishe furn ishess the scholars a clue, clue, by mentioning mentioning Dimita, the name of a Yavana king who retreated before Kharavela in the later's eigth regnal year. This This Dimita Dimita has been identified with Demetrius I, the son of Euthydemos, whose invasion against India failed because of Kharavela's opposition and also on account of troubles bles at home. home. This fact has been confirmed by Gargi-Samhita Gargi-Sa mhita of Yugapur Yug apurana. ana. According to Meyer the return of Demetrius Demetrius occured in 175 B.C. This This was the 8th 8th regnal year yea r of Kharave Kha ravela. la. Six years earlier Kharavela sent his armies against Satakarni. Therefore Therefor e in 181 181 B.C., B.C., 'A 'A Satakarni' Satakarn i' was ruling ruling the Andhra kingdom. do m. (175 (1 75+(8 +(8-2 -2)) =181 =181 B.C.) The Nanaghat inscription inscription of Naganik Nag anika a refere re fered d to one Satakarni. Both the the inscriptions, the Nanaghat and the Hatigumpha, on palaeographical grounds, were accepted by all scholars as contemporary documents for 'the alphabet of the former agrees generally with that of the latter'. latter'. Satak Sa takar arni ni of Nanaghat record record had be been en styled as Aprathiha Apra thihatacak tacakra, ra, and Dakshinapad Daksh inapadhapathi hapathi.. The 6th ruler ruler of the Matsya and the 3rd ruler of the Vayu was one Satakarni. Both the Puranas have given him identical reign of 56 years. The name of the third ruler in other Puranas was variously given. Satakarn Sata karnii of the Nanaghat record was a staunch follower of Brahmanism and is said to have performed a number of Vedic sacrifices, including two Aswamedhas and one Rajasuya. Therefore, Satakarni, who appeared in the Nanaghat and Hatigumpha gumpha inscriptions, inscriptions, can be equated with Satakarni, who appeared as the 6th of the Matsya and 3rd of the Vayu lists. On the basis of this identification, we can say that Satakarni of the Satavahana dynasty was the ruling king of the Andhra Kingdom Kingdom in 18 181 1 B.C., when whe n Khar Kh arav avel ela a sent his his armies armies west.
The Satavahanas
23
with out paying any a ny heed heed of his his existence. To entrench himhimself in his seat seat and an d become become a powerful powerful rival rival to a great king king like Kharavete, Satakarni must have come to the throne some 3 or 4 year y ears s before before the dispatch dispatch of the armies by Kharavela against west. west . The five five predecessors (according to Matsya) Matsya) rule ru les s for fo r 87 years. years. Therefore Simuka must must have founded the) dynast dyn asty y in 271 B.C. (181+3 + 87 = 271 271 B.C.) B.C.) This This date date is fully in accordance with the calculation calculation made by suppossing suppossing that Pulomavi I was the king who slew Susarman in 28 B.C. and that some 15 years before that he must have sit on the throne throne Of the Andhra Andhra country country (28 + 15 + 228 228 = 271 B.C.).
4. Later Satavahana Chronology The correctness of 271 B.C. B.C. as the the starting point point of the Satavahana rule under Simuka, may be verified and established from the known dates of Kshatrapas and other foreign kings. The foreign powers such as the Sakas and the Pahlavas in the closing years of the 1st Century B.C. and in the beginning years of the 1st century A.D. became powerful and established their sway in Malwa, Malwa, Surashtra Surashtra and other western areas. It was mainly on account of these foreign onslaughts, the power of the Satavahanas for sometime had to register a shart decline, subsequent to the reign reign of Pulomavi. Pulomavi. The king wh who o once once again retrieved the fallen fortunes of the Satavahana dynasty to its forme formerr glory glory was Gautamiputra Gautamiput ra Sri Sri Satakarni, the 23rd 23rd king in the Matsya Matsya list. list. His moth mother er Gautami Gautami Bala Sri, registe registering ring a gift at Nasik Nasik in the 19th 19th regnal year year of her grandson Pulomavi Pulomavi II, describ describes es the the great qualities of her her son GautamiGaut amiputra Sri Satakarni as the destroyer of the Sakas, Yavanas and Pahlavas and the annihila annihilator tor of the line of the Kshaharatas. Anoth Another er inscription at Nasik Nasik recorded recorded in the 18th 18th regnal regnal year of Gautamiputra furnishes details details of a campaign campaign.. A large number number of Nahapana' Nahapana's s coins coins foun f ound d in the Jogelthem Jogelthembi bi hoard were restruck by Gautamiputra. All the regions regions mentio mentione ned d in Bala Sri's inscription as belonging to Gautamiputra Satakarni were referred to in the inscriptions of Usavadata, the son-in-law of Nahapa Nahapana na and his minister minister Ayama, Ayama, as were in the occupation of Nahapana. Nahapana. These insc inscripti riptions ons were issued issued in Nahapana's Nahapana's
24
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
years 41, 41, 42, 42, 45 and 46 at Nasik. Karle and Junnar. Junnar. Whether the above years refer to Saka era or the regnal years of Nahapa Nahapana na is the problem. problem. Prof. Rapson believ believing ing the years years to be of Saka era, tried to fix the date of Gautamiputra on the basis of the Gimar Gimar record. The The Girnar inscription inscription dated 72 Saka, Saka, i.e. i.e. 150 150 AD., shows shows most of the territories of Gautamiputra as included in the kingdom of Rudradaman, the Kardamaka rule ru lerr of Ujjain. Rapson who based his chronological chronological scheme scheme on Nahapana-Gautamiputra synchronism, and on the date of the Girnar Girnar record observed observed that it would not be be impro improba bable ble that Nahapana's reign could not have extended much beyond the last recorded recorded year = 46 = 124 124 A.D. Gautamiputra's conquests of Nahapana seems undoubtedly ....to have taken place in the 18th 18th year of his reign. We therefore have the equation equation : Gautamiputra's years years 18 = 124 124 A.D. or 124 A.D. + x. On this synchronism, on the recorded regnal dates in the inscriptions of Andhra Andhra kings, kings, on the known date 72 Saka = 150 A.D. of Rudradamana as Mahakshtrapa rests at present the whole found foundatio ation n of the later Andhra Andhra Satavahana Satavahana chronology chronology.. On the basis of of the above observa observation. tion. Prof. Rapson placed the starting year of Gautamiputra Satakarni's reign in 106 A.D. and as he is said to have ruled for 24 years, the reign, according to him came to an end in 130 130 A.D. But the discovery of Andhau inscriptions of Chastana and Rudradaman, the Kardamaka rulers proved Rapson's Rapson's view erroneous. erroneous. The Andhau Andhau inscriptions are dated 20 years years earli earlier er than than Girnar record, record, i.e. i.e.,, 72 Saka —2 —20 0 = 52 Saka = 13 130 0 A.D. According to these inscriptions, Chastana was in possession of all lands between Andhau and Ujjain, Ujjain, i.e. i.e. fro from m Kutch to Malwa. The Greek Greek Geographer Ptolem Ptolemy y in his his account account {130 A.D.) referred to one one Testenes', identifie identified d as Chastana Chast ana as ruling ruling at Ozene ene (Ujj (Ujjain) ain)-- If, according to Rapson, in 124 A.D. Gautamiputra, in his 18th 18th regna regnall year launched on a career of conquest after the death of Nahapana, we would have to ponder that could he have effected the conquest of so vast a territory, which according to Bala Sri's record recor d of Nasik incl includ ude e Anupa, Aparanta, Akara, Akara , Avanti, Suratha Sur atha and Kukura kingdoms, and extended his sway as far as the Aravalis Aravalis in the nor north. th. To effect effect conqu conques ests ts of such a vast va st area in a short perio period d of 6 years is har hardly dly sufficient. sufficient. Even Even if
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
25
we agree with the lear learne ned d Professor that so great a warrior like Gautamiputra could have effected conquests of such magnitude with with such lighteni lightening ng rapid rapidity ity within within a short span of 6 years, we must also agree to the fact that all these magnificent conquests were made only only to be lost lost after 6 years, years, for for the Andhau inscriptions of 130 A.D. tell us that all these lands, said to have been conquered by Gautamiputra, were in the occupation of Chastana and Rudradaman of the Kardamaka dynasty. From From this we are to pres presum ume e that the areas areas that were conquered conquered by Gautamiputra betw betwee een n 124 124 A. A.D.D. -130 A.D. were occupied by the Kard Kardamak amakas, as, imme immedia diately tely after after his his death. death. If this supposition is accepted, we must conclude that the glory of the Andhras Andhr as was short-lived. short-lived. But a close stu study dy of Bala Bala Sri's record of Nasik would not allow us to cling to this supposition. The Nasik inscription was issued by Bala Sri, the mother of Gautamiputra in the 19th regnal year of her grandson Pulomavi-ll, mavi-l l, the t he son and and success successor or of Gautamipu Gautamiputra. tra. In this this inscription, scription, she recounted the exploits of her son with pride. pride. If by 130 A.D. Chastana could occupy all these lands between Andhau and Ujjain during the life time of Gautamiputra itself, according to Rapson, his mother would not have sung the glories of her her son which were only euph eupheme emeral. ral. Another Anot her supporting factor is that there is no scope to take the view that these t hese lands were were lost lost during the time time of Pulom Pulomavi avi,, for there is nothing in the inscriptions of Pulomavi to suggest any reduction reduction of his dominions dominions during his his reign reign.. Ther Theref efor ore e it is inconceivable that Gautamiputra must have lost a part of his domin dominion ions s to Chastana Chastana and Rugradam Rugradaman an in 130 A.D. Like Rapson, R.G. Bhandarkar also thought that the years of Nahapana belong to Saka era and in order to avoid chronological improbabilities, suggested a conjoint rule for Gautamiputra and Pulomav Pulomavii IIII. He came to this conclusion on the basis of Bala Sri's statement that she was 'Maharajamata and Maharaja Pithamahi'. Neith Neither er the the equati equation on of Nahapana's years with with the Saka Saka era er a nor nor the conjoint ru rule le of Gautamiputra Gautamiputra and his son Pulomavi. Pulomavi.
26
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
as postulat postulated ed by R.G. R.G. Bhandarkar B handarkar can be accepted. accepted. The mere me re mention of Maharajamatha and Maharajapitamahi, the appearance of Gautamiputra's name in the Nasik inscription of Pulomavi as 'Dhanakatakasami' and the mention of Ptolemy to Polemios (Pulomavi) as the ruler of Paithan cannot establish the fact of a conjo conjoint int rule rule of the father and and son. The The proprobable position would be that in the 24th regnal year, Gautamiputra had donated an excavated cave to the Buddhist monks at Nasik. Nasik. After Af ter 19 years of his his de deat ath, h, his his mother who outlived lived him him for fo r a longtime, longtime, during during the reign reign of her grands gra ndson on Pulomavi II, gifted a cave and in the inscription that was issued on that occasion, praised the great qualities of her son, who was wa s no more by that time. time. In the Nasik inscription inscription issued in the 24th regnal year of Gautamiputra, Bala Sri referred to him him as one livi living ng (Jivasuat (Jiva suata). a). In another Nasik inscription, inscription, issued by Pulomavi II in his 19th regnal year, it has been stated that the merit of the gift is said to have been made over to his father fath er (Pitupatiyo). (P itupatiyo). Such transfer of the the merit of gifts are ar e made made only only in favour of deceased decea sed persons. persons. Another Ano ther point point which disproved the supposition of a conjoint rule of the father and the son is that had Gautamiputra been alive and ruling over the territories as the senior king, the necessity of dating the inscription in the regnal period of Pulomavi II would not have arisen. Therefore Therefo re the theory theory of conjoint rule rule of Gautam Ga utamiputr iputra a and his son Pulomavi, as advocated by R.G. Bhandarkar cannot be accepted. Regarding the years 41. 42, 45 and 46 of Nahapana, different ferent views view s have be been en expressed. Some scholars scho lars like like Banerji feel that they they were wer e the regna regnall years of Nahapana. Nahapana. Accepting the view of Cunningham, Prof. K.A.N. Sastri held them to be of Vikrama era. e ra. Rapson Rapson and Bhandarkar feel that they indicat indicate e the Saka S aka era. This last last supposition supposition has been disproved by the discovery of Andhau inscriptions. inscriptions. If the view vie w that they belon belong g to Vikrama era is taken into consideration, we are forced to place place the 41st 41st year of Nahap N ahapana ana in 17 B.C. B.C. (58 B.C. B .C.— — 41 = 17 B.C.) B.C.) and his last recorded date 46 in 12 B.C. If we agree agre e with Rapson that Nahapana's reign could not have extended much beyond the last recorded year 46. 12 B.C. would be the
The Satavahanas
27
uppermost uppermost limi limitt of Nahapana's Nahapana's ru rule le.. The The inte interva rvall betwee between n Nahap Nahapana ana and and Gautamiputra Gautamiputra must must have been been short which could could not have permitted the successors of Nahapana to issue new coinage. But, if we accept the view that the years of Nahapan Nahapana a were of Vikrama Vikrama era, we should place the end of his rule 12 B.C. in which case there would occur a gap of more than 95 years seperating him him from fro m Gautamiputra. Therefore the reckoning of the years of Nahapana in Vikrama era cannot be made. The mention of 'Nambanus' whom the scholars have identified as Nahapana in the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea would help us to solve solv e the problem of Nahapana's Nahapana's time. time. Schoff assigns the 'Periplus' 'Periplus' to 60 A.D. According Accord ing to 'Periplus', the kingdom of Nambanus lay on either side of the gulf of Combay. His power was great ail a il along the sea board of 'Suras 'Surastran trane' e' (Saura (Sa urasht shtra) ra) and the the Gree Greek k ship ships s going going to Satava Sat avahan hana a ports of Kalyan Kaly an were diverted to Barygaza (Broach). (Broach) . On the authority of 'Periplus', it can be told that Nahapana must be the ruling king of that area by 60 A.D. Besides the mention of Nahapana (Nambanus), a reference has been made to two other kings, Sandanas and Saraganes whom the scholars have identified as Sundara and Chakora (33-35 A.D.) respectively who were of the Satavahana family and whose successive reigns were too insignificant to mention, for their duration was only only 11/2 years. Cako Ca kora ra's 's successor, successor, Sivasvati enjoyed a long reign of 28 years, during whose rule, the Satavahana power regained new strength and was on the road of recovery recovery.. Accordin Accor ding g to the chronology chronology adopted adopted by us, Siva Svati's reign must have come to an end by 63 A.D. That was also the time time of Nahapana's Nahapana's end if we agree agree with the supposition that Nahapana and Nambanus are one, and that the time of the Periplus is about 60 A.D. and that the 46th 46th year yea r of Nahapana Nahapana was his last year as stated sta ted by Prof. Rapson Rap son.. This This supposition supposition may be strengt stre ngthene hened d on other ground grounds s as well. well. Gautamiputra Gautamiputra is described in the Nasik Nasik ininscription as the annihilator of the line line of Kshaharatas. Thes These e Kshaharatas were the Kshatrapas of Saurashtra and Malwa.
28
HISTO HISTORY RY OF THE ANDH ANDHRA RAS S
In the opini opinion on of V.S. Bakh Bakhle le,, the Kshah Ks haharata aratass we re Pahlavas Pah lavas,, and the Kardamakas were were Sakas. The rul ruler erss of Ksha Ks haha ha rata ra ta and Kardamaka families assumed the official titles as Kshatrapas and Mahakshatrap Maha kshatrapas as respecti respectively vely.. Both these rulers rulers were we re perhaps feudatories of the Saka-Pahlava power of Mathura, to which which that great great kin king g Rajula Rajula belong belonged. ed. Rajula passed passe d away aw ay in 17 A.D. (f we presume presume Nahapana to be a Kshatrao Ksh atraoa a of Rajula, he must have become independent after his death and started his rule in his own right as an independent king in Saurashtra. His His rul rule must come to an an end by 63 A.D. A.D . (17 A.D . + 46 = 63 A.D.). That was wa s the the year also in which Gautamiputra Gautam iputra Satakarni ascended the throne at Dhanakataka, according to the chronological scheme that we have adopted. Gautamiputra, the successor of Siva Svati who became ruler in 63 A.D. in his 18th regnal year launched on a career of conquest and occupied all the lands that were once acknowledged ledged the sway swa y of Nahapana between between 81 A.D. and 87 A.D A. D and after af ter him him his his son son Pulomav Pulomavii It. The Kardama Karda makas kas rose to power and their chief Chastana, with the help of his illustrious grandson Rudradaman succeeded in occupying the lands from Andhau to Ujjain between 115115-13 130 0 A.D. A.D . These conq co nq ue sts st s must have been effected during the weak rule of Siva Sri and Siva Skanda (1 (115 to 12 129 9 A.D.) In 129 129 A.D. Yajna Ya jna Sri S ri Saiakarni occupied the throne and came into conflict with the Kardamaka ruler Rudradaman with a view to reconquer the tost territor territories. ies. The Girnar inscript inscription ion describes how how Rudra Ru dradadaman defeated one Satakarni king twice and seized him but released him as he was closely related to him. From the above discussion the following points can be gleaned namely nam ely (1) that Siva Svati a nd Nahapana Nah apana were we re contemporaries and that their respective periods of rule came to an end by 63 A.D. A.D.,, (2 ) that Gautamiputr Gautamiputra a who succeeded succeed ed Siva Svati Sv ati,, occupied occupied all lands lands described in Bate Sri's inscription inscr iption between 81 A.D. -87 A.D. from the Kshaharatas; (3) that these lands which were occupied by Gautamiputra were in possession of the Andhras till the end of Pulomavi II's rule; (4 (4)) that the said lands from Andhau to Ujjain were occupied by Chastana
The
Satavahanas
29
and Rudradaman, the Kardamaka rulers after the death of Pulomavi Pulomavi II, and an d lastly (5) that Ya jna jn a Sri Sri who was a concontemporary of Rudradaman tried to regain the lost possessions from the Kardamakas, but was twice defeated. The contemporaneity of Yajna Sri with Rudradaman has been be en accep ac cepted ted by Haricharana Ghosh. According According to him, him, Yajna Yajn a Sri's Sri's accession accession to the thron throne e took place place in 127 A.D. He came to this conclusion on the basis of Yajna Sri's Kanheri inscription and Rudra R udradam daman's an's Girnar inscri inscripti ption. on. According to him Yajna Sri was in possession of Aparanta upto 16th year of his sovereignty as may be infer inferre red d from his record record at Kanheri. The Girnar inscription inscription dated 72 Saka Sa ka = 150 A.D. shows show s that the the territory of Aparanta was in the possession of Rudradaman. Hence an inference can be made that Yajna Sri lost Aparanta some time after aft er his 16th 16th regnal year. year. This This 'sometime' 'sometime' accor accordding to Ghosh may not be mor more e than 10 years. He felt that the repairs repairs to the the lake were effected effec ted in 150 A.D. (72 Saka) Sak a) but the issue of the inscription was made after some time which according to him was 3 years, i.e. in 153 A.D. (75 Saka). Hence Yajn Ya jna a Sri's Sri's accession acces sion to the throne must have taken A.D.-16-10 0 = 127 A.D. place in 153 A.D.-16-1 On the basis of Yajna Sri's year of accession to the throne, the initia initiall year ye ar of the Satavahana rule rule may be fixed. Yajna Yajn a Sri's rule was preceeded by 26 kings, whose total rule according to Matsya Ma tsya was 396 1/2 years. years. Therefore the year yea r of Simuka's Simuka's access accession ion to power would would be 396 396 1/2 -127 -127 = 269 269 1/2 + y or 271 271 A.D. This is in accordance with the chronology adopted by us earlier.
30
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
introduction
51
32
5.
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS
Political History History of the Satavah Satavahana anass
The vague, disputed and uncorroborated doubtful evidences form the basis for for the history of the Satavahanas. Satavahanas. The The Jain Jain sources men mentio tion n Satavahana Satavahana as the first king in the family. family. The The Kathasaritsagara also contains contains a story about Satavahana. The The Kondapur Kondapur coins bear the legen legend d 'Sad 'S adva vaha hana na'.'. On scriptal grounds grounds this Satavahan Satavahana a is is plac placed ed close close to (either (either before or contemporaneous with) Simuka, the first ruler of the family mentioned in the Puranas. The lat lates estt discover discovery, y, Kotilingala coins coins (fro (from m Karimnagar district) included seven coins belongbelonging to this Simu Simuka ka.. The lege legend nd on these coins strengthens strengthens the possibility that the king Satavahana of Kondapur coins is none other than Simuka Simuka himsel himselff who is called Simuka Simuka Satavahan vahana a in a Nanaghat Nanaghat label inscription inscription also. also. It may be assumed that Simuka Satavahana was the founder of the dynasty and his successors called themselves Satavahanas. Thoug Though h Simuk Simuka a Satavahana Satavahana wa was s the reputed reputed founder founder of the Satavahana line of kings, he had not founded an independent dent state. state. He was probably probably the first first to br brin ing g several Andhra family groups together and to oblige them to recognise him as their mutual and and unique leader. He emerged as a promine prominent nt figure about 271 271 B.C. When the great Asoka Maurya, Maury a, according to the Buddhist sources, was waging a bitter war of succession against against his his brother brothers. s. With Asoka's Asoka's show of force in the Kalinga war, Simuka and his associates who held power for 23 years were content with their semi-independent status, Kanha (Krishna), the brother and successor of Simuka, came under the spell of Asoka's increasing zeal for Dharma. A cave at Nasik for fo r the Sramanas was constructed. Taking advantage of Asoka's death and the disturbed conditions in the Magadhan capital, Kanha probably broke off from the Mauryan yoke and acquired an independent status for the area under his authority. The The earliest earliest of the Sata Sa tavah vahana ana rulers rulers to receive receive wide wide recogniti cognition on wa was s Satakami-ll Satakami-ll (184 B.C.— B.C.—128 B.C.), the sixth of the Matsya corresponding to the third of the Vayu list and
The Satavahanas
33
also to Satakami of both Kharavela's Hathigumpha inscription and Naganika's Nanaghat record. The wide recognition was due to his policy policy of of military expansion expansion in all direct direction ions. s. He defied defied Kharavela Kharavela of of Kali Kaling nga. a. He was the 'lord 'lord of Pratishthana' Pratishthana' (modem (modem Paith Paithan an in the north-western Deccan. Deccan. He conque conquered red eastern Malwa which was being threatened by the Sakas and the Greeks. He gaine gained d control of the regi region on of Sanchi. Sanchi. After conquering the Godavari valley, Satakami became the 'lord of the Southern Southern Regio Regions' ns' (Dakshinapathapati) (Dakshinapat hapati).. He supp supporte orted d the the brahman orthodoxy and performed an Aswamedha to establish his claim to an empire. The Satavahanas did not hold the western Deccan for long. They were gradually pushed out of the west by the Sakas (Western (Western Khatra Khat rapas pas). ). The The Kshaharata Kshaharata Nahapana's Nahapana's coins coins in the Nasik area indicate that the Western Kshatrapas controlled this region region by the first century A.D. By becoming becoming master of wide regions including Malwa, Southern Gujarat, and Northern Konkan, from Broach to Sopara and the Nasik and Poona districts, Nahapana rose from the status of a mere Kshatrapa in the year year 41 (58 A.D.) A.D.) to that that of Mahakshatrapa Mahakshatrapa in the year 46 (63 A.D.).
Gatitamiputra Satakami, the 23rd king of the Matsya list, was one of the most illustrious rulers rulers of ancient ancient Indi India. a. His reign is placed between between 62 A.D. and 86 A.D. Some scholars attribute to him the foundation of the Safivahana era in 78 A.D. Gautamiputra was credited with the restoration of the fallen prestige prestige of the dynas d ynasty. ty. The Nasik inscription inscription of his mother Gautami Bala Sri and his own records at Nasik and Karte furnish us a vivid account of his accomplishments and achievements. His phenomenal phenomenal succ su cces esss realized his his ambition to recover cov er the the impe imperia riall position of the Satavahanas. He first won back the territories on his western borders from the Kshaharata successor successors s of Nahapana. Nahapana. Nahapana's Nahapana's coins coins were restruc restruck k in his name. name. Bala Sri's record record credits him with wit h the extirp extirpatio ation n of the Kshaharata Kshaharat a family. It is solid that he humb humbled led the power power and pride of the Kshatriyas and destroyed the Yavanas, Sakas and Pahlavans.
3)
34
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
The Satavahanas
35
Gautamiputra Satakarni' Satakarni's s dominio dominions ns included included the coun countri tries es of Asika. Asaka, Mulaka, Surashtra, Kakura, Aparanta, Anupa, Vidarbha, Vidarbha, Akar Akara a and Avanti, Avanti , the mount mountain ainous ous re regi gion ons s of Virtdhya, Achavata, Pariyatra. Sahya, Kanhagiri, Siritana, Malaya. Mahendra, Seta and Chokora and extended as far as the seas on eithe eitherr side. These The se details indicate indicate the extent of his empire empire over the country country between between Rajasthan and Cuddalore and between the Rishikulya and and Vaijaya Vaijayanti nti.. Gautamiputra Gautamiputra made made his his hor horse ses s drin dr ink k the waters wat ers of the three oceans. ocea ns. He was uniqu uniquely ely skill skilled ed as an archer, absolute as a sovereign and a figure of the heroic mould. Though an absolute monarch, Gautamiputra was kind to his his subjects and a father fath er to his his peop people le.. He tried to fulfil the dutie duties s of the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama. He shared shared the sorrows sorro ws and pleasures of his people people.. He is described as 'the abode of the Vedas'. Vedas'. A pious and orthodox Brahmin, he was meticulous in maintaining caste-purity. Gautamiputra's son and successor Vasisthiputra Pulomavi (86-11 (86-114 4 A.D.) could could not maintain maintain for long long his his hold over over his vast inheritance. inheritance . During During the last years years of his rule, rule, he lost the north-western provinces of the Andhra empire to Chashtana, the founder found er of the Western Western Kshatrapa Kshatra pa Kardamaka Kardam aka line line.. His successors, Siva Sri and Sivaskanda each ruled for seven years during which perio period d the house of Chashtana expanded its authority upto Cutch Cutch in the west by 130 A.D. Chashtana' Chasht ana's s grandson Rudradaman made his substantial contribution in the growth of the Kardamaka Kardamaka power power.. Gautamiputra Yaj Yajna na Sri (128 (128 A.D. - 157 A.D.) A.D.) was the last of the the great Satavahana rulers. He made made attempts to recover the western western (Aparanta) (Aparanta) provinces. provinces. Hi His s efforts proved proved futile. futile. Rudradaman Rudradaman won over the disgruntle disgruntled d Vasisthiputra Satakami, a relation of Yajna Sri, to his side by giving him his daughter in marria marriage. ge. The The two two encounter encounters s between Yajna Sri and Rudradaman's Rudradaman's forces forces went against against the Andhr Andhras. as. The Saka suzerainty was acknowledged. The Satavahana ru rule le was
36
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHR AND HRAS AS
confined confined to the Andhra area. The reigns reigns of Yajna Sri's successors, Vijaya, Chanda Sri and Pulomavi (III), covering altogether a period of seventeen years, are of little significance historic historically. ally. The The rise of the Chutu Chutus s in the west and an d south, south, the Abhiras in the Nasik area, the Ikshvakus in the east and the relentless pressure of the Kardamakas of Ujjain sounded the death-knell of the Satavahana empire. empire. Thus came to an end e nd the glorious phase of the rule of the Satavahanas who not only gave the area political integrity but protected it from foreign invaders who inundated the North at that time.
6.
The Salavahana Salavahana - Western Kshtrapa Kshtrapa Relatio Re lations ns
The Andhra Satavahanas ruled for four centuries and a half half in the Deccan. De ccan. During their rule rule they came cam e into contact conta ct with their neighbouring kingdoms, the prominent of which was that of the the Western Western Kshatrapas. During During the Indo-Parthi Indo-Parthian an rule rule,, the Satraps or Governors were appointed to rule over various areas conquered by them. them. One of those those satrapal satra pal seats was Malwa Malwa and Saurashtra. The The chronology of the Satavahanas Satava hanas and the early phase of the Kshatrapa rule have been controversial sial.. The Kshatrapa Kshatrap a rule includes includes that of the Kshah Ks hahara aratas tas like Bhumaka and Nahapana and of the Kardanraka family from Chashta Cha shtana na onwards. Of the Kshaharatas, Bhumaka was the the first first ruler. ruler. From From the palaeography of his coin legends, lege nds, he is regarded as the predecessor of Nahapana; but the actual relations tionshi hip p between the two tw o is not not known. The coins of Bhumaka mention mention him him as a Kshaharata Kshahar ata Kshatr K shatrapa. apa. The coins coins show the the symbol of the Lion-capit Lion-capital. al. These coins were found in Gujarat Gu jarat and rarely in Malwa which might indicate the area of rule of Bhumaka. The figure figure of the thunder-bolt thunder-bolt appearing on Nahapana's pana's coins rese resembl mbles es that of of the Mathura Kshatrapas. It is also known kno wn that some of the inscri inscripti ptions ons of the Mathura Mathura Kshatrapa Ksha trapass were we re incised on a lion lion capital. capital. These These show that the two families families were w ere alike. alike. There are scholars who conc conclu lude de from these resemblances that the Kshatrapa Kshaharatas were originally subordinates of the Mathura Kshatrapas and that they declared themselves independent after the death of the great Mathura Kshatrapa Rajula in 17 A.D.
The Satavahanas
37
Nahapana succeeded Bhumaka on the western Kshatrapa throne. throne. During his rule, rule, the kingdom seems seems to have been been extended, extended, as is known fr from the ins inscnptions. An inscriptio tion at Nasik refers to the gifts given by Ushavadata, the son-in-law of Nahapana Nahapa na at places places like Govardhana, Sopar Sopara, a, Dasapura Dasapura,, Prabhasa. Barulachchhg Barulachchhg and Pushkara. Nahapan Nahapano's o's inscr inscript iption ions s were discovered at Nasik, Nasik, Karle Karl e and Junnar. Junnar. These taken together show that in the north Nahapana's empire extended upto Rajasthan and in the south to Maharashtra. The The Periplus Periplus of the Erythrea Erythrean n Sea composed in 60 A.D. records the hegemony of Nahapana in this area and refers to the trade activity of Western India with the Red Sea ports, which was grabbed by Nahapana after defeating the Satavahana rivals probably Sundara Satakarni Satakar ni and Chakora Satakami, The Satavahana ports like Kalyan and Sopara lost their commercial importance to Barygaza. In the inscriptions, mention of Nahapana's years 41-46 was wa s made. made. There There has been been a contro con trover versy sy with regard to the ere to which which these year ye ars s should be assigned assigned.. Scholars Scholars like like R.G. R.G. Bhandarkar, D.R. D.R. Bhandarkar, Prof Prof.. Rapson, Roy Chowdhuri, Chowdhuri, D.C. Circar and V.D. Mirashi assign them to the Saka era. Another set of scholars scholars like Cunnin Cunningha gham, m, V.S. Bakhle, Bakhle, K.A.N. Sastry and G.V. Rao think that they were dated in the Vrkrama era. But the th e difficulty in these two proposi propositio tions ns is that Nahapana would be placed either in the 2nd century A.D. or in the 1st century B.C. respectively, both of which are improbable in view of evidence of the Periplus. The evidence of the Periplus Periplus lead leading ing to a 1st 1st century century A.D. date for fo r Nahapane Nahapane has to be accepted. The The difficulties difficulties in the the assignment of Nahapana's years to one of the two eras have been exposed by scholars like R.D. Banerji, A.S. Altekar etc. Taking these years as the regnal years of Nahapana, these scholars placed him in the second half of the 1st century A.D. There is also a belief that these years could be the independent years of rule of the Kshaharatas in Malwa and Saurashtra, probably when there was weak succession on the Mathura
38
HISTO HISTORY RY OF THE THE ANDHRA ANDHRAS S
Kshatrapa Kshatrapa thro throne ne.. Anywa An ywayy Nahapana's rule rule cannot cannot be extended exte nded beyond 60 or 70 A.D. because at the time when Periplus was writing, writing, Nahapana's Nahapa na's power was at its zenith. So it is quite likely that the years referred to in the inscriptions could be equivalent to 60 or 70 A.D. Nahapana's Nahapana's rule rule was pu putt to an end by Gautamipu Gaut amiputra tra Satakarni, Satakarni, the the first of the late laterr Satav Sa tavaha ahanas nas.. His His main credit was the destruction of Kshaharata power and the restoration of the fortunes of the Satavahana Satavaha na family. The The Nasik prasasti issued issue d in his his son's so n's reign gives a good description of the achievements of Gautamiputra over the Kshaharatas and the Sakas, Yavanas and the Pahlavas. It is not known as to whether the Scytho-Parthians who ruled until the establishment of Kushana power effectively in northern India, came to the rescue of the Kshaharatas who were definitely defeated by Gautamiputra. In addition to the achievements recorded by Gautamiputra at a later time, we have a little information from one of the inscriptions. The Nasik inscr inscript iption ion dated in the 18 18th th year ye ar was issued from the battle field after his success over an unnamed enemy. enemy. The The same inscription also records the grant grant of the land to the Buddhist monks and it is stated that the land was in possession of of Ushavadata Ushava data earlier. earlier. From From this this,, scholars conclude that the erstwhile Kshaharata possession went into the hands hands of Gautam Gau tamiput iputra ra by his 18t 18th h regnal regn al year. The list list of areas mentioned in his son's inscription shows that Saurashtra, Aparanta, Malwa and parts of Rajasthan were occupied by Gautamiputra. Gautamiputra. After Af ter this this victory, he seems to have have restruck restruck the coins of Nahapana as is known from the Jogelthambi hoard of coins. Gautamiputra retained all these areas during his life time. He died in circa dated 87 A.D. and was succeeded by his son Vasisthiputra Vasist hiputra Pulomavi. Pulomavi. The latter ruled ruled for 28 years, years , i.e. i.e. from fr om 87 A.O. A. O. to 115 115 A.D. Till Till his his 19th regnal regnal year, the areas are as of rule under Gautamiputra must have been retained by Pulomavi,
The
Satavahanas
39
beca becaus use e the t he Nasik inscription inscription of that that year refers to Gaut Gautam amiiputra's areas of rule and also styles Pulomavi as 'Dakshinapathesw patheswara' ara'.. During the last 9 years years of rule, rule, he must must have lost lost the the Malwa Malwa region region to Chashtana, Chashtana, who was the founder founder of the Kar Karda dama maka ka line. line. The Kardamakas were at first sububordinates ordinates to the the Kushanas. Later Later on they might might have beco become me independent. According to Ptotemy, Chashtana of Ujjain was ruling at the time when Pulomavi was ruling at Paithan. So the seizure of some of the Satavahana possessions must have taken place between 106 A.D. and and 114 A.D. The The clashes clashes between the Kardamakas and Satavahanas continued during the rule of Siva Sri and Siva Siva Skanda on one side and Chashtana Chashtana and Jayadam Jay adaman an on the other other.. During these conflicts conflicts must have occured the death of Jayadaman who predeceased his father Chashtana. The latt latter er could have obtained obtained the territory in between between Malwa and and Kutch including Saurashtra Saurasht ra by about 130 A.D. The Andhau Andhau inscriptions of Chashtana issued along along with his grandson Rudradaman show the western limit of the Karda Kar damak maka a empi empire re.. Meanwhile by 129 A.D., Yajna Sri Satakarni came to the Satava Sat avahan hana a throne. During During his his rule, rule, he he had to contend against the power of Rudradaman who came to the throne in or after 130 A.D. In the Girnar Girnar inscription inscription of Rudradaman, Rudradaman, dated date d in the year 72 corresponding to 150 A.D., the king is said to have defeated the 'Dakshinapathapati' Satakarni and liberated because of his non-remote non-remote relationshi relationship. p. This rule rulerr could have been been Yajna Yaj na Sri Sri Satakarni. The Aparanta Apara nta region region seems to have been been the arena of conflict betwee between n the two empires. empires. Yajna Yajn a Sri's Sri's defeat must have occured after his 16th year of rule because his inscri inscription ption dated in that year y ear comes comes from Kanheri Kanheri.. The The Aparanta territory thenceforth became a Kshatrapa possession. After the reign of Yajna Sri, the rulers of the Satavahana family could not regain regain these areas and had to be contended contended with parts of the Andhra area. While While there there had been been conflicts conflicts throughout between the Satava Sat avahan hanas as and the Western Western Kshatrapas, Kshatrapas, evidence evidence also point points s
40
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
to one matrimonia matrimoniall alliance alliance betwee between n the the two famili fami lies es (K (Ka ardada makas makas and Satava Sat avahana hanas). s). This This is known known from an inscription inscription at Kanheri which mentions the daughter of one Mahakshatrapa Rudradaman, who was the queen of one Vasisthiputra Satakami. The iden identit tity y of Vasisthiput Vasisthiputra ra Sataka Satakami mi and his his relationrelationship with Yajna Sri are problem problematic. atic. Scholars like like Rapson and Smith Smith identify identify him him with Vasisthiput Vasist hiputra ra Pulomav Pul omavi. i. This is improbable because of the contemporaniety of Vasisthiputra Pulomavi with Chashtan Chashtana. a. tt is like likely ly that Vasisthiputra Vasisthiputra Satakarni was a successor of Pulomavi who must have had some clashes with the other Satavahana rulers for succession to the throne and who thereby must have entered into this matrimonial alliance with the Kshatrapas. Kshatrap as. This This might might also explain explain the absence of reference to his name in the Puranic list of the Andhra Andhr a kings. He must have been benefitted by by this thi s alliance alliance as an inscription at Nanaghat was issued by him in his 13th year which indicates that the Aparanta region went into the hands of Vasisthiputra Satakarni with the consent of his fatherin-law Rudradaman. Thus during the first and second centuries A.D., fortune favoured for fo r a tim time the the Kshaharatas Kshahar atas,, later later the Satavahanas and afterwards the Kardamakas in the possession of Western India. There had been throughout a conflict between the Satavahanas and the Western Kshatrapas. Kshatr apas. The The areas that t hat were conquered by Rudradaman to a large extent retained by his successors The Satavahanas confined themselves to the Andhra region for nearly a quarter of a century more when their power eclipsed finally.
7.
Cultural Cultural Condition Con dition Under the Satavahanas Satavahanas
The cultural history of the period is the history of Aryanization of the coun country. try. 'Administration, social and an d economic life, religion and philosophy, art and literature—in fact every branch of human human activity, activi ty, was recast in the the Aryan Ary an mould. mould. The Vedic rishis. Mauryan officers and Buddhist missionaries alike by precept and example hastened the revolutionary change and served served to impl implan antt Arya Aryan n institutions firmly in the Deccan Deccanii soil.'
The
Satavahanas
41
The Satavahanas accepted them and deliberately and consciously followed followed the policy laid laid down in the the Sastras Sastras available available to them them.. ADMINISTRATION The extent of the Satavahana empire fluctuated continually according accordi ng to the political political vicissitudes of the times. times. At its its zenith, their empire stretched from the Bay of Bengal in the east east to the Arabian Arab ian sea in the west and embrac embraced ed the entir entire e region between the Narmada in the north and the Krishna in the south. There is also archaeiological evidence reg regar ardin ding g the Satavahana conquest of Malwa and the Puranic evidence for their control over the ancient imperial capital of Magadha, i.e. Pataliputra. Pataliputra. Bein Being g the political successo successors rs of the Mauryans, they borrowed much from the Mauryan administrative system. Their Their governmen gove rnmentt wa was s based upon hereditory hereditory absolute monmonnot content with the the simple title of Raja. archy. They were not Gautamiputra Satakarni bore the imperial title 'Rajarano' i.e. of King Ki ng of Kings. Kings. The The rulers regarded regard ed themselves themselves as the guardians guardians of social and political order and the welfare of their subjects. For administrative purposes, the empire was divided into a number number of Aharas Aharas or Rash Ra shtr tras as (Govardhana, (Govardhana, Sopa Sopara. ra. Manrra Manrrala, la, Satavahana etc.), each of which consisted of at least one central town (Nigama) and a number number of villages villages.. The Amatyas Amatya s governed these Aharas. The The Maharathis Maharathis and the Mahabhojas, Mahabhoj as, the feudatory chieftains, were superior in rank and power to the Amatyas. Amatyas. The inscri inscriptio ptions ns refer to officers like like MahassnaMahass napati, Heranika, Bhandagarika, Mahamatra, Lekhaka and Nibandhakaras. Gramas Gramas (villages) and Nigamas Nigamas (towns) were the lowest lowest administrative units units.. Considerable Considerable autonomy was there there in managing managing the affa af fair irs s of these unit units. s. The The trade and merch merchant ant guilds (srenies) (srenies) played played an importan importantt part in this this regard. regard. SOCIAL CONDITIONS During this this peri period od,, the peop people le were familiar familiar with the Aryan fourfold division of society into Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras Sudras.. Outside the Arya Aryan n influ influenc ence e were the ind indige igeno nous us
42
HISTO HISTORY RY
OF
THE
A NDH RAS RA S
tribe tribes, s, indif indiffer ferent ent to Aryan way ways s of life life and thought. People Peopl e were known accordin according g to their their professions such as the Halika Halika (cultivator), the Sethi (merchant), the Kolika (Weaver) and the Gadh Gadhik ika a (druggis (druggist). t). The The Buddhi Buddhists sts and an d the Saka-P Sak a-Pahl ahlava avas s shook in social structure considerably. The foreigners foreigners were becoming becoming absorbed in the the indigenous society by adopting the the faith and customs here and through intermarriages with the caste peop people le.. It is true Gautamiputra Gautamiputra Satakami Satakami attempted attempted in restoring the balance and stopping the contamination of the castes. Yet caste ru rule les s were not strictly strictly observed. observed. Inscriptions and other records indicate the prominence of women in social social life. life. Their Their lavish lavish charity and assumptio assu mption n of the the titles titles of their their husban husbands ds like like Mahatal Maha talava avari ri signif sig nify y their economic and social status. The sculptur sculptures es of the period period reveal their scant sca nty y dress dress and profuse profuse ornamentation. ornamentation. Joint family system was another normal feature of society in the Arya Ar yan n patriarchal patriarchal mould. mould. The prevalence prevalence of polygamy among the princes was revealed by the metronymic tithes (calling sons after their mothers), which some of the later Satavahanas bore along with the personal name. ECONOMIC
CONDITIONS
In the economic sphere, agriculture was the mainstay of both the people and the government. governmen t. The country abounded in agricultural products. products. The The king king collected collected the traditional one-sixth of the pr prod oduc uce e as the share share of the state. Salt Salt was a state monopoly. industry and commerce occupied the next place in the economic economic life life of the state state.. Various classes of workers work ers such as Kul Kularik arika a (potters), Ko Kolika lika (weaver), Vasakara (bamboo worker), Dhanntka (com dealer) and ICamara (iron worker) are known kno wn from the inscription inscriptions. s. Most Most of these crafts and trades were organised into guilds guilds or srenis. These guild guilds s provided banking facilities. There was brisk inland trade and sea-borne commerce. Pait Paitha han, n, Tagara, Karahataka, Nasik Nasik,, Govardhana Vai Vaija jaya yant nti, i,
The Satavahanas Satavahanas
43
D-hany D-hanyaka akata taka, ka, Vijay Vij ayapu apura ra and Vin Vinukon ukonda da were gr grea eatt inla inland nd market towns tow ns of the period. period. They were conne connected cted with each each other and with the th e important parts by roads. roads. Ptol Ptolem emy y descri described bed Barukac Barukachch hcha a and Kalyan Kal yan on the west and Mais Maisol olia ia,, Al Allo losy sygn gne e and Apheterion on the east as greet greet centres centres of foreign foreign trade. trade. The Periplus of the Erythrean Sea notes that Barukachacha imported wines, silver vessels, fine cloth and ornam ornamen ents ts white her export exports s included ivory, agate, silk cloth and pepp pepper er.. The The number number and variet variety y of the Satavahana Satavahana coins coins also prove prove this vigorous commercial activity. activity. The Roman gold flowed flowed into the Deccan for articles of luxury. The Satavahana period also witnessed an active maritime activity (as revealed by the ship-marked coins of Pulomavi and Yajnas Yaj nasri ri Satakarni Satakarni)) with the the Far Far Ea East, st, Ptole tolem my and the Periplus give descriptions of the Indian settlements in Burma, Sumatra, Arakan and Champa. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS Most of the Satavahana rulers were staunch followers of the Vedic Vedic religion religion with its ritual and caste cast e system. Satakarni II II of the Nanaghat record performed a number of Vedic sacrifices including Aswamedhas Aswamedhas and Rajasuya Rajasuya.. Gautamip Gautamiputra utra restore restored d the caste cast e system system and protected protected the Brah Brahmin mins. s. Adherence Adherence to the Vedic creed is also indicated by the name of King Yajna Sri. The invocations to various gods like Indra, Sankarshana, Vasudeva, Surya, Varuna etc. show the transition from the Vedic to Puranic pantheon. pantheon. This This feature feature is prominen prominently tly reflected reflected in Hala's Gatha Saptasati wherein there are references to Pasupali and Gauri, Rudra Rudra and Parvati, Parvati, Lakshmi and Narayana. Narayana. The Aryanized foreigners and mixed castes had the solace in the Puranas. As PT. Srinivas Srini vasa a lyyangar observed, observed, the two cultscultsVedic and Agamic had coalesced completely during this period and modern Hinduism was born. The Satavahan Satav ahana a kings were were reno renown wned ed for their their spir spirit it of toleranc tolerance e They even extended their patronage patronage to the Buddh Buddhist ist asce asceti tics cs.. Buddhism Buddhism commanded commanded greater infl influe uenc nce e with the
44
HISTO HISTORY RY
OF
THE
ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
women folk (especially with with the royal la ladies) and wi with the masses. It was in fact the heyday of Buddhism in the the Deccan. The Buddhist monuments at Nasik, Karie, rie, Bhaja, Bhaja, Bedsa, Ajant Ajanta, a, Amaravati. aravati. Jaggayyapeta and Nagarjunakonda agarjunakonda show the Chaitya ya cult predomment in the South. Mehasanghik ika sects ts flourish ourished. Acharya rya Nagarjun rjuna received patronage from the the ruler Yajna Yajna Sri and from his tim time Andhra became the the stron stronghold of Mahayanism. Due to the patron tronage and great serv serviices of Kharavela aravela of Kalinga, Jainism made considerable siderable progress in the coastal region to the north rth of river river Krishn Krishna. LITERATURE As regards the contemporary syst system of educatio ation and literary development, it is is but natural tha that the Aryan, Aryan, teachers and missionaries brou brought wit with them, into the Deccan their own literature and methods of instruction struction. The elabo elaborate sacrifi crifices perfo erformed by Satakarni II show how the pries riests were well-v well-versed ersed in the Vedic literature. literature. The Asokan Edicts in the Deccan prove th the fam familiarity arity of the the people with with the Brahmi scrip ript and the Prakrit krit la language. Alm Almost all the records of th the Satavahana perio eriod are in Prakrit. Prakrit. Instruction struction in secular and sacred learning was imparted rted in the asramas of the Brahmins or the the Viha Viharas of the Buddhists and the the Jains, which received libera liberal grants from the rulers. The craft craft and trad trade guilds ilds too might have have serv served the the cause of educatio tion. Among th the literary literary works works of outstanding merit produced durin ring this this period under the patron tronage of the Satavaha Satavahana rulers, rulers, mentio tion may be be made of the Katantr Katantra, a, the Bri Briha hatkatha katha and the Gatha Sattas ttasai. Sarvavarm Sarvavarman, probably bly a minister of Hala composed the Katantra on Sanskri Sanskrit grammer for for the use of the King. Gunadhya Gunadhya made made over his his Brihatkatha Brihatkat ha in in Paisachi Prakrit Prakrit to the same king Hala. Hala. Hala himself compiled the Gatha Sattasai, an authology of 700 Prakrit verses of various poet poets s and poetes poetesses. ses. This Sattasai Satt asai contai con tains ns many Desi terms. An unknown author composed another poem in in Prakr Prakriit, call called Lila Lilavati Parina Parinayam on the marria rriage of Hala. In the later part of the Satavahana period, wit with the revi revival of Brah Brahmanical
The Satavahanas
45
Hinduism, Sanskrit became predominant. The Mahayana Buddhists including Nagarjuna wrote all their works in Sanskrit. ART AND ARCHITECTURE With religion and that too Budd Buddhism hism as the the source source of inspiration, the Satavahana period witnessed great building activit activity. y. The ancient monument monuments s that have been been brough broughtt to light south of the Vindhyas are almost all post-Asokan and Buddhist in inspiration'. They included included Stupas, Stupas, Chaityas, Chaityas, Viharas and Sangharamas discovered both in the Western and in the eastern dominio dominions ns of the Satavahanas. Satavahanas. The The Bhat Bhattip tiprol rolu u and Amaravati Stupas were the oldest brick built Stupas in the south. south. The brick-built Chaityagrihas Chaityagri has were were located located at Chejerla and Nagarjunakonda in the east, whereas the rock-cut grihas were in the west at Karle, Nasik, Bhaja and other places. The sculptural representations on most of the stupas, of the Jataka tales or the incidents in the life of Buddha and scenes from fro m normal social life, are noteworthy. At Amaravati, the well known South Indian centre of Buddhism, a thoroughly indigenous indigenous school of sculpture grew grew up. For For the conception of delicate beauty of human form and the technical skill and efficiency effici ency to realise realise that conception and for the wonderful imagination and sense of symmetry in depicting the most subtle human feelings, the Amaravati artist won universal praise. With regard to the minor arts, the articles articles like beads beads,, terracotta figurines, pottery, shell ornaments, precious stones and jewels jewels and coin coins s excavated at Paith ithan, Maski, Ko Kond ndap apur ur and and other places, indicate their progress during this period.
CHAPTER
Successors of the Satavahanas 1.
The Ikshvakus of Vija Vi jaya yapur purii
After the downfall of the Satavahana power, the feudatory rulers declared decla red their independe independence nce and established their ow own n kingdoms in parts of the erstwhile emp empire ire.. One One among such suc h new Kingdoms belonged to the Ikshvakus who ruled the eastern Andhra country from the last quarter of the second century A.D.. The Puranas called A.D called them 'Sri Parvatiya Parvati ya Andhras' Andhras ' and 'Andhr 'Andhra a Bhrityas'. Bhrityas '. From From an inscript inscription ion fou found nd at Nag Nagarj arjuna una-konda. it has been made clear that in the beginnings of the Christian Christian era, the mountain mountain was called Sriparvata. Bu Butt some scholars apply the term Sriparvata to the whole range of the Nallamala hills which stretch along the Krishna into Kurnool district. The number of the Ikshvaku Kings and the total duration of their reign as mentioned in the Puranas were contradictory to scholars On the the whole, the Puranas gave a hund hundre red d year rule to the IIkshvaku kshvaku line (with seven sev en rulers). It is uncertai uncertain n whether these Ikshvakus of the Andhra country represented a branch of the ancient Ikshvaku family of Ayodhya that might have migrated to the Deccan and settled down on the lower Krishna Krishna or not not.. The oriental oriental scholars like like Buhler Buhler and Rapson expressed expre ssed the view that the former former were wer e the desce descend ndant ants s of the latter. The excavation of the site Nagarjunakonda from time to time resulted in the discovery of many Buddhistic edifices containin containing g numerous sculptures sculptures an and d inscriptions. To know
The The Iksh vakus of Vija yapur i
47
the history of the Ikshvaku Kingdom which flourished in the Andhra country along the Krishna river, the Prakrit inscriptions incised in Brahmi script found at Nagarjunakonda and at Jaggayyapeta serve as the important authorities. The sporadic distribution of the lead coins of Yajnasri Satakarni and of the last Satavahana king Pulomavi IV in the early Ikshvaku layers, the designations like Mahatatavara etc. of officials under both the Satavahanas and the Ikshvakus and the matronymies, the practice prevalent in the later Satavahana period and among the Ikshvaku rulers, sufficiently testify to the fact that the Ikshvakus of Nagarjunakonda were the immediate successo succ esso rs of the Andhra -Satava hanas hana s in the Krishna Krishna valley. valley. The Ikshvakus, eventually the feudatory nobility 'Mahatalavaras'. became heirs to the political and religious traditions of the imperial Satavahana power. THE GENEALOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE IKSHVAKUS From the inscriptions, inscriptions, the names names of fou r rulers of the Ikshvaku Ikshva ku race ra ce have been traced. Not only this, even some of the reg nal years of these rulers rulers are also known known.. The information is as follows :a)
Sa nta mula mu la I — 13 13tth regn regnal al year son son
b)
Virapurush Virap urushadat adatta ta — 20 20th th regnal regnal year son son
c)
Santamula It — 24th 24th regnal regnal year son son
d)
Rudrapurs Rud rapurshuda hudatta tta — 11 11tth regnal regnal year brother Virapurushadatta as prince
Thus according to epjgraphic evidence, the total years of the four known rulers come to not less than 69, whereas the Puranas give hundred years of rule to the seven Ikshvaku
48
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE AND HRAS HRA S
rulers. in deciding the chronology of the Ikshvak Ikshvaku u rulers, two things are to be kept in mind:— ind:— (1) The NagarjunaNagarjunakonda inscription of the Abhira ira Vasusena dated in the 30th year of the Chedi era which might have have begun in 248-49 A.D. A.D. refers refers to the installation of the the im image of Ashtabhu Ashtabhujja Swamy in the presence of Saka Rudradaman of Avanti, Avanti, the Yavana Yavana prin rincess of Sanjayapuri and Vishn Vishnurudr urudrasiv asivalanan alananda Satakam Satakami of Vanavasi. (2) The two inscriptio tions of Nagarjunakonda, Nagarjunakonda, one issued in the reign reign of Virapu Virapurushadatta and the the other in the reign of Santamula II, refer refer to the Cyclic lic year 'Vi 'Vijjaya'. aya'. D.C. SIR IRCAR'S 'S SCHEME OF CHRONOLOGY He proposed the Abhira presence in in the Ik Ikshvaku shvaku terri territory tory in between between 275 A.D. and 285 A.D. He also thinks tha that the the two Cyclic lic years (Vij Vijaya) referred referred to in in the two two inscription riptions were were dif different. He equates them with with 273-74 A.D. and 333-34 A.D. respectivel ectively. y. According rdingly he gives gives the following ollowing scheme of Chronology — 1. 2. 3. 4.
Santamula ula I — 225-50 A.D. Virapurush Virapurushadatta — 250-75 A.D. Abhiram Abhirama interregunum nterregunum — 275-85 A.D. A.D. Santamula ula II — 285-333-34 A.D. Rudrapurushadatte datte — 334-45 334-45 A.D. A.D.
However wever there there are certain diff difficulties iculties in in acceptin ting this theory. Sircar gives the years of rule assigned to kin kings dif differentl erently y which which are not in consonance wi with the latest regn regnal years years menti entioned in the inscripti ription ons of th the concerned kin kings. He unnecessaril rily exten extends the rule of Santamula II II to 49 years. This is because of the suppositi sition tha that the cycli cyclic years years of the two inscrip riptio tions were were diff different. Moreover, Sirca Sircar places the Ahira attac attack in between the reigns reigns of Virap Virapurushadatta and Santamula II. But the available available evi evidence of the continuo ntinuous building activi ctivity ty in the the reigns of Virap Virapurushadatta tta and Santamula II at Nagarjunakonda points to the contrary. trary. The Abhira
The Ikshvakus Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri Vijayapuri
attack attack thus can not be placed in in between between these reigns. only be placed in the last years of the Ikshwaku rule.
49
It can
THE CHRONOLO CHRONOLOGICAL GICAL SCHEME SCHEME OF DR. RAMARAO RAMARAO Dr. Ramarao on the other hand takes into consideration the presence of Abhira Vasusen Vasu sena a at Nagarjunakonda as a friend fri endly ly visit. Regarding the cyclic years referred to in the inscriptions, he says it was not the practice to mention the cyclic cyc lic years in the early inscriptions. Accordingly Accordingly he suggests the following follo wing scheme scheme of chronology chronology : 1
Santam San tamula ula I — 220220-24 240 0 A.D.
2. Virapurus Virap urushada hadatta tta — 240240-60 60 A.D. 3. Santamul Sant amula a II — 250250-84 84 A.D. A.D. 4. Rudrapu Rudr apurus rushad hadatt atta a — 284-9 284-95 5 A.D. However Dr. Ramarao's supposition of a friendly visit by Abhira Abhir a Vasusen Vasu sena a cannot cannot be taken for granted. The The Abhira inscription, which mentions some rulers who were present at the time of the installation installati on of the image image,, does not mention mention the name of the Ikshvaku ruler and hence the hostile nature of the presence of the Abhiras in Nagarjunakonda must be accepted. SCHEME SCHEME OF CHRONOLO CHRONOLOGY GY AS SUGGESTED SUGGESTED BY DR. O. RAMACHANDRAIYA Dr. Ramachandraiya suggests the following scheme :— 1.
Santam Santamula ula I — 180180-19 193 3 A.D.
2.
Virapurushadatta Virapurushad atta — 193 93--213 213 A.D. A. D.
3.
Santamula Santamula II — 213213-3 37 A.D.
4
Rudrapurushadat Rudrapurushadatta ta — 23 237-4 7-48 8 A.D.
5.
4)
Three unknown ru rule lers rs (on the basis basis of Puranic Puranic eviden evidence) ce) — 248-78 A.D. A.D.
SO
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE A ND H RA S
The basts for his his chronolo chronology gy is as follows follow s : (1) (1 ) The Puranic evidence that the seven kings ruled for 100 years has been accepted and the corroboration from the inscriptions has been sought for four kings with a minimum total period of rule for 68 years. (2) The Abhira insc inscri ripti ption on is regarded regard ed as indicative dicative of the victory victory of the Abhiras over the Ikshvakus and the event be placed in 278 A.D., which should also be the end of the Ikshvaku rul rule. e. (3) The cyclic cyclic years mentioned m entioned in the tw two inscriptions of Virapurushadatta and Santamuha II need not be different bu butt could could be one cyclic cyclic year. It must have witnessed w itnessed the end of Virapurushadatta's rule and the accession of the Santamula II, Since 278 278 A.D. is accep ac cepted ted as the last date date of the Ikshwaku power, the cyclic year would be the year correspon corresponding ding to 21 213 3 A.D. (4) The rul rule e of the four fo ur kings known from inscriptions should be placed in between 180 and 248 A.D. From that date upto 278 A.D., when the Abhiras conquered the Ikshvaku territory, the three unknown Ikshvakus must have ruled in their own right. POLITICAL FORTUNE FORTUNES S AND THE CULTURAL DESTINIES OF THE DYNASTY
The Ikshvakus, who were the immediate successors of the Satavahanas, had performed the Asvamedha sacrifices with a view to proclaiming their independent and imperial status. It had become a common practice among the rulers of the subsequent dynasties to perform the Asvamedha sacrifice in token of their declaration declaration of independent independent status status From From this fact, it can be inferred that it was Santamula I who first declared his independence and established the Ikshvaku dynasty. So far not even a single inscription of Santamula I had been traced. traced. The scanty informa informatition on about hi him was w as gathered fro f rom m the inscriptions of the reign period of his son Virapurushadatta. SANTAM SANTAMUL ULA A I : In the the inscriptions, Santa mula mul a I was named as Va sis tip utr a Sa nta mu la. This This is in in accordance with the prevalen prev alentt practi pra ctice ce of the adoption of metronym metro nymy. y. This This practice undoubtedly indicates the high social status accorded to women in those thos e days. days . The numerous extolling extolling epithe epithets ts attached to the name of Santamula I indicates that he was the
The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri
51
most powerful monarch of the day in Dakshinapatha and he was regarded as Samrat in Dakshinapatha, both by his con- con- temporaries and the descendant descendants. s. He was a follower of Brahmanism. Brahmani sm. He is said said to have have performed beside besides s the Asvamedha, Agnistoma, Agnihotra and Vajapeya sacrifices. He was 3 devotee devotee of God Maha Mahasen sena a (Kar (Kartik tikeya eya). ). He was a great donor. donor. He gifted away crores crores of gold coins, lakhs lakhs of cows and lakhs of of plough ploughs s to the donees. donees. By donating donating vast vas t tracts of land and ploughs, he encouraged agriculture in his Kingdom. Santamula 1 had two sisters (his father's name was not give gi ven) n),, Hammash Hammash and Chan Chantis tisri. ri. Crrantisri was the wife wif e of Vasishtiputra Skandasri Skanda sri of the Pugiya family. Chantisri Chantisri had had also borne Mahatalavari and Mahasenapatni, the titles of her husband. This Chantisri had a son named Skandasagara Skandasag ara and a daughter who was given in marriage to her nephew Virapurushadatta. purushad atta. The second sister, sist er, Hammas Hammasri ri of Santamula I, had two tw o daughters namely namely Bapisri and Chatisri. Both Both these thes e daughters were given in marriage to Santamula's son Virapurushadatta. VIRAPURUSHAD VIRAPURUSHADATTA: ATTA: Virapurushadat Virapuru shadatta ta was the son and and successor success or of Santamula I through his wife wif e Madhari. Madhari. He had a sister named Adavi Santisri. Santisri. She She was the wife of MahaMahasenapati and Mahadandanayaka. Skandavisakha of the Dhanaka famil fa mily. y. From From the Ikshvaku inscriptions inscriptions the names of different different families such as Pugiyas, Dhanakas, Hiranyakas and Kulahakas can be trace traced. d. The territories territorie s that were colonized colonized by these peop people le we were re named after their family fam ily names. For exampl example, e, the colony of the Pugiyas was called called Pugiya Pugiya rashtra rashtra;; this incourse of time came to be known as Pung Pungii rashtra rasht ra or Paka Pakanad nadu. u. The The inscriptions found at Nagarjunakonda and at Jaggayyapeta give the 20th 20th regnal regnal year of Virapurushadatta. Virapurushad atta. The marr marriag iages es of Virapurushadatta with his paternal aunts' daughters prove that there was the custom of cross-cousin marriages in the Andhra country. Among the queens of Virapu Virapurush rushadatt adatta,. a,. three we were re the daughters of his paternal paternal aunts. He entered entered into matrimatrimonial monial alliances alliances with the neighbour neighbouring ing kings and strengthened his position. One such alliance was made with the rulers of
52
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
Ujjain. He marr married ied Ujj Ujjainee ainee Maharajabalika, Maharajaba lika, Mahadevi Mahadevi Rudradhara dhara Bhattarika, Bhattarika, probab probably ly a near near relative relative of Saka Rudrase Rudrasena na I. EHUVALU SANTAMULA: Santamula II was the son and successor successo r of Virapurushadatta. He had a sister by name Kodaval odavalisr isri. i. She wa was s the queen queen of the ruler of Vanavasi Vanavas i (Kamat (Ka mataka aka). ). Through Through this matrimonial alliance, alliance, Virupurushadatta datta strengthened his position. posit ion. In the the 24th year of the reign reign of Santamula II, his sister Kodavalisri erected a Vihara at Nagarjunakonda; the inference is that the reign of Santamula II must have lasted at least for 24 years, RUORAPURUSHADATTA: An insc inscrip ription tion found fou nd at Guraj Gur ajala ala in Guntu Gunturr district district has revealed rev ealed the the name of another Ikshvaku ruler ruler Rudrapurushada Rudrapu rushadatta. tta. This has been been confirmed confirmed by another inscription which proved that he was a son of Santamula II. During his 4th regnal year, one Nudukasiri donated a piece of land to God Halamp Halampura ura Swamy. Swamy . Some scholars schol ars identify ident ify this th is Halam Ha lampur pura a with wit h Alampur in Kurnool district. district. But this concon jecture jectu re is open open to doubt. doubt. Halampu Halampura ra Swamy Swamy was no othe otherr than than the Buddha Buddha himself. himself . Halampura may may be be identified ident ified with wit h the present present Nagalapuram. Rudrapuru Rudra purushad shadatt atta a must must have hav e ruled ruled for fo r more more than 11 years. year s. He was probably probabl y the the last last important important rule ru lerr of the Ikshvaku family. After Afte r him him there were three more more unknown rulers rulers according to the Puranas. In or about 278 A.D., the Abhiras might have put an end to the Ikshvakus. Most of the inscriptions of the Ikshv I kshvaku aku period record record either the construction construction of the Buddhist Buddhist viharas viha ras or the gifts made made to them. All the donors donors and builders of the Viharas were the female membe members rs of the Ikshva Iks hvaku ku royal family. fami ly. Though Though Santamuta I is reported to have performed the Vedic sacrifices, nothing is stated about his son regarding his religious leanings. Not only that, neither he he nor his son is said to hove donated donated to the Buddhist Buddhist establishments. establishments. From From this it is inferred that Virapurushadatta and his successors were not Buddhists, but this was the period from fro m which Andhra Andhra became became a flourishing centre of Buddhism and a place of pilgrimage for the Buddhists all over over the world. world. The patrons wer were e ladies, ladies, many of them them
The Ikshvakus of Vijayapuri Vijayapuri
53
being royal royal lad ladies, the merchants and arti artisans and the people at la large. A new era era began with with the the Buddhists of Krishna-Guntur region. The great great stupas stupas of Jaggayyapet aggayyapeta, a, IMagarjunakonda and Ramireddipa reddipalle were were built, repaired or extended and Buddhist monks were were coming for for pilgrim pilgrimage from from all the Buddhist countri tries of the worl world to to Nagarjunakon garjunakonda, the celebrated- religious centre. In short, rt, it it may be said that Buddhism was in its its hey day here at the tim time of the la later Ikshvakus. The chief object object of attracti attraction on was the the Mahachaitya raised raised over a dhatu of the Buddha on Sri Sriparvat parvata. a. Monks of many Buddhist sects sects like like Aparamahavina avinasaili sailiyas. Bahusutiyas usutiyas and Mahisasakas were residin iding at this centre. tre. The attrac attraction tion for this Buddhist centre can be accounted for for from from the sea trade which was carri rried on between between Ceylon Ceylon and the ports of other countri tries on one hand and those sit situated uated on the the mouths of the Krishna and the Godavari on the other hand. During thes these days days Nagarjunakonda rjunakonda was a reno renowned centre centre of higher education. What Dhanakataka ataka was during the days of Satavah Satavahanas, Nagarjun rjunakonda was was the same during the the days of the Ikshvakus. Students fr f rom diff different parts rts of Asia Asia flocked around this great centre tre of higher lea learning to prosecute their higher studies studies in the Buddhist lore.
2.
The The Brihatphalay Brihatphalayanas anas
After After the fa fall of the Ikshvakus, some of the ruling fa families ilies on the east coast of Andhra followed ollowed the practice tice of using their Gotras Gotras as their dynastic tic appellation ellations. Among such families lies, the Vasishtha Gotras Gotras in Kalin linga, the Salankayanas in the Krish Krishna-Godavari basin and the the Ananda Gotras Gotras in the region to the south of the the river river Krishna, are known from from inscription riptions. Similarly, arly, Briha Brihatphalayana was was also the the Gotra indicating ting the the ancestry of the family. The only king of this this dynasty was Jayavarma. He was known from his Kondamudi copper plate in inscrip riptio tion. The Kondamudi grant was in in Prakrit Prakrit and Pa Palaeographically it is
54
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRA ANDHRAS S
nearer in time time to Palla Pallava va Sivaska Sivaskandava ndavarma's rma's Mayidavolu Mayidavolu inscription. Dr. Dr. K. Gopalachari thought that Jayavarma belonged belonged to one generation generation preceding preceding that of Sivaskandavarma. Dr. K.R. Subrahmayam would make the Ikshvakus and Jayavarma contemporary and dated them to the 3rd century A.D. Jayavarma was identified with king Srivarma of Brihaphateyana Gotra Gotra,, who wa was s referred referred in one one of the records dated in the reig reign n of Ikstwaku Rudrapurus Rudrapurushadatt hadatta. a. He is said sai d to have ha ve raised a chhayastambha in memory of a great Ikshvaku queen, Mahadevi who was a Brihatphalayana Gotri. The Kondamudi grant is dated in the tenth regnal year of Jayavarma. Jayav arma. So Jayavarma Jayav arma must have ruled for fo r mini minimu mum m ten years and is believed to have ruled between 278 A.D. and 288 288 A.D. It is suggested that he had a large share share in weakening the Ikshv I kshvaku aku rul rule. e. The The solitary solitary record furnishes some some interesting Information abou aboutt Jayavar Jay avarma ma and the nature of his rule. rule. Jayavarma's kingdom is known to have included Kudura Ahara (Masula (Masula Talu Taluk k as far as Gudivada), Kolleru Koll eru and the northern parts of Guntur district. district. His capital perhaps was Kudura which which is identified with Koduru, a village near nea r Ghantasala Ghantasala in Krishna District. As regards the contents of the inscription, it was issued from Kudura and was addr ad dres essed sed to a local official by the the king. king. A village by name Panturu (Patur (Patur in Tenali taluk) tal uk) was conferred confer red as a gift gif t on 8 Brahmins. Brahmins. The The person person,, who caused cau sed the royal royal proclamation to be inscribed, was one 'Maha Tagavara, Mahadandanayaka Bapanavarma'. Bapanavarma' . The The gift gift of the village was accompanied by certain certain special privileges. privil eges. The The offici officials als were were forbidden from entering entering this Agrahara. Agraha ra. No tax was to be collected from fro m the village. Salt Sal t monop monopoly oly was also to be enjoyed by the Brahmin donees It is evident from the inscription that after the fall of Ikshvakus. under under the influence of the Pallavas, Brahman Brahmanism ism was revived once once again again and Jayavarma's Jayav arma's learnings towards Saivism Saiv ism testif test ify y the the same same.. After Aft er the death of Jayavarma, the the Ananda Gotras occupied the Brihatphalayana territories to the south of the river Krishna and the Salankayanas to the north of the river.
The Ikshvak us of Vijayapuri
3.
55
The An and a Gotras
A new line of kings of Ananda Gotra, claiming descent from one Kandaranripati, seems to have risen from the ashes of the Ikshavakus south of the river Krishna within the region of north Guntur, contending with those across the Krishna and probably with wit h their their own own immediate immediate neighbours, neighbours, the Pallavas. Pallavas. One Kandar Kan dara a appea ap pears rs to be the founder of this lin line. Hi His s dauhitra's dauhitra's (daught (daughter' er's s son) Chezarla Chezarla inscrip inscription tion speaks of him as the destroyer of enemy forces at the battle of Dhanyakataka causing offences to the lord of Krishnavenna by bringing out the widowhood widow hood of Andhra Andhr a women. This lord lord of Krishnavenna Krishnavenna evidently was the last Ikshvaku ruler and the battle of Dhanyakataka kat aka might might be assigned to 278 A.D. These exploits expl oits of Kandara ied to the rise of the Ananda Anan da Gotra kings. kings. All that is known of the Ananda Gotra kings is from the light thrown by a copper plate grant of Attivarma from Gorantla, another of Damodaravarma from Mattepad and the damaged stone st one inscri inscriptio ption n from Chezarla. All these the se three inscr inscripti iptions ons are from fro m the Guntur Guntur distric districtt itself. itself. In the two tw o copper plate plate grants, grants, no filial affiliations are given. given. Attivarma Attiv arma claims descent descent from fro m Kandara and Damodaravarma Damodara varma is silent silent on thi this. s. The two copper plate grants are in Sanskrit except that the names of the donees in the Mattepad grant and that of the donor In the Gorantia Gorantia plates are spelt spelt in Prakritic wa way. y. While While Attivarma Attiv arma was a fervent devotee of Siva, Damodaravarma was a follower of Buddhi Buddhist st faith. While While the former for mer was a 'hiranyagarbha'hiranyagarbhaprasava', the latter was a 'hiranyagarbhodbhavodbhava'. On this meagre information, the historians have expressed varyi var ying ng and conflicting conflicting opinions opinions about them. them. There There is no general agreement on how many were of the line, how they were related, where w here they have to be placed in point point time time and on what wha t basis the preceden precedence ce of one to the other other should should be deter determi mine ned. d. It is now generally generally accepted accepted that it was a transitional period riod and the language used in in the the inscription criptions depended more on what the individual ruler favoured, most probably based
56
HISTOR HISTORY Y OF THE ANDHRA ANDHRAS S
on either either his his brahmani brahmanical cal or Buddhis Buddhistt leanings leanings.. This consiconsideratio deration n weigh much with scholars like Dr. D.C. D.C. Sircar and Dr. O. Ramachandraiya. Since Attivarma was a 'hiranyagarbhaprasava' and Damodaravarma was admittedly born of the 'hiranyagarbhodbhava', it is right right to conc conclude lude that Attivarma was the father of Damodaravarma. The Prakritic Prakritic form of his name was what his paren parents ts gave to Attivarma. Attivarma. But he himself, himself, because of his Brahmanical leanings, would prefer a Sanskritic appellation for his his son and for the donees donees of his gifts. gifts. Damodaravarama Damodaravarama,, with with his Buddhistic inclinations, prefers Prakritic denominations for his donee donees. s. With regard to the first ruler of of the dynasty dynasty,, Kandara, how he is relate related d to Attivarma Attivarma is not known. However they shou should ld have been been very very close in point point of time. Both Both palaeography and provenance of the inscriptions would place them nearer nearer to the the last of the Ikshvakus. As already already said, said, Kandara fought the battle of Dhanyakataka that saw the end of the Ikshvaku Ikshvaku rule rule.. Hence the three rulers of the Ananda Gotra line line known from the inscriptions may rightly rightly be place placed d in the hast quarter of 3rd century A.D. or in the beginning of 4th century A.D. As they were nowhere nowhere noticed noticed at the time time of Samudragupta's invasion of the south in about 345-350 A.D. it may be surmised that their rule itself might not have lasted long. Lastly, a word about the capital of the Ananda Gotra kings — It is declared to be Ka Kapot pota a Kanda andara rapu pura ra.. The stan standa dard rd of these kings kings bore bore the figure of the monkey. A temple temple dedicated to Kapoteswara is located at Chezaria in the Narasaraopet Taluk of Guntur district. Hence Hence some scholars identify Kapote Kapote Kanda Ka ndarap rapura ura with this village. Some locate it at Chebr Chebrolu olu near near Guntu Guntur. r. Dr. Dr. M. Ramarao Ramarao held that Kandarapura Kandarapura should be identified with the village Kanteru in the Guntur district itself.
The The Ikshvakus Ikshvakus of Vijayapur Vijayapurii
57
4. The The Salankayanas Salankayanas About the end of the third quarter of the third century A.D., A.D., there was utter political political and militar military y confusi confusion on in the the coastal Andhra country, following the end of the Ikshvaku rule which which wa was s probab probably ly brought brought about about by the Abhiras and thei theirr allies. allies. To add fuel to the fire, the Ikshvaku Ikshvaku feudatories like the Brihatphalayanas were making their efforts to assert themselves and to carve out for themselves a small but independent principality principality of of their own. The The Brihatphalayanas in Kudurahara, north of the river Krishna, the Ananda Gotras in Kandarapura, south south of the river Krishna withi within n the region region of North Guntur Guntur and the Pallavas in the Prakasam-Nel.'ore tract, were contending for extension of their sway at the cost of their neighbours. After this almost three decade long political and military confusion, peace was restored in the region north of the river Krishna by the expanding expanding Salankayana power power from from Ve Veng ngii southwards. The The Salankayanas Salankayanas ruled ruled over the Vengi region for about a century in the third and fourth centuries centuries A.D. 'Th 'The city of Vengi emerged as the seat of powerful powerful empire empires s from their their times and comman commanded ded the prestige prestige for for about seven hundred hundred years years to come'. come'. The The revival of Brah Brahma manism nism and the Sanskritic learning gradually progressed progressed in Andhra country country during this age. The history of the Salankayanas remains a ground for keen controversies and conjectures. conjectures. It is becaus because e of the insufficie insufficient nt and indefinite source moterial which consists of only nine copper per plate plate grants grants and a recently discovered discovered stone inscription inscription from fr om Guntupalli. Guntupalli. Of all the records records of the dynasty, four copp copper er plate grants are in Prakrit and the remaining are in Sanskrit. The The Sanskrit recor records ds are those of the last two ru rule lers rs of the fami family ly,, viz., viz., Skandavarma Skandavarma and Nand Nandiva ivarm rma a II. It appears that the Salankayanas were an ancient people of Andhra Andhra country. Prof. Raychaudhuri identi identifie fied d them them with the 'Salekenoi', a people referred to by Ptolemy's geography (130 A.D.) as the inhabitants of the region of Maisolia, which
58
HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS
is identified with the land on either side of the river Krishna at its mouth. The Salankaya Sala nkayanas nas were, like the Pallavas, Brahmins who played the role of Kshatriyas. The word Salankayana which was acti/ally their gotra name, denotes Nandi, the Bull of Siva. The The crest-symbol crest-symbol of both the Paltava Paltav a and the the Saiankay Saia nkayana ana families was the Bull Bull.. Such similari similarities ties between betwee n them may point out either their friendly and matrimonial alliances or a common cultural background and a possible original home of the two.
The Salankayanas were first in the service of the Satavahanas as their feudatories and frontier guards in Andhra country. The Ikshvaku Ikshvaku patronage patronage to Buddhism that reached Jaggayyapeta and Ghantasala may indicate the extension of their suzerainty over the country north of the river Krishna in the third century A.D., in which case the Salankayonas might have have bee been n their their feudatorie feudatories. s. Subsequently when the Pa llav ll av a paramountacy stretched over southern Andhra country and also across the river river Krishna, Krishna , the Salank Sal ankaya ayanas nas might have been their feudatories feuda tories for some time. These kings took deligh delightt in proclaiming themselves as 'Bappabhattaraka Padabhakta1 (worshippers of the feet of their exalted parents) and worshipped in particular Chitrarathaswami, Chitrarathasw ami, i.e. i.e. Sun-God, Sun-G od, enshrining him in a remple at their capital city Vengi which is identified with two tiny hamlets 'Pedavegi' and 'Chinavegi' quite close to Eluru in the West Godavari district. Most of the scholars opine that Vijayadevavarma of the Elur Eluru u Prakrit plates plates was wa s the founder found er of the dyna dy nasty sty.. It is is mostly because of the language of the inscription and his performance of asvamedha asvam edha.. It is is generally accepted that that Prakrit preceded preceded Sanskrit San skrit as the langu lan guag age e of the inscriptions. inscriptions. Further Further founders of several other dynasties like the Ikshvakus of the times in this region claimed to have celebrated such founding by the performance performanc e of asvam asv amedh edha. a. Thus the the first first of the th e SalanSala nkayana ruler rulerss was Vijayad V ijayadevava evavarma. rma. He might might have been a great conqueror as his performance of horse-sacrifice and the honor honorifific ic Vija Vi jaya ya borne borne by him him suggest. He ruled for fo r 13 years in the last quarter of the the third third century centu ry A.D. During During this period. period.
The The Ikshvakus Ikshva kus of Vijayapuri Vijay apuri
59
Brihatphalayana Jayavarma might have been killed and his Kudurahara was annexed to the Vengi kingdom. Hastivarma I, who succeded Devavarma, was a Maharaja and a great warrior and won victories on numerous battle fronts. After supplanting the Ananda Gotra kings in the region to the north of the river Krishna, he might have had some understanding with the Pallavas that both should follow a policy of live and let let live. live. In the Guntupalli record, he is said sa id to have built a number of Vishnu temples and 'Chaturvaidyasalas (houses for fo r the study study of of four vedas ve das). ). His son and successor, Na Nand ndiivarma I is known to have ruled at least 14 years (318-332 A.D.). He was a valorous king. king. His unbounded generosity generosi ty in giving giving a variety of gifts including gosahasras, is attested by his descendant's inscriptions. it was in the reign of his elder son, Hastivarma II (332-367 A.D.), the Salankayanas faced the danger from the north in the shape of Samudragupta, the imperial Gupta ruler, who had his successful succe ssful southern expedition. The Allahabad Allaha bad pras pr asas asti ti refers to him among the South Indian rulers, that were defeated by Samudragupta. Samudragupta. Hastivarma II seems seems to have clashed in the early part of his reign with Mantaraja of Kurala, identified with Kolleru lake or the region around it in the vicinity of Vengi, for security secur ity as well well as for supremac supre macy. y. This This was before befor e the two were overpowered by Samudragupta about 350 A.D At the same juncture, with his brother Achandavarrna. grown up and ambitious, he tried to secure the claims of his son, Skandavarma to the throne after him. He did this by associating the boy with himself himse lf in the administration of the kingd kingdom om (Skandavarma described as Bataka Maharaja in Kanukollu plates, issued the Kanteru plates independently without refere ref erence nce to his fath father). er). However this associate associate boy-king boy-king died shortly thereafter and Hastivarma II had to be content with his brother brother Achandav Achandavarrna arrna as Yuvam Yuv amaha ahara raja. ja. Achandavarma Achandavarma might have ruled on his own for some years after his brother's death. deat h. His son, son, Nandivar Nandivarma ma II who was the last flicker of the the Salanka Sal ankayan yana a power, power, rul ruled ed for ten ten years years (Pedav (Pe davegi egi plates). The The rule of the Salankayanas was brought to a close in the last
60
HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
quarter of the fourth century A.D. with the ascendency of the Vishnukundins. Durin During g their their ru rule le for for about about a century over over Vengi mandala, the Salankayanas Salankayanas contributed contributed to the develo developm pmen entt of Indian culture and its spread to the neighbouring eastern countries like Burma, Burma, Siam and and Cambod Cambodia. ia. They were devout devout Hindus, honouring both both Lord Siva and Lord Lord Vishnu, Though Though Buddhism lost lost its hold on the Andhra Andhra peopl people, e, eminent Buddhist schol scholar ars s like Buddhapalita, Bhavaviveka and Dingnaga carried their activities without without hindranc hindrance. e. Dingarvaga spent last years yea rs of his his life in a Buddhist sanctuary near Vengi. 5.
The Early arly Pall allavas
THE ORIGIN OF THE PALLAVAS The The origin of of the Pallavas Pallavas still remains remains a mystery. Scholars Scholar s like Lewis Rice and V. Venkayya put forward the view that the Pallavas of Kanchi were were of Persian Persian (Parthi (Par thian) an) origin. origin. Their consideration was based on etymological grounds. The Pallavas of Kanchi were wer e iden identif tified ied with the Pahlavas of the Northwestern India. Dubrei Dubreiul ul and V.A. Smith also pointed out that the Pallav Pallavas as were were foreign intruders, intruders, probably a branch of the Pahlavas Pahlavas or Parthians of North-wester North-western n India. India. However the words Pallava and Pahlava may be the same philologically but but historically historically they refer to different peoples. peoples. Rajasekh Rajasekhara, ara, the th e great poet and play-wright in the Gurjara-Pratihara court at Kanauj, made a clear distinction between the Pallavas occupying ing South South Ind India and the Pahlavas (Parthians (Parthians)) occupying occupying the trans-Indus Valley. Dr. K.P. Jayaswal expressed the view that the Pallavas were were a branch of the Vakataka Vakat akas s ruling ruling in Central Central India. India. But But the fact is is that the Pallavas rose to indepen independen dentt sovereignty simultan simultaneous eously ly with the Vakatak Vakatakas, as, if not earlier. earlier. Hence Hence Jayasw Jay aswal' al's s view is unte untena nabl ble. e. On the the basis basis of a story fabricated by a comme commentato ntatorr in the 14 14th century in the Tamil Tamil classic classic 'Manimek 'Manimekhala halai', i', Rasanayagam Rasanayagam concluded that the Pallava Pallavas s were
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61
an off off-spring -spring of the Chola-Naga allian lliance and their home should be lo located only in the south. Since the basis for this is is a fabrica abricated story story at a later date, this view view also cannot be accepted. Prof. Prof. R. Sathian thianathaier opined that the Palla Pallavas had originated in Tondaimandalam itself tself. He identif tified them with with the Paladas or the Pulindas of the Asokan edicts. But the word word 'Palla llava' has philo ilologically, lly, greater affinity with the word 'Pahlava' rather than with with 'Puli 'Pulin nda'. Accordin rding to to Dr. S.K, Iyen Iyengar, the Pallavas Pallavas were the Tondaiyar tri tribe of Tondaimandalam. They were off officers and governors in in the south-eastern part of the Satavahana empire and after after th the fall of the Satavahanas, they succeeded in in annexing exing a grea great part of th the Chola territory territory by which which th their terri territory tory thereupon came to to be known as Tondaimandalam. However wever it may be pointed out that the early Pallavas issued their in inscription riptions in Prakrit Prakrit and not in in Tamil and they patronised Sanskri krit literature rather than Tamil litera literature. How then could could they they be given given Tamil Origin? rigin? Since the early early Tamil literature literature trea treats the Palla llavas as, diff different from from the Tamils, scholars like N.V. Ramanayya con je jectured the Telugu origin of the Pallavas on the ba basis of their early early associati ciation on wit with the Andhra country. try. The 'Mahavamsa' refers refers to to Palla Pallava Bogga Bogga as a stron stronghold of Buddhism and locates it at the mouth of the river river Krishna. This description of Palla Pallava Bogga agrees wit with the Palanadu region in in th the Guntur distri district. Moreover most of the in inscrip riptio tions of the Pallavas Pallavas before before Simhavish vishnu are foun found in the Guntur-Ne tur-Nellore trac tract of th the Andhra country. try. "The Telugu country, untry, south of the Krish Krishna, formed the bulk of th the Palla llava ki kingdom till the la last quarter rter of the sixth century tury A.D." The Palla Pallavas even maintained relatio tions friendly or otherwise, herwise, with with their contemporary dynasties sties in the the rest of the land. Further their early rly administrati nistrative ve system was on the lines of the Andhra-S Andh ra-Sata atavaha vahana na system. He Henc nce e the conconclusion is that the Pall Pallavas wer were e the the original inhabitants of the region at the mouth of the Krishn Krishna end that they went to Tondaimandalam as the the Satavahan Satavahana officers, consolidated their positi sition wi with the the help of the local Naga princes end became
62
HISTORY HISTORY OF THE AN DHR AS
independent subsequent to the fall of the Satavahanas, Whether this Telug Telugu u ori origi gin n of the Pallavas is accepta acce ptable ble or not, no t, one thing is certain that their political and cultural influence was felt by Andhra till it was swept by the Western Chalukyan invasion invasion led by Pulakesin Pulakes in II, II, in the t he firs fi rstt quarter of the 7th century A.D.
THE PROBLEMS RELATING TO THE GENEOLOGY AND CHRONOLOGY OF OF THE PALLAVAS PALLAVAS OF THE THE PRAKRIT AND AND SANSKRIT CHARTERS Scholars like Dubreuil, Fr. Heras, R. Gopalan, H. Krishna Sastri, B.V. Krishnarao, D.C. Sircar, N. Ramesan, T.V. Mahalingam and others presented conflicting theories on the Pallava genealogy genealogy and chronology. There is division among them regarding the issue whether the Pallavas of the Sanskrit inscriptions from the Nellore-Guntur area had ruled from Kanchi or not. D.C. D.C. Sircar Sirc ar and K.R. Subrahmany Subra hmanyam am opined that the Pallavas ruling in the Andhra area were a collateral branch of the Pallavas of Kanchi. However the recently recently discovered discover ed Vesanta grant of Simhavarma makes it clear that they did rule from Kanchi. There are four Prakrit inscriptions and fourteen Sanskrit copper plates, including the solitary plate of the Darsi grant, of the the early earl y Pallavas. All of them are dated dated in regnal regnal years only. Hence Hence palaeograph palaeography y is the only means to arrange arran ge them in chronological chronological order. order. Of the four fo ur Prakrit records, the th e ManchiManchikallu stone inscription of Simhavarma is palaeographically the earliest. earliest. Its script script resembles resembl es that tha t of the Ikshvak Iksh vaku u records. recor ds. Its Its similarity with the Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli Prakrit plates of Sivaskandavarama makes it the missing link between the end of the Ikshvaku rule and the beginning of the Pallava rule in the Kri Krishn shna a valley val ley.. Obviously, Obviously, Simhav Sim havarm arma a becomes a predecessor of Sivaskandavarma.
The British Museum plates, the fourth Prakrit inscription, issued issued by Queen Queen Charu Charude devi vi of Yuvama Yuva maha hara raja ja Buddhavarma and the mother mother of Buddyankura, Buddyankura, we were re dated in the reign reign of MahaMaharaja raj a Vijayaska Vijayaskandav ndavarma. arma. This This record record does not not refer to the rule rule
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of Buddhevarma and his son Buddhyankura at all. all. As rega regard rdss Maharaja Vijaya Vija ya Skand Sk andava avarma rma,, taking Vijaya and Siva Siva as ho hono nori ri-fics, scholars generally identify him with Maharaja Sivaskanda \rarrria. \rarrria. Thus on the basis basis of the four Prakrit Prakrit charters the Pallava genealogy can be given as follows : SIMHAVARMA (Manchikallu inscription) V
(SIVA OR VIJAYA) SKANDAVARMA (Mayidavolu and Hirahadagalli plates) V BUDDHAVARMA (Married (Ma rried Charudevi, Charudevi, the donatrix of the
British British Museum plates)
V
BUDDHYANKURA
Of this list, only the first two were rulers. Since Since on the basis of scriptal resemblances, the nearness of Simhavarma to the Ikshvaku rulers is pointed out, tentatively the reign of Simnavarma may be fixed in the last quarter of the third century A.D. (290 A.D.) and the reign of (Siva or Vijaya) Skandavarma in the first quarter of the fourth century A.D, (310 A.D.) The fourteen Sanskrit charters, more or less give a continuous line line of succession of kings. kings. These These are dated only only in their regnal years. yea rs. Hence, to arrange arrang e them them in a precise precise gene geneaalogical and chronological order, one has to depend upon palaeography and and other histori historical cal synchronisms synch ronisms.. The Omgodu plates (I set) is considered the earliest of the Sanskrit charters of the Pallavas. (Vijaya) (Vijay a) Skandavarma was the do dono norr of this this grant which gives the names of his father, grandfather and great-grandfather great-grand father also. also. Paleographicatly Paleograp hicatly and in the metho method d of dating, this Omgodu plates (I set) is apparently closer to the Prakrit Prakrit plates of the family. Hence Hence,, we may take Kumara Vishnu, who is mentioned at the top of the pedigree list in the record either as the successor or even as the predecessor of Skandavarma of the Hirahadagalli and the British museum platas.
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HISTORY
OP
THE
ANDHRAS
The fi first th three members of the Urava vapalli li and Nedungaraya grants tally tally with with the latter three members of he Omgodu plates (I set) set). The Uravapalli and Nedungaraya grants were were made by the donor Yuva vamaharaja ja Vis ishnugopa in in the reig ign of Maharaja ja Sim imhavarma, This Maharaja Sim imhavarma can be id identif ified wit ith the donor of the two recently tly disco discovered vered Vesanta Vesanta end SakraSakrapatna grants. The names of pred edecessors rs of Sim imhavarma of these two records totally otally agree with with those of the predecessors of Yuvam Yuvamaharaja aharaja Vishnugopa in his two two grants. Then Maharaja raja Sim Simhavarma can be taken, taken, beyon beyond any doubt, as the elder brother of the Yuvamanaraja, It was in his elder brother Sim Simhavarma's a's regn regnal years, the Yuv Yuvamaharaja aja dated his records. Thus fr from the Omgodu plates (I (I set set), Uravapalli alli, Nedungaraya, Vesanta and Sakrap krapatna charters, rters, the the foll followi owing ng pedigree, in father-son relati relatio onship, is arri arrived:
The Mangadur, Pikira Pikira, Omgodu plates (II (II set) set) and Vil Vilavetti avetti grants grants were were issued by Maharaja araja Sim Simhavarma. the son of Yuvam Yuvamaharaja aharaja Vish Vishnugopa. On the basis of palaeography, it can be concluded that that the Darsi fragmentary copper plate may be taken to to be be the the gram of Simhavarma, the the donor of the above above Mangadur group of charters. rters. Virak Virakorchavarm orchavarma of the Darsi record may be identif tified with Viravarm Viravarma, the grea great-gran t-grandfath dfather of Vishn Vishnugopa's son Simhavarma. Thus these five grants add only one more name, tha that of Yuvam Yuvamaharaja aharaja Vi Vishnugopa's son Sim Simhavarma, to the pedigree already arriv arrived at. Then the Chura grant grant gives gives the the genealogy that tall tallies with that of Mangadur and other records of Sim Simhavarm havarma for the first three generations. Thus we get the foll following owing genealogy :
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65
Then the scholars like K.R. K.R . Subrahmanyam, Fleet, Fleet, S.K, lyengar, R. Gopalan and others tried to adjust the kings of Chendalur and Udayendiram plates to the early kings of the Sanskrit Sanskrit charters. Some of them even suggested two or three sets (branches) of kings ruling contemporaneously from different headquarter headquarters. s. The The Vesant Ves anta a grant issued issued from Kanchi makes it clear that there were no branches but only one liline ne.. Further, Further, palaeographic palaeog raphically, ally, the Chendalur Chendalur and Udayendiram records are much later. later. D.C. Sircar tagged tag ged the kings known from these two grants to the later kings just before Simhavishnu line line of the imper imperial ial Pallavas. Pallav as. Another thing is that Nandivarm Nan divarma, a, the issuer issue r of the Udayendiram plate platess is definitely known from the Vayalur and Velurupalayam plates to be connected with the Simhavishnu line. line. Hence the kings of the Chendalur and Udayendiram plates cannot be connected with the early kings of the Sanskrit charters. Moreover some synchronisms must be kept ke pt in mind. mind. The The Penukonda and Kudalur plates of the Western Ganga king Madhavavarma point out that he and his father Ayyavarma were anointed by the Pallava kings Skandavarma and obviously his father Simhavarma. Palaeographically, these plates may be assigned to the last last quarter of the 5th century A.D. It impl implie iess that the two Pallava kings Simhavarma and his son Skandavarma must be placed somewhere in the close of the 5th
5)
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HISTOR HISTORY Y OF THE ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
century century A.D. This This father and son (Simhavarma (Simhavarma and Skandavarma) varma) order of succession appears only only in the Udayendiram grant. Hence Simhavarma and Skandavarma of the Udayendiram grant are the same as those of the Penukonda and Kudalur grants datable to about about 475 475 A.D. Another synchronism comes from the Jain work 'Lokavibhaga'. This Jain work wor k was completed in the 22nd regnal year of the Pallava king Simhavarma, corresponding to the year Saka 380. It is equal to 458 A.D. and initia itial year and thus the the in of the reign reign of Simhavarma comes to 43 436 6 A.D, As the Udayen Uda yen-diram grant mentions a Simhavarma followed by a Skandavarma (same as those of the Penukonda inscription dated about 475 A.D.), it is clear thai Simhavarma mentioned here must be the same Simhavarma whose starting point can be fixed as 436 A.D. by the Lokavibhaga synchronism. Further the Indrapalanagara plates of the Vishnukundin king Vikramendrabhattaraka II (555-69 A.D.) refers to a Pallava king called calle d Simha Simha (V (Va a r ma), ma ), whom the Vishnukundin Vishnukundin king king Claims to have have defeated. This Pallava Pallava Simha (varma) (var ma) may be identifi identified ed with wit h the issuer of the Pallankovil Pallankov il Jain Copper plate plate grant, who was the father Simhavishnu and grand-father of Mahendravarma I of the imperial Pallava line. Keeping in view all the above things and also the reference to Vishnugopa of Kanchi in the Allahabad Prasasti of Samudragupta gupta (3 (350 50 A.D.), A.D. ), the following following genealogy genealogy and a nd the possible possible dates of the Pallava kings may be given :
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67
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HISTOR HI STORY Y OF THE THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
HISTORY OF THE EARLY PALLAVAS The history of the early Pallavas is one of the controversial subjects in the ancie ancient nt history of South India. India. It has not yet been been satisfactorily satisfactorily sett settled led.. The The Prakrit Prakrit and the the Sanskrit charters of the early Pallavas merely mention the royal names, their non-political grants and not their political achievements. But But certain fact facts s can be gleane gleaned d from the related sources. The provenance of the bulk of the Pallava Prakrit and Sanskrit charters from the southern Andhra country intimately connects them them with the history history of that area. The The Politi Politica call and cultur cultural al influence of the Pallavas wa was s felt by Andhra till it was swept by the the Western Chalukyan Chalukya n invasion invasion led by Pulakesin II in the first quarter of the 7th century A.D.' The Pallavas were not a recognised political power before the second sec ond century A.D. It has has been been widely accepted by scholars scholars that they they were originally originally executive officers unde underr the Satavahana kings. After the fall of the Satavahanas, they began to get control control over parts of Andhra and and the the Dravida country. country. By the close of the third century A.D., there was utter political and military confusion in the coastal Andhra due to the invasion of the Abhiras and their allies on the last Ikshvaku remnants on one hand and due to the rise of the Brihatphalayanas, the Anandagotr Anand agotras as and the Salankayanas Salanka yanas on the othe other. r. It wa was s under under these conditions that Si Simhav mhavar arma ma of the the Manchikallu Manchikallu stone inscription inscription probably founded foun ded the independent ru rule le of the Pallavas in parts of the Krishna valley. It was in the reign of Maharaja Sivaskandavarma of the Mayidavolu, Hirahadagalli and the British Museum plates, that the early Pallavas had their ascendency in the first quarter of the fourth four th century A.D. A.D . Sivaskandavarma Sivask andavarma seems to have have been been the first gr grea eatt rule rulerr of the early early Pallava Pal lavas. s. He extended ext ended his dominions from the Krishna in the north to the south Pennar in the south sout h and to the Bellary district in the West. He performed the Aswametha Aswamet ha and other other Ve Vedic dic sacrifices. sacrif ices. He administered administered the kingdom kingdom on the Mauryan and Satavahana lines. At the beginning of their rule. Manchikallu, Mayidavoiu, Darsi and Ongodu were the centres of their their activity Kanchi Kanchi
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gained prominence as the centre of their political and cultural activity by the second quarter of the fourth century A.D. Probably under the rule of Maharaja Simhavarma ll, the issuer of the Vesan Ve santa ta and Sakrapatna S akrapatna plates. It was in his his rei reign gn,, his his younger broth brother er Yuv amaha am aharaj raja a Vishnugopa issued issued his Uravapaili Urava paili and Nedungaraya Nedungaraya grants. grants. Thi This Yuvamaha Yuva maharaja, raja, who subsequently succeeded his elder brother to the throne as Maharaja Vishnugopavarma, was defeated by Samudragupta by 35 350 0 A.D. Some So me scholars scho lars say sa y this Pallava Vishnugo Vishnugopa pa of Kanchi formed a confederacy of some southern kings against the north Indian invader. inv ader. However it was a futile attempt attempt on on the part of Vishnugopa. With Samudragupta's expedition, the Paliava eclipse had set se t in. The Kandaras Kanda ras (Anand (An andago agotras tras)) bec becan anre re independent independent in the Karm a rashtra. The Cholas Cho las had their ascendency ascenden cy in the Kavery Kav ery valley in the th e south. The The Talgunda Talgunda inscription refers to the ambitious and aggressive activity of Mayurasarma, the founder founder of the Ka dam ba dynasty in the Karnat Kar nataka aka.. It was again in the reign of Simhavarma IV, who ascended the throne in 43 436 6 A.D. (referenc (refe rences es from Loka vtbha ga and Penuko Penukonda nda grant of the Western Ganga Madhavavarma), the fallen prestige of the Palla vas was w as restored re stored.. In the north north upto the mouth mouthss of the Krishna, the territories were recovered from the Vishnukundins. kund ins. In the West, to restrain the the Sana Sana aggressiveness in the Anantapur, Kolar and North Arcot regions, Simhavarma IV intervened in the Western Ganga-Kadamba conflict and enthroned Ayyavarma of the Ganga family. With the accession of Nandivarma, issuer of the Udayendiram plates, in the last quarter of the 5th century A.D., the decline of the early early Pallava family was wa s seen. see n. The Kadambas Kadambas had their aggressions and even the headquarters of the Pallavas was occup o ccupied ied by them. In coastal Andhra And hra the Vishnukun Vishnukundins dins established establishe d the ir ascendency ascen dency.. The Pallava Pallava author authorit ityy was wa s conconfined to Tondaimandalam. With With the accession of Simha Simha Vishnu father of Mahendravarma I. probably in 575 A.D., the glorious imperial Pallava phase begins in the south. The Pallavas Palla vas were Brahmins of of Bharadwaja gotra gotra.. The early Pallavas styled themselves as Brahma Ksnatriyas. i.e., the
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HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
Brahmins Brahmins in Pursu Pursuit it of arms The The Kadamba Kadamba records show that by the fifth century A.D. A.D.,, the Pallavas Pallavas were were regarded as Kshatriya Kshatriyas. s. They They were followers of the Brahmanical Brahmanical religion. religion. In tune with the imperial concept and the revival of the Brahmanrc faith of the the times, times, some some of the rulers performed the the Aswametha Aswametha and other other Vedic sacrifices. sacrifices. They They had made gifts of lands to gods and Brahmins. Brahmins. Thou Though gh their political political history from 475 475 A.D. to 575 575 A.D. is some what what obscure, yet durin during g the same period Kanchi produced great Buddhist teachers like Aravana Arav ana Adigal, Adigal, Aryadeva, Digna Dignaga ga and Dharmapa Dharmapala. la. 'Kanchi became famous as the spiritual and intellectual metropolis of South Indian Buddhism.'
6.
The The Vishnukun Vishn ukundins dins
THE GENEALOGY GENEALOGY VISHNUKUNDINS
AND
THE
CHRONOLOGY
OF
THE THE
Since the fall of the Ikshwakus, the Vishnukundins were the first great dynasty, which held sway way over the entire Andhra country including Kalinga and parts of Telangana and played an important and imperial role in the history of Deccan dur urin ing g the 5th and 6th centurie centuries s of the Christian era. So far 9 copper-plate copper-plate inscriptions and one stone inscription perta pertaini ining ng to this dynasty have hav e been been discovered. Thoug Though h they they supply supply us a lot of information, they do not speak any thing about the orig origin in and originator of the dynasty. dynasty. Several Several attempts attempts were made to solve sol ve the proble problem. m. But no difinite difinite conclusion has yet been been reached. It is gene generally rally believed believed that the Vishnukundins were an Andhra family and they hailed from Vinukondd in the Guntu Gunturr district. district . On the basis of the discov discovery ery of two tndrapalanagara grants, B.N. Sastri assumes that the early rulers of the dynasty migrated to the west in search of employment and un unde derr the Va kata ka taka kass they the y might have attained attaine d feudatory status with Indrapalanagara in the Nalgonda district as their capital. He further furt her says say s that later later in the time of Madhavavarma, the great, they became independent and conquered the coastal Andhra from the Salankayanas and might have shifted their capital to a place in the coastal Andhra.
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THE GENEALOGY OF THE V1SH SHNUKUNDI DINS : It has been a matter atter of controversy roversy.. The scanty source material aterial does not give give any clue to formulate ulate a satisfac sfactory theory. The inscription tions give give the names of the the two or more of th their forefathers orefathers with with their titl titles es and achiev evem ements. But they do not speak of any thing about the fou founder of the dynasty and about the approxim ximate date of their rule. Several writers riters have form formulated their heir own schemes, some maintaini aintaining ng that there was unila ilateral succession and others others proposing a scheme with with colleteral eteral bran branches. The main dif difference between between the two schools lies lies in the identif identification of Madhava Varma Varma, who was the performer of many sacrif rifices. One school argues that the there were were two king kings wit with th the name Madhava Varm Varma of great great repute and the other schools point to to the the improbability bility of the tw two king kings of sam same name and tim time perform rforming equal number of sacrif crifices with with in a short span of tim time. Prio Prior to to the disco discovery very of the In Indrapalanagara plates, of the earlier earlier records, the Ipur plates second set was the earliest rliest on the basis of palaeography. It gives gives the foll following genealogy—
In point of antiquit quity, next comes the the Ramatirt atirtrr rram am plates of Indravarm ndravarma and the the Chikk Chikkul ullla and Tundi gran grants of Vikram Vikramendra Varm arma These three three records give the following ollowing genealogies— RAM RAMATI ATIRTHA RTHAM M
CHIKKULLA
TUNDl
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HISTO HISTORY RY OF THE ANDHRA AND HRA S
On the basis of the titles, the extolling epithets and other descriptions of the rulers of the above three records, the following genealogy genealogy may be arrived at —
Here M.S. Sharma and others identify Madhavavarma II of the Ipuru plates second set with Madhavavarma of the above three records. This This is unten untenabl able e because the Trikuta-malayadhipati' Trikuta-ma layadhipati' Madhavavarma of the Ipuru plates-ll set was not a performer of many sacrifices and not Maharaja tike Madhavavarma of the other grants. On the othe otherr hand the epithets given given to Madha Ma dhavavavarma I of the same lpur-ll set and those attributed to the Madhavavarma of the three three records seem to be similar similar.. ThereTherefore it is probable that Madhava Varma I of the Ipur second set and Madhavavarma of the other grants were one and the same. If so Maharaja Maharaja Madhava Varma had two sons—Devasons—Deva varma and Vikramendravarma Vikramen dravarma (through (through the Vakataka Vakata ka princess). Accordingly the following genealogy may be derived —
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On the basis of the similarities in the two records, the following pedig pe digre ree e may be arrived at —
Now in combining combining the first first (I) and second (II) (II) ped pedigr igrees ees to arrive at final conclusion, scholars differ from one another in assuming Madhavavarma of the Ipur I set and Polamuru plates to be the same at Maharaja Madhava Varma of the other records. records. Dr. Dr. D. D.C. C. Sircar, Sircar, Dr. Dr. Ramarao and K. Gopalachari advocate the following shorter genealogy —
However a careful examination of the titles of Mahandravarma of the Ipur plates-l set and Polamuru grant and those of Madhavavarma of the other grants and the other evidences point out there were two Madhavavarmas of great repute : (1) Dr. Hultzch thinks thinks that the Ipu Ipurr plates-II plates-II set wa was s earlier than the Ipur Ipur ptates-I ptates-I set.
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(2) The Ipur Ipur plates-l set and Polamur Polamuru u plates indicate The matrimony of Madhavavarma with the princess of Tivaranagara whereas Maharaja Madhavavarma of the other records is said to have married the Vakataka Princess, (3) The title title 'Janasr 'Jan asraya aya'' given given to Madhavavar Madhavavarma ma in the Polamuru grant is not given to Madhavavarma of the other records. (4) Furthe Furtherr the donee Sivasharma of the Polamuru inscription inscription of Madhavavarma was the father of Rudrasharma, the donee of another Polamuru inscription of the Eastern Chalukya Jayasimha I. If this Polamu Polamuru ru Madhavavarma was the the same as Maharaja Madhavavarma of the other records, there would be a gap of a century or more between Madhava Varma and Jayasimha I which is unwarranted. (5) Moreove Moreoverr the reference reference to Madhavavarma in the literary literary work 'Sri Krishna Vijaya' of a later date and the reference to his rule in Saka 514 in an inscription of the 12th century A.D. in the Malliswaraswamy temple at Vijayawada definitely place one Madhavavarma at the end of the dynasty. If these two Madhavavarmas were not one and the same, then how to combine the first and the second genealogical lists? Dr. Dr. N.V. Ram anayya anay ya identi identifie fiess Vikramahendra Vikramahen dra of the Polamuru Polamuru inscription with Vikramendravarm Vikramen dravarma a I of the other grants. grants. But But the epithets show that tha t Vikramahend Vikram ahendra ra was a more more powerful powerful king king than Vikramen Vikra mendrav dravarm arma a I. On the other other hand Vikramahendra may be identified with Vikramendravarma II because the titles given to the former were more or less similar to those of the latter. This identification identification alone would place Madhavavarma (Ipur (Ipur I set) se t) at the end of the dynastic lists, who was probably uprooted by the Eastern Chalukyan ruler, or it may be his son son who faced fa ced this calamity. calamity. Hence K.A.N. Sastri and others give the following genealogy—
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Almost all the scholars unanimously agree that the Indrapalanagara grant of Vikramendra II gives the same genealogy as we have already had from Maharaj Maharaja a Madhavavarma Madhavavarma to VikraVikr amendravar mendravarma ma IIII. Bu Butt it add adds s one more name name tha thatt of GovindaGovindavarma (prior to Maharaja Madhavavarma) to the genealogy already arrived at. In regard to the plac place e of the kings kings given in the Indra Indra-palanagara grant of Govindavarma in Vishnukundin genealogy. Dr. Rama Rao thinks that the rulers mentioned in the grant of Govindavarma (Maharaja Indravarma, his son Madhavavarma and his son Govindavarma) could be collaterals who occupied the Vishnukindin territory territory afte afterr Vikramend Vikra mendravar ravarma ma II. Or. Rama Rao and Prof. Mirashi try to fill in the gap between 569 569 A.D, and 615 A.D. or 624 A.D. the former being the last date of Vikramendravarma II and the latter being the date of the Eastern Chalukyan occupation of Vengi from these collecterals and B.N. Sastri fill in in this gap However Dr. Ramacrrandraiya and by placing here the genealogy of the Polamuru grant and the Ipur plates I set, i.e. by identifying Vikramendravarma II with Vikramahendra. How are we then to explain the relationship of the three kings given in the Indrapalanagara grant of Govindavarma with
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the other other known kings? After a careful study stu dy of the the two t wo Indrapalanagara grants. Dr. Ramachandraiya and B.N. Sastri come to the concl conclus usio ion n that the Indrapatanagara grant of Govindavarma was the first record of the Vishnukundins and that that Govindavarma Gov indavarma of the Indrapalanagara Indrapalanagara grant (issuer (iss uer)) and a nd Govinda Govinda Raja of the Indrapalanagara Indrapalanagara grant of Vikramendra Bhattaraka Bhattaraka were one and the the same. The basis for the identifi identifi-cation cation is the lean leanin ings gs of the two Go Govind vindava avarm rmas as towards Buddhis Buddhism. m. Thus with the above assumptions, assump tions, we get—
Opinion is actutely divided divided even ev en with CHRONOLOGY:— Opinion regard to the chronology of the Vishnukundins Vishnukundin s Their Their rule ule may be fixed between the end of the Salankayanas and the rise rise of the Eastern Eastern Chalukya Cha lukyan n power in 624 AD "The last year of the Salankayana rule is dated differently by different scholars on the basis of varying theories of Satavahana chronothe initia logy. So naturally the initial year of the Vishnukundin rule
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varies from fr om historian to historian". Al Alll the Vishnu Vishnukun kundin din grants with the lone exception of the Indrapalanagana inscription of Vikramen Vikr amendra dravar varma ma II were dated in the regnal years. The Indrapalanagara grant of Vikramendravarma II was dated in his 11th 11th regnal year ye ar correspondi corresponding ng to Saka 488, 488, With With the help of this date and an d taking into considerati consid eration on the latest reg regna nall years known from the inscriptions as the last years of rule of the rulers, rulers, the chronology chronology of the Vishnukundins Vishnukun dins may be fixed. On the basis of the Indrapalanagara grant dated in the 11th 11th regnal year year corresponding corres ponding to Saka 488, 488, Vikramendravarma II may be said to have ascended the throne in Saka 477 i.e i.e., 555 555 A.D. His Tundi grant gra nt gives giv es his latest latest regnal year as fourteen. So his reign period may be placed between 555 555 A.D. and 569 A.D. His fath fa ther er Indravarma Indravarma IIII, who issued the Ramatirtham plat plates es in his 27th 27th regnal reg nal year might might have ruled rule d from fr om 528 528 A.D. to 555 555 A.D. A.D. Vikramendr Vikra mendravar avarma ma I, the father fat her and predecessor of Indravarma II was the off-spring of a politic political al marriage between the Vishnukundin and the Vakataka families. In accordance with the general principle, he can be assigned 25 years rule i.e., from 503 A.D. to 528 A.D. The father fat her of Vikramendravarma Vikramendra varma I i.e i.e., Madhava Madh avavar varma ma II had no record recor d of of his son. But in the reco records rds of his his descendescendants, dants, he was described described as the greatest ruler of the Vishnukundins. The The year 47 mentioned mentione d in the Ipu Ipur plates-II plates -II set issued issued by Madhava, son of Devavarma and grandson of the above said Madhava II. may be taken taken to be be the year of Madhava Madh ava II. Scholars Scholars do not not consider Devavarma Devavar ma a ruler because he did not not possess posse ss any royal titles. Deva De vava varm rma's a's son Madhava was referred referred simp simply ly as Adhiraja and Trikuta-Malayadhipati, indicating the subordinate posit position ion of a feaudat fea udatory ory prince. prince. Owing to the unusua unusuall longevity longevity of the the reign reign of Madhava II, his elder son, Devavarma predeceased predeceased his his father father and Madhava. Madhava. son son of Devavarma mig migh ht have hav e been been made viceroy for fo r the the territory around Trikutama Trikutamalaya. laya. So the 47th year year of the Ipur Ipur plates-ll set should should foe that of Madhava II, who must have ruled from 456 A.D. to 503 A.D,
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Govindavarma I, father of Madhava Madhava II was the issuer issuer of one Indrapala Indrapalanaga nagara ra grant grant dated in his 37th 37th regnal regnal year. year. So he might might have ruled ruled between 419 A.D. and 456 456 A.D. His predecessors, Indravarma I and Madhavavarma I who were having the the title Maharaja should be deemed to to have ruled in their the ir own right. In general general,, 25 years years rule, rule, for each of them, may be allotted. allotted. Now coming to the successors of Vikramendravarma II (555-69 A.D.), Janasraya Madhavavarma IV issued the Polamuru inscription in his 48th year on a full moon day in the month of Phalguna Phalguna when Lunar eclipse eclipse occurred. occurred. 62 621 1 A.D. may convenient conveniently ly be taken as the th e dat date e of Potem Potemuru uru record because it brings the Vishnukundins close to the beginning of the Easter Eastern n Chalukyan Chal ukyan rule rule in 624 624 A.D. (which wa was s fixed by Dr. Dr. N. N.V. V. Ramana Ram anayya yya and supported by Dr. Dr. N. Rame R amesan san). ). So 621 62 1 A.D. was the 48th regnal year of Madhava Madhav a IV IV.. Consequently his his reign reign period period should should be 57 573 3 A.D. A.D.-621 -621 A.D. Mad Madhava hava's 's fath fa ther er Govindavarma II was now left with only four years (569-573 A.D.). A.D. ). Because no special special achievement achieve ment was attributed to him, him, it may said that he might have died at an early age. As regards regards the last ruler ruler overthrown by the Eastern Chalukya Chal ukyas s in 62 624 4 A.D., A.D., there is no no definite definite information. informa tion. If it were Madhava IV, he might have ruled for 3 more years after the issue of Polamuru Polamuru plates. plates. If the 48th 48th year is the last year of Madhava IV, Manchana Bhattaraka, as his dear son, might have succeeded succ eeded him him in 621 621 A.D. and the the Easter Eastern n Chalukyan catestrophe fell on this victim in 624 A.D. Thus we get the Following chronology :—
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POLITICAL POLITICAL HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE VISHNUKUND1 VISHNUKUND1NS NS The Vishnukundins were the main orbit of power in the eastern eastern Deccan Deccan during during the fift fifth h and sixth centur centuries ies A.D. As their their affinity affinity with Sriparvatasw Sriparvataswami ami (Lord Mallikhar Mallikharjuna juna of Srisailam) and the their ir family fami ly name name Vishnuk Vishnukund undin in (der (derived ived from Vishnukundinapura which may be identified with modern Vinukonda in Guntur district) definitely trace their origin in Guntur district, it may be assumed that the early rulers of the dynasty migrated to the West in search search of employment. Unde Underr the Vakatakas. Vakatakas. They They might might have attained feudatory feudato ry status status with Indrapalanagara (Tummalagudem) in Nalgonda Nalgonda district district as their their capital. Later in the time time of Madha Madhavar varma, ma, the great, great , they became became independent independent and conquere conquered d coastal coastal Andhra Andhra from rom the Salankayanas Salankayanas and migh mightt have shifted their capital capital to a plac place e in the coastal Andhra.
According to the Indrapalanagara plates, Maharaja Indravarm va rma a is considered to be the first rule rulerr of the dynasty. He might have carved out a small principality for himself probably as a subordinate of the Vakatakas sometime about the last quarter quar ter of the fourth fourth century A.D. A.D. Not Not much informati information on is known about the next two two kings, kings, Madhavarma I and his his son son Govi Govind ndav avar arma ma.. They might have kept kept in tact the the in inherit eritan ance ce or extended extended their their sway to some some extent.
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
By the middle of the 5th century A.D., the dynasty began its imperial expansion under its most efficient ruler Madhavarma (II), the great. The reign reign of Madhavavar Madhava varma ma (461 (461-5 -508 08 A.D.) A.D .) near nearly ly for for half half a century cent ury is a golden age a ge in the history of the Vishnukun Vishnukundins. dins. It wa was s duri during ng this period, period, the small sma ll Vishnukund kundin in dyna d ynasty sty was w as raised to the imperi imperial al dignity. A princess of the then powerful ruling family of the Deccan the Vakatakas was given in marriage to Madhavarma's son, Vikramendravarma. This This alliance with the great great power power made easy eas y the task ta sk of extending the Vishnukundin influence to the east coast and vanquishing the petty chieftains lingering on in that area. Madhavavarma II led his arms against Anandagotrins who were ruling over Guntur, Tenali and Ongole Taluks, probably enjoying subordinate position under the Pallavas of Kanchi. After occupying these areas from the Anandagotrins, he made Amarapura (modern (modern Amarava Amar avati ti his his capital. capital. Keeping in view the constant threat from the Pallavas, he created an out-post to check their activities and appointed his son, Devavarma and after his death the grandson Madhavavarma III as its Viceroy. This southern out-post 'Trikutamalaya' is identified with Kotappakonda in Narasaraopet Taluk in the Guntur district. Madhavavarma II next turned his attention against the Vengi Vengi kingdom kingdom which was under under the Salankayanas. Salankaya nas. The Vengi regio region n wa was s annexed anne xed.. The Godavari Godava ri tract tra ct became pan pan of the Vishnukundin Vishnukundin territ ter ritory. ory. After Af ter these conquests conquest s the capital migh mightt have have been been shifted shift ed to Bezwada, Bezwada, a more centr cen tral al place than Amarapura. Thes These e extensive conquest conq uests s entitle him him to the title title of the lord lord of Dakshina Daksh inapat patha. ha. Aft Af t er these the se various various con conque quests sts., ., Madhavavar Madhav avarma ma performed many many Asvam As vamedh edha, a, Rajasuya and other sacrifices. The fortunes of the Vishnukundins were at a tow ebb during the reign reign of next next ruler ruler Vikramendr Vikramendravar avarma ma I (508-52 (508-528 8 A.D. A.D.). ). The The next two and half decades also experienced the constant strife and dynastic struggles during the reign period of Indrabhattarakavarma (528-555 (528-555 A.D.) A.D .).. Though Though Indrabhattaraka Indrabhattar aka overcame over came the troub troubles les from fr om the day a das like his cousin Madhavavarma III
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(Trikutamalayadhipati), he coul could not with withstand the hostile tile Kaling subordinate Indravarma of the Jirjingi plates and lost his his life. lif e. The Vishnukundi Vishnukundins ns lost their Kalinga Kalinga possessio possessions ns north north of the Godavari.
With the accession accessi on of Vikramendravarma II (555 555-5 -569 69 A.D A. D ), the fallen prestige of the Vishnukundin family was restored To have have an immediate access acc ess to the Kalinga regio region, n, he shifted his capi ca pita tall from fr om Bezwada Bezwada to Lenduluru Lenduluru (modem (modem Denduluru Denduluru in the West Wes t Godavari district). distr ict). He repulsed the attack of the Pailav Pai lava a ruler ruler Simhavarman. Simhavarman. He was successful enoug enough h to restore rest ore the fortun for tunes es of the Vishnukundins in the Kal Kalinga inga region. region. After Aft er the victory, victory, he donate donated d Tund Tundii (Tuni) village vill age to a Brahmin and styled himself himself as 'Uttamasraya'. His son Govindavarma II enjoye enj oyed d comparatively comparati vely a short period of rule rule (569-573 (569-573 A.D.) A. D.).. The Vishnukundin empire set its wa way y again agai n to the t he imperial imperial expansions and cultural prosperity under its able ruler 'Janssraya' sra ya' Madhavavarma (IV) (573-621 (573-621 A.D.). This prud pruden entt king spent his early years of rule in consolidating his position in Vengi. Vengi . The later part part of his reign is marked by wars war s and an d annexati anne xations. ons. According to his epith epithet ets s in Ipur Ipur I set se t and Polamuru plates, plates, Madhavavarma Madhavavarma IV conquered Tivara, the Somavamsi king of Mahakosala and married his daughter and spent spen t sometime in their their capital, Trivaranagara. In his 37th 37th regnal year, he suppressed the revolt of his subordinate chief the Durjaya Prithvimaharaja in Guddadivishya (modern Ramachandrapuram Taluk in the East Godavari district). Madhavarma IV had to face the Chalukyan Chalukya n onsteug onsteught ht in his last la st year ye ars s of rule. rule. By about 616 616 A.D., Pulakesin Pulakesin II and his brother brot her Kubja Vishnuvardhane Vishnuvardhane conquered conquered Ve Vengi ngi from Vishn Vishnuukundins and an d the th e Pithspuram area area from their their subo subord rdin inat ate e Durj Du rjay ayas as.. In 621 A.D. i.e., i.e., in his 48th 48th regnal regnal year, Madhava cros cr osse sed d the Godavari Godavari probably to oust the Chalukyas Chaluk yas from his territorie terri tories. s. However he lost his life on the the battle-field battle-field.. His son Manchanabhat Manchan abhattara taraka ka also al so might might have been been expelled expelled by the Chalukyas. Chaluky as. Thus Thus the Vishnukundin Vishnukundin rule rule wa was s brought brought to a close by 624 A.D. A.D.
6)
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CULTURAL CONDITIONS It is really a venture to try to speak, on the basis of a few records records available, about about the contribution of th the e Vishnukundins in various walks walks of life life during during that perio period. d. The society society of the period appears to be based upon upon the tradition traditional al Hi Hind ndu u fou fourr-fo fold ld caste system. system. The Vishnukundins Vishnukundins belonged belonged to the priestly class committed committed to arms. The The fourth fourth class swelled the milit militar ary y ranks, in general people people lived in harmony.
ADMINISTRATION For administrative convenience, the empire might have been been divided into a number of rashtras rashtras and Vish Vi shay ayas as.. Inscri Inscripptions refer to Palki rashtra. Karma rashtra, Guddadi vishaya etc. The ruler carried on administration depending upon the Sukraniti. Madhav Mad havava avarma rma III III as the Trikutamalayadhipati shows the the appointment of members of the royal family as Viceroys for strategical areas. Vishaye Vish ayemah mahatta attaras ras might have been the heads of the vish vi shaya ayas. s. It seems that villages enjoyed autonomy within their jurisdiction. In judicial administration, the king was the highest court of appeal. Endowed Endowed with the knowledge knowledge of law and and intelligence, the Vishnukundin rulers rulers established various kinds of ordeals (divy (di vyas as)) in trails of disputes. disput es. They They were know known n for their impartial impartial judgment and high high sense of justice. justice. Their army army consisted of traditional tradi tional Chaturang Chaturangabala abala.. Hastikosa (officer-i (officer-inncharge charge of elephant forc fo rces es)) and Virakosa Virako sa (officer-in-cha (officer-in-charge rge of land forces for ces)) we were re referred refe rred in records. records. These officers officers issued even grants grants on behalf of the kings. There might have been been a well-organised administrative machinery for collection of land revenue. revenue. Agrahara Agraha ra villages villages enjoyed enjoy ed tax exemptions. Sixteen types of coins of the Vishnukundin rulers, brought to light by Dr. R. Subrahmanyam, speak well of the economic prosperity of the kingdom. RELIGION
All the records of the Vishnukundins throw a flood of light on the the religious conditions of the the period period.. The kings prior to
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Madhavavarma Madhavavarma II seem to be patrons of Buddh Buddhism ism.. Govindavarma I was hailed as the Buddhist and builder of stupas and Vihar Vih aras as.. His wi wife fe Paramabhattarikamahad Paramabhattarikamahadevi evi also patron patronise ised d Buddhism and built built a monastery. stery. Vikr Vikram amendravaim vaima II, though a 'paramamahesvara', made liberal grants to the same Mahadevi's Buddhist Buddhist vihara. These things things show show that that Budd Buddhi hism sm was a considerable ble force to be reckoned with with during the Vishnukundin period. However However from fr om the time time of accession acces sion of Madhavavarma II, an aggressive self-assertion of the Vedic brahmanism is to be seen in Andhradesa. Andhra desa. Elaborate Vedic ceremonie ceremonies s like Rajasuya, Rajasuy a, Puru Purush sham amed edha ha,, Sarvamedha Sarvam edha and Aswamedha were we re undertaken. The celebration of all these sacrifices represents the militant spirit of the brahmanical revival. Some of the rul rulers ers styled styled themse the mselve lves s as Paramamahesvaras. The The inscrip inscriptio tions ns refer refer to thei theirr family fami ly deity deity Sriparvat Sripa rvataswa aswami mi (Lord Mallikarjun Mallikarjuna a of SriSrisail sa ilam am). ). The names of rulers like like Madhavava Madhavavarma, rma, GovindaGovindavarma var ma etc. show thei theirr Vaishnava Vaishnav a lean leanin ings gs.. Thus Thus both both the sects sect s might have hav e received equa equall patronage from fr om them. them. Rock-cut Rock- cut cave temples were constructed at Bezwada, Vimdavalli and Bhairavakonda which were dedicated to both the sects. LITERATURE The Vishnukundins were also great patrons of learningLearned brahmins brahmins were wer e encouraged encouraged by gifts of lands lands and ghati gha tikas kasth thana anas s (colleges) were established for fo r the propa propagat gation ion of Vedic Vedi c studies. Being Being a greet believer believer in the the efficacy of sanatanadharma, sanatanadh arma, Indrabhattaraka established many many GhatikeGhatikesthanas for imparting education on Vedic literature. Performance of several elaborate Vedic ceremonies by Madhavarmas imply the faith of the rulers in Brahmanism and popularity of Vedic learning with with the the people during this period. Apart from from being being patrons patrons of lear learni ning ng,, some of the Vishnukundin kings were by themselves men of letters of high cadre. Vikramendravarma I was described as 'Mahakavi' in a record. Further Further,, an incomplete work on Sanskri skrit poetics called lled 'Janasraya Chhandovichhiti', was attributed to Madhavarma IV who
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bore the the title of 'Janasraya'. As is known from the the available records, Sanskrit Sanskrit enjoyed royal patronage. Telug Telugu u had not yet grown to the the stature of receivi receiving ng royal patronag patronage. e. ART AND ARCHITECTURE Being great devotees of Siva, the Vishnukundins seem to have been responsible for construction of a number of cave temples dedicated dedi cated to Siva, The The cave structu structures res at Bezwada, Mogalrajapuram, Vundavalli and Bhairavakonds were dated to this period period.. Though Though some of these cave ca ve temples were attributed to the Pallavas (Mahendravarma I), the emblems found on the caves and the areas being under the rule of the Vishnukundins during this period clearly show that these were contributions of the the Vishnukun Vishnukundins. dins. The big four-storeyed four-sto reyed cave at Vundavalli Vundava lli and the 8 cave temples in Bhairavakonda in Nellore district show however clear resemblances with the architecture of Pallava Mahendravarman's period.
CHAPTER
4 The Eastern Chalukyas Eastern Chalukyas
The Eastern Chaluky Chal ukyas as were a branch of the Western Chalukya Chal ukyas s of Vatapi or Badami. Badami. Pulakesin II was one of the greatest greate st kings of Badami, Bada mi, He conquered the whole of Easte Eastern rn Deccan, corresponding correspo nding roughly to the coastal districts districts of Andhra, quite early in his reign and appointed his brother Kirbja Kirbja Vishnuvardhana as Viceroy. Viceroy . On the death of Pulakesin II, the Vengi Viceroyalty developed into an independent kingdom. Kubja Vishnuvardhana founded the line of kings called the Eastern Chalukyas of Vengi which outlived the main Vatapi dyna dy nast sty y by many man y generations. generations. They ha had d their capital origi original nally ly at Vengi near Eluru of the West Godavari district end later changed to to Rajamah Raj amahendra endravaram varam.. They were lords lords of the Vengi Vengi country count ry for nearl nearly y 500 years till till destiny destiny had taken ta ken them to the Chola kingdom kingdom in the the South. However they continue continued d to hold Vengi for fo r several several generations generations even even aft after er that. The The five fi ve centuries of the Eastern Chalukyan rule of Vengi saw not merely the consolidation consolidation of this re regi gion on into an unifi unified ed whole, but also saw the efflorescence of Telugu culture, literature, poetry and art. It can verily verily be said to be be the gold golden en period period of Andh Andhra ra history.
1.
Circumstances ircumstances Under which the Eastern Chalukyan Rule lewas asEstablis ished
ORIGIN OF THE CHALUKYAS The word 'Chalukya' seems to have been derived from the word 'Chalkya' which was the original form of the dynastic
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name. Like the Chutus and Kadambas, the Chalukyas were an indigenous indigenous tribe. They rose to importanc importance e in the later later SataSata vahana period and asserted their independence after the downfall fal l of the central central empire. In the Maruturu inscription inscription of Pulakesin II. a village that was granted by him is said to be situated situated in the Chalukya Vishaya. It is therefore clear that the original word of 'Chalukya' was applied to a territorial divis division ion or a Vishaya Vishaya of a kingdom. kingdom. Like Like the Pugiy Pugiyas, as, the Hiranyakas and an d the the Dhanakas of the the (kshvak (ks hvaku u period, period, the territorial division came to be known as Chalukya after the Chalukyan clan. clan. The The provenance of the Maruturu grant g rant and also the other factors mentione mentioned d in it clearly prove that this Chalukya Vishaya must have comprised portions of the ceded districts of Andhra Pradesh including perhaps parts of the Mahboobnagar district district of Telangana, Telangana, Henc Hence e the Chalukyas were we re the original origi nal residents residents of this this area.
According to the earliest Chalukyan legend preserved in an inscription dated 578 A.D. at Badami, the Chalukyas were worshippers of the feet of the sacred Lord Kartikeya and belonged to Manavyasa Gotra and had themselves purified by the performance performance of several yajna yaj nas. s. They be belo long nged ed to a war wa r like like race of Kshatriyas. They They were nourished nourished by the Saptamatrikas, Saptamatr ikas, acquired great merit and prosperity and obtained the Varaha Lanchana by the divine favour and grace of Vishnis. MANY A PROBLEM TO BE ANSWERED Pulakesin II with whom the Western Chalukyan line of kings kings came to promi prominen nence ce was a warrior. warrior . He built up his kingdom from scratch, gave victorious battle to Harshavardhana in the north and held his vast vast empire empire in a close grip. grip. A graphic description of his conquests is given in the Aihols inscription of Ravikirti. According Accor ding to it, one is to believe that th at the Chalukyan conquest of the Coastal Andhra was effected in the course of a single campaign. This This may not be true. tru e. The invaders met with stout resistance and it was only after a strenuous warfare of ten years that they could reduce the country to to subjec subjection tion.. In this process of the conquest of of the
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East Coast, Coast, seve se vera rall doubts arise. arise. When When did did the the actu actual al conconquest of the coastal districts of Andhra take place? who were the enemies from whom the Chalukyas conquered these teritories? When wa was s Kubja Vishnuvardhana appointed appointed as Viceroy Viceroy of the region? When Whe n did did he assume full full title titles s as a Maharaja? Why wa was s Vengi partitioned as a separ separate ate kin kingd gdom om.. Thes These e questions which sound simple evoke many and sometimes even conflicting answers.
THE DATE OF OF THE CHALUKYAN CONQ CONQUEST UEST OF COASTAL COASTAL ANDHRA The Maruturu grant of Pulakesin II gives us some information regarding regar ding this. The grant grant wa was s made immediately immediately after the conquest conque st by seizure seizure of Pishtapuraka. Pisht apuraka. This This wa was s indicated by the phrase in the inscription in lines 13 and 14. i.e. 'Pishtapurakadana Grahananantarye Grahanana ntaryena'. na'. 'Adana 'Ad ana'' means means seizure, seizure, 'grahana' means capture and 'anantaryena' means immediately after. This This phrase therefore therefore clearly proves that the the grant grant was given immediately after Pishtapuraka was captured. captured. The The in inscription was issued in the eighth victorious reign of Pulakesin II. II. Dr. N. Ramesan Ramesa n who edited edited the inscrip inscription tion has come to the conclusi concl usion on that itit was issued issued in 616 616 A.D. A.D. So by 616 616 A.D. Vengi Vengi must mus t have hav e been conquered by Pulakesin II II. The detai details ls of the Maruturu Marutu ru grant indica indicate te the the same. The King King is describ desc ribed ed as granting the village Maruturu from Kallura and the Aluka Maharaja for whose benefit also the grant was made said to have have come from fr om Mangalapura. Mangalapu ra. Pishtapuraka Pishtapurak a is the the modern modern Pithapuram Pithapur am in the Eas Eastt Godavari Godavar i district. distric t. Kal Kallura lura is probably probably to be identified with the modem Kollur and Mangalapura with the th e moder mod ern n Mangalagiri Mangalagiri in Guntu Gunturr district. The village that wa was s granted was Maruturu, a famous village of Narasaraopet Taluk of the Guntur district. However the Chalukyan conquest of the coast was not affected in the course c ourse of a single single campaign. There There must have been a strenuous warfare for some years.
WHO WAS THE ENEMY FROM WHOM THE CHALUKYAS CONQUERED THE THE COASTAL DISTRICTS? Whether it was the Durjaya family or the Vishnukunndin family, there are doubts regarding the enemy from whom the
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Chalukyas conque conquered red the coast coastal al re regi gion on.. No doub doubt, t, the Maruturu Maruturu and Kopparam Kopparam plat plates es conclusi conclusively vely prove that tha t in the first two decade decades s of the seventh century itself, the GunlurGunlurNetlore regio region n had been been fully conquered by Pulakes Pulakesin in II and and the Pallava king Mahendravarman might have been deprived of these territories duri during ng the early early part of the reign reign of Pulakesin II. But with regard to the rulers of the region north of the Krishna rive river, r, uncertainl uncertainly y prevails. The conquest conquest of Vengi by the Eastern astern Chalukyas from the Durjayas is referred referred by the traditradition preserved in the Katlaparru grant of Gunaga Vijayaditya, the Pandipaka grant of Chalukya Bhima I and the Kandayam plates plates of Dananrava. Dananrava. In no Eastern Eastern Chalukyan grant, the Vishnukundins were were mentio mentioned ned.. But But one cannot definitely definitely conclude that the Chalukyas conquered from the Durjayas and got under their control a vast area stretching from Jaipur in Orissa to some parts parts of Krishna Krishna district. district . The inscription inscriptions s speak of the Chalukyan conquest of a small principalit principality y around Pithapura puram m from the Durjay Dur jayas. as. What about the territory between between the rivers Godavari Godavari and Krishna? Probably it was still duri during ng this period period under under the the Vishnukundins. The proximity proximity of the Polam Polamuru uru inscrip inscription tion of the Vishnukundin Vishnukundin Madhavavarma Madhavavarma with wi th that of the Eastern Chalukyan Jayasimha I suggests the same. So it is possible that the Chalukyas got success over the Durjayas in Pithapuram by which they got a footing on the east coast. Pithapuram migh mightt have been the first fi rst capital c apital of the Eastern Chalukyas from where they marched their victorious banners into the Vishnukundin territory. THE STARTING POINT OF THE EASTERN CHALUKYAN CHRONOLOGY It may be remembered that Pulakesin II conquered Vengi countr countryy and sent his broth er K ubja ubj a Vishnuvardha na there as Viceroy and that that Kubja Kubja Vishnuvardhana Vishnuv ardhana was the founder of the Eastern Chalukyan line, which held sway over the coastal districts of Andhra for nearly nearly 500 years. years . The exact exa ct starting startin g point of the Eastern Chalukyan chronology has been the sub ject ject matte atterr of great great doubt and discussion discussion.. Dr. Fleet leet re rema mark rked ed thus:
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'The historical event, which gave the starting point, was the installation of Kubja Vishnuvardhana not as the Maharaja or the independent ruler of a separate kingd kingdom om but but as Yuvaraja associated, in the government with his eider brother Pulakesin II.' Dr. Fleet proposed that Pulakesin II conferred the sovereignty reignty (Vi (Vicer ceroya oyalt lty) y) of Vengi on his younger young er broth brother er in 615 A.D. But the Satar Sat ara a grant spea sp eaks ks of the the presence presence of Ku Kubj bja a Vishnuvardhana on the banks of the Bhimaradhi as Yuvaraja in the 8th regnal r egnal year ye ar of Pulakesin Pulakes in II (616 (616-1 -17 7 A.D.) A.D .).. Sri Sri M.S. Sarma on the basis of the Kopparam plates corresponding to 631 63 1 A.D. firmly assumin ass uming g that tha t they th ey wer w ere e the earliest earliest evid eviden ence ce to the invasion of Vengi, fixed the starting point in 633 A.D. However this this may be set aside in view of the later later research and particularly particularly of information i nformation furnished in the Maruturu grant. grant. The late B.V. Krishnarao arrived at 624 A.D. and Dr. N. Venkataramanayya accepted this date mainly influenced by the details detail s given in the Terala Terala (Palnad (Paln ad taluq) epigra epigraph, ph, Dr. N. Ramesan who also worked on the problem supports 624 A.D. as the date of appointment of Kubja Vishnuvardhana as Viceroy Viceroy of Vengi. This This date based on astronomical astronomical and other calculations tallies with other dates assigned to the later kings kings of the dynasty dyn asty.. This This may also be confirmed confir med by other means. As stat st ated ed in the Maruturu Maruturu grant of 616 A.D., A.D., Pulakesin II conque conquered red Vengi. Vengi. In the the same sa me year (8th (8t h regnal year ye ar)) of Pulakesin II, Vishnuvardhana was a Yuvaraja in the West as is seen from fr om his Satara Sata ra grant The Kopparam plates plates of VishnuVishnuvardhana issued in the 21st regnal year of Pulakesin II clearly show Kubja Vishnuvardhana as Viceroy of the Andhra area. So the date of appointment of Vishnuvardhana as Yuvaraja of Vengi should be between the years 616 and 631 A.D., i.e between the Maruturu and Kopparam plates and thus 624 A.D . which falls within the above mentioned limits, may be the most satisfactory year as the starting point of the Eastern Chalukyan Chronology. WHY WAS VENGI PARTI PARTITIO TIONE NED D FROM FROM THE THE WESTE WESTERN RN CHALUKYAN KINGDOM? By the time of the Chipu Chipurup rupall allii grant in his his own year eighteen, Kubja Vishnuvardhana had assumed for himself the
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title title of a Maharaja. If 624 624 A.D. is taken taken to be the starting starting poin po intt of the Eastern Chalukyan chrono chronolog logy, y, the da date te of the above inscr inscript iption ion has been calculated calculated to to be 641 641 A.D. A.D. What was the necess necessity ity for the partitio partition n of Vengi Vengi as a separate kingdo kingdom m from the Western Chalukyan empire? Hitherto it has been tacitly assumed that this was a formal division and Pula Pulake kesi sin n II conferred independent independent sovereignty sovereign ty of Vengi Ve ngi on his his younger younger brother. It is improbable improbable to hold hold that a great warrior like Pulakesin II could not have administered Vengi also as part of his kingdom and felt the need for a separate king. Kopparam plates make it clear that Kubja Vishnuvardhana was living living only as Yuvaraja subordi subordinate nate to his his brother brother Pulakesin II in the Vengi area. area. A revoluti revolution on of Kubja Vishnuvardhana can c an be ruled out of account since he seems to have been very loyal and affect aff ection ionate ate towards towa rds hi his brother. brother. Though the Chipurupalli Chipurupalli grant of Vishnuvardhana was issued in 641 A.D. with the appellation of Maharaja, he was himself not quite certain about his title and did not mention his regnal year with the usual phrase Pravardhamana Vijayarajya Samvatsare etc. In this connection one should bear in mind for a moment the course of history in the Western Chalukyan country to understand the reason. reas on. The last ruling ruling years yea rs of Pulakesin Pulakesin II ended en ded in a disaster. The great Pallava king king Nara N arasim sim havarm hav arm an I, in order to wipe off the disgrace disgrac e which w hich his his father MahendraM ahendravarma had to sustain at the hands of Pulakesin II, inflicted a crushing defeat on the Chalukyas and burnt Badami. Pulakesin II actual act ually ly lost his life in this thi s encounter. This This event was placed pla ced some-where in 64 641 1 A.D. by Fleet Fleet.. After Af ter this there was an inter interreg regnum num in the Western Wes tern Chalukyan power. power. The date 64 641 1 A.D. is exactly equivalent to the Chipurupalli grant of Kubja Vishnuvardhana where he also haltingly made a reference to himself as Maharaja Mah araja.. Just as the Chalukyas of Gujarat, Gujarat, the Chalukyas of the Andhra line also proclaimed their independence on the death of Pulakesin II and the eclipse of the Western Chalukyan power. power. Thus it was wa s in 64 641 1 A.D. when Pulakesin II fell, Vishnuvardhana issued his Chipurupalli charter where he made a very halting and modest reference to himself just as a Maharaja and did not refer to the year as 'the Pravardhamana
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Vij Vijayarajya ayarajya Samvatsare atsare'' since by that tim time his reign had not firm irmly been establ established. He gave only a referen reference to his 18th year of rul rule over over Vengi perhaps counting ting his rule as a Vice Viceroy. Hence ther there e is no necessit sity at all to postulate stulate a form formal division of the ki kingdom into two. two. One important and interesting point is the three ev even ents, i.e. the the sack of Vatapi, destruction of Pulakesin II, and Kub Kubja Vishnuvar Vishnuvardhana dhana assuming the titl title e of Maharaja, araja, occured cured in 641 A.D. itself itself. It is is also probable that when the disas disaster fel felll upon his broth brother, Kubja Kubja Vishnuvardhana, who assumed full soverei vereignty gnty over Vengi being 'Priya 'Priya Anuja' uja' of Pulakesin Pulakesin II, could uld not have kept quite, but must have rushed to the help of Badami and he too too must have probably fallen allen in the same onslaught against against the Pallavas Pallavas.
2.
Political Politi cal History of the Eastern Chalukyas Chalukyas
TheBeginnings The Eastern Chaluky alukyas, as, also also called th the Chalukyas Chalukyas of Vengi, were a branch of the the Chaluk Chalukyas yas of Vatap Vatapi (Badami). Pulakesin II II had his his extens extensive conquests quests which included the whole of th the Deccan in the the early early part of his reign. Thereupon he appointed his youn younger brother brother Kubj Kubja (The (The Hump-back) p-back) Vishnuvardhane as vi viceroy ceroy of the newly acquired acquired terri territory tory in the Eastern Deccan Very Very soon this this viceroyal ceroyaltty devel develop oped into an in independent kingdom and Vishnuvar Vishnuvardhana dhana beca became the the founder of a lin line which cult cultivated ated the the main dynasty for many generation erations and is known to history as that of the Eastern Cha Chaluk ukyas yas of Ven Vengi. These Eastern Chalukyas ukyas were lords of the Vengi country for for nearly five centuries, i.e. from the first first quarter of the 7th 7th century A.D. A.D. to the the last quarter of the 11th century A.D., A.D., before before their destiny call called them to the the Chola kin kingdom of Tanjore in the south. They continued to hold Vengi for for several generatio tions even aft after that that.. They identified tified themselves lves with with the Andhras and became in fact the makers of he Telugu culture lture and litera literature. KUB UBJA VI VISHNUVAROHANA It is widel widely y accepted that Pulakesin II II completed the conquest of the Vengi country by 624 A.D. A.D. and appointed his brother brother as Viceroy Viceroy over it in that year. Soon after, this brother
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Vishnuvardhana had many successes in the eastern Deccan to his credit credit and and became virtually independent. independent. He ruled over a kingd kingdom om ext exten endi ding ng from Nello Nellore re to Visakhap Visakhapatna atnam. m. He asas sumed the title of Vishamasiddhi (conqueror of difficulties). The wars between his brother Putekesin II and the Pallava Narasimhavarma I might might have given him him his his opportunity opportunity to achieve all these things. Vishnuvardhana observed the formalities of subordination to his elder brother carefully and did not presume independence till till catastrophe overtook Vatapi. He ruled till 641 A.D. He ruled till 641 died died in that that year probably probably fighting against the Pallava Pall ava forces. His son JayasimhavaMabha though enjoyed a long reign of 33 years, had no achievement for his credit. THE THE CHALU CHALUKYA KYAS S AND AND THE RASHTRAKUTAS During During the reign reign of Vi Vijj ayad ay adiitya I (755-772 (755-772 A.D.) A.D.) the ninth inth king, there occured in the Western Deccan the political revolution by which the Chalukyas of Vatapi lost their dominion and were succeeded by the Rashtraku Rashtrakutas tas under under Dantidurga. The enmity enmity of the Rashtrakutas with the Chalukyas soon began to manifest itself against the Vengi kingdom also. This meant merely a lot of fighting in which the Eastern Chalukyas fared mostly badly; the exceptional exceptional instances were very occasional. Vijayadit Vijay aditya ya I was defeated by the Rashtrakuta prince, Govinda at the confluence of the Mus Musii and the Krishna rive r ivers rs and was wa s compe compelled lled to purchase peace. peace. His son Vishnu Vis hnuva vard rdhan hana a IV (772-808 (772-808 A.D.) becam became e subordinate subordinat e to the Rasht Ras htra raku kuta ta Krishna Krishna I. He made the mistake of supporting Govinda II against Dhruva, his competent younger brother and had to reverse his policy on Dhruva's success. He gave his his daughter in mar marria riage ge to Dhruva Dhr uva.. Since Since he ruled for long long,, he had enough time to be subordinate to a number of the Rashtrakuta rulers. But Vishnuvardhana IV's son and successor Vijayaditya II (808 (8 08-84 -847 7 A.D.) A.D.) rebelled rebelled against Rashtrakuta Rashtrakuta aggre aggressio ssion. n. It proved to be only an exhibition of valour without prudence since since he was expelled by Govinda Govinda III. He had to accept accept humiliation till the accession of Amoghavarsha I, whose military in-
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competence competence ted the former former carry carry the Chalukya Chalukyan n arms into into the heart of the Ras Rasht htra rakut kuta a dominion dominions. s. Amoghavarsha Amoghavarsha I made peace with him and an d gave gave his his siste sisterr to the latter's son son Kali ali Vishnuva Vishnuvardha rdhana. na. Inscri Inscripti ptions ons say of Vijayaditya that that he foug fought ht 108 battles and erected 108 Siva temples. GUNAGA GUNAGA VIJAYADITY VIJAYADITYA A (849-892 (849-892 A.D.) A.D.) Vijayaditya III, better known as Gunag Gunaga a Vijayaditya, the eldest son of Kali Vishnuvardhana bom of the Rashtrakuta princess Silamahadevi, succeeded his father in 849 A.D. and ruled the Kingdom Kingdom for forty for ty four years. He had a numb number er of titles titles of which Gunake-nallata (the lover lover of virtue), ParaParachakra-Rama (Rama in the circle of his enemies), Tripuramartya mar tya-ma -mahes hesvar vara a (the morta mortall Mahesvara Mahesvara to the the three cities) and an d Valla Vallabha bha (the lord), lord), are the most impo importa rtant. nt. His reign began with a short period of victory and expansion. Soon after his his accession to the throne, throne, he he sent sent an expedition against the Boya-Kottams in the Nellore district who attempted to assert their independence by defying his author aut horit ity. y. His army under under Pandar Pandaran anga ga dismantled dismantled the fort of Kattem and reduced the Nellore fort to ashes and advanced triumphantly to the frontier of Tondaimandalam. This This expedition resulted in the permanent annexation of the south-eastern Telugu country which was until that time a fief of the Pallavas. Vijayaditya bestowed the governorship of this conquered territory tor y with Kandukur Kandukur as the headquarte headquarters rs on Pand Pandara arang nga a who is said to have have worsted worsted another chief called Raha Rahana na (whose (whose identity or country is not known) as well in battle. Flushed with victory over the Boyas and Rahana, Gunaga had his inroad into the Rashtrakuta dominions and destroyed Stambhap Stambhapuri uri (Cumbum (Cumbum in the Kumool distric district). t). This This inroad inroad natura nat uralllly y provoked reprisals reprisals.. Hi His s cousin cousin thro throug ugh h his his mother, mother, Amoghavarsha I inflicted a crushing defeat on him in the battle at Vingavalli in the neighbourhood of Cumbum and made him his vass vassal al.. Now Gun Gunag aga a Vijay Vijayaditya aditya joine joined d the the forces of his his
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overlord and rendered rendered him valuable service ser vice against the rebelrebelliou lious s feuda feudator tories ies who who attempted attempted to to overthrow his power. power. He slew Mangi. the Nolamba king and the ally of the Western Ganga ruler who stirred up a rebellion in Gangavadi about the year 86 866 6 A.D. Then Then he advanced adva nced upon upon Gangavadi and inflic inflicted ted a severe defeat on the Ganga army and the Ganga ruler Nitimarga Permanadi was forced to oblige to make peace with Amoghavarsha I. After the death of Amoghavarsha I in 880 A.D., Gunaga Vijayaditya repudiat repudiated ed the Rashtraku Rash trakuta ta supremacy and reasserted sert ed his his indep independe endence. nce. He defeated defeated the the new Rashtrakuta king Krishna II and his brother-in-law and the Kalachuri Chedi ruler of Dahata, Sankila and set fire to Kiranapura and Achalapura, pura, the two principal principal cities of the Dhala kingdom, In this connection itself, he worsted in the field the kings of Kalinga and Kosala and the Chalukya chief of Vemulavada, the feudatori tories es of the Rashtrakuta Rashtrak uta and Chedi monarchs. After these these brilliant victories, he took over he pali banner and the symbols of the rivers Ganga and Yamuna which constituted the insignia of Rashtraku Rash trakuta ta imper imperial ialis ism m and assumed the titl title e Vallabha. He is also said to have scored victories over the Pallavas and the Pandyas in the south. In the reig reign n of the Chalukya Chal ukya Bhima I (892 (892-9 -921 21 A.D. A. D.), ), the t he nephew and successor of Gunaga, the Rashtrakutas attempted to avenge avenge the defeats. Bhima, Bhima, after after putting putting down the internal internal rebels, defeated even the Rashtrakutas in the battles of Niravadyapur vady apura a and Peruvanguru. The death of his grands grandson. on. Amma I (921-927 A.D.) was followed by a continually fought war wa r of succession among among many claimants. The Rashtrakuta Rasht rakutass continued to interfere in this interne internecine cine warf wa rfar are e to their advantag advantage. e. One Amma Am maraja raja II (945-9 (945-970 70 A.D.) A.D. ) suppressed all his rivals and ruled the kingdom from his new capital, Rajamahendravaram. mahendravaram . He wa s overthrown overth rown by his his own brot brothe her, r, Danarn Danarnava ava who got help from the Rashtrakutas. However Danamava was defeated and killed by Jata Choda Bhima.
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JATA CHODA BHIMA Jata Jat a Choda Bhima was was the Telug Telugu u Ch Chod oda a chie chieff of Pedaka Pedakallu llu In the modern Kurnool district. He wa was s most prob probab ably ly a grandson of Chalukya Bhima II through his his moth mother er and a brother-in-law (wi (w ife's fe 's brother) brother) of Amma IIII. Pe Perh rhap aps s to avenge avenge the death of Amma, he stew Danamava in battle in 973 A.D. and took possession possessi on of Vengi. Danamava's Danam ava's sons sons were driv driven en into into exile. For the first time in the long long history history of the the Vengi Chalukya rule, an interregnum was recorded. Jata Choda Bhima ruled Vengi for 27 years from 972 A.D. to 1000 A.D. He compares compares himself in an inscription inscription with Gunaga Vijayaditya from whom he proudly traces his descent. He subj su bjug ugate ated d the kings of Anga, Anga, Kalinga Kalinga,, Vaidumba and Dravida. At the zenith zenith of his glory, glory, he exercised exercised authority over the entire coastal region from Mahendragiri to Kanchi and from the Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of Karnataka.
THE CHALUKY LUKYA A-CHOLA OLA CONFLI CONFLICT IN VENGI
Bhima invaded Kanchi Ka nchi region in 1001 A.D. This was probably in pursuance of the ambitious and imperialistic Chola army of Rajaraja I who espoused the cause of Danamava's sons, and having given his daughter in marriage to the younger of the two princes (Vimaladitya), invaded Vengi in 999-1000 A.D. to rest restore ore them to their their ancestral throne throne.. Bh Bhima ima laid seize seize to to Kanchi and captured captured it in 10 1001 01-2 -2 A.D. A.D. But soon he was expelled from the Chola territory. terri tory. Rajaraja Rajaraja I the then n invaded invaded the coastal Telugu country again and having slain Bhima in battle established establi shed Saktivarma Saktivar ma I, the elder son son of Danamava, firmly firmly in Vengi. However Vengi Vengi ceased ceased to be an inde indepe pend nden entt kingd kingdom om and became a protectorate of the Chola empire. This chola hegemony hegemony over over the Telu Telugu gu country country of the marimaritime plain was not liked by the Chalukyas of Kalyani who had just repla replace ced d the the Rashtr shtra akutas tas in the the Deccan. With the result.
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Vengi became a bone of contention and the battle arena of a long long war for the Cholas Cholas and the Western Western Chalukyas. Chalukya s. Saktivarma I (1000-1011 A.D.) faced the Western Chalukya inroad into Vengi in 1006 A.D. and with the Chola help, he secured his throne back. In the re reig ign n of Rajarajana Rajar ajanarendr rendra a (1018-2 (1018-22-6 2-61 1 A.D.) A.D .) the Chalukya-Cho Chalukya-Chola la rivalry rivalry in Vengi reached reached a high pitch. pitch. Hi His s access accession ion to the throne throne was wa s challenge challenged d by his st s t ep brothe brother, r, Vjjayadit Vjja yaditya ya (VII) who usurped usurped the throne with the help of Jayasimha Jayasi mha II, II, king of Kalyani. Kalyani . But his maternal uncle uncle and the th e Chola emperor, Rajendra Chola, came to his rescue and after defeating the usurper and his Western Chalukya ally, reinstated Rajaraj Raj arajsnar snarendr endra a in Vengi in 102 1022 A.D. and gave gav e him his daughter daughter Ammangadevi in marriage. Vij Vijaya ayadit ditya ya VII VII contin continued ued his efforts to dislodge his counterpart and rule the kingdom duri during ng frequ fr equent ent interva intervals ls (1031(1031-35 35 A.D. A. D.). ). With the accession acces sion of Somesvara I in Kalyani and that of Rajadhiraja in Tanjore, the confl conflict ict was revived. Somesva Some svara ra comp compel elle led d Rajarajanar Rajara janarendra endra to accept a subord sub ordin inate ate position. posit ion. The latter's latt er's death in 1061 A.D. A.D. was followed fol lowed by confusion confus ion in Vengi Vengi.. Vijayaditya Vijayadi tya VII VII placed his son son Sakti Sa ktivar varma ma II on the Vengi Vengi throne. But Chola Rajendra II killed Saktivarma and raised Rajarajanarendra's son, Rajendra to the throne and gave his daughter Madhurantaki in marriage to him. On the death of Virarajendra and the assassination of his son and successor Adhirajendra a few months later in 1070 A.D. in Tanjore, the Eastern Chalukya Rajendra, a descendant through his mother from Rajendra Chola I, went to Tanjore and ascended the Chola throne thr one as as Kulottunga I, Later he reconciled with wit h his uncle Vijayaditya VII and allowed him to rule in Vengi (106 (1 0633-68 68 A.D.; 1072-7 1072-75 5 A.D. A. D.)) as an independ inde pendent ent king. king. With Viiayaditya's death in 1075-76 A.D., the Eastern Chalukya line came to an end. end. Vengi Veng i became a Chola Chola province prov ince unde underr Kulottunga I.
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3. Relation Relationship ship Between Between the the Eastern Eastern Chalukyas halukyas and the the Rashtrakutas Rashtr akutas The relationship between the Ea Easter stern n Chaluky Chalukyas as and the Rashtrakutas was one of characteristic dynastic struggle, where the two dynasties tried to benefit each by itself at the cost of the other. other. The The Eastern Eastern Chalukyan empir empire e was founded founded by Kubja Vishnuvardhana, the brother of Pulakesin-lI, who was the great Weste Western rn Chaiuky Chaiukyan an ruler ruler of Vatapi. Vatapi. The The line line founded founded by Vishnuvardhana held sway swa y in the Telu Telugu gu country country for over over four centuries fro f rom m the first quarter of the 7th century century A,D. A,D. Rashtrakutas were feudatories of the Western Chalukyas. When the Western Chalukyan power received a set back in the reign of Kirtivarman II, Dantidurga, the Rashtrakuta prince began to assert his power at the expense of his his over-lord and the final assault was given to the Western Chalukyan empire sometime in 753 753 A.D. A.D. The disappearan disappearance ce of the friendly house of Badarni and the emergence in its place of the new Rashtrakuta powe powerr upset the equalibrium equalibrium of the Southern Deccan. Vengi which enjoyed comparitive peace since the time of its conquest under Pulakesin II, was drawn into vortex of an inter-dynastic stru strugg ggle le and became became the the arena of warfa war fare re between the Chaluky Chal ukyas as and the Rashtrakut Rashtrakutas as durin during g the succeeding succeeding two centuries. Dantidurga though though overthrew the Western Chalukyan power power and conquered Kanc Kanchi, hi, Kosala, Kalinga Kalinga and Srisailam Srisailam,, he did not turn to himself against the then Eastern Chalukyan Chalukyan emperor emperor Vijayadit Vijayaditya ya I. But towards towards the end of the reig reign, n, the Rashtrakutas became more aggressive and invaded Vengi from the the west. west. Krishna I, the successor of Dantid Dantidurg urga a sent sent his his son son Govinda. Govinda. According to the Alas Alas plates dated 769 A.D., the king of Vengi, Vijayadit Vijayaditya ya unable unable to resist the invadin invading g RashtraRashtrakuta forces saved himself 'by the cession of his treasury, forces and his country'. country'. The The reason reason for this Rashtrakuta invasion invasion was perhaps the desire of Krishna I to chastise Vtjayaditya for inlettering lettering in the affair affairs s of Ka Karn rnat atak aka, a, besid besides es territor territorial ial ambi ambiti tion on
7)
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Vijayaditya was succeeded by his son Vishnuvardhana IV. The Rashtra Ras htrakuta kuta rule rulerr was wa s Govinda II. But soon soon there the re was wa s a dispute in the house of the Rashtrakutas between Govinda II and Dhruva. Dhruva. In the contest contest Govinda acquired the help of Easte Eastern rn Chalukyas Chaluky as against his brother Dhruv Dh ruva. a. But finally Dhruva emerged successful defeating Govinda II along with the other kings who wh o helped hi him. The defeat defeat of Govinda and the enthronement enthronement of his rival rival in his place brought disa di sast ster er espec especia iallllyy to Vishnuvardhana Vishnuvardhan a IV, Dhruva soon soon after aft er his his settlesettle ment ment on the throne organised an expedition against a gainst Vengi Vengi.. The Eastern Chalukyan inscriptions though ignored this invasion, Vishnuvardhana IV had to acknowledge the supremacy of the Rashtrakuta monarch by paying tribute. It was further cemented by a matrimonial alliance. Vishnuvardhana IV gave his daughter Seelamahadevi in marriage marr iage to Dhruva. The royal houses of Vengi and Malkhed were thus for the first time matrimonially allied allied in history his tory.. As a consequence, peace peace was restored between the two kingdoms till the death of Vishnuvardhana IV in 806 A.D. The contest between Vijayaditya II and his brother Bheemasaluki provided again an opportunity for the Rashtrakutas to interfere interfere in the the affair aff airss of the Eastern Chalukyas Cha lukyas.. Dhruva died died in 79 794 4 A.D. and was wa s succe suc ceed eded ed by his his son Govinda III. He had to face a rebellion during which Vishnuvardhana IV declared himself independent, Govinda III after putting down the rebellion turned turned his his attention attentio n to the affa irs of Vengi. The death of Vishnuvardhana and the outbreak of a war between his sons for the throne gave him an opportunity to reestablish his supremacy over the country. Therefore Rashtrakuta Govinda III supported the the cause of Bheemasaluki who wa s no nott strong enough to stand before before his his brother brother Vijaya Vij ayadit ditya ya II. Meanwhile Rashtrakuta throne passed on to to Amoghavarsha I. The Eastern Chalukya Vijayaditya II took advantage of the situation inflicted a crushing defeat on his rival Bheema and expelled him from the th e kingdom. Vengi Ven gi now became an inde indepen pende dent nt state. The The Rashtrakuta boy-king Amoghavarsha who had to face an attack from Gujarat sued for peace with Vijayaditya and in the agreement, the regent's sister Seelamahadevi was given in marriage to Vijayaditya's son and sucessor Kali Vishnuvardhana.
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Cholnkyas Cholnkyas
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Aft After the brief brief rule of Vij Vijayaditya ditya II' II's s son, the throne passed on to Gunaga Vij Vijayadity ayaditya a or Vijaya Vijayadrtya III. Inspite of the ties of Kinship between Vij Vijayadity ditya a III and the Rashtrakuta Amoghavarsha I, I, they came into into conflict lict with with each other. This might be due to the set back the Eastern tern Chalukyan dynasty rec eceiv ived. The contemporary re records mak ake us belie ieve that Gunaga Vij Vijayaditya ditya sustained a defeat in the the battl battle and was oblig iged to conclude a disagreeable le peace acknowle ledging the Rashtrakut shtrakuta a supremacy. It is said that Vij Vijayaditya ayaditya marched at the behest of the Rattesa tesa against th the Gangas and defeated defeated them in battl battle. Rattesa ttesa was no other than Amoghavarsha I himself and Gunaga Vij Vijayadit ayaditya attacked the Ganagas as his subordina rdinate. This must have happened bef before 866 A.D. A.D. (Nilgun (Nilgund Epigr Epigrap aph). A close examination tion of the the records of this this period reveal that the the war starte started d with the Eastern Chalukyan invasion of Stam Stamba (Kam (Kambam). The forces of Gunaga Vij Vijayadit ditya and Amoghavarsha met on the battl battle fi field eld of Ving Vingavalli lli where the Chalukyas ukyas faced a crushing defeat. defeat. Thus humbled by the the Rashtrakut trakuta a king, the Eastern Chalukyan ruler Gunaga was forced forced to fight fight on behalf of the Rashtrakut htrakutas as against the Gangas. However However opportunity ortunity came soon for for him to avenge his defeat defeat.. Amoghavarsha 1 died about 880 A.D. and his son Krishn Krishna II II ascended the throne. His accession seems to have coincided with with an invas invasion of the Gurjara Gurjara Prati Pratiha hara dynasty from the North. Taking Taking advantage of this this confusion. Gunaga Vij Vijayadit ayaditya proclaimed his independence and declared declared war upon Krishna II. The Sataluru grant issued by Vij Vijayaditya ayaditya III alludes to his conquest of the the Rashtrakut rakuta a kin kingdom and the establishblishment of his suze suzerai rainty nty over over the the whole Dakshina kshinapatha including the Trikali Trikalin nga country. try. The fact that he set up at the gate of his palace th the symbols ls of Ganga and Yamuna and the he Pali ion of the title 'S 'Samadhigata Pancha dhvaja and the assumptio Mahasabda' a special mark of of perm rmountcy, y, clea early ly establis ishes that Gunaga successfull sfully displaced the Rashtrakut htrakutas. as. The Dharmavaram avaram epigraph state states s that th the battle is said to have inct compaig ttili gra igns The A rant of Chalukya ya fought in two distin Bheema I states states that Gunaga set fire to to the cities cities of Kiranapura and Achalapura. The Kaluehambarru gra rant of Amma II speaks of the worship offered offered by the Vallabha king (Rashtrakuta) to
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HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS AND HRAS
Gunag Gunaga a Vijayaditya. Vijayadity a. The Pithapuram inscription of Maltappadeva mentions that Vijayaditya burnt Chakrakuta, restored to Vallabhendra his own exalted position and received elephants from fro m the king of Kalinga. These insc inscrip riptio tions ns clearly clearly show that Vijayaditya overran the Rashtrakuta dominion and accepted the submission of his rival Krishna 11The hostilities continued again between the two dynasties even even in in the time of Chalukya Chalukya Bheema I, the successor of Gunaga Gunaga Vijayaditya. From From Koravi epigraph epigra ph and Ederu Ederu plates of Amma I, it is inferred that Chalukya Bheema I had faced more than one Rasht Ra shtrak rakuta uta invasion inva sion.. The inte intern rnal al troubl troubles es faced by Bheema Bheema I from his his Dayadas Dayada s also encouraged the Rashtrakuta Krishna II to invade the Vengi country with the assistance assist ance of forces for ces of Karnata Karnata and La Lata ta.. The Rashtrakuta Rashtrakutass reached the outskirt outs kirtss of the capital capital Vengi. Two no nota tabl ble e engagements, one at Niravadyapura and the other at Peruvanguru, guru, took place. In thes th ese e two tw o engagements, engageme nts, Irimartiganda, Irimartiganda, son of Bheema Bheema I, was victorious; but he lost his his life. After Aft er thes th ese e engagements, the rest of the reign of Chalukya Bheema I passed on peacefully. peacefully. The The death death of of Chalukya Chalu kya Bheema Bheema I w as followed followe d by a period of turmoil and internecine strife during which the ambitious princes of the dynasty were engaged in fighting with one another. anothe r. The The Rash R ashtrak trakuta utass had their intrigu intrigues es by spousing the cause of some one or the other of the disgruntled princes and thus hectic activity on the part of the Rashtrakutas was seen seen.. However even even in the Rash Ra shtra tra kuta ku ta dominions, quick quick succession successio n followe foll owed d along with the internal strife. strife . When Whe n Amoghavarsha II ascended the throne in 930 A.D., he set his heart upon the conquest of Vengi and sent an army with the Eastern Chalukya Yuddhamalla II to help him to regain the thro throne. ne. The The internal condition condition of Vengi was wa s favourab favou rable le for the success of this venture. venture. At last, Yuddhamaila Yuddhamaila II occupied the Vengi throne. throne. How ever eve r the Rashtrak Ras htrakuta uta forces forces were kep keptt in the Eastern Chalukyan dominions. Yuddhamalla alla II had to give give away and return to exile, when Bheema II II, a powerf werful protogonist to the the Vengi throne contested ested with with him. The Malyam alyampundi grant of Amma Il Il refers refers
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to the successful sful victory of Bheema II II over Yuddhamalla lla II and his supporters, the the Rashtrakutas. The result of this war was was
that the power of Rashtrakuta Govinda IV was undermined and he had to face rivalry from from his Kinsmen. Kinsmen. These disord disorders ers in the Rashtrakuta kingdom left Chalukya Bheema II free to consolidate his positio sition and establi establish his power firm irmly in Vengi.
The Rashtr Rashtraku akuta ta king king Govinda Govinda IV wa was s succeede succeeded d by Krishna III and in Vengi Chalukya Bheema II was succeeded by his son Amma Amma II (945-970 (945-970 A.D. A. D.). ). Amma II had no smooth smooth sailing. He had to face the the Rashtrakuta Rashtrakuta invasion invasi on in 955 A.D. To ensure his success, he fostered dissensions in the Eastern Chalukyan Chalukyan dynast dynasty y and won over ove r to his his side Danarna Dana rnava, va, the elder brother of Amma II. Amma Amma II could not cope cope up with the situation. Unable Unable to withstand with stand the th e advance advance of the Rashtrakuta ku ta f orce or ces s and turn turn the tide of the invasion invasion,, he aband abandone oned d the kingdom and saved himself by timely flight to Kalinga. Krishna IIl entrusted the Government of Vengi to Danarnava. Thus once again Vengi was brought with in the fold of Rashtrakuta hegemony The invasion of the Telugu Telu gu Chola ruler ruler Jata Ja ta Chola Bheem Bheema a on the Eastern Chalukyan kingdom and his usurpation of the Vengi throne caused a set back in the fortunes of the Eastern Chalukyan dynasty. Danarnava's Danarnava' s son took refuse in CholaCholamandalam mandalam.. By this time, t ime, the Rashtrakutas Rashtrak utas wh who o compete competed d in the past pas t with the Ea Eastern stern Chalukyas Chalu kyas had disap disappe peare ared d and the Western Chalukyan dynasty of Katyani was established Thus Thus aft af t er a vigorous caree careerr of almost two centuries and and a quarter, the imperial Rashtrakutas disappeared from history. From the above discuss-on, it can be said that the Eastern Chalukyas and the Rashtrakutas waged wars for 200 years with a view to dislodge each each other Both Both the dynasties tried to to establish their their heg hegem emon ony y over the the other ot her,, whenever whenever the t he opportunity tunit y came. came. The struggle was not strictly strict ly confined to these dynasties dynast ies only only At times they took the help help from the neighb neighbour our-ing kingd kingdom oms. s. The The fortunes fortunes fluctuated fluctuated from fr om on one dynasty dynas ty to the other. ther. Neither of the powers could establish establish their grip grip
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over the other permanently. permanently. Even Even the matrimonial matrimonial alliances concluded in between them proved to be more political than cemented with with any bo bond of love.
4.
The Relations Relati ons Between Between the Eastern Eastern Chalukyas halukyas and the Cholas
(The interference of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani in the Affairs of the Vengi Chalukyas)
Towards the last quarter of tenth century A.D., the Deccan was rule ruled d by two Chalukyan dynasties dynasties,, the Western Western from Kalyani and the Eastern from Vengi (In fact, Rajamahendravaram was the new new capital) capi tal).. The The Eastern Chalukyan Chalukyan kingdom kingdom,, founded by Kubja Vishnuvardhana, Vishnuvardhana, a brother of Pulakesin II. continued without without break from the the 7th to the 11th century A.D. (with the exception exception of the Telugu Telugu Choda interr int erregn egnum). um). Tailapa II brought brought abo about ut the the fall of the Rasht R ashtraku rakuta ta power in Western Deccan in 973 A.D. He revived the Western Chalukyan kingdom and founded found ed in Kal Kalyani yani kingdom of the Chaluk Cha lukyan yan dynasty. The The relations between the Kalyani and the Vengi Chalukyan kingdoms were mostly inimical. To the South of the Vengi kingdom were the Cholas who became dominent having brought about fall of the Pallavas. Rajaraja, who is considered the greatest Chola ruler, ascended the throne of Tanjor Tan jore e in 985 985 A.D. He pursued his his imperia imperialistic listic ambitions with an aggres agg ressiv sive e attitude. attitude. He conquered and consolidated the th e southern province provinces s and an d then in a mighty mighty sweep in the north, brought Gangapadi, Nolambapadi, Talaikkadu and parts of southern southern Myso My sore re under his rule. This Chola advance into Mysore brought them into conflict with the Kalyani Chalukyan power. It is at this juncture Rajaraja thought that it was in the best interests of the Cholas to see that the Eastern Chalukyas did not make make common common cause cause with their thei r cousins in the west, west , for such a coalition would constitute a challenge to the rising Chola Chola power. He deci decide ded d befriend the weaker weaker as against against the
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stronger and create the tra tradition ditional sphere of balance of power in South India. He took advantage of the situation when the the sons of the Eastern rn Chaluky kya Danamava, a, being deprived of their parenta tal kingdom om by Jata Choda Bhima, sought his help. He espoused their cause and entered entered into into matrim trimonial allian alliance with with them. He gave his daughter Kundavai in marria rriage to Vim Vimaladity aladitya, a, the younger of the two two princes and his was but a beginning of series of diplom diplomatic atic marriages arriages between the these two dynasties. He invaded coastal Telugu country twice twice and in the second att attempt in 1002-03 A.D., having ving slain Jata Jata Choda Bhima in battle succeeded in establishing Darram Darramava's ava's elder son Sakti ktivarma I firmly on the Vengi throne. This Eastern Chaluk Chalukyan yan allian lliance wit with the the Chola monarch had its its farfar-re reach aching consequences. It deprived rived the rulers of Vengi much of their individuali individuality ty and autonomy. Vengi ceased to be an independent king kingdom and became a protector protectorate ate of the Chola empire. 'The form formation ation of the the Chola-Chal Chola-Chaluk ukya ya allian lliance and the the establi establishment of Chola ascendency over the entire tire coastal coastal Telugu country upset the the politica litical equilibrium ilibrium of the Southern Southern Deccan and plunged the land into interminable ble dynastic wars. The Chalukyas ukyas of Kalyani challenged the Chola suprem supremacy over the Telugu country of the mariti aritim me plain, and Vengi becam became the thea theatre tre of a long war which lasted, with few brief brief intervals, for the next 135 years, th the history of Vengi during thi this s period is a history of this war; war; the Eastern Chalukyas lukyas, the rulers rulers of the country untry recede into into the backgroun background, leaving the Cholas and the Kalyan lyani Chalukyas ukyas to to disp dispute the field.' eld.' The first of the series series of Kelyani Chalukyan lukyan invasions which which was to devas devastate Vengi during the next century tury and a quarter occured during the early years of rule rule Sakti ktivarma I (1000-11 A.D. A.D.)). Satyasraya (997-10 (997-1008 A.D.) A.D.) the son and succe successor ssor of Taila ilapa II, sent an army led led by one of his generals. Baya Baya Nambi to invade the Eastern Chaluk ukyan yan king kingdom in in 1006 A.D. A.D. to to overthrow overthrow the the Chola-Chalukya alliance and brin bring the east coast under his control. The general entered Vengi from the south, reduced the forts forts of Dharanikota kota and Yanamadala to ashes and establish established himself at Chebrolu (Guntur
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district). At this juncture. Rajaraja distracted the attention of Satyasraya by sending his son Rajendra Chola to invade Rattapadi in the west and thus compelled him to withdraw his his army from Vengi for the the defence of his his real realm. m. After Aft er the the Western Chalukyan army retired from the east coast, Saktivarma was left in possession of his kingdom.
At the close of the reign of Vrmaladitya (1011-18 A.D.)the succession to the Vengi throne was in dispute. His His son Rajaraja Narendra, through the Chola princess Kundavai, was appointed crown prince and succeeded his father on the throne of Vengi. But But Vijayaditya VII, VII, who wh o was the step-brother step-b rother of Rajaraja Narendra, seized power with the help of Jayasimha II, the Western Chalukyan ruler. ruler. Rajara Ra jaraja ja Narendra naturally sought the help of his maternal uncle and overlord, the Chola emperor emperor Rajendr Raje ndra a Chola I. The latter promptly promptly dispatched dispatche d forces for ces to his aid. aid. The tradition tradition of fighting fighting on two front fr ontss in the north, which was started by Rajaraja Chola, was continued by his son as well. well. Rajendra Raje ndra Chola Chola I sent sent a powerfu p owerfull army against Rattapadi to divert the attenton of Jayasimha II and prevent him from sending effective help to Vijayaditya VII. With this, the king of Kalyani was compelled to take steps for the the defence of his his kingd kingdom. om. On the Eastern Chalukyan front, the Chol Chola a army ted by the general Soliyavarasan Soliyava rasan defeated Vijayaditya and his Kaling Kalinga a and Odda supporters in several seve ral battles, took possession of the country on behalf of Rajaraja Narendra and proceeded afterwards on a grand military expedition tion to the Gangetic valley. To protect the rear rea r of his army campaigning in the Gangetic valley, Rajendra Chola I had his sojourn on the banks of the Godavari, during which he enthroned his nephew Rajaraja Narendra as the ruler of Vengi and celebrated the latter's coronation on 16th August 1022 A.D. He even gave his daughter Ammangai in marriage to his nephew who had by her a son Rajendra named after him. Rajaraja Narendra was constantly beset with difficulties duri du ring ng his lon ong g rule ule of 41 years. His half-brother half-broth er Vijaya Vija yadity ditya a never gave up his designs designs upon the throne. throne. He managed probably with the help from the Western Chalukya court to
The Eastern Chalukyas
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oust his brother, seize seize the throne and keep himself in power between 1031 A.D. and 1035 1035 A.D. Even after this, Rajaraja Narend Narendra ra did did not enjoy peaceful peaceful reig reign. n. About, About, the year 104 1042 A.D. the new ruler of Kalyani, Ahavamalla lla Somesvara I, with with whom who m Vij Vijay ayadi adity tya a VII allie allied d himself, himself, sent an expe expedi diti tion on aga again inst st Vengi. Vengi. Rajend Raj endra ra Chola I sent some Chol Chola a forces to Vengi Vengi under under his his Brahman general general Raja Ra jara raja ja Brahmamaharaja. Brahmamaharaja. A blood bloody y battle battle took place at Kalidin lidindi in the West Godavari district. district. The result of the battle was indecisive. isive. A lull prevailed in the warfare after this battle.
Rajadhiraj Rajad hiraja a I (1042(1042-52 52 A.D.), A.D .), the son and successor successor of Rajendra Chola I, in his eagerness to restore the Chola hegemony over Vengi to its former absolute state, led an expedition into the coastal coas tal Telugu country in 10 1044 44-4 -45 5 A.O. He fought fou ght a battle at Dhannada (Dharanikota in the Guntur district) and compelled the Western Chalukyan army along with Vijayaditya VI! to retreat retre at in disorder. disorder. He then entered into me Western Chaiukyan dominions and set fire to the Kollipaka fort on the fronti fro ntier er between betw een the Kalyani Kalya ni and Vengi Vengi territories This This relief relief for fo r Raja Ra jara raja ja Naren Narendra dra,, however, however, was only only temporary, for fo r in 1047 A.O. itself, Vengi and Kalinga were lost by the Cholas. The Western Chalukyas held them almost upto the end of Chola Virarajen Virar ajendra's dra's re reig ign n (1062-69 (1062-69 A.D. A. D.). ). It is very strange that somehow Rajadhiraja I suddenly lost interest in the Vengi affairs and never made any attempt to re-establish his authority in the Telugu Telugu country. Rajara Raj araja ja Narendra Narendra realis realised ed that to concontinue tinue fight with the the Western Chalukyas was w as w aste as te and hen hence concluded pea peace ce with Somesvar Som esvare e I. In order order to show his respe re spect ct towards Karnatakas, Karnatak as, he assumed their titles titles like like 'Satyasrayak 'Satyas rayakulasek ulasekhara' hara' and "Samastabhuvanasraya" SomesSomesvara vara appointed one one of his Pradhanis. Narayanabhatta as the Sthanapati in the court of Rajamahendravarem to look after his imperial affair aff airs. s. This Narayanabha Narayanabhatta tta wa was s a dist distin ingu guis ishe hed d scholar. schol ar. He assisted Rajar Ra jaraja aja Narendra's court poe poett and pur puroh ohit it Nannayabhatta in the composition of his Telugu Mahabharata The death of Raiaraja Narendra in 1061 A.D. offered another opportunit rtunity y to to the the Kalyani court to strengthen its its hold on
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Vengi. Vengi. Vijayaditya Vijayaditya VII seized Ven Vengi gi and with wi th the consent consent of his suzerain of Kalyani whom he had served loyally for several years, established himself permanently in the kingdom. Meanwhile prince Rajendra, son of Rajaraja Narendra through the Chola princess Ammangai was brought up in the Chola harem. He married Madhurantakidevi, the daughter of the new Chola ruler ruler Rajendra Rajendra II (1 (1054 054-55 -55 A.D. —1063 A.D.), who who was the brother brother and successor successor of Rajadhiraja Rajad hiraja I. In order to restore restore him on the Vengi throne, the Chola ruler Rajendra II sent his son Rajamahendra and brother Virarajendra against the Western Chalukyas Chalukyas and Vijayaditya Vijayaditya VII VII. The The Chola forces force s marched again against st Gangavadi Gangavadi and drove away the Chalukyas. Chaluk yas. Virarajendra Virarajen dra then marched against Vengi and probably killed Saktivarma It, son of Vijayaditya VII.
Meanwhile, Rajendra II died and as his son Rajamahendra had predeceased him, his brother Virarajendra went back to Gangaikondacholapura and coronated himself there in 1062-63 A.D. Fortunes Fortunes fluctuated for the Eastern Chalukya Rajendra during during this period. For sometim som etime e he w as found foun d ruli ruling ng in Chakrakuta, while his uncle Vijayaditya VII was allowed to rule Vengi. On the death of Somesv Som esvara ara I in 1O6 1O68 A.D., Vikram Vikr am-aditya VI, one of his three sons, began to pursue his plans for secur securin ing g the throne of Kalyani for himself. Accordingly Accor dingly he first got Vijayad Vija yaditya itya to make make his his submission to Virarajendra Chola and make peace with him and soon after followed the same same course himself. himself. Virarajendra even gave gav e his daughter in in marriage to Vikramaditya VI. On the death of Virarajendra and the assassination of his son Adhirajendra in 1070 A.D., Rajendra Chalukya, a descendant through his mother from Rajendra Chola I, went to the south and established himself on the Chola throne as Kulottunga Chola I. He reconciled himself with wit h his his un uncl cle e Vijayaditya Vijayaditya VII and allowed him to rule Vengi during the remaining years of his life. life. With Vijayad Vija yaditya itya's 's death dea th in 107 1075 A.D., the Eastern Chalukyan line line came came to an end. Vengi became a province province of the Chol Chole e empire. Kulottunga Chola Chola I administered the province through hi his sons by sending them as Viceroys. However
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there was a prolonged fight between him and Vikramaditya VI over the possession of Vengi which frequently changed hands. This perpetual struggle between the two great rulers ended in the Vengi kingdom slipping out of the Chola hands.
5.
General
Conditions Conditions of the Eastern
Chalukyan
Period ADMINISTRATION It may be assumed that in the initial stages, the Eastern Chalukya court was more or less a replica of that of Badami, Badami, and as genrations passed, local local factors fac tors gained in strength and the Vengi monarchy developed features of its own; but still, external influences continued to be present since the Eastern Chalukyas had had long and intimate contact, either friendly or hostile, with the Pallavas, the Rashtrakutas, the Cholas and the Chalukyas of Kalyani. The Eastern Chalukyan government was a monarchy of the class which is described in the Hindu works on Artha and Dharma sastr sa stras as.. The inscriptions inscriptions refer to the traditional traditional seven sev en components of the sta te (Sap (S apta tang nga), a), and the the eigh eighte teen en tirthas tirthas (offices), such as mantri (minister), purohita (chaplain), senapati (commander), Yuvaraja (heir-apparent), dauvarika (door keeper), pradhana (chief), adhyaksha (head of department) and so on. No information is availa available ble as to how the work of administr administrati ation on was carried carr ied on. They prob probabl ablyy followed the injunctions laid down in works on Rajaniti. The Vishaya and Kottam were the administrative subdivisions known know n from the records. records. The Karmarash Karm arashtra tra and the Boya-K Boy a-Kott ottam amss are examples of these. The The royal royal edicts (recording gifts of lands or villages) are addressed to all naiyogikavallabhas, a general term containing no indication of their duties, as welt as to the grameyakas, the residents of the village grante granted. d. The The Manneyas Manneya s are also occasiona occasi onally lly refer re ferred red in inscr inscript iption ions. s. They They held assign ass ignm m en ents ts of land or revenue reve nue in different different villages. villages. Anyw An yway ay it is reasonable to hold that there there was no settled administration worthy of the name in the kingdom do m as a whole. Fratricidal wars and foreign invasions
The Eastern Eastern Chalukyas Chalukyas
109
frequently tly disturbed disturbed the land. The territory territory was was parcelled ies (estates out into into many small (estates) held by the nobility ll principalitie consisti sisting of collateral collateral branches of the ruling house Such as those of Elamanchili chili, Pithap Pithapuram and Mudigonda, and a few kshatr shatriya families (Kona Haihayas, Kolanu Saronathas etc.), ), closel closely y connected by marria rriage ties ties with with the Eastern Chalukyas and other others s (The Velan Velanadus, Kondapadamatis, atis, Chagis, Parichhedis etc.) etc.) who were were raised raised to high positio ition for their loyal services services. When the Vengi ruler was strong, the the nobility bility paid allegi allegian ance and tri tribute bute to him, but when the weakness was apparent, rent, they were were ready to to join join hands with with the enemies against the royal house. Regarding rding the vill villa age administration inistration, the info information is scanty. scanty. Probably Probably the administrati nistration on was in the hands of gram grameyakas eyakas or rashtrakut rashtrakutap apramuk ukha has (chief culti cultivators). In the Pabhuparru grant of Saktivarma I, gramani was referred as the representative representative of the crown.
SOCIETY The population ulation in the Vengi country was heterogeno eterogenous in character. ter. Yuan Chwang, who travel travellled in the Andhra country afte after r the establi establishment of the the Eastern tern Chalukya ukya kin kingdom, noted ted that the people were were of a violent violent character, were were of a dark complexion plexion and were fond of arts. The society ety was based on hereditary hereditary cast caste system system. Even the Buddhists and Jains who origina originally lly disregarded caste, te, adopted it. Besides the four four tradit traditiional castes, minor communities ities like Boyas Boyas and Saharas (uncivi uncivilized) were were also seen. The Brahmns were held in high esteem in the society. They were were profic ficient in Vedas and Sastras Sastras and were given given gi gifts of land and money. They held lucrative ucrative posts such as councill cillors, ministers nisters and members of civil servi service. They entered entered even army and some of them rose to positi sitions of high command (Vajj ajjayy ayya praggada in in the tim time of Gunaga Vij Vijayaditya)
The Kshatriyas atriyas were the ruling and warring class. Their love of intrigue and fightin fighting was r resp esponsible sible for civil war for
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HISTORY OF TOE ANDHRAS
two centu centurie ries. s. The The Koma Komatis tis (Vai (Vaisyas syas)) as a trading class, class, were were a flourishing flourishing commun community. ity. Their Their organisation organisation into into a powerful guild (Nakaram) which had had its headquarters headquarters in Penu Penugo gond nda a (West Godavari) and branches branches in seventee seventeen n other centres had its beginni beginnings ngs in this perio period. d. It seems there used to be a mini ministe sterr for commu communal nal affairs affairs (samayamantri) (samayamantri) in the govern governme ment. nt. The Sudras Sudras constituted constituted the bulk bulk of the populapopulation and ther there e were several several sub-caste sub-castes s among among them them.. The The army furnished furnished a career career for most of them and some of of them, acquired even the status of samanta samanta and and mandalika. mandalika. The The Tamils Tamils and Kannadigas in the Ve Vengi ngi kingdo kingdom m were telugised. Polygamy Polygamy was wa s a general feature of the society. Concubinage (having mistress-wives) was popular and it must have been a status symbol. RELIGION
In the religious sphere. Buddhism which was dominant once was now now in a deca decade dent nt position. Its monasteries were practipractically deserted, when the Chinese traveller visited the Vengi country country.. Due Due to their their love love of sacred relics in in stupas, a few might might have lingered lingered on, on, Ywan Chwang noticed noticed some twenty twenty or more Buddhist aramas in which more than three thousand Sramanas Sramanas live lived. d. He spent spent some time in Amara Amarava vati ti and studied Mahasanghika Abhidamma with the help of two sramanas. With the spread of Vajrayana Tantric cult and moral degradathe Buddha tion. Buddhism had lost ground and the Buddha at Amaravati was in fact worshipped as an incarnation of Vishnu. Jainism. unlike Buddhism, continued to enjoy some support port from the peop people le.. This This is evident evident from the several deserted imag images es in ruine ruined d villages all over Andhra. Andhra. The inscriptions inscriptions also record the construction of Jain basadis and grants of land for for their their suppor supportt from the monarchs monarchs and the people people.. The The rulers like Kubja Vishnuvardhana, Vishnuvardhana III and Amma II patronised Jaini Jainism sm.. Vimaladit Vimaladitya ya even became a declared follower of the doct doctrin rine e of Mahavira. Bezwada. Bezwada. Jenupadu Jenupadu (Aryava (Aryavatam tam in Ea East st Godavari Godavari), ), Penugo Penugond nda a (West Godavari) and Munug Munugod odu u (Guntur (Guntur district) were the famou famous s jain jain centres of the period.
The Eastern Eastern Chalukyas
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As regards Hinduism which was the national religion throughout the the Chaluk Chalukya ya period, Vaishnavism was not popular. Saiv ivism supplanted Buddhism and subsequently ly became th the reli ligion of masses. Some of the rule lers, declared themselves as 'P 'Para ramamaheswara ras'. '. The pancharamas, Amaravati, i, Dra raksharam, Bhimavaram, Pa Palako kollu lu and Samalkot which are re believed to have been once famous centres tres of Buddhism, attained ttained great celebri celebrity as Saiva pilgrim ilgrim centres. tres. The Pasupata, Kalamukha and Kapalika sects were were referr referred ed in the the records of the period. The Mahasena temple at Chebrolu (Guntur distri district) ct) was specially ially noted for for its its annual jatr jatra. a. One of the fea features of this jatr atra was was a grand procession of the image all the way from Chebrolu Chebrolu to Bezwada Bezwada and back. The Eastern Chatukya tukya rulers like like Vij Vijayadity ditya a II, II, Yuddhamalla lla I. Vij Vijayaditya ayaditya III and Bhima I took activ active interest interest in the the construction of many a temples. The tem temple establi establishments like dancers and musicians show that during this this period, temple was was not only a centre of reli religious worship but a fos fosteri tering ground of of fine arts.
LITERATURE Before Before Nannaya, next to Sanskri krit, Karmada is is the language that commanded prestige prestige and positio sition in the the li literary terary world. rld. Ponna (Santi Santipurana) purana).. Pampa (Jaina (Jaina Bharata, rata, Adip Adipurana and Vik Vikramarjuna arjuna Vijaya) aya) and Nagavarma (Chhandombudhi and Kadambari) ari), the three three great Kannada poets, who were Jains by fait aith, were were closely associated wit with Kammanadu and Vangipuram (Guntur distri district) ct).. Telugu literature owes it its origin to the Chalukyas. Despoetry etry makes its fi first appearance in in the the Addanki and Kandukus inscrip criptio tions of Pandaranga in in the the tim time of Gunaga Vij Vijayadit ditya (III (III)) in the later half of the ninth century. tury. However no literary literary naya work of any va value appeared till 11th century century A.D. Nanna Bhatta's Mahabharata is the earliest extan extant work of Telugu literature. erature. Nannaya was the Purohit and poet-Ia et-Iaureatte of Rajaraj Rajarajanarendr anarendra a in the middle of eleven eleventh century A.D. being an erudite scholar, who was well-v well-versed ersed in Vedas. Sastras, Itih ihasas and Pu Puranas, he undertook the Telugu version of the
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Great Great Epi Epic c in order order to counteract counteract the influence influence of Pampa's Bharata Bharata (Jaina) in Karm Karmada ada.. He was ably assisted assisted in his his ende endeav avou ourr by Narayan Narayana a Bhatta Bhatta who wa was s proficient in eight languag languages. es. Though Though incomplete, incomplete, his work work is universally universally acclaimed as a masterpiece masterpiece of art. It remains unrivalle unrivalled d for for its graceful end dignified diction and sweet, mellifious and elegant verse. ART & ARCHIIT TECTURE
Because of the widely spread Saiva bhakti cult and to some extent Vaishnava cult in the kingdom, construction of temples temples was seen seen on a large large scale. scale. Vijayaditya II is credited with the construction of 108 temples. Yuddhamalia Yuddhamalia I erected a tem temple ple to Kartikeya Kartikeya at Bezwada. Bezwada. Guna Gunaga ga Vij Vijaya ayadit ditya ya constructed the Rajarajeswara, Golingeswara and Chandrasekhara temples at Biccavole (East Godavari). The Mahasena temple at Chebrole (Guntur District) was well known. Chalukya Bhima I constructed the famous Draksharbma and Chalukya Bhimavaram Bhimavaram (Samalkot (Samal kot)) temples. temples. Rajarajanarendra Rajarajanarendra erected three memo memorial rial shrines at Kalidindi (West Godavar Goda vari) i).. The The Eastern Chalukyas, following the Pallava and Chalukya traditions, developed their own independent style of architecture which is visible visible in the Pancharam Pancharama a shrines (especial (especially ly the Draksharama temple) and Biccavol Biccavole e temples. temples. The Golingeswara temple at Biccavole contains some richly carved out sculptures of deities like Arthnariswara, Siva, Vishnu, Agni, Chamundi and Surya.
CHAPTER
5 The Age of the Chalukya-Cholas
1.
The The Condition Condition of of A ndbra nd bra Under the the ChalnkyaChalnkyaCholas
On the th e death death of the Eastern Chalukya ruler Rajeraja Narendra in 1061 A.D., his step-brother Vijayaditya VII usurped the throne and placed his son Saktivarma II as the niter of the Veng Ve ngii kingdom. kingdom. But But the Chola rul ruler er Rajendradev Rajend radeva a II inter interven vened, ed, killed Saktivarma and raised his nephew (sister's son) and Rajara Ra jaraja ja Narendra's Narend ra's son. Rajendra Chalukya Chalukya to the throne. throne. He even gav e his his daughter daughter Madhurantaki in marriage to the Chalu Ch alukya kyass prince prince.. The saili sailing ng was wa s not smooth smoo th for Rajend Rajendra ra at Rajamahendravaram. His uncle Vijayaditya VII again established his sway over Vengi in 1063 A.D. with the help of the Kalyani Chal Ch aluk ukya yas. s. Findi Finding ng his his posit positio ion n untena unt enable ble in Vengi Vengi agai against nst hi his uncle, Rajendra Chalukya was induced to leave for the Eastern lands where he spent his time in milita military ry adventures. The The Chola emperor Virarajendra utilised his services to reconquer Kadaram and the successful Rajendra Chalukya even visited the Chinese Chin ese court represen representiting ng the th e Cholas. In or about about 1068 A.D. A.D.,, Rajendra Rajendra overthrew o verthrew Vijayaditya Vijaya ditya and took took over the the Government of Vengi. When Viraraj Virarajendra endra died and his son and successor Adhirajendra rajendra was assassinated a few few months later in 1070 A.DA.Din the Chola capital without a lineal successor in the Vij Vijayalaya Chola line. Rajendra Chalukya seized the Chola throne also and and virtuall rtually y became the ruler of both the Chola and the
8)
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HISTO HISTORY RY OF THE ANDH RAS
Eastern Chalukya kingdoms, by right of conquest and also by virtue of belong belongin ing g to both the families. families. This Rajendra, as already seen, married Madhuramaki, daughter of the Chola emperor emperor Rajendra II. His father fathe r Rajaraja Narendra had married Ammangadevi, daug daughte hterr of the Chola Rajendra Rajendr a I. His fathe fat herr Vimaladitya had married Kundavai, daughter of Rajaraja I Chola. Thus for three generations the Eastern Chalukyan princes had married in the Imperial Chola family and they came to feel that they belonged as much to the Chola family as to the Eastern Chalukyan, Further Further Rajendra of Vengi, Vengi, accord acc ording ing to 'Kalinga 'Ka lingalltuparani', spent his childhood days in Gangaikondacholapuram and was a familiar favourite to the princes and the people of the Cho Chola la countr country'. y'. Moreover the Chola kingdom was wa s the more extensive, the more reputed and the more prosperous of the two tw o kingdoms. kingdoms. It is under under these the se circumstances, Rajendra Raje ndra Chalukya moved into the 'Political vaccum created by the death of Adhirajendra Adhira jendra'.'. According According to the recently recently discovered inscrip inscrip-tions, his his accession acce ssion to the Chola throne with the title title Kulottunga Chola Chola (I) must be dated d ated after May, 1071 1071 A.D. Since then Kulottunga I and his descendants came to be known as the Chalukya-Cholas in history. Kulottung's acquisition of the vast and over-grown Chola kingdom also acquired him traditional hostility between the Cholas and the Western C halukyas. halukya s. So his his natural natural enemy was wa s Vikramaditya VI, the man in power in the Western Chalu Ch aluky kyan an kingdom. Since Since Kulottunga Kulottunga origi original nally ly bel belonge onged d to Vengi, he wanted to keep his relations with Vengi above any stress stre ss or strain. Hence he reconciled reconciled with his his un uncl cle e VijayVija yaditya VII and bestowed the Vengi kingdom again on the latter, allowing him to rule almost as an independent king till his his death in 1075/ 1075/76 76 A.D. But soon after the demise of his his uncle uncle Vijayaditya, Kulottunga Chola assumed once more the sovereignty of Vengi. Thencef The nceforth orth he sent his sons one one after the other in succession to rule Vengi as his viceroys. Kulottunga had seven sons by the Chola princess Madhurantaki of whom the names of only four are known from the copper-plate copper-plate inscripti inscriptions ons of his tim time. e. They are Rajara Ra jaraja ja
The Age of the Chalukya Chalukya-Chol -Cholas as
11 5
Chola Ganga, Rajaraja Mummadi Chola, Vira Chola and Vikrama Chola. Chola. Each one of them them acted as Viceroy Viceroy of Ven Vengi gi at one one tim time of other during th the suzerainty of their fa father. They bore itle les like Vishnuvardhana and Sarvathe Eastern Chalukyan tit lokasraya. Kulottunga appointed his second son Rajaraja Mummadi Chola to the rulership of Vengi, in succession to Vijayaditya VII and sent him to Vengi in 1076 1076 A.D. This This Mummadi Chola Chola assum assumed, ed,,, purely purely the Eastern Eastern Chalukyan Chalukyan title and name SarvaSar valokasraya Sri Vishnuvardhana maharaja at the time of his accession accessi on to the throne throne of Vengi. Vengi . He celebrated his his coron coronat atio ion n at Janana Jananathap thapura ura (Draksharama (Drak sharama in the East Godavari distrct). Mumm Mummad adii Chol Chola' a's s vicero vic eroyal yalty ty last la sted ed at at least least for two years. years. The Velanati chief chief Gonka Gonka (I) of the Durjaya Dur jaya family was his trusted trust ed and faithf fai thful ul commandercomman der-inin-chie chief. f. Mumm Mummadi adi Bhim Bhima a was another officer. During During the year 1077-78 1077-78 A.D. Mummadi Mummadi Chola, Chola, as the viceroy, had to fight with the Kalinga and the Western Chalukyan forces for ces.. After the death death of the Kalinga ruler ruler Rajaraja Devendravarma, his agnates agnates (dayada (day adas) s) wi with th the help help of the t he Western Chal Ch aluk ukya yas s attempted attempte d to occupy occu py the throne. Mumm Mummad ad.. Chola led his forces against Kalinga, crushed the enemies and restored Devendra's minor son Anantavarma Chola Ganga on the Kalinga throne. He granted granted twelv tw elve e villag villages, es, free of all taxes, taxes , to his close clo se friend fr iend and subordinate chief chie f Mumm Mummad adii Bhim Bhima a for fo r his help help in this Kalinga Kalinga expedition. expedition. These Thes e details detai ls of the grant were we re recorded in his Eluru luru grant. gran t. 'This is the first instance instance when when the king, as the viceroy, exercised independent powers in issuing grants in his own name without acknowledging direct allegiance to his his father, father , the Chalukya-Chola empero emperor'. r'. This This indicates his probable defiance of the central authority and so Kulottunga called him back to the Cholamandalam. Mummadi Chola was replaced by his younger and more talented brother brother Vira Chol Chola a as the viceroy of Vengi. The new new viceroy also had his coronation celebrated at Jananathapura. His His viceroyalt ceroyalty las lasted from from 1078 A.D to 1004 A.D. During
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS AND HRAS
this period, period, the Weste estern rn Chalukyan troops forc fo rced ed their their entry into into the Ve Vengi ngi territory even upto Draksharama. Draksharama. Probably Probably Tribhuvanamalla Tribhuvanamalla Pandya of Nolambapadi Nolambapadi with Uchchhangi as headquarters, who was a subordinate of the Western Chalukyas at this time, also marched on Vengi to help his lord's forces. The Kalinga general Banapati and Velanati Gonka's nephew Vedura Vedura rendered assista ass istance nce to Vira Vir a Chola Chola in repulsing repulsing the Western Western Chalukyan attack. The Pandya Pandyan n forces forc es were defeated defea ted by Vedura, for which he was made the chief of Kona country. During the Viceroyalty of Rajaraja Chola-Ganga (1084-89 A.D.), the elder son of Kulottunga through Madhurantaki, the Chalukya-Chola sway was extensive from the river Manner to the Mahendr Mahendragi agiri ri (in Kalinga), Kalin ga), as is known from fr om his Teki inscriptio inscription. n. Velanati Gonka I continued to be the mainstay mains tay of the kingdom kingdom of Vengi. The only only record record of Raja Ra jara raja ja CholaGanga coming from Teki furnishes very interesting information about the social life and certain honorary privileges conferred on the descendants of Teliki families dwelling at Bezwada for their great devotion and for their services rendered in the past for the imperi imperial al Chaluky Chal ukyan an family fam ily of Vengi. Vengi. Probably the Teliki Teliki (Oilmon (Oil monger) ger) familie fam iliess helped helped Kulottunga Kulottunga and his children duri during ng the troubled times of foreign invasion and internal rebellion with their wealth and men, with courage and devotion. About the year 1089 A.D., Rajaraja Chola Ganga's reign seems to have become troubled. troubled . The The trou troubl ble e cam e from the little but impregnable vassal-kingdom of Chakrakuta in the northwest northwest of Vengi. It's It's chie chieff Rajabhushana Rajabhusha na Somes So mesvarad varadeva, eva, who was the most powerful chief of his family, defied the suzerainty of the Chalukya-Cholas. He received received assistance assistan ce from Paramara Jagadeva, a vassal of the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya Vikram aditya VI. Rajaraj Raj araja a Chola-Ganga Chola-Ganga's 's efforts to subjugate subjugate Somesvara proved unsuccessful and in the course of the struggle, according to B.V. Krishnarao, apparently lost his life on the battle-field. The emperor Kulott Kulottunga unga at once despatched princ rince Vira Vira Chola once more to Vengi Vengi as Viceroy (1089-94 A.D.) A.D.) with with a
The Age of the Chatat Chatatya-C ya-Cholas holas
117
large and powerful werful army, Somesvara returned to to his country only to wait wait for a more favo favourable ble opportunity again to strike strike at Vengi. Vira Vira Chola's vice vice-royalty lty in Vengi for for the second tiim me witnessed migration of several Tamil brahmanas into the Andhra country. ry. He gran granted to 536 Brahmanas who were were great Vedic scholars and masters of several branches of teaming, the great great vil village of Virac Virachodachaturvedamangala' formed by unitin iting three three diff different vil villages lages, Malavelli, Ponnatorra and Alam Alami, Most of these donees seem to be the Vsishnavas of Tamil origin origin on account of their peculia liar names. These la large scale scale migration grations of the Vaishnava Tamil Brahmanas to the Andhra country try were probably bly due to the disf disfavour avour in in the Tamil country to Ramanuja anuja Vaishnavism vism and th the bigo bigoted partia tiality lity of the emperor Kulottunga for for the Saiva faith aith on one hand and due to the Vaishn Vaishnava patronage of the viceroy Vira Vira Chola who embrac braced the the fai faitth himself and fou founded great agraharas for the im immigrants in Vengi. Vira Vira Chola endowed the vil village Kaleru Kaleru as a devabhoga to a temple of Vishnu at Chelluru lluru (both both in Ramachandrapuram Taluk of the East Godavah distri district) ct).. The war of Vira Vira Chola wit with Somesvara of Chakrakuta krakuta was was a protract protracted ed one. It came to to an end with with the disgra disgraceful defeat defeat of the former's er's forces. Devendravarma III, usurper of Kalinga, also had his role in completely pletely routing Vi Vira Chola's a's army. Then Somesvara esvara penetrate etrated d into into the Vengim gimandala and sacked its its capital Jananathapura. With With this a state state of anarchy prevailed revailed in in Vengi (now synonym for the Andhra country) untry). Under these circum circumstances, the emperor Kulottun ttunga underundertook the Kalin linga expeditio ition. About this expeditio edition there is is dif difference of opinion among the scholars. According rding to K.A.N. K.A.N. Sastri, Sastri, Kulottunga fe fed expeditio editions twice twice against Kalinga. For his court poet Jayankondar's kondar's 'Kaling lingattup ttuparani' the theme is this this Kalinga war. The in inscriptions of the tim times indicate only one ex expedi pediti tion on against Kalinga. Further M.S. Sarma's conclusion sion is that this expedition was against Devendravarma, who was the ruler of southern Kaling linga (Trikalin (Trikalinga) and who was frequentl tly making inroads into Vengi, with the encouragement of the Wester Western n Chaluk ukyas. yas. The person who organised this
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRA AND HRAS S
successful successf ul expedit expedition ion wa was s Kulottunga Kulottunga's 's prime minister Karuna Kar una-kara-Tondaiman, the Pallava chief of Vandeinagara. The Chalukya-C Chalukya-Chola hola prince prince Vikrama Chola, Chola, the vassal Parantaka Paranta ka Pandya and even the Haihaya, the Durjaya and the Kota chiefs in the coastal Andhra participated in this Karunakara's expedition tion.. This expedition might might have taken taken place in 109 1096 A.D A.D.. The Claim of Karunakara in his Draksharama record is that he drove away Devendravarma and his associates, burnt Kalinga end planted a pillar of victory on the borders of the Odhra kingdom. Kulottunga Kulottunga Chola's Simhachalam Simhacha lam inscription dated 1039 A.D. clearly shows that southern Kalinga was under his suzerainty. Some scholars believe that prince Vikrama Chola was the viceroy vicer oy of Vengi at the time of the Kalinga Kalinga expedition. expedition. However there is no supporting supporting evidence for fo r this. The inscriptions indicate that Vira Permadideva ruled Vengi with the usual titles like Sarvalokasraya Vishnuvardhana etc. between 1094 and 1107 A.D. A.D, and Parantaka Chola was the last of the Chalukya Chola princes who acted as the viceroy vicer oy of Vengi. During the period of his viceroyalty (1107 (1107-1 -1119 119 A.D.), A.D.) , Vengi wa was s in a turbulent state. The Western Chalukyan invasions were on the increase. Moreover mutual bickerings between Vikrama Chola and Parantaka ensued over the issue of succession to the Chalukya-Chola throne. Since Since Vikrama Chola was the son of Kulottung Kulottunga a through a princess princess of the Hoyasala Hoyas ala family, the Hoyasa Hoy asalas las extended exten ded their thei r support support to him. him. The records recor ds also indi indicat cate e tha thatt about the year yea r 1117 A.D A.D.. the forces for ces of the Hoyasaia ruler Narasimha I marched marche d on Vengi. With all these deve developm lopment ents, s, finding his dominion dwindling in the Vengi country, Kulottunga Chol Ch ola a lent support support to his his loyal vass va ssal al chieftain chief tains s to bri bring ng the situation situation un unde derr control and rule over their respective territories territo ries peacefully. peacefully. The The allegiance allegiance of such mandalikarajas mandalikaraja s to any sovereig sovereign n thereafter thereaft er wa was s only nomina nominal. l. To safe-gu safe -guard ard them them-selves from the attacks of the neighbouring kingdoms and other chiefs, they made it a custom to refer to one sovereign or the other in their their inscriptions. Among such Mandalikarajas, Mandalika rajas, the Velanati Chodas of the Rurjaya family gained upper hand.
The Age of the Chalukya-Cholas Chalukya-Cholas
2.
119
The Chodas (Durjayas) (Durjayas) of Velanadu Velanadu
During the twelfth century of the Christian era there was no unitary unitary government in Andhradesa. Andhradesa. The pecu peculiliar ar polit politica icall set up that was in existence was characterised by the govemanct under the Mandalika chiefs. With With the dwind dwindlin ling g of the power of the impe imperia riall Chalu Chalukya kya-Ch -Chol olas as of Ganga Gangaikon ikondac dachola hola-puram puram and Kanchi in the south south and that of the Western Chalukyas of Kalyani in the west by the middle of the century, the Telu Telugu gu country was virtuall virtually y under under the control of the Mandalik Mandalika a rajas rajas.. Among Among them the families families of the Polav Polavas asa a chiefs, the Kakati Kakatiyas, yas, the Kanduri Kanduri Chodas Chodas,, the Mudug Mudugond onda a Chalukyas, the Eruva Chodas, the Telugu Pallavas, the Yadavarayas, the Chodas Chodas of Pottapi Pottapi and Komden Komdena, a, the Durjayas of Velanadu, the Kota chiefs, the Haihayas, the Oddadi chiefs, the Kolanu chiefs, the Parichchhedis, the Kondapadumatis, the Chagis, the Malyalas and others deserve mention. From this confused state of political disunity, the Kakatiyas under Prola II and his son and successor Rudradeva were trying to establish and extend their hegemony in the western parts whereas in the eastern parts, the Velanati Chodas were emerging as a power of some reckoning. reckoning. The allegiance allegiance of these Mandalika rajas to any soverei sovereign gn ru rule lerr was only nomin nominal. al. It was just to safe-guard themselves from the attacks of the neighbouring kingdoms and the other chiefs, they made it a custom to refer to one sovereign or the other in their inscriptions. Later La ter even unde underr Kakati Kakati Ganapatideva, Ganapatideva, these chiefs chiefs were not prepared to change their status-quo and accept his unquestionable unquestionable supremacy supremacy over over them. Hence Hence there there was a reremarkable change in the position of of sovereignty. sovereignty. No more more resounding resounding titl titles es of impe imperi ria al stat st atus us such as Rajadhiraja Rajadhiraja and Rajap Raj apar arame amesw swar ara a were born borne. e. Even ven the great Ganap Ganapatide atideva, va, who by his extensive conquests brought the entire Teluguspeaking area under his rule and raised the Kakatiyas to the dignity of an imperial imperial power power,, had assumed assumed only the title title of 'Mahamandalesvara'. With regard to the details ils of the history history of the Telugu Chodas of Velan Velanadu. their inscription inscriptions coming fr from Pithapuram,
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDHRAS
Amaravati, Amaravati, Chebrolu, Chebrolu, Cha Chandol ndolu, u, Draksharama. Tripurant Tripurantakam akam and other places and also the records of the contemporary Chalukya-Chola prin prince ces s who were wer e deputed to Vengi as Viceroys, throw light. The Velanati Chiefs were regarded as one of the Telugu Choda families which claimed their descent from the illustrious Chol Ch olas as of South India. India. The words 'Choda' 'Choda ' and 'Chola' are taken to be synonymous. Velanadu Velan adu corresponds corresponds to the modem Guntur district. district. Some peopl people e regard re gard it, it, as part and a nd parcel of 'Aruvelanadu' whereas some believe both as one and the same. same. The chieftains who ruled ruled over Velanadu came cam e to be known as the Velanati Chodas. In fact they belonged belonged to the Durjaya family, a Sudra clan. One of them, Rajendra Choda II had even assumed the title 'Durjayakulaprakara'. These Velanati chiefs were the subordinate allies of the ChalukyaCholas Chol as of the south. They were entrusted entrusted with the responsi responsi-bility of the governance of the Andhra region, which formed a part of the Chola Chola kingdo kingdom m in the twelft twe lfth h century A.D. 'As a mark of their gratitude to their masters, the Cholas, the Andhra chieftains of Velanadu described themselves as Velanati Chodas and even named their children after their illustrious monarchs.' Their capita capitall was Dhanadapur Dhana dapura a or Sanaduprolu, Sanaduprolu, the modern Chandolu in the Guntur district. The Velanati Chiefs rose to the foremost position among the vassals of the Chalukyas of Vengi during the early days of King Rajendra before he ascended the throne of the Cholas in the south as Kulottunga Cho Chola. la. Subsequently after aft er the death of his uncle Vijayadiya VII, Kulottunga assumed once more more the sovereignty soverei gnty of Vengi. Thenceforth Thenceforth he sent his sons one after the other in succession to rule Vengi as his viceroys. The Velanati chiefs served serv ed these th ese viceroy vice roys s faithfully faithfully as their trusted lieutenants lieutenants and generals. gener als. Findin Finding g his dominion dominion dwindling, may be due to the ascendency of the Kalyani Chalukyas, in the Vengi country, Kulottunga Chola lent support to his loyal chieftains of Velanadu to bring the situation under control and rule rule over over Vengi Vengi as his vassa va ssals. ls. Eviden Evidence ce is available to to the effect effect that five chieftains chieftains of Vetenadu Veten adu ruled ruled over over the country
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after which it wa was s over-run over-run by the Kakatiyas and and bec becam ame e a part of their kingdom. These These chieftains were Gonka Gonka I (107 (1 0766-11 1108 08 A.D.) A.D.) Rajen Rajendr dra a Choda Choda 1 (1 (110 1088-32 32 A.D.) Gonka Gonka II (1132-61 A.D. A. D.), ), Rajend Rajendra ra Choda II (1161 1161-8 -81 1 A.D.), Gonk Gonka a III (1181-86 A.D.) and Prithviswara (1186-1207 A.D.).
GONKA GONKA I (1 (1076 076-1 -11 108 A.D. A.D.)) Gonka I was regarded as the first import importan antt chief chief of the the Velanati Velanati family. When When Kulottung Kulottunga a Chola sent sent his his second second son Raj Ra jar araj aja a Mummadi-Chola Mummadi-Chola as the Viceroy to rul rule e ove overr Ven Vengi gi,, he appointed, appointed, on the occasion, occasion, Mahamandalesva Mahamandalesvara ra Ve Velan lanati ati Gonkaya, one of the most trusted and faithful subordinates of his his father, father, as the commander-in-chief commander-in-chief of the army. army. Gonk Gonka a continued to serve the succes successi sive ve Chalukya-Chola Chalukya-Chola pr prin ince ces s of Vengi until his death in 110 1108 A.D. He had to fight battles battles along with his masters against the refractory vassal chiefs who treacherously joined hands with the Lord of Kuntala (Chalukyan ruler of Kalyani), Kalinga and Chakrakuta. It seems that in the first year of Rajaraja Rajaraj a Chola-Ganga's Chola-Ganga' s vicero viceroyal yalty ty (108 (1 084 4 A.D.), A.D. ), a number number of local chiefs, chiefs, unde underr the orders of the t he general Velanati Gonka Gonka I, assembled assembl ed at Draksharama Draksharama (short (shortly ly after after the arrival arriv al of the viceroy). vicero y). To preven preventt any any possi possibl ble e dissertion of the the cause cause of the impenat family in the hour or foreign invasion or internal rebellion, Gonka made those feudatory chiefs swear unswerving allegiance to king Chola-Ganga before the shrine shrine of the the God Bhimana Bhimanatha. tha. It was was a clever clever move on the part the Velanati chief whose diplomacy and valour led them destroy the enemi enemies es and subdue the refractory refractory vassals. Gonka assumed assumed the title 'Chalukyarajy 'Chalukyarajya-mulss a-mulsstambha'. tambha'. From his records records it is understood that that he exercised his auth authorit ority y as a vass vassal al from fr om the river Gund Gundlak lakam amma ma in the sou south to Tripurantakam in the west. RAJENDRA CHODA CHODA I (1 (11 108-32 08-32 A.D. A.D.)) Rajendra Rajendra Choda I succeed succeeded ed his fath father er Gook Gooka a I in the office of the commander-in-chief. commander-in-chief. He took took activ active e par partt along along with the the other other Mandalika chie chiefs fs tike Manm anmanda andara raju ju of the
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Kondapadamati family, Potaraju and Gonkaraju of the Kona country, in the Kalinga expedition of Karunakara Tondaiman, the prime minster of Kulottunga Chola, in which the ChalukyaChola prince Vikrama Chola also participated. However when the Western Chalukya Vikramaditya VI sent an expedition in 1115 A.D. under his general Anantapalaya to drive away the Chalukya-Chola forces from Vengi, in the battle that ensued, Rajendra Choda I was defeated and his son G onkaya onka ya was taken prisoner by the the enemie enemies. s. The Kalyani forces continued their victorious march, occupied Bezwada, Kondapall Kondapallii an and d other forts for ts and fell on Jananathapura. Janana thapura. Probably Probably on this same occasion itself, Anantapalaya led his forces to the south also a lso along the coast and ransacke rans acked d Kanchi. As a result of all these campaigns, the entire Telugu country submitted itself to the suzerainty of Vikramaditya VI between 1115 A.D . an d 11 1126 A.D. The Velanati chief chi ef als a lso o had to acknowledge the Western Chalukyan overlordship. In 1126 A.D. Vikramaditya VI died and was succeeded by his second son Somesvara III (1126-38 A.D.) on the throne of Kalyan i. The The predicament predicament of the Kaly K alyani ani power had set in. Malla Malla Bhupati a de desce sce nd ndant ant of the Eastern Chalukya Chal ukya Yuddhamalla, probably with the help of Anantavarma Choda Ganga of Kalinga drove away the Western Chalukyas and occupied the territory between the river Krishna and Jananathapura. But to the south of the river river Krishna, the Velan ati ch iefs, the Palanati Haihayas and the Kondapadamati Durjayas did not cooperate with Malla Bhupati and remained as vassals of Somesvara III. Howeve How everr in 11 1132 32 A.D,, A.D,, the Chalukyia-Chola emperor Vikrama Chola, on the request of the local chieftains in Vengi, sent his son Kulottunga II at the head of a powerful army on an expedition against Vengi. The The rulers rulers of Velanadu, Velana du, Giripaschima and Konakandravada also joined hands with the prince Kulottunga IIII. The We Weste stern rn Chalukyan Chalukyan supremacy to the the south of the river Krish Krishna na wa was s put put to an end with their t heir crushi crushing ng defeat in the battle battle of Manneru. Shortly Sho rtly a fter ft er this battle.
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away and his Velanati Velanati Rajendra Chod Choda a I passed passed away his son Gonk Gonka a II succeed him to the throne.
GONKA II (1132-61 A.D.) Gonkaraj Gonkaraja a II II wa was s the greatest pr prin ince ce of hi his family. family. He was a soldier soldier and and a states statesman. man. He distin distingu guis ishe hed d hims himself elf in many a battle even during during the time of his father. father. After his his accession to the throne, he accompanied accompanied Kulortung Kulortunga a II in his expedition on Vengi. The famous famous Godavari Godavari battle was foug fought ht about 1135 A.D. between the Chalukya-Chola forces and the Western Chalukyan troops. With this battle battle,, the Weste Western rn Chalu Cha luky kyan an supremacy supremacy in Vengi came came to an end. end. Shortly Shortl y after after this, Kulottunga II succeeded his father Vikra Vik rama ma Chola Cho la as the emperor emperor in the south. south. Because of his his interest and preoccupation with the affairs in the south, he bestowed the overlordship of the Andhra country, extending from Mahendragiri in the north to Srisailam in the south, upon Gonka II. II. However this overlor overlordship dship being being conf confer erre red d on the the Velanati Velanat i chief was not liked by the other other Manda Mandalika lika rajas of the region. They tried to defy Gonkaraja's authorit authority y and assart their thei r independence. independence. Hence Hence the latter wa was s involved in inces inces-sant warfare throughout his reign period. Gonka II defeated Nanni Choda and Kannaradeva, sons of Tribhuv Tri bhuvanama anamalllla a Choda Choda of Konidena, Konidena, who rebe rebelle lled d and declared their independence, in the battle of Kanchervulakota (Pedakancheria in the Vinukonda Taluk) and made them pay thei he ir allegiance to him. This happened happened sometime abo about ut 1150 A.D. A.D. During Durin g the same same peri period od,, the Velanati forces force s marched on Pakanadu and after defeating the Telugu Choda ruler Nallasiddhi of Nellore, Nellore, estab est ablilishe shed d Gonka' Gonka's s authority ther there. e. Ka Katam tamaanayaka of the Saronatha family of Kolanividu also accepted the suzer su zerai aint nty y of the the Chalu Cha lukya kya-Ch -Chol olas as and subm submitt itted ed to Gonk Gonka' a's s autho ut horri ty When Lokaraja. one of the dual dual king kings s of the Haihay Hai haya a famil family y of the Kona country country entertained the ambi ambiti tion on of extension of his sway and led his forces on Vetanadu and mar ma rched upto Bapatia (1150 (1150 A D ). he was wa s killed killed by Goonka nka's
124
general general Prolayanayaka. Prolayanayaka. vassals.
HISTORY OF TH THE E ANDHRAS
The
Kona Haihayas
also
beca be came me
Gonka II pardoned Alugu Bhupati, the Haihaya chieftain of Palnad, who was repentant for the sins of his father and grandfather grandf ather earlier in betraying betraying their their Chalukya-Chola overlord and acknowledging the sovereignty of the Western Chalukyas and even allowing their armies to invade Vengi through their territory. He gave his daught daughter er Mailama to Alugu Bhupa Bhupati. ti. Nalagama, Nalagama, who became became the Gurizala Chief about about 1147 A.D A.D., ., was the son of this Alugu through Mailama. About the year y ear 11 1158 A.D., Gonka II came came into clash with the Kakat Kak atiy iya a ruler ruler Prola Prola II. The latter, latter, who expanded expa nded his his kingdom in Telangana at the cost of the dwindling Western Chalukyan power, raided raided the Vengi Veng i terr territor itories. ies. Gonka disdispatched his his vass va ssal al Kota Chodayaraja Chodayara ja along along with the prin prince ce Vira Rajendra Rajendra at the head of a large army. army. Prola Prola was slain in the battle and to commemorate this victory, Chodayaraja assumed the title 'Kakali Prola Nirdahana'. Thus with all these measures Gonkaraja settled the disturbed country and established peace and order once more. He became became tthe he undisputed undisputed lord of the Andhra country. He was a paramo paramount unt sovereign sovereign,, though he acknowledged acknowledge d the titular sovereignty of the Chalukya-Chola emperors Kulottunga Chola II and late laterr his son and success succ essor or Rajara Raj araja ja IIII. He bore the titles titles 'Chalukya 'Chal ukyarajy rajyabha abhavana vanamulas mulastambh tambha', a', 'Pekkandra 'Pekkandranonokkettuganda' kkettuganda' (a he hero ro who defe defeated ated several sever al at one stroke), 'Chalamartiganda' 'Chalamarti ganda' and several others. other s. His name name appears somesometimesas 'Velanati Kulottunga Choda Gangeye Gonkaraja'.
RAJENDRA CHODA CHODA II (1 (11 161-81 61-81 A.D.) The ascendency and glory of the Velanati dynasty reached its zenith during the reign of Rajendra Choda II, the son and successor of Gonkaraja Gonkaraja II.
Though Rajendra Choda's reign commenced in peace, it soon became troubled on account of the rebelli rebellions ons in the north
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and ra raid from the west' t'. W ith the help of Amrit italuri Devana Pre reggada, Raje jendra ra subdued the Chalukyas of Pithapuram and the Haihayas of Kona mandate. Kolani Bhima was put to to death.
In the south, attem attempts were were made by the Kalachuris, who usurped the Western Western Chalukyan thro throne, to restore restore Pakanadu ting an end to their allies, the Telugu Chodas of Nellore by putti to the authority of the Velanati chiefs iefs there. Kalachutr Somesva vara ra sen ent an army under Choundaraya and Pommana Muppa Choda again inst Paka kanadu. Nanduri Kommanamantri, i, who was administeri nistering Pakanadu as Rajendra's agent, imposed a crushing defea defeat on them and even their Marjavadi arjavadi was raged to the ground. The Srisa Srisailam ilam region was incorporated into the kingdo kingdom of Vetenadu. Vetenadu. THE BATTLE OF PALNAD (117 176-1182 A.D.) .) The reign of Rajendra Choda II, which witness witnessed the Velan Velanati family's y's glory reaching its its zenith ith, was also marked by the dwind dwindling ling dominion of the family. The foremost cause of this his was the battle battle of Palnad or Palanadu. This battle ttle was due to the internecine fi fight within within the the family of the Haihayas of Palanadu, who were th the vassals vassals and close relatio tions of the Velan Velanati Durj Durjayas. Strangely, the there is is no epigraphic evidence for this this episode. All that is known is only from from Srinatha's 'Palnativi tivirach racharitra' aritra' in dvipada metre and also from the local legends. When fact is is sifted sifted from fiction, the follo llowing details may be disce discerned. Nalagama was the the son of Alugu Alugu Bhupati of the the Pata Patanati Haihaya Haihaya family through Maila ilama, the daughter of Gonka II. He succeeded his father ather to the thron throne about 1147 A.D. His stepbrothers brothers wer were Malideva lideva and others. Doddanayudu and his son Brah Brahmarrayudu, arrayudu, who wer were e th the agents of Velan Velanadu at Gurizala, ushered in in an era of great religious rev reviival and social awakening in Palanadu. Especially ially Braha Brahamanna. aft after bec becoming the Arbiter Arbiter of Politi Politics cs in Palnad as the the prime minister nister of Natagama. atattempted pted to establish blish a new religion and a new social order which which did away wit with distin istinctions of caste. ste. However his teachings caused an uproar in in the the country. country. Being a devotee of
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HISTORY OF THE A ND H RA S
Siva, Nalagama did not like and promptly checked Brahmanna's religi religiou ous s activity and social reform. r eform. Meanwhi Meanwhile le Aravilli Aravill i Nagamma, a woman-sta wom an-statesm tesman an and warrior war rior of remarkabl remarkable e ability, popularly known as 'Nayakuralu', came upon the scene. Soon she managed to become Nalagama's chief adviser and friend at the court. Then Then she took up her her place in the t he councils of the king king.. Differences arose aro se within within the court. court. The Virasa Vir asaiva iva and Viravaishnava (Brahmanayudu was an advocate) faiths also also played their their part. part. Brahmanayudu took too k his his supporters, the kings step-brothers Malideva and others along with him, retired from Gurizala and established a separate and independent court at Maohe Maoherl rla. a. Malid Malideva eva was related to the Kalachuri dy na nasty sty of Kalyani, having married the the only daughter Rayamurari Sovideva. Mutual suspicion suspicion and rivalry rival ry between betwe en the two courts reached a high pitch and Nagamma, on the pretext of defeat of Malideva's faction in a cock-fight, forced them to retire from Palana Palanadu du for a period of seven seve n years into exile. After Afte r the expiry of the period of exile, Brahmanna sent Alaraja, son of Kalachuri Kommaraja and the son-inson-in-law law of Nalagam Nala gama, a, to Gurizala Gurizala demanding demanding restoration of the share sha re for Malideva. The demand was turned down and Alaraja was poisoned to death under under the secret orde rs of Nagamma. The enraged Brahmanna Brahm anna declared declared war on Gurizala. Gu rizala. The fierce and decisive battle was fought at Karempudi Karemp udi on the banks ban ks of the river rive r Naguleru. The Kakatiyas, the Hoyasalas and the Kota chiefs who were the vassals of the Velanati chief, supported the cause of Nalagama, whereas Malideva Malideva got support sup port from the Kalachuris. Nalagama appears to be the victor. The civil war in Palanadu shook the Velanati kingdom to its it s foundations. foundation s. 'A whole generation generati on of powerful powerful warriors, warriors, the flower of Andhra soldiery perished in the great slaughter on the field of Karempudi for f or nothing. nothing. The tragedy trage dy of Palanad sealed the doom of the Velanati rule and paved the way for final disappea disappearanc rance e of the last vestiges of the Chalukyan sovereignty sovereignty in Vengi.' Vengi.' The The battle exposed e xposed the weaknes weak nesss of the Velanati king kingdo dom. m. The Kakatiyas Kaka tiyas of Anmakonda Anmakon da and and the the
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tapi began their raids. The Telugu Chodas of Pakanedu and Potta Kalachuri forces fell fell upon Velanadu. At the same time. Kakati Rudradeva led his forces forces into Vengi in supp suppor ortt of the Chalukyan families families there. there. Under Under these these condi condition tions, s, Rajsndra Choda II passed passed away and his son Gonka Gonka III succee succeeded ded to the thro throne ne of Vetanadu. GONKA III III (1181-86 A.D.) .D.)
During the short span of rule of Gonkaraja III, the kingdom Velanadu further weakened. The The Kakatiy Kakatiya a forces marched on Dhamikota. Dhamik ota. The Kota chief chief Ketaraja II, the vassal vassa l of the the Velanati Velanati king became a subordinat subordinate e of Rudradeva. The Kondapadamati family of Nadendla was liquidated by the Kota and Vipparta chieftains, chieftains, the Kakatiy Kaka tiya a vassals. Thus Thus Kakat Kak atii Rudradeva conquered upto Srisailam and Tripurantakam in the south. In 1186 A.D., Gonka III might have lost his life in battle with Rudradeva. PRITHVISWARA (1186-1207 A.D.) The The last importa important nt rule rulerr of the Velanati Velanati Durj Du rjay ayas as w as Prithv Pri thvisw iswara. ara. His earliest earliest reco record rd dated date d 1186 A.D. is available from fr om Pithapuram. Pithapuram. With the help help of his his ministers ministers Ko Kora ravi vi Vennayamatye and Nanduri Ketana, Prithviswara made 8 vain attempt to restore the fallen prestige of the kingdom of Velanadu. In the initial stages, he occupied occupied Vengi territory territ ory proprobably from fr om Matlapadeva Matlap adeva of Pithap Pithapura uram. m. The The southern souther n Kalinga Kalinga was wa s occupied from the Eastern Ganga Ganga Raja Ra jara raja ja II Proba Probably bly between 1196 A.D. end 1200 A.D., Prithviswara reoccupied Velanadu. Velanadu. The confusion confus ion and disorde disorderr that tha t prevaile prevailed d in the Kakatiya kingdom due to the Yadava invasions might have provided this opportunity for him. However with Garrapatideva's raids on the coast starting starting from fr om 120 1201 A.D.. A.D.. Prithviswara Prithvis wara faced reverse reve rses. s. Fina Finally lly the Telu Telug gu Chodas of Nello llore and the Kakatiyas katiyas defeated defeated and killed nan ft er this, the u to ttu n g in 1207 A.O, A fter the attem ttempts made by K Reje Rejend ndra ra Choda Choda III to restore the prestige prestige of Velanad Velanadu u proved
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS AND HRAS
futil utile and the great Kakatiya katiya ruler ruler Ganapatideva could bring the entire tire coastal Andhra apart from Telangana and Rayalasima regions under his sway. sway.
During the period of hegemony of the Velanati Chodas for a century, century, according to the poetical work 'Keyurabahu'Keyurabahuchari charitra tramu mu',', the country country enjoyed plenty and prosperity. The The capital capital Dhanadapura (Chandolu) (Chan dolu) was a magnificent magnific ent city with beautiful structures an and d opul opulent ent markets. It was comparable comparable to the the city city of Kubera, The The era era witnessed aggressive Saivism and Vaishnavi Vaishnavism. sm. The The religi religious ous influence made m ade itself felt in temple architecture and the temples built in this age served as centres of promoting learning and fine arts like music and danc da nce. e. Devadasi system syst em was wa s prevalent. Literat Literature ure of this period also was deeply influenced by the religious notions of the peopl people. e. Maliikarjuna Maliikarjuna Panditaradhya's Panditaradhya's 'Sivata 'Si vatatvas tvasara ara'' and Palkuriki Somana's 'Basava Purana' reflect the same.
3.
The Telugu Telugu Choda Choda Families Fam ilies
Many Telugu Chola families held sway over regions to the south of the river Krishna in the period between the seventh century century and the thirteenth century of the Chris Ch ristia tian n era. Their Their original home seems to be the region of Chola corresponding to the modern Mahabubnagar and Nalgonda districts of Telangana- They established establis hed their domini dominion on over the th e Cuddapah region region and began began their their career as local chieftains. chieftain s. The Cuddapah region in the seventh century A.D. was a backward and undeveloped area with thick forests inhabited by savage bandits. It may be identified with the area which was referred by the Chinese traveller Yuan Chwng as 'Chuliya' during his visit to Deccan. The Telugu Cholas were independent in the beginning of their their career. Later Later they recognised the suzerainty suzerain ty of the Chalukyas of Badami. Since the regio region over which they exer ex erci cised sed their authority uthority was known in those days as 'Renadu'. they were popular as the Renati Cholas. In course of time, they spread to other regions and establ establiished small principaliti lities es.
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Among such families, the Pottapi, the Konidena and Nello ellore Telugu Cholas deserve special mentio tion.
the
The Telugu Chela rule lers of Renadu had th the uniqu que honour of using the Telugu language in their heir official records. Those records (inscripti cription ons) belonging to the 7th 7th and 8th 8th centuries turies A.D. A.D. were were discove discover red at Jammulam ulamadugu, Prodduturu and other places. Afte Af terr the fall of the Renat Renatii Cholas Cholas,, the Cudd Cuddap apah ah region region passed passed into the hands hands of the Telugu Telugu Cholas of Pottapi. The inscriptions in Telugu, belonging to the 11th century A.D., of these Pottapi Cholas were also discovered.
THE THE KON KONIDE IDENA NA CHOLAS CHOLAS wer w ere e also al so a branch of the Telugu Cholas of Renadu They had their their head-quarters at Ko Konid niden ena a (Kot (K oty y adon ad ona) a) near near Narasaraopeta in the Guntur Guntur district. They They were to be seen from the middle of the tenth century A.D. They ruled ruled over parts of Kammana Kammanadu du and Pakanad Pakanadu u Kannara Choda Choda and Kama Choda Choda were the earliest earliest among among them. Kama Choda's son and successor Tribhuvanamalla Choda was a subordinate of the Velana Velanati ti chief chie f Gonkaraja Gonkaraja II. However when when Malla Choda's sons Nanni Choda and Kannaradeva defied the authority of Gonka II and declared their independence, the latter through through his generals generals defeated defe ated the former former and force for ced d them to be vassals. Among the Telugu Cholas, there was another branch called the Nannuru Cholas. The famous Telugu Poet 'Kaviraja Sikrtamani' man i' NA NANNE CHODA CHODA belonged to this th is family He wa was s not a king, not even a local chieftain, holding authority in the region of Pakanadu. Pakanadu. His mother appears to to be a lady lady of the Haihay Hai haya a famil fam ily. y. Politically, Politically , Nanne Choda Choda has no impo importa rtance nce at all For his high rank as a man of letters in the history of Telugu literature, literatur e, he deserve dese rves s special ment mention ion.. The peri period od,, in whic wh ich h he flourished, flourished, is a matter matter of contro controvers versy. y. Did he live before bef ore or afte afterr Nannay Nannaya? a? This problem problem has has now been been set at rest and it is admitted by alt now that he was later than Nannaya Probably when the Andhra country was under the suzerainty of Vikramaditya VI of Kalyani, he flourished
9)
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HISTO HISTORY RY OF THE THE ANDHR ND HRA AS
Nanne Nann e Choda was a Saivaite poe poet. t. His poem 'Kumar 'Ku maraasambhavamu' in Telugu, might have been composed probably between between 112 1120 A.D. A.D. and 1125 A.D. A.D. The poet poet dedicat dedi cated ed his work to his preceptor Jangama Mallikarjuna Yogi. He blazed blazed the trail trai l for a new type of literary composition composition now called 'Prabandha'. He set up new new traditions like like 'Ishtadevatastut 'Ishtade vatastuti'i' (invoking the blessings of a favourite favourit e deity), 'Sukavistuti' 'Sukavi stuti' (adulation of worthy wor thy poets) 'Kukavininda' (condemnation (condemnati on of unworthy poets), which were followed by the poets of the subseque subs equent nt ages ag es.. His racy Telugu and highly highly Sanskritised Sanskritised style styl e are note-w note-wort orthy. hy. His Hi s idiomatic idiomatic and an d delightful delightful Telugu expressions and his description of nature with skill and distinction won laurels for him. THE TELUGU CHOLAS OF NELLORE Another branch of the Telugu Cholas was the family of the CHOD CHODAS AS OF NEL ELLO LORE RE.. The doyen of the Telugu Tel ugu poets, Tikkana, in the introduction of his 'Nirvachanottara Ramayanamu', gave an account of the history and antecedents of this family. These Chodas Cho das also claimed cla imed descent from fro m the the famous famo us Kari Ka rika kala la Chola. Chola. They ruled over their thei r kingdom consisting of the Nellore, Cuddapah, Chittur and Chengalput districts trict s with Vikramasimh Vikr amasimhapura apura (modern Nellore) as their capit capital. al. The first important chief in the family of the Nellore Chodas was one Chola Chola Bijjan Bij jana. a. As a feudatory of the Western Chaluky Chal ukya a Somes S omeswar wara a I (1042-68 (1042-68 A.D.) of Kalyani, Kalyan i, he took took part part in the wa wars rs of the Chalukyas Chalu kyas and Cholas. Chol as. In recognition of the loyalty and services of his descendants to the Chalukyas of Kalyani, Kalyani, Vikramadiya Vikramadi ya II (1076-1126 (1076-1126 A.D.) appointed appointed them as rulers of Pakanadu. Later Tikka (1223-48 A.D. A. D.)) fat f athe herr of the famous fam ous ManumaManumasiddhi, extended the sway of the Nellore Telugu Chola family as far fa r south as the river Kaveri. He owed owe d nomina nominall allegiance to the already crippled Chalukya-Chola emperors of the South, but wa was s independe independent nt ruler ruler f or all pract p ractical ical purposes. Along with the Hoyasala Vira Narasimha, he rendered yeomen service
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to the Chalukya-Cho ukya-Chola ruler Rajaraja Rajaraja lII lII in restoring him back to his throne by repulsing the attac ttacks of Aniyanka Bhima, Kopperunji jinga and the Pandyas. Subsequently ly, whan the Hoyasala Hoyasala Vir Vira a Narasimha's Narasimha's succes successor sor Somesva Somesvara, ra, desi desiro rous us of making the the Cha Chaluk ukya-C ya-Cho hola ruler ruler a puppet in his hands, joined hands with the Pandyas and attacked Rajendra IIl, who ascended the Chalukya-Chola throne in 1246 A.D., Choda TiKka came to the rescue rescue of the emperor. emperor. He defeated both the Hoyasala and the Pandyan forces and got thereby the Tondaimandalam regi re gion on for hims himself elf.. He even assumed the title 'Cholast 'Cho lasthap hapananacharya'.
During the reign of Tikka's son and successor Manumasiddhi II (1248-63 (1248-63 A.D.), A .D.), the power of the Nel Nello lore re Chod Chodas as was at its low ebb. ebb. One Vijayagandago Vijayaga ndagopala, pala, probably probably a memb member er of the Telugu Cholas, secured the friendship of Somesvara and Rajendra III and occupied the southern parts (Chengalput area) of the Nellore Nellore kingdom, defying Manumasiddhi's authority. authority. In addition to this, Manuma was driven out from Nellore by his agnates Tikkana and Bayya Bay yana na The Va Vaidum idumba ba chief Rakkesa Ganga occupied occu pied the Cuddapah region region.. Under Under these circumstances, Manuma's well-wisher and minister Poet Tikkana. who was a diplomat as well, went to Warangal and secured the great Kakatiya monarch Ganapatideva's support for his master. The Kakatiya forces effectively tackled the rivals of Manumasiddhi siddhi and and reinstated him him on his his paternal throne. thron e. Ganapatideva Ganapat ideva got of course a big slice of Manuma's realm in the process. About the year 1260 AD., a dangerous feud broke out between Manumasiddhi and Katamaraju, the chief of Erragaddapadu padu in Kamgiri Kamgiri regi region. on. The feud fe ud was wa s on the th e issue of the rights of the two princes to use certain wide meadows as grazing gr grou ound nds s for fo r their their flocks flocks of cattle catt le.. It led to the fierce enga engage geme ment nt of the tw t w o sides and the blody battle battle was fought at Panchal Panchalinga ingala la on the Paleru river. river. Manuma Manumasiddh siddhii a forc fo rces es led by Khadga Khadga Tikkana, the cousin cousin of poet Tikkana Tikkana won the cattle, cattle, but the the leader perished in the battle battle.. This feud fe ud and the the consequent battl battle e form formed the theme of the popular balla llad entitled 'Katamaraju Katha'. Shortly rtly after after this disastrous battle. Manumasiddhi it passed away.
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With the death of Manumasiddhi II, the Nellore kingdom lost its individuality, became a battre-ground between the Kakatiyas and the Pandyas and changed hands frequently. In the reign of Kakati Prataparudra II, the Nellore region became part and parcel of the Kakatiya empire and lost its political significance. The period of rule of the Telugu Chodas was in particular significant for the development it received in the Telugu literature under under the patronage patronag e of the rulers. It was wa s the age in which the great Telugu poets Tikkana, Ketana and Marana enriched the the literature with their remarkable contributi contributions, ons, AsAs already referred Tikkana Somayaji was the well-wisher and minister of Manum Man umasid asiddhi dhi II of Nellore. His diplomacy diploma cy helped his master in securing the help of Kskati Ganapatideva for getting back back his throne. This great poet had for his credit two important important wo rks in Telugu. Telugu. The firs t one one is is 'N irvachan irvac hanoottara R amayana ama yanamu'. mu'. Though a high highly ly Sanskritised Sans kritised style was employed, it is characterised by excellent literary qualities and aboun ding elements of Pathos Pathos and he roism . Howeve How everr it is is the the 'Andhra Mahabharata' which brought for Tikkana undying fame and made him him one of the immortals. Thou Th ough gh it is a translation of the last fifteen parvas of the Mahabharata, left out by his predcessor Nannaya, yet Tikkana put life and blood into it with an avowe avo wed d objective of making it a Ka vya . His delineation delineation of character, dramatic dialogue and lucid and at the same time sugges sug gestive tive exposition of fa ct s are masterly maste rly in natur nature. e. His His broad spiritual outlook, lofty idealism, high imagination and splendid diction made him 'Kavi Brahma' (The Supreme Creator among Poets). 'Abhinava Dandin' Ketana, who was a contemporary of Tikkana. dedicated his his 'Da saku maracha mar acha ritra mu', written written in tas tefu l and sweet style, to him. him. He also translated Vijnanes wa ra's ra 's 'Mitak 'Mitakshar shari'i',, a Sanskrit San skrit commentary on the the 'Yajnavalkya Smriti', into Telugu under the name 'Vijnaneswaramu'. Another work of Ketana is 'Andhra Bhashabhushanamu', a book, on metrical me trical grammer grammer in Telu Telugu. gu. Marana was wa s another anoth er cont contememporary of Tikkana, He w as also al so a desciple of the latt latter er.. He tran slated sla ted the 'Ma rkande rka ndeya ya Paran Pa ran a' into Telugu Telugu.. His work work,, became a source book to many subsequent Telugu poets who selected their themes from the many delightful stones incorporated in it.
CHAPTER
6
The Kakatiyas
ORIGIN OF THE DYNASTY The Kakatiyas had their ascendency during the dominion of the Chalukyas of Kalyani Kalyani.. The earli earlier er doubts doubts expressed by certain scholars in tracing the descent of this dynasty from Kakartya Gundyana, a subordinate of the Eastern Chalukyan monarch monarch,, Amma Amma II (945 (945 AD. - 970 97 0 A - D ) were set at rest in view of the recently recently disco di scove vere red d Bay B ayya yara ram m Tank inscrip inscriptio tion n The names Kakartya, Kakatya and Kakaliya are etymologically connected. The The dynasty dynast y derived deri ved its name name either eit her because of its associat association ion with a town tow n known as Kakatipura (sinc (si nce e the kings bore the title 'Kakatipuravallabha') or because of their worship of a goddess called called Kakati. At Ekasila Ekasilanaga nagara ra (Wara ( Waranngal), the capital of the Kakatiyas. a temple was dedcated to Kakitamma. Hence ther th ere e is reasnon to belie believe ve that Kakatipura Kakati pura was wa s another name name for fo r Warangal itself. itself . The inscriptional inscripti onal evidence points out that the Kakatiyas were Sudras and that they were members of the Durjaya family whose remote ancestor Karkkalahola founded or first settled in Kakatipura 1
EARLY FEUDATORY FEUDATORY RULERS RULERS
Gundaya Rashtrakuta who was referred in the Magallu grant grant of Danam Danamava ava (950 950 A D ) was the first known historical figure amon among g the Kakat Kak atiy iyas as He sacr sacrific ificed ed his his life in the th e service service of the the Rashtra Rashtrakuta kuta rule rulerr Krishna II. II. white white fighting fighting aganist aganist the Eastern Eastern Chalukyas Chalukyas The The gr grat atef eful ul Krishn Krishna a II plac placed ed Gunda Gun daya ya's 's
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son Eriya Eriya in charge of Kurravadi in Koravisima near Warangal. Koravi, which was part of the Mudigonda Chalukyan kingdom unde underr the suzerainty of the Eastern Chalukyas, wa was s a bone bone of conten contention tion between the Rashtrak Rasht rakutas utas and the Ea Easte stern rn Chalukyas. This This Kurravadi kingdom wa was s created as a check check on the Mudig Mudigind inda a Chalukyas on the eastern borders borders of the the Rashtrakuta empire. Eriya made Orugal (Kakatipura) his capital. Eriya's Eriya's grandson Kakar Kakarty tya a Gundyana rendered help help on behalf of his master Rashtrakuta Krishna III to Danarnava in setting aside his brother Amma II and occupying the throne of Vengi, as a result of which he got Natavadi as a token of gratitude. gratitude. Later when Tailapa Tailapa II put an an end to the Rashtr Ras htraku akuta ta rule rule arid arid restor restored ed the the weste western rn Chalukyan authority with Ka Kalyan lyanii as head-quarters, the Kakatiyas shifted their loyalty to them. Gundyana's son and successor Betaraja I took advantage of the Chalukya Chola Chola conflict and carved carv ed out out for himself a small principality. He seems to have have ruled ruled upto 1052 1052 A.D. His son and succes suc cessor sor Prola I (1052 (1052 A.D. A.D . - 107 1076 A.D.) A.D.) acknowledged the supremacy of Chalukya Somesvara I and fought successfully against the Nagas of Chakrakota, the Silaharas of Konkanamandala, mandala, Bhadranga (probably (probabl y Baddega of the family fami ly of the Chalukyas Chal ukyas of Vemulavada Vemula vada)) and killed killed in battle battle Gonna, Gonna, the chief chief of Purukuta. In recognition recognition of these thes e services, Prola Prola obtained obtained permanently by way of gran grant, t, AnmakondaAnmak onda-vis vishaya haya from Somesvara I. Beta II, son and successor of Prola, ruled between 1076 A.D. and 1108 A.D. With the encourageme encouragement nt of Vikrama Vikr amadi dity tya a VI, hec onquered onquer ed Sabbimandala. Sabbimandala . It was probably during this this perio period, d, Anmakond Anmakonda a became the capital capit al of the Kakat Kakatiyas iyas.. Beta It's It' s eldest eldest son Durgaraja Durgaraja (1 (110 108 8 A.D. A. D.-1 -111 116 6 A.D.) made made an attempt to rebel rebel against his his Chalukyan suzerain. However his his younger brother Prola II set him aside and occupied the throne of Anmakonda. Prola Prola II (1116 116 A.D. A.D.-1 -1153 153 A.D. A. D.)) wa was s the most famous among among the early earl y Kakatiya rulers. In the th e early years of his
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reign, reign, he ow owed ed allegiance allegiance to Vi Vikra kramad madity itya a VI. When, after after his death in 1126 A.D., the Chalukyan power began to decline, Prola II took took advantage of the confused situat situation ion He played played an active part in the Kalachuri revolution at Kalyani and after the overthro overthrow w of Tailapa III III, proclaimed proclaimed indep indepen ende denc nce. e. He made made extensive extensi ve conquests conquests in Telangana. Telangana. He defeated defeated Govindaraj Govindaraja a and handed his kingdom Kondapalli (in the Krishna district) over to Chododaya Chododaya (wh (whose ose brother brother was rulin ruling g as his his feudatory near Panugai) Panugai).. He also also defeated and killed Gunda, Gunda, the ru ruler ler of Mantrakuta (Mantena in the Nuzvid taluk of Krishna district) and annexed annexed it to his kingdom kingdom.. However he failed in his attempts to push his arms further into the Veianati kingdom on the the east coast. These attempt att empts s cost him his life at the the hands of Rajendra Choda, the prince of the Velanati Telugu Chodas of Chandolu and their samantas. 2.
RUDRADEVA (1158 A.D -11 -1195/ 95/6 6 A.D.) D.)
Rudredeva, who was also known as Prataparudra I. was the eldest son and succes succ esso sorr of Prola IIII. After his acce accessi ssion on to the throne, he devoted all his energy and resources to safeguarding his independent status and to extending his dominion whereve wher everr possible possible To pursue his policy policy of aggrandiz aggrandizemen ement, t, he had had to wage wars war s on many chief chi efs. s. A graphic graphic description, of his achievement achi evements s is given in his his Anmakonds Anmak onds insc inscrip rip-tion, a docum documen entt of gr great eat historical historical importance. import ance. It seems seems by the year 1162 A.D., the date of the Anmakonda record, Rudradeva vanquished a number of his enemies and transformed his petty principality into an extens extensiv ive e kingd kingdom om . The ininscrip scr ipti tion on mentio mentions ns the names of Dommaraja Dommaraja (Nagu (Nagunur nur principality in the Karimnagar district), Medaraja (Pakhal area to the the northnor th-eas eastt of Warangal) Warang al) and an d Mailag Mailagide ideva va (Polavasa territerritory in the Jagatyal Taluk of Karimnagar district) as opponents whom he had overcome in battl battle e These These victori victories, es, all in the region to the north of Anmakonda. enabled him to extend his dominion night upto the banks of the Godavari.i Then turning his attention to the south, Rudradev Rudradeva a burnt burnt the cit ity of Chododaya. the ruler of Kondapall lli (whodie ied about
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this time due to poisoning poisoning by his brother Bhima). Af Afte terr this this,, he marched on Vardhanapura, the capital of Bhima who had poisoned poisoned his brother brother Chodadaya to death. Bhima fled to the forest and the capital was easily captured by the Kakatiyas. These conquests were also consolidated. Rudradeva seems to have devoted the later part of his reign to the conquest of the coastal region. region. He regarded himhimself as the political political successor of the Western Chalukyan emperors and laid claim to the sovereignty over Vengi and other parts of the coastal Andhra country, earlier conquered and enjoyed by Vikramaditya VI and his son until 1133 A.D, He started making his efforts to avenge his father's death in the hands of the Telugu Chodas of Velanadu and their subordinates. ordinates . The latter were ruling ruling over the territory (comprisin (comprising g of the Kurnool, Guntur, Krishna and the Gddavari districts) to the south south of the Kakatiya kingd kingdom. om. By the time of Ra Rajendra jendra Choda lI, the decline had set in for the Velanadu kingdom. The Chalukyas Chalu kyas in the the Vengi Vengi manetela were continuing continuing the their ir intrigues intrigues as usual. usual. Apart Apar t from this, during during the year y ears s 11 1176 76-8 -82 2 A.D., A.D ., the batt battle le of Palanadu Palanadu was fought. Rudradev Rudr adeva a rendered ren dered mili milita tary ry assista ass istance nce to to Nalagama' Nal agama's s faction. In this this bat battle tle,, the the military strength stre ngth of Velanadu had got weakened. weakened . Expl Exploit oiting ing the situation, Rudradeva led his forces into coastal Andhra and conquered conquered upt upto o Srisailam and Trpurantaka Trpuran takam m in the south. In 1186 A.D., Gonka III of Velanadu might have lost his life in battle with Rudradeva and his son Prithvisvara confined his rule rule to the north of Godavari (Pithap (Pi thapura uram). m). Accordin Acco rding g to Anmakonda inscription, his kingdom comprised the whole area between Srisailam and Tripuran Trip urantaka takam m in the south, the Malyavantam in the north, the Bay of Bengal in the east and Kalyani in the west. The history of the last decade of Rudradeva is a dark spectrum. spectrum. However in the last l ast year y ear of his reign reign (1195(1195-96 96 A.D.), he came into conflict conflict with the Seunas Seunas (Yadav (Ya davas) as) of D Dev evag agir iri. i. Whether it is a defensive war or offensive war, it is uncertian. But one certainty is that Rudra suffered defeat and death in his encounter with the Seuna king Jaitugl or Jaitrapala I.
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Being a powerful werful kin king, Rudradeva both up an extensive kin kingdom. He paved the way ffor or the subjug bjugation of Vengi by his successors successors by contracti contracting ng diplomatic tic and matrimonial allian alliances ces with with the great feudatory feuda tory families families such such as the the Ko Kola las s and the Natavadis. Sivayogasara Sivayogasara refers to his his foun foundin ding g near near his capital Anmakonda of a new town town called alled Orugallu, allu, destined to become the prin incipal city of the entire Andhradesa under his successors. Rudra was also a patron patron of art and letters. letters. Many splendid temples built in the Chalukyan style rose all over the country. The famous fam ous Thousand Pilla Pillarr Tem Templ ple e (known as the Rudresvara temple) temple) at Anmakonda was built built dur durin ing g this period period.. Rudra is descri described bed as the resort and refuse of learned men. men. The The authorship authorship of a work on raj r ajan aniti iti called called 'Nitisaranm' 'Nitisa ranm' in Sanskrit is attributed to him
After Rudradeva's death and the imprisonment of his nephew Ganapati in the hands of the Yadavas of Devagiri. his younger brother Mahadeva ascended the throne and ruled the kingdom kingdom for fo r a short span span of about about three three years yea rs (1195 (11 95/9 /9661198 1198/9 /99 9 A.D. A. D.). ). He led led an expedition against the Yadava Yada va kingdom to avenge Rudra's death and also get the release of his son Ganapati. He lost lost his life in in the battle
3.
GANAPATIDEVA (1199-1262 A.D. A.D.))
Follo Following wing the death death of Mahadeva and the captivity captiv ity of Ganapati. disorders broke out in the kingdom kingdom The nobles nobles rose rose in revolt. The rulers rulers of the neig neighb hbou ouri ring ng states, state s, especial especially ly the Mudigonda Chalukyan king Nagati and the Chalukya-Chola emperor Kulottunga Kulottunga III III. invaded invade d the country. countr y. But Recher Recherta ta Rudra, the commander-in-chief of the Kakatiya ruler, saved the kingdom kingdom from fro m crum crumbl blin ing. g. His titles titles 'Kakatjyarajyabharad 'Kakatjyarajy abharadhauhaureya' and 'Kakatirajyasamartha indicate that the carried on administration in the name of his lord lord and sovereig sovereign n Gana Ga napa pati tide deva va's 's impris imprisonm onment ent did did not last very ve ry lo long He was set free and an d sent back back to rule rule his king kingd dom This This might be due to sympathy and generosity of the Yadava king Jaitra-
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pala, who had his own political considerations (like his desire to secure himself against an attack from Warangal side in the event of a conflict with the aggressive Hoyasalas in the south) in setting Ganapatideva at liberty.
Ganapatideva's reign, reckoned as beginning in 1199 A.D. lasted for fo r 62 years. It is one of the most brilli brilliant ant epochs epo chs in the histor historyy of Andhrades Andh radesa. a. Being Being an energet ene rgetic ic monarch, monarch, Ganapati during his long reign brought under his sway by war or diplomacy almost the whole land inhabited by the Teluguspeakin speaking g peoples. He took advantage of the dismemberment dismemberment of the Western Chalukyan and Chola empires. Ganapatideva started his successful career of conquest with the invasion of the coastal districts with strong contingents in 1201 A.D. The Velanati chief Prithvisvara, who exercise exer cised d some sort of authority over his ancestral kingdom, was not strong enough to check the unruly nobility or to stem the forces of disinteg disintegrati ration. on. Ganapatideva Ganapatid eva seized this opportunity. Accompanied by all the subordinate chiefs like the Kotas, Natavadis and Malyalas, first Bezwad a was cap tured. tur ed. Then the island fortress of Divi, the headquarters of the Ayya chiefs, was plundered. For the significa sign ifica nt part pl ay ed by the Malyala Malyala chief Chaunda in this expedition, he was conferred with the title 'Divichurakara' (the plunderer of the island of Divi) by Ganap ati. Bein Being g an as tu te politician, the latter followed a policy of conciliation towards the vanquished chiefs. Ganapatideva restored their possessions, married Narama and Perama, the two daughters of Ayya Pina Chodi and took their brother Jaya Ja ya pa into into his his service. Subsequently Subseq uently he an and d the Telugu Choda chiefs, Tikka (of Nellore)' and Ballaya (probably of Kammanadu) fought ag agai ai ns t Prithvisvara a nd killed him. him. With Wit h his his death, death, the rule of the Velanati chiefs came to an end and their territory came into the possession of Ganapatideva. Ganapati appears to have sent between 1212 A.D. and 1230 A.D. two expeditions against the kings of the southern regi region on.. The expansion expansi on of the K ak at iy a power in the southern direction was the direct outcome of his alliance with the
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Telug Telugu u chol cholas as of Nellore Nellore.. Taking advantag advantage e of the dism dismem embe berrment ment of the Chalukya-Chola Chalukya-Cholas, s, the Nellor Nellore e Cholas Cholas asser asserted ted their independence in the Nellore, Cudap Cudapah ah and Chin Chingt gtep eput ut districts. districts. During the reign of Manum Manumasid asiddhi dhi 1 the ChalukyaChola ruler ruler Kulottun Kulottunga ga III III inva invade ded d the Telugu Telugu Chol Chola a king kingdo dom m, dislodged him and placed his younger brother Nallasiddni on the throne of Nellore. Nellore . Manumasid Manumasiddhi dhi I's son Tikka, Tikka, the rightful heir to the the throne, sought Ganapatid Ganapatideva's eva's help help to rega regain in his patrimony patrimony from his uncles, uncles, In the war on Prithvisvara, Prithvisvara, this Tikka joined forces with the Kakatiya Kakati ya mona monarch rch.. In return for this help, Ganapatideva marched against Nellore, drove away Tikka's Tikka' s uncle uncle and his supporters and installed instal led Tikka on the throne thro ne of Nellore. Nellore. However during the years ye ars 1p1 1p155-12 1228 28 A.D.. Tikka Tik ka had again been driven from the throne. It might might be due due to the the Chaluky Chalukya-Cho a-Chola la and Yada Ya dava va menace. menace. These These trou troubl bles es he could overcome again with the help of his friend Ganapatideva. The Seuna army wa was s defeated in the Karum Karumulu ulurr ((Cad Cad-dap-ah district) distr ict) battle. Kanchi was plunde plundered red.. Tikka Tikka was re-est re- establ ablish ished ed at Nellore Nellore and Kanchi. Then hen to strengthen his position in the interior of his kingdom, Tikka appointed the Kayastha Gangaya Sahini, a relation of one of Ganapatideva's vassals, as the governor of upper-Pakanadu Tikka, who kept on friendly relations with the ChalukyaChola emperors, aided by Ganapatideva, marched to the south at the head of a large army and killed Karnata (Hoyasala) Narasimha II in battle at Jambai in 1239 A.D., defeated in the following year Narasimha's son Somesvara, Somesvar a, who had attacked him to avenge avenge his fath fa ther er's 's death, and assumed assumed his his (somesvara's) title 'Chola Sthapanacharya'. Subsequent to his victory over Prithisvara, Ganapatideva want wa nted ed to brin bring g the latter's possessions possessions in Kalinga under his rule. In this thi s Kalinga Kaling a expedition, Bhima. Bhima. the Telugu Telugu Chol Chola a chief chief of Eruva. and Raj Ra janay an ayak aka, a, the com comma mand nder er of the Rech Recher erla las. s. also participated and conquered several places in Vengi. Orissa and an d Basta Bastarr state. state . Thou Though gh this expedition of Gaoa Gaoapat patide ideva va was was a brilliant demonstration of his military strength, it did not produce prod uce any tan t angi gibl ble e results results from fr om the view point point of terr territ itor oria iall
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gains. For For no trace of the Kakatiya rule rule has so far been disdiscovered to the-north of Draksharama in the East Godavari distr district ict (Rajan (Ra janaya ayaka's ka's Draksharama Draksh arama inscri inscripti ption on dated dat ed 1212 A.D .), The The eastern Ga Gang nga a king king Ananga Ana nga Bhima IIl and his subsubordinates ordinates like like Godhumarati Godhumarati and Padiyaraya Padiyara ya soon asserted their authority Ganapatideva Gana patideva reduced the Telugu Cholas Cholas of Konid Ko nidena ena (Narasaraopet Taluk, Guntur district) and the Chakranarayana princ princes es of Ad da nk i to obedience by 12171217-18 18 A,D . When, When, espousing the cause of the Velanati chiefs, the Kalinga ruler Ananga Bhima III led his march against Vengi, Ganapatideva sent Induluri Soma Pradhani along with Eruva Bhima, Kalapa Nayaka and Malyala Hemadri Reddi to expel the Kalingas from Vengi Vengi and an d brin bring g that country under his his control. In the course co urse of this campaign, Kolanu or Sasasipuri was conquered in 1231 A.D. The Velana Vel ana ti descenda desc enda nts of Prithvisv ara took to flig flight. ht. Subsequent aggressive activities of Kalinga Bhima's son and successor Narasimha I were also effectively tackled by Ganapatideva's men and the Kakatiya power in the Godavari vailey remained undisturbed until the end of Ganapatideva's reign. When Tikka died in 1248 A.D., the Nellore kingdom was plun plunge ged d into into lawlessness. lawles sness. One Vijaya -Gandago -Gan dago pala seized Chingleput and North Arcot districts leaving only Nellore and Cuddapah Cuddapah districts to Tikka's son and succes suc cessor sor Manumasiddhi II. He allied himself with the Chalu Ch alukya kya-Ch -Ch ola he heiir apparent Rajendra III and the Karnataka ruler Vira Somesvara. At the same juncture, the agnates Tikkarra and Bayyana drove aw ay Manu masiddhi masidd hi II from his capital Nellor Nellore. e. Rak kasa Ganga, a scion of the Vaidumba family , ousted oust ed Man uma's uma 's general Gangaya Sahini from his governorship and occupied the Cuddapah Cuddapa h regi region on.. Under these circumsta nces, Manuma Manuma sought, through his loyal minister and the famous Telugu poet Tikkana, the help help of Gana pa patrd trdev eva. a. The Nayanipalli Nayanipalli record (Guntur district) refers to the march of a powerful Kakatiya army under its general Samanta Bho ja to the south. Nellore was reduced to ashes. ash es. Tikkana Tikkana and Bayyana Bayya na were kill killed. ed. The combined forces of the kings of Dravida and Karnataka and
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of Vijaya-Gandagopala were defeated at Prayeru (Palaiyaru in the Tanjore Tanj ore distric district) t) and and Kanchi was captured captured in 125 1250 A.D A.D. Soon with the support of Ganapatideva, Manuma and Gangaya reconquered the territory seized seized by the Vaidum Vaidumba ba chief, chief, Rakkasa Ganga. Ganga. With the the conse consent nt of Manum Manumasid asiddhi dhi IIII, Ganapa Ganapatidev tideva a conferred the reconquered territory on Kayastha Gangaya Sahini es a family estate. estate. Ganapatideva appears to have maintained maintained on the whole cordial cordial relations with his western neigh neighbo bours urs the Seunas (Yada (Ya dava vas) s).. Both Both the the powe powers rs in fact fac t joined joine d hands hands and tried to check the expansion of the Pandyan power in the early years of the reign reign of Jatavarma Sundara Pandya Pandya I (of Madura) Madu ra) who aggressively subjugated between 1251 A.D. and 1257 A.D. the whole whole of Southern Souther n India and establi estab lishe shed d the Pandyan hegemony hegemony over it. As a political successor successor to the Cholas, Jatavarma forced Vijaya Gandagopala of Kanch; and his ally the Kadava chief Kopperunjinga to submit to the authority of the Pandyas. Pandy as. He next turned turned his attention attenti on to Nellore. ManuManumasiddhi II of Nellore appealed to the Kakatiya, the Seuna and the Bana Bana rulers rule rs for help help.. To divert the attention attenti on of the foes, Jatavar Jat avarrna rna divided his his army into into two tw o sections, despatched one one section under his new vassals Rajendra Chola III, Kupperunjnga and Vijaya-Gandagopala into the Kakatiya kingdom and himself leading the main army advanced along the coast towards Nellore. The adva advanc nce e guard led by Kopperunjing Kopperunjinga a penetrated as far as Draksharama in the East Godavari district. The Kadava chief suffered reverses at the hands of Ganapatideva and was forced for ced to acknowledge acknowledge his his suzeraint suzera inty. y. Rajendra Chola Chola lII and Vijaya-Gandagopala were forced to retreat by the Kayastha chiefs. Jatavarma, Jatavar ma, who who march marched ed on Nellore with the mam mam army, swept all opposition and reached Muttukur. a village near Nellore Nell ore.. In the fierce battle battle her here, e, in 12 1263 A.D. Manu Manuma masid siddh dhii II was killed and his allies the Kakatiya and Seuna forces suffered terribly. terri bly. The The Nellore Nellore kingd kingdom om wa was s annexed to the the Pandyan Pandyan empire. Jatava Jat avarma rma celeb celebrate rated d Virabhish Virabhisheka eka both both at Nellore Nellore and Kanchi. Kanchi. This wa was s a terrib terrible le blow low for for the ascendency ascendency of Kakatiyas.
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Ganapatideva was undoubtedly the greatest greatest ruler of his dynasty. He succeeded to a large extent extent in restoring the politilitical unity of the Telugu country. His rule was helpful helpful to the prosperity of his realm, Warangal was furt urther forti ortified and made capital. Ganapatideva provided provided irrigation rrigation tank tanks s to the peasantry. He pursued an enlighten enlightened commercial ercial policy. His Motupalli lli pillar inscriptio ription dated 1245 A.D. records records an asassurance of protection tection to merchants engaged in forei foreign gn trade. trade. He was staunch saivi aivite He built temples and patron tronised tea eaming. The famous Ramappa te temple near Palampeta in the Warangal distri rict is is of his period.
il 1269 A.D., Though Ganapathid ideva va wa live until ., he handed was alive over th the threads of administration to to his daughter Rudramadevi in 1262 A.D. itself itself and retired from from active active politics litics.
4.
RUDRAMADEVI (1259 (1259-1289 A.D.) D.)
Ganapatidev patideva a had no male issue. But he had two two daughters. Rudram Rudramadevi adevi and Genapamadevi. vi. Rudram Rudramadevi adevi or Rudram udramba was given given in marria rriage to a prince of the Eastern Chalukyan lin lineage (of Nidadavolu) called lled Virabhadra. Virabhadra. The second daughter was given given in in marriage to Beta of the Kota family. Rudramadevi was nominated as heir apparent and she began began to rule the the kingdom conjointly wi with her father ather as his co-regent -regent fr from 1259-60 A.D. A.D. onwards, under the name of Rudradeva Rudradeva Maharaja. In the first first two or three years of her conjoint rule with with her fathe father, the king kingdom was thrown into confusion nfusion and disorder due to Jatavarma Sundara Pandya I' I's invasion and the disastr disastrous ous defeat of the Kakat Kakatiiyas along wi with their their allies allies on the battle field ield of Muttukur near Nello ellore Though Ganapati was was ultim ultimately successful in turning back the tide tide of invasion, yet yet he suff suffered ered loss of terri territory end prestige tige and his hold over his feud feudatories ries and nobles bles was shaken. Under these circum circumstances, he retired retired from activ active politics. Though Rudramadevi assumed full sove vere reig ignty ty in 1262-63 AD, she was not the the crowned crowned queen till the year 1269 A.D.. ..
me date date of Kayastha Kaya stha Jannigadeva's Duggi (Palnad (Pal nad Taluk Ta luk)) reco record rd
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which speaks of Rudrama as Patto ttodhriti riti (queen (queen-designate) of Ganapatid ideva Maharaja. It was only after the death of her father about the year 1269 A.D .D., she celebrated her coronatio ion. Rudra ramadevi vi's nominatio ion and succession to the throne was not generally approved. Some of th the nobles, who were re unwilli willin ng to to submit to a woman's authority rity took up arms against her Ekamranatha s 'Prata 'Pratapachantra' ref refers ers to her step-brothers ep-brothers Harih iharadeva va and Murarid ideva oustin ing Rudrama, and capturin ing Warangal, and Rudrama eff effecti ectively ely tackling tackling them with with th the help of the the citi citizens and some of her powerful supporters. rters. However no other evidence is is available vailable to prove the exist existen ence of her step-brothe step-brothers. Even if it is believed believed that some intransigent nobles bles and near relati relation ons rebelled against Rudrama's a's authority, rity, the Kayastha Kayastha chief chiefs s Jannigedeva and his younger brothers brothers Tripurari and Ambadeva, Ambadeva , Rech Recher erla la Prasad Pra sadit itya ya and the the Redd Reddii chief chiefs s like Gona Gannaya and a host of others who remained firmly loyal to the the que queen, espoused her cause and helped her to defeat the rebels. With With regard to to the ex extternal dangers, the Kalin linga King Narasimha I who suff suffered ered a defeat previously at the hands of Ganapatideva tideva, taking taking advantage of the distr distracted acted conditio dition in the Kakat Kakatiiya dominions, marched wit with his forces into the Godavari delta lta to recover his lost possessons. His short and incomplete ins inscripti cription on at Draksha raksharama dated 1262 A.D. A.D. attests attests the same. The minor Chalukyen fam families and the Haihaya chiefs, iefs, who were ruling in the erstwhile ile Vengi terri territori tories es during this period, did did not recognise any overlord. Whether they were actuall lly independent or nominally autonomous princes (because of Veerabhadra's dra's relationship), it is not certain. But the position ition is is that no trac trace of the Kakatiya Kakatiya rule is to be be fou found eithe either in the Godavari valley valley or in Vengi until 1278-79 A.D. In the later ater part of the reign of Rudramadevi, the above provin vinces came ba back under her swa way. y. Her commanders Poti Nayaka and Proli Nayaka fough fought against Kalin linga Vira Vira Bhanudeva I. son and succ ccess ssor of Narasim imha I and his accomplic ices Arju junadeva, the Matsy atsya a chief of Oddadi and others and inflicted nflicted a crushing defeat on th them. They eve ven assumed th the title e title 'G 'Gaja japatim imatta tama-
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDHR AS
tangasimha' (lion (lion to the rutting elephant, viz. viz. the Gajapati Gajapati)), and 'Oddiyarayamanamardana' (th (the destroyer troyer of the pride ride of Oddiyaraya). The Kakatiya katiya power was thus re-establ re-establiished in the coastal Andhra country. try.
victory of Muttukur, a targe part of In the south, , after the victo the Kakatiya katiya terri territory tory was under th the sway of the Pandyas. As a subordinate of the Pandyan monarch, the las last Chaluk ChalukyayaChola ruler Rajendra III ruled Nellore llore and its dependencies. Even the eastern part of the Cuddapah district district and Chit Chittore sway. The Kalukada chiefs iefs district were under the Pandyan sway. Kesavadeva Kesavadeva and his brother Somideva, encouraged by the Pandyas. proclaimed their independence and ev even en made ade, successful inroads (1267-69 A.D.) into the Kayastha territory territory which remained under the form formers at leas least for for someti etime. Rudramadevi faced the most serious serious danger fr from the west. It threatened to overth verthrow the Kakat Kakatiiya monarch. The Sauna ruler Mahadeva, who succeede succeeded d to to the the throne of DevaDevagin in 1260 A.D., invaded invaded the Kakati Kakatiya ya kin kingdom in the early early years years of his rule. The Yadava Yadava records credit him with with victory victory against th the Kakati Kakatiyas According to Hemadri' adri's 'Vr 'Vrataata-Kha Khanda , he left her free ree 'because of his reluctan reluctance to to kill kill a woman'. His title title Telungarayasirahkamalamulotpa ulotpatana' suggests tha that he 'uprooted the stalk of the lotus of the head of Telungaraya'. All these accounts are are one-sided. e-sided. The fact fact is that Mahadeva never killed killed any ruler of the Telugu country. It was only a heriditary titl title. e. One of the predecessors of Mahadeva, Jaitugi I killed killed Kakati kati Rudra in 1195/96 A.D. However, wever, it may be said that though his attac ttack was successful successful initi nitially, ally, it ended in in dismal failure. ailure. 'Pratapachantram' mention entions that Rudramadevi fought valian valiantly, tly, put Mahadeva to flight, pursued the Seuna forces forces upto Davagin and force forced d him to conclude a treaty eaty wit with her and pay a crore of gold coins as war indemnity. nity. The epigraphic evidence from from Panugal (Nalgonda dist distr rict) ct) and Hire-Ko re-Kogil gilun bears testim testimony to this. A hoard of Seuna coins discove discover red at Rachapatnam (Kaikalur Kaikalur Taluk of the Krish rishna dist distr rict) ct) probably 'represents a part of th the money which which Rudramba, according to Pratapachartram, received received fr from Mahadeva deva as war war indemnity nity and distributed distributed among the the off officers of her army'
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In the south, the situation became still worse. As alr lready
seen, aft after the Muttukur conflict, lict, the Nellore king kingdom came under the sway of the Pandyas and was was placed under their vassals. As the Pandyan inscriptions at Nandalur and Tirupa Tirupati indicate, ev even en the Vallum Vallum Kayasthaking kingdom came into the possession of the Pandyas (thei (their r subordinates the Kalukad lukada Vaidumba chiefs were were in charge). rge). Though the Kakat Kakatiiya vassal Mahamandalesvara esvara Nagadeva deva Maharaja haraja conquered Nello Nellore and the surrounding terr terriitory, it was a temporary phenomenon which lasted just fo for five ive years (1271 (1271-75 A.D.) A.D.). The area was reoccupied by by the Telugu Cholas who paid allegian llegiance to to the
Pandyas.
The Kayastha chief Jannigadeva re-occupied the territories of the Valluru kingdom and freed thus from the Pandyan sway. He and his brother brother Tripura Tripuraride rideva va I (1270-72 A.D A .D..) continu continued ed to rule the Valluru Valluru kingdom kingdom as the vassals of Rudrama Rudramadevi. devi. However with the succession of their younger brother AMBADEVA to the throne in 1272 A.D., the situation underwent a change. Ambadeva wa was s ambitious and powerful. powerful. From From the beginning, he resolved to resuscitate the fortunes of his family and carve out an independent independent kingdo kingdom m fo for himself. himself. To pursue these objects, he was in constant wars with his neighbours during his long reign of thirty-two years. Ambadeva stopped paying allegiance to the Kakatiya queen almo almost st fro from m the very begi beginn nnin ing g of his his ru rule le.. His Tripurantakam Tripurantakam inscription inscription dated 1290 A.D. records his achievements. achievements. It seems seems that he befriended himself with the Pandyas and the Saunas and with thei theirr military military assistanc assistance e proclaimed his indep indepen ende denc nce. e. He is said to have successfully fought with the seventyfive kings. Thes These e king kings s migh mightt be the Kakatiy Kakat iya a Nayankaras. Ambaya defeated defeated the Gurin Gurinda dala la (Gunjala in the Palnad Palnad Taluk of the Guntur Guntur district) district) chie chieff 'Rayasahasramalla 'Rayasahasramalla Sripati Gana Ganapa pati. ti. He also subjugated the Kalukada Vaidumba chiefs Kesavadeva and Somideva Somideva and their their ally ally Allu Allu Gang Gangu u of Gutti Gutti (Anantapur (Anant apur district). ct ). He kill killed ed Eruva Mal Mallilide deva va Ch Choda oda in battle and occupie occupied d Eruvanadu Eruvanadu Pendekallu Pendekallu also came came into his possession possession Kopperunji perunjinga nga was put put to death and thereby Ambadeva assumed the title title 'Kadavarayi 'Kadavarayi Vid Vidhvams hvamsaka' aka' With With these these conquests. conquests. Gandtkota, Gandtkota, Mulik Mulikin inad adu, u, Rena Renadu. du. Sakilinadu, Er Eruva uva and PottapiPottapi10)
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HISTORY OF THE THE ANDHRAS
nadu were were added to the Kayastha kin kingdom. He restored restored Manumagandagopala on th the th throne of Nello lore and made him im his vassal. The Pandyas, who attem ttempted to restore their sway sway here, were defeated and driven away. As a result of this, the Pandyan suzerainty in in Andhradesa came to an end. But the establish establishment of a strong, extens extensive and independent rts, gave a jo jolt to kingdom in the southern parts, Kayastha kingdo to the imperial authority rity of the the Kakatiyas. Kakatiyas. Rudramadevi could not tolerat olerate e the headstrong and disdisloyal Ambadeva. adeva. She sent an army under her general Mallillikarjun karjuna against the rebel chief hief. However, as the recently tly disco discovered vered Chandupatla (Nalgonda Nalgonda distr distriict) grant dated dated 1283 A.D. indicates, Ambadeva adeva seems to have killed killed Rudrama along wit with Mallikarjun llikarjuna Nayaka in battle ttle in that year. It was Pratap Prataparudra II, successor of Rudrama that succeeded in supressing the Kayast Kayastha ha revolt later. Rudramadevi was undoubtedly ubtedly one of th the greatest greatest rulers of Andhradesa. Her sex did not come on her way in in di discharging the duties of her exalted lted office. She took an active part in governing the country country and str strove hard to to prom promote the best interests nterests of the state. In spite of the wars which frequentl requently y disturbed the country, untry, her people remained contented ented and happy under her rule. Rudrama strengthened strengthened the the Warangal fort ort sti still furt urther. her. She had also a deep moat dug around it Marcopolo. the Venetian tian travell traveller er who paid a visit visit to the kingdo kingdom probably bly a little later, later, speaks highly of her administrative nistrative qualiti qualities, es, benign rule and greatness. Rudramadevi had no male issue out only two daughters Mummadamma and Ruyyam Ruyyamma. On the advice advice of her fat fathe her r, she she adopted dopted Mummadamma's a's son Prataparudra (II) as her son and as heir to the throne. On her demise, Pratapa Prataparudra rudra II II ascended the the thron throne of Warangal 5
PRATAPARUDR UDRA II (1289/90-1 1289/90-1323 323 A.D.) D.)
Dr. P V. Parabhr Parabhrahm ahma Sastri stri contended, on the basis of the Chandupatla (near Nakarikall rikallu. u. Nalgonda distr distriict) inscripcripron, that Rudramadevi died in the month of November, 1289 A D . fghtin ting batt battlle against the rebal Kayestha chief Ambadeva. On the dea eath of Rudrama, her er grandson Prata taparudra, who
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was adopted by her as son and as heir apparent on the advice of her father ather Ganapatideva, tideva, ascended the throne at the beginning of the year 1280 A.D. A.D. At the ti time of his accession, he was about thirty thirty fi five years old. Before Before his grandmother's r's death, he had been associated with with her for for several years in the administrat nistratiion of the king kingdom with the the names Kakati Rudrakumara Rudrakum ara and Kumara Kumara Rudradeva. Rudradeva. If the cont conten enti tion on of Dr. Parabrahma Sastri that Rudrama was killed at the hands of the rebel Ambadeva badeva in battle, ttle, is accepted, then it must be agreed that even after his accession to the throne of Warangal in 1289/90 A.D., Prataparudra was referred as Kumara Rudradeva. In the Nataka Prakarana of 'Prataparudra Yasobhushanam', the author Vidyanatha refers that when the prince was bom because it looke looked d as if the t he Sun-ris Sun -rise e took plac place, e, so he he was named Prataparudra.
As Dr. Dr. M. Ramarao pointed out. his his (Prataparudra's) (Pratapar udra's) is 'an eventful re reig ign n Like the reig reign n of of Aurangzeb, it shows hig high watermark of the Kakatiya glory and also witnesses inevitable but pitiab pitiable le reaction reaction in the oppos opposite ite direction'. Prataparudra Prataparudra had to fight battle battles s throughou throughoutt his his reign reign against either the internal re rebe bels ls or the the external external foes. foe s. The The caste-ridden caste-ridden factiona fact ionall rivalries among the Kayastha, the Velama and the Reddi communities munitie s might have hav e incit incited ed the internal revolt revolts. s. As a result result of these constant internal troubles and the external dangers, especially the invasions of the aliens, the Kakatiya empire ultimately collapsed. Eversince Prataparudra assumed the reigns of government. he made the th e rehabilitation rehabilitation of the kingdom kingdom his his sole sole aim. aim. To strengthen the defences of the kingdom, he set about reorganizing organ izing the adminis administra trativ tive e system. sys tem. Tradition, Tradition, based based on authentic facts, points out that he recruited exclusively from the Velama community seventy five or seventy seven nayaks, assigned them territories and entrusted to each of them the defence defe nce of one one of the seventy-seven seventy-seven basti bastion ons s of the the (on (on of his his capita cap itall Warangal. He must must have found the the Vel Velam ama a (Pa (Padm dma a Naya Na yaka ka)) chieftains chie ftains emin eminen entl tly y fitted to the the duty. duty. This wellmeant reform refor m and the speci pecial al favou fa vourr shown to the Velama Velama
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HISTORY OF THE TH E ANDHRAS
community, of course, excited the jealousy of the Reddi chieftains tains who grew sul sulle len n and discontented. Prataparudra even centralised power as far as possible. 'Prataparudra put his new-modelled army to test by pitting against the rebe rebell Kayastha Kaya stha chief Ambadeva. Ambadev a. He proved prov ed more than a match to Ambaya. Amb aya. He knew fully well that an attack on Ambaya would also involve him in a war with his allies, the Seunas and the Pandyas. So he wante wa nte d to isolate Ambadeva from those allies and deal with each of them separately, For this, he launched a three-pronged attack on Ambadeva's territories and at the same time to dispatch separate expeditions against his a/lies, who sent fierce elephants and fleetfooted horse s as auxili ary forces to the assista ass istance nce of the Kayasthas. Kayastha s. In 1291 A.D., A.D., a large army under Gannaya, Ganna ya, son of Kolani Sornamantri and his cousin Annayadeva, son of Induluri Peda Gannayamantri, defeated Ambadeva and forced him to retr re treat eat southwards into Mulikinadu Mulikinadu.. As a result result of this victory, Tripurantakam and the surrounding territory passed into the hands or the Kakatiy Kak atiya a monarch. In the course of the same campaign, the Cheraku chief, Rajanarendra who was probably a vassal and ally of Ambadeva, was put to death. The inscriptions testify to the fact that subsequently the Cherakus continued to rule the Nandikotkur Nandikotkur Taluk Taluk of the Kurnool district as vassals of the Kakatiya monarch. While the encounter with Ambadeva and the Cherukus was in progress in the west, another section of the Kakatiya army under the command of Adidam Mallu marched along the coast towards Nellore to prevent its chief Manuma-Gandagopala from joining forces with his patron Ambadeva or sending him military assis ass istanc tance. e. Mallu Mallu killed Manuma Manuma in the encounter and placed Raja-Gandagopala on the throne of Nellore in 1290 A.D. But this Raja-Gandagopala soon turned against his benefactor and joined hands with with the Pandyas. Pa ndyas. A second sec ond expeditio expedition n was wa s sent sent against Nello Nellore re by Prataparudra. Raja-Gan Raja -Gan dagopala dago pala and and his Pandyan allies were defeated.
Another expedition, under Gona Vitthala from his headquarters Vardhamanapura (Vaddamanu in the Mahaboobnagar
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district), was sent against the Seuna territory on the western frontier. Vitthala Vitthala must have wreste wres ted d the Krishna-Tungab Krishna-Tungabhadra hadra doab from the Seunas of Devagiri and fortified Raichur so that the entire region could effectively be controlled from that fort. Ambadeva, who was compelled to retire by the Kakatiya army from Tripurantakam and its surrounding territories, continued to rule over ove r his native nati ve Mulikinadu until until 13 1304 A.D. He and his successors succes sors staye sta yed d indepen independent dent.. It was in the year 1309 A.D. that Prataparudra sent an army against them under hisgeneralMaharaya-pattasahi Maharaya- pattasahini ni Somaya Nayaka, Nayaka, Induluri Induluri Annaya and others. othe rs. The Kayasthas were everthrown and their terr terriitories were annexed to the Kakatiya Kakatiya kingdom, kingdom, Somaya Somay a Nayaka was entrusted with the government of these territories. Meanwhile the Kakatiya kingdom had to face the Turushka inroads inroads (1 (130 3033-10 10 A.D.) as a result of which the count country ry wa was s thrown into into calamity calamity and chaos, The failure failure of Protaparudra to ward off the Muslim invasion in 1309 A.D. under the command of Malik Naib Kafur, let loose the forces of disintegration in his empire empire.. Taking advantage advantage of this distract dist racted ed condition, the the Vadumba Vadumba chief Mallide Mallideva va of Gandikota Gandiko ta and the Telugu Chol Chola a ruler Ranganatha of Nellore rebelled against the central authority. rity. After A fter the retirement of the Muslim Muslim invaders invade rs from fr om Telangana, Prataparudra Prataparudra sent an army under under Juttayal Juttayalenka enka Gonkaya Gonk aya Reddi against against Mallideva. Mallideva. Mallid Mallideva eva wa was s defeated and killed. Pratapar Prataparudra udra made Gonkaya Gonkay a the governor of Mulikinadu and the surrounding territories with Gandikota as headquarters. In the meantime, civil war began in the Pandyan kingdom between Kulasekhara Pandya' Pand ya's s two sons, Vira Pandya and Sundara Sundar a Pandya for fo r the throne of Madur Madura. a. As a mediator, Malik Kafur entered Madurai kingdom, plundered and desecrated the temples at Kanchi, Madurai, Chidambaram, Srirangam and other places and carried away much loot, shattering the economy econ omy of the Tamil Tamil country. countr y. This This Mabar expedition of the Muslims proved prove d to be a purely purel y milita military ry raid. raid. The aftermath confusion in the Pandyan kingdom provided an opportunity for the Kerala and the Karnataka rulers to intervene in its affairs. Ravivarman Ravivarman Kulasekhara Kulasekhar a of Quilon defied the Pandyan authoautho-
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rity. At the same time, time, the Hoyasala Ballala Ballala III invaded and occupied a large part of Tondaim Tondaimand andalam alam,, includin including g perhaps perhaps Kanch anchi, i, and forced some of the local local chieftains, such as the Sambuvaraya of Padaividu and the Yadavaraya of Chandragiri to pay their their allegia allegiance nce.. According to N.V. Ramanayya, at the instance of Ala-ud-Din Khilji, i, Prataparudra alo long with the generals, the Padma Nayak chief Erra Dacha Nayaka along with Induluri Rudra, Muppidi Nayaka and Devari Nayaka, marched on the Pandya Pandyan n territory. Ranganatha Ranganatha wa was s driven away and a nd Nellore Nellore becam became e part and parcel parcel of the Kakati Kaka tiya ya empire empire.. Devari Nayaka occupied Kanchi from the Hoyasala forces, defeated both Ravivarma and Vira Pandya and anointed Sundara Pandya at Viradhavaia. The The Kakatiya Kakatiy a authority was thus thus established establi shed in the south upto Trichinopoly in the south. On the banks of the river Tungabhadra one Singaya Nayaka, a vas v assa sall of the Yadavas, establi est ablished shed an inde indepe pend nden entt Kam Kampili pili king kingdo dom, m, at Anego Anegondi. ndi. His son Kampilideva, Kampilidev a, who wa was s ambitious and aggressive, desirous of extending his kingdom, came into conflict with the Hoyasala ruler Ballala IIl. In this endeavour, he even sought the help help of Prataparudra. Prataparudra. When he failed failed to secure the assistance of the Kakatiya monarch, he got angry wit with him and in in order to humiliate him him assumed his titl titles es 'Mururayaraganda' 'Mururay araganda' and 'Virarudr 'Virarudrnaga naganda' nda'.. Prataparudra bebecame came furious at this and sent sent Bendapudi Bendapudi Annayamatya Annayamaty a and Recherla Singama Singama Nayaka against Ka Kampil mpili. i. The Kakatiya Kakatiya generals humbled the pride of Kampilideva. To augment the financial resources and replenish the treasury, which became empty due to many a war waged against the internal rebels and the external foes and the frequent inroads of the Muslims and also due to the continual payment of tribute tribute to Delhi, Prataparudra tried his best. In the th e Cuddapah, Kurnool and Palnad areas, trees were cut down, forests were wer e cleared and an d new lands lands were wer e brough broughtt under cultiva cult ivatio tion. n. Tanks and well wells s were dug dug to provide irrigational facil fa ciliti ities. es. New New settlements came into existence.
Prataparudra was a man of cultural tastes and pursuits. He patronised men of letters both in Sanskr San skrit it and Tel Telug ugu. u. Hi His s
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court court po poet et Vidyanatha wrote 'Prataparudra 'Pratapa rudra Yasobhushanam' on poetic poeticss in Sanskrit. Sans krit. Agas Ag asty tya a and Viswanatha had also their their contribut contribution ion in in Sanskrt. Sanskrt. Pra tap arudra aru dra 's ministers ministers and generals generals also patronised poets and scholars. 6. PRATAPARUDRA PRATAPARUDRA AND THE THE MUSL MUSLIM IM INVASIONS (The Muslim Invasions on Andhra) The glory of the Kakatiya realm which was at its zenith during the reign of Prataparudra, exited the jealousy of his neighbours, especially the Yadavas of Devagiri and tire Oriya rulers of Cuttack and led them even to make common cause with any power that sought to humble the pride of the Kakatiyas. tiya s. 'Unfortunately 'Unfortunately for the Andhras Andh ras such a mighty mighty power came forth in the dynasty of the Imperial rulers (The Khaljis and then then the Tughlaks) of Delh Delhi.i.'' Ala-ud-din Khalji was the first Sultan of Delhi to undertake expedition against Andhra. It is to be viewed as part of his grand scheme of invasions of the Deccan and South Indi India. a. S.K. Aiya Ai yang ngar ar rightly ob obse serve rve s in his work 'South India and Her Muhammadan Invaders' about the th e motives motives of Ala-ud-din in undertakin undertaking g these thes e expeditions thus: 'Al-ud-din's 'Al-ud-din's object in these thes e various various invasions of the Deccan and the farther south appears to have gone on farther than th an making mak ing them the milehmileh-co co for the gold gold that tha t he was often much in need for the efficient maintenance of his army to keep Hindustan free from internal disturbances and invasion by the Mughals (Mongols) from outside'. Ala-ud-din was by all counts, the first Muslim general who crossed the Vindhyas and invaded the Hindu States of South India. Being the nephew nephe w of Jalal-ud-din Jalal-ud-din Khalji Khalji,, the founder foun der of the Khalji rule in Delhi, he (Ali Gurshasp Malik was his real name) rendered his services to his uncle and father-in-law in crushing the revolt (Aug-Sept. 1290 A.D.) of the disaffected Turkish amirs led by Malik Chhajju-Kishlu Khan, governor of Kara. Ka ra. This young young man, calculating, unscrupulous unscrupulous and aggressive', was eventually appointed governor of Kara. Kara. His His domest domestic ic misery (due to haughty and arrogant wife) increased his thirst
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for fo r avengin avenging g himself on the family and his unsympa unsy mpatheti theticc critics by deeds that would free him from the bitter family tutelage and ensure him an independent and glorious existence. He realized that money was the first requisite and raid on the neighbouring Hindu states and beyond the Vindhyas appeared to assue a working capital for the furtherance of his his ultima ultimate te objective objecti ve of capturing capturi ng the throne of Delhi. Delhi. In this process, he first captured Bhilsa (Vidisha) near Bhopal, plundered and destroyed the richly endowed temples and collected enoromous enoromous booty. booty. Here Here he 'assid 'as siduou uously sly gathered knowl kno wledg edge e of the fabled fable d wealth of southern southern Hindu Hindu kingdoms'. On the pretext of invading Chanderi, Ala-ud-din, as a fugitive prince, marched in the winter of 1295 A.D. to Ellichpur and then passed through through Lasaura with his his eig eight ht thousand thousa nd picked pick ed cava ca valry lry.. He had his assault on the capital Devagiri of the Yadava kingdom, when its main army had gone southwards under heir apparent Singhana Deva. Deva . The ruler ruler Ramachandra sued for pe peac ace. e. Even Singhana who wh o arrived from fr om the south was also defeated. defeated. Enormous booty and huge war wa r indemnity indemnity were extracted. extrac ted. Devagiri Devagiri was wa s reduced to a vass va ssal al state. This invasion 'not only provided Ala-ud-din with the money, he needed so badly to further his ambitious plans to succeed to throne of Delhi but also opened the way to South India to the Mahammadans, none of whom had dared to cross the Vindhyas so far'. Ala-ud-din then hatched a plot, assassinated Jalal-ud-din, won the nobles over to his side with the Deccan money and usurped the Delhi throne throne in 12 1296 96 A.D. He was obliged to keep a large and effective army in order to keep the nobles under check, maintain law and order, subjugate and conquer the independent and semi-independent states, and to check the Mongol Mongol menace. menace. His revenue reve nue reforms reform s were due to his desire desire to increase incre ase state resources. The execution of his his policy policy of conques conq uestt of north India India drained drained mostly these resources. He soon felt the need to look for money outside his territory. His assiduously assiduous ly gathered gathe red earlier knowledge knowledge of the fabled fab led wealth of southern Hindu kingdoms beyond Devagiri came to his his help. Instead of conquering and annexing these kingdoms. kingdoms.
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he shrewdly shrewdl y opted for fo r squeezing squeezing them of their immens immense e treasures treasures and making them pay pay tributes tributes regularly to augment augment the imperial imperial treas tr easur ury. y. The political situation situation in the south at that tha t time was also also encouraging to him. him. The rulers of the Hoyasala, Pandya, Yadava and Kakatiya kingdoms, which which rose on the ruins of the Chalukyu and Chola empires, were engaged in war with each eac h other. other. So Ala-ud-din turned his attention attention beyond Devagiri on the Telugu country first. According to contemporary Hindu sources like 'Pratapacharitra', Vilasa and Kaluvacheru copper plate grants, there were no less than eight Muslim expeditions against the Andhra country alone during during the reign of Prataparudra, The Muslim Muslim accounts, however, refer to only five expeditions, of which three were victorious and two disastrous. The earliest expedition of Ala-ud-din against the Kakatiya kingdom kingdom took to ok place in 1303 A.D. While While he himself himself was was engaged in sieging the fort of Chitor in Rajasthan, he sent Malik Fakhr-ud-din Juna and Jhaju of Kara with troops by way of Bengal Bengal to Telangana. Telangana. The army, which already already suffer suf fered ed disdisaster in the course of the marc march h owin owing g to floods, was worste wor sted d at Uppa Upparap rapalli alli (Karimnagar district) district) by Reche Re cherf rfa a Venna and Potuganti Maili and was compelled to retreat in confusion. After settling satisfactorily the affairs of Hindustan and Western India India and having brought brought effectively Maharashtra (Devagiri kingdom) under control, Ala-ud-din devoted his attention to the conquest conquest of the Southern Southern Hindu States. Amir Khusrau and Barani gave a graphic account of these expeditions tions commencing from 1309 A.D. The Sultan dispatched a large lar ge army army under under Malik Malik Naib Kafur and Khwaja Khwaj a Haji to conquer Telangana to wipe off his earlier disgrace and also to chastise Prataparudra for giving asylum to the Hindu ruler of Gujarat. In tune with his policy towards the Southern rulers, he ordered Malik Naib Naib to leave leav e Pratapa Prataparudra rudra in possession of his dominions, dominions, if he should should submit to him and an d agree to pay trib tribut ute. e. The Delh Delhii army army pas p asse sed d through Devagiri and seized the hill hill of Anmakonda on 20 January, Januar y, 1310 A.D. After twenty-five twenty-fiv e days
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fighting, the outer mud fort of Warangal w a s taken by storm. While laying sieze of the inner stone fort, the Muslim army devastated the country side, terri fyin g the inhabitants. Thus Pratap arudra was forced to submit. Peace was restored. restored. 'War and peace with Sultan Ala-ud-din made little difference, the former involved death and the latter the loss of everything that one possessed'. Malik Malik Naib Naib left Waranga Wara ngall with wit h a high booty 'a thousand camels groaned, under the weight of the treasure'. Prataparudra remain rem ained ed a va ss a l of Delhi, Delhi, payin paying g the stipulated amount of tribute every year thereafter. Following Ala-ud-din's death in 1316 A.D., the revolution broke out in Delhi, which finally led to the accession of Qutbud-din Mubarak to the throne. Taking advan tage of this situa tion, Pratapa rudra stopped stopped paying tribute tribute to Delhi. The new Sultan sent his favourite slave Khusrau Khan to Warangal at the head of a powerful army to collect the arrears of tribute due to Delhi Delhi.. With regard to this this Khusrau Kh usrau Khan Kh an 's expedition to Warangal, Amir Khusrau and Isami gave conflicting accounts, While an overdrawn picture of the achievements of the Muslim general in Telangana was given by the former, the latter simply states that 'Khusrau collected all the tribute due to his master without without having having recourse to force'. force '. However both both the acco unts unt s clearly point out that Prataparudra paid the arrears of tribute and the Delhi authority was restored in Telangana Again when a series of events shook the Delhi empire to its its foun datio ns in 13 1320 A.D., Prata paru dra, accordin g to Firishta, Firishta, did not pay tribute . Afte Af terr Gh Ghiyas iyas-ud -ud-din -din Tughlak established the rule of his family in Delhi, reversing the policy of his his predecessors tow ards ard s the th e southern kingdoms kingdoms (squeezing as much money as possible), the Sultan wanted to bring the whole whole of Deccan peninsula peninsula under his direct control. contro l. In pursuit of this policy, he sent his son prince Juna Khan, who bore the title 'Ulugh Khan' (later Muhammad bin Tughlak), to the south. Ulug Ulugh h Khan marche m arched d to Wa rang ra ng al in 13211321-22 22 A.D. This was wa s the fou rth expedition expedition against Warangal. Waran gal. Ulugh Ulugh Khan marched marched to Warangal Wara ngal by way of Devagir Devagiri. i. Barani give givess us details of this expedition. Waranga Wara ngall wa s invested. A pro-
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tracted and fierce fierc e strug st ruggl gle e followed. followed. Kotagiri and othe otherr plac places es were were also besiezed. When the Muslim armis were about to capture Warangal, rumours spread, might be at trie instance of the astrologer Ubaid, to the effect that Ghiyas-ud-din died and the Delhi Delhi thro th rone ne was captured captured by a usurper usurper.. Constern Cons ternati ation on and confusion confusi on follow fol lowed ed in the Muslim Muslim camp. camp. Some of the generals generals fled along along with their armies. Up Uplu lugh gh had had no alternative alternat ive except to raise the siege and retreat towa towards rds Devagiri. Subsequently deterrent punishments were meted out to the detractors.
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Ghiyas-u Ghiy as-ud-din d-din did did not ge gett discouraged. discourag ed. He sent reinforcements to Devagiri with clear instructions to his son to proceed against Telangarva and subjugate the country country.. Ulugh Ulugh Khan, now with the fully equipped reinforcements, marched towards Telangana, captured on the way several forts, siezed the strategic tegic Bodhan and finally atta at tack ck ed the citadel of Warangal in 132 323 3 A.D. A.D . The The reap re appe peara aranc nce e of Ulugh at Warangal within within four months of the retreat caught the Kakatiya army unawares. The stock of provisions was meagre. The jealousy jealo usy and rivalry of the Redd Reddii chief s with the Velam as played havoc. havo c. Still the sieze las ted for five months. The hardy and well-built Turkish soldiers with its swift moving cavalry caused havoc among the en enemy emy ranks ran ks and ultimat ultimately ely Prataparudra Pratapa rudra h ad to to yield. He was taken to Delhi along with all the members of his family. The Vilasa grant of Musunuri Prolaya states that Prataparudra. while being carried away as a captive to Delhi, died on the ban ks of the river Narmada. He migh mightt have either either committed suicide or was slain by one of his followers at his own instance. With the defeat and death of Prataparudra ended the rule of Kakatiya line of kings; and the country passed into the hands of rulers belonging to an alien race and religion. 7.
GENERAL CONDI CONDITIO TIONS NS OF THE THE KAKATIYA KAKATI YA PERIOD The Kaka Ka katiya tiya s with wi th their conqueri conquering ng zeal an d spiri spiritt of nationalism and patriotism united the while of Andhradesa— coastal Andhra, Telangana and Rayalaseema—all the Teluguspeaking pa rts of the Deccan under their paramou nt power. It was for the first and the last time also (before the formation of Andhra Pradesh State) that the Telugu-speaking people were united under one governme gove rnment. nt. Their spirit spirit of nationalism and patriotism stood them in good stead in their offering gallant resistan ce to the the Islami Islamicc invaders. This raditi on and legacy of the Warangal kingdom was how eve r continu ed by the Vijayanagara rulers.
ADMINISTRATION AND THE TERRITORIAL ORGANISATION
The Kakatiyas followed the traditional hereditory monarchical chi cal system. sys tem. The practi practice ce of the ruling monarch taking heir into partnership in the administration of the kingdom was visible
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at least least from the the time of Ganapatideva. Ganapatideva. A female succession to the throne, eventhough it was prejudiced by some, was the uniq unique ue featu fea ture re of the Kakatiya dynasty in the history history of Andhradesa. Andhrad esa. Though Though the monarch monarch was all powerful, powerful, his his authority was subjected to the limitations imposed by vama-dharma and the customs cust oms of of the the land. land. The works work s on rajaniti rajaniti presc prescribe ribed d high high qualificati qualif ications ons of head and heart for the king. king. The king's king's frequent audiences audiences to his subjects at fix f ixed ed times was w as made made essential for fostering harmony between the ruler and the ruled. A large number of ministers used to assist the monarch in the administration administr ation of the kingdom. kingdom. Merit was probab probably ly the criterion to make appointments to public public service. The contemporary literary literary work wor k 'Sakalanitisammatamu' 'Sakalanit isammatamu' lists 18 Thirthas Thirthas (ministers). ster s). Officials of all all classes cl asses in the court court were divide divided d into into 'niyog 'niyogas' as' (categori (cat egories). es). They were seventy two in number number and collectively referred as 'bahattara', placed under the supervision of the 'bahattara-niyogadhipati'. With regard to the territorial organization of the Kakatiya kingdom, kingdom, the the primary basis was the village. village. Besides the village, the bigger administrative divisions like 'sthalas' and 'nadus' were known from inscriptions. inscr iptions. The The villages were unde underr the rule of a body of village officials called collectively the 'ayagars' (generally 12 in number and include karanam, pedakapu, talari talar i etc.). etc. ). Littl Little e is known about the local local organization of the stalas and nadus.
MILITARY ORGANIZATION AND THE ARMY In the military organization of the Kakatiya kingdom, fores played a dominant dominant role in the defence of the realm. realm. It is the network networ k of fort forts s which enables a kingdom kingdom to last last long. long. The 'Nitisara' of Prataparudra refers to four kinds of forts-sthala. Jala, vana and giri durgas durgas.. The inscript inscription ions s of the period period refer to the giri-durgas like Anumakonda, Rachur and Gandikota, the vana-durgas like Kandur and Narayanavanam, the jala-durgas like Divi and Kolanu and the sthala-durgas sthala- durgas like like Warangal Warangal and Dharnikota, Dharnikota, These forts for ts were the most famous famo us strong-holds in the Kakatiya period.
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The administration administration of of the kingdom was done on military mili tary basis. The kings kings shared sha red their territories out o ut among a number number of militar military y chiefs chiefs called called 'Nayakas'. 'Nayakas '. This was the 'naya 'na yaka kara ra'' system which became popular as a prominent feature of administrati stration on later later unde underr the Vijay Vij ayan anag agar ara a emperors. emperor s. The The 'Nitisara' 'Nitisara' states that the king should assign only small villages to the samantas, reserving the big ones for maintaining the four-fold army and for the the replenishmen replenishmentt of the the treasury trea sury.. The 'Pratapa 'Pra tapa-charitra' informs us about Prataparudra II entrusting the defence of the 77 bastions of Warangal to 77 Nayakas of the Velama community, allotting to them a fourth of his kingdom as estates to enable them to discharge efficiently their duties (to maintain a prescribed body of troops for the service of the king and to pay annual tribute). The elephants, cavalry and infantry constituted the Kakatiya army. army. The The contemporary accounts refer to the strength of the army under Prataparudra II which consisted of 100 elephants, 20.000 horses and 9,00,000 archers. The military service was not restrict rest ricted ed to any particular particu lar community. community. The Gajasahini and Asva-sahini used to train the elephants and horses for the purpos purposes es of war. Maharaya-pattasahin Maharaya-pa ttasahinii was an officer attached to the royal establishment. The army was divided into two sections, the royal forces and the nayaka nayaka levies. levies. Being the commander-in-ch commander-in-chief ief of the army, the king used used to take tak e the field in person per son very ve ry often. The 'angarakshas' used to guard the kings' person and palace. The 'lenkas' (companions-at-arms) with an ideal conduct used to serve and if required they were even ready to sacrifice their their lives for fo r the sake sak e of the king. king. No correct information is available regarding the organization of military heirarchy. 'Distinguished service in the army was frequently rewarded by the grant of landed estates and the conferment of titles and badges bad ges of honour by the king The Gandapend Gandapendera era or anklet of the heroes heroes was a common common decoration bestowed on distinguished men for meritoriou meritorious s service'. servi ce'.
ECONOMIC CONDITIONS Agriculture was the main main source of the prosperity of the Kakatiya per period iod.. No reference reference is given to any publ public ic works work s
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department or the state undertaking either direct or indirect responsibility for the construction and maintenance of irrigation tion works. work s. However the kings and their nobles, nobles, merchants merchants and wealthy men and even the religious leaders took active interest in the construction and maintenance of irrigation works, especially tanks or reservoirs in which rain water was stored. It was because of their sentimental senti mental belief belief,, that the constru constructio ction n of a tank was an act of charity which would acquire great religious merit, starting from Beta II, the rulers and their chieftains (especially the Malyala and Recheria chieftains) encouraged raising wet crops on a large scale in Telangana by providing large tanks or dams. Besides provision of irrigation facilities to improve agriculture, attempts were made to increase the extent of cultivable land by cutting down forests particularly in the Raya Ra yala lasi sima ma area are a durin during g the re reign ign of Prataparudra II II. New settlements settlements were wer e encouraged in the forest fore st clearings. The The tax on agriculture and the charges levied on industry and trade were collected collec ted by regular regular officials. officials. The land was, for purpose purposes s of assessment, divided into dry, wet and garden varieties. Tax was wa s payable either in kind or in cash. Litt Little le is known known about the incidence of taxation. taxati on. Salt was a monopoly monopoly of the state. state. Apart Apar t from agriculture agriculture,, industry and commerce were also promoted. promoted . Marco Polo Polo,, Amir Khusrau and Wassaf Wass af paid glowing tributes to the prosperous condition of Andhradesa during this period. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS The Kakatiya monarchs were well known for their policy of religious religious toleration. Among the reformist reformis t faiths. faiths. Budd Buddhis hism m was a thoroughly spent-up force by the eleventh century A.D. Due to the patronage of the early early Kakatiya Kakat iya rulers, rulers, Jainism lingered on here and there, maintaining its individual character, in 'Panditaradhyacharitra' and 'Basava Purana', references were made to the persecution of Jains. Among the Bhakti cults which replaced Buddhism and Jainism, though Vaishnavism also flourished, it was the hey
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day for for Saivism. The Kahamukha doctr doctrine ine was predominant at the beginning, the Pasupata sect gained upper hand later. The The first indepe independ ndent ent monarchs of the Kakatiya Kakatiya dynasty, dynasty, Rudradeva and his brother Mahadeva were 'Parama-mahesvaras'. The reign of Ganapatideva was remarkable in the history of the Saiva religi religion on durin during g the the Kak Kakat atiy iya a period. period. The The Pasupata Pasupata Saivas belonging to the Golaki-Matha gained popularity among the peop people le as well as as with the royal house. The teachers of this Matha, like like Visvesvar Visvesvara a Siva (the royal preceptor of Ganapatideva) patideva) exerte exerted d greater greater influence influence on the Chedi Chedi Katechuris, Kakatiyas and on the Kings of Malwa and Chola countries. In Andhradesa, many branches of this Golaki-Matha were set up at Bhattiprolu, Tripurantakam, Sriparvata and Pushpagiri. This Pasupata sect of Saivism of Golaki-Matha continued to flourish almost upto the end of the reign of Prataparudra II. It is strange to find find that after the the fall of Warangal in 13 1323 23 A.D., A.D., no Saivacharya Saivacharya of Golaki-Matha Golaki-Matha was heard of. of . The The famous Pandita-traya, Mallikarjuna Mallikarjuna Pandita Pandita,, Sripati Pandita and Manch Manchana ana Pandita, belong belonging ing to Aradhya Saivism Saivism had also some following in the southern parts of the Telugu country country during the th e Kakatiya Kakatiya period period.. The Vira-Sa Vira -Saiva iva schoo schooll of Basava. which was at its zenith in the Kanarase country during this period, did not attract many people in the Andhra country. The Saiva-Mathas, which were supported by liberal grants from the kings and nobles, imparted religious teaching to their discipl disciples. es. Satras (fr ( free ee feeding feeding houses) were attached attach ed to the Saiv Saiv monasteries. 'Village and family family deities, deities, such such as Ekavira, Mahuramma, Kakatamma and Kameswari, were very popular and their their worshi worship p was general throughout this peri period od'.'. PerPerformance formance of vrat vr atas as and often oft en undertaking undertaking pilgrim pilgrimage ages s also attained much importance during these times. DEVELOPME DEVELOPMENT NT OF ART ART AND ARCHITECTURE ARCHITECTURE The Kakatiyas were men of cultural tastes. They patronised men men of of arts and letters letters.. They They were fond fond of architecture. As they had sprung from the Chalukyas and were also allied by
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marriage wit with the the Cholas of South In India, it is natural tha that the their temples should show a happy blending of these two styles styles of temple architecture. rchitecture. Wit With regard regard to secular architecture, since the fort orts began to to play a dominant part in the defenc defence of the realm, they were built at Warangal, Raichur, Golkonda, Rachakonda, Devarak Devarakonda onda and other places revealing revealing the archirchitectural ectural skills skills of the times. The entrances of the mud-wall and the stone stone citadel citadel at Warangal are magnificen ificent examples of mediaeval ediaeval defenc defence arran arrangements. Since the early rly Kakati Kakatiya monarchs were were Jains by faith ith, some temples of Jai Jain n vari variety ety must have been been erect erected ed at places like Kolanupaka (Warangal distri district) ct) and Jogipeta (Medak) distr distriict) but later they vanished possibly bly due to Saiva Saiva malice lice and fury. ury. However wever the Padmakshi tem temple near Anmakonda on a hill the reign of Prola II, still till stands as a ll top top, built durin during th solitary litary example of the Jain architecture of the Kakati Kakatiya period. With With modest size size and simple design, it does not exhibi exhibit any architectural tectural excellen llence. The excellen excellence of the the Kakati Kakatiya architecture rchitecture and sculpture is revealed in the construction structions of a later later age. They in include the fam famous temples at Anmakonda, Warangal, Pil Pillalamarri and Palampeta. The tho thousandpill dpillar temple known as the Rudresvara Rudresvara temple at Hanumakonda construct constructed ed by Rudradeva in in 1162 A.D. A.D. stands as a testi testim mony for the great architectural architectural tri triumph of the age of the the Kakatiyas. atiyas. The ceilings, the portals, the inner walls walls and pill pillars of this temple and the collossal image of Nandi-all built of granite ite and black ston stone were fine finely chistell istelled, ed, elabo elaborately rately decorated decorated with with intricate designs and perfectl erfectly y proportio rtioned wit with amazin zing skill skill and mastery, depicting icting the figures of animals, deities deities and scences from from the epics. The great great Ramappa temple at Pal Palam ampeta peta is is said said to to have been built built in 1213 A.D. by Recherla erla Rudra, one the the generals of Ganapatideva. deva. At the eastern entra trance of this this temple raised raised on a high platform atform stands the beautif utifully ully symmetrica etrical and li lifelike image of the monolit olithic Nandi wit with marvell arvellous smoothness and polish lish, displaying extrao extraordina rdinary skil skill in in carving carving the nume-
11)
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rous rous detail detailss of its ornamental ornam ental hangings. The outsi ou tside de of the temple is decorated by a variety of figures including deities, warriors, musicians and dancers. The twelve figure brackets, springing from the shoulders of the outer pillars and nominally supporting the protruding caves of the roof of the temple, represent represent the dancing artists in different postures. postures. The other temples at Katakshpur, Nagnur, Nagulapadu, Panagal, Attirala, Manthani, and Bejjanki and the Toranas (gateways) at Warangal and Veerakals (hero-stones) at different pieces also exhibit the same artistic merit of the Kakatiya Ka katiya times. The fine fine arts of music and dance also received patronage at the Warangal court. DEVELOPMENT OF LITERATURE
The Kakatiyas paid much attention on the spread of education and bestowed bounteous patronage on men of letters. Sanskrit continued to occupy the first place in the educational system syst em of this this period. period. The contemporary contem porary inscriptions bear suffic sufficien ientt evidence to this. This This study s tudy of the Veda Ve das, s, the other Vedic Ved ic literary literary works wo rks and the various various branches of classical Sanskrit literatur literature e was wa s encoura enc ouragedged- The liberal liberal patronage rendered by the rulers and their dependents gave an impetus to literary activity on large scale. Among the epigraphical poets who composed prasastis (their (their inscri inscripti ptions ons are regarded r egarded as kavyas kavy as in miniatu min iature), re), the names of Achintendra, Nandi, Anantasuri and Isvarasuri figure. Besides, important works in different branches of learning were produce produced. d. Among the Kavya writers, writers, Agast Ag astya ya (Balabharatam and Nalakirtikaumudi), Sakalya Mallu-bhatta (Niroshthya Ramayan Ram ayana a etc. etc.)) and Appaya Ap payarya rya (Jinendrakalyanabh (Jinendrakalyanabhyudaya) yudaya) deserve special menti mention. on. The dramatists dram atists in Sanskrit S anskrit incl include ude Gangadhara, Visvanatha, Narasimha and Ravipati Tripurantaka. The poet laureate of Prataparudra II, Vidyanatha produced his famous treatise on poetics, 'Prataparudra-Yasobhushanam'. The authorship of the famous treatise on rajaniti, 'Nitisara' was ascribed ascribed to Prataparudra. On music and dance, dance, Jayapa, the Gaja-sahini of Ganapatideva, wrote Gitaratnavali and Nrittaratnavati. Apart Ap art from these various poetical poetical compositions.
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some some Kavyas Kavy as in Sanskrit Sanskrit prose prose and and commentaries on philo philo-sophical and theological works were also produced during this period. The The Kakatiya Kakatiya period period constitutes an important important chapter in; the histor history y of of Telugu literatu literature. re. It was unde underr the patronage of the Kakatiya Kakati ya generals and feudatories, feudatories, much much re relig ligiou ious s and secular literature literature was was produced produced in Telugu. Telugu. The Bhakti Bhakti cults largely contri contributed buted to the Telu Telugu gu literature. In fact, after Nannayabhatta, Nannayabhatta, the Telugu Telugu literature literature suffered suffered an eclipse eclipse for nearly a century. But from from the later half of the 13th 13th century A.D., A.D., a continuous stream stream of literary output output can be seen. seen. Undoubtedly the period is described as the age of Tikkana, Tikkana Somayaji, who was in the service of the Telugu Choda princes of Nellore, visited the court of the Kakatiyas, sought and got the help of Ganapatideva for his master who was in distress. This great poet poet had for his credit two important work wo rks s in Telugu. Telugu. The first one is 'Nirvachanottara 'Nirvachanottara Ramayanamu'. Ramayanamu'. Though a highly Sanskritised style was employed, it is characterised by excellent literary qualities and abounding elements of pathos pathos and heroism. heroism. However it is the 'Andhra Mahabharata' which brought for Tikkana undying fame and made him one of the immortals. immortals. Though Though it is a translation of the last fifteen fifteen parva par vas s of the the Mahabharata, left out by his his predecessor Nannaya, yet Tikkana put life and blood into it with an avowed objective of making ft a kavya. His delineation delineation of character, character, dramatic dramatic dialogue and lucid and at the same time suggestive exposition of facts facts are masterly in nature. nature. His broad spiritual spiritual outlook, lofty idealism, high high imagination and splendid diction diction made him 'Kavi 'Kavi Brahma' (The Supreme Supreme Creator among among poets poets). ). Ketana who translated Dandin's 'Dasakumara Charitra' into Telugu, and Marana who wrote 'Markandeya Puranamu' were his contemporaries and admirers. admirers. Palkuriki Palkuriki Somanatha, who was an inhabita inhabitant nt of the Telangana Telangana region in the time of of Prataparud Prataparudra, ra, was an erudit erudite e scholar scholar and a lingu linguist ist.. In his later life, he espoused ViraSaivism. Saivism. His greatest Telugu Telugu poeti poetical cal works includ include e 'Basav 'Basava a Purana'. 'Panditaradh 'Panditaradhya ya Charitra' and 'Vrisha 'Vrishadhip dhipa a Satakamu'.
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Somanatha was the first poet who attempted to write in 'Desi' (Janu Tenugu). His 'Basava 'Basava Purana' is in popula popularr Dwipada Dwipada metre. metre. Gona Buddharaja's 'Ranganatha Ramayanamu' in the same two-footed verse, 'Bhaskara Ramayanamu' ascribed to Bhaskara, Mallikarjunabhatta and others and the works of Nanne Nanne Choda, Manchana, Malliya Rechana, Baddena, SivaSivadevayya, devayya, Madik Madikii Singana and Yathavakkula Yathavakkula Annamayya Annamay ya enriched the Telugu Telugu literature during during the age of the Kaka Ka kati tiyas yas New styles of Telugu poetry, like Prabhandha and Staka, made their appearance.
CHAPTER
7
The The Age of of the Musunuri Chiefs Chiefs and and the Reddis
1.
The M usunur usu nur i Chiefs
EXPANSION EXPANSION OF THE THE MUSLIM MUSLIM AUTHORITY IN THE TELUGU COUNTRY With the defeat and capture of Prataparudra II in 1323 A.D., Warangal and Telangana lay at the feet of the conqueror Ulugh Khan of the Tughl Tughlak ak dynasty. Warang War angal al was renam renamed ed as Sultanpur. Sultanpur. The invader invader carried on campaigns for some more time for the thorough subjugation of the Telugu country. Within six months months after the fall of Warangal, Kondapalli Kondapalli fort fo rt was taken. taken. Then one after the other the strong holds on the east coast Rajahmundry Rajahmundry,, Nidadavolu, Nidadavolu, Kolanuvidu Kolanuvidu and Nellor Nellore e were were occupied by the the Muslim Muslims. s. The Persian inscription inscription dated in 1324 1324 A.D. of Ghiyasuddin Tughla Tughlak k inscribed on the main main gateway gateway of the big mosque at Rajahmundry, some coins of the same Sultan found in a village village near near Eluru luru and other evidences evidences attest this annexation of the region region from from Nellor Nellore e to Rajahmund Rajahmundry ry by 1324 A.D. The I s a m ireferred to Ulugh The Muslim chronicler Khan's conquest conquest of Gutti and Kunti. Kunti. Thus the entire Telu Telugu gu country came came under under the Muslim Muslim ru rule le almost by 13 132 24 A.O. Apart from the Telugu country, according to Wassaf, the Mabar region extending from Nilawar (Nellore) in the east to Kulam (Quilion) (Quilion) in the west was also conquere conquered d by the Muslims during the same time.
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THE EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM RULE This conquest of the Telugu country end the farther south and the subsequent destruction of Kampili and the subjugation of the Hoyasalaraj Hoyasa larajya ya by Ul Ulug ugh h Khan (later Mohammad Bin Bin Tughlak) had far-rea far-reachin ching g consequences. When Ala-ud-din Ala-ud- din Khilji conquered the southern states, he was wise enough not to follow the the policy policy of direc directt annexatio annexation. n. Afte Af terr conquering these territories, he left them all independent and accepted tributes from fro m the defeated states. states. As long long as these thes e states regularly paid their tributes end acknowledged the supremacy of Del Delhi hi,, they were let alone. However the Tughlak Sultans failed fail ed to appreciate and acce accept pt the wisdom of this this poli policy. cy. With With the re resu sult, lt, they followed the polic policy y of annexation. annexat ion. Every very attempt was made to create the defeated states as provinces of the Delhi empire. With the advent of the Muslim rule in the Telugu country and other parts parts of the south, sout h, conditions underwent underwent a drastic change. During the stay of Ulugh Khan in Telangana, he tried to consolidate his conquests and organise the administration. He appointed appoint ed Malik, Malik, Amirs Amirs and other officers officers of state and placed garrisons in strategic centres. centres. The The overal overalll supervision was entrust ent rusted ed to the Daulatabad Daulat abad governor. The The Mus Muslim lim rule rule was tyrannical and oppressive and the people began to groan under under hardships. The plight of Andhra Andhrades desa a under the Muslim rule is graphically described in the contemporary Vilasa copper plat plate e grant grant of Musunuri Prolaya Prolaya Nayaka Nay aka,, The The record says, say s, "In "In a hundred sinful ways, the rich were tortured for the sake of money. Merely Merely on beholding the the Parasikar Paras ikars s (Muslims) some abandoned abando ned their their lives. Brahmin Brahmins s were disallowed to perform perform their religious rites and rituals. rituals. Temples Temples were were destroyed and ido idols were desecrated and broken. broken. All the agrahara agra haras, s, which had long been in the enjoyment of the most learned, were taken away. awa y. Forcib Forcibly ly deprived of the fruits fruits of their cultiva cultivation, tion, the husbandmen, both the rich and poor, got ruined ruined.. In that great calamity, people could not regard their money, wives and other their own. The Th e wretched Yavanas earthly belongings as their (Muslim (Muslims) s) revelled revelled always always in drinking drinking wine, eating eating cow's flesh.
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sporting in amour a mour and killin killing g the Brahmins. When When such is the case, how how could the world of living beings exist? exist ? Situated as the country countr y wa was s without without the possibility of a saviour being being conceived even eve n in imaginat imagination ion,, the land of Telinga, Telinga, tormented torment ed in this this way wa y by those thos e Yavana Yavan a warriors who were exactly like Rakshasas, was in flames like a forest surrounded by wild fire". Gangamba in her 'Madhura Vijaya' enumerates similar facts, describing the condition of the south under the Muslim rule characterised by oppressive nature, religious fanaticism and intolerance intolerance.. The iconoclastic zeal spurred spur red them to destruction of the Hind Hindu u temples. On those tho se ruins, with the same same materials, mosques mosques were wer e buil built. t. Alexander Rae referred to the big big mosque at Rajahmundry as a good example of a Hindu temple (the temple of Venugopalaswami of the Eastern Chalukyan times), retaining its original features but converted into a Mohammadan mosque. Similarly at Elu Eluru ru and Kondapall Kondap allii also als o the Hindu structures were dismantled and mosques were constructed. Apart from this, there was a violent shake up of the entire social fabric. fabr ic. The tradition traditional al institutions of the the land were overthrown overthrow n and the age-long age- long practices were upse upset. t. Under these circumstances, there was an outburst of national indignation and patriotic enthusiasm for driving out the aliens. THE MOVEMENT OF LIBERATION The widespread discontent among the people towards the Tughlak regime was exploited by the dislodged and disgruntled princes, princes, both bot h Hindu Hindu and Muslim of the south. The unrest unrest was spearheaded into a general movement of resistance against the Delhi Delhi imperialism. Especially Especiall y in the Telug Telugu u country, the movement of liberation got its fillip from the erstwhile generals of Prataparudra II, namely Ariyeti (Bendapudi) Annamantri and Kolani Rudrad Rud radeva eva.. These These veteran veteran generals and administrators administrators did not aspi as pire re for leadership. leadership. They They were anxious to liberate the country from fr om the Muslim yoke. yok e. They They could enthuse and rouse the younger nobles and chieftains to champio champion n the cause. Anitalli's Anitalli's Kaluvac Kaluvacher heru u grant grant speaks of the descendan descendants ts of ancient ancient Mahas Ma hasaman amantas tas and Manda Mandalikas likas among whom whom • were
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDH RAS
Musunur Musunurii Prolaya Nayaka, Nayaka, Koppula Koppula Prolaya Prolaya Nayaka, Prolaya Vema Vema Reddi, Reddi, Recharl Recharla a Singam Singama a Nayaka and Manchikonda GanaGanapatinayaka, being brought together by Kolani Rudra with Annamantri mantri with the avowed avowed purpose of rescuin rescuing g the country from from the Muslim Muslim domination domination and reestablish reestablish Hindu Dharma and guard it. it. Musunuri Protaya Nayaka was the chosen leader, of this confederacy of the nobles. The Musun Musunur urii famil family y probably probably hailed hailed from from the village Musun Musunuru uru in the Krishna district. They belon belonged ged to the fourth fourth caste (Kamma). Prola Prolaya ya Nayaka Nayaka of this family was a valiant soldier. soldier. How he coul could d rise to a positio position n of eminence, how how he could win the confidence of the people to become the leader of the confederacy of the nobl nobles es to put put an end to the Muslim Muslim rule in the Telugu country, how he and the other leaders of the movement gathered armies, what tactics they employed and where they oppos opposed ed and vanquished vanquished the Muslim Muslim armies, are not definitely definitely known. known. However it is certain that that Prolay Prolaya a received conspicuous support from his cousin and also the right hand man Kapaya Nayaka and Vema Reddi and other leaders in his endeavour to liberate the coastal Andhra and parts of Telangana Telangana from from the alien aliens. s. Taking advantage of the death of the Delhi Sultan Ghiyasuddin suddin and the preoccupation preoccupation with affa affair irs s nearer home home of his son and the new Sultan Muhammad Bin Tughlak in the year 1325 A.D., Musunuri Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka Nayaka with the hel help p of the confederate confederate forces forces detached the the Muslim Muslim armies armies in important important centres, inflicted a series of defeats on them and established himsel himselff in the Godavari Godavari region with with Rekapalle in the Bhadracrtalam taluk. taluk. In apprec appreciatio iation n of the services services render rendered ed by Annamantri in this war, the village Aredu in the West Godavari district district was granted granted to him. him. Prolaya Vema Reddi Reddi assumed the epit epithe hett 'Mlechch 'Mlechchhabd habdii Kumbhodbhava' (A (Aga gast stya ya to the Oceon, i.e. the Mlechchhas), indicating his active participation in the same war of liberation. Musun Musunuri uri Prolaya Prolaya Naya Na yaka kas s re reign ign (1325 (1325 A.D. A.D. -1333 A.D A.D.) .) was very short. He passed passed away away about the year 1333 A.D A.D.
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without achieving completely his cherished ambition of freeing the entire Andhradesa from the Muslim rule. About the achievements ments during during his short rule, rule, the Vilasa grant says says that he destroyed the Yavana power by irresistiable strength of arms and revived revived the ru rule le of the Dharma Dharma.. It records that that he restored restored to the worthy Brahmins all the land grants made to them by the former rulers but unrighteously taken away by the alien conquerors; querors; the farmers farmers gave him with pleasure pleasure the shar s hare e of their produce declared as due to the king by law, just as ascetics gave gav e one sixth (1/6) of the the share of the fruits fruits of their penan penance ce.. It is during this period that many learned and pious Brahmins of the Telangana region region (families like Malla Mallamp mpall alli, i, Aripir Aripirala ala and and Devulapalli) Devulapalli) immigrated immigrated to the coastal coastal districts. districts. Prolaya Prolaya re re-christened the village in the Godavari delta region after himself and granted it to a learned and worthy Brahmin called Vennaya on a Lu Lunar nar eclips eclipse e day. Vennaya gave away away many many agrahara agrah ara lands to other Brahmins well-read in the Vedas and Sastras and settled them in that village. As Prolaya had no children, he was succeeded by his cousin Kap Kapay aya a Nay Nayak aka a (13 (1333 33 A.D. A.D.-1 -136 368 8 A.D. A. D.), ), who had his his training traini ng in statesmans statesmanship, hip, warfare warf are and adminis administrati tration on unde underr the former. Kapaya had had now before before him him the task of liberating liberating the Andhra country lying lying to the west of the th e East Eastern ern Ghats (Telan(Telangana gana). ). His Polavaram, Polavaram, Pilla Pillala lama marr rrii and Ganapesva Ganapesvaram ram inscriptions tions,, Anitalli's Kaluvacheru Kaluvacheru grant and and the literar literary y accounts accoun ts like like Velugotivar Velugotivari. i. Vamsaval Vamsavalii and Ferishta's Ferishta's and Barani's acco accoun unts ts help us to reconstruct the history of his career and also of the times. Kapaya is referred a as s Kanya Kany a Nayak Nayak or Krishna Krishna Naig Naig in the Muslim accounts. The situa situatio tion n at the time of Kapaya's Kapaya's accession, accession, was tensetens eIn pursuit pursuit of the rebel rebel governor of Sagar, Bahauddin Bahauddin Gurshasp, Muhammad Bi Bin n Tughlak's forces forces attacked attacked and destroyed destroyed Kampili Kampili in 1327 A.D, A.D, The The Sultan Sultan stay st ayed ed in the south (a (att Devagiri) Devagiri) for two years. Hi His s re retu turn rn to Del Delhi hi marked the outo utbreak of disorders here. All the land land had risen against the Muslim Muslim governor and every one wa was s lord of what he pleased pleased.. With amazing rapidity, rapidity, Aravi Ara viti ti Somadeva captured captured all all the
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HISTOR HISTORY Y OF THE ANDH AN DHR RAS
fortresse fortresses s in the Kr Krishn ishna-T a-Tun ungab gabhad hadra ra doab doab and emancipa emanc ipated ted thus the Rayalasima Rayalasima region from the Musli Muslim m rule. Kapaya Kapa ya and Prolaya Vema Reddi might have rendered some valuable assistance assistance to to him him in this this rega regard rd.. The The Hoyasalas Hoyasalas stop s topped ped paying ing tribut tribute e to Delh Delhii and asserted asse rted the their ir independence. The two Sangama brothers Harihara and Bukka, who were sent to Kampili to restore restore the Delh Delhii Sultans' authority, shook shoo k off their their allegiance to Delhi. Delhi. Embold Emboldene ened d at these these happenings happenings in Andhra Andhra and Karnataka, Jalaluddin Hasan, the governor of Mabar raised the standard standard of revolt revolt and proclaimed proclaimed his his independence at Madurai in 13 1334 34-3 -35 5 A.D. With a fit of violent rage at these successive revolts revolts in the south, Muhammad Bin Tughlak led his armies to Daulatabad and then proceeded proceeded to Warangai. Warangai . But But due to spread spre ad of of plagu plague e in epide epidemic mic form fo rm in his camp, he had his hasty retreat retreat to Daultabad. Daultabad. Before Before his hurried departure, he made fresh arrangements for effective administration of the region. region. He divided divided Telangana Telangana region region into the easter eastern n and wester western n parts. parts. Malik Malik Maqbu Maqbull was incharge of the eastern Telangana with Warangal as headquarters and the Western Telangana was under under another another governor governor with Bidar as head head-quarters. Both these governors governors were placed placed unde underr the control of the new Wazir of Daultabad, Qawamuddin. After the departure of the Sultan from the south, Kapaya Nayaka Nayaka plunged plunged himsel himselff into into action. He reinforced his army. According to Ferishta, Kapaya received help from even Hoyasala Ballala Ballala III. With the allied forces, he drove awa away y Malik Malik Maqb Maqbul ul and occupied occupied Warangal in 133 1336 A.D. He assumed assumed the titles like 'And 'Andhra hra Suratrana' Suratrana' and 'Andhradesadh 'Andhradesadhisvara,' isvara,' To consolidate his position in Telanga Telangana na and coastal Andhra to the north of the river Krishna, he conferred high positions positions upon upon his close close associ associates ates and and relatives. He even even had matrimo matrimonial nial alliances with some of them. He appoin appointed ted his cousin Anapota Nayaka as the governor of the coastal area at first with Toyyeru Toyyeru and later Rajamahendravsram as as headheadquarte quarters. rs. Another associate associate Muppa was to ru rule le over the the north-western region of the kingdom with Ramagiri in the Adilaba Adilabad d district as headquarters. headquarters. This This Mupp Muppa a was the patron patron
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of the Telu Telugu gu po poet et Madiki Madiki Singana. Singan a. Another chieftain chieftain Man Manch chiikonda Kunaya Nayaka Nayak a (Kuna (Ku na Reddi) Reddi) bu buililtt the fort for t at Korukonda at the instance of Kapaya to guard it against the periodic inroads of the semibarbarious forest folk of mountainous tracts in the plains and render military assistance to the governor of the coastal region region.. Kapaya Kapa ya even even married married his niece to Kunaya's son. The loyal Koppula chieftains chieftains were at Pithapuram. Pithapuram. The Ganapesvaram record indicates Kapaya's authority over the Padman Pad manaya ayaka ka of Anumanagallu and Pillalamar Pillalamarri. ri. To guard against the future Muslim invasions, Kapaya repaired and fortified old forts and occupied stategic positions in Telangana and had his reinforcements. In order to fortify his position, Kapaya Nayaka left no stone unturne unt urned. d. He wen wentt to the extent of rendering help to the foreign nobles at Daulatabad who revolted against the Sultan of Delhi. In 1347 A.D. Jaffar Jaf far Khan, the leader of these rebels received some some cont continge ingents nts from fro m Warangal. Warangal. He assu as sume med d the title of Alauddin Bahman Shah and founded the Bahamani kingdom do m with Gulbarga as headquarters. headquarters. Kapaya thought that his his joining joining the cent centur urio ions ns wo woul uld d obviat obviate e the the chan chance ces s of atta attack ck on Warangal by Muhammad Muhammad Bin Tughlak. Tughlak. However he soon realised that the assistance he had rendered to Jaffar was suicidal. Alauddin Baharnan Shah, in his his policy of expansion expan sionism ism did not show any consideration consideration of gratitud gratitude e to Kapa K apaya. ya. According to Ferishta, he wrested the fortress of Kaulas with its dependencies from Warangal sometime about 1350 A.D. Kapaya Nayaka faced Bahamani's attack again in 1356 A.D. Alauddin terrified the peop people le of Telangana. Kapaya Kapaya conceded the Bhuvanagiri fortress and agreed to pay tribute to the Bahamani Sultan. Alauddin's son and successor, Muhammad Shah I continue continued d the same po polic licy y of antagonism tow toward ards s Warangal. Kapaya Kapay a joined joined hands hands with Bukkaraya I of Vijaya Vij aya-nagara with the hope of retrieving much of the lost ground. However, this alliance also was proved of no use. In the war that ensued, Kapaya's son Vinayakadeva was taken captive and put to death in a cruel manner by Muhammad Muhammad Shah 1 in 1362 A.D.
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Much aggrieved Kapaya along with Buktareya I sent an appeal to Firoz Shah Tughlak seeking military assistance against the Bahamani Sultan Sultan.. This was wa s of no no use. use. Muhammad Muhamm ad Shan Shan got enraged at this and struck a crushing blow on Warangal. Kapaya could not not receiv receive e any help help from Vijayanagara. Vijayan agara. A peace treaty was concluded in 1364-65 A.D., according to the terms of which he had to pay huge war indemnity and cede the Golconda hill fort. Golconda was fixed as the boundary between the Gulbarga and the Warangal kingdoms. The successive defeats of Kapaya in the hands of the Bahamanis resulted in the weakening of his prestige and power. The Kopula chieftains asserted independence in Pithapuram area. area. The Manchikonda Manchikonda chieftains made made Rajamah Raja mahendra endravaram varam part of their territory after the death of Kapaya's cousin Anavota Nayaka. However the march marc h of the Gangas of Kalinga upto upto the banks of the river Krishna put a check to the aggressiveness of both both the Kopula Kop ula and the Manchikonda Manchikonda leaders. Subsequentl Subsequentlyy the Reddis of Kondavidu extended their sway over these areas. Kapaya Kap aya tost his authority on the east coast. coast. The Recharla Velama chieftains asserted their position in Telangana with Amanugallu Amanugallu as headquarters. headquarters. When the Recha Re charla rla chief Singama Nayaka was assassinated by the Jallipalli rulers, Singama's son Anavota Nayak suspected the hand of Kapaya in it and marched on Warangal in fury. The battle battle between between the two was fought fought at Bhimavaram Bhimavara m near Warangal in 136 1368 A.D. Kapaya Kapay a suffered a reverse re verse and lost lost his life. life. The Vetama Veta mass became the masters masters of Telangana with Rajukonda as headquarters. The rule rule of the the Musunuri family came ca me to an end. Wa Waran rangal gal lost its political political promin prominenc ence. e. The Velamas, however howe ver reaped the fruits of their unwise policy policy of animosity animos ity with wit h Kapaya. Kapay a. For, For, they had to struggle for their bare existence with the Bahamani Sultans till the the annexation of Telangana to the Bahamani kingdom.
2. The Reddis of Kondavidu and an d Rajahmnndry Rajahmnnd ry The fall of Warangal in 1323 A.D. led to the occupation of whole of of Andhrade And hradesa sa by the Tughlaks Tughlaks (Tughluqs). The The
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1 73
latter latter administered the country through through their their own officers. The establishment establ ishment of Musli Muslim m rule rule was followed foll owed by religiou religious s perpersecution, temple destruct destruction ion and oppressive oppress ive taxation. This This tyrannic rule led to the formation of a confederacy of Hindu chiefs to free their land from the alien rulers who were bent upon upon destroying destroy ing their ancient ancient culture and traditions. traditions. Soon Soon a movement of liberation was organised. The Musunuri, the Velama and the Reddi chiefs were able to restore their rule in coastal areas and a nd parts parts of Telangana Telangana.. Araviti Somadeva Somade va was successsuccessful in the western western Andhra country. Subseque Subsequently, ntly, with the exception of Devagiri, Devagiri, entire entire south south freed free d herself from Muhammad Muhammad Bin Tughlak's Tughl ak's yoke. y oke. Out of this thi s wide-spread wide -spread moveme movement, nt, sprang sprang up the Reddi Kingdoms of Andhradesa. The Reddis, who played a conspicous part in the post Kakatiya history of Andhradesa, belonged to the Panta Kapu community. Panta Panta was the name of a territoria territ oriall division (in the the modern modern district distr ict of Nellore). Nellore). Desati Desati was the family name of these Reddis. Errana Errana and Srinad Srinadha ha referred to these these aspects. Inscriptions and local records also made reference to these things. PROLAYA PROLAYA VE VEMA MA REDD REDDII wa was s the foun founde derr of the Reddi Kingdom Kingdom wi with th Addanki as headquarters. headquarter s. The establishment establishment of his rule appears to have taken taken place by 1325 1325 A.D. The Kaiuvacheru grant of Anitalli, the Reddi queen of Rajahmundry dated Saka 13 1345 (1423 (1423 A.D.) states that Prolaya Vema Reddi was originally originally one of the th e 75 Nayaks Nayaks of Kapaya Nayaka Nayaka and he bega began n to rule rule trie region between Penna Penna,, Krishna Krishna and and Ahobalam independently only after the death of his overlord Kapaya Nayaka. However, Prolaya Vema issued grants in his own independent capa capaci city ty from fr om 1325 1325 A.D. to 1353 1353 A.D., A.D., the the dates of his his MallaMallavara varam m and Manikesvaram Manikesv aram inscri inscriptio ptions ns respectively. respectively. It may reasonably be concluded that Prolaya Vema, though worked in close collaboration with wi th the Musun Musunuri uri chiefs chief s in liber liberati ating ng the Telugu Telug u country from fro m the Musli Muslim m yoke, asserted his his independence and beca became me sovereign sovereign in the Nellore-Guntur Nellore-Guntur tract including the Srisailam area. Prolaya Vema, Vema, as his Manikesvaram Manikesvaram record record indicate indicates, s, ruled ruled upto 13 1353 53 A.D. Detailed Detailed accounts about about the political political events
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of his reign period are not available. Ever since sinc e the establishment of the two kingdoms of the Rayas of Vijayanagara and the Reddis of Addanki, they were locked up in a territorial struggle gle for supremacy in the coastal region. An inscription of Kampana, younger brother of Harihara I dated 1346 A.D., indicates that the Vijayanagar generals wrested from the Reddis the region north of Pennar, that is to the south-west of Kanigiri and Kandukur. Similar Similarly ly hostility hostility existed existe d between betwee n the Reddis and the Rajukonda Velamas (the Recherla chiefs). In order to strengthen the defences of the realm, Prolaya Vema built several forts at places like Dharanrkota, Chandavolu, Vinukonda, Kondavidu and Bellamkonda and stationed strong garrisons garrison s there. He gave gav e one of his daughters daugh ters in marriage to Eruva Choda Chod a Bhima, Bhim a, son of Bhaktiraja. Bhaktiraja . Being a pious pious Hindu Hindu,, he gave protection to the pious Brahmin and the sacred cow. He built temples and tanks and gave liberal grants to Brahmins. Public Public welfare welfa re activities activities were we re undertaken. undertaken. Prolaya Vema was also a patron of learning. learning. The famous famo us Erra Erra Pragada Pra gada was his his court-poet. Prolaya Vema Vem a wa s succeeded by his son ANAVOTA (1353 A.D. - 13 1364 64 A.D.) A.D .).. Anavota, throughout throughout his his reig reign, n, wa s engaged in wars with the Bahamanis, the Recherlas and the Vijayanagar kings who made encroachments in his territories. Probably owing to the pressure of Vijayanagara after its conquest of Vinukonda, he changed the capital to more impregnable Kondavid Kondavidu. u. With With the the assistan ass istance ce of his friend frien d and ally ally Choda Bhaktiraja, he advanced with his troops into the heart of Kalinga relentlessly carrying fire and sword. swo rd. This aggress agg ression ion might might be a counterblast to the the earl earlier ier one of Kalinga Ganga Narasim Nar asimhahadeva IV on the t he former Vengi kingdom. As a resul resultt of this this campaign, the Haihayas of Kona country, Mummadi Nayaka of Korukonda and Rajamahendravaram and Koppulas of Pithapuram were made aware of the powers of the Reddis. However, his his success was sho rt-lived rt-li ved . He was soon obliged obliged to surrender to Choda Bhaktiraja all his territorial gains to the north of the rive riverr Krishna. Krishna. He successfull successfullyy resisted resisted the Bahama Bah amanis nis and a nd the Recherlas. Taking Taking advantage advanta ge of his his preoccupations with wi th the
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Bahamanis Bahamanis and the th e Recherlas, Recherlas, the the Vijayanaga Vijay anagara ra ru rule lerr Bukkar Bukkaraya aya I occupied Srisailam end Markapuram areas. Inspite of the problems of security beset to his kingdom, Anavota paid much attention to the prosperity of his realm. He renewed in 1358 A.D. the charter of security (abhayasasana) granted granted earlier by Kakati Ganapatid Ganapatideva. eva. As a re resu sult lt,, the traders of Motupalli Motupalli got absolute safety and security. All vexatious exactions were wer e abolished. abolished. Only reasonable taxes taxe s and tithes tithes were were collected from the merchants merchants.. Like ike his his father, Anavota too fostered the Hindu way of life. Anavota was followed by his younger brother ANAVEMA (1364 (13 64 A.D. - 13 1386A 86A.D. .D.)) as his son Kumaragiri wa was s quite young at the the time of his father fat her's 's death. death. Anavema was the greatest ruler ruler of the Kondavidu Kondavidu line line.. Hi His s attention attent ion was w as first drawn towards the Vengi affairs. affai rs. In order to hel help p his his brother-in brother-in-law -law Choda Bhima who was driven away from Vengi fay his brother Choda Annadeva, he crossed the river Krishna and captured the fortress fortress of Divi. Divi. Then he marched on Niravadyapura Niravadyapura (Nidadavolu) and defeated defeated Annadeva and handed over the kingdom to Choda Bhim Bhima. a. He occupied the Godavari delta delta (Panara (Pana ra and Kona Kingdoms). Rajamahendravaram also also came into his his possession. possession . His Simhachalam record informs us about further furthe r successf successful ul campaigns unde underr his Brahmin general Chennama Nayaka against the local chieftains like the Manchikonda, konda, the Koppula, Koppula, the Chalukya and an d the Matsy Matsya a families. The The Reddi armies were led as far north as Simhachalam. Anavema also defeated his traditional rivals the Recherlas in a pitched battle and conquered some parts of their territory. Probably Probably as part his his campaign against against the Recherlas, Recherlas, he re re-cove covere red d Srisailam Srisailam and the neig neighb hbou ouri ring ng areas lost lost to VijayaVijaya nagara nagara during during the reig reigns ns of his predeces predecessors. sors. He was also a great giver of gifts and patron of men of letters letters and othe otherr Cultural pursuits. Anav Anavem ema a was succeed succeeded ed by his nephe nephew w KUMARAGIRI (138 (1 386 6 A.D. -1402 -140 2 A.D. A. D.). ). The The latter's latter's succession succession to the thro throne ne
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was not not undisputed. His right right to the throne throne wa was s challanged challanged by his cousins Vema and Macha, sons of Pedakome Pedakometi ti Reddi, Reddi, The kingdo kingdom m was plunge plunged d into a civil war. war. Kumaragiri emerged emerge d victorious thanks to the the active support support given by his his brotherbrotherin-law in-law Kata Kataya ya Vema Red Reddi di.. The civil war came to an end only only when Pedakomati Vema was promised that he would be Kumaragiri's successor at Kondavidu. Kumaragiri was an easy-going prince, who took delight in a life life of of comfo com fort rt and luxury luxury.. He led a care-free care-free lit lite. e. So the responsibility of the governance of his realm was now shouldered by his trusted generalissimo and brother-in-law KATAYA VE VEMA. MA. Kataya at the head of large army proceeded to deal deal with with the inroads inroads of Harihara Harihara II of Vijaya Vijayanaga nagara ra upto upto Tripurantakam Tripuranta kam and an d Vinukonda. Vinukonda. In the battle battle that ensued ensued,, the Vijayanaga Vijay anagara ra troops suffered a severe defe defeat. at. How Howeve everr the the war was not pursued to its logical logical conclusion. The conf conflic lictt was brought to a close by an agreement to the effect that Harihara II should give up Tripurantakam and Vinukonda, while retai re taini ning ng Srisailam region region for fo r himself. himself. This was further further cemented cemented by a marriage allianc alliance. e. Harihara Harihara II gave his his daughter in marriage to Kataya Vema's son Kataya. After After his his success against the Padm Padma a Nayaka chie chieftai ftains ns of Telangana, Kataya Vema had his extensive eastern campaign. Ably assist ass isted ed by Dodda Dodda Red Reddi di and and Vema Redd Reddi, i, the prince princes s of the Rajahmundry kingdom, he overran all the territory in the trans-Godavari region right upto Simhachalam and annexed it permanen permanently tly to the Redd Reddii kingdom and thereafter constituted into into a separate separat e province province called called the Eastern Eastern Ki Kingd ngdom om (Raj (Rajaamahendravara Rajya), a province of the kingdom of Kondavidu. After the premat premature ure death death of of his his son who was the the viceroy viceroy of of this area, Kumaragiri conferred it on his brother-in-law Kataya Vema in appreciation of his great and numerous services to the state. Hi His s Gopavaram Gopavaram grant grant states that the province province was given to Kataya Vema with full rights but only as a military chief.
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This division of the kingdom end the subsequent oppressive rule of Kumaragir Kumaragirii resulted resulted in the widespread discont discontent ent.. PedaPedakomati Vema took advantage of the situation and challenged the authority of Kumaragiri, Once agai again n the Kondavidu kingdo kingdom m was thrown into into the throes throes of civil war In spite spite of Kataya Katay a Vema's best efforts, Kumaragiri could not withstand the might of Pedakomati Vema and he retired to Rajamahendravaram in 1402 A.D. where he died subsequently. PEDAKOMATI VEMA (1 (140 402 2 A.D. A.D. -1420 -1420 A.D.) wa was s a disdistinguished warri war rior or.. His depositio deposition n of Kumaragiri Kumaragiri was resented resented by Kataya Vema, who defied the authority of the central government and assert asserted ed his indepen independen dence. ce. Pedako Pedakomat matii Vema tried in vain to bring back back Rajahmundr Rajahmundry y into his his fold. fold. With the internecine internecine war between two two divisions of the Reddi kingdom, kingdom, it became an easy easy prey to its neighbours. neighbours. With the support support of the Velamas of Devarakonda and Pedakomati Vema, Choda Annadeva succeeded in recovering his principality in the West Godavari district by by 14 1408 A.D. The forces of Devaray Devaraya a I of Vijayanagar and the Bahamani troops of Firoz Shah also moved into into the Telugu Telugu country country to participate in the internecine war. wa r. Pedakomati Vema fought the last of his battles with Kataya Vema and slew him him in 1414 A.D. Subsequently he face fa ced d a humiliating defeat in the hands of Allada Reddi, the chief of Rajahmundry. Devaraya I sent his forces forces into into the coastal coast al area area and occupied Motupalli, the famous sea port. port. Komati Komati Vema appears to have lost lost his his life in a battle battle in 1420 1420 A.D. with Lingama Nayaka, the Velama prince of Devarakonda. His son and successor succe ssor Racha Racha Vema (142 (1420 0 A.D. -1424 A.D.) was cruel and oppressive oppressive towards his his subjects. subjects. He was murmurdered dered by one of his own subjects subjects.. 'With 'With him ended ended the Reddi Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu which subsequently subsequently became the theatre of war war and conquest conquest among among the three leading powers of the south, the Narapatis of Vijayanagara, the Asvapatis of Gulbarga and the Gajapatis of Orissa'. THE REDDIS REDDIS OF THE RAJAHMUNDRY KINGDOM KINGDOM The Reddi Reddi dynasty of the Rajahmun Rajahmundry dry principa principality lity wa was s one major subsidiary dynasty that branched off from the main 12)
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stem stem of the Kondavidu Kondavidu family. The The Ganapavaram Ganapava ram inscription indicates that this line was founded by Kataya Vema by about 1395 13 95 A.D. When When Pedakomati Pedakomati Vema usurpe usurped d the Kondavidu Kondavidu throne in 1402 A.D A.D., ., Katay Kat aya a Vema of Rajahmundry defied defied his his authority and asserted indepnd indepndence ence.. The internecine internecine war war between the the two factions weakened the Redd Reddii power power considerably. considerabl y. The Vijayanagara and the Bahamani powers were also involved in this conflict. In one of these these fratricidal battles, battles, Kataya Kataya Vema was slain by Pedakomati Pedakomati Vema Vema in 1414 A.D. A.D. Inspite of certain mistakes which Kataya Vema might have commit committed ted as a soldie soldierr and statesma statesman, n, he wa was s taken to be one one of the finest specime specimens ns of the Reddi Reddi arist aristocrac ocracy y of that age. age. He remain remained ed loyal loyal and grateful to his benefact benefactor or Kumaragiri. Kumaragiri. He was also a man of great erudition and wrote a commentary on the dramas of Kalidasa. Though Kataya Vema died, the Rajahmundry kingdom was well defended from from Pedak Pedakom omati ati Vema by Al Alla lada da Reddi, Reddi, who became the regent during the minority of Kataya Vema's son Kumar Ku maragir agirii (II), Allada Alla da Reddi Reddi successfully successfully waged wars with with Komati Vema and others and after the death of Kumaragiri II, entrusted the governance of the Rajahmundry principality to Kataya Vema's daughter Anitalli who was the wife of his second second son, Veerabhadra Reddi. Reddi. He died in 1420 420 A.D. and was followed followed by his sons Allaya Vema and Veerabhadra (142 (1 423 3 A.D. -1448 A.D.) A.D.) who followed their father's father's genera generall policy policy of aggrandizm aggrandizment ent at at the expense of Kalinga. How Howaver aver duri during ng this 25 years years rule rule of Veerabhadra, nominal nominal suzerainty of the Kaling Kalinga a rulers rulers was to be recognise recognised. d. It was during this this period period,, the celbrated celbrated Telugu poet poet Srinadha Srinadha was patronised at Rajahmundr Rajahmundry. y. About About 14 1448 A.D. the Gajapatis conqu conquered ered and annexed the Rajahmundry Reddi kingdom. IMPORTANCE IMPORTANCE OF THE REDDI PERIOD PERIOD The Reddis played a prominent part for a century in the Post-Kakatiya Post-Kakatiya Andhradesa. Having established established the kin kingd gdom om as a bulwark of Hinduism against Islam, they promoted and
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patronised patro nised Hindu institutions and art and cult culture ure.. An attempt attempt was made to present a united front to the invaders by consolidating the Hindu Hindu social soc ial order. order. 'The religious observance which were hitherto hitherto the exclusive exclus ive priv privile ilege ge of the Brahmins were thro th rown wn open open to all the three thre e castes. Empha Emphasi siss was wa s laid laid on observance of ritu rituals als by individual individualss and a nd charity'. The The Vedic Vedic studies were encouraged and the Hindu pilgrim centres like Srisailam and Ahobalam were provided with more facilities. A number of festivals like Vasantotsava (spring festival) were celebrated with great solemnity. The Reddi rulers along with the aristocracy and the merchant princes enthusiastically enthusia stically extend ext ended ed thei theirr patronage patrona ge to Sanskrit, the sacred language of Hindu religion and culture. One unique feature of these kings is that almost all were great scholars and distinguishe distinguished d authors themselves. Kumaragir Kumaragiri,i, Kataya Vema and Pedakomati Vema were the most outstanding among them them.. Kumaragiri was the author of Vasantarajiyam, a famous treatise on the art of danci dancing. ng. Komati Vema wrote Sahitya Sahitya Chintamani, Sangita Chintaman Chintamanii and Sringaradipika. His court poet Vamanabhattabana wrote Vira Narayana Charita in Sanskrit prose. As a result of the royal patronage, Telugu literature made abundant progress during the age of the Reddis. Telugu began to replace Sanskrit at the court. court. Saiva Sai va and Vaishnava Vaishn ava works in Telugu Telugu appeare app eared d profusely. Errapragada, Srinadha Srinadha an and d Potana Potana were the most remarkable poets that flourished during this period. period. Erra rrapra rag gada wa was s the last of the Kavitray Kavitraya. a. He completed the Telugu translation of the Mahabharata (third Canto). With his deep erudition and high literary skill, he successfully completed completed the third book (Aranya (Aran ya Kanda K anda)) of the Andhra And hra MahaMahabharata in a manner manner worthy of his his two great predece predecesso ssors, rs, Nannaya and a nd Tikkana. Tikkana . Errana's two tw o other other indep independ endent ent and complete works are Hari Vamsa and Narasimha Purana. Among these, the Narasimha Purana is an epic with Prabandha treatment. ment. Potana through his Mahabhagavata preached preached Bhakti cult.
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SR1NAOHA was by far the most distinguished writer of the Reddi period period.. 'His 'His life life is a saga of the triumphant march ma rch of scholarship and poetical genius, a long period of kingly and princely patronage and adoration, which helped him to produc produce e a series series of bril brillilian antt works wo rks '. His maste ma ster-p r-piec iece e is the 'Naishadha Kgvya.' Though Though it is a translation transl ation of Sriharsha's Sanskrit work, the Telugu version is superior in some respects. Srinadha produced this piece while he was in the service of Pedakomati Vema Ve ma as officer in in charge char ge of Publi Publicc Learning. Learning. His 'Palnadu Viracharitra' deals with the Reddi dynasty and is known as the 'Reddi 'Reddi Bharata'. Bharata'. His His other works wor ks include 'Pandita'Pand itaradhya Charita', 'Sivaratrimahatmya,' 'Haravilasa', 'Bhimakhanda' and 'Kasikhanda'. 'Kasikhan da'. His visit of Vijayana Vija yanagara gara court court,, ArunaginArunaginnadha's (Gauda Dindima Bhatta) admission of Srinadha's preeminence in scholarship and Devaraya rendering great honour to him—a him—allll are well known known historical historical facts. fact s. It is is aptly remarked rem arked that in Srinadha's hands Telugu poetry attained a majesty and dignit dignity y unapproa unapproached ched ever since. since.""
3.
The Relation Relat ionss Between the Reddis and the Rayas Raya s of Vijayanagara
During the days of freedom-struggle waged by the confederacy of Hindu chiefs against the Delhi Sultan Muhammad Bin Tughlak, the Reddi kingdom with Addanki as headquarters was founded. founded. Prolaya Prolaya Vema Reddi Reddi was the founder of this new kingdom. kingdom. Though the the Kaluvacheru Kaluva cheru grant of Anitall Anitallii states that he was originally one of the seventy-five chiefs of Kapaya Nayaka and began to rule the territory under him independently only after the death of his overlord, he issued grants in his own independent capacity between 1325 A.D. and 1353 A.D. Since no overlord was referred in these records, it can be said that Protaya Vema Reddy ruled the kingdom kingdom independently independently .during .during this period. Ever since the establishment of the Vijayanagara Kingdom in 1336 A.D., A.D., its rulers rulers aimed at the extension exte nsion of their their sway sw ay towards tow ards the east ea st coast. So their coming into into clash with the the Reddi Reddiss on the southern coast coas t of Andhra And hra was wa s inevita inevitable. ble. The
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Udayagiri fortress which was already in their possession became a standing menace to the Reddi Reddi kingdo kingdom m ever threatening its existence. existence. The The two rising kingdom kingdoms s were thus thus locked locked up in a territorial struggle for supremacy in the coastal region and this conflict fasted for over a century. The relationship between the Rayas of Vijayanagara and the Reddis of Kondavidu was one of characteristic dynastic struggle where the former tried to benefit itself at the cost of the latter. This This was more more so when the two tw o kingdo kingdoms ms were in their infancy infancy.. One noteworthy noteworthy feature of of the the conflict conflict was that while the Vijayanagara power which was aggressive and ambitious was on the offensive side throughout, the Reddis remained on the defensive side. The The Kondavidu kingdom kingdom had to face the feelings of jealousy and hostility not only from the Rayas of Vijayanagara Vijaya nagara but but also als o from the Padmanayak Padmanayaks s (Velamas) of Telangana and the Bahamani rulers. The struggle between the Rayas of Vijayanagara and the Reddis of Addenki (later Kondavidu became the headquarters) which lasted for over a century centur y and which wa was s terminated terminated by the absorption of the territories of the latter by the former, seems to have commenced at the infant stage of the two kingdoms. doms. Sometime before 1343 A.D. the Vij Vijaya ayanag nagara ara generals must have wrested from Prolaya Vema Reddi the lower Pennar valley which which wa was s the ancestral ancestral hom home e of the Reddis Reddis.. An inscription of Karnpanna, younger brother of Harihara I dated 1346 A.D., shows this extension of the Vijayanagara authority to the region to the south-west of Kanigiri and Kandukur In the reign of Prolaya Vemas' son and successor Anavota (1353 A.D.-1364 A.D.), he joined hands with the Jallipalli Kshatriyas Kshatriya s when the latter assassi assa ssinat nated ed the Recherla chief Sing ingama Naya Na yaka ka.. To take take reveng revenge e on the the Reddis, Reddis, Singana's sons Anavota Nayaka and Mada Nayaka attacked the Reddi kingdom. Mada Mada Nayaka is said said to have defeated defeate d Anavota Anavota Redd Reddii in the battle battle of Dharanikota. Dharanikot a. Thus began a feud betwe between en the the the unabated fury Velamas and the Reddis which raged with the till the middle of the fifteenth fifte enth century. As a result result of this battle, the Reddis Reddis lost the Srisailam area in the west. Round
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE ANDHRAS ANDHR AS
about about the same per perio iod d (13 (1361 61 A.D.), A.D.), the Bahamanis Bahamanis attacked attacked from from the west. However this attack was was repulsed repulsed by Mallaya Mallaya Vema, the the ministe ministerr of Anavota Reddi. These entangl entangleme ements nts of Anavot Anavota a Reddi Reddi with the Recherla Recherla chiefs and the Bahamani Sultans made his position some what weaker than before. before. Taking Taking advantage of this, this, Bukka Bukka Raya I of Vijayanagara led expedition into the eastern country to the south of the river Krishna in 136 1363 3-64 -64 A.D. A.D. In the course of this campaign, the Vijayanagara forces dislodged the Velamas and occupied occupied the Srisailam region region from from them. They continue continued d their their march and seized some outlying provinces of the Redd Reddii territory (Ahobalam and Vinukonda Vinukonda with their their depen dependen dentt territory to ry). ). Prob Probab ably ly owing owing to this pressure pressure of Vijayanagara, the the Redd Reddis is were were made to shift sh ift their capital to a more secure place Konda Ko ndavidu vidu.. The The Manyamapuram Manyamapuram record of Anave Anavema, ma, brother brother of Anavota dated 13 1364 64 A.D., mentions the same same.. Anavema (1 (136 364 4 A.D. -138 -1386 6 A.D.) A.D.) succeeded his br brot othe herr on the the throne of of Kondavidu. Kondavidu. He had had his his triumpha triumphall tour tour to the east upt upto o Simhachalam Simhachalam.. This This wa was s followed by his success successful ful campai campaigns gns in the the west to wipe off the disgrace inflicted on his family by the the Velamas of Rajukonda. Next Anavema turned turned his his atten attentio tion n towards the Vijayanag Vijayanagara ara rulers rulers wh who o caus caused ed greatest damage to his house in the past. past. The deta details ils of the war are not available. However Anavema's Srisailam record of 1377 A.D. A.D . by its very very existence, points to the lim limit it of his his victory. The territory upto Srisailam Srisailam wa was s regained. regained. Taking advantage of the civil war between Kumaragiri, nephew of Anavema and his cousin Pedakomati Vema during the years 1386 - 90 A.D. for the throne of Kondavidu, Kondavidu, Harihara II of Vijayanagara recovered the Srisailam region which remained thereafter thereafter under under the rule of Vijayanagara. The The fortress fortres s of Vinukonda Vinukonda also passed passed unde underr his control. control. However after the conclusion of the civil war, the ruler of Kondavidu Kumaragiri sent his generalissimo Katayavema with a large army against Vijayanagar Vijayanagara. a. In the battle that followed, followed, the the Vijayanagara Vijayanagara forces suffered suffered a severe defeat. Both the the parties parties did not pursue pursue
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the war to its logical conclusion since they were badly in need of friends against against their arch rivals the Bahamani Bahamani sultans and and the Velamas of Rajukonda who formed a mutual alliance. Hence an agreement agreement was reached according to which Harihara Harihara II had had to give up Tripurantakam and Vinukonda and Katayavema had to agree to give away a major porti portion on of Srisail Srisailam am regi region on to Harihara Harihara II. This This alliance wa was s further cemented cemented by a matrimonial monial alliance. Harihara II gave gav e 'his 'his daughter daughter in marriage to Katayavema's son Kataya. Katayavema, strengthened by the alliance with Vijayanagara, subsequently ted an extensive and victorious eastern campaign campaign as far fa r north as take tak e Chilak Chilaka. a. Kumara Kumaragiri giri constituted constituted these northern conquests of Katayavema into the Eastern kingdom or Rajamahendravara Rajya and later bestowed it upon its conqueror. conquero r. This unpopular unpopular division of the kingdom kingdom was resented by Pedakomatj Vema who removed Kumaragiri and usurpe usurped d the throne throne in 1402 A.D. A. D. Kumaragiri retired to RajaRa jamahendravaram where he died subsequently. At these developments, Harihara II got enraged against Pedakomati Vema and marched his armies again into the kingdom of Kondavidu. The Enamadala record of Harihara II and the Murukondapadu and Paruchuru grants of his son Devaraya I all dated in 1400 A.D. attest atte st the the same. same. The Vijayanagara forces f orces unde underr the command of Chaundapa penetrated penetrated as for as the capital cap ital Kondavidu. Kondavidu. However Chaundapa was put to flight and the kingdom of Kondavidu was saved for the time being by Gajaravu Tippa, one of the (ova! generals of Pedakomati Vema. Katayavema did not recognise Pedakomati Vema as his overlord. He defied the authority of the centra centrall governme government nt and an d assert asse rted ed his independe independence. nce. The The interne internecine cine war betbet ween the two Reddi kingdoms was exploited by Annadeva Choda who was defeated and driven away on a previous occasion by the Redd Reddii forces. With the support of of the Ve Vela lama ma king Pedavedagiri, son of Mada Nayaka I of Devarakonda and also probably of Peda Komati Vema, Annadeva Choda succeeded in recovering his Vengi principality by 1408 A.D. from Katayavema.
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Shortly before this, Pedakomati Vema, who resented the family and political alliance into which the Vijayanegara rulers entered with his rival Katayavema, utilising the opportunity of the war of succession among the sons of Harihara II and supported by a strong contingent from the Bahamani sultan Firoz Shah, attacked the eastern provinces of the Vijayanagara empire. Devaraya I who finally became king in the month of November in 1406 A.D. had to pay his his attention atte ntion on the Doab. So the eastern eastern provinces ware weakly defended. With Wit h the result, Pedakomari Vema's forces occupied Pottapinadu and Pulugunadu in the south-east of Cuddapah district which continued to be under the Reddis of Kondavidu for seven years until their final expulsion by Devaraya I in 1413-14A.D. Meanwhil Meanwhile e Katayavema Katayavem a of the Rajahmundry Rajahm undry kingd kingdom, om, unable to defend defen d himsel himselff against the combined combined strength of Pedakomati Vema and Annadeva Choda, sought the help of Devaraya Dev araya I. Annadeva invited invited the Baham ani sultan sultan to invade invade the Rajahmundry Rajahmun dry territori territories. es. In order to divert divert the attenti attention on of his foes and get himself relieved of the pressure in the north and in the east, Devaraya I moved some of his troops into the heart of the Kondavidu kingdom by 14 1411 A.D. (dale of his inscription inscription at Inkollu Inkollu in the Guntur Guntur district). district). The alliance of Annadeva, Firoz Shah and Pedakomativema brought in dividends to the the partners. partners. Firoz Firoz occupied occupied some som e portions of the the RajahRa jahmundry kingdom kingd om (inscription (inscription of Vedadri Vedad ri in the Nandigama Nandigama taluktalukof Krishna Krishna district). district). The allied allied forces forc es won victory victo ry in the Attili Attili and Kakaraparru (both in the Tanuku taluk of West Godavari district) battles against the Vijayanagara Vijayanag ara and Rajahmundry troops. Devaraya I's I's intervention did not contribut contribute e to the success of Katayavenna. Katayavenn a. In one of the subsequent encounters in 1414 A.D., Pedakomati Vema slew Katayavema. After the death of Katayavema his near relative Allada Reddi placed Kumaragiri Il, the minor son of Katayavema, on the throne of Rajahmundry and himself acting as the regent, effectively effe ctively organis organised ed the defences of the realm realm.. He pu putt up a heroic fight against the enemies and appears to have killed Annadeva about the year 1415 A.D. Pedakomati Vema had
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no other 90 except except to depend depend upon upon Firoz Shah. However Allada Allada,, defeated defeat ed and drove out the enemies from Rajahmahendravara Rajy Ra jya. a. In the meantim meantime, e, to help elp the Rajahmundr mundry y power, p ower, Devaraya Devara ya I sent some of his his divisions end captured Motupall Motupallii the famous fam ous seaport seap ort of the kingdo kingdom m of Kondavidu. Kondavidu. Panugal in the Nalgonda district wa was s the base of his his operati oper ations ons against the Bahamani Bahamani sultan. Some of his his forces marched into into the Bahama Bah amani ni territory. Firo Firoz z Shah retreated retrea ted from the coastal districts and hastened to attack Panugal, Now free from the Muslim pressure, Allada turned his attention solely solely to destroy destro y Pedakomati Vema's power. The latter was decisively decisively defeated on the field of Ramesw Rame swara aram m (Razole taluk taluk of the East Godavari district) and was forced to retire to his own territ territo ory.
While Firoz Shah was laying siege to Panugal which lasted years, Devaraya I negotiated with the Velama chiefs for two two years, the subordinates of the Sultan, who were totally opposed to Pedakomati Pedakoma ti Vema—F Vema—Firoz iroz Shah allianc alliance. e. The Velamas Velamas accep acc epte ted d the hand of friendship friendsh ip extended to to them them by by Devaray Dev araya a I. The strategy yielded fruitful results. The The Musl Muslim im forces were virtually virtually routed routed.. Pedakomati Pedakomat i Vema's Vema' s brother Mac Macha ha Reddi Reddi,, who came along with troops to assist the sultan in the siege of Panugal, was slain by the Recherla chief Kumara Vedagiri, en ally of Devaraya Devaraya I. As a result of this, this, a great feud raged raged,, between Pedakomati Vema and the Recherla Velama chiefs. According to Velugotivari Vamsavali Vamsav ali,, Komati Komati Vema kille killed d Kumara Vedagiri Vedagir i in battle. In one of the the subsequent subsequent encoun encounter ters s with the Recherla chiefs, Pedakomati Vema lost his life about the year 142 1420 0 A.D. By the time of the reign of Racha Vema, Vema, son and successor of Pedakomati Vema, the country in the neighbourhood of Kondavidu was fully subjugated by the forces of Devaraya I. About Abo ut the year 1424 1424 A.D. A.D. the unpo unpopu pula larr was murdered own subjects. 'With Racha Vema was murdered by one of his own him ended the Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu which subsequently became the theatre of war and conquest among the three leading powers of the south, the Narapati of Vijayanagara, the Asvapatis of Gulbarga and the Gajapatis of Orissa.'
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HISTORY HISTORY OF OF THE ANDHRAS
During the year 1422-23 A.D., Bhanudeva IV king of Orissa carried a raid and subjugated the Rajahmundry kingdom which was under the rule of Kataya Vema's son-in-law Veerabhadra Reddi. Red di. The The Velama Vel amas s of Devarako Devar akonda nda migh mightt have joined joi ned hands with Orissa. Aft After er Rachavema's assassination, Kondavidu was left without without a ruler. ruler. Though some of the Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara officers and nobles seized large parts of the country, the Raya was not yet able to enforce his authority effectively owing to the invasi invasion on of the Bahamani sultan sul tan.. Bhanud Bha nudeva eva therefore there fore crossed the Krishna and with the help of Linga of Devarakonda overpowered the Vijayanagarg officers and made himself master of the territories territories of the erstwhile Kondavid Kond avidu u kingdom. As soon as Devaraya Devara ya II freed fre ed his kingdom kingdom from fro m the Muslim invaders invaders,, he launched laun ched an attack on the Kalingas Kalinga s and the Velamas. Velamas. Old Kondavidu territories were reconquered and incorporated into the Vijayan Vija yanagar agara a empire. The power of Veerabhadra Veerabhad ra Re Redd ddi, i, the king king of Rajahmun Raja hmundry dry (in ab abey eyan ance ce during 1423-27 A.D.) was completely restored in 1428 A.D. Devaraya II of Vijayanagara was called upon to intervene once again in the affairs of Rajahmundry about the year 1443 A.D.. The Reddi ruler A.D rulers s Allaya Vema (defacto) (defacto ) and Veerabhadra Reddi (de jure) made constant enchroachments on the territories tories of Orissa. Kapilesv Kapi lesvara ara Gajapati, Gajap ati, who usurped the throne of Orissa Ori ssa in 14 1435 35 A.D., wa was s ambitious and powerful. With a firm determination to put an end to the Reddi aggression, he formed an alliance with the Velamas, the inveterate foes of the Reddis. Then taking advantage of the preoccupation of Devaraya Devar aya II with wi th the invasion invasion of the Bahamani sultan, he launched an attack attac k on the Reddis. Reddis. But Devaraya Devar aya IIII, who was the real protector of the Rajahmundry kingdom, sent a strong contingent under his general Maliappa Udaiyar to drive away the Gajapatis and reestablish the Reddis firmly in the Godavari delt de lta. a. The The Draksharama inscription inscription of Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara general dated 1444 A.D. and Gangadhara's Gangadasapratapavilasam indica indicate te that Kapilesvar Kapilesvara a was defeated defeated and the Vijayanag Vijaya nagara ara general stayed for sometime at Rajahmundry to restore the Reddi power.
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Devaraya II died in 1446 A.D. since his son and successor Mallikarjunaraya was beset with many difficulties at home, the Vijayanag Vijayanagara ara forc forces es were recalled from from Rajahmundry. Rajahmundry. SomeSometime time about 144 1448 A.D. A.D. Virabha Vir abhadra dra Reddi Reddi die died. d. Kapilesvara must have have been been overjoyed overjoyed at these developments. developments. He sent sent promptly promptly his forces forces under under the leadership of his sort Hamvira into into the Rajahmundry Rajahmundry kingdom. kingdom. The Reddi Reddi power fell. fell. The Gajapati Gajapati rule rule wa was s establis established hed over these these territories. Thus Thus the the Redd Reddii kingdom kingdom of Rajahmun Raj ahmundry dry was liquid liquidat ated ed.. With this, this, the Vajayanagara hegemony over the coast of Andhra especially to the north of Krishna received a set back. The The Gajapat Gajapatis is bega began n to dominate the scene in Coastal Andhra.
CHAPTER
8
The Vijayanagara Empire
The Vijayanagara empire may be said to represent the era of civiliz civilization ation when the destiny destiny idea, charact char acteri eristi stic c of the Indian Indian soul had worke wo rked d out its potentialities and the spring spring and summer of Indian culture had been succeeded by the phase of civilization characterised by the rise of a new industrial system, system, an imperialism imperialism and a city state with a megalopolitan culture.' It marks the period period of conservation conservat ion and an d prepreservation, standing as a splendid rampart safeguarding and fostering the Indian and Hindu way of life against the onslaughts of the outlandish and Musli Muslim m way of life. It is considered considere d the last, last, the greatest great est and the most glorious gloriou s Hindu Hindu empire empire of the South. South. The empire has left left an ever-lasting ever-l asting mark of its existence in the fields of religion, literature, art and polity. The Vijayanagara state was tri-lingual, with a greater leaning ing towards towards Kannada Kanna da than Telugu Telugu and Tami Tamil. l. It is true tru e that its rulers could not achieve the political unification of all the Telugu-speaking areas. Their Their rule wa was s mostly mostl y confined to the south of the river river Krishna. Krishna. With the the fall of the Musunuri Musunuri and then the Padma Nayaka kingdoms, Telangana went into the possession possession of the Bahamanis. After Aft er the fall fal l of the ReddiReddikingdoms, the coastal Andhra to the north of the river Krishna became a battlefield between the Gajapatis and the Bahamanis and witnessed unprecedented difficulties.
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The Or Origi igin n of the Vijayan Vij ayanagar agaraa Empir Empiree
The early history of Vijayanagara is wrapped up in obscurity and the origin or the national affiliations of the founders of the Vijayanagara Vijayana gara empire empire is stil stilll a matter of controversy. Literar Literaryy traditions and historical inscriptions prove the fact that the empire was founded by Harihara and Bukka, the two Sangama brothers brothers,, in .13 1336 36 A.D. But how these the se brothers founded found ed the Kingdom and what political circumstances ted them to the founding of the city were subjects of keen controversy and several theories had been built up on these issues. From the confusing mass of source material, Robert Sewell, who was the pioneer on Vijayanagara history, could trace seven traditions about the origin of the city and the empire: 1. According Acco rding to the first traditio tradition, n, the two brothers brothers Harihara Harihara and Bukka, who were in the service of the king of Warangal at the time of destruction of that kingdom by the Muslims in 1323 A.D., escaped with some cavalry men to Anegondi area. They were wer e being being accompanied accompanied by Brahmi Brahmin n Madhav Mad havach acharya arya Vidyaranya and by some means not stated became lords of that tract and afterwards founded the city of Vijayanagara. 2. The second secon d traditi tradition on asserts asse rts that the the two brothers brothers were in the service of the Mahammadan governor of Warangal, subsequent to its first captur ca pture e in in 1309 A.D. They were despatched despatched against the Hoyasala Ballala under the leadership of Malik Kafur in 1310 A.D., which resulted in the capture of the Hindu capital Dwarasamudra; but a portion of the force, to which these brothers belonged, suffered defeat and the brothers fled to the mountainous tract near Anegondi. Anegondi. Here they met holy Madhava Madhava and with his help, they established the kingdom and the capital city. 3. According Accor ding to the third tradit tradition ion,, the two br brot othe hers rs,, for some some reason, fled direct direct from fro m Warang Wa rangal al to Anegondi. This This account contribut cont ributes es more to their their honour as the Hindus. Hindus. Though Though compelled first to accept service under their conquerors, their
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patriotism triumphed in the end and they threw in their lot with their co-religionists to protect South India from the Muslim penetration. 4. The fourth tradit tradition ion refers to the th e hermit Madhava himself himself founding the city after the discovery of a hidden treasure, ruling over it himself and leaving it after his death to a Kuruba family membe memberr who established established the first regular regu lar dynast dyn astyy (i.e (i.e., ., Sangama). 5. The fifth one, one, referred by Cout Couto, o, a Portuguese historian, states that while Madhava was living in the forest leading his ascetic life, he was fed by a poor shepherd called Bukka. Madhava foretold that Bukka one day would become a king. In accordance with this prediction, Bukka became king of all land and called himself Bukkarao. 6. Another version vers ion is that Harihara and Bukka may have bee been n feudatories of the Hoyasala Ballalas. 7. Nikrtin, a Russian Rus sian traveller who seems to favour the view that the old royal house of the Kadambas of of '...the Hindoo Sultan Kadam who
was w as in Inli Inlia in 14 1474 A.D., founders belonged to the Banavasi, since he speaks resided at Bichenegher.'
Robert Sewell observes, 'Perhaps the most reasonable account would be culled from the general drift of the Hindu legends combined with certainities of historical facts.' Regarding the national affiliations of Harihara and Bukka, the founders of the Vijayanagara empire, there are two groups of scholars sch olars sharply opposed to each other. Some opine opine that the two brothers were refugees from Telangana; they fled from the court of their their sovereign Prataparudra when wh en the the latter was taken prisoner prisoner by the armies of the Sultan Sultan of Delhi Delhi.. They They established themselves at Anegondi on the banks of the Tungabhadra and with Vidyaranya's help founded a new city Vijayanagara or Vidyanagara on the opposite bank of the river. This approach is based on tradition derived from the Kannada sources.
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The other group of scholars scholars rejects this tradition completely completely and hold the view that the founders were Karnatakas, subordina ordinates tes of the Hoyasala king king Ballala II III. They They were were posted to the northern northern fronti frontiers ers of the Hoyasala Hoyasala kingd kingdom om to defend defend against against the Muslim Muslim attack att acks. s. They discharged discharged this task satisfac satisfactor torilily. y. After the death of Ballala Ballala III and his his Son Son Baltate IV, they they quietly quietly ascended the throne and ruled ruled the erstwhile erstwhile Hoyasal Hoyasala a territorie territories s without opposition. opposition. This view view seems seems to be based on gratuitous assumptions and false identifications. THE THEORY OF KARNATAKA ORIGIN Rev. Fr. Heras, S.K. Aiyangar, B.A. Saletore, P.B. Desai, G.S. Gai and a host of others have asserted the Hoyasala origin of Vij Vijayan ayanagar agara, a, Fr. Heras affirmed, "The "The founda foundation tion of of the city of Anegondi which formed the cradle of Vijayanagara Vijayanagara empire empire wa was s laid by the Hoyasala Hoyasala king Ballala III, and Harihara, a near near relative of the the Hoyasala Hoyasala ru rule lerr was a frontier officer with with his headquarters headquarters there". The expone exponents nts of this theory argue argue that the city of Vijayanag Vijay anagara ara itself was establishe established d by Ballala Ballala III after the destruction of Dwarasamudra in 1327-28 A.D. by Muhammad Bin Tughlak. This view is based upon the statement ment of Ferishta that Ballaladeva buil builtt a great fort fort in 13 1344 44 A.D. A.D. in the the hilly hilly tract tract of his his own norther northern n frontier frontier and named it after after his own son son Bijan Bijan Rai. Basing on this Muslim Muslim chroni chronicler cler,, the the scholars assert that the five sons of Sangama were in the service service of Ballala III and when the latter establish established ed the new new city after the name of his son to protect the northern frontier of his his kingdom kingdom,, he appointed the Sangama brothers brothers Harihara and Bukka as his generals generals there and and himself himself mad made e TiruvannaTiruvannamalai malai as his capital, capital , S.K. S.K. Aiyangar Aiyangar argued argued that the brothe brothers rs worrked wo ked in cooperation, if not in subordination subordination to Balla Ballala la IIIII. The foundation of the Vijayanagara as such is the outcome of of that policy of the last Hoyasal Hoyasala a who who dislodge dislodged d the garrisons garrisons of Muhammad Bin Tughlak and getting south India free from the Musli Muslims ms.. When When the Hoyasal Hoy asala a king king passed passed away, away, it is these brothers who would stand out as having rendered yeomen service to the empire.
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HISTORY OF THE ANDHR AND HRAS AS
B.A. Saletore expressed the view that the sons of Sangama, whom the feudatories and generals of the Hoyasalas readily acknowledged as the rightful successors of the Hoyasalas, should have been intimately associated with the Karnataka country. 'It was only their profound sense of responsibility as successors to the rich heritage of the Hoyasalas that made the founders themselves themselves give extraordin extra ordinary ary prominen prominence ce to the royal city of their great great predecessors—Dorasamudra.' The The exponents of the Kannadiga origin of the founders of Vijayanagara further point out that the historic city of Vijayanagara itself is now a part of the Karnataka State and the area, though, is bilingual, inclines more more towards Kannada than Telug Telugu. u. Even Even the Telugu poets poets like Srinatha describe describe the Vij Vi j ayan ay anag agar ara a kingdom kingdom as 'Kannada Rajya Lakshmi' and Devaraya II as 'Karnata Kshitipala'. pala'. The Sangama Sangama kings kings assumed assume d Kannada Kann ada titles and patro patro-nised ni sed the Kannada language and out of the tota to tall about about 500 5000 Vijayanagar Vijay anagara a inscriptions inscrip tions almost half the numb number er are in Kannada. Hence, Hence, it is concluded that the Sangama Sangama founders of the Vijayanagara empire were only Kannadigas. However, the very basis for the Karnataka origin of the founders found ers of the Vi Vija jaya yana naga gara ra empire empire is defective. The The same same Ferishta, who stated sta ted that that Ballala IIl built built in 134 1344 A.D. A.D. the Vijayanagara fort after the name of his son in the northern frontier of his kingdom, kingdom, also al so said s aid that the city was founded by a Hindu prince who had been taken captive and set free by the Muslims. Muslims. With regar reg ard d to Ferishta's Ferisht a's date 1344 A.D. for fo r the foundation of the Vijayanagara city, it is against all the known chronological chronol ogical facts fac ts.. Ballala III died died in 1342 A.D. itself. itself. Further the Delhi Sultan was having his dominion exercised from 1328 A.D. to almost upto 1336 A.D. over the Anegondi region and subsequently Harihara I held his sway over the same area. Hence, for any sound historical argument, such ill-informed and self contradictory statements of Ferishta cannot be taken as the basis. Further, Further, there is no concrete concr ete proof to show that the Sultan Sultan of Delhi destroy destr oyed ed Dwarasamudra Dwarasamudra in 1327 1327-2 -28 8 A.D. On the other hand, the Muslim chronicles affirm that Ballala III handed
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over the rebel Bahauddin to the Sultan and made peace with him. him. This fact clearly clearly indicates that there there was no necessity for the Sultan Sultan to destroy destroy Dwarasamudra, There There is also also no no evidence to prove that Harihara and his brother were ever in the service service of Ballal Ballala a III. Contr Contrary ary to this this,, there there is epigr epigrap aphi hica call and literary literary evidence evidence to show sho w that Harihara Harihara and Ballala Ballala fought fought with one another. Another Anothe r thing thing is that simply simply becaus because e the area, over which the Sangama brothers established their authority, relates to Karnataka, and the language which was patronised by them and and in which half the the inscriptions inscriptions were were issued happened to be Kannada, and the titles borne by them happened to be Kannada, one should not jump to the conclusion that the founders founders of the empire empire were Kannadigas. It is but natural for the rulers of any dynasty to develop and promote, to issue their records in and to assume their titles in the local language especially in the land of their adoption. adoption. Furth Further, er, though though somewhat wha t late in composition compositi on and legendary legendary in nature, nature, the very ver y Kannada chronicles like 'Keladi Nripavijayam', 'Rajakalanirnaya', and 'Siva tatva Ratnakara' assert the tradition that the founders of the the Vijayanagara empir empire e were were officers in the court of pratapaprataparudra. Thus Thus the theory theory of the Karnataka origin origin of the VijayaVija yanagara appears to be untenable. THE THEORY OF KAMPILI ORIGIN Numerous traditions like 'Kumararamana Kathe', 'KampdJYuddh Yuddha' a' etc. in Kannada refer to Kampilidevaraya who ruled Kampili in the early decades of the 14th century. A.D., successfully resisting resisting the Yadavas Yadavas of Devagiri, Devagiri, the Kakatiyas Kakatiyas of Waranga Warangall and the Hoyasates. Hoyasates. Hi His s son Kumara Kumara Rama ama was a great great hero. His brother-in-law was Sangama, Sangama, the father of Hari Ha riha hara ra and and others. Kampil ampilii gave shelter shelter to Bahaud Bahauddin, din, the rebel rebel nephew nephew of Muhammad Bin Bin Tughlak. Tughlak. Ibn Ibn Batuta, Batuta, the celebrated celebrated contemporary contemporary Moori Moorish sh traveller and a friend fri end of the Sultan, states that Kempili was sieged by the Sultan and Kampilide Kampilidevar varaya aya and Kumara Kumara Rama perished perished in the bat battle tle.. The The town was taken "and eleven sons of the Rai were made prisoners and carried to the Sultan, who made them all Musalmans." Two of them, them, Harihara and Bukka, Bukka, became became favourites favourites
13)
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HISTORY HISTORY OF THE A ND NDH H RA S
of the Sultan and were set free for their upright conduct in prison. When the people of Kamp K ampili ili revolted revolted in 1334-35 1334-35 A.D. A.D . against the Muslim governor, the two brothers were sent back to quell the revolt and administer the region as governors. But they established their independent government with the help of a sage at Anegondi, Some scholars take this account as historical and consistent sistent.. According to them, Ibn Batuta Bat uta was wa s an eye-witness. eye-w itness. With the exception of some discrepanci discrepancies, es, Ziauddin Barani, Barani, who held an important post in the revenue department in the court of Muhammad Bin Tughlak, narrates more or less the same sam e theme. theme. Further, Further, from the very ver y begi beginni nning, ng, the Vijayanagara Vijayana gara rulers never described themselves as subordinates of either the Hoyasalas Hoyas alas or the Kakatiyas. The Hoyasala Hoya sala epigraphs are totally tota lly silent silent about their relationship relationship with Vijaya Vija yana nagar gara. a. The final final conclusion conclusion of the supp su ppor orter terss of this theory is that tha t the founders of the Vijayanagara empire were of Kannada stock, but the empire was neither a fulfilment nor a continuation of the Hoyasala kingdom. However the narration of Ibn Batuta mingles historical facts fac ts with hearsay hear say accounts. As far fa r as the close associat association ion of the two Sangama brothers with the realm of Kampili is concerned, one may not find objection. But the two tw o brothers brothe rs being spoken of as the sons of Kampili Rai is not acceptable since no corroborative or confirmative evidence is available. Further in the traditional Hindu account given by Nuniz, it is stated none of the royal princes escaped from death in the hands of the the Muslim Muslim invaders. invade rs. Ibn Batut Ba tuta a states sta tes about the survival surviva l of the eleven sons. so ns. Even with with regard to to the reason for the Sultan's attack on Kampili, white the Muslim accounts say it was a campaign against the rebel nephew, according to the traditional Hindu account it was a war undertaken from pure pure greed of conquest. In view of such discrepancies and lack of confirmative evidence, the theory of Kampili origin also cannot be taken as valid and final.
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THE THEORY OF ANDHRA ORIGIN Rabert Sewell, who performed the miracle of 'making the dry bones live' through, his pioneering work 'A Forgotten Empire' on the history of Vijayanagara asserted that the two brothers Harihara and Bukk B ukka a of the Kuruba cast ca ste e (shepherd (shepherd communi community) ty) were men men of strong st rong religious religious fervou fer vour. r. They They were the treasury officers offic ers in Warangal Waranga l under under Prataparudra Pratapa rudra II. After Aft er the Muslim's sacked Warangal in 1323 A.D., they fled and joined the court of Anegondi Aneg ondi or Kampili. In the subsequent developments, Kampili Kampili was sacked sack ed by Muhammad Muhammad Bi Bin n Tughla Tughlak; k; the two tw o brothers were taken captives to Delhi and were forced to embrace Islam. When the people people revolted in Kampi Kampilili against against the Muslim governor, the Sultan sent Harihara and Bukka to restore order in Kampili Kampili and rule the country. Soon after their their arrival, they renounced Islam and embraced the old faith. Afterwards they founded the city of Vijayanagara. Of late, N. Venkataramanayya, more or less on the tines of Sewell, developed and postulated the Andhra origin of the founders founder s of Vijayanagara. Taking into consideration the evidence evidence of traditio tradition n furnished by works like Vidyaranya Kalajnana, Vidyaranya Vrittanta, Vrittanta, Rajakalanirnaya, Rajakalanirn aya, PiramahaPiramahasamhiti and Sivatatva Ratnakara, the evidence of the Muslim historians like Ziauddin Barani, Isarni and Ferishta, the evidence of the foreign visitors like Ibn Batuta and Nuniz and the evidence evidenc e of inscriptions inscriptions like like Gozalavidu record, VenkataramanayVenkataramana yayya states that "the founders of Vijayanagara were at first in the service of Prataparudra of Warangal, and that when that monarch was defeated by Muhammad Bin Tughlak and taken prisoner, they fled to Kampili and took refuge in the court of Kampilideva. Kampilideva. They were, however, captured captured by the Sultan after the sack of Kampili in A.D. 1326 and were carried away to Delhi where they were forcibly forc ibly converted to Isla Islam. m. On the outbreak outbreak of a rebellion rebellion in Kampili Kampili and the collaps collapse e of the provincial government, they were released by the Sultan from prison and sent with an army to Kampili to reconquer it from the rebels and rule the province province as his his deputies. deputies. This This they successfully accomplished; but they did not long remain loyal
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to the Sultan. Sultan. They came came under under the influence of Vidyaranya who persuaded them to renounce renounce Islam, Islam, and threw in their lot with the Andhra nationalists who had just then succeeded, under the leader leadershi ship p of Kapaya, Kapaya, in expell expelling ing the Musulmans and and reestablish reestablish their their national independ independence ence.. Harihara and Bukka then reverted reverted to their ancient ancient faith and, and, havin having g declared declared their independence, assumed the leadership of the Hindus of Kampili in their fight against the Musulmans." THE ORIGIN OF THE CITY OF VIJAYANAGARA Tradi Tradition tion attributes the foundation of the city city to Vidyaran Vidy aranya, ya, and Vidyanagara, the alternative name by which the capita! city was known known lends lends colour colour to the tradition tradition.. But the inscripinscr iptions of Harihara Hariha ra I and and his his successors successors refer either either to Harihara Harih ara I or Bukka I as the builder builder of the city of victory. The conflicting evidence evidence gave rise rise to several speculative theories to explain the circumstances under under which the city was founded. However it is certain that Vijayanagara was functioning as the capital of the new kingdom from at least 1344 A.D., the same same time from which at least Bukka I was associated with his brother in the administration of the kingdom as his co-regent. According to one of the Kalajnanas, it took full seven years to complete the construct const ruction ion of the city. From From this it is logical to conclud conclude e that the foundations of the future imperial city were laid in 1336 A.D. itself when Harihara I declared his independence at Anegondi. Harihara I after declaring his independence in the Kampili region, wanted to consolidate his position and organise his kingdom kingdom for effective defence. In the medieval times, the security security of a king kingdo dom m depended on the t he strength strength of its forts. for ts. The capital Anegondi, on the northern bank of the river Tungabhadra bhadra was not impregnable. Espec Especial ially ly in those troublous times, it was not a safe place as the capital of a Hindu kingdom newly established establi shed against against the interests of the Muslim Muslims. s. It fell into enemy's hands twice withi within n a dec decad ade. e. So Harihara Harihara I wanted wante d to shift shif t the the capital to a place inaccessib inaccessible le to the enemy. He selected the site on the opposite bank of the Tungabhadra in
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the neighbourhood of the Virupaksha temple, around the Hemakuta hill for the new capital. capital. His brother brother and right right hand-m hand-man an Bukka I shouldered the task, carried it into execution and completed it by 1343 A.D. VIDYARANYA
While the tradition stresses the significant role played by the sage Vidyaranya in the founding of the Vijayanagara empire and the imperial city, epigraphic evidence is not available on this subject. subj ect. In the local records, records, his original original name name was given as Madhava Madha va Bhatta. He was a Smarta Brahmin Brahmin of Karnataka Karnatak a born poor in a town on the banks of the Krishna in the last quarter of the 13th 13th century A.D, He went to Kanchi along with his brothers Sayana and Bhoganatha for study at a very early age. age . Afte Af terr retu return rn from Kanchi, he settled down down as a married man. At that time south India India witnessed wit nessed the onslaughts onsla ughts of the Muslims from fr om the North. North. Vid Vidya yaran ranya ya develop developed ed religious spirit spirit and did even penance for more than five years in the surroundings of Hampi. Hampi. Subsequently Subsequently his coming into contact with the Sangama brothers, their reconversion into the Hindu faith, founding of Vijayanagara empire and the city—all these were recorded reco rded in the local accounts. account s. Nuniz Nuniz also al so refers refers to the significant role of Vidyaranya. However there are certain inaccuracies in the local records. At the time of founding Vijayanagara, Vidyaranya was mentioned tioned as the head priest of the the Sringeri Sringeri Pith. Pith. But the epigraph epigraphic ic evidence asserts that at last upto 1376 A.D. Bharati Tirtha was the chief chief pontiff pontiff of the AdvaitaAdvai ta-Math Matha a at Sringeri. In an inscription of Bukka Bukka I dated 1356 1356 A.D. Bukk Bu kka a is mentioned as making a request to Bharati Tirthg to see that Vidyaranya would come to south south from Varanasi Varan asi.. Gangam Gangamba's ba's 'Mathura Vijaya' makes reference to Vijayanagara city twice but does not refer to Vidyara Vidy aranya nya.. The account mentio mentions ns Kalamukha Kriyasakti Kriyasakti as the Kulaguru. Even Even the t he inscriptions of Harihara Harihara II issued in the year ye arss 13 1380 80 A.D., 13 1384 84 A.D., and 13 1386 86 A.D. elegising elegising Vidyaranya, make no reference to his role in the founding of Vijayan Vij ayanagar agara. a. No doub doubt, t, some some inscriptions inscriptions refe referr to Vidyaranya
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and Vidyanagara Vidyan agara,, but but the genui genuine nenes ness s of these records is questioned by Fleet, Rice, Fr. Heras, Narasimhachari and Gopinatnarao. natnarao . According to these scholars, scholars, taking advantage of the weakness of the last Sangama rulers, the pontiffs of the Sringeri Matha fabricated and propagated these stories and even the inscriptions inscriptions were deliberate deliberately ly forged forged by these gurus gurus to highlig highlight ht the Hindu Hindu religious religious ferv fervour our in the t he foundi f ounding ng of the empire and the city. Hence Hence these scholars treat t reat Vidya Vi dyaran ranya ya as a person of no consequence as far as the origin of the empire and the city is concerned.
2.
Circumstan Circu mstances ces Under which the Vijayanagara Empire was Established
PENETRATION PENETRATION OF THE TURKS IN THE THE SOUTH SOUTH Ala-ud-din Ala-ud-din was by all al l counts, counts, the first fi rst Muslim Muslim genera! who crossed the Vindhyas and invaded the Hindu States of South India. Bein Being g the nephew nephew of Jalal-u Jalal-ud-di d-din n Khalji, the founder of the Khalji ru rule le in Delh Delhi, i, he (Ali Gurshas Gurs hasp p Malik Malik was was his real name) rendered his services to his uncle and falrver-inlaw in crushing the revolt (Aug-Sept. (Aug-Sept. 1290 A.D.) of the disdisaffecte affected d Turki Turkish sh amirs amirs Jed by Mal Malik ik ChajjuChajju-Kishlu Kishlu Khan, governor nor of Kara. Kara. This young man, man, 'calcul 'calculatin ating, g, unscrupulo unscrupulous us and aggressive', was eventually appointed governor governor of Kara. Kar a. Hi His s domestic domestic misery misery (due to haug haughty hty and arrogant arrogant wife) wif e) increased incr eased his thirst for avenging himself on the family and his unsympathetic critics by deeds that would free him from the bitter family family tutelage and ensure him an indepen independent dent and glorious existence. He realized that money money was wa s the first requi requisit site e and raid on the neighbouring Hindu states and beyond the Vindhyas appeared to assure a working capital for the furtherance of his ultim ultimat ate e objecti objective ve of capturing the throne of Delhi Delhi.. In this this process, he first captured Bhilsa (Vidisha) near Bhopal, plundered and destroyed the richly endowed temples and collected enormo enormous us booty. booty. He Here re he 'assiduously 'assiduously gathe g athered red knowledge knowledge
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of the fabl fa bled ed wealth wealt h of southern Hi Hind ndu u king kingdo doms ms'.'. On the pretext of invading Chartderi, Chartderi, Ala-ud-din, pretending as a fugitive itive prince, marched in in the wi winter of 1295 A.D. A.D. to Ellich Ellichpur and then then passed through Lasaura with wit h his his eight eight thousand thousand picked picked cavalry. cavalry. He had his assault on the capital Devagiri Devagiri of the Yadava kingdom, when its main army had gone southwards under heir heir apparen appa rentt Singhan Singhana a Deva Deva.. The rul ruler er Ramachandr Ramachandra a or Ramadeva sued su ed for peace peace.. Even ven Singhana Singhana who arrived from the south was also defeated- Enorm normou ous s booty boot y and huge huge war indemnity indemnity were extracted. Devagiri Devagi ri was reduce reduced d to a vassal state. state. This invasion invasion 'not only provided vided Ala-ud-din with with the money he needed so badly to further further his his ambitious ambitious plans plans to succeed to throne of Delh Delhii but but also als o opene opened d the way w ay to south India to the Muhammadans, none of whom had dared to cross the Vindhyas so far.' Ala-ud'din then then hatched a plot plot,, assassinated Jalal-ud-din, Jalal-ud-din, won the nobles over to his side with the Deccan money and usurped the Delhi throne in 1296 A.D. He was obliged to keep a large and effective army in order to keep the nobles, under check, maintain law and order, order, subjugate and conque conquerr the the independent and semi-indepen semi-independent dent states, states, and to check the Mongo Mongoll menace. His revenue reforms ref orms were w ere due due to his his desire to increase state resources. The The execution of his his policy policy of conquest conqu est of north Indi India a drained drained mostly mostly these resources. resources. He soon felt the need to look look for money money outside his his territory. His assiduously gathered earlier knowledge of the fabled wealth of southern Hindu kingdoms beyond Devagiri came to his help, instead of conquering and annexing annexi ng these these kingdoms, he shrewdly apted for squeezing them of their immense treasures and making them pay tributes regularly regularly to augment augment the imperial imperial treas tr easury ury.. S.K. Aiyan A iyangar gar rightl rightly y observes observes in his his work 'South 'South India India and Her Muhammada Muhammadan n Invaders' Invaders' about the motives motives of Ala-ud-din in undertaking the southern expeditions thus : "Alaud-din's object in these various invasions of the Dekkan and the farther south appears to have gone no farther than making them the milch-cow for the gold that he was often much in need need for the efficient maintena maintenance nce of his his army "
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THE POLITICAL SITUATION IN THE SOUTH at that time was also encouraging encouraging to the Khalji Sultan Sultan.. The Yadavas Yadavas of Devagiri, who were already reduced to a state of vassalage by Ala-ud-din, Ala-ud-din, were masters of the entire entire western deccan decc an from the Tapti Tapti to the Krish Krishna. na. The The Kakat Kak atiy iyas as of Warangal Warangal were were the rulers of the eastern Deccan excluding the entire Rayalasima and almost almost touching touching Kanch Kanchii in the t he south. The The Hoyasalas Hoyasal as of Dwarasamudra and the Pandyas of Madura divided between themselv themselves es the rest rest of of the peninsula'. Besides these the se four great Hindu kingdoms, there was a petty but valourous Kampili state in the Raichur Doab. Finan Financia cially, lly, all these these states states were well off. The The Kings Kings possessed immense riches. riches. They considered considered it religiously meritorious to build temples and endow them richly richly.. Famous Famous shrines came came up. Their Their accumulated wealth was w as the pride of south India India,, There was complete religious religious freed fr eedom. om. 'But. unfortunately, the clash of interests of rival dynasties rendered harmo harmonio nious us progress progress of the country country impossible. The Ya Yada dava vas s against the Kakatiyas, the Kakatiyas against the Pandyas, the Pandyas against the Hoyasalas and the Hoyasalas against the Yadavas carried on generations of warfare with a zeal worthy of a better better cause Their Their mutual mutual animositi animos ities es had take ta ken n such deep roots that even in the face of foreign invasions they could could not not eschew their their quarrels quarrels and present present a united front fro nt against their common foe'. Ala-ud-din Ala-ud-di n turned his attention attention beyond Devagiri Devagiri on the Kakatiya Kakatiy a country count ry.. While While he himself himself was engage engaged d in sieging sieging the fort of Chitor in Rajasthan, he sent a huge army via Bengal to invad invade e Warangal. Warangal. This This expedition expedition was a failure fail ure and the Muslim armies were defeated by the Kakatiya ruler Prataparudra rudra II in 13 130 03 A.D. The effect effect of this defea defeatt was that the king of Devagiri who had been paying tribute to the Sultan stopped stopped paying that. that. He even gave gave refuge to the rul ruler er of Gujarat and his daughter who fled their kingdom to save themselves selves from the the Sultan. Sultan. As soon as Al Ala-u a-ud-d d-din in was free from the problems in the north, he sent his redoubtable general general Malik Malik Kafur, to realize realize the ar arre rear ars s of tribute from Devagir Devagiri. i.
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Kafur's forces defeated the Yadava king in 1307 A.D. and established estab lished the suprema supr emacy cy of Delhi Delhi over Devagir Devagiri. i. Ma Malik lik Kafur even made mad e captive the family of of the rule rulerr Ramadeva. Ramadeva. Ramadeva Ramadeva was,however, well-treated at Delhi and sent back to south with heavy presents. He felt obliged to Ala-ud-din and remained loyal to him. This wa was s a diplo diplomat matic ic move move by the Sultan Sultan and it paid dividends and Ala-ud-din was thus able to get a loyal ally in the south sou th who proved pro ved to be of great great help help in his later later campaigns. To wipe out the disgrace of defeat which the Delhi army faced in the hands of Prataparudra II, Malik Kafur, assisted by Ramadeva, entered Telangana, defeated Prataparudra in January, 1310 A.D., seized all his accumulated wealth and forced him to pay annua annuall tribute to the Sultan. Sultan. He then spent the subsequent two years in subjugating the Hoyasala and the Pandyan kingdoms. Among Amon g other other things even temples were wer e not spared from loot in these victor vic toriou ious s expeditions. expeditions. Malik Malik Kafur Kafu r once again marched on Devagiri in 1312 A.D. when Ramadeva's son and succes suc cessor sor raised the standard of revolt. Devagiri Devagiri was conquered. Following the th e death of Ala-ud Ala -ud-di -din n in 1316 A.D., there was wa s anarchy in the country due to war of succession and palace intrigues. intrigues. Taking adva ad vant ntag age e of this, Devagiri Devagiri declared itsel itselff independent. independent. Soon after aft er restoring order order in the no nort rth, h, Ate-udAte- uddin's din's succ su cces esso sorr Qutb-ud-din Mu Muba bara rak k personally took the the field against agai nst Devagiri. Devagiri. The The Ya Yada dava va kingdo kingdom m came into into the the posses pos ses-sion of the Sultan. Mubarak' Muba rak's s general Khusrau Khan K han collected the arrears of tribute from Prataparud Prataparudra; ra; Gulbarga, Gulbarga, DwaraDwara samudra and Madura were once again reduced to submission. Again in 1320 A.D. when Khusrau Khan killed Mubarak Khalji and made himself Sultan, the country was plunged into disordar diso rdar.. The peninsula peninsula threw off the Muslim Muslim yoke. The Hindu princes in the south reasser re asserted ted the their ir independ independence ence.. As soon as Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlak established himself on the Delhi throne in September, 132O A.D., he wanted to bring the whole of Deccan Decc an peninsula unde underr his his direct control. control. Previously Previously
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the Khalji Sultans satisfied themselves simply with the establis blishmen hmentt of thei theirr supremacy over the southern states. states . But with the accession of Ghiyas-ud-din to the Delhi throne, there was a change in the policy of the rulers of Delhi towards the southern southern states. stat es. All attempts attempts were made to create the defeated states as province of the Delhi empire. Ghiyas-ud-din sent his eldest son Jauna, entitled Ulugh Khan Kha n (later Muhammad Bin Bin Tugh T ughlak) lak),, to reconquer the the Hindu Hindu states of the South. Ulug Ulugh h Khan failed faile d in .hi .hiss first attempt in hi his mission mission against Wa Waran ranga gall in 1321 1321 A.D. In 1323 1323 A.D., he was wa s sent again again to Warangal. Warangal. This time the Kakatiya Kakat iya kingkingdom was wa s overthrown overthro wn and Prataparudra Prataparudra committed suicide suicide in captivity. Then Then followed followed the defeat defeat and humili humiliati ation on of Mabar. Maba r. 'By 1325 A.D. the Yadava, the Kakatiya and a major part of the Pandyan dominions dominions were we re incorporated into into the Del Delhi Sultanat and Devagiri, Warangal and Madura became the seats of Musl Muslim im provincial governors.' governors.' However the Hoyas Ho yasala ala kin kinggdom somehow survived the Muslim occupation. The overthrow of the Yadavas provided a sigh of relief for Kampilidevaraya, the rule rulerr of Kampili. Kampili. He and his his brave son son Kuma Ku mara ra Rama could could withstand the three successive attacks of the Hoyasala Ballala III on their territory in the Raichur Doab between 1320 A.D. and 1325 A.D. In 1325 A.D. Jauna became the Sultan with the name of Muhammad Muham mad Bin Tughl Tughlak. ak. In pursuit pursuit of his his cousin and the rebel governor of Sagar, Bahauddin Gurshasp, the imperial forces marched mar ched on Kampil Kampili,i, the chief of which ga gave ve him him she shellter. ter. Kampili was wa s attac att acke ked d and destroye dest royed d in in 13 1327 27 A.D. Kampili Kampili-devaraya and his his son perished in the battl battle. e. The female members of the royal harem already threw themselves into the pyre to save sa ve their honour honour.. The other members were wer e taken captives cap tives to Delhi, Delhi, They incl included uded Hariha Ha riha r and Bukka, B ukka, the two Sangama brothers who, after the destruction of Warangal in 1323 A.D. migrated to Kampili, entered into matrimonial alliance with its king and became his treasurers. After subjugating Kummata and capturing Hosdurg, the imperial forces turned towards the Hoyasala kingdom, where
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Bahaudd Bahauddin in had taken shelter. The The Hoyasala ruler Ballala Ill was prep ared d to risk his kingdom king dom for fo r the the sake of a refu refuge gee. e. He not not prepare made peace with the Sultan by handing over Bahauddin and accepting the sove s overei reignt gnty y of Delhi. Delhi. Thus Thus the entire penin peninsu sula la from Tapti to Cape Camorin with the exception of Jajnagar or Orissa, was incl in cluded uded in the Delhi Sultanat. The Sultan Sultan stayed in Deccan for fo r two years yea rs and mad made e arraignments for the administration of the newly acquired territories.
THE EFFECTS OF THE MUSLIM RULE RULE
With the advent of the Muslim rule in the south, conditions underwent a dras dr asti tic c change change.. The administration administration under the Maliks, Amirs and other officers was tyrannical and oppressive and the people people began to groan under hardships, if the new masters had remained remain ed content with the acquisition of more more political power, the Hindus would have passively accepted them. But the soldi sol diers ers of the Turkish conquerors behaved behaved as plunderers. The plig plight ht of Andhrad Andh radesa esa under under the Turkish Turkish is graphically described in the contemporary Vilasa copper plate grant gra nt of Musunuri Prolaya Nayaka Naya ka.. The record says "In "In a hundred sinful ways, the rich were tortured for the sake of money. Merely on beholding the Parasikars (Muslims) some abandoned abando ned their thei r lives. Brahmins were disallo disallowed wed to perform their religious rites rites and an d rituals. Temples Temples were destroyed destroyed and idols were desecrated and broken. All the agraharas, which which had long been in the enjoyment of the most learned, were taken tak en aw away ay.. Forcibly depri de prived ved of the th e fruits, frui ts, of their cult cultiv ivat atio ion, n, the husbandmen, husband men, both the rich and poor, got ruined. In that great calamity, people could not regard their money, wives and others earthl ear thly y belongings as the their ir own. The The wretched Yavan Yav anas as (Mus (M usll ims) im s) revelle revelled d alwa al ways ys in drinkin drinking g wine. wine. Bati Bating ng cow' co w's s flesh, sporting in amour and killi killing ng the Brahmins. Brahmins. When such is the case, how could the t he world worl d of living living being beings s exist? exis t? Situated as the country was without the possibility of a saviour being being conc co ncie ieve ved d even in imaginat imagination, ion, the land of Teli Teling nga, a, tormented in this way by those Yavana warriors who were exactly like Rakshasas, was in flames like a forest surrounded by wild fire".
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Gangamba, in her 'Madhura Vijaya', enumerates similar things, describing the condition of the south under the Muslim rule characterised by oppressive nature, religious fanaticism and intolerance. intolerance. The iconoclastic iconoclastic zeal spurred them the m to destruction of the Hin Hindu du temples. On those ruins, ruins, with the same same materia materials, ls, mosque mosques s were were built. Alexander Alexander Rae Rae referred to the big big mosque' mosque' at Rajahm Raj ahmun undr dry y as a good example of of a Hi Hind ndu u temple temple (the temple temple of Venugopalaswami Venugopala swami of the Eastern Chalukyan times), retaining its original features but converted into into a Mohammadan Mohammadan mosque. Similarly, Similarly, at Eluru and Kondapalli also the Hindu structures were dismantled and mosques were buil built. t. Apart from this, this, there wa was s a violent shake shak e up of the entire social fabric. The traditional traditional institutions of the the land were were overthrown and and the age-long practices were upset. upset. The people could not reconcile themselves to the new dispensation. There was an outbu outburst rst of national indign indignatio ation n and patriotic enthusiasm for driving out the aliens. THE MOVEMENT OF LIBERATION LIBERATION AND THE ESTABLISHMENT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE VIJAYANAGARA EMPIRE The widespread discontent among the people towards the Tughlak regime was exploited by the dislodged and disgruntled princes, pri nces, both Hindu Hindu and and Muslim of the South. South. The unrest was spearheaded into a general movement of resistance against the Delhi Delhi imperialism. imperialism. Especially afte afterr the Sultan Sult an left for the North due to Kishlu Khan's Khan's rebelli rebellion, on, the movement picked up momentum. The Musunuri chiefs, the Padma Nayaks and the Reddis took the lead in Telangana and coastal Andhra and establis estab lished hed indepe independe ndent nt kingdoms. In the the ceded district districts, s, Araviti Somadeva drove away Malik Naib from Anegondi and freed freed Kampili Kampili from the Muslim Muslim rule. Ballala Ballala IIl also repudiated repudiat ed his allegiance to the Sultan Sultan and began to attack Kampili. Kampili. In 1334 A.D. the Nawab of Madura declared independence. Barani, Isami and Nuniz and the local records recorded the events that led to establishment of the Vjayanagara empire. It is recorded recorded that when the revolt revolt br broke oke out in Ka Kampil mpilii and the position of Malik Naib, the deputy of the Sultan was made
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extremely precarious, the Malik informed his master about his pitiab pitiable le plight plight and and appealed for for immediate immediate action. action. Then Then the Sultan's choice choice fell on Harihara Harihara and Bukka. Bukka. The two two Sang Sangam ama a brothers, who were related to and officers under under Kamp Kampilide ilidevavaraya, were previously taken captives to to Delhi Delhi and forced forced to embrace Islam. Islam. The Sultan, impressed by their their upri uprigh ghtt conduct, conduct, set them at liberty and and sent with an army to Kampil ampilii to rereconquer conquer it from the rebels and and rule the province province as his deputi deputies. es. The two Sangama brothers thus returned to Kampili but they initially initially faced ac ed many many difficulties. difficulties. The locals locals could not not immediately trust them by reason of their conversion into Islam. Therefore they established themselves at Gutti and probably securing the blessings of the 'celebrated Vidyatirtha, the pontiff pontiff of the Sringer Sringerii Matha, Matha, and through through the instrume instrumentality ntality of the latter, apostatized and soon endeared themselves to the people. Then they occupied Anegondi: Anegon di: As Barani mentions, mentions, when Musunuri Kapaya Nayaka captured Waragal from Malik Maqbul. Harihara proclaimed independence in Kampili and thus in 1335 A.D. established his independent kingdom at Anegondi. Since Since Anegondi on the northern bank the the river river Tungabhadra bhadra was as a capital capital not impregnab impregnable le to the enemies, enemies, Harihara Harihara I thought of a ne new well-fortif well-fortified ied and safe capital capital.. On religious and strategical considerations, the foundations were laid down in the the same same year for the new new city of Vijayanagara where the ruins of Vijayanagara now exist opposite to Anegondi, on the southern bank of the the river Tunga Tungabhad bhadra. ra. The The task of completing the construction construction of the city was entrusted to Bukka I. 3. The he Sanga gamas s (1336 (1336 1485 A.D )
HARIHARA I (133 (1336-56 6-56 A.D.) A.D.) The Vijayanaga Vijayanagara ra kingdom, thus founded founded by Ha Harih rihar ara, a, expa ex pand nded ed into a mighty empir empire e und under er his successors. successors. The The dynasty to which the founder-brothers belonged came to be known as the Sangama dynasty after after the nam name of their their father, father, Sangama. Sangama. Harihara had four four brothers namely namely Kampanna, Kampanna, Bukka I,
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Marapp Marappa a and Muddappa, Muddappa, All the the brothers had undivided ininterest and so actively assisted Harihara I in all his endevours to consolidat consolidate e and expand expand the newly establis established hed kingdom kingdom.. Harihara's first task was to consolidate his position and organize organize his kingdom kingdom for effective defen defence. ce. Apart Apart from fr om entrust entrust-ing ing the task of build building ing the new Vijaya Vijayanag nagara ara fort for t to his brothar brothar Bukka, Bukka, he strengthened the the fortifications fortificati ons of Badami, Badami, Udayag Udayagiri, iri, Gooty and and Anegondi Anegondi for fo r the security of his realm. Bukka I completed the construction of Vijayanagar in seven years and by 1344 A.D. the capital was shifted from Anegondi to Vijayanagara. To increase increase the econom economic ic resources resources of his dominion dominions, s, Harihara encouraged the farmers to cut down forest and bring fresh land under cultivation by leasing it to them on easy terms. He created a heirarchy of officials to collect revenue and carry on local administration. Then a great era of conquest and territorial expansion began. Sometime Sometime afte af terr 1340 A.D., A.D., Bukka wrested Penugon Penugonda da fortress from the Hoyasalas and made it his provincial headquarters. quarters . After Aft er the treacherous murder of Ballala III III in 1342 1342 A.D. by the Sultan of Madura, his successor could not withstand the aggressiveness aggressiv eness of the Sangama Sangama brothers and so sought safety in fligh flight. t. By 13 1346 46 A.D. A.D. the loyal chieftai chie ftains ns of the Hoyasalas were subdued and all the erstwhile Hoyasala territories territories were annexed to the Vij Vijaya ayanag nagara ara kingdom. This was the most notable achievement in tire reign of Harihara I. There was a commemorative victory jubilation grand festival at Sring Sringeri eri in that year at at which all all the brothers and the nobl nobles es of the realm attended. In 1347 A.D., Marappa defeated the Kadambas and annexed their territories. Bukka I marched on the Tamil Tamil country and conquered Mabar. But this conquest proved to be a shortlived lived one. ne. After Aft er the the withdra wit hdrawal wal of the the Vij Vijaya ayanag nagara ara troop troops, s, Sultan Sultan Adil Shah asse as sert rted ed himself himse lf at Madura in 13 1356 56 A.D. However the northern most part of Tamil land, the region around Tirupati must have formed part of the Vijayanagara territory.
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In the south-east, the Reddis were driven out from their anccstoral anccst oral house, house, the lower Pennar Pennar valley. vall ey. Mean Meanwh while ile in tire north of the Krishna, the Deccan amirs revolted against Delhi and found founded ed the Bahmani Bahmani kingdom kingdom in 13 134 47 A.D. unde underr A!a-uddin din Bahman Bahman Shah. Ferishta and TabaTaba mention mention that Ala-uddin waged war against Harihara Harihara I and defeated him. But But there there are no evidences to prove this war between Vijayanagara and Bahmani kingdoms at this stage. Thus Harihara I laid the foundati foun dation on of the empir empire e on sound sound basis. As Sewell observes "We see the first chief chief of VijayaVijaya nagar quietly and and perhaps peacefully peacefully acquiring acquiring great great influence influence and extensive possessions". BUKKARAYA BUKKARAYA I (1 (1356 356-77 -77 A.D.) Bukka, the younger brother of Harihara, did yeomen service to his brother in founding the empire and the city, in consoiiding ing and expanding the Vijayanagara Vijayan agara powe power. r. Before Before accession to the throne, he acted as Yuvaraja and was placed in charge of the Western West ern districts districts of the Telugu Telugu country. However he did not confine his activities to the administration of the territory tor y directly under his his charge. charge. He took took active active interest in the affa af fair irs s of the kingdom as a whole. whole. When Harihara I die died without issue, being an affectionate brother a trustworthy general and a capable administrator, Bukkaraya I succeeded him as the sole sovereign of the kingdom. After his assumption of power, to check the power of his nephews, to unify the kingdom and strengthen his position, Bukka Bukk a appointed his own sons as governors governors of some of the outly out lyin ing g provinc provinces es and made made them them respons responsible ible for main mainten tenan ance ce of the royal royal author authority ity.. Then Then he sent an expedition expedition unde underr the lead leader ersh ship ip of his son Kumara Kampana Kampana agains inst Rajan ajanar aray ayan ana a Samb Sambuv uvar aray aya, a, who assert asserted ed his his independe independence nce in the RajaRajagambir gamb irara arajy jya. a. Sambuvaray Sambuvaraya a died in the the ear early ly sta stage ges s of the warr and his son wa so n wa was s also also ultimate ultimately ly killed killed in 136 1360 A.D. With With this this Vi Vija jaya yana nagar gara a became the the mistress of the Tam Tamil prov provin ince ce..
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Rajagambirarajya consisting of the Chenglaput, North Arcot and South Arcot districts.
The fierc fierce e and pr prot otra ract cted ed Bahm Bahman anii-V Vijay ijayan anag agar ara a conflict conflict commenced in the the reign reign of Bukka. Whether the religiou religious s antagonism played its own part in the struggle between the two powers or not, the strategically important Krishna-Tungabhadra doab, doab, with its impreg impregnab nable le forts for ts of Raichu Rai churr and Mudgal Mudgal and places like Bankapur, the control of which would give the one an advantageous position over the other for the ultimate overlord lordsh ship ip of the whole peninsula, peninsula, became a bone of contention. content ion. The greed of the Sultans at the wealth and prosperity of the Vijayanagara empire also dragged the two states into a longdrawn war. In 1358 A.D., Bukka, after entering into an alliance with the Musunuri chief Kapaya Mayaka of Warangal, invaded the Raichur doab. The allied forces for ces were totally defeated defeate d by the Bahmani Sultan Muhammad Muhammad Shah I. Finally Finally Kapaya Kapay a Nayaka capitula capitulated ted and gave gave an immense treasure treasu re as indemnity and a magnificent throne set with precious precious stones. To punish Bukka, the ally of Kapaya, the Sultan ordered him to pay the musicians who had given the entertainment in his Gulbarga court. court. But the proud Bukka insulted insulted the the messenger of the Sultan, invaded the dcab, captured Mudgal and ravaged the territory (1366 A.D.). The infuriated Sultan crossed the Krishna and recapture recaptured d Mudgal Mudgal.. Bukka Bukka fled to Adoni and later retre r etreated ated to Vijayana Vija yanagara gara.. The Sulta Sultan n ordered a general massacre massacr e of the Hindus around the city and this made Bukka sue for peace. A treaty tre aty was wa s concluded (1368 (1368 A.D.) and both the parties agreed to the river Krishna to be the boundary between the two kingdoms and in future wars, the non-combatants should not be molested. War again broke out ou t in 13 1377 77 A.D. A.D. between the new Bahmani Sultan, Mujahid Shah and Bukka over the question of the Raichur Raichur doab doab Mujahid Muja hid marched on Adoni and later the city city of of Vij Vijaya ayanaga nagara. ra. He could not succeed succeed in seizing seizing either either one. Meanwhile Meanwhile he was murdered by his hostile uncle Daud Khan.
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In 1364-65 A.D., shortly after the first phase of his war with the Bahmani Sultan came to an end, Bukka was engaged in a war with the Reddis of Kondavidu. Litt Littlle is known about the the causes causes and events events of this war. The Redd Reddii ru rule lerr was defeated defeated.. Ahobalam Ahobalam and Vinukonda with their their depn depnde dent nt territerritories were annexed to the Vijayanagara kingdom. KUMARA KUMARA KAMPANA'S KAMPANA'S SOUTH SOUTH INDIAN CONQUE CONQUEST ST (1 (136 368-71 8-71 A.D.) After his conclusion of peace treaty with Muhammad Shah I in 13 1368 68 A.D., A.D., Bukkaraya Bukkaray a turned turned his his atte attenti ntion on to the the south. south. The overthrow of the Sambuvarayas and the the annexation of Tondaimandafam brought brought Vijayanagara Vijayanagara directly directly into conflict with the the Sultanate of Madurai. Madurai. Bukka could could not not remain indifferent indifferent at the miserable pligh plightt of the Hindu Hindu populat population ion in the Mabar country. He sent his his valiant valiant son Kumara Kumara Kampana Kampana at the head of an expedition. The The expe expediti dition on which was undertaken between 13 1368 68 A.D. A.D. and and 1371 A.D. was w as vividly vividly described by Kampana's wife Gangadevi in her 'Madhuravijayam'. Kumara Kampana was accompanied by great generals like Gopanna Dannayak and Saluva Mangu. Mangu. He set out from Gingee Gingee and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Madura forces at Samayavaram near near Srirangam, Srirangam, next captured captured Kannanur-K Kannanur-Koppam oppam,, re re-stored the gods Sriranganatha and Hoyasaleswara to their respective shrines shrines and finally defeated defeated and kille killed d Fakh Fakhru rudd ddin in Mubarak Shah, the the Sultan Sultan of Madur Madurai, ai, in 1371 A.D. Thus Thus the whole of the Tamil country was annexted to the Vijayanagara kingdom. kingdom. This conquest conquest was was regarded as one one of the greatest achievements achievements in the history history of Vijayanagara. Vijayanagara. It soon soon raised raised a small small principality principality to the dign dignity ity of an emp empire ire.. It wa was s after these conquests Bukka, assumed the imperial titles like 'Maharajadhiraja', 'Rajaparameswara', 'Lord of the three seas' etc.
'Side by side with these political events, the empire was pulsating pulsating wit with great religious and litera literary activities tivities'. Scholars were invited from far and near and royal patronage was rendered Bukka's title 'Vedato them to work on a variety of subjects. Bukka's
margapratisthapaka' indicates his interest and endeavour to 14)
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restor res tore e the the Hindu indu dharma dharma.. Madhavacharya and his his brother brother Sayana wrote their commentaries in Sanskrit on Vedic works. Nachanasonra, the Telugu post received Bukka's patronage. The The embas emb assy sy which which the ruler ruler sent to China China in 13 1374 74 A.D. shows shows his his interest interest in fore foreign ign affairs. affairs. By all counts, Bukkaraya 1 was wa s considered the real architect of the Vijayanagara empire. HARIHARA II
(1377-1 (1 377-1404 404 A.D.)
Bukkaraya's son Harihara II ruled for 27 years and consolidated the supremacy of Vijayanagara all over southern Indi India. a. Soon Soon after after his his accession accession to the throne, throne, he replaced his cousins by his own sons as governors of provinces and made an attempt attempt thus thus to forest forestall all the tend tenden encie cies s to disruption due due to the ambitions of his his more distant distant relatives. He succeeded succee ded in puttin putting g down rebel rebellion lions s and enforcing enfor cing his authority. His son Virupanna played an important role in bringing back the Tamil country to subjection. The final extinction of the Madurai Madurai Sultanate Sultanate took place in 137 1378 A.D. After After the subjugation of th the e Tamil country, Virupanna led an expedition to the island of Ceylon and exacted tribute from its ruler, Harihara II, through his son Devaraya I, who was the governor of Udayagiri, Udayagiri, deprived the Kondavidu Reddis of their possessions in Kurnool, Nellore and even parts of Guntur during the period period 1382-8 1382-85 5 A.D. When the allianc alliance e between the Velamas of Rajakonda in Telangana and the Bahmanis spelt danger to both Kondavidu and Vijayanagara, Harihara II allied himself himself with the Reddis Reddis through a matrimonial! alliance. He gave his daughter to a son of the valiant Reddi general Katayavema. Two expe expedit dition ions s were sent into into Telangana Telangana before the end of of 13 1390 A.D. A.D. Finally Finally it was wa s in the the year year 1397 A.D. Panugal Panugal was taken. Sometime before 1380 A.D. the Vijayanagara forces under Madhava Mantrin captured the Goa port and its neighbouring areas, Saptakonkans and important ports of Chaul and Dabhoi. the master of the entire west With this, Harihara II became the coast of Deccan. Deccan. According to Ferishta, Ferishta, Firoz Firoz Shah, Shah, who
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ascended ascended the Bahmani Bahmani throne throne in 1397 1397 A.D. A.D.,, defeated Harihara II and the latter paid an indemnity. indemnity. It might might be be a reference to some initial initial victories of the Sultan Sultan against against the the Vijayanagara Vijayan agara forces. Harihara II wa was s a worshiper worshiper of Virupaksha (Siva) but but he patronised the Saivas, Saiva s, Vai Vaishn shnava avas s and Jains Jains alik alike. e. Irug Irugap appa pa,, a Jain scholar, was his general. After Afte r the death of Harihara II in 1404 1404 A.D., the war of succession broke out among his surviving three sons and it lasted lasted for about two tw o years. At first, Virupaksha succeede succeeded d in securing the throne, but was soon removed by Bukka II. who ruled for fo r two tw o years. yea rs. Finally Finally,, Devaraja Devar aja I beca became me the king king and celebrated his coronat co ronation ion on 5th 5th Novembe Novemberr 1406 1406 A.D. A.D. DEVARAYA I (1406-22 (1406-22 A.D.) D.)
Nuniz, the Portuguese chronicler, refers that Bukka I and Devaraya I extended the city of Vijayanagara by raising new walls and towers tower s and and by strengthe strengthening ning the the fortifications. But the great achievement of these two brothers was the construction of a dam across the Tungabhadra, diverting the waters of the river into into the city. Tor several miles a channel was wa s cut out of solid rocks from the base of hills and it may be regarded as one of the most remarkable irri irrigat gation ion works wor ks in South India.' Early in his reign Devaraya I had to face the invasion of the the Bahman Bah manii Sultan, Firoz Shah Shah.. Ferishta Ferishta says that itit was the result of Devaraya's infatuation for a beautiful goldsmith girl who lived in Mudga Mudgai. i. But other accounts attr attribu ibute te it to the Sultan's determination to wage a Jihad (holy war) against the Vij Vijay ayana anagar gara a king. king. Sayyad Sayya d Ali states that that Firo Firoz z returned with it h a huge huge amount amount of money collected collected from the Raya. This discomfiture of Devaraya I was taken advantage of by the Reddis of Kondavidu. Peda Komat Komatii Vema Reddi Reddi occu occupi pied ed the rich territories territories of Udayagiri. He was in leagu league e with Firo Firoz z and the Velama Velam a ruler ruler Anadeva. To counteract this trip trippl ple e alli allian ance ce..
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Devaraya Devara ya I and Kataya Kata ya Vem V ema a Reddi Reddi of Rajah Ra jahmu mundr ndryy joine joined d hands together together.. In the subseq subsequen uentt war, Kataya Kat aya Vema Vem a was defeated and kill killed ed.. Soon Soon the war becam bec ame e a war between between the Raya and the Sultan. Sultan. The Bahmani forces force s attempted attem pted for two years years to capture capture the fort of Panugal. At this juncture. juncture. by a diplomatic revolution, Devaraya I broke the traditional friendship of the Velamas of Rajakonda with the Bahmanis. Plagu Plague e and famine famin e prevail prevailed. ed. Finally Devaraya I defeated defeat ed the Bahmani forces for ces . The territo territorie riess of Kondavidu were partitioned between between Devaray Dev araya a I and his his new ally, all y, the Velamas Vela mas of Rajakonda. NICOLO DE CONTI, an Italian traveller, visited Vijayanagara in 1420 or 1421 A.D. and described the court, its festivals, its currency an and d other matters. He called Vijaya Vij ayanag nagar ar 'Bisnegalia'. He described, "the city of Bisnegalia is situated near very steep mountains The circumference of the city is sixty sixt y miles miles;; its its walls are carried upto the mountains and enclose the valleys at thei theirr foot. In this city there are estim es timate ated d to be ninety thousand men fit to bear arms."
"The inhabitants of this region marry as many wives as they please, please, who are ar e burnt burnt with their dead husbands. husban ds. Their Their king king is more powerful powe rful than all other othe r kings kin gs of India. India. He takes to himself 12000 wives, of whom 4000 follow him on foot wherever he may go and are employed solely in the service of the kitchen, kitchen, A like like number, more handsomely handso mely equipped rid ride e on horse back. The rest are carried carri ed by men in litters, of whom 2000 or 3000 are selected as his wives on condition that at his death they should voluntarily burn themselves with him which is considered to be a great honour for them". The death of Devaraya I was followed by the reigns of his sons Ramachandra Ramachandra and Vijayaraya Vijay araya I. Vijayaraya Vijay araya ruled for about five years and as Nuniz says, he 'did nothing worth recordin recording'. g'. He was assisted by his his son Devaraya Deva raya II in the administration almost from the beginning.
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DEVARAYA II (1422-46 A.D.)
Devaraya II was associated with his father in the administration of the empire since 1422 1422 A.D. His coronation coronation migh mightt have taken tak en place some sometime time later later.. He assumed the title 'gaja'gajabetekara' (Hunter of elephants). elephan ts). This This has bee been n explained explained in two tw o ways—as way s—as a metaphor metaphor referring referring to his victories over enem enemy y kings who we were re as strong strong as elephants, elephants, and mor more e lite litera rally lly as indicating the king's interest to the sport of hunting elephants. Devaraya II was by far the greatest ruler of the Sangama dynasty. dynasty. He was invo in volv lved ed in a series of wars with the Bahm Bahmani ani rulers. Ahmad Ahmad Shah (1422-36 (1422-36 A.D.), A.D.) , the brother and successor successor of Firoz Firoz Shah, Shah, soon aft after er his accession to the thron throne, e, desirous desirous of avenging the humiliatin humiliating g defeat at Panugal Panugal,, invaded the Vijay Vij ayana anagar gar empire. Devaraya II II, with his new new ally Anavota II of Waranga War angal, l, penetrated as far as Etgir Etgir in the Gulbarga distr distric ict. t. While he was successfully attacking the enemy on his own soil, the king of Warangal deserted desert ed on the battle battlefie field. ld. The The Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara army suffered suff ered defeat. Moreo Moreover, ver, Bhanu Bhanudev deva a IV, IV, the king of Orissa, Orissa, invaded invad ed the coast coa stal al Andhra country. country. Ahmad Shah took the offensive and laid waste the Vijayanagara territories. According Accordi ng Ferishta, Ferishta, the Raya sued for peace. peace. It must must be noted in this context that the Sultan shifted his capital from Gulbarga, near the Vijayanagara frontier, to Bidar, situated in the hilly tract farther north in the interior of his dominions. This This tran transf sfer er of the capital wa was s not without without significanc significance. e. The The incessant wars with Vijayanagara and some sudden attack on Gulbarga probably compelled the Sultan to transfer transfer it. An epigraph from South Kanara district dated 1429-30 A.D., refers to two victories of Devaraya II against the rulers of Andhra and Orissa. The Velamas, Velamas, who dese deserte rted d Devaraya, Devaray a, join joined ed the Orissa ruler ler Bhanu hanude deva va,, inva invade ded d the the coas coasta tall Andhra Andhra country and establi established shed themselves there. First First the the RajahRajahmundry mundry Reddi chi c hiefs efs had to acknowledge acknowledge the the sover sovereig eignty nty of the Orissa Orissa king. Then the Orissa and the the V Velam elama a forces forces crossed the Krishna and occupied the territories of the erstwhile kingdom of Kondavidu from the Vijayanagara officers.
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Soon after the Musli Muslim m menace was over, Devaraya II launche launched d an attack on Bhanudev Bhanu deva a IV and the Valamas. The The territories of the old Reddi kingdom of Kondavidu were reconquered and incorporated with the empire of Vijayanagara and the power power of the Reddi Reddiss {Virabhadra {Virabh adra Reddi) Red di) of Rajahmundry, which was in abeyance between 1424 A.D. and 1427 A.D. was wa s completel completelyy restored.' restore d.' This This task was completed co mpleted by Devaraya II by 1428 A.D. K.A.N. Sastri mentions that during the reign of Devaraya II, the Vijayanagara dominion spread to the extreme south of Indi India a into into Kerala a nd the ruler ruler of Quilon Quilon was subjuga s ubjugated. ted. The The Zamorin of Calicut, however, seems to have retained his independence. Abdur Razzak, Razza k, the Persian envoy, who visit visited ed South India in 1443 A.D., states that the Zamorin lived in great fear of Devaraya II and when he received a letter from the the latter to tire tire effect effect that tha t the envoy envoy should be sent to Vijayanagara court without delay, he instantly carried out the order. order. The same envoy states that that Devaraya Devara ya was supreme suprem e over the whole of South India and his dominions extended from Ceylon to Gulbarga and from Bengal (Orissa) to Malabar. Nuniz asserts that the rulers of Quilon, Ceylon, Pulicat, Pegu and Tennaserim paid pai d tribute tribute to Devaraya De varaya II. According to these accounts, the Ceylonese expedition was led by his minister Lakkana Dandanayaka who occupied Jafna. Devaraya's relations continued to be hostile with the Bahmani power. With With the death of Ahma Ah mad d Shah and the the accessio acce ssion n to the throne of his his son Ala-ud-din II in 14 1435 35--36 A.D., tranquili tranquility ty was broken. The Muslim Muslim chroniclers recorded two tw o wars, wars , one in 143 14355-36 36 A.D. and another in 14 1443 43-4 -44 4 A.D. In the first war Ala-ud-din attempted to recover the arrears of tribute. There There wa s no decisive outcome. outco me. But this Bahmani Bahm ani raid led led to the reorganisation reorganisation of of the Vijayanag Vijaya nagara ara army in 144 1442 A.D. The The causes for the repeated reverses of the Vijayanagara army were analysed in a council and steps were taken introducing reforms to remed remedyy the deficienci deficiencies es in the Vijay Vi jayan anag agar ara a milit military ary set up up.. The Muslims were we re recruited into into service. Complete relig religio ious us freedo freedom m was wa s given given to them. them. Jagirs were wer e allotted to them. them. A
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mosque mosque was buil builtt for their use use in Vijayanagara. Vijayan agara. A copy copy of trie Koran was placed before the throne so that they might perform their obeisance to the ruler without sinning against the Muslim Muslim law. The Hindu archers arch ers also received received better better training ing than before. Attempts were also made made to improv improve e the quality of horses. Abdur Razzak relates an attempt on the life of Devaraya II in 14 1443 A.D. A. D. This attempt was wa s made made by a scion of the ruler ruler in a banquet probably at the instigation of the Bahmani Sultan. The conspiracy was a failure and many of the nobles involved were kilted. While the Vijayanaga Vijay anagara ra was plunged in this confusion, the Sultan Sult an Ala-ud-din Ala- ud-din II demanded the usual usual paymen paymentt of tribute money then amounting to 7 lakhs of Varahes. Varahes. DevaDevaraya returned a defiant answer and his commander Lakkanna invaded the doab, captured Mudgal, plundered the Sultan's territories as far as Sagar and Bijapur and returned with a large number of prisoners. priso ners. But But Ferishta Ferishta gives a different account acc ount of the war, and claims victory victor y for fo r the Sulta Sultan. n. Deva De vara raya ya retain retained ed Mudgal finally. ABDUR RAZZAK'S RAZZAK'S VISIT VISIT to Vijayanag Vijay anagara ara in 144 1443 A.D. was an impo rtant ev en t of the reign reign of Dev ara ya II. The Persian ambassador in his 'History of Persia' gives an account of Vijayanagara relating to topography, administration and social life. lif e. He refers to the limits limits of the empi empire re,, the attempt on the life of the emperor and other details. details. He observes : "The city ci ty of Bijanagar is such that eye had not seen, nor ear heard of any place plac e resembling it upon the whole earth. earth."" He mentio mentions ns king's absolute powers and his high admiration and esteem for the Brahmins, the defence of the city, the splendour of the houses, the physique and personal accomplishments of the king king.. Abov Ab ove e all all,, Razzak R azzak gives an adm admirab irable le account account of the brilliance of Mahanavami festival in which he was a spectator As already referred, Devaraya II, though had leanings towards war ds Vira Saivism, Saiv ism, was tolerant toler ant in relig religio ious us matters, He gave gave freedom free dom of worship to the Musl Muslims ims.. He also caused a Jain temple to be erected erected in the capital capit al in 'Pan Supa Supari ri Bazzar'. His
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name is associated with beneficial reforms like the discontinuation tion of Varasulka and the the enforcemen enforcementt of Kanyadan Kany adana a (free gift of the bride). bride). Himself a scholar and an author, Devaraya II was a great patron of men of letters in Sanskrit and vernacular languages. He wa was s delighted delighted in holdin holding g literary debates. On one such such occasion, the Telugu poet Srinatha defeated Dindima. Devaraya II honoured him with Kanakabhisheka and the title of 'Kavisarvabhauma bhauma'. '. The authorship authorship of 'Mahanataka 'Mahan atakasudha sudhanidh nidhi'i' and a 'Vritti' on Badarayana's Brahmasutras, both in Sanskrit, was attributed to the ru rule ler. r. Of the Kannada Kannad a poets, Kumara Vyasa Vya sa,, the author of Kannada 'Bharata' and Chamarasa, the author of 'Prabhu Lingalila Lingalila', ', were famous in his his court. Thus the reign reign of Devaraya II marks the golden age of the Sangama dynasty. FALL OF THE SANGAMAS The glorious reign of Devaraya II came to an end with his death death in 1446 A.D. The immediate political situatio situa tion n at VijayaVijaya nagara is not definitely known. known. The The general assumption assumpt ion is that he was succeeded succeede d by his his son Mallikarjuna. Mallikarjuna. But literar literary y and epigraph epigraphic ic evidence evidence shows show s that Deva De varay raya's a's brother Vij Vijaya aya-raya II ruled for fo r a short short time time in 1466 1466-67 -67 A.D. A.D. The dessensions dessensions in the royal family family and the patricidal wars war s from fro m 1446 A.D. onwards proved disastrous to the Sangama dynasty, which was finally replaced by the Saluvas. The reign of Mallikar Mall ikarjuna juna (1447-65 A.D.) 'marks the beginbeginning ning of a long long period period of decline decline of the the royal power pow er which only only terminated with the disappearance of his dynasty about 1485 A.D.' The weak weak and incompeten incompetentt rule gave gav e the enemies of Vijayanagara a golden opportunity to regain their lost hold. The refractory nobles began to assert ass ert independence. The Velamas made a new home for themselves in Velugodu (Kurnool district) when their their capit cap ital al Rajakonda Rajak onda was seized by the Bahmanis. Kapilesvara, Kapiles vara, the Gajapati Gaja pati ruler of Orissa, made a common common cause with the th e Bahmani Sultan Sultan and a nd invaded invaded the kingdom. Both Both
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laid seize to Vija Vijayanagar but the city city defied all their eff efforts to capture it. it. The invading armies had to reti retire re without accomplis ishing much, Kapil ilesva vara, however, re reduced the Reddi king kingdom of Rajahm Rajahmundry and took Kondavidu avidu before before 1454 A.D. The Kshatr triy iya and Vela lama chie ieft ftain ins of Telangana helped him in his enterprise rise. Subsequently, tly, Kapilesvara extend extended his conquests upto Srisa Srisailam and in included a large part of the Kurnool distri rict. t. His son Hamvira proceeded against Mahmud Gawan, defeat defeated ed the Bahmani forces, captured Warangal and later, on Humayun's 's death in 1461 A.D .D, Bidar also. He then conquered Udayagiri in the the Nello llore distri district ct and Kanchipuram and Trich Trichincpoly in the the southern provi provinc nces of the Vij Vijayanagar empire (1463 A.D. A.D.)). The Telugu districts stricts became part of the empire of Orissa Orissa for some years, But the sovereignty of Vija Vijayanagara in the southern lands was was upheld by its powerful werful nobles such as Tirum Tirumalaideva alaideva Maharaja araja and Saluv uva a Narasimha. Tirum Tirumalaideva deva held Trich richinopoly, Tanjore and Pudukkottai Pudukkottai and Narasimha. the governo governor of Chandragiri, giri, was was prominent in the centre and in the easter eastern n parts rts of the empire. These nobles rose into prominence and resi resist sted ed the Bahmani and Gajap Gajapati aggressions. Malli allikarjuna arjuna was murdered and the throne was usurped in 1465 A.D. A.D. by by his own cousin Virupaksha Virupaksha II ('Prap ('Prapannamritam ritam'). Nuniz describes Virupaksh Virupaksha as a weak and unworthy sovereign. vereign. He was sensous 'ca 'caring ring for for nothing but women and to fuddle uddle himself with with drink'. rink'. During his days large tracts of land were were lost to to the Muslim lims, including Goa. Chaul and Dabhol. On the east coast also, o, tth he Bahmani Sult ltan Muhammad Shah III successful sfullly led led his daring adventure adventure to to the south as far as Kanchi. One im important event of Virupa Virupaksha's ksha's reign was the the recapturing of Udayagiri from the Gajapati forces with the help of Saluva Saluva Narasimha, Disgusted with with the misrule of Virup Virupaksha II, II, his eldest eldest son murdered urdered him. The patrici tricide de placed his younger brother brother Padearo on the throne. The first first act of this new ruler was to get get his benef benefactor actor assassinated. assassinated. Then Padearao plunged into debauchery, neglected the aff affairs airs of the state state and repeated the crim rimes and follies llies of his father ather.. 'The succession of weak weak
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SALUVA DYNASTY
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and and unworthy unworthy niters niters after after Devaraya Devaraya II impa impair ired ed the sound sound internal administration administration that prevailed in the kingd kingdom om.. The The authority of the central government, continued to decline, was heading towa towards rds disruption. disruption. The total total disr disrup uptio tion n was however averted averted by Saluva Narasim Narasima'. a'. To save Vijayanag Vijayanagara ara from extincextinction, Narasimha with the support of the nobles and leading members of the realm drove away Padearao and usurped the throne and with with this, the ru rule le of the Sang Sangam ama a dynasty dynasty came came to an end in 1485 A.D.
4. The Saluvas Saluv as (148 (1485— 5—15 1505 05 A. D . ) The The Telugu and Kannada lexicographers lexicographers give the mean meaning ing of the term 'Saluva' as a hawk hawk used in hunt huntin ing. g. The The literary literary works tike tike Jaimini Jaimini Bharatamu. Bharatamu. Saluvabh Saluvabhyuda yudayam yam,, Rama Ramabhy bhy-udayam and and the the copper plate grants of Imm Immadi adi Narasimha clearly state that 'Saluva' was a title conferred for the first time on Mangldeva, the great-grandfather of Saluva Saluva Narasim Narasimha ha who was wa s the founder founder of the Saluv Saluva a dynasty of Vijayanagana. Mangi angi-deva is said to have made the world of enemy-birds know that he was a Saluva. Saluva. He played played an important important role role in Ku Kuma mara ra Kampana's conquest of Madura Maduraii duri during ng the re reig ign n of Bukkaraya I. After Mangideva, the title was adopted by his descendants. Tradition points to Kalyani in northern Karnataka as the original original home of the Saluvas. The Gorantla inscript inscription ion,, the earliest of the Saluvas, traces their origin from the Chalukyas and the Kalachuris who ruled over Karnataka with Kalyani as their their headquarters. headquarters. Thes These e references connect the Saluv Saluvas as of the eas east coas coastt to Kalyani, Kalyani, implyin implying g their migra migration tion from from northern northern Karna Kar nata taka ka to Andhra. But none of the record records s ment mentio ion n this migration. The Saluvas make their their first appearanc appearance e in Andhra Andhra in the the first half of the 14th century A.D. simultaneously with Harihara and Bukka, Bukka, the founders of Vijayanagara. Vijayanagara. As noted noted abov above. e. Mangidejva of the family took a leading role in the Madurai 'Saluva'. campaign of Kumara Kampana and thereby got the title 'Sa From From then then onwards, his his descendan descendants ts cam came e to be known as
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the Saluvas. They were of Atreya gotra and disciples of the Vaishnava teacher Tatacharya. They They claimed claimed themselves to be Kshatriyas. The Sangamas and the Saluvas were drawn closer to each other by matrimonial alliances which paved the way for closer collaboration in the maintenance and preservation of Vijayanagara nagara empire'. Nuniz Nuniz states that Narasimha, captain c aptain of Padearao (the last Sangama) was in some manner related to him. Confirmative Confirmative evidence for this relationship relation ship comes come s from literature literature and inscriptions. Harihara II seems to have married mar ried the daughter of his general Saluva Ramadeva. Rama deva. Later, Harima, sister siste r of Devaray Dev araya a II was married to Saluva Sa luva Tip Tippa, pa, an uncle of Saluva Narasimha. Narasim ha. It is but bu t natural that as a result of these relations, relations, the Sangamas gave a favoured treatment to the Saluvas. Saluva Narasimha seems to have no such special relationship with his Tuluva generals Isvara Nayaka and Narasa Nayaka. SALUVA LUVA NARASIM SIMHA (1485(1485-91 91 A.D.) D.)
Prior to the Usurpation of the throne of Vijayanagara, Saluva Narasimha, son of Gunda, was the ruler of Chandragiri rajya. Nuniz states that Narasimha reigned forty four years, probably taking into consideration his years of rule over Chandragirirajya and the consequent conseque nt five years of rule rule as the empe empero ror. r. Hence it may be said that he succeeded his father to the hereditary estate in about the year 144 1448 A.D. He was w as related related to the Sangama rulers rulers through his his uncle Saluva Saluv a Tippa. Tippa, Tippa , who had a distinguished record of service to the empire, was offered in marriage Harima, the elder sister of Devaraya lI. Apart from the family estate Chandragiri (Chittoor district), Saluva Narasimha acquired the estate of Nagar (South Arcot district) district) as well. well. Hi His s inscriptio inscriptions ns starte star ted d appearing appearing from the year 1452 A.D. Soon Soon after, anarchy and an d confusion prevailed in the south-eastern parts of the Vijayanagara empire due to the repeated repeated attacks atta cks of the the Gajapatis of Orissa. Oriss a. Due to the disturbed conditions in Vijayanagara under the weak and incompetent ruler Mallikarjuna, Kapilesvara Gajapati ventured to
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invade the coastal Andhra. Before Before 1448 A.D, he occupied the entir ire Raja jahmundry ry kin ingdom. Sometim ime be between 1454 A.D. and 1455 A.D. A.D. Kondavidu, avidu, Addanki and Vinu Vinukonda which form formed part of the the Vij Vijayanagara ayanagara empire, were were also occupied. Later, the Bahmanis also suff suffered terri territorial torial lo loss. Then Kapiles ilesvara commissio ioned his son Hamvira to lead the grand army to to the south. Udayagiri Kanchi, Padaividu, aividu, Veludil Veludilampatti tti—Savidi, vidi, Tiruvaruru Tiruvaruru and Tiruchirapalli, lli, one after after the the other fell fell into the hands of the the Gajap Gajapatis. atis. Chandragiri thus passed into the hands of the Gajap Gajapatis atis bef before ore 1464 A.D. The 'O 'Oddiyan Galabhai' for a tim time shook the the very very foundatio tions of the Vija Vijayanagara empire. But soon Saluva Narasim rasimha, the general and viceroy viceroy of Malli llikarjun karjuna, asserted asserted himself and revived revived the Vija Vijayanagara authority rity in the southern lands. He in inflicted a crushing defea defeat on the Gajapati Gajapati army and recovered Chandragiri also before before 1467 A.D. A.D. Meanwhile, ile, Virupa Virupaksha II seized the Vij Vijayanagara throne from his his cousin Malli allikarjun karjuna. He was weak, sensuous and unworthy rthy soverei vereign gn. So the task of completing pleting the libera liberation tion of the country try fr from the forei foreign gn yoke was was now on the the shoulders oulders of Narasimha himself. self. His general Isvara Neyaka defeated defeated the the Gajap Gajapati army under the command of Hamvira vira and captured ptured Udayagiri in 1469 A.D. and the foll followed owed up war of succession among the Gajapati' ti's sons provided this excellent opportunit rtunity y for Saluva Narasimha to win win back the lost dominion. Then it seem ems that Narasimha led his southern campaigns probably bly to to quell a revolt by th the Bana chief Bhuvanaika Vira Vira Pudukkottai itlle es in the Pudukkotta Samara Kolahalan bearing the Chola tit reg egio ion. He march ched on to Tir iruva vannamalai, i, Kumbakonam, Sriirangam, Madura adura and Ramesvaram esvaram, receivi receiving ng tribut tributes es fr from the chiefs chiefs of the region all along the way. way. The Bana chief fled bef before him. All All these series of vi victories ries led Saluva luva Narasimha emerge as the savi saviour of the empire end th the off officers and nobles began to to recognise him as the the defac defacto sovereign vereign in in the south. 'The civi civil war in Orissa Orissa and the the Bahmani intervention in that war enabled abled Narasim rasimha to ex exttend his authority rity in the
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north-ea north-east. st. While hile the Bahmani Bahmani army army wa was s busy conquering conquering Rajahmundry and Kondapalli, Narasimha established his authority over all the region region extending extending from Udayagiri Udayagiri to Musulip Musulipatam atam in the north-east' before 147 1475 A.D. Then Then probably at at the request of Purushottama Gajapati, Narasimha, accompanied by Araviti Bukka marched into Telangana and made the Bahmanis and thei theirr ally Hamvira helpless. Taking advantag adva ntage e of this this situation, situation, Purushottama deposed his brother Hamvira and recovered recovered his throne by 1476 1476 A.D. Having achieved achieved the the object, object, Narasimha's forces withdrew from Telangana into the Godavari region. region. But But his his secret understan understanding ding with Purushottamadeve Purushottamadeve to destroy the Muslim authority along the east coast by means of a simultaneous attack from the south and north could not be realised due to the swift and unexpected arrival of large Muslim Muslim army in the the neighbourho neighbourhood od of of Rajahmundry. Raj ahmundry. Subsequently, the Sultan Muhammad Shah III undertook the Kanchi raid in 1480-81 A.D. Narasimha's general Isvara Nayaka Nayaka defeated the Muslim Muslim troops at Kandukuru. Kandukuru. Again at Penugon Penugonda da also the Sultan's forces were totally crushed. The Oddian Ka Kalabh labhai, ai, the Bana Bana occupation of Kanchi, the loss loss of Goa and the the Bahman Bahmanii raid on Kanchi discredited the authority authority of the ruling ruling dynasty dynasty (Sangam (Sangama) a) through throughly.' ly.' The The drunken revelries and senseless hatreds among the members of the royal family undermined the prestige and security of the realm. realm. The integrity integrity and the very existence of the Vij Vijaya aya-nagara empire was threatened during the reigns of Mallikarjune and Virupaks Virupaksha ha II. Especially the reig reign n of weak, cruel, sensuou sensuous s and unworthy Virupaksha II witnessed the shaking of the very foundations foundations of the empir empire. e. The The whole country country was roused to indign indignati ation on and rebe rebellio llion. n. The The situation was further further accentuated when Virupa Virupaksha ksha was wa s murd murder ered ed by his eldest son. The patri patri-cide had his his younger brother brother Padearao (Praudha Devaray Devaraya) a) crowned crowned king. The most infamous infamous deed of this this new sovere sovereign ign was to slay his very benefac benefactor. tor. His preference preference to stay at the capital most of the time, drowning himself in an ocean of pleasure pleasure and repea repeating ting the crimes and follies follies of his father, further worsened the situation.
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In the circumstances Saluva Narasimha could not remain Indifferent Indifferent and resolved to save sa ve the empi empire re from furt furthe herr dedegeneration ration and disintegratio tion. The only way for for this was to put an end to the old dynasty and assume th the royal title himself. Having Having assure ass ured d himsel himselff of the support support of all the nobl nobles es in the empire, Narasimha sent his trusted general Tuluve Narasa Nayaka to Vijayanagara to take possession of the city and ity and the throne. The 'craven' kin fled and th the city king Padearao fled the the treasures passed pas sed into into the hands hands of Narasa Narasa Naya Nayaka ka.. Dr. N. Venkataram Venkataramanayy anayya a aptly remarks, remarks, "Tha "Thatt Naras Narasimh imha a usurped the throne cannot be gainsaid; but if usurpation was ever justified justi fied by the condit condition ions s that necessitated necessitated it, it, it was wa s in this case". cas e". On some day in the month of of August, 14 1485 A.D. this Saluva usurpation took place and Narasimha ascended the throne. After Af ter succeeding to the throne, Saluva Nara Narasimh simha' a's s imm immediate diate task tas k was w as to recover the lands lands alienated alienated during during the lawless lawless regime of former forme r times. 'The 'The suppor supportt of the captains and the chiefs of the kingdoms which enabled him to oust the old dynasty did not outlast the act of usurpation usurpation'.'. To enforce his authority he was was obliged to fight fight against his his erstwhile erstwhile supporters supporters and friends. The Samabeta Samabeta chiefs of Pera Perani nipa padu du in the Gandikota Sima, the Saluva chiefs of Bommavaram and the Palaigars of Ummattur and Talakadu deserve special mention among them. them . Narasimha Narasimha had to spend time end energy in fighting and an d subduing these chieftains. chieftains. These inte interna rnall troutroubles, which he certainly overcame, greatly weakened his capacity to check external enemies. Taking advantage of the the weakness weakness that crept crept into into the Bahmani kingdom after the death of the Sultan Muhammad Shah III III in 1482 1482 A.D., Purushott Purushottama, ama, the Gajapati king king of Orissa Orissa invaded invaded the eastern eastern coastal coastal country, caputred caputred Ko Kond ndavi avidu, du, advanced upto the Gundlakamma and laid siege to Udayagiri. His minister Ganganaman Ganganamantri tri succeeded in gett getting ing Saluva Saluva Narasim Narasimha trap trapped through through his wiles wiles and acquired quired Udayagiri during the the year year 1490-91 A.D. This fort fort contin tinued to remain under the the authority authority of the Gajap Gajapatis atis until 1514 A.D. when Krishnadevaraya captured it back.
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Saluva Narasim Narasimha ha undertoo undertook k the reorganisation reorganisation of the defence-mechani defence-mechanism, sm, The loss of the the Western ports port s like like Goa Goa during the reign of Virupaksha II was compensated when he conquere conquered d the Tulu Tulu country. country. He revived the horse trade of the Arabs by building up the ports of Honavar, Bhatkal, Kakanur and Mangalo Mangalore. re. "He caused caused horses to be brought brought from from Ormuz Ormuz and Aden into his kingdom kingdom,, and thereby gave gave profit to the merchants, merchants, payin paying g them for for the horses horses just as they had asked." Further, he took measures to strengthen the efficiency and the martial martial spirit spirit of his his forces. Narasimha Narasimha died sometime sometime in 1491 A.D. Saluva Narasimha Narasimha evinced keen interest interest in cultural cultural purpursuits also. also. He was a scholar in Sanskrit Sanskrit and a devotee devotee of the Madhava saint Sripadaraya. Sripadaraya. Unde Underr his his patronage patronage Rajanatha Dindima wrote 'Saluvabhyudayam' in Sanskrit. Narasimha also extended his loving care and patronage to the development of Telugu literature Pillalairrarri Pinavirabhadra wrote 'Sringara Sakuntalamu' and 'Jarmini Bharatamu' in Telugu Telugu.. Thus Thus by his his timely saving saving of the empire from total disintegra disintegration, tion, by his reorganisation of the defence mechanism, by keeping up the cultural traditions and building up the peace and prosperity, Saluva Narasimha carved out his own niche in the history of the Vijayanagara empire. THE REGENCY OF TULU LUVA VA NARASA NA NAYAKA (149 491 A.D. 1503 A.D.)
Saluva Saluva Narasimha, at the time of his death, entrusted the the care of the empire and of his his two t wo young sons to his his loya loyall general general end minister Tuluva Narasa Nayaka. On his deat death, h, Narasa Narasa Nayaka raised raised his his elder elder son Timmabhupa Timmabhupa to the the throne throne and himself himself began began to act as the the Rakshakarta Rakshakarta (prot (protect ector). or). This This elder elder princ prince e was was murdered by an enemy of Narasa Nayaka Nayaka in order order to foist the crime on the head head of the Regent. Regent. But But the the I m m a d i youngerprince was crowned andhe came to be called Narasimh imha But Narasa Narasa Nayak Nayaka a remained remained the Regent and retained all the powers in his hands in the best interests of the realm and even 'assumed the royal style along with his Saluva titles'.
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When his bonafides wer w ere e suspected by Immadi Immadi Naras Narasimha imha.. the Regent and the ruler ruler fell apart. Narasa Nayaka retir retired ed to Penugonda. Penugonda. In order to rescue his reputati reputation, on, he plann planned ed the seizure of Vijayanagara, marched with wit h his troops and seiz seized ed Vijayanag Vijayanagara. ara. Immadi Immadi Narasimha wa was s ill-pr ill-prepar epared ed for meas measur urin ing g swords with wi th his Regent Regent and agreed to the terms terms of the latter latter.. Narasa Nayaka, to insure against any future risks from the king, removed him to Penugonda and kept kept him him there under close watch. Some scholars depict this as the second second usurp usurpaation. tion. But But S.K. Aiyangar Aiya ngar opin opines es that Narasa Nara sa Nayaka Nayaka appears to have carried out his trust loyally in accordance with the wishes of his master, not withstanding attempts to damage him both physically and morally. The The records records of Narasa Nayaka's Naya ka's descenda descendants nts enume enumerat rate e his numerous military campaigns, by dint of which he restored the integr integrity ity of the empire, and the enemies, whom wh om he con-. quered during during the thirteen years of his his regency. regency. About the the time when Saluva Narasimhe died, the authority of the Bahmani Sultan completely collapse collapsed. d. Qasim Band, Band, the Prime Prime Minister Minister of the Sultan, made his master a mere tool in his hands. hands. To curb the growing power of Adil Khan of Bijapur, he, in alliance with Konkan and Vijayanagara attacked Bijapur. Narasa Nayaka captured the forts of Raichur and Mudgal. Adil Khan was forced to buy peace by ceding these these two forts. fort s. Subsequentl Subsequently, y, he tried to recover them and sustained a severe defeat and was forc fo rced ed to seek shelter in the Manava fortress. fortre ss. Preten Pretendin ding g submission, he invited Narasa and others for a peace conference and treacherously treacherously attacked attacke d them them.. Narasa managed managed to escape escape and the doab once again passed into the the hands of the Mus Muslilims ms.. Ail the Tuluva records credit Narasa Nayaka with victory over the Gajapati. Gajap ati. Probably Probably when the the Gajapati Gajapati king king PratapaPrataparudra led an expedition against Vijayanagara and advanced upto the Pennar, Narasa Nayaka defeated and drove him back. In order to assert ert the eff effectiv ective central authority in the south, Narasa Nayaka undertook an expedition against the chiefs and nobles in the south. south. He defeated the the tyrannical and and oppres oppres--
15)
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sive si ve governor gover nor of Trichi Trichi and Tanjore, Koneriraja. He also comcompelled the Chola, Chola, Chera Chera and Manabhus Man abhusha ha Pandya to acknowledge acknowl edge the suzerainty of Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara.. He next proceeded proce eded ag agai ains nstt the the rebellious rebellious Palaigars of Ummattur Ummat tur and thei th eirr allies. alli es. The island fort of Srirangapatnam was captured and the leader of the rebels rebels was taken taken prisoner. Thus Thus the Vija Vi ja yana ya na ga gara ra authority authority was firmly established in the Tamil country and Karnataka. An important event of historical significance that took place during the period of regency of Narasa Nayaka was the arrival of the Portuguese Portuguese on West We st-c -coa oast st of India. No Nott realisi realising ng the significance of this event, Narasa did not extend any protection to his Bhatkal chief and left him to his fate whan, in 1502 A.D. Vasco-da-Gama imposed commercial restrictions on the chief. Narasa Naras a Nayaka Nay aka died died in the month of November, November, 1503 A.D. Narasa Nayaka was a patron of letters and several eminent poets flourished flourish ed at his his court. The Telugu literature receiv received ed a fresh impetus from the Regent. Thus Narasa Nayaka who found the empire In a convalescent condition, 'imparted fresh strength to it and left it fully vigorous pulsating with new life.'
5.
Tuluva Dyna Dy nast sty y
(150 (15055-76 76 A.D.)
VIRA VIR A NARAS1MH NARAS1MHA A (1503(1503-0505-09 09 A.D.) A.D. ) Af terr the death of Narasa Nayaka, Afte Nayak a, his eldest son Vira Narasimha Narasimha succeed succ eeded ed him him as the Regent of the empire. By this time time,, the king Immadi Narasi Nar asimha mha was grown gr own up and capable to manage his own affa af fair irs. s. Bu Butt Vira Narasimha ma main in-tained status quo for sometime and served the interests of his master loyally. By 15 1505 05 A.D., 'Power 'Pow er witho wit hout ut privilege must have galled him greatly, and he conspired to get rid of his master'. ma ster'. Accordingly, he got his his master in Pe Penu nuko kond nda a assassin assa ssinate ated d an and d declared declared himself king in 1505 A.D. This was described as the second usurpation in the history of Vijayanagara emp empir ire. e. With this came to an end en d the brief brief rule rule of the Saluva monarchs at Vijayanagara, yielding place to a new line of kings called the Tuluva dynasty,
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Vira Narasimha ruled as king Vir king for five years. Hi His s usur usurpa pati tion on of the throne throne evoke evoked d much oppositio opposition. n. Nuni Nuniz z states states that the whole land revolted revolted unde underr its captain captains. s. Hi His s years years of rule rule were almost almost entirely entirely spent in fightin fighting. g. Yusuf Adil Khan Khan of Bi Bija japu pur, r, who wh o sought to exte extend nd his domin dominion ion beyond the Tung Tungab abha hadr dra, a, allied himself with Kassapa Udaiyar, the Vijayanagara governor of Adoni, Adoni, marched on the Vijayanagara territory and laid laid seiz seize e to the fort fort of Kandanavolu Kandanavol u (Kurnool). (Kurnool). However However the the Aravidu chief Ramaraja and his son Timma, the able generals of Vira Narasimha defeated him and expelled him from the Vijayanagara territory. Vira Narasimha next turned towards the rebels in the Karnataka and Tulu distr distriicts. His attempts to put down the revolts of the Palaigars of Ummattur and Talakadu ended In failure. However, he succeeded in dealing dealing with the rebels on on the west west coast. He conquered the whole of Tulun Tulunadu adu and took took possession of all its ports. ports. Varthema, Varthema, an Italian Italian traveller traveller of Bologna Bologna records the the Vijayanagara Vijayanagara attempt (15 (1506 06 A.D.) A.D.) to recover Goa from the Muslims. Muslims. The attempt might might be a futile one. Even Even before the erring chieftains chieftains of Ummattur and other other places places could be taught a lesson, Vira Narasimha died in 1509 A.D. Vira Narasimha, Narasimha, inspite of his continuous enga engage geme ment nt in warfare throughout his reign period, improved the efficiency of his army by introducing changes in the methods of recruitment ment and training training of his his forces. He offered attractive prices prices to the horse horse dealers to get get good horses for his his cavalry. He main mainta tain ined ed friendly relations relations with with the Portuguese Portuguese.. He enco encoururaged aged all kinds of of military exercises exercises includ including ing duel-fights duel-fights.. He took steps to promote the welfare of the peopl people. e. He abolish abolished ed the marriage-tax on an experimental basis. He made magnificent gifts to all the important temples of south India. LUDOVICO Dl VARTHEMA, an Italia ian travell ller of Bologna travel travelled led in India India between 15 1502 A.D. and 15 1508 A.D. He visited Vijayanagara in 1506 A.D. He describes Vijayanagara as a great city, "very large and strongly strongly walled It is situate situated d on the the
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side of a mounta mountain, in, and is seven miles miles in circumferen circumference. ce. It was wa s wealthy and well supplied, situated on a beautiful site and enjoying enjoying an excellent climate. climate. The king keeps keeps up constantly 40,00 ,000 horsemen horsemen and 400 400 elephants. elephants. The elephants each carry car ry six men and have have long long swords fasten fastened ed to their trunks in battle battle.. The common peop people le go quite naked naked with with the exception exception of a piec piece e of cloth cloth about their middle. middle. The king king wears wears a cap cap of gold brocade brocade two spans long long His Hi s horse is worth more more than some of of our our cities on account of the ornaments which it wears," Nuniz records that while Vira Narasimha was on his deathbed, he sent for his minister Saluva Timma and ordered him to put out the eyes of his half-brother Krishnadevaraya so that his own eight year-old son might succeed him to the throne and that the minis minister ter sati satisf sfie ied d the dying dying king by producing producing before him him the eyes of a she-goat she-goat.. But there is no evidenc evidence e to prove this. this. On the other hand, local traditions maintain maintain that Vira Narasimha himself chose his brother as his successor. KRISHNADEVARAYA KRISHNADEVARAYA (1509-29 (1509-29 A.D.) A.D.) Robert Sewell says, "From the accession of Krishnadevaraya to the throne of Vij Vijay ayan anag agar ar in 1509 A.D. we once onc e more enter into a period when the history of the country becomes less confused and we are able to trace the sequence of events without without serious difficulty. difficulty. This This was the period period of Vijayanagar's greatest success when its army everywhere was victorious and the city was most prosperous." Krishnadevaraya's reign marks, marks, 'the grand climax in the development of the empir empire, e, and the successful successf ul achieve achievemen mentt of the objects for which it was actually founded.' According to Prof. O. Ramachandraiya, Krishnadevaraye was born on 16t 16th h February February 14 1487 A.D. As already already noted, Nuniz mentions mentions the the circu circumst mstanc ances es under under which Krishnadeva wa was s raised to the throne throne of Vijayanagara. Vijayanagara. Paes, the Portugu Portuguese ese chronicler who was in Vijayanagara about the year 1520 A.D., also remarks that Saluva Timma brought up Krishnadevaraya
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and made him king. About the persona personality lity and character of the king, he described glowingly—"The king is of medium heig height ht and of fair fai r complexion complexion and good figure, ra rath ther er fat than than thin; he wa was s on his his face signs of small-pox. He is the most most feared feared and perfect kin king g that could possibly possibly be, be, cheerful cheerful of disposition and very merry; he is one that seeks to honour foreigners and receives them kindly, asking about all their affai aff airs rs whatever their condition condition may be. be. He is a great great ruler ruler and a man of much justice, but subject to 'sudden fits of rage; and this is his title—Krishnarao, the great, king of kings, lord of the greater lords of India, lord of the three seas and land". Sewell also narrates, "Krishnadevaraya was not only monarch de jure but was in very practical fact an absolute monarch of extensive extensive power and strong personal influ influen ence ce.. He was was the real ruler. He was physically strong in his his best days days and kept his strength upto the highest pitch by hard bodily exercise. He rose early and developed all his muscles by the use of Indian Indian clubs and the use use of sword. sword. He was fine rider and was blessed with the noblest presence of which favourably impressed impressed all who came in contact with him. im. He commanded commanded his immense armies in person, was able, brave and statesmanlike; and was withal, a man of much gentleness and generosity of character. characte r. He was beloved by all all and respected respected by all all.." Krishnadevaraya's coronation was celebrated, in all probability, on the birthday of Srikrishna of Saka 1432, corresponding ponding to August 8, 1509 A.D. His first act on coming coming to the throne was to send his nep nephe hew, w, son of Vira Narasimha, Narasimha, and his own two brothers. Achuta and Ranga to the Chandragiri fort to secure his own position free from all plots and intrigues of the rival rival claimants. claimants. Before he set on his expeditions, expeditions, he remained at the capital for a year and a half teaming the affairs of his kingdom. Krishnad Kris hnadeva eva did did not succeed to a peaceful peaceful kingdom kingdom.. Troubles from within and attacks attacks from fr om without without haun haunte ted d the Vijayanagara Vijayanagara ruler. Some of the Polaig Polaigars ars were stilt at targe contesting contesting the overlordship of the the best best part of Mysore region region The Gajapatis of Orissa were stilt in possession of the eastern
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districts of the the empire and Prataparud Prataparudra ra was openly hostile hostile and aggressive. aggressive. In the north, north, though the Bahmani kingdom virtually ceased to exist, still the Muslim pressure, especially from Bijap Bijapur, ur, continued unabated unabated in its strength. strength. The newiyrisen power of the Portuguese was rapidly establishing control over the routes and the maritime trade of the west coast and seekin seek ing g profitable profitable contacts with the 'country power pow ers'. s'. But Krishnadevaraya rose rose to the the occasion and with the help help of his mentor and minist minister er Saluv Timmarasa, Timmarasa, handled the situation with great tact and foresight.
At the outset of his reign, Krishnadeva had to fight with the the Musli lim forces which declared a jihad on the infields of Vijayanagar Vijay anagara a and invaded his his territory. The The Bahmani Bahmani Sultan Sul tan was joined by all the chiefs and nobles who nominally acknowledged his his sovereignty. sovereignty . Krishna Krish na was equal equal to the task. tas k. Hi His s forces checked the progress of the Muslims on the frontier, defeate defe ated d them at Dony and inflicted infli cted another another crushing crushing defeat on the retreating retreati ng army at Kovilkonda. Yusuf Adil Adil Shah of Bijapur lost his life with with the resu result lt Bijapur was w as thrown into into confusion and disorder. Taking advantage of the anarchi anarc hic c conditions conditions prevailing in Bijapur, Bijapur, Krishna invaded the doab doab and captured captur ed Raichu Raichur. r. He then advanc adv anced ed on Gulbarga and captured the fort. He pursued pursued Barid, the minister and jailor of the Sultan, defeated him and captured captu red the fort for t of Bidar. Bidar. He restored the Sultan Mahm Mahmud ud Shah to power and to commemorate this act of resuscitation resuscitation of the Bahmani monarchy, assumed the title of 'Yavanarajyastapana stapanachar charya' ya'.. This restoration he did to we weake aken n his his Mus Muslim lim neighbours by throwing an apple of discord in their midst since he knew that so long as the shadow of the Bahmani monarchy persisted, there would be no peace among the Muslim rulers of the Deccan. Krishna then set out on an expedition against the rebels. He marched marched against against the the Kadav Kadava a chieftains chieftains of the Kanchi Kanchi region region.. After reducing them, he advanced against Gangaraja of Umma Umma-ttur who had been in revolt since the the last years of Vira Nara-
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sim simha's ha's reign reign. He fi first attacked attacked Penukonda which had passed into the hands of the rebel. The capture of this fort was follo llowed by Ummattur and Sivasamudram. When When Gangaraja Gangaraja fled and was drowned in in the Kaveri, Kaveri, Krish Krishna made the conquered territerritory into a provinc province wit with Sriranga Srirangapatna as its its capita ital and appointed Saluva Govin Go vindar daraja aja as Governor Governor with three loca locall chieftains to assist him.
The eastern campaign gn of Kri rishnade deva vara raya ya against the Gaja Gajapa pati ti powe powerr of Orissa was w as a seven year y ears' s' affair affair (1512 (1512-1 -19 9 A.D.). A.D .). Krishna's aim was to recover recover the two provin provinces ces of Vijayan Vija yanagar agara, a, namel namely, y, Udayagiri and Konda Kondavidu vidu,, which his his predecessor prede cessors s failed to recover from Orissa. It is curi curiou ous s to note that while the Vijayanagara sources describe the defeats and losses suffered by Prataparudra Gajapati at the hands of Krishna, almost all the sources from Orissa are silent about this. this . Krishna's Krish na's Kalinga expedition falls into into five definite definite stages. stag es.
a) The expedition began with an attack on the impregnab impregnable le fort of Udayagiri Udayagiri in the month month of January 1513 1513 A.D. AccordAcco rding to Nuniz, Krishna laid siege to this fort 'for a year and a half. The fort fo rt was wa s under under the command command of Tiruma Tirumala la Rautaraya, Rautara ya, a paternal uncle uncle of the Gajapati Gaja pati king. king. Stubbu Stubburn rn resistance was offere off ered d to the assault assaults s of the Raya's forces. The The Raya's generals, even after aft er great exert exertion ion,, failed to achieve achieve anythin anything g Then Then Krishna took to ok up the lead in person person.. He widen widened ed the narrow path and erected a wall of circumvallation around it He defeated Prataparudra who came to defend the fort and pursued his his army as far f ar as Kondavi Kondavidu. du. He captured the UdayaUdayagiri fortress fortre ss finally finally on 9th 9th June, 151 1514 A.D. A.D. Rautaraya Rautaraya was taken tak en captive. The event event wa was s celebrated celebrated on a grand grand scale scale and Krishnadevaraya visited Tirumala and paid homage to Lord Venkatesvara visited Trrumala and paid homage to Lord Lord Venkate Venk atesva svara. ra. After After the fall of Udaya Udayagir giri, i, he redu reduced ced Kandukuru also and appointed Rayasam Kondamarusayya as his regent at Udayagiri. At the capital he built a new shrine and instal ins talled led the the Balakrishna Balakrishn a image brought brought from from Udayagi Udayagiri. ri. b) With the t he obje ob ject ct of reducing the Kond Kondavi avidu du fortress, fortress, the headquarters of the southern viceroyalty under the Gajapatis.
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Krishnadevaraya once again marched against the king of Orissa. On the way to Kondavidu, he reduced some of the forts including Addanki, Vinukonda, Bellamkonda, Nagarjunakonda, Tangeda and Ketavaram sometime between February and June 1515 A,D. Simultaneously, Kondavidu was laid laid siege, The Gajapati Gajap ati ruler ruler was obliged to divide his forces and send them to defend the different forts and with the remaining forces when he attacked the Raya in open battle, he was defeated. Krishna then blockaded the Kondavidu fort which was defended by a powerful garrison under prince Virabhadra, son of Prataparudra Gajapati. Gajapati. Accordi Acc ording ng to an an inscript inscription ion at AhoAho balam, "he surrounded the fort with his army, having erected movable wooden platforms (nadachapparams) to enable his soldiers to stand on a level with the defenders and demolish the walls; he scaled them on all sides and captured the fort". Prince Virabhadra was taken prisoner along with many others. The fort fell on 23rd June, 1515 A.D. Krishna entrusted its administ administrati ration on to Saluva Saluv a Timmarasa. Timm arasa. He then then conquered the coastal regi region on upto upto the river river Krishna. He offered offere d worship worsh ip at Amaravati. c) The third third satge satg e in Krishna's Kalinga Kalinga campaign began with the sieg siege e of Bezw Be zwad ada. a. After Aft er capturing it, the Raya made made it an an advance advan ce base for further further operations. operations. Then Then he proceeded proce eded to Kondapalli, a strong and well-defended fort with very nigh walls, situated a few miles away to the north-east of Bezwada. He besieged the fort and the army sent to relieve it by Prataparudra was thoroughly defeated. defeated. Af ter te r a siege siege of two tw o months, Kondapalli was wa s taken taken and and the Gajapati commander Praharesvara Patra and other chieftains were made prisoners and sent to the imperial capital. According to Nuniz Nuniz,, a wife wi fe of the King of Oriya was also included among the prisoners. d) "Til "Tilll he he conquered conquere d Kondavidu, Kondavidu, Krish Kr ishna naray raya a was be bent nt upon driving the Gajapati from the region to the south of the Krishna. Subsequent to the fall of this fort, there appears a change in the policy adopted by the Vijayanagara monarch towards the Gajapati. Gajapati. It was not not the greed gre ed for territory territory tha thatt was wa s behind behind
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Krishna Krishnadevaray devaraya' a's s campaigns in the the distant regions of Potnuru Simhadri and furt further her north rth but his determination tion to weaken the Gajapati so that that there there might not be be any more danger to Vij Vijayanagara Kingdom from that quarter". quarter". Wit With this this objecti objective ve Krish Krishnadevaraya crossed the Krishna and aft after capturing pturing Bezwada Bezwada and Kondapalli proceeded to to conquer Telanga Telangana and Vengi both of which form formed part of the Gajap Gajapati kingdo kingdom. He took in in a 'single assault' Anantagiri, iri, Undrakonda, Urlag Urlagonda, Aruvapalli, alli, Jallipa Jallipalli, lli, Kandikon ikonda, Kappalavayi, avayi, Nalagonda. Kambhammett ettu, Kanakagiri akagiri,, Sankaragin karagin and other other fortresses. ortresses. He reduced Rajahmundry and finally lly arrived arrived at Potnuru Simhadri. dri. With With the help of his minister brought about a split by adopting Timmarasa, who by ting 'bheda' brough between between th the Gajapati kin king and his subordin rdinate Patra tras and made the enemy flee from from the field, ield, Krish Krishna won victory. ctory. He set up a pill illar of victory ctory and made rich rich presents in company of his wiv wives to to God God Sim Simhadrina drinatha on 29th March, 1516 A.D. A.D. Then he ret returned urned to Vij Vijayanagar leaving leaving his army behind. While ile at Vij Vijayanagara, the Raya who had lo love for for martial artial exercises exercises including duel-f duel-fencings, arranged for for the swordfencing. According rding to Nuniz prince Virabha Virabhadra Gajapati, ati, who who was take taken n captive tive at Kondavidu, vidu, was invited invited to fence fence since he was famous as a dexterous dexterous swordsman. But Virabha Virabhadra, wit with the misunderstanding that his opponent was not of royal bloo blood but a man of humble birth, birth, fel feltt off offended and put an end to himself. e) The Gajapa Gajapati ruler, burning with with rage and sorrow for the death of his son at the Vij Vijayanagara court, contin tinued hostiliti stilities es with with Vij Vijayanagara. Since he did not come to terms with with Krishna, the latter resolve resolved d on the Cuttac Cuttack expedition dition. The inscriptions riptions and the the contemporary Telugu litera literary works works like 'Manucharitra' aritra' and 'Am 'Amuk ukttamatyada' atyada' refer refer to the invasion of the Raya and the devastation tation of the country of the Matsya chiefs efs of Oddadi and the burning of the capita ital town Kataka Kataka (Cuttac Cuttack) thus sufficien iciently tly humiliatin iliating the Gajapati to to sue for peace.
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"Success "Successive ive disasters disasters in all battl battles es again against st the Raya Raya,, the death of his son, the captivity captivity of his his wi wife fe and the the burn burnin ing g of his capital, all these must have compelled Prataparudra to sue for peace and save the country from further devastation". Since Krishnadevaraya's object was to secure permanent peace in the eastern eastern fronti frontier, er, in the peace peace treaty treaty that was conclu conclude ded d in August, August, 1519 A.D., he gave back back all the territ territori ories es to the north of Krishna to the Gajapati rule ruler. r. The The latter latter gave his his daughter daughter Bhadra (or Tukka) Tukka) in marriage to the former. Thus Thus ended one of the most brilliant brilliant episodes in the military military history of India, in the 16th century.' After subduing Orissa, Krishnadevaraya had to fight with the Sulta Sul tans ns of Golkonda and Bijapur. Bijapur. Quli Qutb utb Shah of Golko olkond nda a wa was s ambitious ambitious and wan wante ted d to make himself the the master of the Tel Telug ugu u country. country. Taking Taking advantage of the defeat defeat and discomfiture of the Gajapati king, he occupied the Telangana districts and the coastal areas between the mouths of the Krishna and an d the Godavari. Godavari. Then he crossed the Krishn Krishna a and beseized Kondavidu. Strong contingent contingents s of Vijayanagara unde underr Timmarasa marched against the enemy and successfully repulsed the Golkonda forces. While Krishnadevaraya was busy with his Orissa war, Ismail Ismail Adil Adil Shah of Bijapur recaptured Raichur. Raichur. The The Raya, theref therefore, ore, made a ca campaign ign in 1520 1520 A.D. for the recovery recovery of Raich ichur. Nuniz Nuniz gives gives an elaborate account account of this war With a large army the Raya marched marched into into the Doab. oab. The decisive battle wa was s foug fought ht on 19th 19th May, May, 1520 1520 A.D. A.D. and Ismail's camp camp was wa s seized seized and he himse himself lf barely escaped with his life. The The fort for t of Raichur Raichur was taken. Afterwards Afterwards the Raya cond conduc ucted ted a raid into Bijapur and his troops occupied the city for sometime. Then he marched on to Gulbarga and razed its fortress to the ground. Here he liberated the sons of of Mahmu Mahmud d Shah Bahmani Bahmani and and made made the eldest of them the Sultan Sultan.. But this this attemp attemptt of the Raya Raya to revive the Bahman Bahmanii Sulta Sultana nate te only only served to irritate the five Deccan Sultans Thus wi with th all all these series of victories, victories, Krishna Krishnadeva devaraya raya humbled the prid pride e of his foes foes and and extended the limits limits of of his his
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empire empire.. triangle territory besides
The Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara empir empire e under him him was in shape a with its appex at Cape Comorin comprising the whole south of the river Krishna, Travancore and Malabar other regions being subordinate states.
ishnadevaraya's 's relatio Portuguese, As regards Kris the Po ions with th
he tried to maintain friendly relation relationss with them. them . But he never lent lent support to their politica politicall desig designs. ns. By the time Krishna ascended the throne, they already established their supremacy over the Indian Indian Ocean. With their command of the sea, the monopoly of the west-coast trade, especially in horses, passed into their hands from the Arab merchants and Muslim traders They used the supply of horses as a powerful weapon in their diplomati diplomaticc dealings dealings with with the native native powers. The Raya was wa s also anxiou anx iouss to secure sec ure horses. horses. Albuquerque, Albuquerque, the Portuguese governor, in 1510 A.D. offered help to Krishnadevaraya at the start sta rt of his war wa r with the the Muslims Muslims and requested, requested, in return, return, the Raya Ra ya's 's help help against his his enemy, the Zamorin of Calicut. Calic ut. He further further promised prom ised to supply the the Arab A rab and Persian horses to Vijayanagar Vijaya nagara a only, only, and not send send them to Bijapur. Bijapur. The Raya Ray a agreed to the Portuguese request only when it was made at a second time and only after the Portuguese captured Goa from Bijapur at the end of 15 1510 A.D. The Raya R aya also agreed agre ed to the the Portuguese request to erect a fort at Bhatkal Bha tkal.. In his capture of Raichur in 1520 A.D. from the Bijapur Sultan, the Raya received valuable assistance from the Portuguese musketeers. In the engineeri engineering ng field fie ld also, he sought sought the services of the Portuguese. It was wa s during the reign reign of KrishnaKris hnadevaraya, devaraya , there w as large inflo inflow w of the Portuguese Portuguese travellers, merchants and adventurers, flocking to the city of Vijayanagara. Nuniz says that Krishna made his six-year old son Tirumaiaraya as as the king king (Yuvara (Yu varaja) ja) in 1524 1524 A.D. At the end of the coronation festivities, the son took ill and died under suspicious condition conditions. s. Saluva Timmarasa and his his sons sons were we re suspected of poi poiso soni ning ng the prince prince and were w ere throw thr own n into into prison. prison. Three Three years later, a son of Timmarasa escaped from the prison and raised raised the the standa s tandard rd of of revolt revolt.. He was captured with great difficulty and the eyes of the rebel, his brother and their father
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Timmarasa Timmarasa we were re put put out. out. The Raya, then, then, nomin nominat ated ed his halfbrother Achyutaraya to be his successor. In the meantime, in 1526 1526 A.D. when Nagama Nagama Nayaka, a trusted lieutenent of the Raya, who went to south to put down the aggression of a vassal, occupied Madurai and became insubordinat subordinate e to the Raya, However, he was brough broughtt to his senses senses by his own son Visvanatha Visvanatha Nayaka. Nayaka. Thereby Visvana Visvanatha tha was appointed viceroy of the south. During During the the last last days of Kr Krish ishna nade deva vara raya, ya, Ismail Adil Adil Shah of Bijapur Bijapur again again made made a futile attempt to recover recover Raichur. Raichur. The The Raya Ray a wanted wanted to teach him a lesson lesson.. But But while he was preparing preparing for fo r an attack attac k on Belgaum, he fell seriously ill ill and and died died in 1529 A.D. 'Pre-emi 'Pre-eminent nent as a war warri rior or,, Krishnadevaraya Krishnadevaraya was equa equally lly great as stat states esma man. n.'' His uniform uniform success success against against all his enemies was largely due to his capacity for his organisation and skilful generalship. 'He showed amazing resourcefulness in overcoming obstacles besetting his path.' path.' His equanimity equanimity of mind and extra-ordinary courage even in the face gravest danger danger is praiseworthy. praiseworthy. N. Venkataraman Venkataramanayya ayya writes, writes, "But "But even more than his personal bravery, or his skilled management of troops, what enabled him to overthrow hostile forces was his devotion and attachment of his soldiers to his person. Krishnadevaraya was accustomed, accustomed, after the concl conclus usion ion of every every battle, to go to the battlefield battlefield,, lookin looking g for the wounde wounded; d; he would pick them up and make arrangements for their medical help and other conveniences needed for their recoveryThose that speciall s pecially y distinguish distinguished ed themse themselve lves s in the fight fight were placed directly under his supervision so that he might bestow particular attention on them and help them regain their health as quickly quickly as possible. possible. The care with which Krishn Krishnadeva adevaraya raya nourished the wound wounded ed soldiers and warriors did did not not go ununrewarded. rewarded. It won him the affection of the the rank rank and file of the the army. army. The soldiers as well as officers officers were pr prep epar ared ed to throw themselves into the jaws of death in executing his commands."
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The R a y a , as a practical politician and administrator, brought in changes in Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara polit polity. y. His ideas are contained in his own composition 'Amuktamalyada' in Telugu. The work contains every aspect of royal duties, the mode of appointing ministers, controlling the frontier tribes, conducting an assembly asse mbly,, treatment of the vanqui van quishe shed d ruler ruler,, administraadministration of justice and foreign policy. The Ra Raya ya paid greater attention to the civil administration of his empire empire.. He checke chec ked d the mal-administration of the provincial governors and the inefficiency effici ency and neg neglig ligenc ence e of the other off offici icials als as well. He redressed the grievances of ryots and punished the evil-doers. He used to conduct tours of inspection in various parts of his empire. empire. He improved the facilities of communication.
Krishnadevaraya 'could set himself to investigate the rates and taxes which proved oppressive, and abolished some of them which were regarded as such'. He took keen interes interestt in constructing irrigation tanks and in digging canals to provide water for agricultural operations. With the help help of a Portugues Portuguese e engineer, he constructed in 1522 A.D. the great dam and channel at Korragal and the Basavanna channel, both of which are still in use. use. He dammed dammed up the the lake at the capital and used it for the supply of water to the new township 'Nagalapura'. With regard to his religious policy, though he was a staunch Vaishnavite, he was devoted to Siva and patronised the Saivites, Madhvas Madhv as and Jains. Among the 'Diggajas' 'Diggaj as' whom whom he patro patronis nised ed in his court, three were Saivites and Peddana was an Advaitin. Virupaksha was still regarded as the god of the city and the empire. emp ire. The Vittobha cult of the southern Maratha country cou ntry also gained gained some prominenc prominence e in Vijayanaga Vijay anagara, ra, According to Peddana, the Raya's favourite deity was Lord Venkatesvara of Tiru Tirupa pati ti.. He seems to have visited visit ed Tirupat Tirupatii as man many y as seven seven times times and endowed the shrine richly. His grand gra nd religious trip to the shrines of the south, remittance of taxes, construction construc tion of many Rayagopurams and thousand pillared halls at different places highly speak of his religious devotion and patronage of art.
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The Raya was a a munifi rts and letters. As unificent patron of arts
a great great patron patr on of men men of letters letters,, he was known as the the 'Andh 'AndhraraBhoja'. His extension of patronage to to the writers in all lan lang guages—Sanskrit as well as the South Indian vernaculars—was well known. known. He was himself himself a scholar both both in Sanskrit and and Telug Telugu. u. 'Jambavati Kalyanam' Kalyanam' and 'Ushaparina 'Ushaparinayam', yam', the two Sanskri Sans kritt dramas are the the only extant works works of the the empero emperorr in Sanskrit. Laksnmidhara, Lakshminarayana Lakshminarayana and Nadendla Gopa Gopa produced produced their their works in Sanskrit. Vyasaraya, the pre prece cept ptor or of the king king,, wrote wrote his works wor ks on on dvaita dvaita philosophy philosophy and logic logic in Sanskrit. The Kannada poet Timmana completed the Kannada Mahabharata Mahabharat a of Kumara Vyasa. Vya sa. The The Tamil Tamil poets poets Harida Haridasa sa,, Kumara Saraswati and Jnanaprasa also flourished during this period. The Raya had his contribution much to the development of Telugu literature. Hi His s own work 'Amuktamaly 'Amuktamalyada' ada' easily ranks wi w ith the greates greatestt of the Telugu Telugu Prabandhas. Prabandhas. His cour courtt 'Bhuvanavijayam' was adorned with the eminent Telugu poets called 'the Ashtadiggajas' (the elephants supporting the eight cardinal cardi nal points points of the Telugu Telugu literar literary y worl world). d). Allasani Pedd Peddan ana a was wa s the poet-laureate. poet-laureate. Apart Apart from Pedda Peddana na,, Dhurjati, Dhurjati, Malla Mallana na.. Surana, Timmana and others produced their outstanding works in the Vijayanagara court. Krishnadev Krishnadevara's ara's constructions of new townships (Nagala (Nagala-pura etc.), shrines (Krishnaswami, Hazararama and Vitthala temples at Hampi), Rayagopurams and thousand pillared halls, enormous statues of Ganapathi and Ugra-Narasimha and the various structures in the Palace-complex stand as a testimony to his keen interest in art, architecture, music, dance and other cultural pursuits. ACHYUT ACHYUTARA ARAYA YA
(1529-42 A.D.)
Inspite of nomination of Achyutadevaraya to the throne by Kri Krishna shnadev devara araya, ya, after after the latter's deat death, h, the nomin nominati ation on was wa s challen challenged ged by Ramaraya, Ramaraya, who sponsored the cla claim im of his infant infant brother-in-law, brother-in-law, ostensibly with the idea idea of seiz seizin ing g powe powerr
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in the name name of the infant infant.. But Achyuta's Achyuta's brothers-in-law, brothers-in-law, the Salakaraju brothers helped by Satuva Vira Narasimha foiled his designs and and kept the the throne vacant till Achyuta could come up from from Chandragiri after aft er his relase. relase. Final Finally ly Achyuta Achy uta made up his dispute with Ramaraya by giving him a share in the government and ascended the throne. Prataparudra Gajapati and Ismail Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur Bijapur renewed their attacks on Vijayanagara in the hope of recovering what they had lost during the previous reign at Vijayanagara. This happened happened early in the reign reign of Achyutara Achyut araya. ya. The Gajap Gajapati ati ruler ruler was defeat defeated ed and and driven back. But Isma Ismailil invaded and conquered the Raichur doab. doab. Achyuta Achyuta had had to leav leave e the Adil Adil Shah alone for the time being as he was confronted with the formidable rebellion led by his minister, Sellappa alias Saluva Vira Narasimha Nayaka, who had the support of the chieftains of Ummattur Ummattur and Tiruvadirajya Tiruvadirajya (Travanco (Trav ancore). re). Achyutaraya marched against the rebels, resolved to stay at Srirangam and entrusted the campaign to his brother-in-law Salakara Sala karaju ju China China Tirumala. Tirumala. The Vijayanagar Vijaya nagara a forces had a victorious victorious march upto upto the banks of the Tambraparani river. There There they set up a pillar pillar of victory. victory . The Pandhyan ruler ruler of Tenkasi was restored to his kingdom. The Travancore rule rulerr was forced force d to pay pay tribute tribute and Sellappa wa was s pardoned pardoned.. By 1532 A.D. the entire south was brought back to allegiance. In 1534 A.D. the dispute between Mallu and Ibrahim for the throne of Bijapur following the death of their father Ismail Adil Shah, encouraged Achyuta to make an attempt for the recovery of the Raichur Raichur doab. doab. According According to 'Achyutaray'Achyutarayabhyudayam' and the accounts of Barros and Nuniz, Achyuta reestablished reestablished his hold over Raichur and Mudga Mudgal. l. An inscri inscription ption dated 1534 1534-1 -153 535 5 A.D. also also confirms confirms this. Durin During g the later half half of his re reign ign,, Achyu Achyuta ta was wa s domine domineere ered d over over by his his brothers-in-law. brothers-in-law. Ramaraya led the oppo opposit sition ion to the de facto facto rule of the tyrannic tyrannical al Salak Salakara araju ju brother brothers. s. He and his his brother brothers s advanced the claims of Sadasiva (wh (who o was the
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son of Achyuta's brother Ranga) as the infant son of Krishnadevaraya devara ya died died about 15 1533 33 A.D. Taking Takin g advantag adva ntage e of this this conconfused political condition at Vijayanagara, Ibrahim I of Bijapur marched upon upon Vijayanag Vijay anagara ara end razed Nagalpura, a subu suburb rb of the the city, to the ground. On the advice advic e of his his brotrrersbrotrrers-inin-law, law, Achyuta refrained from offering resistance to the invader. Ibrahim got Raichur and large sums of money. Ramaraya's Ram araya's opposition to the de fact fa cto o regi regime me of the Salakaraju Salak araju brothers did not not produce any immedi immediate ate result result.. The moral tone of the administration deteriorated further. An atmoatmo sphere of selfis se lfishn hnes esss and brutality prevail prevailed. ed. The impe imperi rial al hold hold over the southern provinces became lax and Madura, Tanjore and other places began to dominate politics in the south. About the same sam e period period the Portugu Por tuguese ese established themthemselves on the coast in and around aroun d Tutic Tuticor orin in.. It was fear fe ared ed that that the empi empire re would crumble at any moment. Achyuta Ach yuta died died in 1542 A.D. amidst those precarious conditions. Achyuta was an ardent Vaishnavite and made donations very generously generously to the temples temples and Brahmins. He was w as also a liberal patron of art ar t and lette letters. rs. His court court poet poet Rajan Ra janath atha a Dindima wrote 'Achyutarayabhyudayam' in Sanskrit, Achyuta's queen, Tirumalamba wrote 'Varadubika-parinaya' on the king's marriage with queen queen Varadamba. The The famous Purandhara Purandhara Dasa visited Vijay Vi jayan anag agar ara a in the reign reign of Achyuta. Achy uta. The famous Lepakshi temple, containing some specimens of late Vijayanagara paintings, was a construction of this period. It was during the reign of Achyutaraya that Fernao Nuniz, a Portuguese horse trader and chronicler, visited Vijayanagara. He stayed sta yed in the city during 15341534-37 37 A.D. He was w as the first among the travellers to evince keen interest in the early history of Vijayanagara and he recorded the history on the basis of of the trad t radition itionss current current at that that tim time. e. Of the 23 chapters of his chronicle, the last five chapters deal with the contemporary social condition of Vijayanagara and the rule of Achyutaraya.
16)
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Nuniz gives a low estimate of Achyutaraya. He says, "After ascending the throne, he gave himself over to vice and tyranny". "He is a man of very little little honesty...." honesty. ..." "....he has never done anything that is not desired by his two brothers-inlaw". Nuni Nunizz also describes describes Achyuta's Achyu ta's tyranni tyra nnical cal activit act ivities ies and he concludes his account by declaring that Achyutaraya was very negligent of the things which most concerned the welfare of his his kingdom kingdom and state. state. As K.A.N. Sastri Sast ri observe obse rvess this harsh judgement on Achyuta Achy uta by the trave tra velle llerr might be due to the Raya's blunder in relaxing his personal hold on the administration which fell under the control of his two brothers-in-law. THE ASCENDA NDANCY OF RAMARAYA (1543-65 1543-65 A.D.) D.)
Achyutaraya was succeeded by his infant son Venkata I. The infant Raya's maternal uncle, the younger Salakaraju became regent in spite of the opposition of Ramaraya and his brothers. The queen-mother, Varadambika suspected her brother's intentions and to free her son from the clutches of her unscrupulous brother, she sought the help of the Sultan of Bijapur. Bijapur. But the regent regent bribed bribed the Sultan when he was wa s marching marching to Vijayanagara, Vijayanagara , As a counter counter move, Ramaraya Rama raya freed Sadasiva, the nephew of Achyuta, from the Gutti prison, proclaimed him him emperor and sought sough t the Bijapur Bijapu r Sultan's Sultan 's he help lp against Salakaraju Tirumala. Tirumala. At this this juncture, Tirumala assa a ssassissinated Venkata I and other members of the royal family and declared himself ruler. From then onwards Salakaraju Tirumala's tyranny tyra nny became unbearable. unbearable. He indulge indulged d in the the most atrocious cruelti cruelties. es. He invited invited Ibrahim Ibrahim Ad/I Ad /I Sha S hah h I of Bijapur Bijapu r to his rescue against against the machinations of Ramaray Ram araya. a. He even seated seate d the Sultan on the throne of Vijayanagara. The patriots could not bear this humiliation and many of them now rallied round Ramaraya to retrieve the honour of their their land. land. They They played play ed a trick on Salaka Sala kara raju ju Tiru Tirumal mala, a, promising submission and loyalty for ever provided the Sultan was sent away aw ay.. The plighted plighted w ord or d was believed believed by Tirumal Tirumala a and he sent away the Sultan after paying him huge compensation. Soon after the Sultan's departure from Vijayanagara, Ramaraya
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and his supporters marched on Vijayanagara, defeated and caught the usurper and beheaded him on the spot. spot. Ramaray Ramaraya, a, with the consent of all parties, raised Sedasiva to the throne of Vijayanagara and himself became the Regent in 1543 A.D. Ramaraya was the great-grandson of Araviti Bukka, an officer offi cer of Salu Sa luva va Narasimha. Narasimha. Since these peop people le or origi igina nally lly hailed from Aravidu in the Kurnool district, the family came to be known as the Aravidu Arav idu family. family . Ramaraya's Ramaraya 's two surv survivi iving ng brothers brothers were wer e Tirumala Tirumala and Venkatadri. Venkatadri. According to an anonymous chronicler of Golkonda. it was in the kingdom of Golkonda in the service of Quil Qutb Shah, Ramaraya rose to importance importance for some sometime time.. The Sultan rewarded him suitab suitably ly for conquering some of the outlyin outlying g provinces of the Vijayanagara empire empire.. He gave gav e him Jagir of Mast-Sonti Mast-Sonti and an d placed placed him him in charge of the conquered areas. Three years later, when Ramaraya was defeated in one of the Bijapur-Golkonda wars, he was dismissed from fr om service. service. Durin During g this short perio period d of service at Golkonda, he gained first hand knowledge about the politics of Golkonda and acquired many Muslim and Hindu friends. Later,, Ramara Later Ramaraya ya entered entered the service of Krish Krishnad nadeva evaray raya. a. pleased him by his talents talen ts and married his his dau daugh ghte ter. r. Hi His s brother Tirumalaraya married another daughter of Krishnadevaraya. The Portuguese writer Couto says that that Ramaraya Ramaraya was a great general in Krishnadeva's army and was the governor in Badaghas and Teligas. According According to 'Ramarajiyamu', he he had also been been 'Kalyanapuravaradhisvara' 'Kalyanapuravaradhis vara' (Ka (Kalyand lyandurg urg in AnanAnantapur tapur district). distr ict). After Aft er Sadasiva Sadas iva's 's enthro enthronem nement ent,, he bec becam ame e "the Agent for Affa Af fair irs" s".. His brothers Tirum Tirumala ala and Venkatadri Venkatadri became minister and general general respectively. Inscriptions of the peri period od show that Sadasiva was re re-cognised by everyone as the real sovereign, but was only nominally nominally.. The whole whole power power was in the hands hands of Rama Ramara raya ya and his broth brothers. Being Being the son-in-l n-in-law aw of the great king Krishnadevaraya Krishnadevaraya,, he was popular popular as 'Aliya' (son-in-law) (son-in-law) Ramaraya. raya. He wa was s also also called 'Kodanda 'Kodanda Rama'. Rama'. On One e notice notices s thre three e
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definite stages stages in his ascendency. In the the first first stage from from 1543 543 A.D. to 1549-50 A.D., he was nothing but the Regent on beha behalf lf of the king. king. He show showed ed respect respect to the king king,, who who mostly resided at the capital, and carried on administration as 'the Agent for Affair Aff airs' s' of Sadasiva Sadasiva's 's empi empire re.. In the second stage, in 1550 A.D. he imprisoned Sadasiva in a strongly fortified tower with iron doors doors surround surrounded ed by sentries; sentries; but tre treat ated ed him as King, showing to the public public only once a year. year. During During this stage, which which lasted almost almost upto upto 1563 1563 A.D. inscriptions inscriptions put put the powe powerr of Ramaraya Ramaraya on equality equality with that of Sadasiva Sadas iva.. It was during this period, Ramaraya strengthened his position by elevating his rela relative tives s to high high offices. In the third stage, from from sometime in 1563 A.D. he stopped the annual ceremony of exhibiting exhibiting the emper emperor or to his his subject subj ects. s. He assumed assumed imperial titles titles and issued issued pagodas pagodas (gold (gold coins) in his name. name. But there is no evidence of his coro coronation nation as emperor. emperor. Cauto Cauto writes that the Aravidu brothers used to go once a year to Sadasiva's prison prison like palace in order to do homage to him as their sovereign. Ramaraya's enemies in the land to the south of Chandragiri could not bear his ascendency and made attempts to defy his authority. authority. Ramaraya had to send send expeditions to Travancore and the Fishery Coast Coast in the south between the yea years rs 1543 543 A.D. and 1558 1558 A.D. A.D. to subd subdue ue the defiant defiant and aggressive activities of those those rebe rebels. ls. He put down all the centrifugal forces forces with wi th a stern hand and his cousin, Vitthala restored the central authority rity over over Travancore Travanc ore and the Fishery Fishery coast. coast. Visvanatha Visvanatha Nayaka Nayaka and his son Krishnappa I of Madura tent support to Vitthala in his endevour. "With "With the the Portuguese Ramaraya's araya's relati relation ons were by no
means means always alwa ys friendly." After Aft er the advent advent of Marti Martin n Alfonso Alf onso de Sousa as Governor of Goa in 1542 A.D., the Portuguese attitude towards Vij Vijayan ayanagar agara a changed changed to the worse. worse. He attacked and plundered plundered the port port of Bhatkal. Bhatkal . He organised a plunde plunderin ring g raid on Kanchi. Kanchi. In 154 1544 4 A.D., Martin Martin made a plan plan to rob the temple temple of Tiru Tirupa pati. ti. It was was not not executed executed due to the vigilance of the the imperial authorit authority. y. But in 1547 547 A.D,. A.D,. the
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friendship between The Portuguese and the Vijayanagara was renewed by a treaty, treaty, especially especially when Castro succeeded succeeded Marti Martin n as governor. By this thi s treaty treaty,, Vijayana Vijayanagara gara secure secured d the mono onopoly poly of the horse trad trade e with with the Portugue Portuguese. se. But But in 1558 A.D. A.D.,, the Regent marched to the Portuguese settlement at St. Thome (Mylapor (Mylapore) e) to plunder it as he got complaints of the destr destruc uc-tion of several temples on the coast down to Nagapattinam by the the Christi Chri stian an Portuguese missionaries. This expedit expedition ion did did not effect the relations of Vijayanagara with the Portuguese Vicero Viceroy. y. But But it is not clear that that what steps steps were taken taken by Vijayanagara to afford protection to its vassals end subjects from their forcible conversions into Christianity carried on by the Portuguese missionaries. RAMARAYA'S FOREIGN POLICY (Relations with with the Deccan Sultans) Sultans) AND THE BATTLE OF KRISHIMABANNIHATTI (1 (156 565 5 A.D. A.D.)) Ramaraya was an ambitious master politician, well versed in power politics. poli tics. It appears that he subscribed to the view that th at 'the end justifies justifi es means'. This This was the princ principl iple e that governed his foreign fore ign policy. His clever, clever, cunning cunning and dipl diplom omat atic ic foreign policy was aimed at making Vijayanagara supreme, safeguarding the interests of the empire at any cost and placing himself himse lf at the helm helm of affairs. affa irs. Ramaraya was deter determi mine ned d to restore the power of the Vijayanagara empire to what it was during during the the days of Krishnade Krish nadevara varaya. ya. This This led him to interfere interfere in the inter-state politics of the neighbouring Deccan Sultanates. Mutual jealousy, rivalry and old family feuds that appeared among the Deccan Sultans were exploited by Ramaraya to the advant adv antage age of Vij Vijaya ayanag nagara ara,, The Deccan Deccan States "among "among them them-selves cherished the ambitions of their own,—and these showed themselves themse lves in vari va riou ous s degre degrees es of activit activity y acco accord rding ing to the circu ci rcumst mstanc ances es of the moment. moment. They They often fought with each each other for aggrandisement and sought the assistance of the neighbouring Hindu ruler". ruler". Ramaraya Ramaraya availed himsel himselff of this advantage and supported one party or the other according to the exige e xigencie ncies s of the time. He was not desi desiro rous us of terr terriitorial expansion in the northern or the eastern direction of his
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empire. empire. His His objective was wa s to maintain balance of power in Deccan. Deccan. This This was wa s evident evident from the fact fa ct that he was w as every day day to go to to the the he help lp of the victim of aggression. aggression. He firmly firmly believed believed that the safety and security of Vijayanagar lay in the rivalries of the Deccan Sultanates. This This was nothing but a shrewd shr ewd diplomacy diplomacy of the modern type. type. As a part of this, he always tried to keep his opponents divided so as to weaken their power. This This policy of 'divide and rule' and an d himself diplomatically assuming the role role of an arbitrator paid rich rich dividends. dividends. His His insight into the Muslim politics while in service under the Sultan of Golkonda Golkonda came to his his he hellp. For twenty-thre twen ty-three e years, he successively made war against the Deccan Sultans and in all but the test, he was victorious. In 1543 A.D., Burhan Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar, in alliance with Ramaraya and Qutb Shah of Golkonda, attacked Bijapur. Ramaraya's brother Venkatadri proceeded to reduce the Raichur doab do ab.. Ibrahim Adil Adil Shah Shah of Bijapur was able to detach de tach Vija Vi jaya ya-nagara and Ahmadnagar from the alliance through his general Asad As ad Khan's Kh an's well-tried well-tried elderl elderlyy statesmanship. statesmans hip. Then Then Asad As ad marched on Golkonda, defeated the Qutb Shah and wounded him. In the following year, at the instigation of Ramaraya, Burhan again attack att acked ed Bijapur, but was wa s completely defeated. Four years later, Burhan, with the assistance of Ramaraya, captured the fort Kalyani from Bidar and the fort remained in Burhan's his death in 1553 A.D. possession till his In 1549 A.D., when an alliance was formed between the Sultans of Bijapur and Bidar, Burhan sought the alliance of Ramaraya. In the the war that ensued, ensued, the Vijayanagara Vijayanaga ra forces forces captured the Raichur doab once again. In 1557 A.D., Hussain Nizam Shah, the son and successor of Burhan of Ahmadnagar, in alliance with Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda, Golkonda, attacked attac ked Bijapur and laid laid siege siege to Gulbarga. Ibrahim Adil Shah of Bijapur sought the help of Vijayanagara. Ramaraya Ramara ya marched in person person at the head of a big big army. But But
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he felt felt anxio anxious us to avoi avoid d bloodsh bloodshed. ed. He broug brought ht about about a meet meetin ing g of all the parties and this resulted in the treaty of 'collective Security' by which which if if any one one of the contending parties parties beca became me a victim of an unjust attack, the others were to join him against against the aggressor aggres sor.. Thus Ramaraya playe played d the part part of an 'honest broker.' When Ibrahim Adil Shah Shah of Bijapur died ied, his his young young son All Adil Shah renewed his father's alliance with Ramaraya by entering into a new treaty. In 1560 A.D., A.D., when Hussain Nizam izam Shah of Ahmadnagar broke the four kings' peace of 1557 A.Dand attacked Bijapur, Ramaraya took an active part in the league organised by Ali Adil Shah I against against Ahmadnagar Ahmadnagar The The allie allied d army captured Kalyani Kalyani and and later later on defeated the Nizam izam Shah Shah in the battle battle of Jamkhed. Fina Finally lly Hussain concluded peace peace ishta, in by ceding Kalyani to Ali Adil Shah. According to Feris this invasion, the Hindu soldiers committed horrible attrocities in Ahmadn Ahmadnaga agar. r. The countr country y wa was s laid waste. The The hono honour ur of Muslim women was insulted. Mosques were destroyed and even the sacred sacr ed Koran was not not respected. The victor victoriou ious s army invaded and devastated Bidar as well. Immediately after the allies left, Hussain allied himself with Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda and laid siege to Kalyani. But Ramaraya and Ali Adil Shah forced him to retreat from Kalyani. Kalyani. While While the Bijapur Bijapur army chased the Golkon Golkonda da troops, troops, Ramaraya Ramaraya pursued pursued the Niza Nizam m Shah Shah.. Ahmadnagar Ahmadnagar was besieg besieged ed a seco second nd time, time, but but owing to floods floods in the adjacent adjacent river, could could not succee succeed. d. In this second second invasion invasion of Admad Admadnagar nagar,, Fens Fensta ta states, "The Hindus of Vijayanagar committed the most outrageous devastations, burning and razing the buildings, putting up their their horses in mosques and performing their idolatr idolatrous ous worshi worship p in holy places". places". Ibrahim Ibrahim Qutb Qutb Shah of Golko Golkond nda, a, who was beaten back from Kalyani, attacked Kondavidu to divert Ramaraya's attention from Golkonda, but with no success. He surrendered Kovilkonda, Ganpura and Panugal forts in 1563 A.O. Ferishta observes, observes, "Ramaraya "Ramaraya also, at the the conc conclu lusi sion on of this expedition, looking on the Islam Sultans as of little consequence, re refu fuse sed d proper honours to their their amba ambassa ssador dors. s. Then hen
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he did not offer them seates and treated them with most contemptuous temptuo us reserve an and d hautiness. He made in pub publilic c in in his his not allowing them to mount till he gave orders. train on foot not On return from the test expedition the officers and soldiers of his army in g genera enerall treated the Muslims with insolance, scoffing and contemptuous language." Endorsing these the se observatio observations ns of Ferishta, most of the the scholars opine that the series of the military and diplomatic victories of Ramaraya over the Deccan Sultans made him arrogant and that it was his insolent behaviour that brought the Deccan Sultans together together against against Vijayanagara Vijaya nagara.. They They ho hold ld Ramaraya solely responsible for the battle of Rakkasa-Tangadi (1565 A.D.). He is considered the villain villain of the tragic drama. Robert Sewell goes a step forward and observes that the character of Krishnadevaraya after aft er his his victory in tthe he ba batt ttle le of Raichur Raichur (1520 (1520 A.D.) led to the confederacy of the Musl Muslim im Sultan Sultans s to crush the Vijayanagara Vijaya nagara empire empire.. After the Sultan of Bijapur was worsted in that battle and sued for peace, the Raya Ray a demanded that the Sultan should visit him him and kiss his his foot. This This hardened the attitude attitude of tthe he Sultans Sultans towards Vijayanagara. Sewell writes, "The "The Hin Hindu du victor vic tory y so weakened weakened the power and prestige of Adil Shah that he ceased altogether to dream of any present conquest in the south, and turn his attention to cementing alliances with the Muhammadan sovereigns, reigns, his neighbours. The victory vict ory also caused ca used all the other other Muhammadan powers in the Deccan seriously to consider the political condition of the country; and this eventually Jed to a combination without which nothing was possible, but by the aid of which the the Vijaya Vij ayana nagar gara a Empi Empire re wa was s finall finally y overthro overthrown wn and the way to the south south ope opened ned.. It further more great greatly ly effected the Hindus by raising in them a spirit of pride and arrogance, which added fuel to the fire, caused them to become positively intolerable to their neighbours, and accelerated their own downfall." However this charge cannot be taken as serious because it wa was s the confirmed policy of the Bahmani Bahmani Sultans to humi humilia liate te
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the Vij Vijayanagara rulers rulers by waging constant wars and takin taking them as Jih ihads. Wether it was Kris ishnadeva varaya or Ramaraya, they had done only that at whi hich th the Bahmani Sultans and their successors successors had foll followed owed. The vi victor becoming somewhat haughty and arrogan arrogant towards towards the the vanquish quished, and the victo victorious army, whether it it was was Hindu or Muslim, ransacking cking and plundering and devas devastati tating the enemy's y's country and committin itting exc xcess sses wer ere nothin ing bu but common during those days. However However,, the the point tha that Ramaraya insulted ulted Islam cannot be accepted. It was the the legacy and heritage of the the Vij Vijayanagara's gara's past from from the days of the Sangamas which Ramaraya inherited rited and foll followed. owed. Large number of Muslim lims were were recruited ited into the Vij Vijayanagara army. They were given given complete religious freedom. Ramaraya built a mosque for them, tre treate ated d them generously and even assigned assigned a special quarter quarter of the city city,, Turkavada, for for them. As a matter of fact, fact, both Ramaraya and his wi wife treated Ali Adil Shah of Bijap Bijapur as th their adopted son Hence there is is no substance substance in the argument that he showed disresp disrespect to Isla Islam. Then what were the fact factors ors that prompted the formation of th the confederacy by tth he Deccan Sult Sultans against Vij Vijayanagara? The exist existenc ence of the Vi Vijayanagara kingdom was found to be irksom rksome fr from the begin beginning to the Muslim lims. As lon long as there was one Bahmani kin kingdom, the the power of Vij Vijayanagara was contained withi within n certain ertain lim limits its and there was no fear of its its expa ex pansion at the cost of the Muslim lims. But when the kingdom itself tself broke broke into five five in independent Sult Sultanates, the Muslim power weakened weakened much, thus making united united resistan resistance to Vij Vijayanagara a dif difficult task. It was this element that was exploited by Krishna Krishnadevaray devaraya a and for for the first irst tim time be humbled the pride of the Muslim uslims. Ramaraya araya went went a step ahead. He established his mastery over over them them and ev even made them prostrate trate before him. in the course of the inter-st nter-state ate struggle, the Deccan Sult Sultanates grew weaker and weaker weaker and their counterpart Vij Vijayanagar ayanagara a grew stron stronger. By the close of 1564 A.D. The Deccan Sultan Sultans reali realised that they were fi fighting among themselves selves to to the advantage of Vij Vijayanagara. They formed a strong
confederacy.
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HISTORY OF THE THE AN DH RA S
As the authors of the 'Further sources of Vijayanagara History' observes, "the real cause (for the formation of the confeder conf ederacy) acy) was the the fear engenendered engenendered in the mind mind of the Deccan Sultans by the rapid growth of Ramaraya's power. Taking advantage of the frequent quarrels which engrossed their attention, he not only recovered the territory which they had seized during his struggle with Achyuta and Tirumala (Salakaraju), but succeeded in establishing his hegemony over them. them. Ramaraya's Ram araya's supremacy was most galli galling ng to the Musli Muslim m rulers. His great power coupled coupled with their individual individua l helplesshelplessness against him had driven them to resort to combined action. This was the real cause for the confederacy which brought about Ramaraya's downfall". In the strong league that was organised for the overthrow of Vijayanagara, Vijayana gara, Berar was not a partner. partner. According to Basatin-us-Salatin, it was because of her deep-rooted hatred toward tow ardss Ahmadnagar, Berar did did not join the coalition. coalition. the contemporary chroniclers say that Hussain Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar and Ibrahim Qutb Shah of Golkonda took the leading part in the formation of the confederacy, because they alone had suffered most. In order to cement their political alliance, Ali Adil Shah married Chand Bibi, the daughter of Hussain Nizam Shah, Hussain's eldest son married one of the sisters of AM Adil Shah. There There was probably probably a third third marriage marriage allianc alliance e between betw een Ahmadnagar Ahmadn agar and Golkonda. Sholapur which was the bone of contention between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur wa s ceded ced ed to to Hussain by Ali. Ali. Complete Complete war preparati preparations ons were made. An easy excuse for the war was found when Ramaray Ram araya a refused to return return the Raichur R aichur doab. doab. Consequentl Consequently, y, the confederate forces reached and encamped at Tallikota about 30 Kilometres north of the Krishna and after negotiations for 33 days the rival forces began the battle on the banks of the river Krishna. The controversial name of the battle itself calls for discussion. It is a misnomer to call it 'the battle of Tallikota'. Tallikota'. Tallikota was the place where the Muslim forces numbering 50,000 cavalry, 3,00,000 infantry along with 6,000 Maratha
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horsemen besides some elephan elephants ts and a few few hund hundre reds ds of canons canons encamped and where the allies allies were ente enterta rtain ined ed by All Adil Shah with great splendour. It is on accou account nt of this, though the the battle was not fought fought at that place, place, the the name name of Talli Tallikot kota a assumed much importance. importance. The The Hi Hind ndu u accou accounts nts unanimously unanimously refer refer to the battle as 'the battle battle of Raksha RakshasisiTangadi' since it was on the plains between these two villages to the south of the river Krishna, the battl battle e was fought. fought. But this name also is a misnom misnomer. er. The The Vijayanagara forces, numnumbering 70,000 cavalry and 90,000 infantry besides elephants and artillery (the (the actual numb number er swelled swelled into into lakhs lakhs with the reinforcements coming from the south at the time of actual batting), batting), encamped encamped near near these two two villages. villages. The The actual battl battle e was fought on the open grounds of Bannihatti village on the sangam of Maski an and d Hukeri Hukeri on the southern bank bank of the river Krishna. Hence it would be appropriate appropriate if the battle is called 'the battle of Krishna-Bannihatti.' Even Even with regard to the duration of the war, the Muslim Muslim accounts say that it was a very short affair, that the fierce engagement took place on 23rd January, 1565 A.D. and that the the battle lasted for a few hours, Jess than four hours. Taking into consideration the extent, resources, man-power and past military record, it is inconievable inconievable to conc conclu lude de that the fate fat e of Vijayanagara was decided in the four hours' engagement. How could the Deccan Sultans, who severally and conjointly suffered repeated reverses on previous occasions, overthrow the indomitable Ramaraya Ramaraya in less than four hours hours fight? The Hi Hin ndu accounts seem to be right since they say that the war lasted for more than six months and one battle with intense fury was fought for twentyseven days continuously. Anyway Ramaraya, even at a ripe old age (according to Ferishta, he was seventy years old, and according to the Portuguese writers Couto and Fairy Sousa, he was ninety-six years old), along with his brothers faced the situation with great confidence. In one of the the engagements, engagements, they prac practic tical ally ly defeat defeated ed the confederates confederates and comp compell elled ed them them to bea beat a retreat. retreat. To dupe the Hi Hind ndu u army, army, the allie allies s had a cun cunning
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stratagem. stratage m. They gave out out the impression that they would like to come to terms with Ramaraya Ramara ya and and seemed seemed to start sta rt negonegotiatio tiations. ns. In the meantime, they the y recouped recouped their strength. More importa important nt than this is that they opened secret secre t communication communicat ion with the Muslim officers in the army of Ramaraya and a secret understanding was arrived at with them. In the end the allies made a treacherous treacherous night att a ttac ack k upon the the Vij Vijaya ayanaga nagara ra camp. camp. In spit spite e of this and irrespective of his age, Ramar R amaray aya a directed directed the operations in person. But But at the crucial moment, the two Muslim commanders of the Vijayanagara army, each in charge of a large contingent, deserted to the enemy side. Neither Neither Ferishia nor Ali Ibn Aziz A ziz referred refer red to this treason. However Ceaser Frede Frederick rick,, who visited Vi Vija jaya ya-nagara shortly after the war, and later Perron also referred to this fact of treason by the two Muslim generals of the Vijayanagara nag ara army. Frederick says, "when the armies armi es were joined, the battle lasted but a while, not the space of four hours, because the traitorous captains, in the thick of the battle, turned their face against their king and made such a disorder in his army that they th ey were wer e bewildered. bewildered."" The The artillery artiller y of of the allies under Chalabi Rumikhan of Asia Minor also played havoc. Ramaraya was captured in the midst of confusion and Hussain, with great vengeance, put him him to deat death h instantaneousl insta ntaneously, y, in that panic and confusion, the Vijayanagara army took to flight. 'So great was the confusion that there was no attempt to give battle' battle'.. Venka Ven kata tadr drii died died.. Tirumala who lost an eye in the contest hastily withdrew to Vijayanagara and left it with the king and others, carrying away as much treasure as possible first for Penugonda Penugonda and then then to Tirup Ti rupati ati.. The camp of the Vijayanagara Vijayan agara army wa was s plunde plundered red.. As Ferishta Ferishta observes, "The "The plunder was so great that every private man with in the allied army became rich in gold, jewels, effects, tents, arms, horses and slaves, as the Sultans left every person in possession of what he had acquired, acquired, only taking elephants el ephants for f or their thei r own use." The left-outs in the defenceless Vijayanagara city became a prey to the robber and jungle tribes of the neighbourhood. Then Then the victorious victorious Muslims entered the city ci ty.. The The armies armies
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of the Sultans stayed in Vijayanagara for about five months footing and plundering everything that they came across. Sewell writes wri tes,, "They slaugh slaughter tered ed the people people without mercy, mercy, broke broke dow down n the temples and palaces; and wreaked such savage vengeance on the abode of kings, that, with the exception of a few great stone-built temples and walls nothing now remains...They demolished the statues...Nothing seemed to escape them...with fire and sword, with crowbars and axes, they carried on day afte afterr day the their ir work work of destruction. Never Never pe perh rhap aps s in the history of the world has such havoc bean wrought, and wrought, so suddenly, on so splendid a city; teeming with a wealthy and industrious population in the full of plentitude, of prosperity one day, and on the next seized, pillaged, and reduced to ruins, amidst scenes of savage massacre and horrors begging description." Dr. N. Venkataramanayya remarks, "The battle of RakshasiTangadi was the Waterloo of the Vijayanagara history. Though Vijayanagara empire flourished for nearly another century with the fall of Ramaraya on the field of Rakshasi-Tangadr in 1565, its glory began to wane and it ceased to be the dominant power in the deccan and the Rayas never attempted once again to recover their lost ground." However these observations of the scholars, especially of Sewell have been questioned by Fr. Heras and Sathianatttaiar. Acco Accord rdin ing g Fr. Fr. Heras, Heras, Sewell comp complet letely ely misdescribed misdescribed the con con-dition of Vijayanagara as caused by the Muslims during their stay there after the battle, completely basing on the Muslim chronicles chronicles part particu icular larly ly that that of the biased Ferish Ferishta. ta. Ferishta Ferishta's 's saying that the chief buildings were razed to the ground in an exaggeration, for the simple reason that the chief buildings of the capital like the huge imposing basements both in the royal enclosure and in the zenana, the partly destroyed gopurams of the Vitthala, Krishna, Achyuta Achy uta tem temple ples, s, the the beaut beautififul ul well-k well-kept ept tower towe r of the Virupaksha tem templ ple e and even the the two small shrines of Ganesa may be partly seen even now. "His religious prejudice against the idols and the temples of the unbelievers made him suppose things done in the imperial city
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of which whi ch its invaders invaders were we re never guilty.' it is true true that that almost almos t all the idols of worship were broken and several structures of the city were destroyed by the invaders, partly while searching for treasures and partly by order of Hussain Nizam Shah who wh o set on fire fire a number number of houses. house s. Besides, Besides, on one e should not forget that more than four centuries have elapsed since those memorable days and time time is as sure su re a destroyer destroye r as man. It was the desertion of the city by the Rayas that gradually ruined the city. Fr. Heras opines that the Deccan Sultans did not intend to destr destroy oy Vijayanagara. This This was w as evident from tw o aspects— their about five months' long stay within the walls of Vijayanagara, indicating their intention of retaining the city for themselves, and secondly their construction of new structures there like the queen's bath, elephants' stable, the lotus mahal etc. with mortar, marvellously combining both Hindu and Muslim styles. Yet six months afte af terr their triumpha triumphall arrival, the Sultans Sultans left Vijay Vi jayan anaga agara ra.. "They "They departed to their own kingdom," Frederick relates, "because they were not able to maintain such a kingdom as that was so far distant from their own country." Undoubtedly, the battle of Krishna-Bannihatti (1565 A.D.) "did vital damage to the empire, but the empire was still intact and could go on for another century almost with a comparatively brilliant epoch of a generation before it got weakened by the constant invasions from the north, and dismembered by the dissatisfaction and rebellion of the viceroys within. This is the sad tale of the end of Vijayanagara; the actual ending of which is marked by the beginning of the Maratha power in the south". The battle battle of Bannihatti was no doubt the climacteric, but not the grand climacteric of the Vijayanagara empire. empire. It necessitated the desert des ertion ion of the imperial capital and resulted in the loss of the Raichur Raich ur dera derailil.. Peace was conclu con cluded ded-- Tirumal Tirumala a returned to the capital after afte r the Sultans' Sultan s' departure departure and tried to repopulate repopulate it. it. His efforts eff orts could not succeed. Hence he shifted to Penuko Penukonda nda and ruled as the rege regent nt of Sadasiva. It is said that Sadasiva Sadas iva continued continu ed to live in the deserted Vijayanagara where he died in 1576 A.D.
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The battle battle of 1565 1565 A.D. had its own direct direct or indi indirec rectt impact impact on the the Deccan Sultanates. Sultanates. Since the dan dange gerr from Vijayanagara was minimised after the battle, the unity forged among the Sultans disappeared and they weakened themselves in their mutual wars and with the result ultimately fell an easy prey to the Mughal aggression from the northIt is also said that the ruin of the city of Vijayanagara and the shrinkage in the power and prestige of the empire adversely affe af fect cted ed the Portuguese trade. trade. Sewell Sewe ll observ observes, es, "Goa rose and fell simultaneously with the rise and fall of the Tuluva dynasty." dynasty." Partly, it may be true. true. However the Portuguese Portuguese 595, monopoly of the Indian Ocean remained unbroken unbroken till 1595, fifteen years after the fatal union of Portugal and Spain. Subsequen sequently tly,, Philip Philip II of Spain neglected the Portuguese dominion dominions s in India and involved Portugal in costly and disastrous European wars. war s. By 1602 02,, the Dutch deprived Portuga Portugall of their their hold over Spice islands etc. TULUVA DYNASTY
6.
Vijayanagara after th thee Battle Battle of Bannihatti (1665 A.D.) (Araridu Dynasty)
The defeat defeat of Vij Vijayanagara in the battle of Bannihatti (1565 A.D. A.D.)) simply reduced the empire's ire's milita ilitary prestige. economic prosperity and the extent of its its territorial jurisdicti jurisdiction on. The empire itself tself did not perish. It continued to linger on for
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nearly a century more more with ever ever dimi diminis nishin hing g territori territories es and langu languish ishing ing revenues. Ramar Ramaray aya' a's s brother Tirumala Tirumala carried carried away aw ay much of the wealth wealth to Penugonda Penugonda before before the entry entry of the victorious Muslim army into the imperial capital. After Aft er the departure of the Musli Muslims ms from Vijayanag Vijayanagara, ara, Tirumala returned to the city along with the king Sadasiva. His attempts repopulate the city and restore it to its former glory glory did did not yield yield any fruitful fruitful result. result. Ke Keepin eping g in view the the ambitions ambitions of the intriguin intriguing g sons sons of Ramaraya and the the constant constant threat of further Muslim aggression, he moved back to Penugonda, leaving behind the king, and began to govern the state in the name of Sadasiva, who was a nominal sovereign till 1568-6 1568-69. 9. There upon upon he star st artted his independent independent rule, crowning crowning himself at Penugonda. In order to strengthen his hold on the southern portions, Tirumalaraya divided the empire into three divisions on iinguistc basis and appointed his sons as viceroys over them, As a part of his attempts to revive the glorious traditions of Vijayanag Vijayanagara, ara, he maintained a splendid splendid court at Penugonda Penugonda which which was adorned adorned by the Telu Telugu gu poet Bhattumurti (Rama(Rama rajabhushana), the author of 'Vasucharitra'. The Vijayanagara empire began to shrink during the reign of his his son son Sri Ranga I (1572-85). The The Sultans Sultans of Bijapur and Golkonda Golkonda made made further inroads inroads into the the Vijayanagar Vijayanagara a territory. territory. However However in the reign reign of Sri Rang Range' e's s brother Venka enkata tapa pati ti II (1585-1614), the original boundaries of the empire and its prosperity prosperity and grandeur, grandeur, were restored. He was the most powerful ruler of the Aravidu dynasty and his reign may be considered the last flicker of the Vijayanagara empire. He compelled the Sultan of Golkonda to recognise the Krishna as the boundary between the two states states.. The Bijapur Sultan Ibrah Ibrahim im Adil Adil Shah's Shah's two invasion invasions s were repu repulsed lsed.. Venkatapati II waged incessant struggle against the internal rebels of the empire almost from the begi beginn nnin ing g of his rule. By forc force e of arms, arms, he brought back to allegiance the Nayaks of Madura, Gingee and Vellore. Vellore. Prob Probab ably ly to exercise exercise a greater contro controll over the vassa vassals ls
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of the south, he transferred his capital to Chandragiri by 1602 A.D. Late Later, r, for fo r all practical purposes, Vellore be beca came me the the capital. in the later part of his reign, Venkatapatiraya faced two problems arising from fr om the Mughal emperor Akbar's Akbar 's impe imperi rial alis ism m and the advent of the Dutch traders in the eastern waters. He was prepared to measure swords with the Mughal Mughals. s. When the Mughals crossed the Vindhyas, there was considerable diplomatic stir in the south. But with Akb A kbar ar's 's death in 1605, there was a sigh of relief. Venkatapatira Venkata patiraya ya displayed great great tact and and firmness firmne ss towards toward s the European traders. He was frendiiest with the Portuguese, exchanged embassies with them, gave ga ve protection protec tion to the Jesuit Jes uit mission mission in his empire empire and even even supported suppo rted them th em against ag ainst the Dutch. Yet whe when n require required, d, he did not hesitate to put down the unruly behaviour of the Portugue Port uguese se at St. Thome. Later he supported supported the Dutch against the Portuguese to establish settlements at PulicatVenkat Ven katapa apati ti made sustained efforts effor ts to reorga reorganis nise e the Governme Gove rnment nt and increase increase its economic econom ic prosperity. prosper ity. He ma main in-tained a brilliant court and rendered patronage to men of arts and an d tett tetters. ers. Eminen Eminentt scholars schol ars and poe poets ts like like Tatacharya, Matla Matla Ananta Ananta and Tarigo Tar igoppu ppula la Mallana flourished flourished in his court court..
Venka Ven kata tapa pati ti's 's death wa was s a signa signall for the the civ civilil war. Hi His s brothe bro ther's r's son was to succeed to the the thro throne. ne. But his his que queen en Bayamm Bay amma. a. with the support of he herr broth brother er Jaggaraya of the the Gobburi family, put forward the claims of her putative son. In the civil civ il war that tha t ens ensue ued, d, Sriranga's son supp suppor orted ted by Velugoti Yachama Nayaka, was successful in getting the throne. But he was soon murdered and his successor Ramadeva could not keep kee p his vas vassa sals ls under under chec ch eck. k. Explo xploit itin ing g the the situat situation ion,, the Bijapur Sultan made repeated inroads, and subsequently collected tributes from the chieftains of Keladi and Bangalore The last ruler of the Aravidu family. Sriranga III lost even the capital Vellore and thus wa was s reduced reduced to the posit position ion of emperor without witho ut empire empire'' He was force forced d to retire to Balur. Balur. With With his death in or about 167 1678 8. the the end of the empi empire re came came.. 17)
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However the Marathas under Shivaji continued the Vijayanagara traditions.
7. General Featu eature ress of the Vijaya Vija yana nagara gara Empire Empire
ADMINISTRATION A tiny state stat e of Vijayanagara Vijayanagara which was founded in 1336 A.D. had grown in course course of time into into a mighty empire. empire. With this expansion, its rulers at the same time recognised the fact that its strength and stability depended to a large extent on sound administr administration ation.. So they organi organised sed an efficient sys s yste tem m of administratio administration, n, introducing introducing changes changes from time to time depending depending upon upon the exigencies of the period. period. The government government is characterised by a strong centre with a scheme of decentralisation. CENTRAL GOVERNMENT Commenting on the administrative set up of the Vijayanagara empire, T.V. Mahalingam says, "It is generally said that in medieval Eu Europ rope, e, feudalism was a necessity of the time times. s. Similarly, the particular form of government that obtained in Vijayanagara was a necessity of the perio period. d. The The very very fact that, that, in the Vijayanagara empir empire e there exis existe ted d side by side with one another anot her various heterogenous elements, elements, divers div erse e interests and communities necessitated a strong monarchial form of government government." ." It wa was s a hereditary monarchy. But, when when times arose, the able and ambitious ambitious ministers and an d generals did did not hesitate hesitate to remove remove the incompetent incompetent kings, kings, whose polic policies ies undermined the stability of the kingdom, and to usurp the throne. throne. Coronation was an important ceremon ceremony y since it provided legal sanction. 'Amuktam 'Amuktamalyad alyada' a' says that the King wa was s the pivot of the entire administrative mechinery and was the most important limb limb of the body body politi politic. c. He was the supreme authority in civil civil,, mili milita tary ry and judicial affair affairs. s. The peopl people e of Vijayanagara Vijayanagara showed showed their respect to the kings for their personal bravery, character
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and integrity. They did not, at at the same same time, time, lag lag behind behind to exhibit exhibit their dislike islike towa towards the weak, cruel and sensuous usurpers and patricides. The kings had an enlightened enlightened conception of their duties and an d responsibilities responsibilities as the head of the government. governmen t. Kr Krish ishnanadevaraya in his 'Amuktamalyada' says, "A crowned king should always rule with an eye towards Dharma, the lives of gods like Indra, Varuna. Vaisravana, Vayu and Agni are the results of their actions. The The various worlds as Bhuh, Bhuh, Bhuvah and Suvah owe their posit position ions s to Dharma". He writes "he should transform form the Kali age to Krita age". Protectin Protecting g the peop people le and redressing their grievances were the primary duties of the king king.. That is to say sa y dushtanigraha and sishtaparipa sishtaparipalana lana was his most mo st important duty. duty. He was permitted to use dand danda a (force (fo rce)) to discharge properly this this function. He must must see that the people would adhere to the rules of Vama and Asrama. He considered that to look to the economic prosperity of the peopl people e was also als o his duty. For For this, measu measures res were taken to extend agriculture by clearing forests and provide irrigational facilities. Protection and encouragement to foreign foreign mercha merchants nts were wer e given. given. Industries Industries like mini mining ng were undertaken by the state.
Though the king possessed absolute powers, he was not was s not not a law-maker. law-maker. He had had to follow follow the a tyrant. He wa custom cus toms, s, traditions and an d publi public c opi opini nion on.. He had a paternal paternal conception of his duties duties.. Allasani Peddana Peddana mentions mentions,, "He (Krishna (Kris hnadev devaray araya) a) ruled ruled over his his subjects subjects with kind kindne ness ss as if they were his own children". There was a ministerial council headed by Mahapradham to assi as sist st the king in his task of admini administra stration tion.. Mahapr Mahapradh adhani ani,, Dandanayaka and Samantadhikari were some of the members of this council. It seems seems that gradat gradation ion was also there there among the ministers. ministe rs. Mahapradhan Mahapradhanis is like Saluva Timma Timmaras rasa a exercised exercised complete compl ete control over over the administ administrat rates es and comm comman ande ded d even even the household. The ministe ters rs mainta tain ined an orga ganised bureaucracy to carry rry on the the day to day work of the government.
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Krishnaraya opines, "When the work of a single officer is entrusted to a number of men and when is of them is assisted by a number of friends, the business of the state may be easily accomplished. The satisfaction (with the rulers) increases incre ases or decreases with the increase or decrease of their number. Nothing can be achieved without the willing cooperation of several officers; to keep them docile and obedient, truthfulness and absence of niggardliness and cruelty are helpful." 'Amuktamaiyada' refers to officials like Rayasams (secretaries writing down the orders of the king), Sasanacharyas (officers drafting the orders), Sampraties (secretaries of Heads of Departments) etc. etc. The The kings maintained magnific magnificent ent courts att attend ended ed by nobles, learned priests, astrologers and musicians. REVENUE VENUE ADMINI DMINISTR STRATION TION
Inscriptions and accounts of the foreign travellers throw light on the revenue and financial administration of Vijayanagara. References were made to assignment of land, remission of the revenues, income from Sand, levy of fresh taxes and renewal obsolete ones. Land revenue wa was s the ma majo jorr source sou rce of incom income. e. Depending upon the nature of the soil and the kind of crop grown, taxes were levied. Taxation was not uniform throughthroug hout the e empir mpire. e. One-sixth One-si xth of the produce produ ce was generally pai paid d as the stat st ate' e's s share. share. It was one-twentieth and one-thirtieth in the case of lands held by Brahmins and temples respectively. Besides the land-tax the ryots paid grazing tax, marriage tax etc. etc. The The other sources of reven re venue ue for fo r the state sta te were customs duties, tolls on roads, revenue from gardening plantations, taxes on property, professional taxes, tax on industries, military contributions, judicial income and fines and other customary payments. Taxes were generally generally paid paid both both in cash and kind. On the whole it may be said sa id that the the inincidence cidence of taxa ta xati tion on was wa s hevy. The provincial governors and revenue off officia icials ls often practised pract ised oppression on the pe peop ople le However, at times, as part of redressal of grievances of the people peo ple,, remissions were mad made. e. A separate separa te department departmen t called called 'Athavane' efficiently looked into the land revenue administration.
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ADMINISTRATION
K.A.N. Sastri writes, "Justice was administered by a heirarchy of courts, the emperor's sabha being the highest appellate appellate authority." No doub doubt, t, the king was the chief chief judg judge. e. But. generally on his behalf, the Pradhani dispensed justice. In provinces, the Governors discharged the function as part of their duty. Courts Courts of different grades at differe different nt levels levels functioned. Appeals Appeal s lay from the lower to the high higher er courts. Trial by ordeal was in vogue. Treason was consid considere ered d offen ce. Punishment Punishments s we were re very ver y severe. severe. Nuniz uniz a heinous offence. states, "For a thief whatever theft he commits, howsoever little it be, they forthwith cut off a foot and a hand...If man outrages a respectable woman or a virgin he has the same punishment...Nobles who became traitors are sent to be impaled alive on a wooden stake thrust through belly." Abdur Razzak writes, "sometimes they order the criminals to be cast down before the feet of an elephant that they may be killed by its knees, trun tr unks ks and tusks." But equali equality ty before before law law was not enforced. Brahmins were exempted from fro m capita capitall punishment. Consideration was shown for criminals ordered to be executed. Krishnadevaraya writes, "In the matter of people sentenced to death, give them the chance to appea appeall trice (for (fo r mercy) mer cy).. But in the case of those people whose escape might bring on a calamity to yourself, immediate execution is advisable." Though the Vijayanagara rulers did not maintain a state department of police, each district had its own arrangements. Preservation of peace and order and detection of crime were the th e main duties of the police men. men. Talari, Kavaligar Kavaligar and Desakavaligar were some of the police officers referred in the contemporary temporary Vijayanagara Vijayanagara records. Abdur Raz Razzak grea greatly tly comcommended the police police system system in the capital capital Regu Regula larr street-petro street-petrolllling at nights nigh ts was referr referred. ed. Espio Espionag nage e system s ystem was re regu gula larr and efficient MILITARY ORGANISATION For a state state like like Vij Vijayanagara, which had to to fight constantly tly wi th the Muslims with Muslims of the the Deccan Deccan its its very existence existence and and stability stability
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depended depended on its its military strength. So its rulers rulers had to maintain maintain a huge standing army, which was not of course uniform alt through. In times times of nee need, d, the standing army wa was s reinforced by auxiliary forces of the feudatories and nobles. They organized a military department called 'Kandachara' under the control of the Dandana Dandanayaka yaka (Dannayaka) (Dannayak a) wh who o was assiste assi sted d by a staff of minor minor officials. officials. The The king's guards guards were called called the the gentleman gentleman troopers. troopers. In the warfare warfare of the the Vij Vijayan ayanagar agara a perio period, d, infantry including even Muslims, cavalry strengthened by good Ormuz horse supp supplies lies through the the Portuguese, Portuguese, elephants elephants "lof "lofty ty as hills hills and gigantic as demons" and strong forts coupled with artillery played play ed an impor important tant role role.. Review of the forces for ces used to take place every year year at the close of the Mahanavami festival. Krishnadevaraya exhibited sentiment and personal touch, when, after the battle was over, he use used d to go to the scene of war and arrange arrange for giving giving aid aid to the wounded. wounded. He even rewarded the gallantry. PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATION The Vijayanagara empire consisted of vassal states and impe imperia riall provinces. provinces. The provinces provinces that were wer e directly administered stered by the the emperor through through his his represent representati atives ves were generally known as Rajyas or Mandalas or sometimes even as Chavid Chavidis. is. The The vassal states were administered through through the Nayakas (or Samantas). For the the imperial provinces, the distinguished members of the royal family were appoi appointe nted d as governors governors ( e x : Kum Kumar ara a Kampana, Devaraya Devaraya etc.) At times when suitable members members were not found in the royal family or when a capable and trustworthy officer of the centra) government was required to administer a troubled area, such a person was appointed as governor (ex: Lakkanna Dannayaka and Saluva Tirnmarasa). Generally the king used to appoint governors after consulting his ministers. The governors enjoyed greater amount of autonomy within their jurisdict jurisdiction. ion. 'They 'They held held their ow own n courts, had had their their own
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officers, maintained their territories without interference from central authority. authority. They enjo en joyed yed the right to issue issue coins coins an and d maintain law and order in their respective respe ctive provin province. ce. How Howeve everr they were required to submit regular accounts of the income' and expenditure of their charges to the central government and render military military aid in times of necessity. They maint maintaine ained d an agent at the imperial capital to keep themselves informed of the happenings at the court. In case of oppressive oppressive and tyrannical nical governors, govern ors, the th e central government used used to interfere Depending Depen ding up upon on the requireme requirement, nt, the governors were even transf tra nsferr erred ed from one place to ano anothe ther. r. The The autono autonomy my enjoyed by these governors later led to the disruption of the empire under incompetent rulers. NAYAKAR AYAKARA SYST SYSTEM
In the second type of provinces, the administration was done by the feudal vassals, variously called Samanta, Nayaka etc. The system syst em of administration administration of the kingdom kingdom through through the these se feudal vassals (Nayakas) is known as the Nayankara system in the Vijaya Vij ayanag nagara ara times. This is is an importa important nt feature of the the Vija Vi jaya yana naga gara ra provincial organisation. organisation. This system resembles resembles somewh som ewhat at the feudal syst s ystem em of medieval medieval Europe Europe.. 'The king being the owner of the soil granted lands to some persons as a reward. reward. They were called call ed nayak na yakas as and rul ruler over over the territory territo ry under their charge with great freedom. In retu return rn they had to pay a fixed amount as tribute to the king besides maintaining a prescribed number of troops for the service of the th e soverei sove reign gn during during war.' war. ' On ceremonial occasions, occasions, thes these e Nayakas offered the king great presents of money and costly gifts or presentatio presen tations. ns. Failure to conform to these obli obliga gati tion ons s was liable for punishment. (The term 'Nayankara' is an abbreviation of 'Amaranayenkara', composed of three syllables, Amara Nayaka and Kara. Amara literally stands for a command of a thousand foot soldiers. Na Naya yaka ka stands stan ds for fo r the mili militar tary y chief chief who held land land from from the king. king . Ka Kara ra probably probably means an office. Thus Thus the the term term Amaranayakara' may be taken to refer to a military chief who was wa s grante granted d land, land, yielding a fixed revenue for for the sove sovere reig ign. n.))
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The Nayakas enjoyed semi-independent status and the degree of autonomy enjoyed by them varied from one chief to another chief. With regard to the fixed amou am ount nt of tribute which the Nayakas had to pay, according to Nuniz, it was usuall usuallyy one-half one-ha lf of their revenue. Regarding Rega rding the th e number of troops they were required to supply to the king and to lead them in war, Domingo paes informs that it was the soversignthat fixed the number in proportion to the revenue they derived. The position of Nayaka was quite different from that of the Governor. He was merely a military vassal vass al who wh o had been assigned assig ned a district in lieu lieu of certain certa in milit militar aryy and financial financial obligations. He was not tran sferabl sfer able e an and d his his offic office e was personal but later on became hereditary, when the kings at the centre became weak. The Nayaks Nay aks on their part gave their their lands to other tenants on the same terms on which they had receiv received ed them from from the king.' The Nayakas ma intain int ain ed two agents, one military and the other civil, representing their masters' interests at the imperial city. The Nayankara system had its own merits and demerits. It was because of this system of administration, new settlements were formed, irrigation facilities were extended, new hands were brought under cultivation and Hindu culture and civilization was fostered and developed. developed. However the amount amount of autonomy which the Nayakas enjoyed gave them sufficient opportunity to engage themselves in local wars and mutual feuds. feud s. They They even eve n defied at times the Central Central authority. 'In spite of its inherent weaknesses, it served its purpose tolerably well.' LOCAL
ADMINI DMINISTR STRATION TION
For administrative purposes and for promoting efficiency, the provinces were furth er subdivided. The names of the sub-divisions and their officers officers differe diff ered d with the locality. They were 'Kottams' 'Kottam s' or 'Venthe' 'Venthe' (di strict str icts), s), 'Nadus' or 'Sim as' (Taluks) (Taluks) and 'Sthalas' 'Sthalas' (groups of villa ges). ges ). In parts of Karnataka, the sthalas were further divide into 'Nadukas' and
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'Vatitas' 'Vati tas'.. Village Vill age wa was s the last unit unit of adminis administra tration tion.. Each villa village ge was a self-suf self -suffic ficient ient unit. The ancient institut institution ion,, of popular village assemblies or sabhas continued during the Vijayanagara peri period od.. The village village assembl assembly y conducted conducte d the the adminis administratration of the area under its charge (executive, judicial and police) through its hereditary officers like Gowda, Karanika, Kavalu etc. etc. In big big villages villages there ther e was the represent repr esentati ative ve of the king king known as as 'Adhikeri'. Beside Besides, s, the Ayagar Aya gar system came into prominence during during this period period,, The Ayaga Ayagars rs were a body of village village functionaries functionari es (about 12 official off icials), s), who were in charge charge of the administration of rural rural areas. One of them the the Talaiyari was the watchman of the village vil lage and of the crops.' crops.' Then there there we were re associations associations of a corporate corporat e charact cha racter er (guilds (guilds)) referred in 'Amuktamalyada', 'Amuktamalyada', enjoying some concurre concurrent nt powers with the sabha and cooperating cooperating with it in the transaction of its business. SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE The social life of Vijayanagara Vijayanagar a is of great interest. interest. The The reanination of Hindu life, resulting in the revival of the ancient Dharma modified to some extent extent by the t he experience of the age, age, was wa s seen seen during during this period. The kings endevoured to protect the Varnasrama Dharma arid arid main maintain tain the the social solidarity. The prevalence of filial love' was instrumental in bringing together into closer cl oser relationsh relat ionship ip the various vari ous conflic conflictin ting g elements elements in the social life of the people.' The caste system of the Hindu society had already lost its regid regid nature. The The Brahmins were still still the most respected members of the society. They were found in almost every every walk of life, enjoying even high offices as ministers and generals in the state. It is curious to note that the name Kshatriya Kshatr iya did did not figur fi gure e during this period. period. The commercial and agricu agricultura lturall class classes es might might have made up the vitality. vitality. As T.V. T.V. Mahalinga Mahalingam m says, the rise of a social consciousness among the different communities was the significant feature of the social history of the later Vijayana Vijayanagar gara a period. period. At the lower levels, communities tie s like the Kambalatta Kambal attars rs (originall (orig inally y shepherds shepherds)) followe followed d the
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system system of polyandry and post-puberty marriages. Their Their women were we re noted noted for fo r loose moralaity moral aity.. Prostit Prostitutio ution n was widely prevalent. prevalent. Devadasi, Devadas i, Sati and slavery systems existed. exis ted. The The writings of poets and scholars like Sarvajna and Vemana reveal the new spirit of reform against social evils like caste restrctio tions and untouchabil ability. ty. The rulers as well the ruled bestowed attention on agricultur culture. e. The The state provided provide d irri irrigat gation ional al facilities. facilities. Indust Ind ustres res like, like, diamond-mining wer were e fully develope developed. d. The foreign fore ign visitors visito rs like Razzak and Paes Paes were we re profoundly profoundly impressed impressed by the fully vigorous economic life with huge population population,, rich bazars, bazar s, numb number er of skilled skil led craft craftsmen smen and dealers dealers in precious precious stones and other articles arti cles in the the impe imperia riall capit capital. al. Razzak observes the importance of roses ros es in the daily life life of the citizen. cit izen. Temples, Temples, as landlords and bankers, because of large endowments made to them, played an important part in the public economy of the period. Foreign trade carried on through important impor tant ports ports like Honnavar, Bhatkal, Nagapatnam, Pulicat and others by merchants and traders by forming into organisations, brought in prosperity adding to the luxury and magnificence of court life life.. How Howeve everr as Sathianathaier Sathianatha ier remarks, "The "The luxuries luxuries of the king and his officers contributed to the splendour of the imperial city, but the hard condition of the peasants, characteristic of even the best period of Vijayanagara, should not be forgotten in estimating the glories of the Hindu empire."
RELIGION Though primarily Vijayanagara fostered and developed the Hindu culture, it had the tradition of great tolerance towards all religions religions so that bigotry wa was s completel completely y unknown. Inscrip Inscrip tions tions attest attest to the fac f actt that religi religiou ous s persecution was never never tolerated. tolerated. Reconciliation Reconciliation between different different religio religious us s ec t s and equal protection to all were referred refe rred in the records. Though Though the Vijayanagara kings fought constantly against the Muslims, no disrespect disrespect was shown to Islam at any stage. st age. On the other hand hand,, they they gave gave comple complete te religious religious freedom to the Muslim soldiers in in their their service. Devaraya II buil builtt a mosque for their
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use in the the capital. Ramaraya Ramaraya greatly greatly developed developed Turkavada in his his time. time. Barboasa. the Portugues Portuguese e navigator, testifies testifies to the the spir spirit it of tolerance of Krishnadevaraya in the following words : "The King allows such freedom that every man may come and go and live according to his own creed without suffering any annoyance and without enquiry, whether he is a Christian, Jew, Moor or Heathen—great equity and justice is observed by all." Jaini Jainism sm,, which did not recognis recognise e the the authority of the Vedas, Vedas, received patronag patronage e and protection protection from from the ru rule lers rs.. Bukka I gave protection to the Jains of Penugonda, Hospet and others from from the Vaishn Vaishnavit avites es of Srirangam. Srirangam. Irug Irugap appa pa,, a staunch Jaine and who was the Dandanayaka of Harihara II built Jain temples at Hamp Hampi, i, Kanchi Kanchi and other sacred places places.. Devaraya II permitted the Jains to build build a temple temple at the capital in the the PanPansupari bazar. With the coming of the Portuguese to India, Christianity began began to spread in the south in the sixteenth century. century. The The Jesuit priests priests propagated their faith. The Portugu Portuguese ese governors and the Jesuit missionaries, with their combined efforts, converted the Paravas, the Fisher folk on the fishery coast of Tamiln Tamilnadu adu during the reign of Achyut Achyutara araya. ya. But their policy policy of turning religious propaganda to political purposes roused the resen resentme tment nt of the tolerant tolerant Vijayanagara kings. kings. Ramaraya promptly sent an expedition to fieshery coast. Hinduism got got a great impetus impetus and prote protection ction durin during g the Vijayanag Vijayanagara ara period. The threat threat of of Islam Islam on one one hand hand and and the the influence of the Sringeri Sringeri gurus like Bharati Bharati Tirtha Tirtha and Vidyara Vidyaranya nya reduced the sectari sectarian an fanaticism. fanaticism. The The Smartha Smartha,, Saiva and Vaishnava Vaishnava sect sects s flourished freely in the empir empire. e. The The Sangamas were Saivites and their family deity was Virupaksha. Scholar Scholars s like Chamarasa Chamarasa mad made e their their contrib contributio utions ns to Saivi Saivite te liter literatur ature. e. Srivaishnavis Srivaishnavism m became popu popular lar dur during ing the period period of the Saluvas and the Tuluvas. Tirup Tirupati, ati, Ahobala Ahobalam m and SnSnnangam nangam were greatl greatly y developed. developed. The cult of lord lord Ve Venkate nkatesa sa had its ascendency in the the time of Krishnadevar Krishnadevaraya. aya. Many any Muths of Sriv Srivai aishn shnava avas s flourished at Aho Ahoba balam lam,, Para Paraka kala la and
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other places. The family of Tatacharyas became prominent prominent in the time of Kris Krishna hna and Ach A chyu yuta ta.. With the preachings preachings of Narahari Tirtha. Akshobhya, Jaya Tirtha and Vyasaraya, Vaishnavism navism or Dvaita phil philos osop ophy hy also made considerable progress. LITERATURE Dr. T.V. Mahalingam says, "The foundation of Vijayanagara empire coincide coincided d in poin pointt of time time with the t he outburst outburst of a momentous literary movement in South South India. India."" Unde Un derr the patronage of the rule rulers rs of the empire, many eminent eminent poets, philosophers and religious religious teachers teachers produced produced their their works works of tasting importance in Sanskrit and in the regional languages Telu Telugu gu,, Kannada and and Tamil. Tamil. Some of the rulers rulers like Devara Dev araya ya II and Krishnadevaraya were themselves profound scholars and powerful writers writ ers They They gathered around themselves poets poets and scholars. SANSKRIT LITERATURE Vast literature was produced under the influence of the remarkable religious stir and spiritual ferment of the age. Vidyasankara, Vidyaranya, Sayana Say ana and his son Madhava and Madhav Madhava a Mantri composed their commentaries commentaries on the the Vedic Vedic literature, the Parasarasmriti and Manusmriti etc. They produced hundreds of wo work rks s on all aspects aspect s of Ind India ian n culture includ including ing astronomy astronomy grammer, grammer, medi medici cine ne,, poetics poetics and music. Saya Sa yana na's 's 'Vedartha 'Vedar tha prakasha', a commentary on the Vedas was undoubtedly the greatest work of the period, Vidyaranya's works include 'Pansara sara Madhaviya', Madhaviya', 'Sankara Vijaya' Vija ya' and 'Rajakatenirnaya'. Isva Isvaii Dikshita wrote two commentaries on Ramrayana in the reign of Krishnadevaraya, Krishnadev araya, Ve Vedanta dantadesi desika, ka, Srikantha Pandita and Jaya Tirtha added to the Vaishnava, Saiva and Madhava literatures respectively. Gangamba Ganga mba and Tirumalamb Tirum alamba a produced their histor historica icall poems 'Madhuravijayam' and 'Varadambikaparinayam' respectively. tiv ely. A family fami ly of heredita hereditary ry poets calle ca lled d Dindimas Dindimas flourished from the time time of Har Hariha ihara ra I down to Achyu Ac hyutad tadeva evaray raya. a. Among Among
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them, Dindima Rajanatha II wr wrote ote 'Saluvabhyu 'Saluvabhyudayam' dayam' and Rajanatha Rajanath a III III wrote wro te 'Achyutaray 'Achyu tarayabhy abhyuday udayam'. am'. Amon Among g the royal royal authors, Deva De vara raya ya II wa was s credited with the autho authors rshi hip p of 'Mahanataka 'Mahan ataka Sudhanidhi.' Knshnadevaraya, beside besides s being eing a patron of scholars, was himself a gifted scholar both in Telugu and Sanskrit. His Sanskrit works inclu include de 'Madala 'Madalasa sa Charita,' Charita,' 'Rasamanjar 'Rasam anjari'i' and 'Jambava 'Jambavati ti Kalyanam'. Kalyanam'. Among Among the works on music, erotics, erotics, medicine medicine etc., etc., menti mention on may be made of Vidyaranya's 'Sangitasara' on music. Devaraya II's 'Ratiratna Pnadipika' on erotics, Sayana Say ana's 's 'Ayurveda 'Ayur veda Sudh Sudhan anid idhi hi'' and Lakshmana Pandita's 'Vaidyarajavallabham' on medicine and Sayana's 'Dhatuvrdhi' on grammer. TELUGU LITERATURE 'The bulk of the best best part of the Telugu literature, which affor af fords ds the greatest delight delight in the minds of the th e Andhras, is the product of direct patronage of Vijayanagara emperors and their Viceroys. Vicero ys. It is equall equally y a striking phenome phenomenon non,, that the above literature has grown both in volume and variety under Vijayan Vija yanaga agara ra dynasty.' d ynasty.' From From the time time of the Kanak Kanakabhi abhishek sheka a of Srinatha by Devaraya II, Telugu began to dominate the Vijayanagara Vijayan agara court. court. It was in the the time time of Knshnadevaraya Knshnadev araya that th at Telugu Telugu literature literatur e made its greatest advance. advance. 'Und 'Under er his his lead, the practice of translating from Sanskrit originals was generally given up and independent prabandhas which handled a Puranic story sto ry or some invented invented them theme e after the the manne mannerr of Mahakavya in Sanskrit came more into vogue'. Krishnadevaraya. an accomplished plished poet in Telugu also, wrot wrote e 'Amuktam uktamalyada' in a ver very y abtru abtruse se and complica licated style, style, showing the depth of his learning. Tradition associate assoc iates s Krishna's nam name e with the the 'Ash 'Ashiad iadig iggaga jas', the eight el elephants who supported the wo world of Telugu literature. Allasani Pedda Peddana na stands stan ds out foremos fore mostt amon among g them. them. He dedicated dedicated his work 'Manucharitr ritra' a' to his patron-king. Nandi Timmana, Dhurjati. Madayyagari Mallana and other poets also recei receiv ved the patron tronage of Krishn Krishnaraya, Bhattumurti, Pingali Surana and Tenali Ramakrishna, who belonged to post-Krvshnaraya' aya's s period, became im immortal wit with their contributions
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As in Sanskrit and Telugu, in Kannada also a large number of literary works, centring round the the three principal religions Jainism, Virasaivism and Brahmanism, appeared during this peri period od.. Among the Jaina works, Madhura's 'Dharmanatha Purana', Uritta Vilasa's "Dharmapariksha Sastrasara', Salva's Jaina Jai na version of Bharata, may be menti mentione oned. d. In the time of Devaraya II, the Virasaivites rivalled the Jains in developing the Kannada language and literature. literature. They prefer pre ferred red prose mediu medium. m. Chamarasa, Chamarasa, the author autho r of Prabhulingalila', Bommarasa, Bommaras a, Kallarasa. Tontada and Siddhesvara were some of the scholars renown. Among Amon g the Brahmanical poets, Kumar a Vyasa, Timmana, and Lakshmisha were popular. Then a vast body of literature was composed by Vaishnava singers like Sripadaraya, Purandharadasa and Kanakadasa. TAMIL LITERATURE The feudatories of Vijayanagara like the Nayaks of Madurai and even the Pandyan chiefs bestowed attention on the development of Tamil literature. literature. Kri Krishn shnara araya ya also patronised Tamil Tamil scholars. scholar s. Kumara Saraswati, Jnanaprakasha, Tatvaprakasha Tatvapr akasha and Harihara received his his patronage. On Dravi Dra vida da Saivism, commentaries were produced. ART AND ARCHITECTURE K.A.N. Sastri observes, "Under Vijayanagara, South Indian art attained a certain fullness and freedom of rich expression in keeping with the consciousness of the great task of the empire, namely the preservation and development of all that remained remained of Hinduism Hinduism against the the onslaughts onslaughts of Islam. In this this period temples became very elaborate both in structure and organisation. organisation. Even Even old temples temples were wer e amplified by the additio addition n of pillared hails, pavilions and other subordnate structures." In conformit conformity y with the majestic resources of the the VijayaVijayanagara empire, there was an elaboration of ceremonial observations durin during g this period. period. These observations observations were also reflected
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in the enlargement of temple temple structures. Separate Separate shrines shrines celebrating various festivals festivals we were re erec erecte ted. d. The nota notabl ble e concontrib tribut utio ions ns of the Vijayanagera craftsmen were a shrine shrine to godess, pillared halls and pavilions like Kalyanamandapa and the lofty gopuras T.V. Mahalingam Mahalingam opines opines,, "In the Vijayanagara Vijayanagara peri period od two tw o different schools of architecture were flouring side by side— the Dravidian and the Indo-Saracenic—and the style of some of the Hindu monuments was influenced by the Indo-Saracenic style" style".. Most of the architectural itectural structures built during the Vijayanagara period were confined to their capital city at Hampi. The gigantic boulders that surrounded Hampi supplied ample materi material al for construction of the structure. structure. Stone Stone of two varieties, one granite and the other green-coloured chlorite was used used for the t he build building ings s and the idols. idols. Much of the beauty of the Vijayarragara temples is produced by their pillars. pillars. Pointing Pointing out out,, the same. Percy Brown writes, "Much of the intricacy and rich beauty of Vijayanagara type of of temple was produced by the numb number er and pr prom omin inen ence ce of its pillars and piers and the manner in which they are sculp tured into the most complicated compositions, strange and manifold, so that each becomes a figurative drama in stone." Four types of pillars ar are e discernible from fr om among the tem templ ples es such as Vitthala, Hazara Hazara Rama and others. In the first type, type, the shaft becomes merely the central core for the attachment of an involved group of statues of heroic size chiselled entirely in the the round. In the second variet variety, y, circling round the centra) column, a cluste cluster r of slender, miniature pillars illars often ref referred erred as musical pillars pillars on account of the sounds sounds they they prod produc uce e wh when en they ere hit hit by a stone or a coil are seen. The third type consists of the shaft composed of a series of small scale shrines. The fourth variety relates to the type where the shaft has sixteen sixteen or eighteen-s eighteen-sided ided surface. surface. In respon response se to the the dema demand nd for more richness of detail, il, the corbel of the pillar is is elaborated into a valu valutte term terminatin ting in en inverted lotus bud. The Vijayanagara kings were the force behind the artistic flowering of th activity of the period. The finest flowering ismovement
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is seen in the magnificent examples at Vjayanagara, once noted for gaity and colour, now deserted and known popularly as Hampi. Hampi . Though Though the the city became a victim victim of destruction and plunder, plunder, it retains retains its it s charm charm even in the ruins'. rui ns'. Expressing his admiration for the ruins at Hampi, Percy Brown records, "No remains of this city recall more vividly the story of the forgotten empire of Vijayanagara than these massive terraces, still impressive examples examples of. of . architectur archi tecture e in spite spite of their thei r mutilated mutilated superstructures.'' Among the temples at Hampi, the most sacred Virupaksha temple is said to have been built prior to the foundation of the city, but many additions were made to it by Harihara I and Krishnadevar Krishn adevaraya. aya. The temple temple of Vitthala is a fine fin e example of the Vij Vijaya ayanaga nagara ra style. style. It 'shows the t he extreme lim limit in florid magnicence to which the the style advanced'. Its construction construction began in the reign of Devaraya II and was continued even upto 1565 1565 A.D. The temple lies in a rectangular rectang ular courtyard courtyard of 538 53 8 ft. ft . by 31 310 ft. This This courtyard courty ard is in fact fa ct cloi cl oiste stered red with entrances entrances on three sides having three three gopuras. gopu ras. The The central structure dedicated to Vishnu in the form of Vithoba is a long and low struct st ructure ure 220 220 ft. in length length and 20 ft. in width wi dth aligned al igned from from east to west. The super super structure of the central shrine shrine has since fallen. The other structures consist of a closed mandapa, and a mahamandapa and slightly to the side of it lies the Kaiyanamanda mandapa. pa. Separated Separ ated from these structur stru ctures es lies the stone chariot in front of the mahamandapa. The mahamandapa, noted for its supremely rich appearance, is a columned pavilion built on a richly moulded and sculptured sculptu red plint plinth h 5 ft. high. high. The grace of the 56 pillars pillars inside, each 12 ft. ft . high high hewn out of solid soli d blocks of gran granite ite to for fo rm intricate compositions compositions of sculptures, sculptures, is unparallel unparalleled. ed. The Kalyanamandapa Kalyana mandapa on the other other hand, in addition to the pillars, is significant for its beautiful flexion of the the cornice. An exquisite exquisite specimen specimen of Vija Vijayanagar yanagara a craftscr aftsmanship is the stone stone chariot. 'It has realistically revolvin revol ving g stone wheels and to a fairly ample scale of a temple car, with every feature imitated in granite, even to the elephant forms which guard the steps'.
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The The Hazara Rama temple, temple, with an enormous enormous walled enclosure (24f (2 4ft. t. high), served as a place place of worship for the members of the royal family. It wa was s built built by Krishnadeva Krishnadevaraya raya during the period between 1513 1513 A.D. and 1520 A.D. ft consists of a central shrine, an Amman shrine. Kalyafiamandapaand other man m anda dapa pas. s. The main main Vimana is pa part rtly ly stonestone-bui builtlt and partly brick-built. ThB ThB temple is famous fam ous for its its reli relief ef sculptures sculptur es on inner walls depicting dep icting the the Ramayana scenes. scenes. The The other temples temples like like Achyutar Achy utaraya, aya, Krishna, Pattabhirama Pattabhirama and Maiyavanta at Hampi exhibit the same characteristics of the Vijayanagara Vijayan agara style. style. , The Vijayanagara rulers restored many shrines throughout south India and lavished lavished wea wealth lth upon upon them. Krishnaraya Krishn araya proprovided the huge towers, called rayaguras after him and pillared halls halls to the temples tem ples at Tirupa Tirupati, ti, Srirangam, Kanchi, Tadipat Tadipatri, ri, Vellore and other places. The story of the forgotten empire is recalled by other structures like the kings Audiance Hall, Throne platform. Lotus Mahal, Queen's bath, the remnants of the fort watch tower. elephant and horse stables, the main market area. Royat balance and the TankasaJa and the colossa) monolithic images of Narasimha and Ganesa and also the palaces of Penugonda and Chandragiri, The religious impulse of the Vijayanagara period inspired the people to have have beautiful paintings in their their templ temples es.. The The ceilings of the Virupaksha and Vitthala tem templ ples es were finely painted. painted. The best specimens Vijaya Vij ayanag nagar ar painti paintings ngs are concontained in temples at Somapatem, Tripurantakam and Lepakshi. The Lepakshi Virabhadresvara temple near Hindupur in the Anantapur district was constructed by Penugonda Virupanna, the treasu tre asury ry officer of Achyutaraya. Achyuta raya. It is famo famous us for for its its na naty tyaamandap man dapa a with delicately carv carved ed life-size mus music icia ians ns and dan dance cers rs,, the huge monolithic Nandi and the mandapa ceilings with richly painted scenes from the Puranas and the Epics.
18)
APPENDIX A Note on The Raya-Bahma Raya-Bahmant nt Rotations Two impor importan tantt historica historicall events events,, that had taken ta ken place by the midd middle le of the 14th 14th century A.D. instanta inst antaneous neously ly change changed d the political political scene in South South India. India. They were wer e the emergen emer gence ce of the two t wo independ independent ent kingdoms kingdoms,, one the Vijaya Vija yanag nagar ara a (13 (1336 36 A.D.) and the other Bahmani Bahmani (1 (134 347 7 A.D.). Both the kingdoms arose out of many revolts that convulsed the empire empire of Muhammad Muhammad Bi Bin n Tughlak. If Vij Vijaya ayanaga nagara ra rose, as most mos t of the scholar scholars s view it, as the the emb embod odime iment nt of Hindu resi resist stan ance ce to the Islamic expansion, the Bahmani kingdom came into existence out of the suspicion and fear, which was entertained in the minds of some of the hundred foreign amirs, known as the Centu Centurion rions, s, about the the Sultan's Sultan' s impending impending merciless merciles s killing killing of them. One cur curio ious us aspect aspect is that Ha Hasan san Gangu Gangu (Ala(Al a-udud-di din n Bahman Shah I), the leader of the Centurions, in founding the indepen independen dentt Muslim Muslim kingdom kingdo m in Deccan, even took the help help of local rulers including Kapaya Nayaka of Warangal and probably Harihara Har ihara I of Vijayanagara. Vijayanag ara. But this help help which the Bahmanis Bahmanis received from fr om the local Hindu Hindu rulers in founding founding their kingdom did not prevent them from resolving, as true Muslim rulers, to destroy the very Hindu kingdoms and bring the south unde underr the domination domination of Islam. Islam. Contr Con trar ary y to this, the Vijayanagara rulers waged relentless wars with the Bahmani Sultans for the preservation of their independence in the South and for making or transforming Vijayanagara as the resort of Hindu genius from ail over India and thereby providing hope and inspiration for a moral and spiritual regeneration of Hinduism throughout. No doubt, doubt, the history hi story of the forei fo reign gn policy policy of the VijayaVija yanagara rulers was princ principa ipally lly a story story of their incessant warf wa rfar are e with the the Bahmani Bahmani Sultans Sult ans to their their north. There was hardl hardly y any decade that passed without a clash of arms between the two kingdoms. kingdoms. Since the contemporar contemporary y Muslim Muslim chroniclers painted painted these thes e dynastic conflicts conflicts as 'Jihads' (holy wars) wars ) historr torrans ans generally regard reg ard these war w ars s as du due to religio religious us differenc differences es of the two tw o states. states . But But in any of the peace settlemen settlements ts arrived at the end of the war wars, s, the imposition of one's one 's religi religion on upon upon
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the other even when the Bahmanis were the victors, could not be seen. seen. Further, Further, the rulers of Vijaya Vijayanag nagara ara espec especiall ially y Devaraya I, Devaraya II and Ramaraya employed Muslim horsemen and archers and gave them complete freedom of worship and other religious religious rites. Hence, Hence, if any body assume ass umes s reli religi gion on as the root cause of the wars between the two kingdoms, then it is quite wrong. As Prof. G.V. Rao sees it, the conflict between the two states was w as the legacy legacy of of the past. past. The land betw between een the the Krishna and the Tungabhadra, on account of its great economic wealth had been a bone of contention and the rulers of Deccan and South Ind India ia always alw ays clashed over the the possession possession of the Doab Do ab had its own politi political cal overtones. The The control of the strategically important Krishna-Tungabhadra Doab with its impregnable forts of Raichur and Mudgal and places Ike Bankapur would, give the one an advantageous position over the other for the ultimat ultimate e overlordship overlord ship of the entire pen penins insula ula.. It was wa s the real cause cau se of the clashes between between the Wester Western n Chalukyas and the Cholas as well as the Yadavas and the Hoyasalas. On the ruins of the Yadava and Hoyasala dominions rose the Bahmani and Vijayan Vij ayanaga agara ra kingdoms kingdoms respe respect ctive ively. ly. These new states inherited the same legacy and the contest between bet ween tthe hese se tw two o was nothing bu butt a revival revi val of the earli earlier er economic econ omic struggle struggle between the Deccan and and South South Ind India ia.. The so called undercurrent of their religious differences might have served, on the part part the Muslim Muslims, s, to brutalise the conflic conflict. t. The The greed of the the Sultans Sultans whose kingdom kingdom embraced the the poorest poorest portion of the Deccan plateau, was naturally excited by the wealth weal th and prosperity prosperi ty of the the Vijayanagara Vijayanagar a empir empire. e. Thus Thus all all these facto fac tors rs dragged the two states state s into into a pr prolonged and fierce conflict which ultimately ruined both the powers. The fierce and protracted Raya-Bahmani conflict commenced in the reign of Bukkaraya I and continued till the end of the Aravidu Aravidu dynasty. Afte Af terr the dismemberm dismemberment ent of the Bata atamn mnii kingdom, its successive states took up the cause and continued the th e conflict. Trivial thin things gs and events used to serve serve as prepretext te xt for for wars. (For the details of wars, wa rs, refer to the the ac acco coun unts ts on individual individual monarch monarchs s starting from fr om Bukkaraya Bukkara ya I — Page 208) 208)
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