Ancient Egyptian Magic: Text, Ritual, and Religious Innovation RYAN JANSEN I. Introduction The mystery and perceived irrationality associated with the use of magic has led many societies throughout history to equate its use with illegitimate religious practice.1 This attendant irrationality, however, was not assigned to magical practice by ancient Egyptian society.2 Indeed, for the ancient Egyptians magic was a rational means of maintaining a consistent universal order and exerting control over the divine to affect the human condition.3 While not easily classified, magic is best understood as religious practice or ritual. In fact, in antiquity: The religious beliefs and practices of most people were identical with some form of magic, and the neat distinctions we make today between approved and disapproved forms of religion—calling the former ‘religion’ and ‘church’ and the latter ‘magic’ and ‘cult’—did not exist in antiquity except among a few intellectuals.4
In addition, it is important to note that in the ancient world magic was not viewed as a separate category of thought and activity, but was rather part of a cohesive and interrelated set of ideas and activities that included medicine, literature and religion, among which distinctions can be difficult to make.5 Broadly stated, the purpose of this investigation is to provide a better understanding of (1) the nature of magic texts in ancient Egypt and (2) the role of these texts in a larger societal context. More specifically, this paper will examine the nature and function of magic texts in ancient Egyptian society so as to gain insight into both the manner in which religious innovations occur, and the forces that propel and resist these innovations. Focusing on the Roman Period (30 BCE – 642 CE) in Egyptian history, I assert that the character of magic texts in ancient Egypt allowed for the maintenance of traditional Egyptian religious ideas in the face of forces that sought to consume and break-down these ideas. Working on two distinct levels, magic texts allowed for a certain flexibility in religious practice that facilitated the preservation of traditional Egyptian religion. I will argue that magic texts were a conservative cultural force that worked to resist undesired innovations in religious thought. Given that this examination considers the function of magic texts, it is first necessary to arrive at a workable understanding of the term “text.” Next, I describe three broad categories of ancient Egyptian magic texts and elucidate those characteristics that are common to all, as well as those characteristics that allow one to differentiate text from other modes of communication. With an understanding of magic texts, I then consider the function of these texts within the larger scope of Egyptian religion, and specifically examine magic as a means of religious practice. Finally, I consider the role of magic texts in Egyptian society. II. Methodological Considerations As with any inquiry into the beliefs of ancient people, this inquiry begins with the recognition that modern conceptions of text cannot necessarily be imposed on ancient societies. Furthermore, we must recognize that any inquiry into ancient conceptions of text must commence with at least some understanding of the relevant characteristics of the term “text” that is external to the subject of the inquiry. These conflictual recognitions can be quite problematic. Simply stated, although it is necessarily a mistake to impose modern conceptions of text on ancient people, some imposition is necessary in order to begin such an inquiry. This is true, as it is the case that in order to move from descriptive analysis (simply describing activities and ideas) to categorical analysis (placing activities into different categories based on observable characteristics) one must have some criteria by which to judge given activities and modes of thinking. Given the inability to describe ancient Egyptian conceptions of an ambiguous term such as “text” without the improper attribution of modern ideas to ancient society. it is incumbent on modern researchers to suggest a workable conception of text for antiquity and move forward from there. For the purpose of this examination I will use the term “text” to describe any tangible entity that is created for the purpose of conveying some meaning. It is important to note that both the label and substance of the definition are somewhat arbitrary. That is, the definition that has been articulated here excludes some activities and includes others, and it must be understood that the parameters of the definitional scope may or may not been important to the ancient Egyptians. Further, one cannot be sure that the ancient Egyptians even had a conception of text. Indeed, the ancient Egyptians had no word for text, but only for script. In this way, the conception of text that is suggested here can be understood to be arbitrary to the
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extent that it must be arbitrary. While not necessarily consistent with the ancient Egyptian conception of text, this conception is useful because of its broad nature. It does not seek to create overly narrow artificial categories, but rather describes an expansive subset of potential modes of communication. This definition, however, is sufficiently narrow to allow for workable analysis. III. Ancient Egyptian Magic Texts There are three broad categories of magic texts that I will consider. The first category is that of amulets. Although appearing in many different forms, the label amulet is the: name given to a class of objects and ornaments, and articles of dress and wearing apparel, made of various substances which were employed by the Egyptians … to protect the human body, either living or dead, from baleful influences, and from the attacks of visible or invisible foes.6
Amulets are objects or ornaments that are worn, or placed upon either living or dead persons primarily as a means of protection. This is confirmed by the fact that three of the four Egyptian words translated as “amulet” are derived from verbs that mean “to guard” or “to protect,” while the fourth has the same sound as the word meaning “wellbeing.”7 Amulets worked, the Egyptians believed, to allow humans to bring the gods under their control so as to affect the human condition in a manner consistent with the human will. Amulets worked in two ways to harness the inherent power of words. First, in some instances it was believed that the material or shape of the amulet itself was a source of power. Second, hekau or words of power were actually inscribed on the amulet, or alternatively, words were recited over the amulet prior to its initial use.8 In the earliest period of use, amulets were predominately made of green schist and shaped into the figure of different animals. Then again, an animal might be physically inscribed onto an amulet. Amulets were physical objects that were given meaning through the use of both oral and written words of power. There are several recognizable classes of amulets. One class of amulets includes those made in the image of gods or goddesses.9 There were two central purposes for this class of amulets. Theomorphic amulets constructed in the image, or some aspect of the image, of a god or a goddess were intended to bring one under the protection of a particular deity. One example of this type of amulet is the “Amulet of the Buckle” which “represents the buckle of the girdle of Isis, and is usually made of carnelian, red jasper, red glass, and other substances of a red color.” 10 This amulet is usually associated with the CLIVth chapter of the Book of the Dead which reads: The blood of Isis, and the strength of Isis, and the words of power of Isis shall be mighty to act as powers to this great and divine being, and to guard him from him that would do anything that he holdeth in abomination.11
Homopoeic amulets were worn so that one might “assimilate the person of the deity represented and thus gain access to their particular powers or characteristics” or alternatively “to show patronage by or devotion to the deity.”12 Another class of amulets can be characterized as scarabs, which were used for both the living and the dead. These amulets were linked to the ideas of “spontaneous generation, new life, and by extension, resurrection.”13 It is believed that these were the most popular type of amulets and every conceivable material was used in their construction. An example of this type of amulet is the “Amulet of the Frog,” which is associated with the frogheaded goddess Heqt who was in turn associated with the power of resurrection. This amulet was intended to give the power of resurrection to the person on whom it was placed. This amulet is often inscribed with “I am resurrection.”14 Another example is the “Amulet of the Scarab.” This amulet is a symbol of the god Khepera (power of creation; propelling the sun across the sky) and was used primarily as protection for the dead. The scarab or beetle itself possesses remarkable powers, and if the figure of the scarab can be made, and the proper words of power be written upon it, not only protection of the dead physical heart, but also new life and existence will be given to him whose body it is attached.15
The final class that I will discuss is that of offerings of possessions and property. These are “amulets in the shape of possessions which could act as magical substitutes for real clothing, personal accoutrements, goods and equipment taken to the tomb for use in the Other Life which might be stolen or destroyed.” 16 Intended to raise and thus protect the head of a deceased person the “Amulet of the Pillow” is usually associated with CLXVIth chapter of the Book of the Dead which states:
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Thou art lifted up, O sick one that lies prostrate. They lift up thy head to the horizon, thou art raised up, and dost triumph by reason of what hath been done for thee. Thou art Horus, the son of Hathor … who givest back the head after slaughter. Thy head shall not be carried away after [the slaughter], thy head shall never, never be carried away from thee.17
The next category of magical texts, closely related to that of amulets, is magic figures.18 Magic figures are small representations of gods, people or animals not meant to be worn on the human body. The use of figures was founded in the belief that it was possible “to transmit to the figure of any man, or woman, or animal or living creature, the soul of the being which it represented, and its qualities and attributes.”19 The implication of this belief is that within a statue or figure was the spirit of the god, person or animal of which that figure was a representation. Magical pictures are closely related to magical figures. The Egyptians believed in the “efficacy of representations or pictures of the gods, and of divine beings and things, provided that words of power properly recited by the properly appointed people were recited over them.”20 The final category of magical texts that I will discuss is that of written magic. As the most inclusive category of text, written magic can often be found in each of the other categories of magic texts. In addition, magic spells have been found on tomb walls, coffins, funerary objects, amulets, statutes, figures, scraps of papyrus and in books of magic.21 In fact, “according to Clemet of Alexandria, the Egyptian had forty-two secret books of wisdom, written by Hermes (Thoth), which were kept in temples.22 It is important to note that the power of written magic, and all other types of magic texts, does not emanate from the power of spell or formula to bring about the desired result through persuasion, but from the fact that words themselves are powerful and efficacious.23 That is, the source of the power of written magic is found not in practioner, or in the material of the magical medium, or even in the message that the spell relays, but rather it is found in the words themselves. The fact that the words are an inherent source of magical power is crucial to an accurate understanding of Egyptian magic texts. IV. Ancient Egyptian Religion It is now necessary to place the concept of magic within the larger scope of Egyptian religion. At the outset, it is important to note that ancient Egyptian religious beliefs “were never consolidated into a single source that remained constant throughout history.”24 As a consequence, scholars do not have a standard sacred book on which they can rely for information about ancient Egyptian religious beliefs or conceptions of god. The development of Egyptian religious beliefs, however, like the religious beliefs of most other societies, most likely began with the recognition of a divine force that allowed humans to differentiate the human realm from the divine realm. John Baines argues that “at first the supreme force would seem awesome and mysterious, but once it could be comprehended as an entity, it could be recognized, understood, and then reinterpreted in a familiar and recurrent form.”25 Distinctly human characteristics were attributed to the Egyptian gods and these gods often performed human activities, made human mistakes and experienced human emotions. Despite this assignment of human attributes to deities, one usually could not identify a god by the characteristics assigned to him because of a certain “flexibility in divine roles” that allowed for a “multifaceted nature” of Egyptian deities.26 In fact, Egyptian conceptions of god are less concerned with the individual characteristics that each god might possess, and more concerned with those characteristics that are common to all gods. “Among the characteristics common to all gods there stands out a group that renders the deities disconcertingly transitory and subject to the march of time. 27 That is to say, the deities possess certain elements of humanity. In addition to those characteristics attributed to the gods, the specific names of individual gods were of the utmost importance.28 The ancient Egyptians believed that one’s name was crucial element of one’s personality and the name of a given individual was to be preserved even after death. This significance also was attributed to the names of gods as it was necessary to identify a divine force with a particular name. “To know the name of a god was to gain some advantage or control over the deity and over the powers it represented.”29 Siegfried Morenz argues that aside from allowing one to distinguish between different gods, names “testify to the personal character of the deities concerned, and thereby to their innermost nature…”30 This suggests that there was a close interrelationship between humans and the gods. Each group possessed similar qualities, experienced similar emotions, and to varying extents, was able to exert some control over the other group. The Egyptians perceived the deities “as an active force – commanding, guiding, inspiring and ordaining man’s destiny …” to which man must react.31 Egyptian religion is centered on interactions between these two groups. These interactions then, consist of the active force of the gods and the ability of humans to react to this force of will.
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V. Magic and Religion Magic can be viewed as the invocation of words of power to gain a degree of influence over the divine to shape the human condition.32 For the ancient Egyptians, the use of magic was a rational means of maintaining a consistent universal order and exerting control over the divine that was directed related to, and interconnected with, a specific religious ideology. That is to say, while magic texts were used often as a means of achieving short-term pragmatic goals such as healing, protection, and revenge, this practice was consistent with a deeply held set of religious beliefs. There are several important implications of this relationship. First, the ability of magic to deliver short-term pragmatic benefits inspired confidence in the religious ideology of which it was one particular manifestation. Second, to maintain the rationality of magical practice and to accept its use as legitimate was to understand and acknowledge its underlying religious ideology. Further, magic can be viewed as a subclass of ritual, or as a form of religious technology. Einar Thomassen argues that “a general agreement has emerged that the phenomenon of ‘magic’ cannot truthfully be distinguished from ‘ritual,’ or from ‘religion’ in general.”33 He describes ritual as performances or the function of performing bodily gestures and specific acts together with the pronunciation of words … to enhance the action character of the utterance34 This precisely describes the ancient Egyptian use of magic. Magic was a religious ritual in ancient Egypt. In order to fully understand magic as a means of religious practice one must understand the priestly function and its relation to Egyptian religion. In the beginning “everything was defined in the first instant, its name determining its function; and in this world where nothing is accidental, the regular rhythm of the great cosmic and earthly phenomena … impose the idea that the universe … has been organized since its creation, has been organized for all eternity according to patterns that are invariable alike.”35 The universal ordering mechanism that allowed for maintenance of this somewhat precarious balance is called Maat. The word precarious is used to denote that this was not a balance that was “unaffected by any of its [constituent] elements.36 The balance required continual maintenance. Chosen by the gods, “this guarantor of the universal balance, this shepard of men, is the Pharaoh.”37 The Pharaoh is charged with carrying out the royal function. This consists of two classes of activities which are necessary for the maintenance this harmonious balance. First, the Pharaoh has a religious function. The Pharaoh must preserve the “propelling force”, or the existence of the gods and their divine activity. Second, “the elements according to the predetermined plan must be maintained … by giving laws to men.”38 Therefore, the royal function is both religious and legislative. Given the practical difficulties of carrying out both of these functions as well as other administrative and ceremonial duties across a vast expanse of land and people, the Pharaoh must delegate important aspects of the royal function. To this end, the religious prong of the royal function is delegated to the clergy. Exercising a delegated royal function, ancient Egyptian priests had a specific and important religious function. This function was to “maintain the integrity on earth of the divine presence, in the sanctuary of the temples where this presence has consented to dwell…”39 In this way, the role and function of Egyptian priests was closely tied to the temple as an institution. Additionally, there was a close connection between the Egyptian priesthood and the state. ‘Nothing was more foreign to the spirit of the Egyptians than the idea of a possible separation between Church and State” and “thus the fate of the clergies … are strictly connected to political circumstances.40 VI: Magic and Religious Innovation It is next necessary to consider the role and function of magic as a means of affecting or resisting ideological and practical change within the larger Egyptian social context. I assert that (1) the inseparability of magic practice from its underlying religious ideology, (2) the specific nature of magic texts, and (3) the ability of magic to deliver short-term pragmatic goals all worked to inspire confidence in, and provide the maintenance for, traditional Egyptian religious beliefs and practices as these ideas and practices were increasingly under assault in the Roman and Byzantine Periods (30 BCE – 642 CE). I first provide some historical context and then describe the transformation of traditional Egyptian religion. I then argue that religion itself was a conservative cultural force and highlight the dual roles of magic texts in this transformation. Finally, given the evidence, I will argue that magic texts are best characterized as a conservative cultural force. VII. Historical Context In order to best evaluate the nature of magic generally, and magic texts specifically, one can look to period of time in which innovations in religious ideology and practice were “imposed” upon the Egyptians, and then look to
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the role that magic played in the cultural response to this imposition. The Roman Period (30 BCE – 642 CE) provides on opportunity to conduct this analysis, but in order to accurately understand Egypt in the Roman Period one must first begin with Alexander’s conquest in 332 BCE. Egypt in this period is best understood as representing a confluence of cultures. “Egypt entered a new period of radical change, and under the Ptolemaic successors … it made its contribution to the cultural mix of Hellenism.41 In fact, Hellenistic influences were prevalent not only in Greek cities such as Alexandria, Naukratis, and Ptolemais, but also in smaller communities all across Egypt.42 It is not correct, however, to say that Hellenistic ideas and values moved in and replaced traditional Egyptian religious ideas and values, but rather that there was a process of cultural negotiation. This is a process where certain ideas and practices are assimilated and transformed and become part of a new cultural context. In many respects this is not surprising at all, but rather reflects the fact that there were readily identifiable parallels and consistencies between Egyptian and Greek culture, and as a result, assimilation was essentially inevitable. These parallels and consistencies are evidenced by the fact that the Greeks were able to identify their own gods within the Egyptian pantheon. Further, there is substantial evidence that helps to illuminate this confluence of Egyptian and Greek culture. For example: At the beginning of the Ptolemaic Period, Petosiris, a high priest of the god Thoth, had a tomb built in the cemetery of Mermopolis, one whose relief decoration is clearly divided into secular and cultic portions. The representations of daily life, which are illuminated by daylight from the outside, employ elements of Greek Style strangely mixed with Egyptian forms, while in the darkness of the inner chamber, the cultic representations and texts preserve an age-old body of religious thought in traditional form. This juxtaposition of new and old was to determine the character of Egypt during the five centuries that ensued.43
This is not to say that there were no conflicts, as this was indeed not the case. Rome long had a suspicious attitude toward foreign religious practices as is evident by the restrictions placed on the imported cults of Magna Mater, Isis and later Christianity. In fact, there were attempts to expel Egyptian religion from Rome in 58, 53 and 48 BCE.44 A clear articulation of the nature of this cultural conflict is seen in a decree issued by Q. Amemilius Saturninus:45 [Since I have come across many people] who consider themselves to be beguiled by the means of divination [I quickly considered it necessary], in order that no danger should ensue upon their foolishness, clearly herein to enjoin all people to abstain from this hazardous (or “misleading”) superstition. Therefore let no man through oracles, that is, by means of written documents supposedly granted in the presence of the deity, nor by means of the procession of cult images or suchlike charlatanry, pretend to have knowledge of the supernatural, or profess to know the obscurity of future events. Nor let any man put himself at the disposal of those who enquire about this nor answer in any way whatsoever. If any person is detected adhering to this profession, let him be sure he will be handed over for capital punishment.46
First appearing in the second and third century, Christianity’s increasing prominence and influence acted as an addition to the cultural confluence in Egypt. While the same type of cultural negotiation that characterized the interaction between Greek culture and Egyptian culture also characterized the interactions between Egypt and Christianity, the effect was not quite the same. The inherent and potentially problematic distinctions between Christianity and traditional Egyptian religion made conflict virtually inevitable. “Christianity was an uncompromising religion that did not see itself on par with the others and actively sought to win converts from paganism.”47 Looking at the later half of the Roman period, David Frankfurter argues that this time period can be seen as “one protracted attempt at controlling local cults” through the issuance of Christian edicts and reforms that undoubtedly weakened and ultimately destroyed the Egyptian temple as an institution.48 Despite this inherent tension, there were certain aspects of Christianity that the Egyptian people very well may have found quite attractive. First, “Christianity presented more efficient, or integrated, or coherent fonts of supernatural power than could at that time be negotiated through most village temples.”49 The most basic power of Christianity was found in the “integrating charisma of the Christian holy man.”50 The ability of people such as Antony, Paul of Thebes, John of Lycopolis, Elias of Antinoe and the virgin Piamoun to offer a charismatic appeal to villagers ‘seems’ to have been to have provided a major entrée for the Christian institution during the fourth century” by providing a “dramatic new source for the supernatural power required for daily living.”51 VIII. Transformation
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Examining the manner in which “an established culture preserve[s] its religious ways despite multiple pressures and traumas,” David Frankfurter argues that traditional Egyptian religion did not expire as early as some have suggested, but was instead transformed and transferred from symbolic centers to village and home, where it continued to thrive for centuries.52. That is to say, instead of simply being completely consumed or replaced by ideas and practices that were once external to it, Egyptian religion assimilated, resisted, and transformed these influences so that it might survive. This is consistent with the view that “a culture’s resistance to conversion or religious decline often amounts to a complex process of embracing new idioms and ideologies in order to reinterpret them, to indigenize them.”53 The issue of context is central to Frankfurter’s argument. He seeks to place Egyptian religion in a local or domestic context and argues that “the evidence for native religion in Egypt after the middle of the fourth century CE reflects this local and domestic sphere of piety rather than the elaborate and centralized temple cults of classical Egypt” and represents “a retrenchment of basic spheres of religious practice rather than a decline of religion itself.”54 Frankfurter is clearly making a stark differentiation between central and local religion. Further, the “attack” on traditional Egyptian religion that occurs in the later part of the Roman period can be characterized as an “attack” on centralized Egyptian religion. This had the effect of doing significant damage to the Egyptian priesthood and temples. He argues that “whereas local communities and innovative cults could forestall the various pressures of decline, the elaborate priestly hierarchy that was indulged and swollen under the Ptolemies dwindled progressively with the systemic checks on their power.”55 The effect of these edicts and reforms on Egyptian religion as a whole was less destructive. In the face of these attacks Egyptian religious practice was able to diffuse easily to localized areas. This indicates that Egyptian religion possessed a flexibility that allowed it to transform and shift its central area of practice so as to maintain its vitality. IX. Religion as a Conservative Force Before I consider the role of magic texts in this religious diffusion and argue that these texts worked as a conservative force, it is important to note that religion itself was a conservative force in Egyptian society. The ideas of innovation or progress through external introductions were concepts that did not necessarily possess inherent worth or value for the ancient Egyptians as they often do for modern Western societies.56 Egyptian society was more likely to view “current and future ages as ‘regressions’ from an ideal ‘Golden Age’ when mankind and divinity more closely interacted.”57 The backward-looking nature of Egyptian religion emanates from an understanding of time that does not have one beginning-point and one end-point with a linear progression in between, but rather views time as a “repeating cycle or spiral capable of being manipulated by ritual.”58 This is not to say that changes or improvements did not occur, as they indeed did, but these changes were not viewed as the introduction of new ideas, practices or beliefs, but rather as the “restoration” or renewment” of existing ideas, practices or beliefs to an earlier “ideal” time. The conservative nature of Egyptian religion was reflected in Egyptian culture and society. This is not a surprising occurrence as religion can be viewed as a matrix of culture.59 Siegfried Morenz expresses the view that “art and science, government and law are founded in religion, which in a nutshell is the womb of culture.” 60 Further, it is important to emphasize that religion does not simply give birth to culture and then cease to exert an influence over that culture, but rather the influence of religion is perpetual. Religion always remains a vital force because it is based upon ever fresh encounters between man and god.61 As a result, a result, there is a correlation between the religious beliefs of a given person and that person’s outlook on life. X. Magic as a Conservative Force Magic texts facilitated the diffusion of Egyptian religion from political centers to domestic localities which was essential for the preservation of traditional Egyptian religious beliefs. I do not assert that magic texts were the only factor that worked to facilitate this diffusion, but rather that magic texts were one of the key components allowing for the flexibility of Egyptian religion. Magic texts were mobile in two senses which have interrelated implications. First, magic texts served to emphasize that the power of the magical argument emanated not from the magical practioner but from the power and efficacy of the words themselves.62 The power inherent in magic texts were not dependent on a centralized source of power. Rather, the power was mobile in the sense that it followed the words. One did not need access to a central authority to invoke the power of magic texts. Second, the physical texts themselves were mobile. Amulets, figures, pictures and written magic could be brought to, or taken from, any place that was convenient to he or she who wished to invoke the power of magic. These factors allowed for a certain mobility of Egyptian religion. Despite the Roman “attack” on Egyptian religion which focused primarily on the
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centers of power and activity, Egyptian religion was able to maintain and resist this attack because magical practice allowed for decentralized religious practice. Had Egyptian religion been more centrally organized, an attack on the temples may have signaled immediate death. The specific nature and character of magic texts in ancient Egypt allowed for the preservation of traditional Egyptian religious beliefs in a cultural context that was antithetical to this. XI. Transformation of the Priesthood Support for this contention is found in the changing role of the Egyptian clergy in the late Roman Period. It is first necessary to examine the decline of the Egyptian temple. The dependence of the temple on the government for support made the temple a vulnerable institution when the economic reforms began in the third century. At the beginning of the third century Septimius Severus instituted economic reforms “aimed at localizing government in multiple town councils (bouleutai), themselves responsible for arranging civil services and the payment of taxes.”63 The administration of the temples was brought under the jurisdiction of these town councils and were no longer considered an organ of the kingship. The temples now were dependant solely on the town councils and the local economy for support. As these local economies began to have problems and fall into decline during the 3rd century “many temples were dragged down into disrepair, decay and abandonment.”64 Clearly, the role of the clergy was faced with the proposition that in order maintain and survive significant changes were needed. That is, no longer were priests acting as delegates of the king in execution of the religious royal function and working in temples where the divine dwelled. Instead, the clergy found new roles in Egyptian society. Despite the decline of the temples and the traditional function and role of the clergy in the 3rd century, “the priesthood still had social significance, providing a sense of identity, purpose, and importance among families through the fourth century.”65 One can characterize the religious authority of the clergy as evolving from priest to ritual expert or “magician.” Contrary to the view that: when temples collapse, the people are free and priestly status becomes merely an anachronistic pretension on the part of certain elites, …[it is the case that] in what is perhaps the most resilient role for any ritual expert, the priest can diminish the scope of rituals performed, from a repertoire focused upon temple-based festival rite to a repertoire encompassing more the crises and concerns or ordinary life: blessings and curses, childbirth and protection, love-spells and healing-spells, amulets and domestic altars.66
The character of ancient Egyptian magic texts made this transformation possible. XII. Innovation Given the fate of traditional Egyptian religion, and the role of magic texts in this transformation, one can conclude that magic texts worked as a conservative force in ancient Egyptian society. It is important to not that the argument is not that magic texts in ancient Egypt were inherently or necessarily conservative, but rather because of the cultural context and the specific circumstances of the time these texts were able to operate in such a manner. Further, one must note that it is not accurate to say that magical practice was rigid and unchanging, as indeed this was not the case. Rather, magic texts were working on two distinct levels. On one level, Egyptian religion and magic texts were flexible and adaptable and allowed for the assimilation of some external ideas and practices. The assimilation of new ideas through a process of reinterpretation and indigenization allowed the Egyptians to obtain a sense of ownership of the ideas and practices. This process was then not simply the imposition of external ideas on the Egyptian people, but a renewment or restoration of existing ideas. Second, these changes were necessary to preserve the general character of the traditional Egyptian religious framework in a changing cultural context. Traditional Egyptian religion through the incorporation of certain ideas and practices, allowed for change so as prevent total destruction. Had Egyptian religion stood rigidly opposed to any external influence, it is quite likely that the resultant conflicts and confrontations would have led to a shorter life for traditional religious beliefs and practices. These dual levels of operation are still consistent with the view that magic texts were a conservative cultural force. With respect to the concept of innovation, when evaluating a practice or idea one must both consider, and differentiate between, practice and effect. Practice and effect are often different in significant ways and both are important considerations that allow one to grasp the totality of an occurrence. An activity, practice or idea is only truly innovative if both its practice and effect are innovative. This is true because every innovative act or practice has attendant consequences that may or not be innovative in and of themselves. By taking into account both practice and effect, one considers the totality of the circumstances and is able to characterize a given idea or practice
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accurately. Further, one must recognize that evaluations of innovation are necessarily contextual. In a rapidly changing context, an innovative practice may counteract contextual changes so as to achieve the maintenance of traditional ideas, thoughts or practices. Conversely, a static practice in a rapidly changing environment may bring about innovative results. Therefore, simply because a practice is somewhat different than a previous practice, this does not necessarily mean that the practice is best described as innovative. This effect seems to characterize the Roman period in Egyptian history. Given the hostile nature of the environment and the changing context for religious practice, traditional Egyptian religious practice and ideology changed in some ways so that the larger system of beliefs and practices would be preserved. XI. Conclusion Magic texts in ancient Egypt were a source of conservative power. Allowing for religious flexibility through the innovation and assimilation of external ideas and practices, traditional Egyptian religious ideology and practice was able maintain its identity in cultural context that had the potential to destroy it. The specific nature of magic texts such as amulets, magic figues, magic pictures, and written magic allowed for religious mobility. This made possible a difussion and decentralization in religious practice at a time when traditional political and religious centers were increasingly in decline. This transformation of Egyptian religious practice provided those who wished to have it, a sanctuary where traditional ideas and practice could thrive for centuries with little threat of disturbance. Religious innovations occur in the context of cultural and religious negotiations. Often, as was the case in ancient Egypt in the Roman Period, new regimes do not simply sweep through and replace old regimes. Rather, to vary extents depending on the cultural context, there is a process of assimilation and negotiation whereby certain ideas and practices are melded together to create a new regime that is potentially quite different than the two out of which it came. In the context of religious innovations, one important factor that will guide the negotiation process is the degree of flexibility that religious texts provide. The nature and character of religious texts will have much to say about the process of negotiation and will to a large degree shape the final outcome.
Notes: 1
See Peters 1978 for a discussion of how the conception of magic changed over time. He argues that while magic was once understood as a rational and legitimate application of knowledge, over time the practice was marginalized and came to be equated with illegitimate uses of knowledge such as sorcery and witchcraft. He further examines the legal framework that was created to take into account this changing definition of magic. 2 Baines 1991: 165, Sorenson 1984: 7 -8 3 Sorenson 1984: 7 4 Thomassen 1999: 55 5 Farber 1995: 1895 6 Budge 1971: 25 7 Andrews 1994: 6 8 Budge 1971: 26 9 Andrews 1994: 14 10 Budge 1971:43 11 Ibid. 12 Andrews 1994: 15 13 Andrews 1994: 50 14 Budge 1971: 63 15 Budge 1971: 36 16 Andrews 1994: 91 17 Budge 1971: 47 18 Budge 1971: 65 19 Ibid. 20 Budge 1971: 104 21 Pinch 1994: 61 22 Ibid. 23 Sorenson 1984: 5 24 Baines 1991: 12
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Baines 1991: 18 Baines 1991: 23 27 Hornung 1996: 143 28 Hornung 1996: 66 29 Baines 1991: 58 30 Morenz 1973: 21 31 Morenz 1973: 81 32 Sorenson 1984: 7 33 Thomassen 1999: 55 34 Thomassen 1999: 60 35 Sauneron 1960: 29 36 Sauneron 1960: 30 37 Sauneron 1960: 31 38 Sauneron 1960: 33 39 Sauneron 1960: 34 40 Sauneron 1960: 171 41 Hornung 1999: 147 42 Peacock 2000: 337 43 Hornung 1999: 147 44 Ritner 1995: 56 45 Prefect of Egypt under Septimius Severus 46 Ritner 1995: 56 47 Peacock 2000: 441 48 Frankfurter 1998: 198 49 Frankfurter 1998: 267 50 Ibid. 51 Franfurter 1998: 268 52 Frankfurter 1998: 6-7 53 Frankfurter 1998: 84 54 Ibid. 55 Frankfurter 1998: 198 56 Ritner 2000: 108 57 Ibid 58 Ibid 59 Morenz 1973: 13 60 Ibid. 61 Morenz 1973: 14 62 Sorensen 1984: 7 63 Frankfurter 1998: 199-200 64 Ibid. 65 Frankfurter 1998: 202 66 Frankfurter 1998: 203 26
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