Ancient Ammon by Burton MacDonald, Randall W. Younker

ANCIENT AMMON

STUDIES IN THE HISTORY AND CULTURE OF THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST EDITED BY

B. HALPER N

AND

M. H .E. W EIPPERT

VO LU M E XV II

ANCIENT AMMON EDITED BY

BURTON MACDONALD

AN D

RANDALL W. YOUNKER

BRILL LEIDEN . BOSTON · KOLN 1999

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library o f Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ancient Ammon / edited by Burton Mac Donald and Randall W. Younker. p. cm.-(Studies in the history and culture of the ancient Near East, ISSN 0169-9024 ; v. 17) Includes bibliograph ical references and index. IS BN 9004107622 (cloth: alk. paper) I. Ammonites. 2. J ordan- Antiquities. 3. Excavations (Archaeology)--J ordan. I. MacDonald, Burton, 1939II. Younker, Randall W. III. Se ries. DS 154.215.A53 1999 99-24375 933- dc21 GIl'

Die Deutsche Bibliothe k - CIP-Einheitsaufnalune Ancient Anunon I ed. by Burton Macdonald a nd Randall W. Younker. - Leiden ; Boston; K61n : Brill, 1999 (Studies in the history and culture or the ancien! Ncar East ; Vol. J 7)

ISBN 90-04-10762-2

ISSN 0169-9024 IS BN 9004 107622

o

Copyright 1999 by KOlJ.inklijke Bn"ll J\'V, Ltidtll, The Netherlands

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CONTENTS

List of Figures a nd Tables

VII

Chapler On e: Review of Archaeological Research in Ammon RAND ALL W . YOUNKER

Excursus: Salien t Features of Iron Age Tri bal K.ingdoms ........... . ............ ............. .......... .............................

19

0YSTEIN Lill lANCA

Chapter Two: Ammon ite Territory and Sites

30

B URTON J\1A C DO NALD

Chapter Three: Central J ordanian Ce ramic Traditions

57

GLORIA l oN DON

Chapte r Four: "Ammonite" Monu mental Archi tecture . ................... .

103

M OHAM MED NAlJAR

Chapte r Five: Domestic Architecture in Iron Age Ammon: Buildings ~hl c ri a l s , Const ru ction T ech niqu es, and Room Arrangement .................................... . P.M.M. DA V IAU

11 3

Chapter Six: Burial Customs and Practices in Ancielll Ammon ... .... .... ..... ..... .......... . . KHAIR Y ASSINE

137

C hapter Seven: Th e Religion of the Ammonites

152

' '''ALTER

E.

AUFREC I-IT

C hapter Eight: Ammonite T exts and Language 'tVALTER E. AUFRECHT

163

C hapter Nine: The Emergence of the Ammonites RANDALL 'tV. YOUNKER

189

vi

CONTENTS

Chapter T en: The Ammonites in the Late Iron Age and Persian Period ...... ".... ..... ................ ... . LARRY C. H ERR

219

Index of Names ... .. Index of Places Index of Subjects ...

239 242 245

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Fig. 1. I- Map of Am mon with sites listed in text Fig. 2. I- Map of Ammon sho\'ving course ofJabbok and Its Tlibut.'lrics Fig. 3.1 - excess clay from upside down pOL Fig. 3.2-----voltcr adding coils to form rim Fig. 3.3- collarcd rim jar ('Umayri) Fig. 3.4-POls from 'Umayri Fig. 3.S- P01S from 'Umayri Fig. 3.6- Lamps from 'U mayri Fig. 4. I- Ammonite T ower Rujm a l-Malfur Fig. 4.2- Ammonitc Towe r closeup Fig. 4.3- Stairs leading into pill ared house Fig. 4.4-\-Valls built directly on leveled bedrock (Khilda) Fig. 4.5- Khilda- monolith ic piers in the pillared house Fig. 4.6- Nichcs between piers at Khilda Fig. 4.7- 'Amman Citadel- access to the underground water reservoir Fig. 4.8- Proto-acolic capital a t ' Amman Citadel Fig. 4.9- ProlO-aeolic column base a t 'Amman Citadel Fig. 4.10- Th e plaster on the ex terior face of the lower at Khilda Fig. 5.I- Bouldcr-and-chink walls with doorway Fig. 5.2- Monolithic stone pillars in Building 800 Fig. 5.3a-b- Stacked boulder walls; a) rectili ncar pillars with cobblestone connecting uni ts (W8014); b) combin ation of pillar types (\'''3027); c) rounded boulder pillared wall with cobblestone connecti ng units (,""3005). Fig. 5.4-Building 300 at Tall J awa Fig. 55- Building 800 at T all J awa Fig. 9.I - Table of Settlemen t Patt ern in Ammon: Middle Bronze to Iron Age Fig. 9.2- Table of Ammon LB IIBlI ron IA Sites Fig. 9.3- Table of Ammon Iron IA- B Sites Fig. 1O.I - Aclial photo of the walls of" the Ammon ite/ Pcrsi an Administralive complex Fig. IO. 2- Plan of the buildings in fig. 13. (pla n] Fig. 10.3- Scal impression of Ba'alyasha<. rphoto] Fig. 10.4-Drawi ng of" the seal impression of Ba'alyasha'. [d rawing] Fig. 10.5- Seal of 'In btl brk'L. [photo] Fig. 10.6- Seal impression of the Persian provincc of Ammon. [photo]

CHA P'TER ONE

REVIEW OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH IN AMMON V. YOUNKER Andrc\\"$ University

RA."lDALL \

Introduction The Ammonites, known from both bibl ical and extra-biblical sou rces, were an ancient people who inhabited the northern Central Transjordanian plateau Oocaled in the modern Hashemite Kingdom of J ordan) from the latter part of the second millennium B.C. until the middle of the first mi llennium B.C. Their country was known as Ammon, while their capital was called Rabbath-Ammon , or simply Ammon. They arc best known fo r thei r nume rous encounters with the biblical Israel ites. However, they are also important because their territory was astride the major caravan rou tes that connected Arabia with the major cultural centers of the Fertile Cresce nt. Occasional references to the Ammonites, therefore, also appear III the ancient records of these early empires. Mode rn research in Ammon began in the early part of this cenlllry just prior 10 World War I and has continued up to the prese nt. Because scholarly attent ion has tended to focus on Ammon 's neighbors to the west Israel and J udah, there has been lillie anempt to systematically either summarize o r utilize the resu lts of the numerous surveys and excavations that have been conducted in Tran~ordan during the last 90 years. Thus, it seems appropriate to set the stage for the essays in this volume by presenting a brief review of the research thal has been conducted o n the other side of the J ordan. Howa rd Crosby Butler Survey Some of the first sUlveys in Ammon tn the twentiet h ce lltUlY were undertaken by H. C . Butler of Princeto n University. In 1904 he provided a detailed study of ' Iraq al-Amir, later the home of the Tobiads, a fami ly who were elosely associated with the Ammon ites during the

2

CHAPTER ONE

Persia n period. Later) in 1907 BUller conducted p robably the most extensive survey of the city of 'Amman up to th at time (BUUCf 1919:

34- 62). D uncan Mackenzie Survey In 1910 D uncan M ackenzie a nd F.C. Newton cond ucted a special study o f dolmen a nd megalith ic structures of 'Amma n on beh alf of the Palestine Exploration Fund . W hile some o f M ackenzie's hypotheses concern ing the dolmen would no longer be considered valid, he does provide some usefu l descriptio ns of the Am mon region, incl uding the ruj rn Oarge stone lowers or forts) surroundi ng 'Amman, and the city of 'Am man, itself (Mackenzie 1911: 1~ 40) .

C .C. McCown Duri ng the spri ng of 1930 th e director of the American Schools o f Orie ntal Resea rch in J erusalem (later known as the Al brigh t Institute fo r Archaeology R esearch), e.C. McCown led a field trip for the school that incl uded T ra nsjord a n. M cCown's party entered Ammon via the Wadi as-Sir past the ruins a t
M cCrown followed M ackenzie's mistaken dating o f these structures to the ChaJcolithic-EarJy Bronze Age, altho ugh recent work now suggests dates in the Iron II Age for most of these structures (cf. You nker 1990b; Klette r 199 1). After visiting the later period rui ns at the 'Amma n Ci tadel the party headed north to Yahuz, passing additional "megalithic monuments" li ke those west of 'Amman. Near the path, t\vo o r three miles from Yah uz they saw two m egali thic gilgels. T he tou r conti n ued north o f
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3

Khirbat Khau, Khirbat aI-Hallabat, K11irbat as-Samra, Medwar Nol and Ma r Alyas. De Vaux and Benoit Surveys Probably the first modern survey of (he Ammon region is Ihat of R. de Vaux and P. Benoit who explored the region of Sah and the Baq'ah Valley in the latc 1930s (de Vaux and Be noit 1938). These data were used to construct a historical geography of the region (de Vaux 194 1). Albright Exploration W.F. Albright, the leading American Orientalist of his lime, made seve ral trips during the late 1920s and in 193 1 to Transjordan that took him along the borders and in to the heartJand of Ammon. During his initial trips he traveled along the Jordan Valley, up to about where the Zarqa (Jabbok) river empties into the J ordan. He later traveled to 'Amman a nd along the Zarqa River, via Ruseifeh. Of special interest are Albright's site identifications and historical conclusions (Albright 1926: 39- 49; I 929a: 10- 14; 1933: 29; also see comments by Glueck 1937: 14). Nelson G lueck Survey The first major survey in this region was that of Nelson Glueck, an Amcrican rabbi and scholar, who included this region in his general sUlvey of Transjordan conducted bctween 1932 and 1947. His survey of Ammon proper was undertaken during the summer of 1937 during which he docu mented at least 149 si les within or along the edges of the ancient Ammonite borders (1939: 151 - 251 ). Two of the most significant results of G lueck's research were his claims that the Ammon region was unoccupied between ca. 1900 1300 B.C. and that the Ammonites had co nstructed a line of forls (the so-called " megalithic towers" or ndm un ique to the Ammonites) along their borde rs as early as the 13th ce ntury B.C. Petl;e, Pape, and Kiralfy Survey For a week or two afte r the 1938 season a t Gaza Petrie, Pape and Kiralfy investigated the Ammonite tableland. Actuall y, Petrie notes that it was Pape and Kiralfy who explored the coullllyside whi le he (Petrie) guarded the camp (Petrie 19':'2: 39). The sites which Pape

4

CHAPT ER ONE

documented included Umm Sweiwina, Al-Hemraniyeh , AJ-Malfur (and associated ruins), Sweifiych, Small Tower (Si te no. 9). Khirbat

Ronak, and Khirbat as-Sa l' (1952: 39- 41). German Surveys Since G lueck's foundational survey German scholars have conducted a nu mber of additional surveys, most with the object of attempting to further define the southwe stern and southern line of Ammonite "border forts." These were areas that G lueck's survey did not cover thoroughly. During September of 1957 H artmut Gcsc explored and desclibed a sClies of siles between the \oVadi as-Sir a nd Na'ur which he believed we[e border forts (Crenifeslungen) on Ammon 's western frontier. These sites (some of which Glueck had already documented) included a1-Qasr, Kh. Kursi, Kh. Kursi ash-Sherqiyeh, Qasr ar-Ronaq, Qasr as-Sar, alQasr 1I , Qasr at-Tabaqe, Kh. at-Tabaqe and Kh. ad-Dra (Gese 1958). R. H elllschke atlempted to extend the list of Ammonite border forts in his report on a dozen additional sites southwest of 'Amman , between Qasr as-Sa r and Na'ur (HenLSchke 1958, 1960). Fohrer rounded the corner on Ammon's southwest border by describing an additional 13 sites in the area south of Na' ur (Fohrer 196 1). GrafReventlow's survey was conducted eastward of Fohrer's study area, along the presu med southern border of Ammon. He, lOO, found a number of fortress-l ike siles with q uantities of Iron Age pottery (Reventlow I 963). Stoebe added a few more sites between Rujm Fehud and Qa'afur (1964; 1966). The last of this series of German "Ammonite border" surveys was von Rabenau 's work between Kh. Bishara and al-Yaduda (von Rabenau 1978). Hisban Survey Most recently there have been a number of modern, intensive surveys conducted in Ammon by American scholars. These have attempted to improve on previo us surveys by employing modern statistical methodologies. The Hisban regional survey, carried ou t in conj unction with the Andrews University Hisban excavations, was begun in 1973 and continued duri ng th e 1974 and 1976 seasons. The survey, which includes territory o n the sou thwest portion of ancielll Am mon, documented 148 sites, ma ny of which were occupied during the Bronze a nd Iron ages, that is, during the time of the Ammonites (Ibach 1987: 9, 33- 39).

REVIEW OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCII

5

Umm ad-Dananir Survey The Umm ad-Dananir Survey, conducted in 1978 by P. McGovern, concentrated on a 52.5 ha. area on the northwest side of the Baq
6

CHAPTER ONE

289- 98). Although primarily interested in earlier sites, Gordon and Kna uf did reco rd a number of sites thaL were apparently occupied during the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. These sites include J abal Abu Thawwab. ar-Rumman South, 'Ayn al-Mayita, Khirbat Abu Thawwab, at-T all (Jabal at-Tuwe im), Rujm Shubcil, Jabal Shubcil, Haud Umm al:Jihash, a l-'Udhma, \
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7

Or almost all its contents. Archaeologists were , however, able to recover the lid or an anthropomorphic coffin and a rew sherds rrom the Iron Age (Alb right 1932: 295- 306). (Amman Tomb A For a numbe r or years aner Wo rld \OVar II excavations in Ammon were limited to incidental finds and salvage digs, mostly or tombs, necessitated by the steady growth or 'Amman, Transjordan 's capital. The first or these salvage projects was the clearance or "'Amman Tomb" discovered during digging or roundation trenches ror a building on the north side or Jabal J oreh. The conlems or the tomb were dated to the Iron II period and included pottery, a horse and rider clay figurine, and a seal wi th the insCl-iption "[belonging] 10 ' Tlyashu" (Harding 1945: 67- 74; Henschel-Simon 1945: 75- 80). 'Amman Tomb B A second 10mb was round at about the same time, "'Amman Tomb B", "on a lower edge or the hill , immediately below" 'Am man Tomb A (ibid.: 73). It contained pottery that was dated to the eigh t century B.C., as well as a rectangular marble pal ett e, a limestone kilol palcHe, and a bone pin (Harding 1945: 74; Henschel-Simon 1945: 75- 80). Sahab Tomb B A rew years later, the police POSt in the village or Sahab notified the Department or Amiquities in 'Amman that another tomb had been discovered on the north-western edge or the vi llage (which, it se Jf~ stood on an ancient tall). "Sa hab Tomb B," which was excavated by Hasan 'Awad al-Qutshan a nd reported by L. Harding, contained pottcry a nd objects dated 10 the eight and scventh centuries B.C. (Harding 1948: 92- 103; see comments by Dajani 1970: 29). The .lvleqabalein Tomb Two years latcr, Assistant Inspector or the Oepartm clll or Antiquities Ibrahim Abu Jaber, discovcred an Iron Age tomb in the village or Meqabalein , a rew kilometers sou th or 'Amman. It was cleared by L. Hard ing, who discovcred a number of new Iron Age POltCIY forms, as well as a number or interesting objccls, including another horse and rider figurine, weapons, jewelty, melal vessels, a mirror, etc. (Harding 1950: 44 - 48).

8

C HAPTER ONE

'Amman Tombs C The Mcqabalcin find was followed a shon time later by the discovery of yet two morc lombs in 'Amman, 'Amman Tombs C and D. 'Amman T omb C was located about 8 In north of a Roman T omb on J abal 'Amman. The finds, which incl uded pottery, jewelry, an alabaster palette, a shell from the Pa1cstinian coast, and a day figurine shaped as a hcnnaphroditc deity, were dated to the eighth and seventh cent uries B.C. (Harding 1951: 37- 40). 'Amman Tomb 0 The second tomb, 'A mman Tomb D, was found on the north slope of J abal al-Qala'ah (citadel hill). The lOmb was completely cleared before objects we re brought to the Departme nt of Antiquities and no descriplion of the tomb, itself, is give n (Harding 1951: 37- 40). The pottery which was recovered suggests a use period of about 880 to 760 B.C. (see Dornemann 1983: 62). The Adoni Nur T omb The Adoni Nur Tomb (later designated as 'Am man Tomb N by Dornernann) was discovered half way down the southern slope of Jabal Qala
REVIEW OF ARC HAEOLOG ICAL RE SEARCH

9

The Dayr 'AlIa Excavations In 1960 Dr Henk Franken initiated the Le iden Expedition to Dayr 'AlIa. Located near the mouth of the Zarqa River (biblical J abbok) in the J ordan Valley, DayI' 'Al ia would seem to be outside the borders of Ammo n as delineaLCd in biblical literature. However, inscriptional material a nd pottery from the hon II C period (sixth century B.C.) suggest that during this period, at least, Dayr 'Alia had closer connections with the upland Ammonites to the cast, rather than with Israel to the west or Moab and Edom to the sOUlh (Franken 1960, 1961 , 1962, 1964, 1969). The most spectacular find a t DayI' 'Alia was a rui ned building (sanctuary?) of the ninth century B.C. wi th an inscli bed plastered wall, the so-called Dayr 'AlIa Plaster Texts, which record a prophecy of Balaam the son of Beor, an individual a lso known from the Bible (e.g., Numbers 22 24). Currently a debate exists over whether the script and dialect are Aramaic or Ammoni te (Aufrech t 1989: xxiv). If the latter, it would be the earl iest Ammonite inscription. Franken's project shou ld be credited for being one of the fi rst mul tidisciplinarian archaeological projects cast of the Jordan (van der Kooij and Ibrahi m 1989). Al-Meqaba lein Tomb Although the deta ils have not bee n published, A. 'Amir reports that in 1964 a tomb in Al-Meqabalein (the second such tomb) was cleared by the Department of Antiquities. Th e finds, which are kept at the J ordan Museum, include an iron a nd bronze mirror, pottery figurines, and rings. According to 'Amir the material is si milar to the Iron Age materials previously found in tombs a t 'Amma n and Sahab ('Amir 1973: 74). 'Amman Tomb E In 1966 two additional Ammonite tombs were repo n ed in 'Amman, 'Amman Tomb E and the Jabal Nuz ha Tomb. R. Dajani located ' Amman Tomb E a t the fOOL of J abaJ al:Joffeh, abou t 300 m cast of the Roman Theater (Dajani 1966: 41 - 47). Over ISO intact pottery vessels were recove red, most similar to those fou nd in the other 'Amman tombs and Sahab Tomb B. Objects include shells, marble poli shing stones, jewelry, one bronze na il , a bronze mirror, and a clay shri ne. Based on the pottery and objects, Dajani dated the tomb to the eighth-seventh centuries B.C.

10

CHAPTER ONE

J abal Nuzah Tomb The J abal Nuzha Tomb was fo und cast of the UNRWA school, on the land of Hassan Tash ley. One hundred and sixty pOLS we re recovered from this lomb which Dajani da ted to between 1300 and 1150 B.C. (Dajani 1966: 48, 49). More recen t analysis, based upon an increased amount of compa rative material, has led Dornemann to suggest a lower date in the Iron I period (Dajani 1966: 48; Dornemann 1983: 3 1). Nevertheless, this tomb provides impo rtant evidence of the earl ier period of Ammonite occupation. H ennessy Excavations of 'Am man Airport Structure Also in 1966 l B. Hen nessy conducted an additional excavation at the 'Amman Airport structure in hopes of clarifying the stratigraphic picture, the arc hitectural phases, and the relatio nshi p of the " temple" to possible associated remains. Hennessy was able to discern three building stages and to refine ule date to the end of the LB II period, ca. 1300 B.C. (Hennessy I 966a; I 966b). O f special in terest was the occurrence of Mycenaean pottery (Hankey 1967).

'Amman C itadel Excavations In May, October, and September of 1968 several small excavations were conducted at the 'Amman Citadel (Jabal al-Qala'ah), the site of ancielll Rabbath-Ammon, capital of the Ammonites, now located in the heart of modern 'Amm an. Excavations on the lower terrace were directed by r. Zayadine. Most of the surface remains were from the Hellenistic and Roman periods, although four double-faced scul ptures fro m the Ammonite period were fou nd in secondary use in a probe trench. Stratified ponery from me ninth to sixth centuries B.C. and a late Iron II ostracon were also fou nd (Zayadine 1973: 27- 28). R udy Dornemann, Ida Suliman, and Fawzi Fakharani co-directed additional probes in Area IV- VII on the south side of Citadel Hill in Septembe r of 1968. Although none of the walls excavated in this area could be securely dated, large quan ti ties of she rds from Iron II were recovered. Dornemann continued his soundi ngs in 1969 on the north side of the hill in Areas )- 111. Here he was able to recover several stretches of the ninth century B.C. ou ter fortification wall along wi th other finds (Dornemaan 1983: 89- 103). Tall Hisban Excavations In July, 1968, S. Hom with R. Boraas launched the Andrews University Expedition to Hisban. After th e 1971 and 1973 seasons, L. Geraty

REVIF.:\V OF ARCHAEO LOG ICAL RF.:SEARCH

II

lOok over as direClor leading the project through two more flcld sea· sons in 1974 and 1976. Excavations revealed occupation in Iron I and Iron II (Geraty 1975; 1983). Tall Hisba n was probably outside the Ammonite sphere of inAuence during the earlier part of its exist· ence (Iron I period), but both biblical data and inscriptional e\ri· dence recovered from the site indicate that the settlement was In Ammonite hands during the Iron II period (Vhymeister 1989: 9; Cross 1975; but see Htibner 1988 and KleHer 1991 ). The Hisban expedition is also notable for being the first major American multidisciplinary project in Jordan, employing a va riety of specialists and conducting a number or additional projects in conju nc. tion with the dig, including a regional survey, environmental sUlvey, paleobotanical research, zooarchaeological research, ethnoarchaeologi· cal research, and a food system survey (see King 1983: 193; LaBianca I 984b).

A new phase of excavations we re initiated by LaBianca and Ray in 1996 (Younker el at. 1997). Subsequent seasons were undertaken in 1997 and 1998. The major discovel), or these new excavations is an Iron Age moal. Rujm aJ·Mal fuf Excavation The first attempt to stratigrap hically excavate one of the so·called "Ammonite towers" was made by R. Boraas in 1969 at Rujm aJ· Malfuf No rth (Boraas 1971 ). Surprisingly, the soundings indicated occupation no earl ier than the Roman period (based on terra sigillata wa re-fi rst ce ntUl), B.C. to second centul), A.D.). This finding was quite a surp rise to schola rs who assumed these were part of a unified Ammonite defense syste m from the [ron I period. Acknowledging the '''u n·Roman ' look of the architecture," Boraas suggested two possible explanations: (1) the Romans cleared (in a "most meticulous" fashion ) and used a previously existing structure- presumably from the Iron Age; (2) or less skilled, local workers were used to co nstruct lhese substandard structures in Roman times (1971: 44, 45). However, Khair Yassine reporls that Langer de Pol acky, on behalf of the Dept. of Antiquities of J ordan, returned to Rujm al-Malfuf North where Boraas had originally found stratified debris no ea rli er than the Roman period. New probes by de Pol acky round sixth- fifth century B.C. ceramics from the lowest levels of the tower (Yassine 1988: 17; see also Shea 1981: 109). Thus, this structure may be classified as Ammonite, but from a late r period.

12

CHAPTER ONE

Sahab Tomb C In 1970 Dajani published an a rticle on the excavation of a third tomb at Sahab, "Sa hab Tomb e" (Dajani 1970: 29- 34; Dornemann 1983: 38). As with Sahab Tomb S, this new lomb was reported to the Department of Antiquities by the local police. The earliest POltery was dated to the 14th ce ntury B.C. , while remains from Iron I and Iron II (late ninth century B.C.) were also recovered. Pottery forms included impon ed and imitation Mycenaean wares. Objects of in te rest incl uded two ostri ch eggs, the first Late Bronze Age tomb in East J orda n to contain them.

Khirbat aI- Hajjar Excavation Additional evidence for an Iron Age dating of the so-called "Ammonites towers" was obtained in 1972 when H.O. Thompson excavated a small, bUl stralcgicaHy iocaled taU SW or 'Amman known as Khirbat ai- Hajja r. Excavations revealed th at the site was first occupied in the Iron I period (12th- 10th centuries B.C.), abandoned ror approximately 300 ycars and rcoccupied in the Iron II (seventh--sixth centuries B.C.). During the latter period a small circular tower and a perimeter wall were constructed on the si te (T hompson 1972; 1977). This provided the first excavated evidence ror an Iron Age date ror the towers, albeit in the Iron lJ , rather than Iron I. RlUm al-Mal rur South Excavation Later in that sa me yea r Thompson excavated Rujm aI-Malrur Sou th , a circu lar megalithic structu re wit h a diame te r or abou t 13 III (Thompson 1973). Again, this site showed evidence or occupation as earlier as the Iron I, although the tower was not buil t until the Iron II peri od, during the scven th--sixth centuries B.C. (1973: SO). Tall Siran Excavation Also in 1972 H.O. Thompson conductcd a campaign at Tall Siran, located on the campus or thc University or J ordan a rcw kilometers northwest or dowlllown 'Amman. Although the site had been badly eroded, a number of cisterns were cleared which con tained material rrom the period or the Ammonites. The most notable find was a bronze bott le contain ing grain and bearing th e first complete Ammonite inscription to be fou nd. Although there is somc controversy ove r the precise date of the inscription, and the runction of

REVI EW OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH

13

the bottle, il docs mention two Amm inadabs who each ruled as king over the Ammonites (Th ompson I 973<\). Tall Sahab Excavmion In yet a nother project begun in 1972 lVI. Ibrahim co nducted exca· vations at Sahab, the ruined town abou t 12 km sou uleast of 'Amman , which was already noted for its Iro n Age tombs. Remains from the Early, tvliddle and L"lte Bronze Ages were recovered from the tal l, as well as occupational levels from Iron I a nd II . Of special sign ificance is the evi den ce for cultural continuity between the Late Bronze and Iron I pe ri ods, sin ce this is the period when the Ammonites emerge in the land. AJso of interest was the recovel)' of "collar rimmed" store jars and "pillared" houses, items that have been previously ascribed as "ethni c markers" of the ne ighboring Israelites, rather than Ammonites (Ibrahim 1972; 1974·; 1975). Meqabal ei n Cave Excava tion In Ju ne of 1973 A. cAmir excavated a cave ncar the ruins at iVIeqa. ba lein , a few kilom eters south of 'Amman. Ma ny of the sherds dated to the Iron Age "when the Ammoni te[s] were at their Zen ith (1200600 B.C.)." 'AmiI' also describes two mega lithi c "watchtowe rs" which si t among the ruins, struct ures sim il ar to those found on other "Am· monitc" sites ('Ami I' 1973: 73- 74). 'f h is cavc, a long wi th the tom b cleared by the Departmcnt of Antiqu ities in 1964 ('Am ir 1973: 74) and the tomb which Harding reported in 1959, brings the lotal of Meqabalein tombs to th ree. Rujm al·M ekheizin Excavation Continu ing hi s work 0 11 "Ammonite towcrs," Thompson excavated Rujm a l-M ckheizi n in 1973. Loca ted NE of 'Am man , this structure was squa re (12.2' 12.25 m) ra ther than round, al though Thompson still int erpreted it as an Ammonite tower. As with the other si tes, sherd evidcnce indicated a possible Iron I occupatio n in the area, a ltho ugh thc structure, itself: was not co nstructed un til the seve nth! sixth centUl·ies B.C. (Thompso n 1984). 'Amm an Aiq)o rt Structure Excavation , 1976 Because of persisting qu estions about the runctio n of the 'Am man Airport Structure, L. Herr decided to conduct addi tiona l soundings

14

CHAPTER ONE

in 1976. He noted that pa ucity of domestic artifacts and the presence of burnt human bones, as well as the presence of a possible cremation pyre (Herr 1976; 1983a; 1983b). He suggested that this structure served as a mortuary structure ; based on ce rtain historical and cultural considerations He rr suggested that it may have served the Hi ttites as a crcmatol;um (1983: 227- 29). Tall Mazar Excavation In 1977 K. Vassine initiated four seasons (1977- 81 ) of excavations at T a ll Mazar in the J ordan Valley. The excavations WCfe conducted on both the main tall and in an associated sancluary/ce mctclY a rea. On the talJ architectural re ma ins wcre fou nd in five strata wh ich da ted from the eighth to the founh centuries B.C.E. The central feature of each stratum consisted of a large public building or some sort. Generally these bu ildi ngs appear to have served as residencies for important officials-perhaps the governor. Four hund red meters northwest of the tall was a 1,200 square meler area which was occupied during the II th / 12th centuries RC.E. The ce ntral feature of this period was a large "open court sa nctu· ary." After this sa nctuary was destroyed toward the end of the tenth centu ry the a rea was abandoned until the fifth ce ntury when it was used as a ceme tery. At least 84 graves have been excavated. Inscribed seals from the Iron II period have prompted the excavator to sug· gest that Tall Mazar was under Ammonite con trol during this time (Yassinc 1982; 1983b; 1984a; 1984b).

Tall Abu Nseir Excavation In 198 1 Khaled Abu Ghanimeh of the Department of Antiquities of J ordan supervised the excavation of TaU Abu Nseir, located 4 km north of Swe ilch, overlooki ng the Baq
REVIEW OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARC H

15

glacis, Wimmer has uncovered Middle Bronze and Late Bronze pOl-

tery, a n LB defense wall around the perimeter of the site, and Iron I and II levels. Of special interest is the apparent smooth transition from the Late Bronze 10 Iron I periods, with no destruction level evidenl. Other finds of interest include a bronze and gold figUl-inc (possibly a tutelary deity), an iron military standard, and a Late Babylonian seal impression (Wimmer 1987a; 1987b). Work at Safut has conti nued into the 1990's under the direction of Wimmer. The Umm Udhayna Tomb Also in 1982 an Ammonite tomb was discovered at Umm Udhayna just east of the Amra HOld in 'Amman and about 400 III sou thwest of Rujm Umm Udhayna, an Ammonite round lOwer. Hifzi H addad excava ted the tomb unde r th e directio n of A. H adidi. Numerous finds dating from the eighth to the fourth centuries B.C. were recovered. These finds included much silver and bronze jewelry (bracelets, rings, ea rrings), bronze mirrors and boxes, bronze fibulae , a bronze ca l),atid cense r, an Ammonite inscribed seal (see Abu Taleb 1985), iron swords, daggers, and arrow-heads, pottery and at least 15 skeletons. Hadidi assumed that the lOmb originally belonged to one of the Ammonite ruling families (Hadidi 1987: \0\ - 20)_ Jabal Akhdar Excavation In 1983 the Department of Antiquities, under the supervisio n of fawzi Zayadine, Hifzi Haddad and Taysi r 'Atiyyat, excavated a rectangu lar megalithic structure (13' 16 m) on Jabal Akhdar, immediately south of J abal
16

CHAPTER ONE

of the site which extended into thc Persian pcriod (Yassi nc 1988: 11 - 31). Tall al-'Umayri Excavation In 1984 L.T. Geraty, L. G. Herr, and 0.S. LaBianca lau nched the Madaba Pla ins Project. The aut hor as co-di rector joined them in 1989. In addition to the sUlVey (noted abovc) th is project undertook excavauo ns at Tall al-'Umayri under the directio n of L. Herr. Seven scasons of excavations (1984, 1987, 1989, 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998) in five fields have produced strati ficd remains from thc Early Bronzc III / IV, Middle Bronze li e, Late Bronze, Iron 1 and II pcriods. The most significalll fi nds from these periods incl ude an EB IV domestic quarter, an Iron I fonification system (includi ng a rampart and case mate wall), and an Iron If "citadeL" A seal impression mentioning the Ammo nite king Baalis (sixth cen tury B.C.) was fou nd in the area of the ci tadel. Another seal carries the cartouche of the pharaoh Thu tmoses III, although it dates from a time well after the pharaoh re igned. Numerous other fi nds have bee n recorded as well Recent analysis of the Iron I ceramics suggests that the site may have bee n occupied by the Rcubcni tcs for awhilc, al though thc si tc c1carly was Ammonite duri ng Iron II (Ge ralY 1985; GeralY et al. 1986, 1988, 1989, 1990; Herr el al. 1990; Herr el al. 1996; Younker e' al. 1990; You nker et al. 1993, Youn ker tl al. 1996; Younker et al. 1997). Th e discovery of a La te Bronzc Age building in 1998 has raiscd the possibiJity of Ammorile occupation (Herr, personal comm unication). Rujm Salim Excavation In 1987 Lo rita Hu bbard and L. Herr excavated Ruj m Salim in conjunction with the Madaba Plai ns Project. Located on a bedrock outcropping, overlooking rich agricultural fields, this site was apparently an agricultural farmstead du ring the late Iron II / Pcrsian periods. Cisterns and cupma rks we rc fou nd in thc immediate vicinity (Geraty, Herr, and La Bianca 1988). New Excavations at 'Amm an Ci tadel A joint expedi tion of the Department of Antiqu ities and the E.cole Biblique was conducted by F. Zayadi ne, J.-B. Humbe rt and M. Najjar in July ) 988 to sUlvey the waler system on the north side of the Ammon C itadel and to expand excavations on the Lower Te rrace begun in 1968 and 1973. T his team concl uded that tlle cistern was

REVIEW OF ARC I-lAEOLOG ICAL RESEARC I I

17

pan of the water systc m of the "Ammonite Iron Age pcri od or earlier." The Lower Terrace excavations uncovered what the excavators believed to be the courtya rd of an "official building" of the Ammonite period, along with seve ral adjacent st ructures and a stretch of a street wh ich ran along the inside of the city wall. An Ammonite clay figurine bearing the ale] crown was found in this area. Additional stru ctures were uncovered in squares farther north. Other finds included a good quantity of Iron II red burnis hed pottery, figUlines, and Phoenician-styled blue glass vessels (Zayadine el at. 1989). Tall Jawa South Excavations In 1989 R.W. Younker and M. Daviau began excavations at T all J awa sou th. "Vork continu ed at the site for seve ral seasons under the direction of M. Daviau (1992, 1993, 1994, 1996). This site was apparently an important Ammonite city during Iron Age II . Excavations revealed occupational levels from the Iron I and especially Iron II periods including va rious buildings and houses inside a casemate wall (discussed more fully in this volume, below). Numerous food preparation objects were found in two houscs. A small ceramic figuline of a crowned, bea rded male evokes the limestone busts found in Ammon. The latter arc gene rally understood to depict Ammonite kings. Subsequent seasons uncovered a possible Iron II chambered city-gate, and an important late Iron II building, perhaps of a governor. The city was destroyed dtlling the late Iron II (perhaps during the early sixth century B.C.). Numerous arrowheads and javelin points were found in the destruction debris (Younker el at. 1990). Tall al-Dreijat Excavation That sa me season R.\'V. Younker and Lorita Hubbard conducted a single season of excavation at al-Dreijat, a possible Ammonite "fort" located sou thwest of CUmayri. The site is strategically located on a high hill with an excellent view in all directions. Excavations revealed a large rectangul ar struct ure built of flint "megaliths." The site was apparently built originally during the late Iron II period, but was reused and remodeled in later peliods (Younker et al. \990). Tall Ni mrin Excavation AJso in 1989 David McCreery and J ames Flanagan bega n excavations at Tall Nimli n, west of
18

C HAPTER ONE

Middle Bron ze, Late Bronze?, Iron I? Iron II and ialer periods. Excavation from the 1989 and 1990 seasons penetrated Middle Bronze and substantial Iron n occupation levels (Flanagan and McCreery 1990; De Vries 1991: 265; Flanagan, McCreery and Yassine 1992). Excavations conducted during 1993 uncovered at least five ph ases of Iron Age occupation/activity, dating from the lcnth cc otUl), to the sixth ccotUl), B.C. Remai ns from the Persian period were also found (Flanagan, McC reery a nd Vassinc 1994). The 1995 seasons uncovered an additional Iron I phase (Iron Ie ) (Flanagan, McC reel), and Vassine 1996). Nothing concerning the ethnic or political identity of the Iron Age occupants has yet been reported. Khirbat Salameh Excavation The first survey of the site appears to have been that of Mujahed Muheisin in 1976 (report on file with Departm ent of Antiqui ties; see Lenzen and McQuitty 1987: 20 I, n. 4). The site was sUlV'eyed again in 1983 by Lenzen and McQuitty (1984: 295; 1987: 20 1). The survey noted si mply a structure approximately 20 20 m with pouely dating from th e Hellenistic to the Roman periods. In 1984 limi ted excavatio ns were condu cted by Lenzen and McQuitty in two a reas (I and II ) (Lenzen and McQuitty 1987: 201 ). They reported a layer of debl;s was reached which contained a large number of animal bones and potsherds from th e sixth /fifth cc nturies B.C. This picture was modified in 1992 when more extensive excava· tions of Khirbat Salameh were initi ated by Pierre Bikai, director of the American Cen ter of Oriental R esearch. Some earlier walls were found which appear to date to thc Iron 11 period, possibly toward th e end of the Assyrian period (Bikai 1993: 52 1, 526). Bikai interprets the Iron II Age structure as the ce ntral feature of an agricultural site whose fortu nes ebbed and flowed \vith the larger regional economic picture. Bikai suggests that the increase of farm· steads around
REVIEW

or

ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH

19

af. 1993; Younker el ai. 1996; Youn ker et ai. 1997). Additional seaso ns we re undertaken in 1994· and 1996. T o date, occupational and I or activity remains have been recovered from the tenth to fo urth centuries (Iron I to Persian period). The most significant architectural remains include a stretc h of Iron I wall (Field C), at least four phases of an approach ramp and outer gatchousc on the north side of the tall which date to Iron 11 (ninth- eighth centuries B.C. E.), several buildings from Iron U (sevent h- six th centuries B.C.) incl uding parts of some domestic buildings, a pillared building, and a triparti te building. Some architectural remains date to the Persian period (Field C). Several typical Ammon ite figu ri nes (e.g., horse and rider figurines) and Ammonite seals dating from the seventh- sixth centuries have also been fo und, suggesting tha t the border of Ammon extended at least this far sout h during this period

tl

Wadi az-Zarqa/\-Vadi ad-Du layl Excavations and Survey The 'Wadi az-Zarqa/\-Vadi ad- Dul ayl Project was inaugurated III O ctober, 1993 (Palaumbo el a1. 1996). Among the sites surveyed were at least nine Iron II sites, including K hirbat aj-Jamus and Tall al Birah. The latter site is the only true tall in the regio n. ILs size and prominent location overlooking the Zarqa Rive r suggests that it must have played an important role in cont roll ing activities a nd movements berween the J ordan Valley and the eastern fringes of the Ammonite ki ngdom.

EXCURSUS

SALIENT FEATURES OF IRON AGE TRIBAL KINGDOMS Q)VSTEIN LAB IANCA

Much recent scholarship has been devoted to trying to grasp and describe the distingui shing cha racteristics of the social organization of the ancient Iron Age kingdoms of the Southern Levan t such as the Israelites, the Ammonitcs, thc Moa bitcs and the Edomites (Frick 1985; Gottwald 1979; Herr 1998, o thers). Recently, we (La Bianca and Younke r 1995; Younker 1997c) have a rgued that a funda mental

20

CHAPT ER ONE

feature of their social organization was that U1CY never ceased to be essentially kin- based or "t ribal." Our poim was to argue that despi te the emergence of "kings" in these socie ties, a nd the refe rence to the m as "ki ngdoms", these were fu ndamentally tri bal societies or " tribal ki ngdoms." W hat, specifically, do we mean by this? In our previous article we emphasized the capacity o f tribal ideology to accommodalc both sedentary and nomadic types of livelihoods. We also showed how tri bal ideology could operate a t the super- llibal level of "kings" and "ki ngdoms." In the followi ng few paragraphs, I would li ke to take the argument a bi t further by posi ting ten hypotheses summarizing the salient fealures of such "tribal kingdoms." One, the ir tri bal social structure was intimately linked 10 their way of obtai ning food . T he peoples who founded the kingdoms of Israel, Ammon, Moab and Edom were, by and large, ra nge-tied shepherds and land-tied fanners. Throughout their histories, the extent to which one or the other of these two pursuits were emphasized by a given household or cluste r of fam ilies was determ ined by local climatic and landscape conditions and by changing opportun ities for involveme nt in local and regio nal trade. The orga nizational pri nciple that fac ilitated adaptive shifts in either the directio n of pastoral or agricultural pursuits was tribalism- an ideology based on the idea of claimed descent from a com mon ancestor wi th possibilities for manipulation to accommodate shifts back and fort h betwee n land-tied and rangctied pursuits at the level of eithe r individ ual households, groups of households, or whole communities. Two, is the presence co-existence of lan d-tied and range-tied agricultural regimes. The eco nomic pursu its of most people were either centered on land-tied production of cereals and trec fruits, o r o n the production of meat and m ilk on the hoof by means of range-tied husbandry of sheep and goats. While house holds specializing more in one or thc othc r of these pursuits co-existcd in the same villages and ham lets, the proportion represented by one or the othe r pursu it would vary considerably from one village to the next. This proportio n might a lso vary conside rably over time within a particular household, ham let, viUage or rcgion. Three, their tri bal affiliations were based on ge nerative genealogies. By mea ns of manipulation of clai med ancestors, individuals and house holds were able to affiliate with named groups and scctions within the largcr tribes. Such generative genealogy perm iued indi-

REVIEW OF ARCHAEO LOGICAL RESEARC I-I

21

viduals and ho use holds, as well as la rger social units, to spl it, subdivide, or coalesce, depending on economic opportunities o r conflicts arisi ng within a given social un it. Given su fficien t external threat, it a lso permitled coalesci ng of tribes into supra-tribal en titi es to form kingdoms. Four, their pre-monarchical tribal social structure was not extinguished by the rise of kings. While the rise of kings involved introductio n of a transient, supra-tribal layer of bureaucratic organization, it did not extinguish the pre-monarchical tribal social o rder. Instead, this o rder accommodated itself to the new sup ra-tribal monarchical orde r. Such accommodation was facilitated in part by the mechanism of generative genealogy, which allowed tlibes to coalesce in order to form increasingly wide-ranging bonds of cooperation and a llegiance. The persiste nce of the tribal o rder is reflected, in part, in the continued association of particular tribes with their traditional tribal territories throughou t the monarchical period. It was a lso reflected in residential proxi mity of kindred and patlerns of coope ration and conflict throughout the period. Five, the eme rgen ce of sup ra-tribal polities did not produce dimorphic social St ructures on par with those in Egypt a nd MesopOlamia. Whereas in Egypt and Mesopotamia, the rise of supra-tribal politics in the fo rm of centralized sta tes led to a division of society into two realms- urban eli te and rural tribesmen- no such pronounced division of society occurred in the Iron Age kingdoms of the Southern Levan l. 'While a nasce nt form of such division may have eme rged in certain m ajor urban ce nters, it was by no means on par with tha t found in Egypt and Mesopotamia. To the extent that it did occu r, it would have been in Cisjordan Illore than in Transjordan. Th is is because predation on rural tri besmen by urban elites could be done with less risk of resistance in Cisjo rdan due to its more £:1.Vorable ag"!icultural conditions. Six, tribal hi nte rl ands were administe red from fortified towns. Administration of hinterland tribal territories was centered in fortified "towns" usuaUy consisting of a cluster of administrative buildings located on the top of a hill of some so rt and surrounded by ralllparts and /or wa lls and protected by a moat a nd ente red by ga tes. To varying degrees, each major town had an admi nistrative bureaucracy consisti ng o r a cad re of bureaucrats whose role it was to administrate the economic affairs of the surrounding hinterland tribes. The existence a nd extent of power of suc h bureaucra ts ca n be ascertained

22

C HAPTER ONE

from the study of instruments of delegated power, such as stamp seals and related artifacts. Seven, most people lived in the rural hinterla nd beyond the (Owns. As the daily lives of most members of these ancient kingdoms were caught up in activities related to the quest for fo od, people lived in small villages and hamlets surrounded by agricultural lands and pastures. Villages and hamlets consisted of vario us configurations of houses, caves and tents, depending on the conditions of production in various geographical regions. As a general rule, the more " risky" th ese food production conditions were, whether due to the vicissitudes of climate, trade, or politics- the greater the Auidity of rural settlement patterns. Cycles of s.edentarization and nomadization appear generally to have been more pronounced in Transjordan than in Cisjordan. In Transjordan, such cycles become morc pronounced as one moves s.outhward from Ammon , to Moab, illlo Edom . Eight, is the presence of heterarchical power structures. Power relations with in each of these Iron Age tribal kingdoms are best described as being cou nterpoised rather th an ranked within some scalar hierarchy. Thus it was possible for there to be seve ra l political ce nters of gravity within each kingdom , each center basing its power on a different political resource. For example, one center may be politically powerful because of its location on the junction of two or more illlersecting highways. Another may base its power on being a processing and distribution cen ter for certain agricultural products. And a third may base its power on its being the home of an important religious service or shrine. Such structures stand in sharp contrast to the scalar hierarchies associ ated with th e hydraulic societies of Egypt and Mesopotamia. They also are more consonant with the egalita rian ideaJs of tribal societies. Nine, is the presence of overlapping territori al units . Consistent wi th the existence of heterarc hicaJ power stru ctures wou ld be overlapping territorial units. The boundaries separa ting different local level poli tical units would best be described as fu zzy and fluid rather than clear and fixed. Th e reason for this is tha t the economic activiti es engaged in by one group may be such that th ey can easily cooccur with those carried out by another. For example, one clan may be prim arily pasto raJ , another primarily agricultural , thus both would stand to benefit from the on c overlapping the other as pasture animals belonging to one group wou ld be allowed to graze on the slUbble fields claimed by another.

REVIEW OF ARC HAEOLOGICAL RESEARC H

23

Tcn, is thc ma illlcnance of mi lililias. A cadre of trained soldiers was maintained in order to protect the interests of each tribal kingdom. These soldiers relied on herds of camels or horses and on arms made of iron as instrumcnls of warfare.

Conclusion To th ese salient features, others wi ll no doubt soon be added. The intent, of course, is to stimulate discussion and field research to either con fi rm or reject a ny or all of them , hopefully in order to replace each hypothesis with a better onc.

Ryerenas Abu Dayyah, AS.; Greene, JA; Hassan, I.H .; and Suleirnan, E.. 1991 Archaeological Surveyor Greater Amman, Phase 1: Final Report. Annual of the Departmtlll of Antiquities of Jordan 35: 361 95. Abu Ghanimeh, K. 1984 Abu Nseir Excavation . Annual of the Department of Alltiquities of Jordan 28:

305- 10. Abu Ta1cb, ~·f . 1985 An Ammonitc Seal from Urn Udaina.
49: 28- 29. 'Amir, A. 1973 Excavations at Meqablein. Anflual oj the Department oj Antiquities

f!! Jordan

18: 43- 46. Aufrecht, W. 1989 A Corpw if Ammollite II/scriptiolls. L;wislon, NY: Mellen. Bartoecini, R. 1930 Riccrche e scopcne della missiOllC italiana in Amman. Bolkttillo deU'Associo.?::im~ inlemaz;ionale degli studi mediterran£l:, I. fasc. 3: 15- 17. 1932 Scavi ad Amman dcUa missionc archeologica italiana. I3clkllino deU'Associa.?;ione illlemaz;ionale degli swdi muiiterrGllei, Ill. fase. 2: 16- 23. 1933- 34 Scavi ad Amman della missione archcologica italiana. Boliettino dell:4ssocia.?;ione inlemaz;iollale degli studi mediterrallei, IV. fase. 4 5: 10 15. Bibi, P. 1993 Khirbet Salameh 1992. Allllual if the Department oj Alltiquities oj Jordall 37:

521 - 32.

24

C H APTER ONE

Boling, R. 1989 Site Survey in the el-'Umeiri Region. Pp. 98 188 in Madaha Plains Prqitcl I: The 1984 Season at Ttl! (l-'Umtin and VlCinig and Subsequent Siudits, cds. L.T. Ceraty, il at. Berrien Springs, ~H : Andrews University Press.

Boraas, R.S. 1971 A Preliminary Sounding at Ruj m EI-Malfur, 1969. Allnual oJAntiquitier oJJordan 16: 31 - 45. Butler, H .G 1919 Pllbluations

r.if lhe Princeton Ulliversi!y ArchaUJlogical Expedilwn and 1909, Div. II, Sect. A, Southcm Syria. Lcidcn.

/Q

0/ the

Dtpartmml

.vria in 1904- 05

Cross, F.M. Ammonite OSlraCa from Heshbon: Hesbon Ostraca rv- Y lli . Andrews 1975

Univtr~

Seminary Studies 13: 1- 20. Dajani, R.W. An Iron Age Tomb from Amman. Annual rif the Department rf Antiquities oj 1966 Jordan 11: 41 - 47. I 966b Amman- Excavation of a Latc Bronze Age T emple. Annual !if tile Department qf Antiquities r.if Jordan II: 105 6. 1966c J ebel Nuzha T omb at Amman. Allllual oj the Dfparhllenl oj AntiquitW oj J()rdan II: 48- 52. 1970 A Late Bronze- Iron Age Tomb Excavated at Sahab, 1968. Annual oj the /Apartment oj Antiquitie.s oj J()rdan 15: 29- 34. Daviau, P.M.M. 1992 Preliminary Report of Lhe Excavations at T ell J awa in the Madaba Plains (1991 ). Annual oj the Department oj AntiquitW oj Jordnn 36: 145- 62. 1993 Preliminal)' Report of the Third Season of Excavations at T ell J awa, J ordan (1992). Annual oj the Departmenl oj AntiquitW oj J()rdan 37: 325- 40. 1994 Excavations at T ell Jawa, J ordan (1993): Preliminary Report. Annual rf the Departmall oj Antiquitie.s oj Jordan 38: 173- 94. 1996 T he Fifth Season of Excavations at Tall J awa (1994): A Preliminary Report. Anlzual oj the Department oj Antiquities 0/ Jordan 40: 83- 100. de Vaux, R. 1938 La Palestine et la T 'dnsjordanie au lie millinaire. Zeilschrifl for die alltestamentliche Wis5ensclwfl 56: 225- 38. de Vaux, R. and P. Benoit 1938 Chronique: Exploration de la region de Sal\. Revue EiMique 47: 417- 22. De Vries, B. 1991 Archaeology in J ordan. American Journal oj Archaeowlg 95: 253- 80. Dornemann, R. 1983 The ArchaMwlg oj the Tran.sjordnn. Milwaukee, vVI: Milwaukee Public Museum. Flanagan, j.W. and McC reery, D.W. 1990 First Preliminary Report of lhe 1989 Tell Nimrin Projecl. Annual oj the /Aparlmmt oj AntiquitW oj Jordan 34: 13 1- 52. Flanagan, j.W. , McCreery, D.W. and Vassine, K . 1992 Preliminary Report of the 1990 Excavalion at T ell Nimrin. Annual oj the Departmtnl oj AntiquitW oj Jordan 36: 89- 112. 1993 Tell Nimrin: Preliminary Report Oil the 1993 Season. Annual oj the Dtpartment oj Antiquitie5 oj Jordan 38: 205- 44. 1996 T all Nimrin: Preliminary Report on the 1995 Excavation and Geological Survey. Annual oj the Department oj AntiquitW oj J()rdall 40: 271 - 92. Fohrer, G . 1961 Eisenzcitliche Anlagen im Raume sudlich von na'ur und die Sudwestgrenze von Ammon. Zeilschrifl d£5 Deulschm Paliistina-Vmins 77: 56- 7 1.

REVIEW OF ARCHAEO LOG ICAL RESEARCH

25

Franken, HJ . 1960 Excavations at Dcir 'Alia in J ordan . Ve/us Tes/arnell/urn 10: 386 93. 1961 T he Excavations at Dcir 'Alia in J ordan: Second Season. Ve/us Tes/amell/um II: 361 - 72. 1962 The Excavation al Deir 'Alia in Jordan: 3rd Season. lie/us Testammtum 12: 378- 82. 1964 T he Exeavatiom ,I{ Deil" 'Alia, Season 1964. flelus Testammlum 14: 41 7 22. 1969 Excavatiolls a/ Deir Alia, a Stratigrapllical and Ana!Jtical Study rif tilt Ear!J /rOil Age Pottery, Lciden: Brill. 1970 The Other Side of the J ordan. Allllual for the DepaT/mm/ rif Antiquities rif Jordan 15: 5- 10. Geraty, L.T. 1975 Chronique archeologique: Hesban (Heshbon). Review Biblique 82: 576 86. 1983 Heshbon: The First Casualty in the Israelite Quest for the Ki ngdom of God. Pp. 239 48 in 771e Q!,est FaT the Kingdom rif God: Studies ill Honor rif George E. Mmdenhall, eds. H.Il. Huffmon; F.A. Spina; and A. R.W. Green. Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns. 1985 T he Andrews University Madaba Plains Project. A Preliminary Report on the Fi rst Season at Tell el· 'Umciri. Alldrews Univtrsity Seminary Studies 23: 85 110. Geraty, LT. el 01. 1986 Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1984 Season at T dl el-'Umeiri and Vicinity. In Bulletill rif lhe American Schools rif Oriental Research, Supplement 24: 117 24. 1988 The J oint Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the Second Season at Tell el-'Umeiri and Vicinity. Andrews Ullivtrsity Seminary Studies 26/3: 217 52. 1989 A Prcliminal)' Report of thc 1987 Season at Tell c\-'Umciri and Vicinity. Allnual rif the Depa'lmml rif Antiquities d lOTdall 33: 145 76. 1990 Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1987 Season at T ell EI-'Umeiri and Vicinity. /Julletin d the Ammcall Schools rif Orimtal Research, Supplement 26: 59 88. Gcsc, H . 1958 'Ammonitische Grcnzfcstungcn zwischen wadi n·si, und na'ur. ,(eitschrift des DeutsCWI Paliislina-Vereins 74: 55 64. Glueck, N. 1934 Explorations in Eastem PaleJtine I. Annllal d Ihe American Schools rif Orimlal ReseaTch 14: 81 83. Philadelphia: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1937 Explorations in thc Land of Ammon. Bulktin d the Ammcall Schools f!i Oriental Research 68: 13 21. 1939 Expwratians ill Eastern PalMtine III. Allllual iif" the Amnican Schools rif Oriental Research 18 19. Ncw Haven: American Schools of Oriental Rescarch. Gordon , R.L. and E.A . Knauf 1987 Er- Rumman Survey, 1985. Anllllal d the Departmmt rif Antiqllities rif Jordall 31: 289- 93. Graf-Reventlow, H .G. 1963 Das Ende dcr ammonitischen GrenzfcslU ngskcnc? ,(eitschrift des DeuiscJlen Paliistina-Vtrtins 79: 12737. Gustavson-Gaube, C., and Ibrahim, M. 1986 Sahab Survey 1983. Arclu'v fiir On'eniforscllllllf, 33: 283 86. Hadidi, A. 1973 The Pottery of T ell Siran. University rif Jordan, FaCilIty rif Arts Journal 4: 23- 38. 1987 An Ammonitc T omb at Amman. Lrvan/ 19: \01 20. 1989 The Poncry from Tell Siran. Pp. 135 52 in Archaeowgy ill Jordan, ed. H.O. Thompson. Ncw York: La ng.

26

C IIAPTER ONE

Hankey, V.

Mycenaean Pouel)' in the Middle East: Notes on Finds si nce 1951. British School of Archaeology 62: 135 47. Harding, C. L. Two Iron Age T ombs from 'Amman. Qyorler(y of the Dtparlmml oj Antiquities 1945 of PakI/illt 11: 67- 74. 1948 An Iron-Age Tomb at Sahab. Qjwrlerry of the DepaTt1llml ifAntiquities ill Paksline 13: 92- [02. 1950 An Iron-Age Tomb at rvlcqabclcin. OJlflflerly of the Deparhllffll of Alltiquilies in Palestine \4; 44- 48. 1951 'r wo Iron-Age Tombs in Amman. Annllal of the &parlmtnt of ilnliquilin of Jordan I: 37- 40. 1953a A Middle Bronze Age Tomb at Amman. PalLs/jilt Exploratioll FUlld Annual 6: 1967

14 18.

1953b

An Early Iron Age Tomb at ;vladaba. PateJline Exploration FUlld Anllual 6:

1953c

The T omb of Adoni Nur in Amman. Palestine Exploration FlIlId Annual 6:

27- 33. 48- 65 . 1956 Excavations in j ordan. Anllual oj Ihe Dcparlllltni oj Anliquilies oj lr;rdan 3: 80. 1958 Recent Discovcries in jordan. Paksline Exploration Quarter!>, 90: 7- 18. Hennessy, J. 1966a Excavation or a Latc Bronze Age Tcmple at Amman. Palestine ExploratiQ/1 {}jWTter!>' 98: 155 62. 1966b Supplementary Note. Zeitschrijl fiiT die allesleslimtntlicm WisstTISchafl 78: 357- 59. Hcnschel-Simon, E. 1945 Note on the Poltery or the 'Amman Tombs. Q¥aTterry oj 1m Deparlmtnl oj AllliquitieJ WPalesline II: 75- 80. Hcntschke, R. 1958 Ammonitische Grell5restungen zwischen Wadi es SiT und Na'uT Zeitschrifl des Deutschtn PaliislillO- Vertins 74: 55- 64. Ammonitische Grensrestungen sudwestlich von 'Amman. Ztitschrifl des iJeutscnen 1960 Paliistina- Vereins 76: 103- 23. Herr, L.G. T he Amman Ai'Vort Excavations 1976. AIII/ual oJ/lte DepaTtment oj Antiquitits 1976 oJJoTdan 21 : 109- 11. Amman Ai'Vort T emple Destroyed . Biblical ArchalOlogiJI 40: 135. 1977 1983a T he Amman Airport Structure and the Geopolitics or Ancient Transjordan. /Jiblical Archaeologist 46: 223- 39. 1983b 17!e Amman Airport Excavations, 1976. Annual or the America n Schools or Oliental Research, 48. Winona Lake, LN: Eiscnbrauns. Herr, L. et al. The Madaba Plains Project: Three Seasons or Excavation at Tell d-'Umeiri 1990 and Vicinity, j ordan. Eclws du Mr;nde Cla.ssique/Cla.ssical Vrews 39/9: 129- 43. 1996 l'vladaba Plains Project 1994: Excavatiom al Tall al-'Umayri, Talljalul and Vinity. Annual oj the Departmtnl oj Antiquilies oj Jr;Tdan 40: 63- 82. HUbner, U. 1988 Die ersten moabitischcn Ostraca. Ztitsdlrijl des Deutschtn Paliistina- Vereins 104: 68 73. Ibach, R. 1978 An Intensive Sunace SUlVcy at j alul. AlIdml.!S University Semillary Siudies 16: 215- 22. Hesban 5: 17!e RegiQ/wl Sravry. Berrien Springs, MI: Institute or Archaeology, 1987 Andrews University.

REVIEW 01<' ARC I-IAEOLOG ICAL RESEARC I-I

27

Ibrahim, M. 1972 Archaeolobrical Excavations at Sahab, 1972. Al/lll1al f!! Ille &/)(Irlmmt f!! Allliqllitiis f!! Jordan 17: 23 36, 1974 Seco nd Season of Excavation at Sahab, 1973. Allllllal f!! Ihl Department f!! AlltilfllitiM f!!Jordal/ 19: 55 61; 187 98. 1975 Third Sea50n of Excavations ,It Sahab, 1975. AlIlIlIal rif Ilu Dep(lrtl1ltnt rif AlltiquitilS f!! Jordan 20: 69 82; 169 78. Khouri, R.G. 19B8 Ammall: A B,u! Guide to the Alltiquilies. Amman: Al Klilba. King, Pj. 19B3 Amenca1/ Archaeology ill tIle Mideasl: A /listory rif Ihe Amen'roll SdlOofs rif Ontntal Research. Philadelphia: The American Schools of Oriental Research. Kiener, R. 1991 T he RIUm el-~ I alfuf Buildings. Bulklill f!! Ilu Ament(1.II Srhools rif On'mlal Research 284: 33 50. L1Bia nca, 0 .S. 19B4 Objectives, Procedures and Findings of Ethnoarchaeological Research in thc Vicinity of Hesban in J ordan. Amwal f!! Illr Depllrhlltlll f!! Alltiquilies f!!.7ordall 28: 269 88. Ll ndes, G .~ 1. 1956 A lIis/ary rif /he AlI1molli~s. Baltimore, M D: Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, J ohns Hopkins University. 1961 T he J\·laterial Civilization of the Ammonites. Bibllro{ Archatologis/ 24/3: 66 86. Lenzen, C j., and McQuitty, A. 19B4 Khirbct Sa1ameh. Allllllal rif Ille DrpaT/mtnl rif Ailliqllilirs rif Jordall 28: 295. 19B7 T he Sile of Khi rbet Salameh. Anllllal if tl/f IhptJrlmtnl rif AntilJuilie.s rif Jordall 31: 201 4. ~ I ackenzie, D. 1911 i\'legalithic i\·lonuments of R,lbbath-Ammon at AmI nan. PallSlillt I!\ploralioll FUlld Ilnnua/19!!: 23, 24; 33 35; Plate IV.V. McCown, C.C. 1930 Spring Field T rip, 1930. Built/ill rif Iht Ammcan SdlOofs rif Ontllial Research 39: 10 26. 19B9 T owcrs in the Rcgion Surrollnding 'I'd! Umciri. PI" 195 198 in Madaba Plains Prf!ject I: 1711 1984 St(lJ()n al Tell tl-'Umein alld vicilli!>, alld SubJtqutf/1 Studie.s, cds. L.T. Gcraty, tl 01. Berrien Springs, ~ [ I : Andrcws University. McGo\'crn, P. 1986 17It Late Brollze Ag, alld Barry /rOil A.~lS f!! emlrat 7;anvordan: 77u /1Iq'ah Vallry Prtljtcl, 1977 1981. University of Pennsylvania: T he University Musellm. 19B7 Central Tra n~o rdan in the Late Bronze and E.a rly [ron Ages: An Alternate Hypot hesis of Socio- Economic T ransformation a nd Collapse. Pl'. 267 73 in StuditJ ill tlu J-/ir/ory ami Arc/ullology f!!.7ordall III, cd. by A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiqu ities. Palumbo, G. tI 01. 1996 T he Wadi az-Zarqa/\ Vadi ad- Dulayl Excavations and Smyey Project : Report on the O ctobel- NoV('lllbcr 1993 Ficldwork Season . AI/llual rif tIlt IX/IMtlllml f!! Alltiquities f!! Jordal/ 40: 375 42B. Petrie, W.i\1.F. 1952 Al-J\ lalfuf, Near 'Amman . I'p. 38 39 in Ci!y riflht Shepherd Killgs alld Allcimt Ga;:a V, cd. W.;" I. Petlic. London: Qua rt ich. Shea, W. H . 1981 T he Amman Citadel Inscription Again. Palestille Etploratioll C!Jwrlerry 113: lOS 10.

28

CHAPTER ONE

Stocbe, HJ . 1964 Das Deutsche Evangelischc Institul fur Ahcrtumswisscnschaft des Heiligen L.·mdes: Lehrkursus 1962. Zritschrijl des Deulsd,tll Paliistina- Verrins 80: 1- 45. Das Deutsche Evangclische Institut f. Ntertumswissenschaft d. Heiligen 1966 Landes Lehrkursus 1964. Zeilsdlrifl des Deulsrhen Paliistina-Vereins 82: 20- 36. Thompson, H.D. 1972a The 1972 Excavation of Khirbet el-Ha.iiar. Annual rif the Departmenl rif Antiquities rif Jordan 17: 47- 72. Excavations on Campus. Faculty rif Arls Journal, University rifJordoll 3: 43- 52. 1972b A Tomb at Khirbet Yajuz. Annual rif the Departromt rif Antiquities rif Jordan 1972c 17: 37 45. The Excavation of T ell Siran (1972). Annual rif the Departmmt rif Antiquities 1973a rifJordan 18: 5 14. Rujm al·l\hlfuf SOUdl. Annual rif the Departmenl rif Antiquities rif Jordan 18: 1973b 47- 50. Ammonites on Campus. Australian Journal rif Biblical ArchalOlol:Y 2: 23- 30. 1973c The Biblical Ammonites. Australian Journal rif Biblical ArchlUOWgy 2: 31 - 38. 1973d 1974- 75 Commentary on the Tell Siran Inscription. Australian Journal rif Biblical Ardlatology, Series 11 /3: 125 36. T he Ammonite Remains at KJlirbct al-I-bjjar. Bu/utin r1 tJu American Schools 1976 rif Orimtal Researcll 227: 27 34. Sahab. Ar(hiv for Orim!forscllung 2930: 256 60. 1984 Tufnell, O. The Tomb or Adoni Nur in Amman. Palestine Exploration Fund Annual 6: 1953 48- 75. van der Kooij , C. and M.M. Ibrahim 1979 ExcilVations at Tell Dcir 'Alia, Season 1979. AlI/lUal rif tJu Dtpar/rI1(!rIt rif Anliquilies rif Jordan 23: 4 I SO. Picking up the Threads . .. ;J continuing rwew rif exc{/lJ{/tions at Deir A114, Jordan. 1989 Lciden: University of Lciden Archaeological Centre. Vhymeister, \I'''.K. 1989 T he History of Heshbon rrom Literary Sources. Pp. 3- 23 in Hesban 3: Histmical Foundations, eds. LT. Geraty ancl L.C. Running. Berrien Springs, MI: Institutc of Archaeology/Andrcws University. Von Rabenau, K. 1978 Ammonitische Vcrteidigungsanlagen zwischen Hirbct el~Bisara und elYaduclc. Zrilschrijl dts /Jruischm Pallistina- Vt'Tlins 94: 46 55. \Vimmer, D. T he Excavations at Tell Sarul. I~). 279- 82 in Studies in the Histmy and 1987a ArdlOlOwgy rifJordm/ III, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Departmcnt of Antiquities. T ell Saful Excavations, 1982- 1985 Prcliminar), Report. AIII/ual rifthe Ot1987b partment rif Antiquities rif Jardan 31: 159- 74. Yassine, K . Social-Religious Distinctions in Iron Age Burial Practice in J ordan. Joun/al 1983a for the Study rif Old Teslamillt Supplemtllt Sen·rs 24: 29 - 36. Idem. in 171l Archaeology rif Jordan: Essl!}s and Reporls, pp. 55 59. Amman: Dept. of Archaeology, University of J ordan (1988). Tell El t>.b zar, Field I Preliminary Report of Area G, H, L, and M: 1983b The Summit. AIII/ual rif Ihe Dtpartmml rif Alltiquities 27: 495- 513. ' EI Mabrak: An Architectural Analogue or the Amman Ai rport Building? 1983c Annual rif tllr Departmenl 0/ Antiquities rif Jordan 27: 491 - 94. 1984a Tell el Ma<;ar I: Cemetny A. Amman: University or J ordan. T he Open Court Sanctuary of the Iron Age I Tell Mazar Mound: A. 1984b Zeilschrifl des Deulsd,m Palii.stina-Vereins 100: 108- 18. Idem. in The ArchOUJiogy

REVIE.W OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH

29

of Jordall: EsSl!J1S alld Rtports, pp. 115 35. Amman: Dept. of Arehacolob'Y. Univcrsity ofJordan (1988). 1988 The Ardwtology of Jordan: E,5S'!)'S and Reports. Amman: Dept. of Archacolob'Y, University of J ordan. Younker, R.\V., II 01. 1990 A Preliminary Report of the 1989 Season of the lI.ladaba Plains Project: The RegioflOll Survey and Excavations at Al Drcijat , T ell J a"'il, :md T ell el'Umeiri. Alldrrws Vnil·ersiry Seminary Siudies 28/ I: 5 52. 1993 The J oint Madaba Plai ns Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1992 Season, Including Ihe Reb,;onaJ Sun'ey and Excavations al Tdl Jalul and T ell d'Umeiri. Andrews Uni~'ersiry Semi/wry Sludies 31/3: 205 38 1996 Preliminary Rcpon of the 199·~ Season of the Madaba Plains Project: Rcgional Survcy, Tall Al-'Umayri ilnd Tall Jalul Excavations (June 15 to July 30, 1994). Andrrws Universiry Seminary StudiiS 34/1: 65 92. 1997 Preliminary Repol1 of the 1996 Season of the i\ladaba Plains Project: Regional Sun'ey, Tall AI-'Umayri and T all J alul Excavalions (June 19 to July 31, 1996). Andrews Vniversiry Seminary StlldiiS 3512: 227 40. Zayadine, F. 1973 Recent Excavations on the Citadel of Amman. Allllual of II,e I)e/larlmell/ of Allliquities of Jordall 18: 1735. 1985 Fouilles de Djebcl el Akhdar (Amman). ~'n'a 63: 152 53. Zayadine, F. , j.-B. Humbert, and M. Najjar 1989 The 1988 Excavations on the Citadel of Amman: Lower Terrace, Area AA. Allllllal of the IJeparlmtlll of Anliqllil;'s of Jordan 33: 357 63.

CHAPTER TWO

AMMON IT E TERRITORY AND SITES B URTON MACDONALD

51. Francis Xavicr Univcrsity

Introduction

Information on Ammonite territory, boundal;es, and sites comes from three sources, namely, th e biblical text, epigraphic materia l, and archaeology. Th e biblical information, as we shall see, is not a seam· less garment. The epigraphi c material , though meagre, is, none the· less valuable. The archaeologicaJ information is open to question as the position of various commentators makes clear. The researcher mu st, nevertheless, develop a hypothesis thal describes the Ammonite "homeland."

1711! Biblical Data The information that the Bible provides on the Ammonite "home· land" is in the co ntext of Israelite territOlial possessions and interests east of the J ordan Rive r. Since this information is from an Israeli te point of view, we ought not to expect that it be either com· plete or sympathetic to the Ammonites. The biblical writers wi ll , thus, present what they know about Ammonite territOl;al possessions from an Israelite perspective. In other wo rds, th ey will have an Israelite agenda. Thus, the biblical information that is relevant for the present purposes will be both partial ;:md biased as far as Ammonite interests are conce rned . Numbers 2 1:24, Deul 3:16, and J osh 12:2 state that the Ammonite boundary is at th e Jabbok (= \Vad i az.Zarqa) while Deut 2:37 indicates that the land of the Ammoni tes is in th e upper region of the Jabbok and associated hill country whe re its towns are located (fig. 2.1 ). (The boundary of the Ammonites is said to be strong [Num 2 1.24--NRSV]). Rabbah, "the royal city" (2 Sam 12:26), would have

AMMONITE T ERR ITORY AND SITES

31

been one of these towns. Aroer, Minnilh, and Abel- keramim we re other Ammonite towns (j udg I 1:33). Deu t 2: 18 19 provides very general inrormation on the Ammonite " homeland" when it states that aftcr the lsraeli tes cross over the boundalY of Moab at Ar , they wil l approach the frontier or the Ammonites. ' T his text indicates that the lerritOiY or the Ammonites is located north or that or Moab, that is, no rt h or the Arnon ("" Wadi al-Mujib) (Num 21: 13; 22, 36). J udg 11:13, pa n of the Jep htha h narrmive (judg 10:6 12:7), is

more specific relative to Ammonite lenitOiial possession when it states tha t the Ammonites considered their land to ex tend "from the Arnon to the J abbok and to the J ordan." Th is is the region which is referred to today as al-8aJkJ/a (the Belqa) (Gcraty and Runn ing 1989: 3). It is about 85 km (rrom the Arnon to the J abbok) by abou t 35 km (rrom the Jordan Ri ver to the desert). T he former inhabitan ts of the land or the Ammonites were the Rephai m but the Lord , tha t is, Ya hweh, the God of the Israel ites, destroyed the Rephaim before the Ammoni tes so that they could dispossess them and settle in their place (Deut 2:21 ). (The Ammon ites called the Rephaim "Zamzummim" [Deut 2:20].) The biblical wri ters express two alti tudes relative to Ammonite lerri tOli al possessions: I) the book of Numbers states that the reaso n why the Israelites did not conquer Ammon ite land is because the boundary of the Ammonites was strong (2 [:24); and 2) the De uteronomist states that the reason why the Israelites did not take possession or Ammonite la nd was beca use the Lord had given that land to the desce ndants of' Lot (Deut 2:19; see also 2:21 ).2 The territory of the Am monites, whatever its boundaties and extent, was not a static entity. There are ind ications that the Ammoni tes we re an aggressive people who sought to enlarge their holdings. J udges 3:12- 13 states tha t Ki ng Eglon or Moab, in all iance wi th the Ammonites and the Amalekites, attacked a nd de reated Israel and

I T hc location of Ar (of 1\ loab) is unknown. Karak, Rabbah (south of Wadi al1\htiib), Khirbat al-\'Iisna' (H R. 223767), Khirbat al-i\ llIdayna (H R. 330768) (on Wadi al-MlIjib), and Khirb;lt ai-Balli' (i\I.R. 244855) ,Ire among thc siles which havc been identified as its location (i\ laningly 1992;1: 32 1). In DellI 2.9, however, Ar appears to be II synonym lor 1\ loab. ~ It ollght to be noted that the same reason is given as to why the Israelites arc not to take possession of either Ammonitc or Moabitc tcrritory (Dcllt 2.9). Sec Cen 19.30 38 on the origin of the l\loabilcs and the Ammonites.

32

CHAPTER n¥O

then took possession of the city of palms, that is, Jericho (Deut 34:3). The Amalekites, nomads of southern Palestine, are certainly OUl of place in the narrative (de Vaux 1973: 118). h is possible that the Ammonites were involved with Moab in this incident. De Vaux tJlinks, however, that the association of Ammonites with Moab here may be redactional (1973: 118). In the imroduction to the J cphthah story (Judg 10:6- 12:7), the Ammonites are said to have "crushed and oppressed the [sraelilcs ... that were beyond the Jordan in the land of the Amoritcs, which is in Gilead" (Judg 10:8).3 This oppression extended north of the Jabbok to Jabesh-gilead (J udg 10: 17) which is generally associated with Wadi al-Yabis. 4 The Ammonites are, moreover, said to have "crossed the Jordan to fight against Judah and against Bcnjamin and against the house of Ephraim" (Judg 10:9). Finall y, according to I Sam 10:27I I: I I, Nahash, king of the Ammonites, oppressed the Gadites and the Reuben ites living beyond the Jordan and besieged Jabesh-gilead ( I Sam II: 1- 2). Thus, there are indications of competition on the part of the Ammonites on the one hand, and Israelite tribes, on the other, for {CrritOlY, especially east of the Jordan Rivcr. Moreover, the narratives in question express the biblical vicw that U1C Ammonites took opportunities to cxpand their territorial holdings. Judges II :33 ends the accou nt of Jephthah 's battle \v1th the Ammonitcs (Judg 10:6 12:7) by Slating that "he infli cted a massivc defeat on them from Aroer to th e neighborhood of Minnith, twenty towns, and as far as Abel-kcramim. So the Ammonites were subdued before the people of IsraeL " The passage provides information on three Ammonite sites, namely, Aroer, Minnith, and Abel-keramim. It also makes the very general statement that Jephlhah defeated "twenty towns" of the Ammonites. Aroer, Mlnnith, and Abel-keramim are probably intended to be numbered among these " twenty towns." Judg II :33 does not indicatc the direction in which Jephthah was

, Thc tcnn "Amorite" is a general rather than a specific designation for the preIsraelite inhabitants of the land. The tcnns "Canaanitc" and "Amorite" occur in the Old T estament with the same meaning (Noth 1960: 141 , n. I, 162; see also Sayee and Soggin 1979: 113- 14). .. Jabesh-gilcad is invariably located north of the Jabbok and in association with Wadi aI-Yabis. Tall Abu al-K.haraz (together with its twin site Tall al-Meqbcreh) and Tell al-Maqlub are the sites whieh are most often sited as its location (Glueck 1951: 214- 15, 268- 75; Simons 1959: 315; Ottoson 1969: 195; Rowley 1970: 92;

Aharoni 1979: 34, 288; Lemaire 1981: 44- 45).

AMMONITE TERRITORY ru'\lD SITES

33

travelling when he is said to have dekated the Ammonites. Therefore, we do not know if the sites named are listed in any particular direction of the compass. It is partially for this reason thal Arocr, Minn ith , and Abel-keramim cannot be identified with any confidence. Despite this fact, they are generally placed in the district to the west of 'Amman (Aharoni 1979: 265; Boling 1975: 208) and tentatively identified, as \vill be indicated below, with a variety of present-day archaeological ruins. Such attempts are, however, precarious since it is not known if the text in question dates to the Iron I or Iron II period. The toponym "Aroer" means ''juniper'' (KochJcr and Baumgartner 1958: 735; Rowley 1970: 17). Such is of little assistance in locating the site since trees of thi s species are found throughout central Transjordan. The Aroer in question here is not the one on the edge of \Vadi Arnon , co ntrary to the posi tion of Glueck (1939: 247 49). It is rather the Aroer which is "eastltoward /facing"- depending on the translation Rabbah , that is, Rabbath-Ammon (Josh 13:25). Although it cannot be definitely located, a number of commentators have proposed suggestions. Abel (1967, II : 250) locates Aroer northwest of 'Am man at 'Argan or 7 km cast of the capital city at Khirbat as-Safra. Several commentators place it at Khirbat al-Beder (map coordi nates 238.5/156.6), a tell 5 km north of the
AMMONITE TERRITORY AND SITES

35

Jazer is said to be in Gi lead (I Chr 26:31 ). This docs not help greatly in locating the site since the region of Gilead ineluded territOIY both north and south or \Vadi Jabbok (Deut 3:12 13; sec Simons 1959: 28; Abel 1967, I: 276; Oltosson 1969: 83; 1992: 1020; Baly 1974: 2 19; Aharoni 1979: 37). Sim il arly, the associati on or the site with the Amorites, the Gadites, and thc Moabites is not of great help in its localion. \-Vhile the areas th at these groups once inhabited ca n be indicated in a general manner, th eir precise boundaries arc uncertain. Eusebius places Jazer ten Rom an mi les wcst or Ph iladelphia, 15 from Heshbon, and at the source or a large stream which flows into the J ordan (Ol/om 264 - 65). The crusade r iVlarino Sanuto notes th at "the brook Arnon rises on Mou nt Pisgah, and enters J ordan below Jaazer" ( 1897: 33). Several sites arc proposed as the localion of J azer. Among these are: I) Bcit Zerah (Condcr 1889: 91 ); 2) KhirbatJazzi r (Drivcr 1909: 563; Abel 1967, II: 357; Gray 1967: 134; dc Vaux 1967: 135; Simons 1959: 119- 20; Boli ng and Wright 1982: 344; Budd 1984: 246; Boling 1985: 25; Peterson 1980; 1992); 3) Khirbat/Qasr as-Sar (Scetzcn 1854- 55; Merrill 1881: 484; Van Zyl 1960: 94 lor ncar Na'u r]; Aharoni 1979: 437 [with a qu estion mark]; Kallai 1986: 268 [or anolher site slightly to the west in the region]; Kasher 1988: 28, n. 12); 4) Khirbat al-Sireh (Landes 1956: 37; Van Zyl 1960: 94); 5) Khirbat al-Yadudeh (Schultze 1932: 68; de Groot 1934: 149; Noth 1935: 248, 250, notc 2; 19'H: 32); 6) Yajuz (Oliphant 1881: 223- 35; Cheyne 1901,2: 2340 41 ) or Kom Yajuz (Cohen 1962: 806). There is some supporting evidence ror the identification of J azer with a number of the si tes listed above. Khirbat J azzir (219/156) is, nevertheless, the best can didate for its location. It is situated 4 km south of As-Salt at the head of \ Vadi Su'eib which flows into the J ordan River. It, thus, Ilts Euscbius' description or Jaze r's location. 'Ayn Jazer is located less than I km from Kbirbat J azzir. It could be the Byzantine Azer which preserves the biblical name and which Eusebius associates with Jazer (de Vaux 1967). From a toponymic point of view, biblical J azer and KhirbatJazz ir are related. Moreover, de Vaux (1967) reports cera mics from both the Iron and Hellenistic periods at th e site. In the words of Peterson, "little doubt remai ns that the Levitical city Jazer is Khirbat J azzi r" (1992: 643). Rabbath-ammon is invaJ;ably identified with the 'Amman Citadel/

36

CHAPTER lWO

Jabal al-Qala
AMMONITE TERRITORY AND SITES

37

(Arnon) in the south and Wadi az-Zarqa (.Jabbok) in the north (Deut 2:24; Josh 12:2). In most occurre nces, it is west of both the territol)' of the Ammonites (josh 12:2) and "the wilderness of Kedemoth" (Deut 2:26). Heshbon is related to such well-known and confidently identified si tes as Medeba (= Madaba) and Diboll (= Diban) (Num 21 :30). From tlle biblical sources, nothin g more defi nite can be posited about its location. Eusebius places Heshbon , which in his day was called Esbus, in the mountains of Gilead ca. 20 mi les from the J orda n across from J ericho (OT/om. 253: I 6). The Talmud locates it at Housbanl Hesban (Ne ubauer 1868: 2 1). From a toponymic point of view, there is no doubt that the modern village and associated tall of Hisban bear the biblical name. The question is whemer the biblical name has remained at the same si te down through the centuries or has it migrated to modern-day Tall Hisba n from another location? T all Hisban (clev. 895 Ill) is situated in a rolling plain. It is ca. 9 km north of the modern town of Madaba and ca. 20 km south-west of 'Amman. Andrews University excavated Tell Hisban for five seasons from 1968 1976 (Horn 1969; 1972; Boraas and Horn 1969; 1973; 1975; Luge nbeal and Saue r 1972; Sauer 1973; Boraas and Gcraty 1976; 1978; 1979; GentlY 1983a and b; 1992; 1997; Gently and Merl ing 1994; Ibach 1987). Baptist Bible College continued the excavation of a Byza ntine church at the site in 1978. As a result of this work , the excavators uncovered no remains, o ther than some Late Bronze Age sherds, earlier than the Iron Age I period (the 12th- II th centuries) when there was probably a small, unfortified village supported by an agrarian-pastoral economy at the site (Geraty 1992: 182; 1997: 20). Although there is evidence of the site's habitation during the tcnth cighth cc nturies, the best-preserved Iron Age remains date to the seventh- sixth centuries. The archaeological record indicates "a general prosperity and continued growth, probably clustered around a fort" (Geraty 1997: 20- 21; see also Geraty 1992: 182). This sctdement may have come to a violent end (Geraty 1992: 182; 1997: 21 ). The re is no evidence for occupation during the Pcrsia n period but the site was reoccupied in the Late Hellenistic period. Habitation at Hisban continued throughout thc Roman and Byzantine periods (when it reached its zenith) (La Bianca 1989: 264- 67; Geraly 1992: 182- 83; 1997: 21 ). A problem with the location of biblical Heshbon at Tall Hi sban is the ap parcnt discrepancy betwccn the biblical account of the

38

CHAPTER

nvo

Israeli te capture of the site from the Amorilc king Sihon (Num 2 J :21 - 35; see also DellI 2:26- 35) and the archaeological evidence at the tal l. The site's conques t as narrated in the Bible would have taken place (according to the Later traditional dating) around the end of the 13th and the beginning of the 12th cent Ul;cs B.C. As noted above, however, the a rchaeological evidence docs not support the location of an Amoritc capital city a t Tall Hisban in either the Late Bronze or Early Iron Ages. A solutio n to the problem might be found in the fact that the majority of litcralY critics agree that the prose segment of Nu m 21 :21 - 35 belongs to a late, Deutcronomi stic stra lUm of the Pentate uch while the poetic portion (vv. 27 b- 30) originally had nothing to do with the conquest of Heshbon (Miller 1983: 124). Thus, from a literary critical point-of-view, the narrative is either legendal), (van Seters 1980: 117- 19; Timm I 989a: 94 95, 1989b: 175) or anachronistic (Miller 1983: 124). Furtbennore, it must be noted that the biblical writers may have SC I their narratives at sites that were known to them and th eir readers. Such was the practice of the writers of the Palestinian Targumim of the Pen tateuch (McNamara, 1972: 34; Alexander 1974: 5). Most commenta tors identi fy T all Hisban with biblicaJ Heshbon (Noth 1935: 248; 1944: 5 1, 53; 1968: 240; Simons 1959: 117, 121, 298,449; Van Zyl 1960: 92; Abel 1967 , II : 348- 49,424; Ottosson 1969: 86; Baly 1974: 233 note II ; Peterson 1977: 622-24; Aharoni 1979: 436; Boling 1985: 25; Geraty and Running 1989: ix; Miller 1989: 28; Timm I 989b: 175; Knauf 1990; Lemaire 1992: 68* [with a question mark] ). There are, howeve r, a few scholars who look for biblical Hes hbon at anothe r si te, for exa mple, J alul (Hom 1976; 1982: 10, II ; Ibach 1978; Ilo ling 1988: 47) or understand Heshbon as more than the name of a "ciry" but primarily as the name of a region (Merling 1991 ). Despite th ese dissenting voices, it appears almost certain thal the biblicaJ sile of Heshbon is to be identified with Tall Hisban. This certainty is based on textual , toponymic, and archaeological grounds. In summary, the Hebrew Bible provides no definitive informatio n on the terri tory and boundaries of th e Ammonites. It only in forms us th at the territory of the Ammonites was locatcd in the upper reaches of the J abbok and thaI this river formed ils boundalY. The towns of the Ammonites are located in the hill country in the vicinity of the upper J abbok. \'\lith the exception of Rabbah (and its asso-

AMMONn'E TERRITORY Al,\,D SITES

39

cialed "wate r city") and Heshbo n, it is impossible to identify any of them wi th ce rtainty. The extelll of Ammonile lerri lol), is indicated in a gene ral fashio n as eXlending l'i'om the Arnon to the J abbok and to the J ordan. There are indi cations that the Ammonites acted to extend their territory to the west of the J ordan as well as to J abeshgi lead in the north. And after all th is is sa id , we must still emphasize the temporary character of Ammon 's boundaries. These boundaries fluctualed according to various influences, opportunities, and/or pressures. Ammon , for example, moved its boundaries farther to the west, south (west), and/or north (west) as favourable opportunities prese nted themselves. On the oth er hand , Am mon's lenitol), shrank unde r less favorable circu msta nces.

Ammonite EiJigraphi.c J\/almal Ammonite epigraphic material such as inscriptions, seals, and ostraca can be im portant indicators of Ammonite tcrritory. Due to their provenance, they can provide information about the areas the Ammonites inhabited. However, cau tio n is needed here since a sc ript can be used outside its "homeland" and insCli ptions, seals, and ostraca arc frequentl y fou nd far from thei r places of origin. A good example of this is the Akkadian cuneiform tablet found at Tawi lan in Sout hern J ordan (BennetL and Bienkowski 199.5: 67 68). Moreover, there is frcquelllly disagreement among scholars as to ethnicilY of a particu lar script. The Dayr ' Alia plaster texts arc a good illustration of th is point (Lemaire 1997). A numbe r of inscri ptions po int to Ammonite presence in the a rea of 'Amman. T hese incl ude three royal inscliptions, namely, the Ci tadel , Thea tre, a nd Statue, plus the T all Siran Bottle and a n engraved cup. The Citadel Insc ription , found in 1961, is on a large stone slab measuring 24' 19 centimeters. It is fragmenta ry and prese ntly consists of eight lines of writing which a re generally dated to the beginning of the eighth cemul), (Nlill ard 1991: 14 1; Israel 1997: 106; but sec Cross 1969 for a nimh centu l), date). It was probably originall y a mon umental inscription. T he text refe rs to an Am mon ite ki ng who rece ived instructions from the Ammon ite god M ilcom to carry out the building of some "s tructures/e ntrances," possibly pan s of the citadel or even a temple, along with j\·filcom 's curse against those

40

CHAPTER TWO

who are hostile toward the king or who defile the structure(s) along with his blessings promised for the "structures/entrances" and those who frequent them. Zayadine goes so far as to see the text as a dedicatory inscription of a temple to M.iJcom. He locates it on the middl e terrace of the ciradel where the Roman temple of Hercules now stands (Zayadine 1986: 19). The Theatre [nscription, measu ring ca. 87 em long and 5- 17 em wide, was also discovered in 1961 in the excavation of the Roman theatre. It bears two lines of writing including the words bnCmn[n' ("Ammonites"). Scholars are fairly unanimous in dating it lO ca. 600 B.C. (Millard 1991: 141; Israel 1997: 106). The Statue Insc ription is onc of seve ral sta tues found in
AMMONITE TERRITORY AND SITES

41

1992; Israel 1997}, have been uncove red in the excavations of Tall al·Mazar (Yassine and Tcixidor 1986), T all al-'Umayri, and Tall Hisban (Cross 1975; 1986). Moreover , the excavations at Khirbal Umm ad·Dananir and Sahab have produced pottery sherds engraved with Ammonite pe rsonal names in a fragmentary condition (Israel 1997: 106). These ostraca provide information relative to places associated wit h the Ammonites. Tne five insCilptions mentioned above provide evidence of i\mmonite presence in the
Archaeology Resea rchers, using the results of archaeological surveys and excavations, have attempted and are altempting to flush out the picture that the Bible and epigraphic data paint rdative to the territOl), and boundaries of the Ammonites. Attention is now turned to the results of these attempts. Here, agai n, it must be noted that just as is the case for epi graphic material, it is often impossible to determine whether or not a pottery sherd is Ammonite, Moa bite, Gileadite, or Amorite. This is also true for other artifactual material, for example, arch itecture. In other words, at the present state of research, the et hnicity of archaeological material is difficult, if not impossible, to determine. Glueck, as a result of his biblical st udies and explorations in Eastem Palestine in the 1930s, concluded that the north·south extent of 'Wadi az-Zarqa ma rked the western boundary of lhe origi nal Ammonite king. dom. He though t that this kingdom consisted of the smail, fertile stIip on the cast side of the wadi and exte nded to the desert. He exte nded the territol), of the Ammonites to the south of
42

C HAPTER TWO

of the territoI)'. especially in the
AMMONITE TERRITORY AND SITES

43

Fl anagan and McCree lY 1990; Flanagan , McCrce lY, and Yassine 1992); T all Sarut (\%nmer 1985; 1987" and b; 1992; 1997); Tall Sira n (T hompson I 973b); Tall al-'Umayri (GeralY, el at. 1986; 1988; Herr 1989; Youn ker el al. 1990; Herr, el al. 1991a and b); and Umm ad- Danani r (McGovern 1980; 1983; 1986; 1987; 1989; 1992; 1993: 145- 46) provide a great deal of info rmation about the Ammonite "homeland." Mo reove r, surveys, mostly by America ns, for example, McGovern (1986; 1987;) in the Baq'ah Vall ey no rthwest of 'Amman; Sim mons and Kafafi (1988; 1992) in th e area of 'Ayn Ghazal along "Vadi az-Za rqa be tween the modern cities of 'Am man and Zarqa; [bach (1987) in the Hisban region; and the Madaba Plai ns Project in the vicinity of Tall al-'Umayri, south and southwest of 'Amman (Geraty, et al. 1986; 1987 ; 1988, 1989. and b; Herr 1989; Younker el 01. 1990; Herr et aI., 1991 ; 1994), a rc shedding new light on the Ammonite "homeland." Sauc,' (1985), Klette ,' (199 1), Herr (1992), and Hub ner (1992) make use of data from the above-listed excavations and surveys, or at least Ihm available to them at the time of thcir writing, together wi th the results of biblical and epigrap hic studies, to prese nt a pi cture of the Am mon ite "homeland." T heir presen tation is pal-ticularly re levan t for the late Iron II period. Sauer and Herr generally agree on an expanded Ammonite territOlY. Klcuer and Hiibner, however, describe a mu ch more restricted "homeland ," bot h chronological ly and terri tori ally . Sauer describes the growth of Ammon especially du ri ng th e period begi nning with its status as a vassal of Assyria, then Babylonia, and then Persia (1985: 212). He finds th e suppo rt fo r Ammoni te expansion in th e archaeological reco rd in the fo rm of what he terms Am monite mate rials such as pOtlelY, inscriptions, sculpture, and tombs in the region of (Amman as well as at such sites as al-Meqabalein , Sahab, Khirba t ai-Hajjar, Tall Siran, Tall Hisban, Baq'ah Valley, Tall Dayr 'Alia, Tall al-Mazar, and Tall as-Sa'idiyya. He concl udes that du ring the late Iron II -Persia n periods the Am monites extended the ir lerritOlY as far west as th e Jo rdan River, towards the north into th e Baq'ah Valley, and southwa rd as far as Tall Hisban (1985: 2 12- 13). Hcrr (1992) thinks that it is now possible "to say" somet hing about the Am monite boundaries, from a chronological as well as a territo rial point-of-view. He applies the tcrms "Ammon" and "Am monite"

44

C HAPTER TWO

to an apparent ethnic entity of the central Transjordanian plateau tha t is best defined during the la te Iron II period. He thinks that aspects of material culture and epigraphi c remains suggest a coherent, unified " nationality" separate from other groups nearby. ""here di stinctive clements of th is culture are found in excavations they, according to Herr, are localized to the region north of Madaba and Jalul a nd south of \.yadi az-Zarqa. Thus, this Ammo nite culture is present a t such sites as 'Amman , especially the Ci tadel ; Sahab; Tall Dayr 'Alia; Tall Hisban; T a ll al-Mazar; TaJl SarUl; Tall a l-
) Daviau's recent excavations at Khirbat al-Mudayna and survey explorations of the region surrounding the site may be throwing some light on the AmmoniteMoabite border in the south ( D a\~au 1997). Daviau's preliminal)! conclusion is that K.hirbat a1-MudaYlla may lie in Moabite territory while Rujm al-Heri, a heavily fortified settlement site located around 5 km to the northeast, may be Ammonite. She bases her conclusion on the pottery collected at sites in the region and the nature or these sites which she calls rorts (1997: 225- 27). See below, clmpter 10.

AMMONITE T ERR ITORY AND SITES

45

Klctlcr (1991 ), starting with a reassessment of Glueck's and, subsequentJ y, the German position that the Ruj m al-Malfuf bui ldings we re Ammonitc fortified towers bui lt as a de fensc line for the early Ammo nite ki ngdom, has reviewed the scholarly pos itio ns on these "towers." He has studied their number, fUIlClio n(s), and dates. He concl udes that thesc buildi ngs represent "more or less, the area of thc Ammonite scttle ment and therefore the borders of Ammo n during the Assyrian period" (1 991: 43), that is, from arou nd 734 732 B.C. 1O 630/620 B.C. , when the Assyrian power in the west declined (1991: 36). T hese borders, according to Kletler, we re compact, well defined, easy to de fend (except on the eastern side), and it seems that " the samc borde rs defined the kingdom of Am mon for a long pe riod" (199 1: 43; see his map on p. 40). Hubncr locates the Am monite lc rritol), in the western segment of the central T ransjo rdanian pla tea u, nonh of a line frolll Hi sban to Mount Nebo as far north as Wadi az-Zarqa which he posits, citing Deut 3. 16 and J osh 12.2, was its most probable northern boundary in the O ld Testament period (1992: II , 139 n. 4). Margaret alWa rde, the iron producing area to the north of the J abbok, was not a pan, according to H ubner, of the Ammo nite terrilOl), (1992: 150). Specifically, he sees the southern border of the Ammon ite state as being probably nonh of Hisban, Elcalch, Kh irbat Masuh, and Umm al -(Amad or sOll th of al -Yaduda, 'r ail J awa, and Sahab (1992: 141 ). T he wcste rn bordcr in the Iron Age was, he posits, in the west of the Transjordanian plateau in the upper part of Wadi al-Bah hat or Wad i as-Sir. Settlemen ts in th is area included Umm al-Qanafid, Khirbal ai- Hajjar, and RlUm al- KUI, i (2280.1533) (1992: 142). Hubner exte nds Ammon ite territory no rth westward to include the Baq'a h Valley, in cl ud ing Rujm al- Hinu (2284.1655) and R ujm al- Hawi (2282.1652), but he docs not know just where the Ammonite border in the northwest a nd wcst of thc hinte rl and of the Baq'a h Va ll ey was located. Hc posits tha t the territo ry of as-Salt, Khi rbat a f Rasune , and Khirbat Gcl'ad we re often in G ileadite-Israclitc hands (1992: 145). He thinks tha t it is li kely th at Wadi Umm ad-Dananir, which goes in a northerly direction from Khirbat Um m ad-Danan ir (2273.1659), and , later, the upper segment of \
46

CHAPTER lWO

around 40- 50 km (north-south) ' around 25- 35 km (west-cast). The lotal territory was) thus, around 1300 square kilometres. Ammon's neighbours were Moab to the sou th and the southwestj Israel to the north and the northwest; (and in the northeast the tcnitory of the Aramaeans?) (Hubner 1992: 146; see also his map pp. 330- 31 ).

Conclusions h is eviden t that there is little archaeological and epigraphic support for the biblical stateme nt that the territory of the Ammonites extended "fro m the Arnon to the Jabbok and to the Jordan " (Judg 11.13). The best that ca n be done is to look at the evidence from the above, two-mentioned sources plus the Bible, and sec the Ammonite territory as comprising a small a rea such as that which Glueck, KIener, and HObner envision or a somewha t expanded territory such as that which Sauer and Herr posit. This lauer position comes closest to Judg 11.13. There is liule firm evidence for the identification of Ammonite sites with the exception of Heshbon , Jazer, and Rabbah. More data is needed in order that convinci ng locations for Aroer, Minnith , and Abel-keramim be set forth. From a chronologi cal poilll-of-view, the information that we have about the Ammonites is best seen in the late Iron II period when Ammon was a vassal state of Assyl~a. There is the possibility that thi s situation extended in time to the subsequent Babylonian and Pe rsian dom ina tion of Transjordan. Little can presently be convincingly stated about the Ammonites during either the Iron I or early Iron 11 period. The Bible is, therefore, most probably describing the Ammonites as the biblical writers knew them during the late Iron II Age.

Refere1lces Abel, F.-M. 1967 Giographil dl /0 PalestilU. Tome I: Giographie Physique et Historiqlli. Tome II : Giographie Politiqlli. Us Villi s. Third !-:dition. Paris: Gabalda c l Cie. Abu Ghanimch, Kh. 1984 Abu Nscir Excavations. Allnual 0/ Ihl Deparlmtnl oj AlIliquities oj Jordan 28: 305 10.

AMMON ITE TERRITORY AI.....D SITES

47

Aharon;, Y. 1979 771e Lalltl tif I/le Bible: A /lislorienl Geogm/,Iry, rev. ed. and tr. AF. Rainey. Philadelphia: '''estminstcr. Ahlstrom, G.W. 1993 711e History tif Ancitlll Palestine .from Ihe Paloeolilhic Period 10 Alexa/lder's Conquest, with a conlribuliOlI by G.O. Rolltfioll.Joumal for t.he Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series 146, ed. O. Edelman. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. Alexander, P.S. 1974 T he Toponymy of the Targumim with Special References to the T able of the Nations and Ihe Boundaries of Ihe La.nd of Israel. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Oxford University. Aufrccht, W. E. 1989 A Corpus tif Ammonile Inscriptiolls. Ancient Ncar Eastern 'r exls and Studies 4. Lewiston/QuecnslOnl Lampeter: :\ Idlon. Baly, O. 1974 T1te Geograp/ry qf the Bible. Rev. ed. New York: Harper & Row, Bennett, C.-!,\'I., and Bienkowski, P. 1995 Ewavoliolls at Tawilall in Southml Jordan. British Academy l\ lonographs in Archaeolo/:,'y No.8. Oxford: British Institute at Amman for Archaeology and History. Bikai, P.l\1. 1993 Khirbet Salameh 1992. Alllluol tif tlie IJepartmtllt tif Alltiquitres tif Jordan 37: 521 -32. Boling, R.G. 1975 Jlldgts: IlIlronllelioll, Tmllslalion alUl COll1l11t1llary. T he Anchor Hible 6A. Garden City, i\T)': Doubleday. 1985 Levitical Cities: Archaeology and Texts. Pp. 23 32 in Biblical alld Relaled Stlldies Presenltd 10 Sallluel Iwry, cds. A. Kol"\ alld S. J\.lorschauser. \\'inona Lake, IN : Eiscnbrau lls. 1988 T1te tarly Bibli(al Commulli!>, ill Trmujordall. Sheffield: Shcflleld Academic Pressl Almond. Boling, R.G., and Wright, G.E. 1982 Joshua. T he Anchor Bible 6. Garden City, i\T)': Doubleday. Boraas, R.S. 1971 A Preliminary Sounding at Rujm EI-l\l alfuf, 1969. AIIIII/al tiftJze &parlmelll tif Antiquities qf Jordan 16: 31 45 Soraas, R.S., and Horn, S,H, 1969 T he First Campai!,'11 at Tell Hesban, 1968. Al1dm.v.f UllivtTJi!>, Seminary SllIdies 7:97117. 1973 T he Second Campaign at T ell I-I esban, 1971. Alldrews Ul1iversity Seminary Sludies II: 1- 6. 1975 The Third Campaign at Tell I-l esball, 1973, Andrews Urtit·trJity Semillary Stlldies 13: 101 16. Somas, R.S. , and Geraty, LT. 1976 The Fourth Campaib'11 at Tell l-iesb,iIl, 1974, Andrews UnivtrJi!)' Seminary Studies, 14: I 16. 1978 The Fifth Campaign at Tell Hesban, 1976. Alldm.l}s Universiry Semillary Stlldies. 16: 101 16. 1979 'I'he I..()ng Life of' I'cll Hesban, J ordan. Arcltaeology 32/1: 10 20, Bright, J 1965 Jeremiah: A New T,mlJlatioll willI hltrodlleh'OIl alld Commtlliary. The Anchor Bible 21. Second Edition. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Budd, P J. 1984 Numbers. Word Biblical ComrnerH,uy 5. Waco, TX: Word Books.

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Burdajcwicz, M., and Seg-.!,] , A. 1993 Rabbath-Ammon. Pp. 1243- 52 in The New Ellcyciopedia cif Archaeological Excm'fltionJ in the Holy Land, 4, cd. E. Stem. J erusalem: The Israel Exploration Socicry & Carta. Cheyne, T. K. 1901 J azcr. Gols. 2340 41 in EnCJ!cwpntdia Bib/iea: A en'tical Dictionary q/lhe Li~ary, Political and RLligWus History, tht ArchMOlogy, Geography and Natural His/my oj the Bible, 2, cds. T.K. Cheyne .a nd j.S. Black. Toronto: Morang. Clark, VA T he lmn lie/ Persian Pottery rrom Rujm al-HellU. A,mua' rif tile Dtparhnml 1983 oj Anliquilies oj Jordan 27: 143 63. Cohen, S. 1962 J azcr. Pp. 806- 07 ill The Il/lopTeln's Dictionary oj the Bible: An Iliuslrattd EncyckJptdia, 2, cds. G.A. Buttrick (/ 01, New York/ Nashville: Abingdon. Conder, C.R. The Survey cif Eastem Pales/im I. Memoirs tf the Topography, Orograplry, H),drograpJry, 1889 Archaeology, Ere. Vol. [: 17le cAdwan COUI/try. London: T he Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund. Cross, F.M. 1969 Epigraphic Notes on the Amman Citadel Inscription. Bulktill oj the Ammean Schools cifOrimwl Restarch 193: 13 [9. 1975 Ammonite O straca from Heshbon. Andrews UIliz1ersiry Seminary Studie.s 13: [- 20. An Unpublished Ammonite Ostracon from Hesboll. Pp. 475- 89 in The 1986 Archaeology cif Jordall alld Ollll!r Siudie.s Prestllud 10 Sugfried H. Hom , cds. L.T. Germy and L.G. Herr. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews University. Daviau, P.to.l. 1992a Thc Excavations at T ell Jawa, J ordan (1989, (991 ): A Preliminary Report of lhe Iron Age , Byzanline and Early Islamic Remains. &hos du MOl/de ClassiqueiClassical Views 36-N.S. 11: 119- 35. 1992b Preliminary Report of the Excavations at Tell Jawa in the Madaba Plains 1991. Allllual 0/" the Department 0/" Antiquities o/"Jordan 36: 145- 62. 1993a Preliminary Report of the 111ird Season of Excavations at TellJawa, Jordan 1992. Allllual o/"tJle Dtpartmenl 0/" Antiquitie.s o/"Jordall 37: 325- 38. 1993b T ell J awa. AII/meall Jmlrnal if Archatology 97: 478-79. 1997 Moab's Northern Horder: Khirbat al-Mudayna on the Wadi ath-Thamad. Biblical Archatologist 60: 222 28. de Vaux, R. 1967 Notes d' Histoire et de T opographic Transjordaniennes. ?p. 115- 49 in Bibk el Ontlli. Paris: Cerf 1967 (Article public dans Vivre el Pens", I := Ra'ue Biblique 50 [1941: 16 47]. Histoire A",:wlI/e d'lsraeL' IA Periode des Juges. Etudes Bibliques 57/2. Paris: 1973 Gabalda et Cie. Dornemann, R.H. 1990 Preliminary Comments 011 the Pottery Traditions at T ell Nimrin, Illustrated from the 1989 Season of E.xeavations. Anllual 0/" the Departmtllt ~ AI/tiquitits 0/" Jordan 34: 153 8 I. Driver, S.R. On Maps of Palestine Containing Sites. The Expository Times 2 I: 562- 66. 1909 Ferch, AJ. 1989 A Review of Critical Studies of Old T estament References to Heshbon. Pp. 39- 58 in Historical FoundatiollS: Studie.s ~ liUrary R4t:TtllCeJ to Hesban and Vicinity (Hesban 3), cds. LT. Geraty and L.G. Running. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews University Press/ Institute of Archaeology, Andrews University.

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49

Flanagan, j. W., and r..IcCreel)', D.W. 1990 FiJ1it Preliminary Repon of the 1989 T ell Nilmin Projecl. Anmwl tlj Ihe Departmenl rif Antiquities rif Jordan 34: 131 -52. Flanagan, j.W.; McCreery, D.W.; and Yassine, K.N. 1992 Preliminary Report of the 1990 Excavation at Tell Nimrin. Annual rif fhe Depurtment rif Alltiquitres rif Jordan 36: 89 Ill. Fohrer, G. 1961 Eisenzeitliche Anlagen im Raume sudlich \'on na'ur und die Sudwestgrenze von Amman. :(ei/Jehrifl da Deu/Jehen Paliistilla- Vtrt'iIlS 77: 56 71. Franken, HJ. 1969 Excat'ations at Tell Deir 'Alia. Vol. I: Stratigraphical 01/(/ AI/{/{ytical Stlldy rif the Ear{y frOIl Age Pottery. l,ciden: Brill. I 992i1 Excavatiolls at Tell Deir 'Alia, the LaU lJron~e Age Sancillary. l ,ouvain. I 992b Deir 'Alia, T ell. I'p. 126 29 in The Anchor Bible DictiO/wry, 2, cd. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. 1997 Deir 'Alia, Tell. Pp. 137 38 in The Oiford /,;ncyclopedia rif Archaeology ill llie jllear East, 2, cd. E.r.. 1. Meyers. New York: Oxford University Press. Geraty, LT. 1983a Heshbon: The First Casualty in the Israelite Quest for the Kingdom of God. I~). 239 48 in The Quatfor ti,e Kingdom rifCotI, Studies in /lonor rifGtorge E. Mendenhall, cds. H .B. Huffillon et al. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. 1983b T ell Hesban: 2700 Years of Fromier History. Al/lIl1al rif the Departmmt rif Alltiquitia rif.7ordall 27: 646 47. 1985 The Andrews University Madeba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report on the First Season at Tell El-'Umeiri. Andrews Uniursi!y &mil/llry SlIIdia 23: 85 lID. Heshbon. Pp. 181 84 in The Anchor nible Dictionary, 3, cd. D.N. Freedman. 1992 New York: Doubleday. Heshbon. Pp. 626 30 in lhe New Encyclopedia rif ATchlUological ExcUl'atiollJ in 1993 ti,e Ho{y Land, 2, cd. E. Stern. J erusalem: The Israel Exploration Society & Carta. Hesban. Pp. 19 22 in 771e Oiford l:.'nC)'dojJedia rif Archaeology in I}I( Nwr gut, 1997 3, cd. LM. Meyers. New York: Oxford University Press. Geraty, LT., and Ru nning, L.C ., cds. Historical Fowuiaholu: Slut/ies 0/ literary IUfutllces to Habal/ and J1icilli9' (J-I esban 3). 1989 Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University Press/Institute of Archaeology, Andrews University. Geraty, LT. , and Merling, D. 1994 Haball rifter Twetl!y-Five rears. Berrien Springs, r.. 1I: Andrews University. Geraty, L.T. il al. Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1984 Season at T ell 1986 cI-'Umeiri and Vicinity. Bulletill rif the AmerlcQlI Schools rif Oriental Rmarch Supplement 24: 117 19. 1987 Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Repo rt on the First Season at T ell el-'Umeiri and Vicinity. AII/Illal rif tilt Departmml rif Anliqllilia rif Jordan 31: 187 99. T he Joint Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report on the Second 1988 Season at T ell el-'Umciri and Vicinity (June 18 to August G, 1987). Alldrtws Unillersi9' Semillary Studies 26: 217 52. 1989.1. Madaba Plains Project: The 1987 Season ,It Tell d-'Umei ri ilnd Vicinity. Al/llUal rif the Departmetlt rif Antiquities rif Jordan 33: 145 76 I 989b Madaba Plains Ptoject I: The 1984 SeasOIl at Tell d-'Umtiri alld Vicini!)' and Subseqlltrlt Studies. Berrien Springs, M l: Andrews University.

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C I·IA PTER TWO

Ccsc, H. 1958 AmtTIonitischc Grcilzfcstungcn zwishccn wadi tS-sir und //a'uT. Ztitschrift des Deulschm Paliislina-Vmins 74: 5S 6-t Gray, G. B. 1902 Place Names. Cols. 3307- 20 in /:''nC)'clopoedia lJiblico.: A Critical Dictionary tV tht literary, Politicol and &ligiQUS /-listory. lhe Archaeology, GtQgraphy and Nalural His/ory !if the Bible, 3, cds. T.K . Cheyne and J S. Black. Toromo: ~ I o rang.

Gray, J. \967 Joshua, Judges and Rulh (T he CCIltUI)' Bible). New Edition. London: Nelsoll. Glueck, N. 1939 Explorations ill EnsILrTI Pales/illt, III. The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 18 19 (1937 1939). New Haven, CT: AmCI;can Schools of Oriental Research. 1951 Explorations in &stun Palestillt, II~ The Annual of the American Schools of O liental Research 25 28 (1945 1 9'~9) . New Haven, CT : American Schools of 01iental Research. Gra/~ R evcntlow, H.G. 1963 Das Ende der ammonitischen Grenzbefestigungskette? Ztilscnnfl des Drutschm PaliiJtilla~ Vrrtins 79: 127- 37. De Groot, J 193'1 I Samuel. Gl"Oningen. Hennessy, J.B. 'Amman Ai rport. Pp. 167 78 in Archarology oJJordan III. 1:U1d Rtports: Sur1989 IIryx & Silex A-K, cds. D. Homcs-Fredericq and J.B . Hennessy. Lcuven: Peeters. Holladay, W. L. 1989 Jrrtll1illn 2: A Commtlltary all ti,e Book oj tne Prophet Jrrtmwll Clmptm 26-52. J'\"linncapolis: Fort ress. Hentschkc, R. 1960 Ammonitischc CremJcslungcn sudwcstlich von 'amman. ,(titschrijl des /Jt!ltsChm Paliistilla- Vrrtins 76: 103- 23. Herr, L.G., ed. 1983 77,e Ammall Airport £Xcava/iol/x, 1976. Annual of the Ametican Schools of Oriental Research 48. Winona Lake, IN: W. B. Eerdmans. Herr, L.G. 1985 T he Servant of Baalis. Biblical Archaeologist 48: 169 72. 1992 Shifls in Settlement Patterns of Late Bronze and Iron Age Ammon. PI'. 175 77 in SludiM ill the HiJtory and Archatokw oJJordml I V. Amman: Depattment of Antiquities. Herr, L.G. et 01. 1991a .Jj [adaba Plains Project 2: The 1987 SeaxOIl al Tell el-'Umein alld IrlCini!), alld Subxrquml StuditJ. Berrien Spings, MI : Andrews University. 1991b Madaba Plains Project: T he 1989 Excavations at 'r dl el-'Umeiri and Vicinity. .'111111101 oj the Department oj Alltiquitiex oj Jordan 35: 155- 79. ~ I adaba Plains Project: The 1992 Excavations al Tcll el-'Umciri, Tell J alul, 1994 and Vicinity. Am/Uol oj the Departmmt oj Allliquities oj Jordall 38: 147- 72. Horn, S. H. T he 1968 Heshbon Expedition. Biblical Archaeologist 32: 26 41. 1969 T he 1971 Season of Excavations at Tell Hesban. AlImwl oj Ihe Dtparlmml oj 1972 AnliquiliM oj Jordan 17: 15 22. Heshbon. Pp. 410 II in IlIlerprelc'x Dictionary oJthe Bible Supplemmlary Volume, 1976 cds. K. Crim el 01. Nashville: Abingdon.

AMMON ITE TERR ITORY AND SIT ES

51

f-Irsbal/ ill Nle Bible mul Ardweolog)1. Occasional Parx:rs of the Horn Archaeological M uscum, Number 2. Berrien Springs, 1\ 11: I-lorn Archaeolo,!,'Y 1\ l uscum, Andrews University. Hubner, U. 1992 Die Ammoniter: Untersuchullgen zur Geschi(hil, Kultur um! Religiol/ niles Tmlliordallud/€/l Volks im I. JailTlnusend V. CiI. Abhandlungen des Deutschen Palastinavereins, Hand 16. \Viesbaden: Harrassowitz. H umbert, J.-B. et al. 1989 Citadelle de Amman, Jebel Qala'ah, 1988 1989. libtr AII/llllts 39: 248 53. H umber! , J.-B., and Zayadinc, F. 1989 Amman (Rabbat Ammon, Philadelphia): L1 terrasse basse de la Citadelle. Pp. 22 29 in COlltributioll ftall(aise Ii l'archiologie jordtlllielllu, 1989. Amman: Inslitut francais pour archcologic du Proche Orient. 1992 T rois Campagnes de fouilles a Amlmin (1988 1991 ): Troisicmc ten·assc de la citadelle. Revue Hibfique 99/1: 214 60. Ibach, R.D. 1978 An Intensivc Surface Survey al J alu!. Andrews UnilJe1sirY Semin(1)' Studies 16: 215-22. Ibach, R. 1987 Ardwlological Survty f!! the f-Iesban Region: Catalogue f!! Siles (llId Clwracten·zation if Periods (lJesball 5). Berrien Springs, 1\11: Andrews University and Institute of Archaeolo,!,'Y. Ibrahim, M.M. 1972 Archaeological Excavations at Sahab, 1972. Allllual if the Departmenl if Alltiquities f!! Jordan 17: 23 36. 1989 Sahab. Pp. 516 20 in Archalology f!!]ordnll. I'olumt II 2: Field Reports SiltS L-Z cds. D. Homcs- Fredericq and J.B. Hennessy. Leuvcn: Peeters. Israel, F. 1997 Ammonite Inscriptions. PI'. 105 07 in 17le O~ford EIIC)"c/opedia if ArdlOeologl' ill Ihe NeaT Ellst, I, cd. £.1\ 1. 1\ leyers. Ncw York: Oxford University Press. J ackson, K.P. 1983 771e Ammonite lAnguage if the /rOil Age. Harvard Semilic 1\ lonographs, No. 27. Chico, CA: Scholars. Kafat!, Z.A. 1985 Egyptia n T opographic Lists of thc Late Bronze Age on J ordan , East Hank. lJiblische Notiztll 29: 17 21. Kallai, .J. 1986 Hiswricaf Geography if Nle Bibl,: The Tribal T em·toTies rif Israel .Jell.lsalelll l .ciden: The Magnes Press/T he Hebrew University/ Brill. Kasher, A. Jews, /dumaealls, alld /]'"imt Arabia: Relntions if Ihe Jews ill Eretz-Israel wilh Ihe Nnliofl.S f!! Ihe Fmntier alld tIle Deserl during Ihe Hellenistic alld Romall Era (332 B.C.E 70 CE). TObingcn: :\ Iohr (Sicbeck). Kiener, R. 1991 Thc Rujm cI-Malfuf Buildings and thc Ass),lian Vassal State of Ammon. Bullelill if tile American Schools if Orienwl Researdl 284: 33 50. K!ostennann, E. , cd. 1966 Eusehius: Das Ollomastikoll der lJibfischen Ort.sllOmm. Hidlcsheim: Ohm. Knauf, E.A. 1984 Abel Kcramim . Zeitschrifl des iJeutsrhen Pollislilla-Vereills 100: 11921. 1990 Hesbon, Sihons Stadt. Zntschrifi des Delllsdu:1I P(l/dstilln- Jlmills 106· 135 44. 1992 Abcl-kcramim. Pp. 10 I J in The AncllOT Bihle /)irliOlIO,}" I, cd. D.N. Freedman. Ncw York: Doubleday. 1982

52

CHAPTER TWO

Koehler, L., and Haurngartner, \V. cds. 1958 UX£COII in Vtlerif Testamenti LihroJ. Lcidcn: BrilL van (kr Kooij, C. OCif 'Alia, T ell. I~). 338 42 in 71!t,N(W /!,ncydopedin oj Archaeological Excavations 1993 in 1M Ho{y Lond, I> cd. E. Stem. J erusalem: The Israel Exploration Society & Carta. van clef Kooij, G., and Ibrahim, M.M., cds. 1989 Picking Up tile Threads: 11 Continuing Rroiew if ExawaliOIlJ at Dei, 'Alia, Jardan. I..cidcn: University of Lcidcll Archaeological Centcr. L,Bianca, 0.S. 1989 Hcsban. Pp. 261 - 69 in Arduuolo~ oJJordan, 1lI. FirM Reports, SUrvr;)'s & Sites A K, cds. O. Homcs-Frcdericq and J.B. Hennessy. Lcuvcn: Peeters. L.lOdcs, C.M. 1956 The Fountain al J azcr. /Julktin oj Ihe American &hoo/s oj Oriental Research 144: 30 37. 1961 The l\htcrial Civilization of the Ammonites. Bihficul Archaeologist 24: 66 86. Lemaire, A. 1981 Galaad ct Makir. Vttus Teslamnltum 31: 39 61. 1992 Heshbon = Hesban? Pp. 64*- 70· in l!.re/z-lsratL· Archaeological, Historical 0110 Geograplu'cal Studies, 23, eds. E. Stern and 1'. Levi. J erusalem: The Israel Exploration Society/ Hebrew Union Col1ege, J ewish Institute of Religion. 1997 Deir 'Alia Inscriptions. Pp. 138- 40 in The Oxford El1rycwptdia if' Archaeology ill the NMr East, 2, cd. E.M. Meyers. New York: Oxford University Press. Lenzen, C j. , and 1o.kQuillY, A. 1984 Khirbet Slaameh. Allllual if the Depar/menl if' Antiqui/ies if' Jordall 28: 295. The Site of Khirbct Salameh. AmlUal if'the Department if' Antiquities if'Jordal1 1987 31: 201 - 04. Luckenbill , D.O. 1926 Anciml Records if' ASryrla and &lrywllia. Volume I: Historical Records if' AsS)"Tia .from the Earliest TImes to SorgOIl. New York: Greenwood. Lugenbeal , E..N., and Sauer, J.A. 1972 Sevent h- Sixth Century ltC. POllery from Area B at Heshbon. Alldrews Ulliversiry Semillary Studies 1011: 21 69. MacDonald, H. 1994 Ammoll, Moab alld &10m: £orry States/NatiollS if'Jordall ill tIle Biblical Period (l!.nd if'the 211d and Dun'ng the 1st Milfnmium s.c.). Amman: AI Kutba. Mattingly, G. L. 1992a Ar. P. 321 in 17le Allchor Bibk Dictionary, I, ed. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. 1992b Aroer. Pp. 399 400 in The AI/chor Bibk Dictiollory, 1, cd. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. McCreery, D.W., and Yassine, K. Mazar, Tell £1-. Pp. H3- 44 ill The Oxford Enrycwpedw if' Archaeowgy ill the 1997 Near East, 3, cd. E.1...1. j\·!eyers. New York: Oxford University Press. McGovcrn, P.E. 1980 Explorations in the Umm acl- Dananir Region of the Haq'ah Valley 1977- 1978. AmlUal if'the lJepartmenl if' Antiquities if'Jordall 24: 55 67. 1983 Test Soundings of Archaeological and Resistivity Survey Results at Rujm el-Henu. Allllual if'the fkpartlllfflt if' Alltiquities if' Jordon 27: 105- 41. 1986 The Late /Jroll~e Age alld Earty /rOil Ages if'Central Trallfjordan: 'The Baq'ah Vall,!) Prqjecl, 1977- 198. University Museum Monograph 65. Philadelphia: The Univcrsity Muscum, Univcl"Sity of Pcnnsylvania. 1987 Ccntral Transjordan in thc Latc Bronze and Early Iron Agcs: An Alternate Hypothesis of Socio-Economic Transformation and Collapse. pp. 267- 73

AMMON ITE TERR ITO RY AND SITES

53

in Studies ill the flis/ory alld Ardwiology rif ]fJrdall, 1/1, ed. A Hadidi. Amman: Department of Amiquities. 1989 T he Baq'ah Valley Project 1987, Khirbct Umm ad- Dananir and al-Qesir. Allllual rif the Depar/Illillt rif Alltiquities rif Jordall 33: 123 36. 1992 Scttlcment Patterns of the Late Bronze and Iron Ages in the Greater Amman Area. Pp. 179 83 in Studies ill tllt~ History alld Archaeo[og)' ofJo,dall IV. Amman: Departmcnt of Amiquilics. 1993 Baq'ah Valley. Pp. 144 4-7 in the New t.nqcioptdia of Archaeological Efcallatiolls ill tIle I/oly ullld, I, ed. E. Stern. Jerusalem: The Israel Exploration Society & Carta. McNannara, 1\-1. 1972 TargulII alld Tes/mllmt: Ammaic Paraphrases of tI,t flebw Bible: A Light Oil /lleNew Tes/allltllt. Sha nnon: hish University. Merling, D. 1991 Heshbon: A Lost CilY of the Bible. Archaeology ill the Biblical lVorld 1/2: 10 17. Merrill, S. 1881 tast rif /he Jordall: A Rtlord rif Traul alld Obstn'atioll ill lhe Coulltries of 1\ loab. Gilead, alld Bashall durillg (he YiaTs 1875 1877. New York: Scribner's Sons (reprint, 1883). Millard, A. 1991 \Vliting in J ordan: From Cuneiform to Arabic. Pp. 13359 in Tre(I.Juresfiolll all Allcitllt Lalld: 17,e Art rif Jordall, ed. ]). Bienkowski. Liverpool: National M useums and Gallerics on Merscysidc. Miller, ).M. 1983 Site Identification: A Problem Area in Contempor'lI)' Biblical Scholarship.
54 Peterson, 1980

1992

CHAPTER T WO

J.L. A Topographical Surrace Survey of the Levitical "Cities" of Joshua 21 and I Chronicles 6: Studies on the Lcvitcs in Israelite Li fe and Religion. Unpublished Ph.D. disscnation. Chicago Institute of Advanced T heological Studies and Scabury·Wcslcrn T heological Seminary, Evanston, IL. Jazcr. Pp. 650- 51 in The /lnchor Bible Dictionary, 4, cd. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday.

Prag, K. 1988

Kilns of the Intcnncdiatc Early Bronzc-!Vliddlc Bronze Age a\ T ell Iktanu. Preliminary Re port, 1987 Season. Annual 0/ Ihe DepaTlmtTIl oj Antiquities oj ]()rdan 32: 59 73, [989a Preliminary Report on the Excavations at T ell Iktanu, J ordan, 1987. uval/l 21: 33 45. I989b lktanu (,f ell). Pp. 275- 80 in Archaeolofg qf Jordan III. Filld Rrports: Survrys & SillS A- I(, cds. D. Homcs-Fredericq and j. B. Hennessy. Leuven: Peeters. 1990 Preliminary Report on the Exca\'ations at Tell Iktanu , Jordan, 1989. Annual oj the Department if Antiquiliu ojJordall 34: 119 ~30. 1991 Prelim inary Report on the Excava tions at Tell Iktanu and Tell aiHammam, J ordan, 1990. Leva,,/ 23: 55- 66. Pritchard, J.p. , cd 1969 Allcienl Nnv &stem Texis Rrw/ing to Ihe Old Tuta7llml. Third Edition with Supplement. Princeton, ~J : Princeton University. von Rabenau, K . 1978 Ammonitische VerteidigungsanJagen zwischen Hirbet el- Bisara und cIYadude. Zeilschrifl des Deuischen Palii.stilla-Vereins 94: 46 55. Redford, I). 1982a Contact Between Egypt and Jordan in the New Kingdom: Some Comments on Sources. Pp. I 15 19 in Siudies in the History and Archaeology oj Jordan I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. I 982b A Bronze Age Itinerary in Transjordan (Nos. 89 ~ IOI of Thulmosc Ill 's List of Asiatic T oponyms). Journal oj the Sccie!)! for /he Slu& oj Egyptiatl Antiquitiu 12: 55 74. Richter, W. 1966 Die Ubcrlicfcrungcn urn J eph tah, RI 10, 7 12, 6. lJiblica 47: 485 556. Rowley, 1-1.1·1. 1970 Dictionary oj Bible PWet Names. Lo ndon: Marshall, Morgan & Scott. Sanuto, M. 1897 Secrets for the True Crusaders to help lhem to recover the Holy Land. PPTS 12. London: Palestine Exploration Fund. Sauer, J.A. 1973 Hes/iboll Pottery 1971. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews Un~fersity. [985 Ammon, !I.'loab and Edom. Pp. 206 14 in Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings oj the Illtemational Congress Olt Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, April 1984. J CnLsalcm: Israel Exploration Society/T he Israel Academy of Sciences and H umanities in cooperation wit h the American Schools of Oriental Research. Sayee, A. H ., and Soggin, J.A. 1979 Amorites. PI'. 113- 14 in The Ill/emational Standard Bibk ElU)·clopedia. Revised edition, I, cds. G.W. Bromilcy el al. Grand Rapids, M I: W. B. Ecrdmans. Schultzc, F. 1932 Eill neuer Meilens/l'ilt Ulld di£ !..age VOII Jazer. (Paltistina Jahrbuch 28). Berlin. Scetzen, UJ . 1854 ~55 Reuen durdt Syneu, PiilaJtina, Phijllicien. die TrQ/~ordan Uilldrr, Arabia Petraea ullfi Unler-A~roPlm, 3 vols. Berlin: Reimer.

AMMONITE TERRITORY Al\'D SITES

55

Simmons, A. , and Kafafi, Z. 1988 Preliminary Rcport on Ihe 'Ain Ghazal Archaeological SUivey, 1987. 1III/lUal if the &partmtnt if Antiquities if Jordall 32: 27 41. Simmons, A. , and Kafafi , Z. 1992 The 'Ain Ghazal Slirvey: Patterns of Settlement in the Greater Wadi AzZarqa Area, Central J ordan. Pp. 77 82 in Studies ill tIlt /listory alUl Archatology if Jordan IV. Amman: Department of Antiqllities. Simons, J. 1959 The Geographical and Topographical 7txts if the Old 7 (stamm!: II Concice CommmUll)1 ill XXXII Chaptm. Lcidcn: Blill. Thompson, H.O. The 1972 Excavation of Khirhel aI- Hajjar. Allnual if the IJr/Jartmm! if Antiquities 1972 if Jordan 17: 47 72. 1973a Rujm AI-i\ talfuf South. Allflual if the Department if Antiquities if Jordan 18: 47- 50. 1973b The Excavation of T e11 Siran (1972). ;blllual if the Departmtll.t r1 Antiquities if" Jordan 18: 5 14. 1973e The Biblical Ammonites. nit Australiml Joun/al if Biblical Archaeowgy 1.6 (= 2.2), 31 38. Rujm al-i\ lalfuf sud et Rujm al-i\ lckheizin. Ret'ut Biblil/lle 82: 97 100. 1975 1984 The Excavation of Rujm el-J\ leklu:izin. Amilia! if tIlt Departmmt if Alltiquities if" Jordan 28: 31 3B. 1989 The T owus of J ordan. Pp. 1 9 in Arr/weology illJori/IIII, cd. H.O. T hompson. Amelican University Studies. Series IX , Vol. 55. New York: Lang. Timm , S. 1989a ilJoab ;:.wisdltll. dm t\lli"clltm: SlIIdim <:u historisrhm DeT/};miikm IlIId Textm. A.gyplcn und Altes T estament, 17. \Viesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1989b Die Ausgrabungell in Hesban als Test/all der nellcren PaHistina-Arch;iologie. Nederdllits Gerifomlttr& Teologim 7j'd.rkrij30: 167 78. Van Scters, J. 1980 Once Again The Conquest of Sihon's Kingdom. JOllrnal if" Biblical literatllre 99: 117 19. Vyhmeister, W.K. The Hislol), of Hcshbon from the Literary Sources. Pp. 3 23 in /listorieal 1989 FOlllldaliQnJ: Studies if Lilerary Riferl!llctS 10 Hesban and Vicillity (Hesban 3), cds. L.T. Geraty and L.G. Running. Berrien Splill!-,'S, 1\ 11 : Andrews University! Institute of Archaeology, Andrews University. Weinfeld, M. 1983 The Extent of the Promised Land Ihe SlalllS of Transjordan. Pp. 59 73 in Das Lalld iJmei ill biblischer Zeil: Jernsakm-SjmposiulII 1981 dtT lIebriiisclll!ll ljl/iversiNit IIIld der Georg-Augusl UlI1versitiit, cd. G. Strecker. Gottingen: Vandenhocck & Ruprecht. Weippcrt, 1\ 1. 1987 The Relations of the States East of the J ordan with the J\lcsopOlamian Powers during the First I\ lillenniUI11 B.C. I~). 97 lOS in alld Arcaheology if Jordan 111, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. 'Vil11l11er, D.H. 1985 T he Third Archaeological Expedition to Te11 Safu\. LibtT AllnllUJ 35: 408 10. Wimmer, D. H. 1987a T he Excavations at ·f ell Sarll\. Pp. 279 82 in StuditJ ill Ihe lIiJtory a1l(1 Archaeology r1 Jordtlll /II, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of antiquities. 1987b T ell Saful Excavations, 1982 85: A Prcliminal), Repo11. Allnual r1 tJu: Departmmt if Antiqllities if Jordan 31: 157 74. 1992 Saful, Tell. I~). 896- 97 in n e Anchor !Jihle DictionaT)', 5, cd. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday.

56 1997

CHAPTER TWO

SafuI, Tell. Pl'. 448- 50 in The Oiford Enryclopedia rf Ardl/l£ology in !he Near East, 4, cd. E.M. Meyers. New York: Oxford University Press.

Yassinc, K. I984a Tell!!.1 Mat.ar I: Cemetery A. Amman: The University of J ordan. J984b T he Open Court Sanctuary from the Iron I al T ell cI·Mazar Mound A Zatschrift des Deuuchen Po/listina- I'ertins 100: 108- 18. Yassinc, K., and Tcixidor, .J. 1986 Ammonite and Aramaic Inscriptions from Tell el-Mazar ill J ordan. Bulletin oj the Ammcan Schools oj OrWital Research 264: 45- 50. Yassinc, K . 1988 Ammonite Fortresses, Date and Function. Pp. II 31 in Archur%gy tifJordan: Essays alld Reports, cd. K. Vassinc. Amman: Department of Archaeology, University of Jordan. Younker, R.W. 1985 Israel, J udah, and Ammon a nd the Motifs all the Baalis Seal from Tell d'Urneiri. Biblical Archaeologist 48: 173 80. 1989 "Towers" in the Region Surrounding Tell cl-'Umciri. pp. 195~98 in Ma daba Plains Project I: The /984 Season at Tell ef- 'Uman and Vu:illiry alld Subsequenl Siudies, cds. L.G. Herr et 01. Benien Springs, M I: Andrews University. Younker, R.W. el of. 1990 The Joint Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report orthe 1989 Season, Including the Regional Survey and Excavations at el-Dreijat, T ell J awa, and Tell cl-'Umeiri (june 19 to August 8, 1989). Andrews Univn-siry Seminary SludiM 28: 5~52. Younker, R.\V. 1991a T he J udgment Survey. Pp. 269- 334 in Madaba Plains Itf!jtcl 2: The 1987 Season at Tell el-'Urnein and Jliciniry and Subsequent Siudies, cds. L.G. Herr el at. Benicn Springs, ~\'fI : Andrews University. 1991b Architectural Remains rrom the Hinterland Survey. Pp. 335~ 42 in Madabn Plains Project 2: The /987 Season at Tell el-'Urnein and Vu:iniry and Subsequent StwiiM, cds. L.G. Herr et al. Berrien Spl;ngs, MI : Andrews University. 1992 Minnith. P. 842 in The AnchoT Bible Dictionary, 4, cd. D.N. Freed man. New York: Doubleday. Zayadine, F. 1985 Fouilles de Djebcl el Akhdar (Amman). ~-ria 63: 152- 53. Lcs rortifications pre-helleniques et hellenistiques en Transjordanie et en 1986 Palestine. Pp. 149 56 in La fortification dan I'hisroire du monde grtc. CNR S Colloque Internationale 6 14 (dcccmbre 1982). Paris. Zayadine, F., and T hompson, H .O. 1989 T he Ammonite Inscription rrom T ell Siran. pp. 159- 93 in Archaeology in Jordan, cd. H.O . Thompson. American University Studies. Series IX, Vol. 55. New York: Lang. Zayadinc, F. et of. 1989 T he 1988 Excavations on the Citadel or Amman, Lower T errace, Area A. Allllllal rif the Department rif II ntiquities rif Jordan 33: 35 7~ 63. van Zyl, A. H . 1960 The MoabileJ. Lcidcn: Brill.

C HA PTER THR EE

CENTRAL JORDAN lAN CERAMIC TRADlTIONS GLORIA L ONDON

Burke 1-.luscum

or Natural

History and Culture

Introduction

PoltelY of Iron Age date in central Jordan demonstrates both eontiouity with Late Bronze Age traditions as well as significant changes in form , finish and fabrication techniques. As the manufacturing technology changed, so did the vessel shapes and surface treatment. These developments occurred throughout the area of ancient Jordan and Israel at different times in different places during the span of the Iron Age. In common with most areas, the general region known as Ammon presents a chall enge to characterize in terms of ancient ce ram ic traditions and poli tica l boundaries. The two do not invariably overlap or co-vary. Although there have been nu merous archaeological excavations in the region yielding large quantities of pOltelY, a relatively small number of sherds has been sampled min eralogi cally or otherwise to determine if the material was made in th e region or brought from afar. POllelY production locations evade detection. For these reasons, it remains unknown wh ich poltelY types can be considered made in Ammon before or during the era of an Ammonite emilY memioned in th e Hebrew Bible. Archaeologists often assume that the bulk of polte lY excavated at a si te was of "local" origin, but the tenn is ambiguous, at limes implying that the pottelY was made at the site, at a nearby si te, or some place in the regio n as opposed to articles of long distance trade. In the absence of adequate min eralot,r:ical testing to confirm local OIigin, the following discussion addresses only the broader regional ceramic traditions of central J ordan. One advantage of not attributing specific wares to the Ammonite area and treating the ce ntral Jordanian region rather th an Ammon specifically, is that we avoid associating and identifyi ng pottery wi th people and political or social enti ties.

58

C HAPT ER THREE

Pottery starls, of course, as clay in the ground. It is fi rst exca· vatcd and prepared, then shaped into containers, dried, fi red and distributed. The goal here is to follow the \vork sc hedule of a pOlle r rather th an prese nt a typ ological treatment of the final forms. The ceramic potential, tradi tio ns and technologies precede evidence of the man ufacturing techniqu es in usc during the L.:'1le Bronze a nd Iron Ages in central J ordan.

Ceramic Potential fij Central J ordan

Raw Nlaterials Jor the Potter: Clay, I Vater, and Fuel For the geologist, the characterization of clay diHers d ramatically from a description of clay offered by a POltcr. For the lalter, the primalY concern is whether o r not he/she can fas hion pOLS from a particular clay rather th an the mineralogical analysis of the clay components preferred by th e geologist and archaeologisl. Designation as a "good clay" implies that th e polter possesses a technique suitable for shaping the clay into pots. A "bad clay" re fers to a material unworkable for a particular pOllcr, although it may well bc sui table for another pOller who uses a different manufacturing technique. A vari ety of loca l cl ays, available in cen tral J ordan and elsewhere in the counllY, sti ll supplies J ordanian polters to this day (London an d Sincl air 1991 ). Clays amcnable for wheel-thrown pOlt elY arc uscd by professio nal crafts people who sell ponery at markets and road side stands (Homes- Frederiq and Franken 1986: 249; London and Sinclair 1991 ). Other potters work wi th local clays to fabricate wares for household use (Lo ndon and Sinclair 1991: 421; l'vlerschen 1985). McQuitty (1984) documcnts the use of local clay for constructing ovens. At least some, if not all , of these clay sources were availabl e and exploited at different times in antiquity. It was not imperativc to import clays or pots to J orda n. Clays in both J ordan and Israel tcnd to be in secondary deposition; that is, rather th an find ing clays adjacent to their parent rocks, the clay beds predominate along stream beds and depositional pockets far from their OIi gins. As a consequence, \\~nd bl own and water lain cl ay deposits create a raw material mixed with an assortment of rocks and dcbris. The latter can be dell-imeJltai to pottery production and at times rcquired pOllers to exert special effort in prcpar-

CENTRAL JORDANIA.,\l

CE RA~IIC

TRADITIONS

59

ing the clay prior to its usc, over and above the normal removal of unwamcd large rocks, leaves, roots, etc. Potters will usually carcrully prepare the raw matcl;
60

C H APTER T H REE

Consequently, in place of fine , well executed designs, if a sloppy paltern covers a large part of the vessel surface and if quantity of decoration exceeds the quality of the design , it is possible that marginally skilled painters \vere responsible rather than professionals. Such a situation characte ri zes exported Cyp riot ' '''hite Slip milk bowls (London 1986). In contrast to earlier examples displaying well executed and fine line palterns, later ""hite Slip wares made for expon exh ibit crowded, busy, and thicker lines pa inted by inexperienced learners. Painted pottery was not the norm in anciclll J ordan and Israel, but given the nature of the raw materials and the society, the potters worked with what was available to creale usable, durable, low-cost, utilitarian pottcry and luxury wares.

Importance qf Water Without a reliable water sou rce, pOllers cannot work. Ancient potlcrs in J ordan, Israci, and throughout the Levan t, had no alternative but sail-rich clays and water. They overcame the shortcomings of the local material by scraping the surface of drying pouery to remove the salt deposit. In removing the sal t deposit, pOllers simultaneously scraped away excess clay and created a th inner walled pot and a surface receptive to pai nt. By scraping away excess clay, the potters resolved several problems simultaneously: thinner waUs crcate a lighter, more elegant form , less likely to crack during drying and firin g; and removable of the salt or scum deposits allows a slip and pai nted decoration to adhere and be visible. "" hen the potters failed to remove the excess clay and salt deposit from a pot, their problems multiplied since each step of the manufacturi ng process inAuences the next stage of work. Unless the salt deposit was removed, the slip and paint could not a dhere well Even if the paint adhered, the presence of salts on the surface create an overa ll whitish or graying background which masked the painted pattern by reducing its visibility or making it less sharp and colorfuL In addition, by scraping drying pots at precisely the right time, the clay particles on the surface become aligned in such a manner that when fired correctly, a burnish sheen can result. Given the problems palters confron ted, there is little wonder that much of the terminal Late Bronze and Iron Age pottery lacks painted decoration . Nor is it by chance that a manufacturing techniq ue involving scraping or "turning" to thin the walls coincides with the re turn to burnished surfaces. In contrast with earlie r pOllery, Late

CENTRAL JORDAN I AN CERAMIC TRADITIONS

61

Bronze Age wares are often described in negative terms as heavy, thick, and poor in shape and decoration. In the absence of scraping and thinning the walls, heavy, thick pottelY, lacking graceful lines and decoration, results. In view of lhe above, the most significam problem Wilh the L.:'1te Bronze Age ponery was the failure to thin the vessel wall. Failure to do this led to a number of undesirable consequences, includ ing: (I) thick "s" cracked bases; (2) heavy walls; (3) salt accumu lation on lhe surface; (4) poor slip adhesion; and (5) poor paint adhesion and low visibililY (Franken and London 1996). The end result was an industry in need of improvement. Outside impetus was not essellliaJ for potte rs to eventually learn LO resolve the problems presented by the raw materials. On e benefit from scraping away excess clay is that the surface becomes compacted du e to the pressure of the sc raping tool. If the clay is neither LOO wet nor too dry when scraped, and if the pot is fired LO an approp riate temperature in tht.: kiln, the result will be a burnished shee n clue to the compacting and aligning of the clay particles. Ahhough initially th e burnished sheen was an unimentional bonus, the act of turning or scraping the ex terior wall created a su rface suitable for slip and paint adhesion or it created a burnished shin y veneer. Perhaps once the pOllers realized that both outcomes were feasible, they chose burnished surfaces over painted sl ips. At the time of paint application, the pattern may have been well executed in sharp C1isp lines, however, carefulty rendered lines can melt into drip lines if the kiln temperature becomes LOO high. Burnished surfaces arc always compacted, but they arc not necessarily shiny. To ach ieve the sheen requires a kiln temperature which is high enough to cause it to appcar, but not so high as 10 eradicate the sheen. Fuel Jor the Kiln

Fucl availability to fire potlelY in ancient J ordan was not necessa rily problematic si nce kilns can be fired using a variety or organic materials, such as pine cones, wood, dung, bark, etc. In northern Jordan , a I'ural pottcr still uses dung cakes to fire her pit kiln (London and Sinclair 1991: 421 ) as is commonly done elsewhere in the world (London 1981: 194). Dung may have been collected and used for kiln fires in al1liquilY. Rather than burning large quantities or fucl, kiln firi ng can be a 12 hour process which maximizes smaJl amoulllS or precious ruel. In Cyprus, for example, among traditionaJ rural

62

CHAPTER T I-IREE

potlers who fire jugs, cooking POLS, etc., wares arc slacked in the kiln at 7:00 a.m. and left there for 24 hours. The big roaring fire, however, is of short duration, based on observations of over 30 flrings. I nilially the fire is a drying fire, comprised of the smallest twigs, for several hours until the pOlS are thoroughly dried. Gradually, sliglllly larger pieces of wood are placed in the firebox. Not until between eight and len hours later are a few large logs, ca. 15 em in diameter, added for two or three hours only (London I 989c: 224). Just as the Cypriote polters wisely ut.ilize limited fuel resources, so did the ancient polters. Since traditional poners arc responsible for collecting and transporting their fuel, often on their backs, it is most advantageous lO maximize ruel usc. Poners prerer lO transpon clay lO make more pots instead or ruel. As a result, vast quantities or wood were not required to fire most wares. This is perhaps evident in the firing colors or the ancien t wares. Archaeologists orten describe pott ery as "poorly fired." Fuel conselV'ation could be one cause of the darkened cores round in the walls ir the pOllers chose lO SlOp the firing once the pouel)' was durable but not rully oxidized. Other ractors contributing lO the darkened core and partially fired wares, are the inclusion lype as well as the surrace treatmen t (Franken and London 1995: 218). Burnished wares lose their sheen when fired too high ror too long, thereby limiting firing time and tcmperature. Finally, paintcd designs can drip and discolor as a result or overly high firing. As a result, there were numerous reaso ns ror the potters to minimize the heal. Another efficien t use or fuel involves maximization or the kiln space ror each firing. This requires that potters store dl)'ing pottery until there is enough to fill a kiln. Normally potters make and accumulate pots or all sizes and shapes to fill evel), part or the kiln interior. Alternatively, one pOller might share a kiln with another potter. An arrangement or thi s type ha ppens regularly during the pOllel),making season, especially between potters who specialize in a single ca tegory or pots. For exa mple, potters who conce ntrate on labor intensive small composite decorative pieces sharc a kiln wi th a POltcr who produces large quantities or ordinal)" less time consumi ng utilitarian rorms ror daily usc. At the end or the season, when no potter has enough ell)' pots lO fill a kiln, but the autumn clouds threaten, several potters might share a kiln. Another space saving practice involves stacking small pots inside larger comainers to maximize space (London, Egoumellidou and Karageorghis 1989: 62).

CENTRA L JORDANI Ao'l CERAM IC T RADIT IONS

63

Transportation and Distribution rlj Pottery Rather than the lack or fu el or clays, transportation of pottery [0 J ordan was both a problem a nd an inspiration. Al tho ugh rragile POltery can be transported ove r considerable distances, geography did not raci lita te easy access to J ordan . Th roughou t the Levantine coastal stri p, pottery production was a rea[u re or the economy, as was the importation or the decorated and speciahy wares rrom CYPnlS, Greece, a nd Egyp t. Orna mental ceramics, especially from the Aegean which specialized in painted pott ery, provided a ncien t Israel and Lebanon with a source or luxury wares on a regular basis, at least until the end or the second millennium B.C.E., when the local " Philistine" paintcd pottcry repl aced the Aegea n imports. Thro ughou t Cyprus and Greece, clays o r vasLly different quali ties co ntribute to a thriving local ceramics indusll), ( ~ I a t son 1972). In contrast, the clays or the Levant and J orda n, round largely in secondary deposition, do no t oOc r th e versatil ity or the Aegean raw materials. Neutron activatio n and petrographic analyses confirm the presence o r imports to Israel , where pots could a lTive by sh ip and then be dispersed to their final destinat ion on land. HO\vever, the geog raphic location or J ordan requ ired a long, arduous land route ror the rriable pOllery and its contents. As a consequence, there was conside rable incentive to create a local ceramic tradition or fine wa res as well as ut.ilital;an ro rms. To access J ordanian markets, merchants no t on ly tran sported the wares rro m considerable distances, but a lso sustai ned the increased risk and cost or moving a highly breakable com modity or rel atively low intrinsic value. There is no q uestion that some imported pottery did reach J ordan rro m the Mediterranean, Egypt, and Saudi Arab ia . Evidence ror this includes the wcll-known luxUl), wares ro und at the
64

CHAYTER THREE

where biconical vessels are morc com mon (London, PLint and Smith 1991: 430). Imported pOltC1Y from the east, such as the "Assyrian Palace ware," has been recorded at numerous siles throughout J ordan (Yassinc 1984: 68), and other wares were probably brought from this direction as we ll. In his assessment of the di stribution of painted " Midi anite" ware made in northwest Arabia and found spari ngly in J ordan, Parr (1982: 129) concludes that th is pouery was not "delib· crately and methodically traded." This is despite the natural northsouth route through J ordan to Arabia. The relative dearth of imported decorated wares implies that geography encouraged or necessitated local pOllery prod uction in J ordan. At times, ancient potters in ancien t J ordan excelled. 'Wares belonging to the chocolate-on-white tradition represent some of the finest local products of the mid-second miUe nnium RC.E. in J ordan and Israel. Several hundred years late r, if not the pouery itself, the Iron Age I cooking pot tradition known in Israel was transmitted from J ordan (Franken and Ka lsbeck 1969: 119- 22). To compensate for the geograph ic constrai nts limiting the importation of pottery, the local ceramics industry met the challenge by creating both luxury and common warcs. At present, we a re just beginning to learn a bout the movement of mate ri al cult ure across the Jordan River in both directions (Knapp 1989; Goren 1996: 63). There is no reason to assume that the moveme nt and exchange of tec hnology and commun ication was entirely in one direction or dominated by either.

Ceramic Traditions At any given tim e in antiqui ty, it is likely that more tha n one pottery making techn ique was in practice for the construction of pots found within individual assemblages. The presence of different manufaclUling techniques in excavated poltery from a given sile does not necessarily imply competition a mong potters or workshops. Diverse potting techniques co-exist ror man y reasons- these can include: different properties of the clays; special demands of cooki ng versus table and fin e ware; unique requirements for large versus small containers; and requirements for finishing techniques. Franken ( 1995: 99) describes a single ce ramic tradition wi thin any archaeological period as comprising all aspects of contemporaneous pottery production from cl ay procurement to manufacture, deco-

CENTRAL JORDAo'l'IA.'-I CERAMIC TRADITIONS

65

ration, drying, firing and di stribution. An archaeological assemblage can consist of morc than one tradition , as is the si tuation for cooking pots which often differ from the rest of the repertoire in clay, inclu sions, fabrication , firing, and distribution. A single tradition can be widespread or restricted to a smail number of people or workshops. l\lore than one tradition can co-exist. Specific types can be fashioned using more than one technique within an archaeological period and ceramic tradition , as is the si tuation for bowls, cooking pots, juglels, elC. Each technique, possibly representing different workshops and raw materials, can facilitate the identification of regional produ ction celllers. For our purpose, the goal is to idelllify and describe th e numerou s co-existing pOllery makin g techniques and tradi tions used by potlers working in the cen tral J ordan ian plateau during the Late Bronze and Iron Ages. Most techniques continued in use throughout the pel;od, although towards the end the practice of turning ponery beca me less prevalem than previously. It is the coincidence of fabl;cation technique, shape, clay, and surface treatment that allow one to identify the work of different contemporaneous production sources. To define the celllral J ordanian Late Bronze and Iron Agc ceramic traditions requ ires the assessment of complete or recon structable pots and sherds. The analysis of whole vessels enables one to sea rch for cvidence of all aspects of manufacture. Several detailed st udies arc available or in progress for pottery excavaled from the region of central J ordan and Jordan Vall ey. Such studies include those from Pella (Knapp 1989), TaU al-'Umayri (London 1991a; 1995), Tall Dayr
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CHAPTER THREE

During the L..:'1 l C Bronze and Iron Ages, similar poltery making techniques were in practice in both J ordan and Israel. T his was due to the dicta tes of the raw materials, the dema nds of the clien tele, and the desired repertoire. Regional va riations potentially a rise in particular rim forms , overall vessel propo rtions, potters' marks, and details of the sur['1cc treatment. I-I ow then can one distinguish between regional variations and mi nor temporal differences, especially given the practice of compa ri ng a nd contrasti ng superficial attributes of vessel form by subj ective means? Rather than chronological differences between pO LS found in the J ordan Valley and the central Pl ateau of J ordan, rim and handle shapes could reflect diffe rent regional workshops. Spa rse imported objects, which mayor may not have bee n curated for decades or more and therefore represent an earlier time frame , cannot provide an accurate date. For th is reason, it is difficult to compare pottery found at differe nt si tes in terms of precise chronologica l distinctions. It is morc use fu l to note simi larities or differences between enti re assemblages found at diffe rent si tes. In doing so, the Tall Dayr
CENTRAL J ORDANlAN CERAM I C TRADITIONS

67

na ture of the terrain. Siles localed in the extremities of the region may have economic ties with their neighbors and rece ived pottery from adjacent commu nities. For the Lale Bronze Age deposits at T all DayI' 'Alia, 70- 75% of the potlery was made of a local cl ay, i.e., the ba nded clay containing quartz sand, iron oxides (Franken 1992: J 06- 8; J J 3), and docs not come from the central plateau, the later center of Am mon. Before assiglling chronological significance to the prese nce/absence of a speci fic tech nique and vessel fo rm, it is useful to characterize the manufacturing techniques represented in differc nt sites and then compare the techniques from site to site. This approach all ows one to incorporate man ufac turing techniques in assessing assemblages rather than relying on form and fin ish alone. O ne even tually ca n learn where a technique origina tcd or at least whether it appea rs earlie r in one region than another. T here is little reason to assume that any single new technique will suddenly replace all others. For an unfamiliar method to dominate, it first must be proven effective. T he range of choices ava ilable to potters is not unlimited si nce POlters arc closely restricted by the available raw ma teri als. A newly introduced manufacturing technique initiated at one si te will not necessarily appear simulta neously at a nearby site, especially if it involves a diffe rent clay recipe from that in usc. The same applies for wares found in J ordan ve rsus Israel. \"' hile it is possi ble that separate and distinct ceramic traditions characterized Israel and J ordan, ceram ic tradi tio ns might have ove rla pped despi te topograph ic ba rriers, while not appeari ng in each region simultaneously.

Raw tHa/enals: Clays and Inclusions T he limited nat ure of publ ished reports of clay and inclusion analyses only allows one to co nclude th at clays were available lO ancielll potters. These clays, largely in secolldalY deposition, nonnally included non-plastic inclusions. The latter were part of the clay. Polters had the opt.ion of extracting some or all of the non-plastics and then working the clay or, conversely, they could add inclusions. Often it is diffic ult to de te rmine if the no n-plastics we re native to the clay or added. An exception is grog, made by crushing poltery into smal l pieces for use as a n inclusion. VelY fine grained voids from organic materi al suggest that plants and/or du ng we re added intentionally.

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C H APTER THREE

The angular carbonates found in cooking wares were purposely combined with the clay to create a ware suitable for reheating as evidenced by the sharp angles and recent ethnographic evidence (Crowfoot 1932). Other incl usions include quartz, chen, basalt, calcite, limestone, foraminifera (fossils), shell , sha le, grog, and organic matclials. And iron oxide. This list will undoubtcd1y be expanded as fUlure tcslS are condu cted. The precise combination of manufacturing technique and clay recipe will help to d efine individual ceramic traditions.

Pottery Production Locations Archaeologists rarely fi nd evidence of pott ery manufacture. Without chemical or mine ralogical tests, they can not characterize pottery as "local" unless onc assumes th at the bulk of pottery fou nd at a site was of necessity made at or near the site. This argues for the presence of pottery workshops at or ncar evelY sizable sileo Were th is the situation in antiquity, one might expect archaeologists to fi nd and excavate ki ln si tes regularly, ye t this is nOt the casco \Vhere are the kilns, and why have archaeologisLS identified so fc\v pottelY production locations given that pottery is the si ngle most abundant arti fact found in excavations? One explanation for the dearth of man ufact ure sites relies on the location of ind ustry outside the major tall sites and inside the confi nes of rural settle ments . Since excavations tend to conce ntrate at large si tes, the paucity of kil n sites can be attributed to the choices archaeologists make in selecting sites for field work. U ntil small siles in rural se ttings are investigated in de tail , pottery production locations will remai n scarce, especially if pouery was produced solely in villages rather than in major se uJ emen ts. ' Vhereas taIls are usually though t to be ci ties of large size and, therefore, inappropriate locales for pottery production, for the most part the latter is not valid. The majority of excavated sites in both Israel and J ordan are small (although there are a few exccptions) and contain a minimal area devoted to domestic structures in contrast to the space allotted to public buildings, royal enclaves, religious structures, and open spaces (London 1992). The implication is that under normal conditions, few people lived at the tall sites and as a result, pottery production may

CENTRAL JORDA.N·JAl'l CI-:RAMIC TRADITIONS

69

not have been part of the regular work carried out therc , especially if pottcry was produced in or ncar the household courtyard. To make pottelY, one needs clay and water readily available. Since wate r is a necessity for any communi ty, villagers living ncar water as wel l as clay cou ld have produced pouery during the (by summer months. Scasonaliry or thc ceram ics industry contributes to its invisibility in the archacological record. Ponery can be made by cran specialists wo rking in the courtyards of their homes where they shape the forms and fire the kiln (London 1989b: 76 8). It is feasiblc that potlelY was produced in many domestic rural settings, yet the remai ns arc minimal or invisible du e to the multi-functional usc of courtyard space. Du ring thc \veL seaso n, th ere migh t be no trace of poltelY making 100is or raw materials in thc courtya rd wherc POttCIY is produced for on ly pal1 of the ),car. Once pottery production ceases all together and the pottery production location changes, kilns can be dismantled for the reuse of the stones and bricks, thereby eradicating evidence of a once thriving industry (ibid.).

A/amifacturing Techniques Equipment: I York SurjOces. Tumtahles, f I'heels and Clays \\' hen compared with pottery of the 16th century B.C.E. , many wares of the late second millennium B.C.E. lack the elegan t lin es, thin walls, and sophistica tion characteristic of certai n Middle Bronze Age ceram ics. To a large exten t this reRecls the re turn to the use or a slower movi ng work ta ble in contrast to the fast wheel. For whatever reaso ns, society cou ld no lo nger accommodate a laborimensive, pottery industry which required highly skillecl potters using a clean plastic clay to throw pottery on the wheel. From the perspective or making pOllery, to throw pots on a fast wheel requires a clay with minimal inclusions, preferably velY small in size. Throwing enables a pOller to make pOlS faster. It, therefore, can bc morc cost efficient than the use of a slow turn ing work surface. 'fh e differcnce bctween fast and slow rotat ing wheels or work sUifaces involves the usc of ei ther one or two hands on the clay and not simply rotationaJ speed. To th row a pOI requires that two hands are free to form th e shape and create a thin walled vessel from the

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CHAPTER l11REE

Slarl. The heavy we ight of the wheel used to throw pOLS allows it lO continue to rota te due to momentum rather than co ntinuous pressure applied to the wheel. Once the wheel starts rOlating, it spin s due to th e combined weigh t of the clay and wheel. The speed of the fast wheel, wh ich can rotate around its axis some 60 times pe r minute (Franken 1992: 149), necessitates the usc of a plastic clay devoid of large inclusions.

Table I Clay Lean clay

A101l!ifacturillg Technique Pinch

pOt

Coils Slabs Molds Turning Cone/hump throwing Plastic d ay

Throwing Cone / hump throwing

Suifau Tunlment

Drying and Hrillg

Accessory pieces Slips Paint Burnish Applique (Incised patterns)

Protected a rea, but less care than plastic clays needed

r a;nt

Incised patterns Rouletting

Controlled, draft-free space for slow dly ing

Potential uses of lean versus plastic clays. Although accessory pieces, such as handles, SpOllts, molded decorations, etc. adhere best to lean days, at limes potters applied them to plastic days. For example, Iron Age thinwalled small bowls and cups wi th an almost ve rtical wall known from a lomb in Madaba, thrown from a cone of plastic day, have splayed handles on the rims to minimize detachment from the thin lim (Homes-Frcdericq and Franken 1986: I64). Although feasible, incised patterns on lean clays run the risk of drag&ri.ng large inclusions along with the tool.

In contrast, the slow-moving turntable lacks momentum and is unsuitable for tJlrowing a pOl. Once the poner stops pushing it, the turntable wi ll soon SLOp rotating unless a pouer or assistant applies constant force to the turntable with one hand . Most days in Israel and Jordan are lean or short days containing abundant rocks and minerals. Such clays would be ripped apart if worked on a fast moving wheel, al th ough so me lean clays can be rende red suitable for wheel throwing by partial elimination of the inclusions. C lays treated in this way would not necessarily result in a plastic clay, but one suitable for wheel-thrown ma nufactu re.

CE~TRAL

71

J O RDAN IAN CERAMI C TRAD ITI ONS

Since eve l)' decision made by the potter influences eac h successive step in the produclion of a pot, the usc of plastic clays has ils consequ ences with regard to Ihe d ryin g, firing, an d final appearance of the vessel. Plastic sticky clays can be painted , but arc less amenable for the application of acccssOlY pieces such as handles a nd spouts. Accessory pi eces tend to detach during the drying and firin g stages. This reflects, in part, the (hying propcflies of plaslic days. In herclll in a day body wi th minim al inclusions is a de nse wall that can inhibit an overall , even drying proccss. As a day pot d ries, it shrinks. Plastic clays shrink more than lean cla ys . The surface of plasti c clays can d l)' faster than thc interior wa ll thus causing wa qJing, cracking, and detachm ent of handles a nd spouts. 'rhc lallcr can occur if the acccssol)' and vessel dry a t diflc rellt ra tes. Franken (1993/4: 48) presents num ero us solutions for handlc attachme nt problems. Usc of lean clays avoids thi s risk bccause of the rock, mineral , a nd o rga nic incl usions that serve to open the vessel wall a nd provide a conduit for thc evaporating wa ter thereby making d')'ing relatively uncomplicated. !-I oweve r, to d ry pOllCI)' made of a plastic clay requires ideal conditi ons, namely, a sheltered space devoid of drafts, sun , and seve re temperature changes. To successfull y usc plastic clays almost necessitatcs a wo rkshop orga ni zalio n that provides space for pre par~ ing lhe cla y, shaping the pots, dly ing the pots and storing them before they arc fired. An organized indusll), of craft specialists who could afford lhe lu xury of ample storage space wou ld have been responsible for the produClion of wheel-thrown wares.

T able 2 Hrsl Slage

Second Slage (jf necessary 10 male

Pinch pot

Add anOther pinch pot bowl to create a dosed vessel Coils Coils; join 2 molded pieces Turning

Slabs ~I o l ds

(I

desired shope)

Throwing

Coils

Tuming

Turning

Cone or hump-throwing Wheel throwing l....ale Bronze a nd Iron Age manufaCluring techniques and production stages prior to fin a l surrace treatment.

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CHAPTER THREE

To avoid the risks and requiremems of plastic clays, potters could work with a lean clay, either as found in the ground or altered in some way, for example, as by removing ule largest inclusions. Other rock and minerals could then be added (known as non-plastics, tempering material, inclusions or grits) or the clay could be used without further manipul ation. Special case wares, such as cooking pots, required the addition of suitable incl usions to accommodate vessel use and repeated heating and cooling of the pO LS while in use. Most ethnographic accounts of traditional potters worldwide reveal a preference to usc clay unaltered from the earth. Traditional potters add on ly waler after ex tracting the largest rocks (Londo n 1991b; 189). This was probably the most common situation in antiqu ity. Van As and Jacobs (1995: 24) conclude that the ancien t potters of Lahun, just north of Wadi al-Mujib in J ordan, used unaltered clays from \'\fadi Lahun to coil and turn pots on a turntable. Another possibility that allows potters to work with available clays wi th minimal preparation is to mix hvo clays togethe r, one lean and one plastic, to benefit from ule properties of each, as is the situation among traditional Filipino pOllers of Gubat (London 1991b: 189 and 204). In J ordan and Israel during the Late Bronzc Age, wheel-thrown pottery was replaced by wares made by seve ral different techniques (as opposed to a si ngle tcchnique). During the MB n zenith of wheelthrown wares, there were pOllers who continued to work with a slower moving turntable to create specific forms. The use of the turntable was never lost. T he sa me wheel capable of momentum for throwing pottery can function for techn iques requiring a slower moving work surface. A thrower's wheel can be rota ted slowly, bu t a small , light-weight rurmable cannot fUIlClion as a thrower's wheel. Late Bronze Age "Midianitc ware" of Northwest Saudi Arabia was possibly made on a large wheel capable of momelllum, but without fully utilizing the fast wheel to its poten tial. Instead, it was used as a slow moving turntable to create small and large containers (Kalsbeek and London 1978: 54). Foster (1959: 112) presems ethnographic data that olTers parallel instances of potters who possess a kick wheel, but use it to coil-build pots. Similarly, in ethno-archaeological studies of tradi tional craft specialists in the Philippines and in Cyprus, potters presented with the possibil ity of working with a fast wheel, chose not to use it. The wheels were brought in both instances to the communities by well-intentioned potters from oth er countries. In the Philippines, the foreign potters demonstra ted the use of the wheel,

CENT RAL JORDAt'
73

but the vast quantities of time and water needed for day preparation hindered its usc once the foreigners left (personal observation, London 1981 and 1986). In the literature, the term "hand-made" contrasts with "whecJthrown" pOltelY, but these djstinClions arc ambiguous and misleading for several reasons. It can be argued that all POtlC IY is handmade, perhaps with the exception of mold-made forms. To difTerentiate between hand- and \vh eel-made wares by macroscopic observations, is often beyond the means of non-potters and those not trained in ce ramic technology. Fine conce ntric striations arc insufficient evidence to identify pots as wheel-thrown. Similar lines can be ach ieved on a slow moving turntable or even by rotating a pot in the hand. ''''arcs described as "hand-made" can include any technique other than thrown pottCIY, such as the use of molds, coils, slabs, turntables, or pinch pots. In addition, palters often work with a technique comprising morc than one method. For example, traditional Cypriote potters work with coils and a slow moving turntable (London , Egoumenidou , and Karagcorghi s 1989: 52 ~ 56j London 1989c: 222). Instead of working directly on the ground, a table, or wheel head, pOllers often use a work surface, or "bat" made of stone , bark, wood, ceramic, cork, etc. With the exception of the pinch POLS, making a pOI enti rely in th e hand is a technique normally resclved for the small est containers. The shift from wheel-thrown to turntable made pottery is not simply a deterioration of the ceramics industry. ' ·Vheel-thrown, thinwalled wares have disadvantages other than stringent drying and firin g requirements. They are less practical given the ease with whic h they break. Expel;mental attempts to break thick-\valled, coil-built jars provides an immediate appreciation for the solidity and durability of the con tainers. Pots made on a turntable of a lean clay could withstand the various falls, knocks, and drops. However, in other aspects, the Late Bronze Age wares constitute a decline in the ceramics industry in terms of surface trea tment and overall workmanship. Painted patterns ca refu lly rendered during previous periods vanish en tirely. Thick, heavy wares replace the thinwaIJed, elegant shapes of U1C Middle Bronze Age. Howeve r, darkened cores in the walls resulting from incomplete oxidation during the kiln firing do not signal a deterioration of the industry. Rather, it represen ts the p rudent use of fuels and manpower (Franken and London 1996: 218). A higher than necessa,y fi ring temperature could

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at limes result in a pocked surface appearance due to th e decomposition of lime found in the clay such as in terminal Late Bronze Age wares from Lahun (van As and Jacobs 1995: 17). Whereas, heavy, white firing slips provided an adequate surface for painted pOllers at the beginning of the L'1 IC Bronze Age, tOwards the end of the Late Bronze Age, the slips became thinner and, if the temperature exceeds 825 degrees Ccmigradc, th e lime in the clay under the thin slip popped, th ereby creati ng a pocked surface. Similar circumstan ces have been documented previously for the Lat c Bronze Age wares fou nd at Dayr
Techniques rlj Fabrication Most Late Bronze and Iron Age ceramic assemblages include pottery madc in morc than one manufacturing technique ranging from the use of coils, slabs, pinch pots, molds, and throwing. A technique can coincide, at times, with a particular pOL lype and/or size. The pinch pot technique, although best exemplified by the Neolithic wares such as found at J ericho, remained a useful technique for smaU pOLS throughout antiquity. Molds are always ideal for round bottomed and/ or large open forms. Slabs best accommodate rectangu lar containers. Coils and throvving are among th e more versatile techniques. Coiling: To coil-build a pot involves th e use of rolls of clay which are added one on top of another, gradually increasing the height of a pOL Often a pouer is obliged to wait until one coil dries sufficienuy, but not entirely, before the next coi l can be added. Coil joins can be smoothed away, but many remain visible on th e interior of closed vessels. Potters can also use coils as one step of a manufacturing technique which also involves "(lIrning" or thinning. After creating a flat-bott omed form from clay coils on a turntable, the incomplete pot dlies slightly. At the appropriate lime, the pot could be returned upside-down to the turntable to scrape away excess clay from the lower body and for base shaping (Figure 3.1, and see below). Coils can also be applied in a solid mold in a spiral pallern emanating from the cen ter of the mold. Ahematively, polters can place a large circu lar flat slab of clay in the bottom and up to the edge of a mold and then add coils to increase the height above that of the mold. The latter technique characterizes late seco nd millennium cooking pOL manufacture.

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POllety made of coi ls can sometimes be idelllif-ied by the coils' joins visible in the cross section of a pOl. In such instances, onc ca n measure coil size to compare wi th othe r pots rrom the same site and clsew here. Di rection of the coils can also be ascertained and compared when possible both for pOlS wi th in and between sites. Coiled POtS often have an irregular overa ll feci when handled. Some coilbuilt pots break along the coil lines, thereby, providi ng evidence of their manufacture. Coils are often added to an open form made on a turn table, as described above. T he result is a combination techniq ue use fu l to create ope n and closed forms. In suc h vessels made by a combination technique, coil brea ks are discernible only on the upper pan of the bowl. Co iled shapes include almost all ponel), forms, suc h as jars, bowls, juglets, cooking POLS, etc. Pinch Pols: A ba ll of cl ay opened by inserting a th umb in th e clay creates an open rorm in the sha pe of a hemispherical bowl. T o work the clay and open and thin the wall , the potter rotates it in the palm of one hand. The maximum size of the bowl corresponds with the hand size of the palter. This technique is most su itable 1'01- small open forms, incl ud ing miniature vesscls, vot ive offe rings, and toys. In the pi nch-pot tech niqu e, the clay expands outward ly into a bowl form , but it is problematic to co ntrol the clay to close the shape. To create a closed pinc h pot, such as a juglet, no rm ally requi res joining two bowls together and then adding a separately made neck. Slabs: Similar to coil manufacture, slabs arc uscd to construct large, oversize, and/or rectangular rorms. This techniq ue involves the usc of individually-shaped rectangula r slabs or clay rather than coil lings. La rge vats, coffi ns, sto rage jars, and baths, given their size and intended usc, arc most suiled for slab man ufact ure. In a photograph or the coffins rrom the Raghdan Royal Palace Tombs in 'Am man, the al most straight patt ern of vertical and horizontal cracks vividly revea ls slab ma nuraclUre (Yass ine 1988: 43, PI. I). Coffin s associated with the Philisline materia l culture often di splay rectangular brcak patterns typica l of sla b manufacture. k lolds: Extern al and internal supports or molds are use rul for the man uractu re of large open and closed forms. Mold man uract ure is also an efficient way to constru ct vesscls wi th rounded bottoms. Another advantage is that the mold can serve as a rotati ng wo rk surface as well. Potters can spin the mold wit h one han d and work th e clay simu ltaneously. Cooking pOLS or the terminal Late Bronzc Age were madc in a mold and, in contrast to most ot her shapes, mai ntain their intcgtity

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into U1C Iron Age despite developments elsewhere in the ceramics industry. Potters completely li ned a fi red clay or stone bowl with a th in ci rcular slab of clay. T he cl ay, disc-li ke shape came up to the rim of the mold. T o increase the heigh t and to shape the cooking pot, the potter added a coil(s) and formed into the rim (Fig. 3.2). The point of cannation of cooki ng pots, a natural point of breakage, marks the end of the mold and the first coil join. Another mold-made form is a wide and heavy bowl of Iron Age I. It has been identified at Dayr 'Alia and runs fro m Phase F up to the eighth century when it disappea rs from the repertoire. Ri m diameters range from 40- 60 em and the bowls arc twice as wide as their height. A thick circular slab of clay was placed in to a mold above which a coil was positioned and shaped iI1lo the ri m. At first, the bQ\vls were completely burnished, but subsequently th is laborious practice was limited to the interior vessel alone. Franken associates this large vessel wi th the traditional "mansef " or feas t bowl used for special occasions (Fra nken and Kalsbcek 1969: 157- 60). Platlers of Early Bronze I I were constructed in a similar fash ion (London 1988: 119). Mold manufacture is o ne of the best ways to shape large, wide open vessels regardless of time or place. Turning 011 a turntable: The technique of LUrning pOllery involves creating an initially thick form that will be thinned or "turned" down at a la ter stage in the ma nufacture. [n this type of interrupted manufacture, different parts of the pOL are completed throughout the course of hours, days, or weeks, depending on the weather a nd rate of evaporation of the water from the clay. To shape a pot on a turntable versus throwi ng a pot on a wheel, req uires procedures tha t would leave different evidence in the wet clay. Potlers start by positioning a cylinder of clay on the turntable work surface. T hey insert a finger or knuckJe into the clay to open it and t hen expand the ho le with one hand, whi le rotating the tu rntable with the other. During this initial stage of manufacture, the vessel nOm receives its final Jonn. Afte r cutting off and removing the pot from the turntable, it is set aside to dry. After the walls dry somewhat, the pot is replaced upside-down on the turntable to allow th e potter to very carefully scrape away tJ1e excess day. This task requires the skill of an experienced potter to avoid excessive scrapi ng, thereby making a hole in the wall or creati ng a pot of uneven th ickness. The latte r would impede the d lying stage and result in cracking during the subseq uent firing stage. Once the lower ex terior body has

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been th inned or "turned ," a small coil is added to the base to create a ring base. Disc bases are calved directly from th e excess clay of the lower body. In the even t that th e potter accidentally removed too much clay while scraping the walls, the entire base at times was cut away and replaced by a wet clay, heavily tempered with organic material such as dung (Franken 1992: 153). A clay rich in organic material would d,y faster than a more dense clay. In order to be wo rked into th e base, wet clay was required. To enable it to dry as fast as the rest of the pot, th e usc of a heavily tempe red mat erial was necessary. For a higher trumpet base, a cylinder was shaped on the turntable to create eith er an open or solid form that was th en applied to th e lower body. L.amps were made from a small lump of clay on the turlllable or perhaps from a cone of clay affixed to the turntable. After shaping the body while rotating th e turntable, the nozzle was pin ched and the lamp was cut off with a thick lower body and se t aside to dry. Once the rim was dry enough to allow handling, the polter scraped away excess clay wh il e holding the lam p in the hal1(l. Irregular striation s across the base resu lted from thi s operation. The y were smoothed away or occasionally left as evidence of the workmanship. Tumed or thrown from a cone: A satisfactory techniqu e to quickly create small vessels, open and closed, or to shape part of a pot made in an illlerrupted techniqu e, involves position ing a large cone of clay from which a se ries of pots could be shaped. T his best accommodates small bowls, juglets, and accessory pieces that can be shaped one after another with out the need to cen ter small amounts of clay for each pOl. Another advantage is thal the weight of the clay on the wheel helps to maintain momentum betwee n each pOl. In this case, a IUlll table not nonnally used to throw pottery acts as a thrower's wheel. After shaping a vessel, pOllers cut it from the cone with a knife or string and allow it to dlY. 17/rowing: To throw pots on a Iast-rotaung heavy wheel capable of momentum, requires that nvo hands be free to manipulate the clay to create the desi red shape. This technique, known from earli er times, did not persist into the Late Bronze Age in the region of
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as a result of Assyrian influence (Franken 199 1: 75 and 80). It was at this same lime that cooking pots were first thrown rather than mold and coil bui lt. Throwing involves the usc of support potters and assistants who devote extra Lime to clay preparation. Ultimately, throwing allows a potler to increase produ ction, which can reduce costs in the long rUIl. "Vith th e thrown pottery came changes in th e clays and nonplastics. Heavily-tempered, lean clays were replaced by those with smaller inclusions, even for cooking pots wh ich had remained unchanged for millennia in terms of the preferred tempering matcrial. Coarse calcite tempering in cooking pots, a uadition known for thousands of years in the region (Beynon ct al. 1986), was replaced by fine gra ined quartz and calcite whe n for the first time cooki ng pots were wheel-thrown and no longer depended on the mold which had influenced the shape for centuri es (Franken and Steiner 1990: 107). Cooking pot shape changed from wide and open (mold made) to high and narrow mouthed (wheel lhrown). Al the present, a precise date for the return to wheel-thrown wares would be misleading. Detailed studies of seventh century B.C.E. wares from central Jordan wi ll eventually provide a date. Following th e general description of pottery production, attention turns 1O specific aspects of cen tral Jordania n Plateau L.a te Bronze and Iron Age poltery: the re-emergence of burnished surfaces; coIlaI' rim store jars; the return to wheel throvving; and the reperlOire, itselr. Each of these subjects is briefly discussed below.

Bumished and Slipped Iron Age Wares Burnished, compacted and shiny surface treatment characterizes ce rtain Iron Age pouery. \'Vhen did burnish begin, and when did it become a promincnt feature, a rc issues debated in th e literature (H oll aday 1991 ) a nd arc of chronological concern for those involved with the co nstruc tion of pottery typologies. There are no simple answers to these question s because burnished slllfaces include many categories. Burnishing, as part of the surface treaunel1l, can be the intentional com pacting of the pottery surface tha t is fired to an appropriate temperature resulting in a sheen. Kelso and Thorley (1943: 105) record th e loss of burnish sheen at 970 degrees Fahrenheit for Tall Beit Mirsim Iron Age wares. My expcliments with a European clay resulted in a high sheen when

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fired to 750 or 800 degrees. At 850 degrees the surface became less shiny and by 900 degrees the shee n had almost di sappeared. As pan of the shaping process, unilllentional burnish, as noted above, is a product of surface compacti ng due to scrapi ng away clay to thin a partially dly pot. If fired correctly, a surface shee n will result. Illlen lional or not, in both instances a com pacted surface wi ll lack a sheen if the poltelY is under or over flred. Nevertheless, the poltery was burnished, i.e., the surface particles were rubbed, compacted and aligned in one direction. Intentional or otherwise, the burnish ean cover the pot or be limited to a pattern, either on interior or ex terio r. In teriors migh t be burnished intentionally to create a smoother, harder surfa ce against whi ch utensils would sc rape. Alternatively, the exterior might be intentionally burnished to enhance its aesth etic appeal. Burnishi ng limited to the mid- and lor lowerex terior surface suggests that it represents a final phase in the shaping and thinning of a pot to remove unwan ted clay. Given the wide range of possibililies, va ri ation, and sources of burnish ing, it is difficult to pinpoint a date at wh ich it started. Orten an intemionally burnished surface is first slipped. Although one might conclude that it would therefore be easy to distinguish between unintentional and intentional burnishing, i.e., the presence of a slip reveals purposeful burnishing, slips arc just as difficult as burnish to discern wit h the unaided eye. Slipped and burnished (rubbed and compaCled) surfaces miglll lack the burnish sheen due to improper fi,;ng. T o assess the presence or abse nce of a slip is not always readily apparent unless the slip is thick and of a different color than the pot. Like burnishing, slips are both unintemionall y and intentionally applied. They consist of the finest clay particles, usually made of the sam e clay as the rest of th e pot or another clay that adheres well to the surface. Coloring agellls can be added. Slips, thick or thin , can be applied in a number of ways. Unilllentional slips are the result of the final smoothing and fmishi ng stage in the manu['1cture of certain other pots. After shaping a pot, the potter might dip hi s/ her hands into the container of sluny WaleI' used throughout the manufacture to lubricate the clay, and then cover th e pot with dripping wet hands -wet wi th wa ter and the finest clay particles held in suspension-thereby crea ting a slip layer, intentionally or otherwise. As a result, like burnish, slips preselll a challenge for non-polters to recognize. Regardl ess of th e ea rliest intent ional or unilllelllional slips and

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burnishes, there is little reason to assume th at they wiU appear si mul ~ tan co usly throughout a region. T he presence of burnish in particula r implies a new manufacturing technique rather than a new surface treatmen t. A cha nge in slip material , for wha tever reason, was o ne factor in the deterioration of painted designs o n Latc Bronze Age pottery. ''''ithout a suitable slip, i. c., wi th good adhesion , the paint and slip flaked away from the wall. The solution which the poners found involved a change in the manufacture rather than simply a cha nge in the surface treatment a lon e. The potters thinn ed and scraped the thick walls to remove the salt deposit th at both reduced slip adhesion and masked th e true colors of the paint. Th e thinning process led to an unintentional burnish whose aesthetic value made it a desired feature of Iron Age pottery. ' Vhile archaeologists discern a new surface treatment , burnish OIiginated as part of the shaping process which contributed to resolving th e poor quality wares of earlier pottery. However, it did not become the best solution until aJl factors came into play, including scraping at the right tim e of clay dryness, and proper fi ring condi tions and tempe ratures. In every aspect of the work, each decision taken by the potters influences successive stages of the work. The final prod uct is the result of repeated t1ial and errors, expe rim enta tion, mistakes, and luck.

iron Age 1 Collar Rim Store Jars .from Tail al-(Umtryri. During excavatio ns at T all al-
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ual polters, firing technology, and sta ndardization of size and shape. Given its relatively wide distlibution, temporal and geographic, diversity of vessel form is predictable. The immediate implication is that, at any given time, the jars were made in different places by d ifferent potters, using diverse manufacturing techniques and clays. For the
Distribution Collar lim sto re jars are well documenled in the hill country west of the Jordan Rive r and in northern ISI·acl. In J ordan, examples are known from various sties within the region under discussion. For exam ple, Ibrah im (1978), an d more recently J i (1995), have presented a sUlvey of the jar distribution in deposits associated with public storage or domestic structures rather than in temples, tombs, or royal residencies. Fo r thi s reason , the jars arc rare in the lowlands of Canaan where domestic deposits are rare (London 1989: 4'~) . In contrast, in hill country ru ral se ttJements and at non- residential sites characterized by public rather than priva te arch itecture, examples of the jars arc known. Although so me jars arc inevi tably fou nd in ul·ban settings, this docs not negate their plima ry fu nction as storage containers in rural and public sites. Rather than diagnostic of an ethnic enti ty, the jars indicate the function of a site, but not the identity of the people who used them.

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Characteristics fij lhe Mamifacturing Teclmique Resea rch on the characteristics of manufacturing technique is still in progress. Thus, a final dcsCliption is not yet available. It appears, nevenheless, that morc than one tec hnique is in evidence. This may be due to the fact th at the collection compliscs both small and large jars or pithoi. A mobile work surface or turn table was used for the jars, especially during the early stages of the wo rk . The shapi ng of the jars required a combination of coiling and turning in an interrupted technique of manufacture. It cou ld have taken one or two weeks to complete each jar, but the potters could have worked on more than one sim ultaneously. If the potlc rs can work on mu ltiple pieces si multaneously, they lISC their Lime more effici ently. Th e lowe r ponion of a small jar with a conical base appears to have been made of the same cla y and fired to the sa me color as collar ri m store jar #7. Perhaps this impl ies that whi le the collar rim jar was made, othe r vessels were made as well. T he lengthy fa blication would have been neccssa l)' due to: (I) the thickness of the walls which would have required days to d ry; (2) the relatively modest q uantity of non-plastics which faci litate rapid dl)'ing; and (3) the step-by-step production of the base, body, shoulder, and rim. In the transitional seasons of sp ri ng or late in the fall, when there might be occasional rainfall or a hai lstorm , the clay would dry more slowly than dUling the height of the dry su mmer season. Followi ng each stage of work, the clay needed Lime to dry to become sufficienuy hard to support the weight of the fresh wet clay added to it. More than one person was probably invol ved with the shaping, lifting, and moving of each pot given the heavy weight of the clay, especially when wet. Other than coi ls, an alternative techniquc 1O create pithoi (if not thrown) is with clay slabs set in place in a technique similar to brick construction. Evidence of slab manufacture is normally visible in the glid-like break pattern since pots constructed in this manner tend to crack along the lines of the slab joins, much like thc coffins mentioncd abovc. In COlllrast to this tcchnique, the 'UmaYli pithoi are coil-bui lt, using a turntablc. One characteristic of coil-buil t containe rs is variation of wall thickn ess throughout individual pots. For the 'Umayri pots, vessel wall thickness can vary from 6- 16 mm over a distance of only 12 cenLimeters. To control clay this thick and uneven, to ensure even firing, and to preve nt coll apse of the clay when we t, demanded skills and procedures not necessary for other vessel forms.

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Many variations exist within coi l co nstruction. Coils can be long/ short, thick/thin, applicd on the interior/exterior or on top of each other, and clockwise/coun terclochvisc. If the adhesion is good, pots will not break alo ng coil joins. Normally, adhesion is not a problem si nce lean or short clays, i.e., those co ntaining abundant incl usions, arc ideall y suitcd for coil wo rk. Th e inclusions range from fine to large in size and include roc ks, minerals, grog, and the voids of organic material. For the
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before thickeni ng agai n to 1.4 em). As the potter forced tllC clay to close toward the neck, ripple marks of collaring arc discernible on the interior. The potter had little control over the thickness of the shou lder wall. Of greater concern was forcing the clay inwards to narrow the opening for the neck. Additional ropes were wrapped around the upper body, j ust below the lower handle join of jar #14 to help prevent the clay from expanding outwa rd. Indenta tions of ropes are clearly visible, as is the coil join below the upper handJe attachment. Arter another d,ying period, onc or two coils we re added to shape the neck and rim . The Rim. Rims arc thickened on the exterior. Some collars on the shou lder appear to have been made from the extra clay avail able after fonni ng the rim. Once the rim was finished and shaped as the vessel rotated, the potter pusl1ed down the excess clay to position it on the shoulder in the form of one or two collars. Only infrequently docs the collar appear to lin off the shou lder as if added separately. The last step for the upper body was to add the handles and perhaps impress a mark into them . Thumb impressions can be on the top as well as the boltom of the handles. Some handles clearly were made of clay containing extra organic material to facilitate rapid drying. The chall enge was to have the thick handle dly at a rate comparable to that of the drying thinner walled body. Poorly timed drying wou ld ca use the handle to detach. One jar from the collection has a large pre-firing design on the shou lder. 77lt Base. The final stage in the process was to complete the base. Once the rim and entire uppe r body we re finished, th e jar was turned upside-down to enable work on the base and lower body. More than one person was needed to lin the jar at this point. Although the rim and upper body were dry enough to support the weight of the jar, the base, which remained closed from all air circulation, remained moist and wet. At the present stage of the research there appears to be evidence of more than one method for finishing the base, but further study is required to clarify the variations. T wo major differences are thick versus th in bases. Potters had the option of leavi ng and using the thick clay of the origi nal base and adding to it, or thinning it, or removing it entirely. For some jars, the evidence is clear that the wet day of the initial base was cut away to create a hole and then filled with a plug of new clay heavi.ly tempered with organ ic materials. As the turntable rotated, a thi n walled

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base was fash ioned. An abu ndance of small rectangular voids from burned-out organics characterizes the new clay and base in contrast to the lower body. On th e interior of such bases, one sees slightly irregu lar wide spirals coi nciding with th e heavily-tempered added clay. Often the clay looks as if it \vas worked with quite wet hands. There are significant differences in the wall thicknesses of th e lower body and base. for jar # 17, th e area immediately above the base measures 0.8 cm, wh il e th e center point of the base measure 1.5 em in thickness. Precisely where the wall measu res 0.8 em, th ere is a slight bulge and a break line representing the new clay "plug" added for the base. Ce nain smaller jars have a well-turned, extremely th in base, as if rotated upside-down on a turn table. However, there is still a considerable discrepancy and irregularity in the ove rall wall th icknesses. To shape oth er bases, rather than cut th ro ugh an d remove all of the lowermost clay, some original clay was preserved to which additional clay pancakes were added. For ye t other jars, whose bases measure over 3 cm in th ickness, rather than remove clay, which perhaps had already dli ed in place, potters added thick layers of additional clay. Above the base, on th e inLerior lower walls of another jar (# 18), there are indica tions of horizomal and concentric striations and rotation to the extent that the voi ds of non-plastics became cl ea rly oriented in a singl e direction. Ye t, on the exterior, in place of horizontal striations, are oblique stro kes and drag marks as if the exte rior Imver body was treated entirely different than the interior. One further scenalio for creating the base involves the usc of a mold. For ce rtain examples, a grainy and rough exterior surface was noted by potter T. Emmerso n of "Valla "Valla College, who suggests th at th is was intentional to preve nt the base from sticking to the mold. The mold wo uld have enabled the pOller to rotate the pOI, especially during the early stages of base and lower wall manufacture. Initial use of a mold would have all owed the pOller to comple tely fini sh and smooth the interior base as appears to have been the case in some examples. A mold would also allow the cl ay of th e base to remain thick and wel during the ea rly manufacturing stages until th e potter was ready to turn th e vessel upside-down to thin and shape the base. Emm erson (personel co mmunication 1996) also suggests that perhaps some bases remain extremely thick (5.6 em) because the clay became too dly and it was too late to thin away the cxu'a clay.

86 Significance

CHAPTER TI-IREE

cif the

Differences

Given tJ1 C potentialty long period of use that large jars and pithoi can have, spanning 100 years if nol morc (London, Egoumenidou, and Karagcorghis 1989: 70), we perhaps have j ars made in successive and/or overlapping manufacturing techniques. Once positioned in a depression dug into the floor, the jars probably were not moved frequently, if ever. A cracked pithos base might have remained in place while a new jar was nestled into the same space. AJternativeiy, pithoi of the assemblage were all made roughly in the same era, but represe nt nuances and distinct differences in th e techniques and clays used by various potters. Esse (1992: 100) considered the jars as "mosl likely th e product of a spccific potting tradition, probably dominatcd by fema lc poltcrs and, in some cases, spread through exogamy and thus-kin based." \'Vhile it is possiblc that divcrsity in the 'Umayri assemblagc renccts the work of pottcrs who were related lO each other in some way, evidence regarding their gender is, at preselll, lacking.

Repertoire

if" Ceramic Containers

Late Bronzc and Iron Age POllCIY, known initially from isolated lOmbs and unstratified deposits, is now better reprcscnted at more recently excavated sites (Herr 1995). The work of Lugenbeal and Sauer (1972), who published Hi sban sherds immediately after the field work, had a significant impact on Iron [J studies in both J ordan and Israel. Dornemann (1983) has compiled representative tomb and non-runeralY Latc Bronze and Iron Age sherds and pOLS throughout J ordan, including the 'Amman area.

Late Second A1iliennium 13.C.E. At the present, Late Bronze Age pottery remams less well represented in central J ordan in con trast to later Iron Age material. Imported Cypriotc and Myccnean wares, the hallmark of thc Late Bronze Age, a re present, but not in large numbe rs. Certain painted shapes seem to mimic imports, especially Cypriote bilbiJs, and painted sherds from unstratified con texts in the 'Amman C itadel represent

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local versions of the Late Bronze tradition of pottelY pai nting (Dornemann 1983: 21 22). As for non-imports, Dornemann (Ibid.: 31 fT.), relates the assemblage to that of IsraeL Amo ng the Jordan Valley Late Bronze Age material from Dayr 'Alia, the majori ty (70 75%) is made of local clays, wh ile Fran ken aw-ibutes the "foreign" pots, which arc a fea ture of the site throughout its hislOlY, to people coming 1O the site from elsewhere to celebrate its sacred significa nce (1992: 113 4). Characteristic forms include dcep bowls, twice as \\~de as high with a ring base, gentle carination of the shou lder and a rim rolled 10 the ex terior (Franken and Kalbee k 1969: 133). Small, thinner wa ll ed bowls are p resent in a wide variety of rim types . Cooking pots are mold-made which rep lace the t)1Jical Late Bronze fla ri ng rim ve rsion. AI 'Umayri, the 1)1Jological a nalysis of the LB I Age potte lY reveals a lack of conti nui ty with the Middle Bronze reperto ire, as well as few parallels beyond Transjordan, which Herr (1997: 233) attributes to the regionalization of pOtlelY p roduction. He fu rthe r notes that this is particula rl y true of the coo king pot, fo r which he has not identified simi lar forms elsewhere. Even at our preliminary stage of the research on
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Early First Millennia Pottery T enlh- ninth Centuries: Pouery of the tenth and nimh centuries is not as well documented as U1C late second millennium B.C.E., at stratified sites in the 'Amman region. However, outside the immediate region, in the J ordan Valley, at Tall Dayr 'AJla, Franken and Kalsbeek (1969) describe early Iron Age pottery which is rarely decorated other than the pilgrim Aask (Franken 1991: 80). Eighth Century: For eighth century pottery from the central Jordanian plateau at Tall aJ-'Umayri, H err (I 989: 302) detects antecedents from the tenth a nd ninth centuries ceramic traditions for certain forms. Other forms, however, display greater similarity to the late Iron II corpus designated as Ammonite. Both wide and narrow mouthed (with globu lar body) cooking pots are present. The former have thickened rims wi th a ridge below. Bowls include a category of thin , shallow fine wa res which Herr (1989) defines as an "Ammonite plateau form," known from 'Umayri and the 'Amman Citadel. Another bowl type is the sim ple hemispherical form. Kratcrs with a holemouth thickened elongated rim , characterizc 'Umayri and the 'Amman Citadel, as does the basin, a form found in abundance at 'Umayri. Holemouth pithoi with bulbous thickened rims have shoulder ridges (Herr 1989). Fran ken characterizes eighth and seventh centuries ponery from Dayr 'Alia as international in character and strongly relatcd to ,.yest Bank ceramic traditions (Hom cs- Fredericq and Franken 1986: 171 - 74). Burnished pottery is abundant until throwing became common. Throwing not only produces in a thin-walled vessel, it is also faster than turning and often results a form pleasing to our sensitivities. Potters who did not throw pouery would have nOl been able to compete with the new technology. But even before the appearance of wheel-thrown pottery, small burnished bowls and cups with straight, nearly vertical walls and hancUes attach cd to the cup rims were excavated at Dayr 'Alia (Phase G ). Burnish strokes on the interior and ex teri or obscure all evidence of turning, and Franken is not convinced that they were thrown despite the thin walls and plastic clay. Made of clays not typically of the Dayr
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rrom a hump and date to the sixth ce ntury (Herr et al. 1996: 65; London and Clark 1997: Fig. 16). The cups were cut rrom the hump wi th a piece or string, leaving concentric circles clearly visible. Along with the cups were thin walled bowls \vith trianb'1llar-shaped lims, hemispherical bowls, and flat-based lamps. The small ridge below the rim characterizes all or the bowls and cups. Although small in size, the cup walls are thicker than those or the bowls. The flaringwalled bowls display wide-spaced, narrow burnish st rokes on the interior. The first wheel thrown cooking pOLS al T all DayI'
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the Ammonite plateau of the scven tJl cc ntul)' (Lugenbcal and Sauer 1972: #428). A similar necked jar, now with a markedly sloping neck, again is characteristic of th e Ammon plateau siles in particular (LugcnbeaJ and Sauer 1972: #433). A handleless small jar \.vith pointed base and thickened rim from
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Cooki ng pots arc of lilJ'ee types with the majori ty retammg the wide mouth, thickened rim and ridge below, a form that disappears at the end of the seventh century (Herr 1991: 306j Fig. 3.5:18, 19). T wo handles extend from the rim to the point of calillation or shou lder. Herr (1991: 306) fin ds comparable shapes throughout J ordan and Israel. A cooker with a smaller mou th, globu lar body, and t\vo handles rising above the roun ded ri m, is known from T ransjordan only (Ibid.). Finally, necked cooking pOlS (Fig. 3.5:22, 23) like those fo und in Israel, lack precise para llels in J ordan. This has led Herr to concl ude tha t local varia tio ns co-existed. Further, toward the end of the seventh eentul), repertoire, wide or narrow mouthed holemouth coo ki ng pots with mu ltiple grooved thickened rims conti nue in use (Fig. 3.5:24, 26). Local parallels arc found in 'Amman. Abse nt duri ng thi s period is th e cooking pot wi th a marked ridge below the ri m. AJthough co mmo n throughout Israel and Jo rdan fi'om the ninth to sevent h ce nturies, this fo rm va nishes by the close of the seventh celllury (Herr 1989: 306). T he closed , rou nd boltomed, cooki ng pot with upright rims are less frequent now and in their place is a more squat, wide-bodi ed pot with a rounded rim lacki ng a neck and two handles which rise above the I·illl (Fig. 3.5:27, 28). T hese pots arc known from 'Amman, Hisban, Sahab, and the 'Amman Citadel. The disappearance of the open-bodied cooki ng pot signals the beginning of wheel-thrown cooking pots. T he round, closed bod ies of the new forms were no longer pre-determin ed by the shape an d size of the mold. AJo ng wi th the change in shape and met hod of manuf~l cture was the necessary change in tempering mat crial. Rather than the age-old use or coarsely-ground, angular, la rge ca lcite inclusions, finelygrained non -plastics, both carbonates (such as calcite) and quartz we re suitable. Another signal or the change in man ufacturing technique and inclusions is the firin g color. For the firs l time, cooking pOLS can ac hieve the full y oxidized red color. For Iron II cooking pots with fine tempering from J crusale m (exca vated by Kenyon), Franken and Steiner (1996: 106 7) documen t the "liberation" of cooki ng pOLS from coal"Se calc ite tcm pCI"ing. In the Jerusalem sherds, they have traced the shift to wheel-thrown cookers that initially have a thickened rim resembling th e old fashioned pOLS. However, th e ridge below the rim was pull ed up to the lip to th e extent that a small groove remained betwee n the ridge a nd lip (Ibid.: 1996: 107). As a fina l change, thin rims became the norm. Lamps display one pinch, a wide sloping ri m, thin walls and a worked ri ng or di sc-like base (Fig. 3.6: I). In addition, possibl e exam-

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pies of closed lamps have been found at 'Umayri (Herr 1989: 309

and 1991; Fig. 3.6:2, 3). Flat bottomed basins with straight sides and everted rims continue, as do the black-burnished bowls often referred to as "Ammonite" ware (H err 1995: 618). According to Herr, examples from Tall al'Umayri illustrate the "Ammonite corpus" representing the Transjordanian plateau and southern J ordan Valley (1991: 214). The earliest appearance of this repertoire, and its demise, remains unclear (Ibid.). Perhaps it did not present itself all at once, but involves the combination of pOL types from previous limes. Certain forms do continue from the ninth and eighth ce nturies, while others are new. Although Herr finds parallels to specific shapes in Jordan and Israel , some forms are limited to the Ammonite platcau and Jordan VaJley, whiJe still others charactel;ze the plateau a1one. Certain shapes found in 'Amman seem to have the best parallels in th e Jordan Valley. As for the repertoire as a whole, Herr notes Sauer's suggestion that the Iron II repertoire continued well a fter the sixth century. The work of Lugenbeal and Sauer (1972), along with more recent excavations, allows Herr (1991: 242; 1995) to concur with Sauer and provide the evide nce confirming con tinuity of the Iron II repertoire into the Persian Period. Of equal importance is Herr's conclusion (1997: 246) conce llling the different developments in Israel and Jordan in terms of pottery repcrtoires. \'Vhereas a separation has been defined between Iron II and Persian period pottery in Israel, no such division characteri zes Jordan , where the late Iron lJ repertoire continues well into the Persian period. One furthe r inference is that the names that archaeologists devise for ceramic collections are simply labels thal transcend historica1 developments. Continuity of the ceramic tradition is rational from the perspective of the potters who are not inclined to change some thing that works . Rather than being conservative in nature and unwilling to experiment, potters maintain their tradition for other reasons. PottelY manufacture involves a complex set of choices. Any cha nge in one aspect of the work necessitates changes in each successive operation. Inclusion type and size can require modification of the surface treatment (paint will no longer adhere or a slip might be requ ired; incising might no longer be possible). Another change would be in the firing temperature and length. Fi nely crushed carbonates can wi thstand higher temperatures than large, angular calcite crystals. \"rith a new inclusion type or size can come a diffe rent shaping tech nique to bui ld the pot as well. All of

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th ese types of changes occurred to create the new coo king pots. A change in the clay, non-plastics, shape a nd manufacLUre of the coo king pots might also signal new developments in the organ ization of those who made them. \"'hile the limited distribution of calcite perhaps restri cted their manufacture to a relatively small number of potters with access to the calcite, th e use of powdered carbonates and! or locally available materials could signal the involvement of a larger number of pOllers making cooking ware than previously. Of the Iron I and II sherds sampled min eralogically by petrographic analysis, a few preliminary statements can be made concerning the origin of the pottery excavated at 'Umayri and th e organization of the ceramics industry. Petrographic samples of sherds from 'Umayri and nearby hinterland sites reveal that the same clay matrix (Petrograph ic Group 5 contains fmc-grained carbona tes, fossils fragmellls, and an abundance of elongated and aligned voids of burned out organics) characterizes both, Iron Age II large jars from Tall al-'UmaYli , and large containers slightly later in date from Sites 23 and 34 (London, Pli nt, and Smith 1991: 436). This again confirms th e continuity of th e Iron II repertoire, both in terms of vessel form, as nOLed by Herr (1995), as well as clay matrix, into th e succeedmg era . Petrographic Group 2, charactelized by quartz non-plastics, includes Iron II vessels of diverse typology from 'U mayri and nearby Site 34. The types in this group include a large utilitarian vessel, a double ring burnished bowl of good quality, and a narrow mouthed cooking pot (London, Plint, and Smith 1991: 434 and Fig. 23. 1: 12, 18, and 19). 'fh is group is interesting for several reasons. In co ntrast to the past, cooking pots arc no longer fa bl; cated excl usively from a special clay matrix reserved for cookers. Th e cooking pot represen ts the new trend: narrow mouth and non-carbonaceous inclusions. The petrograp hic group contain s both large utilitarian shapes as well as a nicely burnished bowl, i.e. , both domestic and fine ware appear to have been produced from the same clay, The implication is 1ha1 the sa me potters cou ld make black burn ished bowls as well as cooking pOlS and large containe rs. Finall y, the sam e clay matrix has been identified for two neighboring sites. Although diversity of pOllery types made at individual potteries is impl ied, this does not suggest that one workshop was responsible for all contemporaneous ceramics. A wide-bodied and wide-I;mmed Iron n cooking pot from 'Umayri belongs to Pet rographic Group 3, cha racterized by coarse calcite

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non.plastics (London , Plint, and Smith 1991: 434 Fig. 23.1:11 ). This is the old-fas hioned cooker identifiable not only by its rim profile, but by its wide diameter and coarse calcite inclusions. Mineralogical tests indicate that black burnished bowls could be made by poners who used th e same clay to shape other forms. However, not all black burnished bowls fall into this category. For example, two shc rds designated as "Ammonite" fine ware and black burnished bowls (London, Plint, and Smith 1991: 434 Fig. 23.1: 15 and 16) belong to Petrographic Group 6, an undifferentiated collection of shcrds whic h did not fit into the other categories, but remain largely as unique examples. The two burnished bowls CO Iltain a high percentage of quartz , but lack the voids of former organic material. It is conceivable th at the quartz-I;ch matrix used to create the fine, thin-walled bowls is similar to that used for other shapes, with one difference, namely, organics were not included. This sugges ts that a slightly modified clay was used for the fine ware. It should be noted that the two bmvls in this categOlY are finer and feature thinner walls than the Group 2 example. One bowl is carinated with an out-flaring rim deco rated with concentric burnish strokes, and the other is a carinated bowl with a simple lip above a slighLly inset upper body. A larger sample of store jars and other shapes from 'Umayri and Hisban is presently underway (London in press). For other Iron Age I I pithoi, polters' marks made prior to firing in the weI clay are simi lar to marks found at nearby Tall Jawa. Petrographic analysis of these jars may explain if traveling potters using differelll clays moved from site to site or if one cl ay body represents jars fabricated by one permanent workshop whose wares were widely used. To further learn about the organizatio n of the ceramics industry requires that pOllcry from Tall Hisban be mineralogically sampled, compared and contrasted with that of 'Umayri and its hinterland sitcs. J\1incralogical testing ca n address whether the similarities reflect a common so urce for the pottery, i.e., a workshop which distributed iLS wares to both si tes, or sevcral pottery production locations making supe rfici ally si milar wares. As for small versus large vessels, decorated versus undecorated wares, some black burnished bowls appear to have been made of the same clay as undecorated larger shapes, while the finest black burnished bowls belong to a separate ware lype. Througho ut the kIte Bronze and Iron Age, polters co nfronted

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two situations that they success rully resolved. First, they corrected the late second millennium problem or thick-walled, poorly decorated pOlle ry, by creating th in ner walled vessels sc raped and shaped in pan on a turntable. The scrapi ng soluti on gave rise to burnished sUifaces, a significant improvement ove!' cracki ng, dripping painted patterns masked by a sa lt layer on the surface or the pot. Burnish shee n that initiall y may have been an unin tentio nal benefit or the scraping the wall thin, became a desired new surface treatment which potters learned to control and exploi t. Continuous burnish and patterned burnish or numerous types were crea ted. For th e lauer, no individ ual strokes are discernible , although th is might also be a result or clay type. Some clays arc more prone to creating a glossy surrace, as on the so-called "Samaria ware." Similarly, ro r th e Early Bronze Age "metallic" wares, mass spcctromelJy tests co nfirm that the glossy surrace technically can be considered as a glaze, yet, si nce it is applied in strokes, it is not a glaze (Fischer and Toivoncn-Skage 1995: 594). Although the Iron Age burnis h may have originated unintentionally, it became a high ly desirable surrace treatment whose development arose rrom techn ological changes in product ion rather than as a whim or copy or earlier pottery. T he return to a slow turn ing tournetle by the potters in the terminal Late Bronze Age reflects larger, more significant issues, than how pOllery was made. A slower wheel implied slower production in contrast to a rast-wheel, mass-produced artiract to serve a society able to support proressional potters and the demands or wheel-thrown pottery given the limiting nature or the raw materials. The second major development was the sh iH in the seventh century, to wheel-thrown wares, long aher the burnishing was rashionable. This development allowed ror the rapid manuracture or polte lY and accommodated the need to produce large qua ntities or potS (Franke n 1993/4: 49). Perhaps, due to lhc rast wheel, a smaller number or pOHeries were able to replace pottel), production cen ters. A change almost anywhere in th e line of production impacts all subsequen t steps, not only how the pOLS are made, dried, and fired, but also decorated and distributed, includi ng who made th e pOLS and where. Th is is nOt to suggest that there was a sudden comp lete change wi th the introduction or the whee l. ~ I anurac ture or non wheel-thrown wares con tinued just as Herr (1995) notes that Iron II shapes in general persist into the Pe rsian period. Techniques onen

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associated with the Late Bronze Age , such as buiJding pots with coils, slabs, and molds, continue in th e Iron Age despite the fast-movin g wheels (Franken and London 1995: 219). One technology does not replace anOlhc r en tirely since individuaJ manufacturing techniques often coincide WiUl vessel type, such as coil and slab manufacture for pithoi. The manufacture of cooking pOLS and th e large, wide Manser bowl represe nt the continued lISC of molds to shape wide bodied contain ers. Coil work continu ed for jars, large bowls a nd kraters , but often in combination with a mold or turntable used to facilitate rotating the vessel under construction. Pinch pOlS were made for toys and oUl er small co ntain ers and slabs were used for the largest, bulkiest con tainers. There were new shapes, new clays a nd new surface treatments with the reintroduction of thrown pouelY. These co-existed with previous techniques. South of the Ammonite area, in the region associated with th e territOlY of the anci ent Edomitcs, pottery 111at C. Bennett excavated at the site of Busayra, di splays the possible local transition from a slow-moving wheel for lUrning pottelY to a fast-wheel for throwing pottelY. Thin-walled bowls con taining inclusions characteristic of the region co uld have been wheel-thrown. Painted patterns using a red and black pigment were developed locally. The dearth of burnishing in contrast to the paillled designs, allows one to infer th e use of a fast wheel since burnishing was a product of turning and thinning pots made on a slow-moving work surface (Homes-Frede ricq and Franken 1986: 169). Wh eel-thrown pOllery can be made thin initialJ y without the need to rewo rk the lower waU or to cover the traces of the thinning with a time-consuming burnished surface.

Concluwm To carry out the detailed analyses needed to define local contemporaneous ceramic traditions requires sherds and whole pots in addition to chemical and mincraJogical testing. Also needed is a focus on pottery produ ction rather tha n shape and surface treatment. Burnished surfaces, so characteristic of Iron Age pottelY, represent certain shapes and manufacturing techniques rather than simply a desire to create shiny pots. Once a better, faster manufacturing technique became avai la ble such as wheel throwing, burnish surface treatment disappears, since it was part of an obsole te system of shaping

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pOLS. Given the di stance from the Mediterranean economic centers and the diverse geographic regions with in Jordan, one can conclude th at ancien t society in central j ordan mainta ined a local pottery industry that not only absorbed innovations from elsewhere, but also introduced new ideas, techniques and improvem ents of its own.

Acknowledgments Th e cdiLOfs of this volume Randall W. Younker a nd Bunon MacDonald- are most gratefully acknowledged for undertaking this project. Thanks arc ex tended to the Madaba Plains Project slaff and directors, especiall y Senior Director, Lawrence T. Geraty and Tall al·'Umayri's DirecLOr, Larry Herr, for th e opportu nity to study the 'Umayri pouely. At ' '''alla "Valla Co llege, Douglas R. Clark has made space available to exam ine POtlCIY from Field B. During the 1994 season of excavation, Deborah Graham was the square super· viso r in Field B. Volunteers working at ' Valla ' Valla College to recon· struct the jars include: Edna Canaday, Adriel Chilson, Lorraine j acobs, Bonnie Saranovich, and Susan Ellis·Lopez unde r the direction of Hestcr Thomsen·Chilson . Polter Tom Emmerson of "Valla ' '''ali a College has ki ndly provided his expertise. Carmen Clark, jon Cole, and Marcel den Nijs continue to assist in many capacities. My clay experimen ts we re carried out at the Dept. of Potlery Technology, Lciden University in 1978. Finally, a generous grant from the Leon Levy-Shelby ' Vhite Publications Committee makes possible the mineralogical testing and publication of H isban pottelY.

Riferences Amiran, R. 1969 AT/einll Pottery oj the Holy u:md. J erusalem: i..,lassada. Beynon, D.E.; Donahue, J ; Schaub, R.T.; and Johnston, R.t\. 1986 Tempering Types and Sources ror Eilrly Rl"Onze Age Ccr.Hnics rrom Bab edh-Dhra' and Numeira, Jordan. Journal oj Field Ilrclweology 13: 297 305. Clark, D.R. 1994 The Iron I Western Derense System at Tell el-'Umeiri, J ordan. Biblical Arclltllologisl57: 138 48. 1996 Early Iron I Pillared Building at Tell al-Umayri. Biblical Archaeologist 59: 241. 1997 Field B: The Western Derensive System. Pp. 53- 98 in MOI/aba Plains Project 3: TIt 1989 &asOI/ at Tell tl-'Umliri mid Vicini!)' and Subsequtllt Studies, cds. L.G. Herr, L.T. Geraty, 0.S. LaBianca, ilnd R.W. Younkcr. BCITien Splings, M I: Andrews University.

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Cohen-Weinberger, A., and Goren, Y. 1996 Petrographic Analysis of Iron Age I Pithoi from T el Sasa, 'Ah"qot 28: 77-83. Crowfoot, G. M. 1932 POlS, Ancient and Modern. Palestint Exploratiol' Quurterry 6: 179 - 87. Dajani , Rafiq W. 1970 A Late Bronze-Iron Age Tomb Excavated at Sahab, 1968. Annual ~ the Deparlmml tf AntiquitieJ oj Jordan 15: 29- 34. Dornemann, R,H. 1983 77lt Archaeology oj Ihe Transjordanin Ihe 8rol/<.t alld IrOIl Ages. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public Museum. Fischer, Peter tv!. 1991/2 Cypliot Finds al Tell Abu al-Kharaz, T ransjordan. Pp. 84 90 in Acta Cyprin, cd. P. Astrom. J onscrcd: Aslrom. 1995 Tall Abu al- Kharaz. The Swedish Jordan Expedition 1993: fourth Season Preliminary Excavation Report. AIII/ual oftht /Jfportmml tif AntiquitiLs oJJordan 39: 93 119. Fischer, Peter l\L, and T oivonen-Skage, Eva Metallic Burnished Early Bronze Age Ware from T all Abu al- Kharaz. Pp. 1995 587-96 in Studies in tht History and Archaeoww if Jordan 5, cd., A. Hadidi. Amman: Dcpartmcnt of Aruiquitics of J ordan. Foster, C.M . The Potte r's Wheel: An Analysis of Idea and Artifact in Invention. 1959 SoUtJllveslern. Journal rif Anthropowgy 15: 99- 1I 7. Franken, Hj. 1991 A History of Pottcry Making. pp. 62- 85 in Treasures from an Aneimt umd. TIlt Art rif J ordan, cd. P. Bienkowski. Wolfeboro Falls, N. H. : Sulton. Exc(UJalions at Tell Deir 'Alw. The Late Bron<.e Agt Sallctuary. Louvain: Peeters. 1992 1993/4 Notes on the Typology of Pot Handles and G lips. Ntwsletler rif tht fHpartment if Pottoy Ttchllowgy IIIIZ: 47- 53. 1995 Theory and Practice of Ceramic Studies in Archaeology. Ntwsletfer rif tht IJtparllllent if POltoy Technowgy 13: 81 102. Franken, Hj. , ;md Kalsbcek, J. 1969 Excavations al Tell /Jtr.·r 'Alia. A Stratigraphical alld Ana!J,tical Stut!Y rif the Earfy 1r01i Age POI/try. l..ciden: Blill. 1974 III Starch if tht Jtricho Potlos. Oramus .from till! Iron Agt and ..from the NtOlithicum. Amsterdan; North- Holland. Franken, Hj., and London, G.A. 1995 Why Painted Ponery Disappeared at the End of the Second Millennium B.C. E. Biblual Archoeowgist 58: 214 - 22. Franken, HJ. , and Steiner, M.L. 1990 Exc(UJations in Jerusakm 1961- 1967. Yol. II . Oxford: Oxford University. Geraty, L.T. ; Herr, L.G .; LaBianca, 0.S. ; and Younker, R .W., eds. 1989 MaJaba PlaillJ Pr(!ject 1: the 1984 Stason at Tell el-'U"mri and VlCiniry and Subsequenl Studies. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews University. Glanzman, \ Vm. 1983 Xeroradiographic Examination of Pottery Man ufacturing T echniques: A T est Case from the Baq'ah Valley, J ordan. MA SC4 J ournal 2: 163- 69. Coren, Y. 1996 The Southern Levant in the Early Bronze Age IV; The Petrographic Perspective. /Julletill rif tht Amtrican Schools rif Orienfal Rmorch 303: 33- 72. Hankey, v. 1974 A Lale Bronze Age T cmple at Amman I. Thc Acgean Pottery. Levant 6: 13159.

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Harding, C.L, and Isserlin, H. 1953 An Early Iron Age Tomb at !\ Iadaba. Pakslinl Exploration rlllld AlUlUal 6: 27 47. Herr, L.G. 1983 77le Amman AirfJUrt Excavations, 1976, cd. L. e. Herr. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 48. Winona I.ake, IN: Eiscnbrauns. 1989 The Potlery. Pp. 299 354 in Madaba J>lain.s Proj((t 2: Thr 1984 Seasoll al TIll el-'Umeiri alld flicilliry and Subsegumt Studirs, eds. LT. Ceraty, L Herr, 0.S. La. Bianca, and R.W. Younkcr. Hcnicn Splings, ]\-11 : Andrcws University. 1991 POtlC1Y Typology and Chronology. Pp . 232 45 in Madaha Plains Pnytct 2: 17u: 1987 StasOIi at Tefl ,/-,Umeiri mId flilllu"ry alld Subsrgumt Studies, eds. L Hcrr, LT. Ceraty, 0.5. La Bianca, and R.W. Younker. Berrien Springs, !\ II : Andrews Univcrsity. 1995 T he Latc Iron II -Persian Ceramic I-Iorizon at T all al-'Unmyri. Pp. 617 19 in Studirs ill the History alld Archarology if" Jordall 5, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of AmiquiLies of J ordan. 1996 Publislled POI/try if" PillLstinl. ALlanta, CA: Scholars. 1997 T he Pottery. Pp. 228 49 in Madaba Plains Project 3: 17!e 1989 Season al Tell eVUmeiri alld fliciniry and Subsegumt Studies, eels. L. Hcrr, L.T. Geraty, 0.5. La Bianca, R.W. Younkcr, and D. R. Clark. Bcrrien Springs, M I: And rews University. Herr, L.G.; Geraty, LT.; La Ui;mca, 0.5.; and Younkcr, R.W., eds. 1991 Madaha Plaills P,oj((1 2: 77lt 1987 Sfason at Tell eJ-'Umeiri and flicini!} mId Subslgumt Studies. Berrien Springs, hI! : Andrews University. Herr, L.C.; Germy, L.T.; LaBianea, 0.S.; Younker, R.W., and Clark, D.R. 1996 Madaba Plains Project 1994: Excavations at Tall el-'Umayri, Tall J alul and Vicinity. Allnual if" the Dtpu,lmrnl oj Alltiquities if" Jordan 40: 63 81. Holladay, J .S. 1991 Rcd Slip, Burnish and thc Solomonic Gateway at Gezcr. /Julktill if" tile Americall SdlOols if" an·mlal Restarc/l 277178: 23 70. Homcs-Fredericq, D., and Franken, H J. 1986 POI/try and Pot/as Past and Presmt. T ubingen: Attcmpto. Ibrahim, Moawiyah, 1\ 1. 1978 T he Collared Rim SlOre J ar of the Early Iron Age. Pp. 116 26 in Archarology ill the /...roanl. E.Jstrysjor Kalillem Kinyon, cds. R . ~-I oorcy and P. Paar. Wanninster: Aris and Phillips. 1987 Sahab and Its Foreign Relations. Pp. 73 81 in Siudies ill till History (wd A,clw.eology if" Jordan 3, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. J i, Chang-ho 1995 Iron Age I ill Central and Northern T ransjordan: An Interim Summary of Archaeological Data. Pales/ille Etploratioll Joumal 127: 122 40. Kalsbcek, J. , and London, G. 1978 A Latc Second Millennium H.C. POlling Puzzle. Bulk/in if" Ille American Schools if" Orimwl Research 232; 48- 56. Kelson, J. L., and T horley, J.R . 1943 T he Potters Technique at Tell Bcit M irsim, Particularly in Su·atum A. Al/nual if" Iile Amm·call Schools if" Oritnlal Resta,c/t 21 22: 86 - 142. KJetter, R. 1991 T he Rujm El-~ I alfuf Buildings and the Assyrian Vassal State of Ammon. Bulklin if" Ihe Americall Sthools if" Orimfal Research 284: 33 50. Knapp, A.B. 1989 Complexity and Collapse in Lhe North J ordan Valey: Archacomctry and Society in Lhe Middle-Latc Bronze Ages. Israel Exploratioll Sociery 39: 129- 48.

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Leonard, AJ. 1981 Considerations of Morphological Variation in the Myccnean Ponery from the Southeastern Mediterranean. /Julletin if" the American Schools of OritTllal Research Ul: 87- ]0l. 1987 T he Significance of the Mycenaean Pottery Found East of the Jordan River. Pp. 261 66 in Studies in the History aJ/d ArchfaOlogy of Jordan 3, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Dcparuncnt of Antiquities. London, GA 1981 Dung-tempered Clay. JOllmaf of Fuld ArdlMology 8: 189- 95. 1986 Response to Melissa Hagstrum, "1'\'lcasuring PrehislOric Ceramic Craft Specialization: A T est Case in lhe American Southwest." Journal of FuM ArchaeoloD 13: 4: 51 - II. 'nle Organization of the E.arly Bronze II and III Ceramics Industl)' at 1988 Tell Yarmuth: A Preliminary Rcpon. pp. 117-24 in rarmoulh /,1980- 1982, cds. P. de Miroschcdj ct aJ. Paris: Editions Recherches sur les Civilisations. I989a A Comparison of Two Contemporaneous Li festyles of the Late Second Millennium B.C. Bulletill tlj /ile Americl/Il Sdwols rif Oritl/tal Research 273: 37 ~55.

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On Fig Leaves, h incrant Poners, and Pottery Production Locations in Cyprus. Pp. 65~80 in Cross-Crqfl and Cross-Cultural lnlc"prttatums in Ceramics, eds. P.E. McGovcnl and M. D. Notis. Ceramics and Civilization IV, ed. W. O. Kingery. Westerville, O H : The American Ceramic Society. Past Present : Village Potters in Cyprus. Biblical ArcMeowgist 50: 219- 29. Aspects of Early Bronze and Late Iron Agc Ceramic Technology at T ell cI-'Umeiri. Pp. 383~ 419 in Madaba Plnins Project 2: 7M 1987 Season at Ttll tl-'Umtiri alld Vicini!>, and Subsequtnt Studies, eds. L. Herr; LT . Geraty; 0.5. LaBianca; and R.W. Younker. Bcnien Springs, M I: Andrews University. Standard ization and Variat ion in the Work of C raft Specialists. Pp. 182 204 in Ceramic i:.""tJmoorc/weoWgy, ed. WA Longacre. T ucson: Univcrsity of Arizona. Tells: City Center o r H ome? Erelz.-lsrael 23: *71 9. Biran Volume. J erusalem: Israel Exploration Society. A Comparison of Bronze and Iron Age Pottcry Production Based on r>. taterial from the Madaba Plains Region. pp. 603~06 in Studus in the History and Archaeowgp rif Jordall 5, ed. S. T ell. Amman: Department of Antiquities of J ordan. Investigating Ancient Ceramic T raditions on Hoth Sides of the J ordan. Bsays in Honor rif Jamts A. Sauer. Cambridge, MA: Harva rd Semi tic Museum. G.A. and Clark, O.R. Ancient Ammonites alld M()(/tnl Arabs. Amman: American Cenlcr of Oriental Research. G.A.; Egoumcnidou, F.; and Karageorghis, V. Traditiol/al Pottery in Cyprus. Mainz: Phillipp von ZabcOl. G.A.; Plint , H.; and Smith, J. Prelimi nary Petrographic Analysis of Pottery from T ell el-'Umciri and Hinterland Sites, 1987. Pp. 4 29 ~'~9 in Madaba Plains Projtcl 2: The 1987 SeasOIl at Tell el·
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London, G.A, and Sinclair M. 1991 An Ethnoarchaeological SU IVCY of Potters in J ordan. Pp. 420 28 in Madaba Plains Project 2: The 1987 Season at Tell cl-'Umnn and Viciniry and Subsequent Studies, cds. L. Herr; LT . Gcraty; 0.S. La Bianca; and R.W, Younker. Berrien Spri ngs, MI : Andrews University. Lugenbeal, E.N., a nd Sauer, J A 1972 Scventh- Sixth Century B.C. Pottery from Area H at Heshbon. AI!dratJs Universiry Seminary Studies 10: I: 21 69. i\ laeDonald, Burton 1994 Ammoll, Jlfoab. and Edom. Amman: Al Kutba. McGovern, P. 1986 17le Late Bron~e and Early /rOil Ages rif Central Trall,fjordall: 'n,e Baq' ah Val{,;p Project 1977 1981. Philadelphia: University Museum. McQuitty, A 1984 An Ethnogrdphic and Archaeological Study of Clay Ovens in J ordan. Allllual rif the Departmrot rif Alltiquities rif Jordall 28: 259- 67. j'vlatson, FrcdClick R. 1972 Ccramic Studies. Pp. 200 24 ill 17le Atinllesota Messel/ia Expedition, cds. Will. A MacDonald and G.R. Rapp Jr. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota. ~'I crling, D., and Gcraty, L.T ., cds. 1994 Hisball Ilfter 25 rears. Berrien Springs, MI : Andrews University. tvlershen. B. 1985 Recent Hand-made Pottel), from Northern J ordan. &ry·tus 33: 75 87 . Parr, P. 1982 Contacts Hetween North West Arabia and Jordan in the Late Bronzc and Iron Ages. Pp. 127 33 in Studies in t}1e History alld Archoeology rif]ordall 1, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. Pritchard, JB. 1980 17le Cemetery at TelllJJ-Sa'idiyeh, J ordan. Philadelphia: University Museum. Sauer, J.A. 1973 IilJJhboll Pollery 1971: II Preliminary Report 011 the PotteryJrom the 1971 Excavations al Tell liisball. A'ldratJs Ulliveniry MOllographs 7. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University. 1994 The Pottel), at Hisban and Its Relationship to the History of J ordan: An Interim Report, 1993. pp. 225 81 in Hisball Ajkr 25 Years, cds. D. Merling and LT. Geraty. Berrien Spri ngs, MI : Andrews University. Smith, R.H.; McNicoll, AW.; and Hennessy, J.n. 1983 The 1981 Season at Pella of the Decapolis. Bullelil! rifthe Amm:can Schools rif Oriental Researell 249: 4.')- 78. T ubb, J .N. 1988 T ell es-Sa'idiyeh: Prelimi nal), Report of the First Three Seasons of Renewed Excavations. l.AJ(lllt 20: 23- 88. Van As, A, and J acobs, L. 1995 An Examination of the C lays Probably Used by the Ancient Potters of Lehun (J orda n). Newsletter rif the Department rif POltery Techllolofg 13: 14 25. Va n der Kooij, G., and Ibrahim, i\0\.,\.1., cds. 1989 Picking Up the 17lreadJ. . Lciden: University of Lciden. Vilders, M.M.E. 1988 The Phase M POllery of Dei r 'Alia. NatJsleller rif tIle Department rif Pottery Teelmolofg 6: 79- 87. 1991 T ell es-Sa'idiyeh Iron Age II Poltery. Palestille Exploratum Journal 123: 14 1. 1992<1 The Stratigraphy and the POllery of Phase M at Dcir 'Alla and the Date of the Plaster T exts. !Alm!t 24: 187 200.

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1992b Cooking Pots from T ell es-Sa'idiych, J ordan. Palestine Exploration Joumal 124: 162.

1992c

Some Technological Features of Ihe Late Bronze and Iron Age Cooking Pots from Tell cs-Sa'idiych, J ordan. j,rewsltlln- oj lhe DepaT/mint oJ Pottery Teclm.owgy 9/10: 69- 81. 1993 Some Remarks on the Production of Cooking Pots in the J ordan Valley. Pakstine Exploration FI/nd 125: 149- 56. Wengrow, David 1996 Egyptian T askmasters and H eavy Burdens: Highland Exploitation and the Collared-Rim Pithos of the Bronzcllron Age Levant. 04O,d Journal of Archaeology 15: 307- 26. Yassinc, Khair 1984 Ttll el Mazar I Cemetery A. Amman: University of Jordan. 1988 Archaeology oj Jordall: Essqys al/d Reports, Amman: University of J ordan. ZCI1al, Adam 1988 The Water Factor during the Israelite Sctllcmcnt Process in Canaan. Soci£ry and Economy in the Eastmz Mediterral!ean (c. 1500- 1000 B.C.), cds. M. HellZcr and E. Lipinksi. Lcuvcn: Pcctcrs.

CHAPTER FOUR

"AMMON ITE" MONUMENTAL ARCH ITECTURE i\ 101 lAM MAD

AlJAR

Dep..1.nmcm o r Amiquities or Jordan

Th e so-called Ammonite towers (or ngm al-malfiif bu ildings) are the most characteristic fo rm of monumental architecture in ancient J ordan. Their bui lding material, namely, stone, along with such featu res as stairs, floors , underground water sys tems, and fortifications, will also be discussed in this paper.

"Ammonite" Towers

During the last 150 yea rs or archaeological investiga tio ns in J ordan, mo re tha n 150 build ings have bee n identified as "Am monite" monumental struc tures. Thirty-five of them are ci rcular structures (malfur tower lype) and 122 are iden tified as palaces (fortress type). A litt1e more than six percent of these structures have been partially or fully excavated. The diameter of the towers val;es rrom 5 (at Hu ssayn Sport City) to 28.5 (Rujm al-i\ lomany) Ill , with the most com mon type being 10m in diameter. The size of the fortress ranges from 7 1112 (Rujm "Vanany) to more than 1000 m 2 (Rtti m al-Kursy). These megalithic structures (figs. 4.1 , 4.2) built around 'Amman have been a topic of discussion among archaeologists and historians since th eir discovery. However, there is still no general agreement about either (I) th eir number (without proper archaeological excavations no olle ca n tell for sure whether we arc dealing with a real tower/ fonresses or with normal building complexes) or (2) date do they dale 10 Ihe Neolilhic (8500- 4500 B.C. ; MacKen zie 1991 : 23, 26- 27, 38; Landes 1951: 285- 86; 1961: 70), Early Bronze Age (3500 2000 B.C.; Walzi nger 1933: 23 24), Iro n Age I (1200 900 B.C.; C lueck 1939: 165- 67; Landes 1956: 284- 85; 1961: 70), Iron Age H I (1200 721 B.C.; Cese 1958: 56 57; Hentschke 1960: 104; Fohrer 1961: 7 1; Graf-Rcvcnt1ow 1963: 132; Homes-Fredcricci 1992: 200); Iron li B C (721 - 539 B.C.; Thompson 1972: 62; 1973a: 47, 50;

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1973b: 48- 50; 1977: 29; 1984: 38; Ibrahim 1974: 12; Muheisen 1976: 9, 10; McGovern 1983: 136; 1986: 9; Ibach 1987: 163- 68; Zayadinc 1986: 154; Yassine 1988: 17; Younker 1991: 337- 38; Abu Dayyah etal. 199 1: 366; Najja r 1992: 420), Persian (539- 332; Yassine 1988: 17), andlor Roman (63 B.C.- A.D. 324; Conder 1889: 111 - 12, 150, 152- 53, 172, 193, 207, 251; Glueck 1970: 181; Boraas 1971: 36 ~ 37, 39- 41, 43 45) periods? With regards to the function (were these structures fonresses or towers, agricultural facilities, and/or settlements?), many scholars (Conder 1889: 193; MacKenzie 1911: 25 26; Glueck 1939: 166; 1970: 181; Landes 1956: 285; 1961: 68; Gese 1958: 57; HenLschke 1960: 104; Graf-Reventlow 1963: 132; Thompson 1971: 63; 1973: 50; 1977: 29; 1984: 38; Muheisen 1976: 10 11; Shea 1981: 106; Vassine 1988: \8) consider these structures as military installations for providing an advance military defense system. Alrnough Glueck and Vassine arc in agreement that these towers were military installations, with their purpose to provide a system of defense for the eastern boundary of the Ammonite Kingdom against its external enemies, Glueck thinks that they were not on ly constructed but also operated as well by the Assyria ns, while Yassine is co nvinced that these structures were built and operated by local slates and not by the Assyrians. Yassine ( 1988: 17) states that some of the structures, e.g., the Ammonite towers at Khilda, were in use as early as lhe seven th century B.C. He sees the purpose of the Khilda fortress as being a seat for the military garrison and its commanders. Moreover, he sees it as having selVed as a public center (1988: 18). Boraas (1971: 44), Thompson (1971: 63; 1973: 50), Zayadine (1986: 155), Younker (1989: 195; 199 1: 337- 39) and Momani (1996: 93) take diffe rent positions. Accord ing to them, these structures we re not military installations, but agricultural sc ttlemen ts, complexes, and shelters. The disagreement on the date and function s of th e so-called Ammonite towers is due not only to their complexity but to the fact that there is insufficient infonnation derived mainly from surface collection of artifacts and heavy dependence on ceramics with the presumption that the material culture both west and east of the Jordan is the same. An additional difficulty is the nat ure of occupation in these towers, where many of them have been in usc for morc than 2700 years. Rujm al-M alfu f North stands next to the building of the Department of Antiquities on Jabal (Amman. Boraas (1971: 43), who dug a test trench at it, dated the site to the early stage of the Roman

" AMMONITE" MOl\'UMENTAL ARCHITECTURE

105

occupation in J ordan. O the rs have given a sixth fifth cellluries B.C. date for the sallle structu re (unpublished report to the Departmen t of Antiqui ties of J ordan by La nger de Polacky- see Yassi ne 1988: 17). R uj m al-Malfuf South is now destroyed. A few she rds dated to the seventh- sixth centuries B.C. (Th ompson 1973: 45) were found in stratified cOlllex ts in sou ndings at the site. Iron Age I sherds were also fou nd at this site as well as sherds from the fift h cent ury B.C. a nd later periods. Cretaz (\986) agrees on dati ng these so-caJled Am mon ite towe rs to the Iron Jl C period (605- 539 B.C.), but takes a different position on the function of the towe rs. She docs accept their mil itary function. However, because of thei r locatio n on secondary slopes, heads, and beds of wadis- for exam ple, Rujm al-Malfuf, Umm Udhayna, Rujm al- tJ inu, and Ruj m al-tJ awi, and because of the good view they provide, she thi nks thar thei r mai n purpose was to protect agricultural installa tio ns and harvests fro m nomadic raids, rather than to de fend the Ammonite kingdom. Many scholars a re inclined to follow Cretaz and thus to consider these towers as multipurpose structures, that is, both as agricultural and mil itary installations. In peacetime, they were used by an agricultu ral popula Lion as storage quarters. Th is co nclusion is attested by silos, gri nders, and coun terweights found in them (Najjar 199 1: 414; Homes-Frede ricq 1992: 193). In warti me, howeve r, they were used as part of the defensive systcm, either against internal th reat, for example, to protect and de fend agricultural lands, water sources, and goods agai nst the nomads from th e cast, as well as to provide stability for local vi ll agers (Cre taz 1986); Naijar 1992: 4 13), or external enemies to defend the boundal~ es of the Ammonite kingdom (Conde , 1899: 193; Mac Kenz;c 1911: 25); Glueck 1937: 166; Gese 1958: 56; Landes 1961: 66). A closer exam inaLio n of the locatio n of these towers and the ir chronological sequence points toward evolution in the ir usc. There is now more evide nce that, at a ce rtain point in the early history of the Ammon ites state, towe rs were built exclusively as military installaLions. However later, when there was more stability in the region (pax As.ryriaca) and with the advancemclll of the insLitutions of the Ammonite state, non-mil itary build ings were added and the character of not onl y the original bu ildings but the character of the whole settle ment changed as well . This explains why the towers are cl ustered in ce rtain areas and why some of them were built in st rate· gic locations {on the summit of hills, where one expects defensive

106

CHAPTER FOUR

installations to be) while others we re located on slopes and wadi beds. This situation is paralleled in the modern history of Jordan , where military camps and bases expanded into towns and cities, for example, Zarqa, Mafraq, etc.

Building Materials As a result of the geomo'l)hoiogy of Jordan and its natural division into three disti nct zones, namely J ordan Rift, plmcau, and the se mialid zone respectively from west to cast, a com bination of building materials were used with prefe rence for stone or sun-dried mud bricks. In general, prefe rence was given to the local resources and the most avai lable and cheapest materials were chosen.

Stone as a Building N/alerial Duc to the scarci ty of timber in Jordan, various lypes of rocks, namely, limestone, basalt, san dstone, and igneous rocks, have been used as bui lding material. limesume. Limestone of different quality (Mizzi Ahmar, Mizzi Akhdar, and Malake) occurs in numerous stratigrafic levels. Upper Cretaceous age sto nes are quarried from Irbid, Mafraq, Zarqa, and
"AMMONI TE " MONUMENT AL ARC IIITECTURE

107

Other Building A1atmals

Brick raw materiaL. C lay, suitable for brick producLion, occurs in different places in Jordan. It thus forms a broad base for the developmen t of a blick industly. Major clay/shale deposits are located in the
In all thc buildings di scussed above, locally avai lable sto ne was th e bui lding material. Flint and limestone were used. Beca use of the tendency of the flin t to break into large pi eces, it was used to bu ild the towers di scussed above. A typical exampl e of this is Rujm al-Malfuf North. Big chert slabs were used in paving the stree ts inside the Ammonite lown at the
Architectural ELements There is not one excavated site in J ordan in which all the elements of Ammonite monumental architecture are found toge th er. Thus, different archi tectural elements such as stairs, columns, door, pavements, bathrooms, floors, walls, underground water system, and othcr va rious elements from different archaeological sites will be dealt with.

108

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Stairs Stairs were needed in buildings, particularly in towers with more than onc storey. A split/level entrance with stairs was built in Rujrn al-Malfur North for connecting the second with th e first and the third levels (Boraas 1971: 38). The steps arc of field stones laid on their sloping lOpS. A Aight of steps built in the same manner was found in Khilda (Najjar 1992: 416) connecti ng the exterior of the lower with the interior. These steps led to a platform at the level of the ceiling of the ground Aoor. From th is platform ) two Rights of steps were built to give access to th e rooms in the square (fig. 4.3) and circular towers. The wall of the latter tower is twice the average width of the wall to make enough room for the stairs.

FLoors Most of the towers discussed above were built direClly on bedrock (fig. 4.4) which was leveled and used as a working floor (Najjar 1992: 418). The floor of one of th e excavated buildings at the Middle terM race of the 'Am man Citadel was of a thick layer of lime plaster (Zayadine 1973: 27; Zayadine et ai. 1989: 362). Plastered, beaten earth and cobblestone floors are also known from the Upper Terrace of the 'Am man Citadel (Najjar 1997: 7, 17; Momani 1997: 16) and from Tall Jawa (Daviau 1992: 150). One of the most important disM coveries at Khilda was a pillared house enclosed within the square structure. The structure and the house are stratigraphicaJly later than the rounded lOwer (Najjar 1992: 418). It is a fourMroom style house with a courtyard. A descending stairs leads from the elllrance of th e structure to the courtyard. The partition walls of this house werc constructed by means of placing stacked or monolith piers (fig. 4.5) at certain intclVals, then connecting the piers by one row of stone walls which were thinn er than the piers. These cupboardM like spaces (ca. 90 cm wide) between the piers were most probably used as storM age area (fig. 4.6). One such house of aJmost the same style was excavated at TaJ l Jawa (Daviau 1994: 185). There is a strong POSM sibility that these were twoMstory houses.

Underground Water System Conder (1889: 34) noted an underground water system at the 'Amman Citadel as early as 1889. Further investigation of this feature has

" AMMONrrE" MONUM&VfAL ARCHITECTURE

109

been ca rried out since the beginning of th e celllury (Vincent 1912: 149; Dornemann 1983: 90; Zayadine et ai. 1989: 357). Th e underground waler system consists of a relatively big, plastered water reservoir (ca. 700 m 3) . A 23 m long passage\vay carved in the native rock leads from ground level to the reselYoir. The difference in the altirude between the entrance of the shaft and the Aoor of the reservoir exceeds 17 meters. Occupation in the area goes back to the ["fiddle Bronze II and Iron Age periods (Dornemann 1983: 90). Thus, the water system may have been in usc during these periods. A ve ry interesting piece of' information is provided by Polybus' account, Histories, V, 7 1. According to this account, the {Amman Citadcl was subd ued by Antiochus th e Great in 218 B.C. only after th e access (fig. 4.7) of the besieged to th e underground water reservoir was denied. No direct evide nce for water channels was found, and whether or not there was a sp ring inside th e rese lYoir is difficult to prove because the Aoor is cove red by cement.

Phoenician Architeclural Elements Fragments of the so-called Hathor (Zayadine 1973: 28) and ProtoAeolie capitaJs (fig. 4.8) along with bases (fig. 4.9) and columns (Najjar 1993: unpublished materials) were found incOlvorated into later constructions at the (Amman C itadel. These fragments ca n be assigned with a great degree of ce rtainl y to Iron Age II (Shiloh 1979: vii; Stern 1992: 304). Stone piers (of monoliths or of fieldstones stacked on top of each other) were aJso uncovered at valious Ammonite sites (Najjar 1992: 416; Daviau 1992: 162; 1994: 185) and are attribuled 1O the same class of these architect ural clements.

Fortification System Although parts of casemate \valls were uncovered at Tall al-'Umayri (Herr el at. 1994: I +9), the clearest example of Ammonite fortification system was excavated at Tall Jawa, where more than 50 III was exposed in olle area including walls, towers, and buttresses (Daviau 1994: 175, 178). The exterior face of the outer wall was plastered. The use of plaster to seal the outer face of the walls was evident also at two other siles in 'Amman (fig. 4. 10), namely, Rujm al-MaJfuf (Boraas 1971: 37) and Khilda (Najjar 1992: 416), and one si te in Moab, namely Lahun (I-Iomcs-Frcdcricq 1992: 194). The walls of Tall Jawa are of'semi-hewn limestone boulders and are 2.5 m thick.

liD

CHAPTER FOUR

The enclosure wall has insets/offsets (Daviau 1994: 178) or so-called sali ent and recess (\
Rifert1lces Abu Dayyah ; A.S. , Greene, JA., H assan, 1.1-:1. , and Sulciman , E, 1991 Archaeological SUlvcy of Greater Amman, Phase 1: Final Report. Annual oj /he Departmenl if Anliquities oJ Jordan 35: 361 - 95. Abu Ghallimcl , K. 1984 Abu Nscir Excavation. Allllual qf the DepaTtlllilll oj AIlIiquities oj Jordan 28: 305 10. cAlami, Y. ; Zayadinc, F. ; Dassel , P.; and Balqar, S. 1975 The ArcluuoJogy of Amman 2000 B. G.. 750 A.D. Amman: Dcpamllcnt of Antiquities. Bornas, R. 1971 A Prclimimuy Sound ing at Rujm El-Malfuf, 1969. Annual oj the DepaTtmenl of Antiquilies 0/ Jordan 16: 31 - 45. Conder, l\'lajor G R.

1889

77lt Survry rif flit Eastem Pakstille: Memoirs rif the Topography, Orograpl!y, l-'.ydrography, Archaeology, tic. tht ''Adwall COUl/try ". London: Comm ittee of the Palestine

Exploration Fund. Cretaz, C. 1986 Les Tours Ammonites. Le MOllde de fa Bible 46: 21. Daviau, P.t,,1. 1992 Preliminary Report of the Excavations at T ell J awa in the Madaba Plain. Alillual rif the Departmtlll rif Alltiquities rif JOTdall 36: 145- 62. 1993 Preliminary Report of the T hi rd Season of Excavations at Tell J awa, J ordan (1992). Allnual rftht Departmmt rf Antiquities rifJordall 37: 325- 30. 1994 Excavations at T ell J awa, Jordan (1993): Preliminary Report. AMual rif the Departmtlll rif Antiquities rif Jordan 38: 173- 93. Dornemann, R. 1983 The Archaeology rf the TTmujoTdall ill the Bronze and /ron Agts. Milwaukee, vVI: Milwaukee Public M useum . Fohrer, G. 1961 EisenzeitJiehe Anlagen im Raume sudlieh von Naur und die sudwestgrezen von Ammon. Zp:tsmJl des Deulschtll Paliistina- Vtra·ns 77: 56-7 1. Gesc, H. 1958 Ammonitische Grcnzfestungcn zwischen wadi es-Sir und Naur. Za·tsmJl des Delllschen Paliistina-Vtrtins 74: 55- 64. Glueck, N. 1937 Explorations in the Land of Ammon. Bulletin rf tilt American Schools rf Oriental Research 68: 13- 21. 1939 Explorations in Easlml Pakstine, III. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 18 19. New Haven, CT : American Schools of Oriental Research. 1970 The Other Side rif the Jordan. Revised edition. Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Orielllal Research. Graf-Reventlow, H . 1963 Grenzbcsfestigungskctte. Zeitscrijl des Drotschm Paliistina- Vereins 79: 127- 37. Greene, J A., and 'Ami r, K. 1992 Deep sounding on the Lower Terrace of the Amman Citadel: Final Report. Annual rf the Departmtlll of Antiquities of Jordan 36: 113- 44.

"AMMONITE"

MONUMENTAL ARC I-IITECTUR E

III

Hentschke, R. 1960 Ammonilische Grenz fcslIlIlge n sudwcstlich von Amman. '(tit.scrijl des Dell!>rhm Paliistilla-Vmills 76: 103 23. Homcs·Freclcricq, D. 1987 Possible Phoenician Influences in the Iron Age. Pp. 89 96 in Studits ill tht /listory rif ArchatQlogv rif J ordan 111 , cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. 1992 L-ue Bronze and Iron Age Evidcnce from I.chun in 1\ lo.. b. Pp. 187 203 in Enr!J Edom 011(1 Moab: 17lt Btgl·l/l/illg if the Iron Age ill Southml Jordan, cd. P. Bienkowski. Sheffield Archaeological l\ lonographs. Sheffield: J R. Collis. Ibach, R.D. 1987 /ltslXlIl 5 Arduuological Survey rif tilt lIesbafl Rtgion. Ikrrien Springs, ,\ 11 : Andrews University Press. Ibrahim, J 1974 Second Season of Excavations at Sahab, 1973 (Preliminary Report). AIII/ua/ oj the Depar/mmt rif Alltiquitits rif Jordall 19: 55 61. 1975 Third Season of Excavations at Sahab, 1975 (Preliminary Report). Alillual oj II,e /Je/Jartmml oj Alltiquities oj Jordml 20: 69 82. Landes, C.M . 1956 A /listory oj the Ammonius: A SIII4>' oj the Political I.ife and Matmal Culture rif tilt Biblical Lalld oJAmmoll as all AlltollomOU.5 SlaU (m. 1300 580 B.G.). Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation , J olms Hopkins University. 1962 T he Material Civilintion of tht.' Ammonites. Biblical ArdwtQ{ogisl 24: 66 86. 1962 Ammon, Amonites. Pp. 108 1" in /lIlnprela's Di(tiollary rif the Bible, cd. C.A. Buttrick. New York: Abingdon. MacKenzie, D. 1911 T he Megalithic Monumcnts of Rabbath Ammon at Amman. Palestiflt £~plora~ lioll FUlld I: 1 -40. McGovern, P.E. 1983 T est Sounding of Archaeological and Resistivity Survey Results at Rujm AIHenu. Annual rif lhe Department oj AlltiqllifitS rif Jordan 27: 105 "1. 1986 TIle '-~te Broll;:.e and IjAr!J IrOIl Ages ~ emtral TrallsJordall: Ihe /Jaq' ah Valley I+ojrcl, 1977 1981. Philadelphia: T he University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. Momani, A. 1996 The Ammoniles ill Ille light oj New Excavali(Jlls al AIIII/WII Citadel and Khilda. Unpublished 1\ t.A. dissertatio n. Amman: Department of Archaeology, Jordan University. J\.I uheisen , M . 1976 J beyha church 1976 larabicl. Allllual 0/ Ihe /hparlment ~ Anliquities ~ Jordan 21: 9 10. Najjar, 1\ 1. 1992 Rescue Excavations at Khildal Amman [arabic]. Annual ~ ti1e Departmenl ~ Antiquities rif Jordan 36: 420 28. Shea, \V.I.!. 1979 '\'Iilkom as the Architect of Rabbath-Ammon's Natural Defenses in the Amman Citadel Inscription. PaltJtille Exploration Q¥artnry 113: 103- 10. 1981 T he Amman C itadel Inscription Again. PaieJtille Exploration Quarkr!J 113: 105- 10. Shiloh , Y. 1979 The Proto-Aeolic Capital and /sraelile AsMar Masonry. Jerusalem: Institute of Archaeology, Hebrew University. Stem, E. 1992 T he Phoenician Architectural Elements in Palestine during the I...ate Iron Age and the Persian Period. PI'. 302 9 in The Archileclure rif Alleienl /srael: From lhe Palestine to lite Persian Pmod5, in MemQry rf Immanuel (HulI)·a) Dunagryslg,

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cds. A. Kcmpinski and R. Reich. jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society,

1992. T ell , S. 1969

Notes on the Archaeology of Amman. AmlUal oj the Departmm/ oj Antiquitits

of Jordan 14: 28- 33.

Thompson, H. 1972

1973a

The 1972 Excavations at Khirbct aI-Hajjar. Annual oJ the lkparlmtnl qf Ant/qui/us oj Jordan 17: 47 72. Rujm AI-Malfur South. Annual of the DepaTlmml oj Antiquities of Jordan 18:

1984

4-7- 51. The Biblical Ammonites. Australian Journal oj Biblical Arehatow!:>, 2, N.2: 31 - 38. Commcmary on the Tell Simn Inscription. Australian Journal of Biblical ArchMology 2, N.3: 125- 36. The Ammonite Remains at Khirbct ai-Hajjar. Bulklin oJ tJre Ammcoll Schools WGrimMl Restarc/I 227: 27- 34. The Excavations of Rujm cl-Mckhcizin. Al1llua/ f!{tllt Dtpartmml oj Alltiquitits

1989

' Ill(: T owers of J ordan. I~J. 1- 9 in Arc/wroWgy inJordim, ed. H.O. Thompson.

1973b

1974- 75 1977

0/ Jordan

28; 31 - 8.

New York: Lang. Thompson, H .D. and Zayadine, F. 1973 The T ell Siran I nscripuon. Bulkfin rif tile Amencan Schools rif Oriental Rtstarch 212: 5- 11. 1983 The Works of 'Amminadab. Bib/ical Archaeology Review 'k 257- 63. Yassine, K . 1988 Ammonite F0I1resscs, Date and Function. pp. II 31 in Archatology rif Jordan: EHays and Reports. Amman: University of J ordan. Younker, R.W. T owers in the Region Surrou nding Tell eI-'Umciri. Madaba Plains Prrijut I: 195 98. 1991a The J udgment Survey. Mat/aha Plnins Prqjul 2: 269- 334. 1991b Architectural Remains from the Hinterland Survey. Madaba Plains Prqjecl 3: 335- 42. Vincent, H. 1912 Jerusaltm antique, I. Paris: Librairie Leeoffre. Watzinger, C. 1933 Dmkmaler Paliisti~: tine Eilyunmg ill die Archnologie des lJeiligm Landes. Lcipzing: Hinrichs'schc.

Z"yad;nc, F. 1986

Les Fortifications pre-HCllcniques et Hcllcniques en Transjordanic el en Palestine. Pp. 149 - 65 in La Fortification dans l'lJiswire du Monde eru, eds. P. Leriehe and H. T rezini. Paris: CNRS. Zayadine, F.; Humbert, J.B .; and Najjar, M. 1989 ' 111e 1988 Excavations o n the Citadel of Amman- Lower T elTIlec, Area A. Annual of the Deparhnenl if AnliquifiM of Jordan 33: 347- 63. Zayadine, F.; Najjar, M .; and Greene, J. 1987 Recent Excavations on the Citadel of Amman (Lower T errace), A Preliminary RCpoI1. AI/I/ual of the IJtpartmen( rif Alltiquities ofJordon 31: 299- 313.

CHAPTER FIVE

DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE IN IRON ACE AMMON: BUILDING MATERIALS, CONSTRUCTION TECHN IQUES, AND ROOM ARRANGEMENT

P.M.M. DAVJAU Wilfrid Laurier University

IntroduclioTl During the past cen tury, archaeologists working in Palestine have demonstrated that the four-room type house (Shiloh 1970: 180) with its variants (Braemer 1982; Holladay I 992a: 308) was the standard plan in use in Iron Age Israel and Judah. \
11 4

C HAPTER FIVE

construction techniques a nd buildin g plans· dating to Iron Age II that may loosely be called "Ammonite."2 As a result of th is study, we may be able to show, on the olle hand , which characte ri stics were eth nically specific and, on the olher, th e degree to which the Ammon ites shared arch itectural traditions with th eir neighbors in Syria and Palestine. 71lt Sites (Fig. 1.1)

Due in part to modern construction and rapid population growth , numerous si tes in what was the Ammonite kingdom during Iron Age I I have been partially dcslroyed 3 or built over'l \vith the result that evidence for bui ld ing materia ls, construction techniques and bui lding design is now prcsc,vcd in the archaeologi cal record of on ly a slllall number of sites. For this reason, among others, our sample will focus on sites located to the south and west of modem day (Amman , especially Tall Jawa, where middle (Stratum VIII ) and late (Stratum VB ) Iron Age (( prese rvation of domestic structures is more ex tensive than at thc (Amman Citadel , Sahab, Saful and seve ral small sitcs within the grea ter (Amman a rea.!> Addit.ional evidence from the Iron Age I occupation at Sahab and Tall al-
I This paper is a revised version of a presentation to the Annual Meeting or the American Schools or Oriental Research, Nov. 20, 1994, in Chicago entitled "Architectural Traditions in Iron Age Ammon." 2 A survey 10 determine the extent or Ammonite pOlling traditions, undertaken by the author in 1995 and, with the assistance or J.A . Deannan, in 1996, yidded evidence ror typical Ammonite reatures, especially the double dise base, as rar soulh as Khirbat al-Hiri (cast or Madaba). Whether cultural and political spheres were co-extensive has not yel been delennined. , The remains of Rujm al - ~Ialruf (south; Thompson 1973) and or Khilda (Najjar 1992) were removed rollowing excavation so that new buildings could be constructed. The situation at T all Sarut was less drastic although il was damaged when the west side was CUI into by modern road construct ion. ~ The excavations at Sahab were scverely limit ed due to the growth or the modern town (Ibrahim 1974:55), while at 'Amman the Iron Age remains had been cut into by Hellenistic and Roman peliod construction (I-Iumbert and Zayadine 1992: 215). At T all J awa, construct.ion at the base of the tatl brought excavations to an end. ) Fortified towers and hmnste;ld s that rUllctioned as rood gat hering and processing stations arc not included in this study (sec K1etlcr 199[; Younker 1989). 6 '111c excavations or Iron Age II domestic buildings at Tall as-Sa'idiyya (Pritchard 1985) and at Da)T 'Alia in the Jorda n Valley van der Kooij a nd Ibrahim 1989:

DOMESTI C A RCI-IITECTURf. IN IRON AGE AMMON

I 15

Because the number or excavated town sites surrounding 'Amman is so small (4), this paper \.vill include a detailed description or specific techniques or constru ction and th e resulting building plans as see n at Tall j awa with rererence to parallels rrom neighboring sites. Such description provides only one basis ror identification and classification or various building types. A second source or evidence is the runctional classification of arli f..1cls and pottery vessels and an analysis or their distribution on floors that represe nt discrete phases or occupation and usc (Daviau 1993: 51 ). Since certain hou ses excava ted at Tall jawa lend themselves to both types or analysis, they \\~ll be presented below. 7

Building ,Walerials and Conslroclion Techniques In his comprehensive study or building tech niques in so uthern Syria and Palestine, \'Vright describes the three most widely used bui ld ing stones, namely, lim esto ne in central Transjo rdan , sandstone used predominantly in th e so uth, and basalt which is most co mmon in the north and cast (1985: 338). A study by Schnurrcnberger (in Daviau, in preparation) dea ling specifically with cent ral j ordan defines the major components of exposed bedrock as "carbonates ... and chert" with both chalky limeston e and a harder limestone so mewhat more resistant to erosion. C hert, being especially common around Tall Jawa, was used in construction primarily in walls built or undressed fieldstone (see also, \'Vright 1985: 340) where it somet im es equal ed 10- 15 percent of the total ston ewo rk. C hert also was chose n to serve as a moistu re ba rrier betwee n limesto ne boulders and mud bri ck superstruClure .!! Wall Jlones: Ficld stones, classed as small to medium boulders) ranged in size rrom 0.25 0.50· 0.50 0.75 m on ave rage and were commonly round in bot h exterior and interior walls. On occasio n, stones or 1.00 m and more in length were incOlvoraled into these walls) either tying small er stones together or used alone to rorm 80 90) is of special interesl even though the cultural and ethnic idcmity inhabitants is not yct clearly defined. 1 This material is presented with the prior agreement of the publisher may also be included in the final report \·olurnc (Da\'iau , in preparation). 6 C hert was not llsed in monolithic or stacked boulder pillars although not unknown in Palestine. For example, flint "drums·' were stacked to form in houses al Beer-sheba (Ikit-Alich 1973: 32).

of the thm it this is pill.u'S

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onc-row walls, as at TaU a l-(Umayri in Iron Age I (Younker; Herr; Gcraty; and LaBianca 1993: 220). The largest single stone located in a domestic structure (B800) at Tall J awa was 4.08 m in length (C 17:2). These stones can be described as sem i-h ewn si nce the outer su rface was dressed or trimmed to form a vertical wall face. Stairways, doorwf9is, Lintels: Dressed Slones incorpora ted imo special fea tures within domestic bui ldings, such as Staircase 43 in Tall J awa House 800 (Daviau 1994: Fig. 13), ranged in size from small (0.25- 0.50 m) to large boulders (O.75- 1.00 m). Similar size ston es, also carefully dressed, were used at the end of cross walls that separated rooms from one another (C27:7 = \-V8016), in piers that fu nctioned as doorframcs (A83:6), at the e nd of walls where they formed the jambs of door\vays (Doonvay BL a nd at the corner of buildings (B I 02). This technique was very common th ro ughout Palesti ne a t such sites as Tall al-Far'ah (N), Building 411 (C hambon 1984: PI. 18), Cabul (Gal 1993: 40- 41 ), Hazor Area A, H ouse 14a (Yadin et at. 1960: PI. VlI .l , VH1. 3) and Area B, Buildings 3100b a nd 3067b (Yadin el at. 1960: PI. XIV. I, XVT.I ). and in Jordan at Rujm alHenu (\-Y) where rough field stone wa1ls had dressed stone doorframes (McGovern 1983: 136). Less common is the survival of lintels ill situ although a few examples at TaU Jawa (Building 700, Daviau, in preparation) a nd at Balu' in Moab (Worsc hech 1995: Fig. 5) demonstrate that large boulders, comparable to pill ars (l .1 3, 1.55 m in length), wcre in use spanning the door\vays and supporting the upper storey walls. N/ud brick: The second most common building material used in Palestine and Transjordan was mud brick. Cha racteristically, it consti tuted the superstructu re of walls that had stone foundations (Reich 1992: 5). While structures with collapsed mud bri ck wa1ls we re present at TaJi al- 'Umayri (Younker; He rr; Geraty; and LaBianca 1993: 219) and J alul (Younker, pe rsonal commun icatio n), all Iron Age II bu ilding wall s at Tall J awa appear to have been constructed entirely of stone on the ground floor.9 In two bui ldings (B700 and B800), the walls of second storey rooms were also buill of stone. This was apparent in the rockfall that filled the lower storey rooms completely, preserving the walls to a height of 2.00 ~ 3.00 meters. Evidence for

9 Fragments of mud brick (1324: 16) that collapsed into a casemate Room (R2IS) at Tall Jawa suggest that the outcr casemate wall had a mud brick superstructure.

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a mud brick superstructure has been found in a deep probe into Iron Age I levels at Tall J awa (Daviau, in preparation), and in th e Iron I casema te storeroo m at Tall al-'Umayri (Clark 1994: 145). E.vidence of collapsed mud brick walls in Iron II structures at T all J awa is velY limi ted, seen on ly in Building 102 \vhere th e brick was Illost probably from seco nd StOlY wall s.

Private Slmc!ures S!y{es qf Wall Construction Boulder-and-chink (fig. 5.1 ): Th e most common style of wall construction for private and public bu ildings at all Ammonite sites in the Iron Age was boulder-and-chink. Such walls, usually dry laid, consisted of va rious size boulders fined in place with small cobbles (0.06- 0.25 m). No noticeable tool marks were observed suggesting that many of the stones were chosen because of their regular shape and suitability for wall construction ("V right 1985: 340- 41 ) whi le others were probably hammer dressed (\Vriglll 1985: 344) or trimmed. 1D By contrast, the chink stones appear to have been chosen for their shape, although they vary considerably in size and werc, in some cases, exceedi ngly irregular. Walls were usuall y 2-row thick or 2-row with a th in rubble core. At intervals, larger sto nes would extend th rough the full width of the wall or would serve as capstones, tying th e rows together. This combination of SLOnes of varying sizes had the result of fo rming irregular courses that alternated medium and large boulders with small boulders and cobblestones (fig. 5.1 ). In view of this construction techniqu e, the counting of courses nucwales depending on the pla ce along th e wall where the count was made. \Valls built of stones all in the sa me size range are rarely see n in Transjordan although such a wall appears in Area D at Sa hab (Ibrahim 1974: PI. XX).II

10 Lumps or limestone and hundreds or chert lools adjacent to the Inner Casemate \Vall al T all Jawa (Locus A3:23) suppOrt this interpretation. My thanks to L.T. Ceraty who first made this suggestion. II Braerner (1982: 114) describes Ihis style or construction as a mosaic (Fig. 32a, a wall OIl Tel Esdar). Even where stones or valying size were utilized, rew walls show dearly horizontal courses.

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C l-lAJyr ER H YE

The custom of building walls without mortar, commo n at T all J awa, is parallel to Tall al-
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III Building 800 stood to the same height and , along with the pi llars, were capped by large rectangular boulders laid on their long sides for a total height of 1.5 m or moreY' In certain cases at Tall Jawa, the thickness of the pillars was 0.70 III on average with the boulder-and-chink or cobblestone connecti ng walls measuring only about 0.30- 0.40 me ters. This pattern resulted in the formation of a se ri es of recesses between the pillars. The ability to support an upper slOry was stre ngthened in the case of \Vall 8014 where it was associated with a solid boulder-and-chink wall (\ vao 13) north of Doorway E located in the corner formed by these two walls (Daviau 1994:

1 85~86) .

The most outstanding example of a wall (\V3027 , fig. S.3b) that included a monolithic pillar, stacked pillars, and cobblcslOlle connecting walls was uncovered at Tall Jawa during the 1994 seaso n. This is an interior wall in Building 300 that remained standing 1.80 m high and was at least 0.60 m thick. Wall 3027 was founded on bedrock and constituted the cast wall of a room (R314) in the middle of a sprawling domestic complex, Building 300 (Daviau 1996: 90, Fig. 7). Another type of interior wall was built of medium to large rounded boulders (0.40 H 0.60 m) positioned at intelvals and joined together by equally thick cobblestone con necti ng walls (W300S, fig. 5.3c). From the prese rved height of th ese walls (0.40- 0.80 Ill), it is possible that th e boulders supported short wooden pillars although no remains have been found in the archaeological record.!» The large number of examples of pillars with connecting walls at Tall Jawa may help to answer Braemer's questions (1982: I 19) concerning the function of these wall un its and their constru ction sequence. It is most likely that the pillars were installed fi rst. Since there is no exampic of a (i'ce standing slone pillar at Tall Jawa , the cobblestone connecting units or walls adjacent to these pillars must have been built immediately following. The (lll1ction of the low- or half-height uni ts was clearly to support the base of the pillars that were embedded

I~ See the examples from Palestine illustrated by Bracmcr (1982: Fig. 3Gb, d; 37b, d, e). 16 One reason for this lack of organ ic material i~ that Tall Jawa was nOl burned when the l!'On Age J I buildings collapsed with the result lhal no charred wood has been preserved. Exactly why Tall J awa was abandoned. bringing a long sequence of l!'On Agc II occupation 10 an end, is !lot yct known although carthquakc damage is a possibility (Dever 1992: 32').

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to varying depths under the floor. Un its standing fuJi height had more than onc probable fu nction: to add strength to the wall; to form recesses betwee n the pillars; or to support th e capstones that surmounted the pillars themselves. The seco ndary usc of these connecting uni ts, especially the lower ones, as benches or shelves does nothing to alter their prin cipal fun cLion Y The use of wooden piUars standing full height on SlOn e pillar bases can be assumed for the Iron Age I building at TaU aVUmayri (Clark 1996: 145), [or the Area B house at Sa hab (Ibrahim 1975: PI. XXV: I) during Iron Age II , and in a latc Iron Age II room (R907) at Tall J awa. Such bases were a common clement of COllSll1Jction in Palestine d uring th e Bronze Age (AJbrigh t 1938: PI. 50) and cominued to be used during the Iro n Age (Bunimovitz 1985: Fig. 5) although stone or brick pillars were the dominant type of ce iling suppon. More than one style of wall construction was present in each of the Iron Age buildings uncovered at TaLI Jawa. The best example is Building 300 where a series of waJls ran perpendicular to the inner wal l of the casemate system. These house walls were all bou lder· and-chink except for ' ·VaH 3005 lhat was built of slacked boulders with low connecli ng walls. VVhile additio nal in terior walls were also bou lder-and-chink, sevcraJ walls were or stacked bou lders and cobble connecting units. For the most pan, these different style walls abutted one anolher although Wall 3003, construcLed in 2·row boulder-and· chink, con tinued as ' ·VaH 3024 which was rormed of one continu· ous row of Rat-topped boulders, probably supponing posts aJong its length. The construction or wa lls of various styles wi th in onc and the same building is also evident at Tall al-
p.o."

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in use together, for example, in House 440 (Cham bon 1984: PI. 22). Howeve r, this particula,' wall style employing pillars see ms restricted to interior walls that divided the main space into discrete rooms and was frequen tly associated ..vith rooms that had cobbled floors although only two such rooms have been found at Tall j awa. 18 At the 'Amman Citadel , boulder-and-chink walls with semi-he\vn bou lders were the only style used in the buildings on th e Third Terrace (Humbert and Zayadin e 1992: Foldou t A). The excavators suggest that this may be due to Assyrian influence in the later phase of occupation (Humbert and Zayadine 1992: 248- 50) although that was clearly not the case during late Iron II at Tall j awa where NeoAssyrian influence was seen in th e pou cly from Building 800 even though various wall styles were in use together. 19

Foundations As part of the building process, the choice of location and the establishmen t of the footing for housc walls depended in la rge measure on the occupation history of the site. At several Iron Age sites without previous occupation, the walls wcre footed on bedrock. Th e limestone itself was cut or levelled to provide a secure setling for the lower wall slones and crevices and depressions were filled with packed clay (seen clearly in Rooms 313, 314, 811 at Tall j awa). This same utilizati on of bedrock was apparent at Rujm al-Henu (\'V) in th e Baq'a h Valley north of ' Amman where bedrock and packed clay se rved as the primalY surface on wh ich walls were fooled (McGove rn 1983: 136). ' <\lith this choice of locat ion for the base of walls, foundat ion trenches were unnecessaJY and few have been identified during excavation at Tall j awa where six major struClures we re exposed. Only where wa lls were repaired followin g collapse of upper storey walls arc shallow trenches visible. w These we re cut to give the builde rs

18 Stacked SlOne discs were used at Tall Hadar (Kochavi 1993: Fig. 2) in a tripartite building with cobblestone connecting walls and floors paved wilh cobblestones (Kochavi, Renner, Spar, and Yadin 1992: 38). 19 The pouery of the earlier Iron Age 11 phase (Room 108) at 'Amman has sirong affinities to the Stratum VIII (middle Iron II ) corpus a( Tall Jawa (personal observation). My thanks 10 the cxcavator, j.-B. Humbert, for showing this pottery 10 me. 20 Braemer (1982: 112) also remarked on the shallow foundations of house walls documented for the 186 four-room houses that he studied.

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morc space to wo rk as they reconstructed the walls a bove ea rlier wall lines. In other in sta nces, walls wcre founded on the underlying debris at the new floor level, wi th out benefit of foundation trcnchcs. 21 Floor SUIfaces

Seve ral different treatments of floor surfaces including bealen ea nh , earth and lime plaster, bedrock, cobblestone pavcmcllls, and flagstone pavemen ts have been identified in Ammonite ho uses. The choice of surface may reflect both the status of the dwelling and functio nal necessity. Out of 55 su rfaces uncove red or idcmified in the domestic buildings at Tall J awa, 71 perce nt were beaten earth, 5.5 pcrcelll wcre of lime; 11 percent consisted of bedrock with packed earth, 3.5 percent we re paved with cobbles (in the casema te wall system, several rooms we re paved with cobbles lh at were in turn coated with plaste r), and 9 percent we re paved wi th flagstones. Bealen earth: Beaten eanh Roors we re probably the most common and have been identified in a ll rooms with ove ns or heanhs as well as in rooms with a high pe rce ntage of stOrage jars and equipment. For th e most part, these rooms appear 10 have been roofed, especially in view of their size (3.00 m span or less), the presence of lamps, and their conlen ts. 22 The prese nce of an oven is usually a sign tha t a room was roofed (Daviau 1993: 45 1), especially in view of the cold, rainy winters commo n on the ce ntral J ordanian plateau (stOrms produced 1.00 m or snow in 1992; 50 days of rain in 1993). Earth and lime plaster: Certai n floor surfaces associated wi th ove ns di d not have a simple beaten earth floor. Instead, they made use of a plaste red surface, such as Room 302 in its final phase (at Tall J awa, Stratum VlIlA) whe re a collapsed ceili ng coaled wit h lime plaster was reused as a Ooor.:23 In spile of this change in the type

21 An example of this construction technique was seen in Room 102 al Tall Jawa where Wall 1012 sat on a contemporaty surface (A3:28; Daviau, in preparation). 22 A long histOlY of interpretation has suggested that unpaved rooms with beaten earth floors were open courls. This model, popularized by Beebe (1968), has had such force that careful archaeologists can depict Iron Age houses with an unroofed room while referring 10 ethnographic examples of houses that arc completely roofed (Dever 1995: 209). n Another plaster ceiling found in Building 800 at T all Jawil collapsed into Room 804 but was not reused. This ceiling did, however, indicate that the activities on Lhe upper storey dilTcrcd significamly from those on the lower storey.

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of surface material, the activities in Room 302 appeared to be the same as in the earlier phast: when a beaten eart h surface was in usc. These activities included food storage, food processi ng and preparation, cooking and a sm all amount of craft activity. In this instance, the change in noor surfacing material is nOI indicative of a change in function.2i A second room (Room 319) in Building 300 with a beaten ea rth and crushed lime floor was a corrido r with a cooking area. I-Iere lhe surface supported an inverted storejar that functioned as an oven. Heat from the oven hardened the surrounding soil so that i1 appeared in large pan 10 be covered wilh plaster (Davia u, in preparation). The use of plaster as a coating for upper sto re y noors is evident in the collapse that filled num erous rooms in Building 300. Another clear examp le is the ceiling tha t collapsed in Cel1lral Hall 804 of Building 800. This upper storey surface supported few artifacts and appeared to be a high traffic area between two stai rcases. The amount of collapsed stone above the plaster floor was a clear sign that it had been located in a covered room. Bedrock surfaces: Th e use of bedrock was identified in II percent of rooms in domestic structures at Tall Jawa. In several cases, il was clear thai the depressions and ilTegularjties in the bedrock had been packed with so il to form a more level su rface. Howeve r, the walls of the rooms had been footed on the bedrock itself and the storejars and pithoi had bee n set directly on the stone surface. Cobblestone jJavement: Only a handful of rooms at Tall Jawa (R3l5 and R312A) had cobblestone floors. One of these was a sma ll room (R3l5) that had been divided into three parallel compa rtments, probably for a special kind of storage. Since the number of ceramic vessels was small , one might imagin e that sacks or baskets were used. The second room (R 3 12A) was one of the largest (3.50' 4.00 m) in Building 300. In this room , the cobblestone surface was covered with plaster. \ \lith time, a bea ten earth noor was installed and domestic activities were carried out around a central cooking area. Flagstone jJavemenl: Floors covered with flagstones appear to have been a sign of high status and were frequently reserved for upper

1~ The formation of lim(' and beaten earth over pebbles to fonn a surface in Hazor Stratum II I Room 3002 (Yadin el al. 1958:
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CH APTER FlVE

storey roo ms (especially freque nt in Building 800). T he flagsto nes were installed above a debris laye r or a packed earth ceiling. These limestone flags measured ca. 0.30 0.40 m and D.lO m thick with the largest being 0.40· 0.60 m ' 10- \5 meters. FlagsLOnes of sl ightly less regu lar shape wc re used in the Iron Age I buildi ngs at Tall al'Umayri (Clark 1996: 241 ) and at Sahab in Arca B (Ibrahim 1974: PI. XV) and in Area 0 (Ib rahim 1974: Pis. XVIII, XX). In most cases, rooms with paved floors wcre buill so that the flags tones and cobblestones wcre embedded in an earthen debris layer or surface (RB03). Functional Interpretation

In each Iron Age domestic structu re a vali cty of styles of wall construction and floor surfacing was foun d. Atlempts to correlate these elements with one another a nd de termine the panerns of choice on the pa rt of the bui lders and inhabitants is only now unde rway. Caution must be used when comparing these houses, all found within walled towns, to others known from western Palestine. While the degree of urba nization in Ammon a nd Israel may have been comparable du ring Iro n Age II , a rchiteClural traditions established west of the J ordan in Iron I may have been considerably different. This is especially true of the Palestinian four-room house and its valiallls whose pri ncipal use as a ru ral house has been the determining factor in the interpretation of its plan a nd in th e functional identification of individual rooms (H olladay 1997a: 338). T he transi tion from houses built with solid interior walls to buildings that made use of wooden posts or stone monoliths to separa te one room from another appears to have occu rred during the Late Bronze Age. 2$ Th is change is see n most clearly in the construction seque nce of Building 475 at Tel Balash (Stratu m VIll - Vl1 ) where pillar bases marked the posi tion of wooden posts that supported the upper storey roo ms in both Strata VIII and vn (Kelm and Mazar 1982 : 9; Kclm and Mazar 1991: Figs. 8, 10). In the case of Tel Balash and several Mesopotam ian examples cited by Holladay (I 997b: Fig. 5g, h), the pillared room ran paralle l to the central hall. 25 See the examples cited by Holl.aday (1997b: Fig. 5.g- i). Surprisingly, Holladay shows a slaircasc in Rooms la and I b or the "tablet Building" at Tall Hadidi where Dornemann reported the prescnce or ten large vessels.

DOMESTI C ARCHIT ECT URE IN IRO N ACE AMMON

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J\llost problematic has been th e functional i11lerpretatio n of rooms associated with pillared walls. The use of such posts or of free· sta nd ing stone monoliths as the long wall of a narrow stone·paved room became a promine11l fea ture in Iron Age I houses, both in the central hill country and in ce rtai n walled towns (Holladay 1997a: 338) of western Palestine. Th e interpretatio n b y Holladay (1997b: 107) of the low connecting wa lls between the pillars as mangers and of the paved floors as standings for animals has become the norm for understanding Iron Age houses. Holladay (1997a: 339) uses cth no· graph ic parallels to support his inte 'lxe tation of the architectural compon ents of pillared rooms. However, this writer will contend th at this is clearly not the only \\lay of unde rstanding eithe r the et hnographic material or the archaeological record.

Ground

HOOf

Rooms

t.vidence from Tall Jawa: In Build ing 300 at T all J awa (fig. 5.4), six rooms (R302, R303, R305, R306+ R320, R315 , 318) each had one or two walls formed of stacked boulders. In all but two cases (R305, R3l8), there \.vere low cobblestone partition walls or conneCling uni ts between the pillars. Because thcse rooms differed in size, shape, and floor su rfacing matclial, no di rect co rrelation could be made between style of wall construction, a particular surface trea tm ent, and a given fu nction. In addit ion, the location of these pillared rooms varicd from onc room to another. For exampl e, a pillared room (802) ran parallel to the short end of the ce lllral ha ll in Building 800 (figs. 5.2 and 5.5) while the situation of Room 3 I5 was somewhat different in that it was parallel to the long wa ll or Room 305. At the sa me time, Room 315 was not along the side of Building 300 btll appeared to be su rrounded by ot her rooms on all sides. To unde rstand this variab ility, the value of Stich a wall must first be considered on purely architectural gro unds and only later evalu· ated in terms of room fun ction. In the case or Building 300, the principal walls were made of two·threc rows or limestone and chert field stones in boulder·and~chink co nstruction. \ Vith one exception (\ V3005), walls rormed or stacked boulders ran perpendicular, pro· viding secondary suppon for ceiling beams and separating one room from anOther. T he advantage of such walls was in the "windows" between the pillars thal all owed air and light to pass rrom one room to another. Th e disadvan lage was the redu ction in insula lion against

126

CHAPT ER I'IVE

heat and cold although the lalter was mitigalcd by the evidence for ce ilings above each room and by the number of ovens or hearths in adjoining room s. Only in one instance in Building 300 did a room (R315) with a cobblestone paved floo r have stacked boulde r pi ll ars framing a central doo rway. In this case, mud brick or packed mud units (E53: 19, 22) stood ca. 0.32 III and 0.56 m high connecting the boulder pillars wi th the side walls on either side of Doorway G. All other rooms wi th pill ars in Building 300 had beaten eanh or plaster floo rs. In Building 800 (Stratum VII), a single paved room had one wall fonned of monolithic pillars (RB03). ' Vhat is ce rtain about all of these rooms is that they did not sClve as a stable areas for small animals. Missing from the archaeological record are the characteristic accumu lation of dung and the windowless or underground room with a packed earth floor typical of traditional stables in Iran documented by \Vatson (1979: 121 , 160).26 Secondly, the narrow pillared rooms at Tall J awa (ca. 2.00- 2.20 m wide), lack the needed size of a standing fo r a horse (3.00 3.50 m deep) as determined by Holladay ( 1992/b: 179). And th ird, ent rance into each pi ll ared room was through a ki tche n . Holladay himself (1997a: Fig. 2) uses, as eth nographic analogues, two houses in wh ich the entrance to the underground stable was from a central courtyard and one instance where the ground floor stable had a sepa rate entra nce. Not one of these houses had the rooms arranged in such a way that animals had to walk through a kitchen area to reach their stable. T·his evidence suggests tha t the illl e rpre~ tation of the paved rooms in four~room houses as stables should be re~examined especia lly when we are dealing with space adj acent to a food processing and kitchen area. To understand the room arrange~ ment in Ammonite houses, we must return to the architectural com~ ponents of these pi ll ared rooms and their contents in order to determine the function of the architectural space. Storerooms: \ Vith in Building complex 300, two rooms with pi lla red walls most probably served excl usively as storerooms. In Room 315, there were two parallel lines of cobbles (2.00 m long; E53:lla, lib)

% Watson (1979: Figs. 5.6 5.29) illustrates five examples (20.5 percellt) of stables inside a house, eight examples (35 percent) of compounds where the stable had a separate entrance or was outside the house and 11 houses (44.5 percent) where the stable was not shown.

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that connected the sou th Wall (3033) to the stacked pillars III the north wal l. T hese rows of cobbl es were found in a sta te of collapse above the cobblesto ne noor but appeared to have divided Room 315 into three equal parts, each ca. 0.80 m wide. This arrangement, and the cobble sluface itself (E53: 17), suggests special measures to cre~ ale a room impervious to intrusion by small animal pests and mo i s~ ture. T he presence of the "windows" in its nort h wall meant that a certain amount of light and air could ci rculate between Rooms 315 and R30S on the north side of the pillared wall. In addition, heal cou ld ente r Room 31S from an oven p ositioned immediately north of the eastern connecting unit. These features indicate that dl)'lless was a primal)' concern and that the intrusion of light and heat was not a problem. Room 315 probably se rved as a kind of granal), for sacks of food Sl URS, although in its latest use period a number of ceramic sto rejars were in the room along wit h basalt millstones, four iron points and an obsidian arrowhead OJ 1500). Pillared Room 306 was a narrow side room off of workroom 302. This small (2.00 3.7S m) room, with its beaten earth floor, con ~ tained at least 31 ceramic vessels and 42 artifacts. In the adjacent workroom (R 302), there was a hearth, a food processi ng area, and add itional storage. A third storeroom (Room 803) in Building 800 was paved \vith Aagstones and cobblesto nes and had one pillared wall. It s size and artifact assemblage suggests a room used for domestic act ivities adja~ celll to a cooki ng area. Between the pillars of Wall 80lS were two dool"\vays (C, D), one on ei ther side of Oven C27:63 in Central Hall 804. Artif.:1.cts found on the slOne pavement of lhe room itsclf included rive stone monars, three basalt grinders, two upper loaf:'shaped mill~ stones, and two che rt pounders, all indicative of food processing activities, specifically the preparation of grains, legumes, and nuts (Daviau 1991 ). Although in size, Room 803 cou ld have been used as a stable for small animals, its location and contents do not sup~ port this ilH eqJretation. In Middle and Late Bronze Age hO llses (Davia u 1993: 452) the typical storeroom for liquid storage and for the storage of tools and ceramic vessels was a small or narrow room that tended to be dark and cool. This pattern was seen in Room 313 of Building 300 and in Rooms 802 and 807 of Building 800. There was no doubt con~ cerning the function of these rooms since eac h one was filled wi th broken vessels, loom weights, food processing tools, and lamps. As

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CHAPTER FIVE

an example, Room 802 contained a minimum of 25 ce ramic vessels, 50 a rtifacts, and a cooking area. Cooking areas: The location of cooking areas appeared to take into account the position of walls and the direction of drafts. Th e resulL of these considerations is that among 20 ovens and hearths identified at TaU J awa, 85 percent were built up against a wall, ten perce nt were adj acent to a doorway, and 45 percent were in a corner or protected by a saddle quem set into the floor on its long edge. Of these ovens, o nly fi ve perce nt were located in a room used almost exclusively for storage wh ile t he remainder were in multi-functional workrooms. I'Vorkrooms: 'Within Iron Age II houses, large numbers of pithoi (20+ in R303), proba bly originally filled with wine, oil and water, were located in the corners of large rooms (R302, R303) that also served as food processing and cooking areas. These workrooms where food was processed, prepared, and cooked we re clearly demarcated by the range of fi nds, such as slOrejars, kraters, bowls, cooking pots, millstones and querns, mortars a nd pestles, ha mmer stones of various sizes (chen pounders), lithic and me tal blades, animal bones, ovens, a nd ash. At the same tim e, these rooms were multi-functiona l and included the lOols of various household cra fts, especially those of textile production. Architectural space showed grea te r variation in size and shape than might be expected, ranging from small rooms (R 305, 2.50 · 4.50 m) to extra-la rge rooms (R804, 4.85 . 8.00 m). Of the rooms in Building 300 that comained ovens, 83 percent were m ultip urpose work areas. In Buildings 800 and 900 (Stratum VlI ) a similar ratio was seen with only 20 percent of rooms serving as sto rerooms ra ther than workrooms.

Roqftd Space Braemer's ca reful analysis (1982: 145- 53) of the evidence for comple(e1y roofed buildings in Iron Age Palestine is supported by ethnographic analogy and is now being recognized by other scholars concerned wilh domestic a rchitectu re (Holladay 1997b: 105). Variation in roof height and the use o f clerestory construction was suggested by both Braemer (1982: 149) and Pri tchard (1985: 30) although unequivocal archaeological evidence is sparse. At Tall J awa, the ave rage width of rooms is 1.96- 2.46 m wide with the largest room having a width of 4.S5 m (RS04). All of the rooms exposed in domestic structures were narrow enough to be roofed, even Central Hall 804

DOMEST I C ARCHITECTURE IN IRON AGE AMMON

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with its width of more than 4.00 m was cove red, its plaster ceiling having been found whe re it fell. Th is understanding of roofed space is important for our interpre tation of lh e archaeological remains and for aliI' image of life in the Iron Age. Clearly, the Ammonites did not design houses with a central workroom open to the sky so that rain and snow, common in th e 'Amman area, would fill the house on the lower storey where a wide range of domestic tasks were per· formed. In such an open room , clay ovens wou ld be severely dam~ aged by moisture and food stuffs would be ruined. Secondly, the extensive use of pillars within Building 300 (and B I 02) argues fo r completely roofed spaces. This is especially true for the stacked bou lder pillars thal co uld not easily withstand lateral shifting of weight but we re strong enough to support a roof and even a complete second storey (Holladay 1992a: 309). A roof extend· ing on both sides of the pillared wall would increase the vertical stress on the pilla rs but redu ce lat eral stress making them even more Mable. 27

Upper S/{Jrey living Areas Evidence fo r upper storey living areas and additional space devoted to domestic activi ties including cooking, food consumption, religious practices, and the transaction or busin ess was seen in the pattern of collapsed ceili ngs in both Building Complex 300 and in Buildi ng 800 at Tall J awa. In the case of Building 300, the ceilings we re marked by a layer of plaster and with high status ce ramic vessels and spe· ciality artifacts. Along with bowls, cooking pots and pithoi, these items include a strainer bowl (V491 ), a nearly intact red slipped juglet (V360), she rds of a red sl ipped deca nter with two strainers (V377), a wh ite slipped and painted decanter (V309, Daviau 1996: Fig. 6), a basal t lray (Daviau 1994: Fig. 7.2), a miniature cup (V492), the upper half of a female figurine (TJ 1119j Daviau 1996: Fig. 4), and tripod cups,lm one with petals hanging from the carinalion just above the base (V358).

?7 See the reconstruction of a pillared building at Tall al-'Umayri {Clark 1996: 241 } where an unroofed central room is shown. The arguments presented here suggest that such a reconstruction is not in accord with ethnographic examples or with the archaeological record of the vast majority of pillared houses. 2H Perforated tripod cups are attested as early as the ninth century B.C. at ' EinGev (Mazar, Biran, Dothan, and Dunayevsky. 1964: 10; Fig. 8, PI. 12A).

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In Building 800, fallen flagstones point to slOne paved floors on the upper storey. In these rooms also were high status pottCIY and arti facts. Among the morc co mmon ce ram ic vessels were an Assyrian goblet (V852) of grey-green ware (Daviau 1997), a red slipped, tallnecked juglcl (V871 ), a small decan ter (V889) with two handles and a SpOUl. ArtifaclS included personal possessions such as a G!ycymeri.s shell pendant (TJ 13 14) and a Tridacna shell cosmetic dish (TJ 1471 ), as well as a red slipped and pailllcd cultic stand (V801 -;::; TJ 674, Daviau 1994: Fig. 11.6), a n oslracon (TJ 1071 ) wi th three lines of text, a seal (TJ 11 28), a basalt mortar bowl (TJ 1338- 1339), and a limestone table (TJ 15 '~3) . The presence of lam p fragmcllls indicates that these rooms were them selves roofed.

Building Types Among the six domestic buildings at T aUJ awa in Iron Age JI and those at Tall al-'Umayri and Sa hab dUl;ng Iron JZ9 that show a consistency of co nstruction techniques, there are three velY di fferent building plan s: a possible four-room style building at T aU al-'UmaYI;; orth ogonal bu ildin gs; a nd a rambling co mplex with party walls betwee n individual units. This is surprising in view of our understanding of architecture as a culturally determined, inten tional , and meaningful organization of space (Meij er 1989: 221 ) to accom modate a give n number of well known activities (Schaar 1983: I). At Tall Jawa, there are striking differences in plan among the domestic buildings, especiall y bct\-\1ce n Building 300 (Stratum VIII ; Fig. 4) and Buildings 700 and 800 (Stratum VII ; Fig. 5)." Building 300: Th e large rambling compl ex from Stra tum VIII , known as Building 300, had more than 14 rooms surrounding a central cistern. Ahhough this building was used during seve ral occupa-

29 Due to the limited exposure at Sahab (Ibrahim 1974: PI. XV, where three paved rooms were exposed from Iron Age I, and Ibrahim [975: Fig. 2, where eight rooms of the Iron Age II building were excavated), the plans of the Iron Age buildings could nOI be ascertained. 30 Among the sites in central J ord an where complete buildings have been uncovered, few houses appear to share the same plan. A "common" plan is possibly that of a long room building represented in the "Ammonite Citadel" at T all al-'Umayri and Building 102 at Tall J awa which itself had an unusually regular plan. Since these buildi ngs may re present public rather than domestic structures they will be left for a future study.

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tion phases, the basic plan was not altered significan tl y.31 Most rooms seem to have been only a single storey except for workrooms adjoining the casemate wall (R302, 303) and two rooms on the cast side (R313, R314) that appeared to Ix: basement rooms. Along the cast side of the complex were three long rooms that ran parallel to the wall of a passageway (R 309) and peq)endicular to the casemate wal l. Three other rooms, also built up ,lgainsl the defense system, were broad rooms. Both broadrooms 302 and 303 had one long pillared wall. In addition, Room 302 had a short pillared wa ll as well. The access betwee n rooms was also va riable. Room 303 had two entra nces into Room 305. Room 302, however, had four entrances: 0 into Storeroom 306; F imo Room 320; E into the Cistern Area; and C into Room 307. No clear pattern is seen in the units which comprise this struclure. Indeed, Building 300 may be mOl"e than one individual house although the evidence remains equivocal. Building 800: The most complete plan was seen in Building 800 where a Central Hall (R804) wa." flanked on all sides by rooms. On the north and northwest of this hall, the walls were boulder-a ndchink. On the cast and southwest, the walls were formed of stacked boulder pi llars; and, on th e sou th , was a wall of monolithi c stone pillars, discussed above. On both the cast and west sides, there was a sto ne staircase lead ing to an upper storey. West Staircase 19 was built betwee n two parallel boulder-and-chink walls that served as the major walls of distinct rooms (802 and 807) while East Staircase 43 had two free-sta nding support walls which only secondaril y formed the ends of neighboring rooms. The closest parallel for this stai rcase is found at Tall al-
11 In the latest phas(~, Stratum VIllA, C{Tlain rooms went out of use and were filled with soil and nari carved out of the cistern (Da\'iau, in preparation). 12 A comparable siaircase al Hazor (Building 3038b, Area B) was built perpendicular 10 the oUier west wall with one free-standing support wall. However, its sOllth side was fonncd by \\,4539 of the Citadel and not by an interior wall that sen'ed as part of an ordillluy room (Yadin tl at. 1960: PI. eel V).

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a cemraJ court (Cour 10 I) with rectangular rooms parallel lO the lo ng walls of the cou rt. The excavators (Hu mbert and Zayadine 1992: 258) sec here the same Assyri an influence that Benneu rec· ognized at Busayra (1978: 165-71 ). No comparable building utiliz· ing this weU known pla n has bee n identified to date al Tall al-'Umayri or at T a ll J awa. This may be an indi cation of the chronological period of occupation o r of the role these towns had in contrast to that of a capital city.

Conclusions Three observations seem appropriate at this stage in the recovery of Iron Age si les. Fi rst, Ammonite arch itects did indeed employ the same building materi als as at other Pa lestinian and Syri an siles and shared ce rtain construction techniq ues. Second, the use to which they put these techniques shows unique a pplications and a tradition of employing several techniques in o ne and the same building. Finally, the expected building plans, common in Palesti ne, do not spring immediately to mind; few four room houses or variallls of U1C same appear to be prcscnt and these only in Iron I. Instead, Ammonites designed multi-room structu res that van ed from o ne another within the same site and dUJing the same period. Over time, new building plans appeared but these also are not well known in the repertoire of Iro n Age bu ild ings. Hopefully. future excavations will expose a large r number of domestic buildings in o rder to idemify the range of building plans in use and the precise relationship of such ho uscs to other buildings wi thin a coherc nt town plan. 33

References Albright, W.F. 1938 Th£ Excaualion r.if Tell IkI:t Mirsim, Vol. II. 11ze Bron{.t Age. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 17. New I-laven, CT : American Schools of Oriental Research. 31 T his research was funded by a grant from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and by a Short T erm Grant from Wilfrid Laurier University.

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nil' ExC(watioll if" Tell !leit Mirsim, Vol. II/. The IrOIl A,t:e, Annual of the American Schools of Orient,11 Research, 21 22. New 1-I ,lven, CT : American Schools of Oliental Research. Aurenehe, 0, 1977 DietjOllllairt illuslrt mullilil/gut dt {'architectllre du Procht Orimi allcim. ColleClion de [a 1\hison de l'Olient ~.. lCditerrnncen Ancien No.3. Scric archco[ogique, 2. Lyons: Maison de l'Oriellt. Beebe, 1-I,K . 1968 Ancient Palestinian Dwelli ngs. Bibliral Archaeologisl 31: 38 58. Ikit-Arieh, l. 1973 'f he Western Quane I'. Pp. 31 37 in /ker-sheba I: E:!C(watiolls al Tet Beer-sheba, 1969 /97/ SeasOIlS, cd. Y. Aharoni. Publications of the lnstiwlc of Archacolob'Y 2, Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University. Ben nett, c..:\.1. 1973 Excavations at Buseirah, Southern j ordan, 1971: A PrcliminalY Report. l1l'allt .5: I II. 1978 Some Reflections o n Neo-As.~yrian Influence in T ransjordan. Pp. 164 71 in Archae%g}J ill lIlt Levalll, cds. R. 1\ loorcy and P. Parr. Wanninsler: Aris & Phillips. Bienkowski, p" cd. 1992 Earty Edom al/d Moah. ne /kgillllillg if" Ihe /rOil Age il/ SoulherTl Jortlml. Sheffield Archaeological Monogra phs 7. Sheffield: Collis. Bracmer, F. 1982 L'arehitecture drmltslique du leml/I Ii rage dliJer. Cahier 8. Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Bunimovltz, S. 1985 Area C: The Iron Age [ Buildings and Other Remaim. Pp. 130 39 in ExcavalioTls (II Shiloh 1981 1984: Preliminary Reporl, cd. L Finkelstein. Tel Allill 12: 123 80. Callaway, J A. 1983 A Visit with Ahilud. Biblical Arc/weolo,!!) Review 9/5: 42 53. Chambon, A. 1984 Tell el- Falah /. L'iige dllJer. Paris: t ditions Recherche sur les Civilisations. Childc, VG. 1929 77te Da/lUbe ill Prehistory. Oxford: Cla rendon. Clark, D.R. 199 '~ T he Iron 1 Western Dcrense System at 'f el l £[-'Umci ri, J ordan. Biblical Archaeologist 57: 138 48. 1996 Ea rly Iron I Pillared Building at T all al-'Umayri. Biblical Ardweologist59: 241. Daviau, P.M.1\ 1. in preparation ExcavatUJIlJ al Tall Jawn il/ Gm/ral Jordan I: The /rOil Age. 199 1 Functiona[ Ana[ysis of Food Preparation and Storage Assemblages rrom T cll J awa, j ordan . Paper presented at the Annual r-. leeting of the American Schools of Oriental Research, Kansas City, MO . Nov. 23, 1991, 1993 Houses and nar Fumishillgs ill Bronte Age Pausline: Domestic Actwiry Areas and ArteJacl Distriblltion ill the _" fiddle and !.nle Bronz.e Ages. j SOT / ASO R J\·lonogrnphs, No.8. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. 199·~ Excavations at T ell j awa, jordan (1993), Preliminary Report. AmlUal if" the DepaYlmtlll if" Anliqui/ies if"]ordan 38: 173 93. 1996 The Firth Season of Excavations at T a ll jawa (1994): PrcliminlllY Report. Anl/ual if the /Jtfmrhlltllt if" AllliqllilUs if" J ordall 40: 83 100. 1997 T all Jawa: A Case Study of Ammonite Urb,mism during Iron Age II. Pp. 156 71 in Aspects if U,ballism ill the AlICUllt Near East From Alesopoiamia 10 1943

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Cr&, cds. W.E. Aurrcclu , N .A. J\ lirau and S.W. Gauley. Shcflicld: Sheffield Academic. Dever, W.C. 1992 A Case-stud y in Biblicill Archaeology: T he Earthquake of ca. 760 B.e. E.. Eret~ Israel 23: 27*- 35*. 1995 Ceramics, Ethnicity, and the Question of Israel's Oligins. Biblical Archaeowgisl

58: 200 13. Dever, W.C.; Lance, H ,D.; and Wright, C, E'. . 1970 CUP I: PTI!umillary Report of the 1964 1966 Seasons. Annual of the Hebrew Union College Biblical and Archaeological School, No. I. Jerusalem.

Gal, Z. 1993

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Herzog, Z. 198'~

Beer-sheba II: !hi £arty Iron Age Stll/emen/s. Publ ications of Ihe Institute of f\rchacology 7. T el Aviv: Tel {\ viv University. Holladay, J.S. 1992a House, Israelite. Pp. 308 17 in The Anchor Bible Dictiollary, 3, ed. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. 1992b Stable, Stables. Pp. 178 83 ill The Anchor Bible Diclionary, 6, ed. D.N. Freedman. Ncw York: Doubleday. 1997a Four Room I-Iousc. Pp. 337 42 in He Oxford Ellrydopedia rf Archaeology ill tlte Near East, 2, cd. £ .1\1. Meyers. New Yo rk: O xford University. 1997b Housc: Syro-Palcstinian Houses. Pp. 94 114 in He O:iford t.nrydopedin oj Archaeology in IM.Near East, 3, cd. £. M . j\·!cyers. New York: Oxford Univcrsity. H umbert, J.-B., and Zayadine, F. 1992 T rois campagncs de fouilles a Amman (1988 199 1). T roisicme terrasse de ]a Citadelle. Revue hibliqui 99: 214 60. Ibrahim , to. I. to. I. 1974 Second Season of Excavation at Sahab, 1973 (Preliminary Report). Al1nllal oj the Departmmt oj Alltiquities oj Jordan 19: 55- 61 fPls. X II XX III ]. 1975 T hird Season of Excavations at Sahab, 1975 (Preliminary Report). Allllual oj the Depar/mml oj Antiquities oj Jordan 20: 69- 82 [PIs. XXV- XXXIV]. Keirn, G. I.., and Mazar, A. 1982 Three Seasons of Excavations at T el Ba tash Biblical T imnah. Bulletill oj the Ammcan SdlOoL{ oj On·elltal Research 248:1 - 36. 1991 T el Batash (T imnah) Excavations: 'r hird Preliminary Report, 1984 1989. Pp. 47 67 in Prelimillary Reports oj ASOR-Spomored Excavations 1982- 1989, cd. W.E. Rast. Bulletin of Ihe America n Schools of Orienlal Research, Supplemcnt 27. Baltimore: J ohns Hopki ns Univcrsi ty. Kempinski, A., and Fritz, V. 1977 Excavations at 'r ei to. lasos (K hirbct eI·M cshfish), Preliminary RCp0l1 on thc Third Season, 1975. Tel Auw 4: 136 58. Klctter, R. 'f he Rujm El-~ ! al fuf Buildings and lhe Assyrian Vassal State of Ammon. 1991 Bul/etill oj the Ammcall SdlOolr rf Orim/(JI Rmarch 284: 33- 50. Kochavi, M. 1993 T he Land of Geshur Project, 1992. Israel }:-Xpwralion JOllrn(11 43: 185 90. Kochavi, M.; Renner, T. ; Spar, I.; and Yadi n, E. 1992 Rediscovered! T he L,lnd of Geshur. Bihlical Archaeology Review 18N: 30 44. La.wlo r, .J .1. 1989 Field A: The Ammonite Citadel. Pp. 233 43 in Madaba Plains Project I: The J 987 Season rf &caIJations 01 Tell eI-
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i\ laislcr [i\ lazar], B. [950 5 [ The Excavations ;1\ T d[ Q;lsile: Pn:[imin;uy Repol1 l. Isratl I!~ploralio'l JOllrnal [: 61 76. i\Iazar, B.; Biran, A.; Dothan, i\ 1.: and ()unayn'sky, I. [964 ' Ein Ge" Excavations in 1961. Israel E>:ploralioll Joumal [4: [ 49. i\lcGovcrn, P.E. [983 Tcst Soundings of Archacologica[ and Resislivity Survey Rcsuhs at Rujm AI- Hcnu. Annllal if III, InpaTtlllml if AnliquilitJ if Jordan 27: 105 41. i\ lcijer, DJ.W. 1989 Ground plans and archaeoloh>lsts: On simil;uilies and comparisons. Pp. 221 36 in To Ihe 1!.llphrallS and BryOlld. Archaeological silldies in 1lOIlOur if Mounts 1"all fAon, cds. O.i\ I.C. J-laex; 1-1.1'1. Cun:crs; and P.i\I.i\I.G. Akkermans. Rotterdam and I3rookfield: Balkema. Najjar, i\I. 1992 The Excavations at Khilda. Annual if Ihe Deparfllllllf if Allliquilies ifJordan 36: 420 07 (Arabic). Pritchard, J. B. 1985 Tell es-Sa'ldiyell. Exca/.'ations 011 IIIf 7ell, 1964 1966. University i\ luseum l\ lonograph 60. Philaddphia: University of Pennsylvania. Reich, R. Building ~late ,ials and Architectura[ Elements in Ancient Israel. Pp. I 16 1992 in Tllr ATe/litertllrr if Ancient Israel, cds. A. Kcmpinski and R. Reich. J crusalem: Israel Exploration Socicty. Schaar, K.W. House Forms at 'r a rsus, Alambra, and Lcmba. NrpoTI if tlu: Drparlmllll if 1985 Allliquilia if" l:YPniS 37 44. Shepard, A.D. 1956 CeramiC5.ior tlu' ArchaeologUt. Washington: Carnq,'ie Institute of Washin!,tton. Shiloh, Y. [970 The Four-Room l'louse Its Siwation ami Function in the Israelite City. Israel txploralioll Jounlal 20: 180 90. Shiloh, Y. , a nd Horowitz, A. 1975 Ashlar Quanics of the [roll Age in the H ill Country of Israel. Bulblill if" Ihe American Schools if On'mlal Nmarc!t 217: 37 48. Thompson, 1-1 .0. 1973 RlUm al-l\ lalfuf South. Annual r!.f Jilt' IJtpurtmtl/f if AllliquilitJ if Jordan 18: 47 50 IP ls. x...XV III x...XX). Tushingham, A.D. 1972 77lt Excavations 01 Dibon (Dftibtw) ill ,Ifoab. The Third Campaigll 1952 53. Annual of American Schools of Oricntal Research 40. Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental Research. Ussishkin, D. , and Woodhead, J. 1993 Excavations at Tel.Jcl'.reel 1992 1993: Second Preliminary Report. Levallt 26: I 48. van der Kooij, G.; and Ibrahim, i>. 1. i>. 1. 1989 Picking up Jile 17mads . .. A cOlllinllillg Ter-iew if (xcat'alions at Ddr Alla, Jordall. Lciden: University of Lcidell, Archacologic;ll Cent rc. \Vatson, Arc/weological EI}lIlograpllY ill Il 'tslem /rail. Viking Fund Publications in 1979 Anthropology 57. 'f ucson: University of Arizona. \ Vinncu, F.V. 196< The Excavalions (11 DibOll (Dlliban) in Aloab, ParI I: 17Ie FirSI Campaigll, 1950 1951. Annual of Amcrican School of Oriental Rcscarch 36 37 (for 1957 1958). New Havcn, CT: American School of Oriental Research.

x.

PJ

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Worschcch, U. 1995 City Planning and Architectu re al the Iron Age City of al-Bahl' in Central Jordan. Pp. 145- 49 in Studies in /Ju History and ArchlMOlogy ojJordan v.' Art and Ttchnology Throng/lOut tilt Ages, cds. K. 'Amr; F. Zayadine; and M. Zaghloul. Amman: Department of Antiquities. Wright, C.E. 1978 A Characteristic North Israelite House. pp. 149- 54 in Archaeology oj 1m fAiant (K. Kenyon Volume), cds. R. Moorey and P. Parr. Warminster: Aris & Phillips. Wright, G. R.H. 1985 Aneitnl Building in South SyrUz and Palestine. 2 vols. Lcidcn: BrilL Yadin, Y. (/ 01. 1958 Hazar 1. Jerusalem: Hebrew University. 1960 Hazar 1l. J erusalem: Hebrew University. Younker, R.\·V. 1989 "Towers" in the Region Surrounding T ell Urnciri. pp. 195- 97 in Madaba Plains l",*c/ I: He 1987 SeMon l!f ExcavoliollS al Tell e/-'Um£l:ri and Vuiniry and SubstqutTll Studies, cds. L.T. Geraty; L.G. Herr; 0.S. La Bianca; and R ,W. Younker. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University. Younker, R.W.; Geraty, L.T.; Herr, L. C.; and LaBianca, 0.S. 1993 T he J oint Madaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report of the 1992 Seasons, including the Regional Survey and Excavations at Tell J alul and T ell cl'Umeiri. Andrews University Seminary Studies 31: 205 38.

CHAPTER SIX

BURIAL CUSTOMS M'D PRACTICES IN ANC IENT AMMON KI-lAIR

YASSINE

University of Jordan

Introduction Even though the number of tombs di sco ve red in J ordan of the Iron Age period is still relatively small , it is possible to draw many conclusions from the availabl e data concerning 10mb types, burial customs, and social-religious distinction, in burial practices in ancient Ammon. Burials ca n reveal more than the level of technology at a parlicuiar time. Careful study of burial practices in a ce rtain area may throw light on social behavior and religious beliefs, since burial rites lend to be morc conservative and less susceptible to oUlside influences and changing fashions than othe r customs of ancient people. Unless there are repea ted and frequ ent occurrences of cenain unjform traits relative to burial customs, no absolute rule can be given. BUl, if each case is studied on its own merits, in the light of the total evidence available, the archaeologist can hope to ident ify the different burial practices as well as ethnic, social, and rel igious distinction s. From periods or areas from which little or no wrinen material has sUlvived , burial practices, religious beliefs, and social behavior must be summarized from ma teria l remains, namely, tomb rypes and their physical characteristics. These have to be studied and analyzed. A specific feature might indicate som e special traits, for example, secondary bUlials and the idea behind them , which may have tried to relate to social behavior. The position and orientation of th e body migh t indicate social or religious distinction. Moslems, for instance, are buried facing Mecca . Beliefs about death and afterlife can be deduced from the way the bodies are arranged. Gifts placed in the tombs and oth er burial customs observed by the excavators may indicate social differemiation, as can the lavishness of different tombs, such as th e pyramid, the mastaba , and the pit grave .

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Tomb 1jpes In the past decade, few Iron Age tombs have been discove red, either accidentally or by well organ ized excava tion, in J ordan . Thei r types range from natural or artificial caves to shaft lombs, dug in rock o r bu il t in soft earth. Other types of tom bs include those built of m ud brick, Slone lombs, and pi t graves. From the phys ica l featu re of tombs or g raves, one can notice th e diffe rent lom b Lypes people of the Iro n Age were using: 1. Natural Caves. Natu ral caves wc re th e most commo n featu res used for buri als d Uli ng th e Iron Age, especially in the moun ta in area where th ere arc many na tural caves, e.g., Madaba lom b A ( Ha rding 1957), Nebo and Khirbat al-Mukhayyat (Saller 1969). Howeve r, few have ye t been fou nd in the ~ Amman area. Sahab Area C Cave (Tomb): T his is a la rge natural cave with entrance facing west. T he entrance is narrow and at one time it had been closed by co rbel ing stones th at fo rmed a ch im ney.like opening at the top . T his openi ng was scaled by a rounded, small slab of SlOne. The general shape of the cave (Ibrahim 1972 pI. VI, fig. I) is irreg· ular, but tends to be rounded in the southern pan . Il measures about 14 m lo ng and 6.50 m wide. 'f he cave becom es narrower in the middle and nort hern segme nt s. T he he ight ranges from 2.0- 0.5 meters. There are a number of benches along the side of the cave. These seem, however, to be pan of the floo r rather than they were made for o bvious reason. T he 10mb contain ed eight la rge bu ri a l jars with th e mouths removed. Each burial consisted of two jars con· nected at the neck. The burials were placed in the southern and eastern parts of the cave. Various objects made of pottery, bronze, and iro n were foun d in association with the skeletons (Ibrah im 1972). A few caves of this type we re found in Sahab a nd used fo r burial pu rposes. 2. Artificial Caves. The people of the Iron Age in J ordan, besides using natural caves to b ury their dead , used art ificial caves dug in the so ft limestone nea r the rocky area , not fa r from their towns o r set tl emen ts. It is possi ble that these caves were a natu ra l deve lo p· men l from the most common type of the lomb in the Bronze Age, that is the sha n tomb, where the builder had to dig in soft lime· SlOlle. Exam ples of this type were discovered in severa l places in the Ammo nite area: Sahab. A large rock·cu t cavern, app roximately 7.50 m 2 , wi th an

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elHrance at the northwestern corne r by a flight of ten steps, all of wh ich were constructed, and projected for some d istance in to the cave itself. The whole of the west and pan of the cast wall of the stairway was bui lt and roofed with four large slabs. T he entrance was closed by a la rge upright stone. 'f he tomb itself was undisturbed until it was opened du ri ng excavation. 1nside the tomb chamber, no attempt was made to dress the walls. Indeed, it wou ld not have been robed, as the rock here is composed of laye rs of crumbly tabular and soft limestone, with occasional harder laye rs of Clystalline limestone, one of which fo rmed the roof of the cavern. T he east.ern corner of th e chamber was largely built up to support the roof. The most curious feature of the tomb W(lS a chimney-li ke construction in the middle of the southwest side tha t presumably reached up to the original land su rface outside. Very fine dust had percolated through the opening and covered half the chamber to a co nsiderable depth, preselving some 135 pOlS more 0 1' less intact. In the othe r half of the chamber, bones and pOlle lY were layi ng uncovered on the rock floor. T here was a rock be nch, some 30 CIll high along the sou th west side of th e tomb . From here th e floor sloped fairly steeply towa rd the center of the room and then leveled out. As a result, many of the pots and sku lls had rolled off the bench onto th e floo r. The tomb dates to the Iro n (( period (Hardi ng 1948: 92 102). Daja ni (1968) d ug a not her 10mb simi lar to the one desc ribed above. T he tomb is a large rock-cut cave approx imately 8.20 III long, 4.50 III wide, and 1.80 m high. Entrance to the tomb was from the west side by a fl ight of several steps hewn in the rock. T he walls are roughly cut and no attempts were made to dress the rock surfaces. T he most curio us feature of the tomb, one which it shares with Sa hab Tomb B, is the chimney-like construction ncar the southeast corne r. Reac hing up to ground level, along the sO ll th side of the cave, there was a I'Ock-eut bench some 50 em high. The debris that had entered the 10mb sloped fai rly steeply toward the center of the cave and the n leveled ofT with the result th at many of the pots and sku ll s had rolled from the bench to the floor (Dajani 1968). Anoth er bench on the no rt hern side of the cave was about 1.50 m wide but on ly 20 cm high. The re is no indication that burial remains we re ever deposited on it. T his tomb is similar to other discovered lombs of the same period. Examples include: (Amman Adoni Nul' Tomb (Hardi ng 1953),Jabal al:Jofa as-Sharqi (Dajani 1966b), Sahab B

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and C (Dajani 1968), 'Amman DJ B, C (H a rding 1945); Amman I in the Roman Theater (Harding 1971 ); and Meqabalein (Dornemann 1970: 460- 62). Tombs of a similar type have also been discove red, fo r example, in (rbid A, Band C (Dajani 1966a), Madaba B (Piccirillo 1975: 199 224), Dhiban jl , j2, j 3, j6, j7 , j8 (Tushingham 1972: 89). Throughout th e Iron Age, communal bUlial in caves was eus· lOmary. The other communal buriaJ was the shaft tomb. 3. Sluyt Tombs. Shaft lombs were also either dug in soft rock or in the earth. A number of these were found in the area of Ammon, for example, within the grounds of the Ragdan Royal Palace in 'Amman (Yassinc t 975; 1988a: 33- 46) while many were found outside the area. Ragdan Royal Palace. In Apri l 1966 the Jordanian Army, while bulldozing the grounds of the Ro yal Palaces in (Am man (Ragdan Royal Palace), came upon what appeared to be ancient ruins. The find proved to be a sc ttlcmc nt, dating from thc Roman to the Islamic periods. A tomb co ntaining a number of anthropoid coffins was found below onc of the complexes. The tomb was cistern-like in shape. Its mouth was 95 em in diameter while it was 1.45 m deep, 5.50 m long, and 4.5 m wide. Thc cntrancc, locatcd at the center of the tomb , was blocked with stones. (A tomb similar to this was found at Khilda, one of (Amman's districts [Yassine I 988b: 11 - 24] ). Five anthropoid coffins we re found inside the tomb. Four were placed parallel to cach other, whi lc lhe finh was perpendicular to them. All were in bad to VCIY poo r cond ition. Four wcrc cylindrical, ranging bet\'vee n 45 cm in diam ete r at the boltom and 65 cm at the top. The length ranged 1.75- 2.10 meters. One coffin, because of its condition, was discarded (Yassi ne 1988a: 33- 41, figs. 2- 3). K7tilda Tomb I. This tomb is loca ted some 75 m so uthwest of Khilda Fortress A (Yassine I 988b: II, fig. I). It was dug into the local ston e as a shan grave with a stepped shaft and entrance a t the south side. The tomb measures ca. 3.00 m in diameter and 2.00 m in height. The assemblage recovered from the tomb comprised some 12 ceramic pieces. This corpus includes onc jug, one smal l jar, one jugleL, three rather ca rrot-shaped bottles or alabastra, one bowl, and one Attic ware lekythos (Yassin e I 988b: 14, fig. 4: 1- 9). This tomb was dated to the fifth century B.C. 4. Buill-Up 7jpe. This type of lOmb is built of mud bl;ck. It was found at Tall as-Sa
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(Pritchard 1980). Another lOmb of th is type was found at Tall alKhalayfi (Glueck 1940: 2 18). None have ye t been found in the Ammonite area. S. 71te Pit-Crave Type: Plain Intennellis. This type of tomb was a pit dug in the ground. No attempt was made to line it \"ith bricks or stones. In the case where stones were used, they were used only on one side of the grave. This type of LOmb was found at Tall asSa
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late blades with low rounded midrib, rounded. In section , tapering to a point where wood remains still exist. Separate stems do not appear on any of the seve n arrowheads (Vassine 1984: fig. 52: 68). The stem is an integral part of the blade rather than a separate clement A small glass was found broken. After removing the skeleton , the glass bottle (No. 60; Vassinc 1984: fig. 49: 60), broken into seven fragments, was found adjacent to the right side of the body underneath the right arm. A bronze fibu la (No. 155; Vassine 1984: fig. 55: 155), elbow-shaped bow with grooved rings on each arm, was found on the left shoulder. Four spear-points were positioned along the riglll leg above the knee (Vassinc 1984: figs. 53: 103, 106). The quiver, which contained the spears, mu st have been affixed to the waist belt. The four spearh eads are of iron cast and rat-tangcd. Thus, the body was full y dressed and joined with its military equipment. An iron knife had been reported among the grave goods. It was actually found in a remote spot, not at all ncar the body. It could very well have been displaced sometime after burial. Its blade is slightly curved on both sides. T he tang was mostly lost. A bone, fish-like pi ece, was encountered a mong the mortuary objects (Yassine 1984: fig. 61: I I). It was possibly pan of a jewelry box embedded through the mouth opening. The eyes consisted of two concentric circles and a middJc dol. The body was incised with three stra ight lines, then an eight-angled line. Three scaraboids (No. 5, l85~ 186; Yassine 1984: figs. 58: 185- 86) were found, all of limeSlOne (chalk). No. 19 was inscribed with two hieroglyphic signs and a falcon with outstretched wings. Scaraboid No. 186 was inscribed with two signs: the falcon and the plum sign. One scaraboid retained no certain traces of an inscription. A stamp seal is of agate in a conical form with rounded top and perforated concave base. The base shows c l~ ss-cross lines (No. 182; Yassi nc 1984: fig. 57: 82). A perforated shell was a lso found. The pit-grave type is the simplest form of burial. It is, therefore, not su rpri sing that this type is found throughout the neighboring countries in the Persian Period. The form of the grave is not imponant in thi s type of burial. At Tall a l-

Mazar, Graves 4, 6- 11, 14- 16, 18- 22,24,25,27,46,48, 50- 63A, 64,67- 75, 78- 82, and 8'f are or this type (Vassine 1984). 6. Graves lined wilh slones Oil one or two sides. After a pit was dug, its northern side was lined ..vith one course of stones. The body was laid on the earth at the bottom of ule grave and covered with earth, possibly a wooden cover was placed a t the top of the line of stones.

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143

vVe wou ld assume that the wood has since decayed and disinte~ grated, thereby leaving no noticeable traces. Tall al-Ahu:.ar Grave 26: In the middle of the nonh balk of square D-6, Grave 26 was dug deep into the burial mound I 10 cm (-249. 10 m) below the surface of the ground. A stone wall was built at the north and west sides or the grave. Since the soil at this side of the grave was very loose, the stone wa ll was probably built to keep the grave from collapsing. The skcl eLOn was in fairly good con~ dition. The bones, nevertheless, were friable. The uncovering and exposing of the bones was a difficult job, and they did not hold up for drawing or photographing. The skeleton was laid in a c rouch~ ing position, head to the cast, face looking sou th. The arms were bent up and the ringers were interlocked on lOp or the chest. The position indicates that this was a female buria l. Pottery bowls were found on top of the legs. Graves of thi s type at Tall al-Mazar are 12, 13,49,65, and 66 (Yassine 1984: 30 fig. 46: 3). 7. Pits Lined with Bricks. The grave was Ilrst dug in the grou nd , and then lined with a single row of bricks, 40 cm high, laid side~ to-side. The body was laid within the enclosure and cove red with bricks, or mud clay. Graves 17, 43, and 83 at Tall al-Mazar are of this type. Tall ai~N/a<'(lr Grave 17. Cut in the middle of square C~6, 90 cm below the surface and partially into an ea rlier mud brick material and occupa tional levels. The b>TiWe was lined with upright mud bricks on the north side. The burial has an east~west olientation, head LO the cast. 'fh e body is lying on its right side and the head raised sligh tly and rested on a mud brick; the face looked down sout hward; the arms were bent over the chest. The body is 180 cm long and the size of the bones are so large and robust that when the exca~ vator reached the level or the bones, he thought that he was unearthing bones of an an imal. Pelrous ponion left, was 12.5, 8.4, 8.25 mm; right, 12.1, 8.0 mm; diameter of the patella 21 mm; epicodylar breath of the radius 31 millimeter. The skeleton was in good condition. One interesting and astonishing observation \vas that a bronze rod was found penetrating the skull from the back of the neck through the front of the mouth. It is not clear whet her the penetration was through the mouth or from the back, since the rod lip was broken and lost in antiquity. The rod's location apparently indicates the cause of the death. The placement of the body on the left side and not in a dorsal

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pOSILJOn, unlike the many stre tched bodies in the cemetery, might have been necessary due to the protruding rod. A ph ysical anthropological study indicates the burial is of an adult. From the bronze fibula we would expect the body had been fuUy dressed at burial. Odler associated goods were a scarab and a silver finger ring (Vassine 1984: 26- 27).

Cr!lfins A few coffins of different types, datable to the Iron II period, were found in the Ammonite area. The types arc Anthropoid Coffins, Jar Burials, and Larnax Burials. 1. AlltJlropoid Cqfjins. The tomb mentioned above, which tJ1C Jordanian Army undiscovered while bulldozing at the Raghdan Royal Palace, was cistern-like in shape. Five anthropoid coffins, as noted above, were found inside the tomb. They were reddish in colo r and made of backed clay. Crushed pieces of pottery were used as grit. The coffins had four handles on each side. The handles were evidently used in transporting the coffins (Yassine 1975: 75- 86; 1988a figs. 2, 3, 5, 6, pI. I, 11, Ill, IV). The coffins depicted in fig. 3, pI. 11 had sixteen handles at the back, arranged in two rows. These seem to have served as legs to elevate the coffi n when it was laid horizontally. A lid was cut out at the place where the head of the co rpus would resl. There were four pairs of matching lug handles, on the lid and on the body of the coffi n, evidently placed to fasten the two parts together. There were portrayals of the di seased on the exterior of these lids. These portrayals show pointed noses, small and elongated eyes, and eyebrows arranged in such a way as to connect with the outl ine of the border of th e face. The ears were prominent, the lips small and straight, and th e beards of pronounced length. Two coffins had arms placed on their sides. The other two coffins (Vassinc 1975; 1988a: figs. 5. 6, pI. III , III ) displayed no fealUres on their lids nor were arms present. More than one skeleton occupied each coffin. Some coffins contai ned two, while others held three. The coffin depicted in Fig. 5 had a curious looking design. I have assumed these to be merely pOllers' marks. The discovery of anthropoid coffins in the vicinity of 'Amman naturally leads to a fuller study of this type of coffi n in nearby areas. Very few sites have shown this type of practice in Palestine and Jordan. However, from

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the evidence we presently have, we ca n auempt to categorize them as follows: (I) cylindrical coffins with lids modeled in high relief with crossed arms on the lid; (2) cylindrical coffins with lids modeled in high relief and arms modeled at the side of the body; (3) plain cylindrical coffin; and (4) elongated box wi th rounded ends wi th lid covering the whole box (Yassine 1975; 1988). 2. Jar burial. In this type of burial containers, the skeleton was placed in a shallow broken jar, then put in a trenc h and cove red with earth or wood. Tall ai-AJazar Grave 47. In Square E-A, a large sto rage jar was found 60 cm below the sUlface. The jar, half of which was neatly sheared off, lay on its side. Inside was a disarticulated skele ton of a young ch iJd (one-two years). Within, on the south side of the jar, there was a line of SLOnes separating this jar burial and Grave 60. Th e skull in the jar was missing. A fragment of the lower limbs indicates that the child's body was ol~ented east-west, with the head \0 the west. Five different beads, along with eight cowrie shells, were found in the jar. This is the only instance where a ch ild was found buried in a jar con tainer. It is believed that if the ch ild is somewhat older than four years at death, it is buried without the jar coffin. The fragility of a child under four years might have been the cause of the usc of the clay container (Yassinc 1984: fig. 32: 2). This practice seemed to have been used for adults as well at Sahab, though the excavation report is not elear. There is, nevertheless, enough evi dence to suppo rt such a practice (Ibrahim 1972: 3 1). 3. Lomax burial. This burial consists of a bathtub-like clay box, with one side rounded and one side straight. The boltom of the box is flat. It has two handles on the straight end and one at the rounded end, and is decorated with a ropc motif below the rim. Th c body was laid in the larnax, with its head at the squa re end. Th e larnax was found in an earth pit 70 em below the grou nd su rface. The clay coffin was set upright, and provided with a possible wooden cover. Grave 23 at T all al-rvlazar is of this type (Yassine 1984: 29). TaLI ai-Mazar Grave 23. This grave, loca ted in southwest co rner of D-5, is of a diAcrent type, namely, a pit \-vas dug for an oval larnax. The coffin was placed I~ghl - side lip and the body positioned in it. The larnax had onc rounded and Oll t: straigh t end, and was possibly originally provided with a wooden cover, since impressions wc re traced in the upper section, adjacent to the edge of the larnax. The larnax measures 98 em long, 48 em wide, and 55 cm deep. The thickness of the wall of the coffin is 4 centimeters. It has two handles

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at the straight end and one at the rounded one, with a robe motif below the rim. This strip of rope ornamentation ran around the upper part of this wall crossing inside its handles (Yassinc 1984: 29, figs. 2, 24). A clay box of this type was also found in the Adoni·Nur 10mb in 'Amman (Harding \953). Others have been found at Tall alQi.taf, ncar Baysa n; at Tall Dothan; Tall ai -Farah; and onc from Balala (Shcchem; Stern 1980: 94). There is one also reponed from Bahrain (Glob 1956). A number of this type of burial coma iner were also found lying above the Nco-Babylon ian level Ooors in Ur. The majority of these arc clay coffins; some arc or copper (\Voaley 1962: 55). The body was placed on its riglH side, in a crouched position, with its head to the cast. From the analysis of the protu· berantia occipitalis externa, the orb ital ridge indica tcd the deceased to have been a female child , for the small size of the coffin would not have bee n big eno ugh for an adult (Yassine 1984: 29)_ Th ese differences in bUl;al types, in the writer's opinion, do not point to diverse ethnic elemcnts. A st udy of thc cemetel;es in ncigh. boring lands indicatcs that, despite their idelllical contents, the tombs can be divided into several classes, which nevertheless have quite sim ilar burial practices. -fhe common fcature in thcse burials is that the body was placed in a rectangu lar gravc dug in the grou nd aftcr being placed eith cr inside two halves of the jar, in a polter), coffin, or in a compal-tmcnt of sto ne or brick. 1\11ost of the burials discovered in the Tall al·Mazar ceme tclY werc of the first type B plain interment or simple graves in which the body grave goods have been placed in a trench and then cove red with earth. Thc graves, for the most pan, were evcnly and equally distributed. Ncvertheless, there wcrc cxceptions. Some graves werc much closer to each other than is usual, slightly supcrimposed upon another grave, or overlapping one another. Thcse exceptions could have resulted from the death of two persons from the same household (e.g., husband and wife, Crave 2, 3, 28 36, 34, and 35). Graves wefe dug from the surface, not al l by any means from the sa me horizontal plane, to a dcpt h which varicd accord ing to the whim of the grave diggers, from a mcter to slightly ovcr one meter (Yassine 1984: fig. I). Th e burial types discussed above provide information in addition to the known types discovered at Syro-Palestinian sites of this period. Those previously identified arc, first, the cisHomb type and, second,

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th e shaft-tomb type B. The vario us examples from Tall-al-Mazar may now be added to these types.

Burial Customs Despite not having statistical quantification to supplement our knowledge of the burial customs, the obvious order, the excellclll condition, and the apparent firm rules governing the majority of the 85 graves in Tall al-Mazar, gives us hope of better understanding the burial customs of the people of th e fifth century B.C. Th ere are five types of burials: (I ) plain inte rmellls (simple pit graves); (2) pits lined with bricks; (3) graves lined with stones on one side; (4) jar burial; and (5) larnax burial. Burial practices may be summarized as: (I) burial or monucllY objects to be at the di sposal of the dead in the afterlife; (2) males buried in stretched position, females buried in crouching posi tion ; (3) graves and burials oriented cast-west, with the head to the easl; (4) some pan of the cemelery area assigned only for female burials (Yassine 1984; fig. I). There is no particular preference as to whe re the fune rary objects would be placed, but preference is made as to how many fun e ralY objects \vere placed ncar heads, or less often, Ilcar the feet, with jewehy and othe r small personal objects eithe r worn around necks, fingers, or legs, and sea ls strung to the collar or to the bell: bracelets III a rms, an kJets on ankJes, ring on fingers, earrings on cars, etc. (5) pets buried with masters (Grave 37); (6) 100ls ca using the death \eft in place and buried with the deceased (Grave 17); (7) in one case, a large size stone placed on the chest of the body (Grave 37); (8) seco ndary burial pract iced; (9) marked stones used in association with individual burials; (10) people buried clothed and weal-ing j ewel ry; (II ) copper bronze vessels included in mortuary oAcrings B bowls of vario us sizes, so me undecorated) others decoraled, such as a few ornamental bowls with deigns in relief;

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(12) The weapons and numbers of alTowhcads uncovered in graves. The fa vorite weapon was apparenlly the bow and arrow. Another popular one was the spear a nd sword; (13) seals were found made of diffcrclll kinds of precious slones. Various scenes of hunting animals and religious activities arc engraved on th e seals. Two inscribed seals have been found; (14) among the many personal ornaments found in the graves are rings, earrings, bracelets, pendants, and necklaces; (IS) a nimal bones were also found , indicating possibly that these people believed tha l the dead should be supplied wi th food and other necessities for the life hereafter; ( 16) no animal or human figurin es were among the finds, but maybe some of the pOlle ry vessels had some ri tual purpose (as libation); (17) val; ous utensils used in lh e preparalion of different lhings were buried in lhe graves. Obviously, it was imponant (according to the religious beliefs of these peopl e) that these objects should accompany the dead ; (18) among objects for personal carc and fo r sewing found in the graves arc delicate bronze tweezers and needles (Vassinc 1984: 12).

Burial Positions and OritTltatioTl The bodies of lhe males seem to have been in an extended position , while lhose of lhe females were in a crouching position. Females were easiJy identifiable from their rich asso rtm ent of feminin e artieles, e.g., earri ngs, bracele ts, kohl Slicks, beads, necklaces, cosmclic shells, and cosmetic pallets. Sole dependence, howevc r, on th e grave goods as a means of identifying the sex of the person buried can be risky. It is impon a nt, nevenheless, to note that the position of lhe skeletons coincides with the distinction based on the grave goods. Th e extended bodies we re accompanied by such masculine equipmen t as swords, spea rheads, and arrowheads, while graves having crouching bodi es comai ned articles of feminine use referred to above. This assumplion is not en tirely agreed upon by ph ysical an th ropologists, eve n though around 70 perccnt of amhropological analysis coincides with lhc cu rrent archaeological conclusions. The majori ty of the male graves lay cast-west with head to th e cast, \\~th an error of a few degrees. Female graves had the same

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east-west ol~enlati on (head to the cast), but there is an exception, especially when a male grave was adjacent to a female grave. In that case, the female grave took its direction from the acljacent male grave. \¥e have see n that the usual orientation incl udes the uniformal placing of heads LOwards th e cast. 'This firm rule has an affinity with TaU al-Duwair, ncar ule fosse Temple (Lachish 11 , pI. 5: 3- 5). Isolated graves oriented cast-west would be 525, 4007, 4027 and 4026, 4015 (Lachish III : 174); also Mcgiddo, Tomb 37C.I, Tomb 370 (MT: 79), Tomb 17 (MT: 117), Tomb 232 (MT: 132), Tomb 326 (MT: (33) and Tomb 857 (MT: 134); as wei] as 75 percent of the tombs of Tall al-Hesi (Coogan 1975: 40). Comparable orielllation also occurs at Tall Zeror (Ohata: T ell Zcror III , 1970: pI. X III ) and in Syria, at Deve H uyuk (MonTY 1980: 7). This rirm rule governing the orientation of the body and the head, especially among males, must indicate a particular social or religious behavior in burial practices. Since the burial pits had not been looted or reused, and were found much as they appeared at the time of burial, the value of these finds in providing important knowledge about the burial practices of the people of Tall al-Mazar in the rifth century B.C. cannot be underestimated.

.~1ortllary

FU11lilure

Mal es and females buried in the Tall al-Mazar cemetel), were about equally supplied with mortuary gifts, suggesti ng that the position of women was not inferior to that of men. Social di stinction between members of the same sex is more evident. A few of the deceased had copper mortua,)' gifts. It is possible that Graves I, 6, 21 , 23, and 37 are of those of an elite socia l status, or belonging to the wealthy (higher) ranks. This observation, however, requires further veririca tion. It is interesti ng to draw an analogy from the tombs of the nobles of Egypt, Syria, and .M esopotamia, where the mOst expensive and lavish gift items were found. Mortuary equipment includes coppe r/b ronze and pOllcry vcssels, copper / bronze pins, fibulae, daggers, swords, knives, arrowheads, spearheads, seals, or seal-shaped ornamen ts, scarabs, scaraboids, and an in creclible number of beads of diffe rent materials, fashioned as necklaces, bracelets, armlets, belts, and necklaces.

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As a rule, the gi hs were p laced near the heads, or ncar the waist, or between th e kn ees. A1th o ugh no traces of clothing survive, the presence of fibulae near the shou lder or around th e waist suggests that the bodies wcre usually dressed when buried. In some cases, an im pression of wcaving could faintl y be d iscerned in clay under the body. Silver and copper ea rrings wcre found only on females. Kohl sticks and shells filled with tin y beads WCfe usually found next to the right ca r of females. Beads were usually found around the neck. Stamp and cylin der seals wcre either on the chest or around the waist (presumably once suspended from the waist belt, commonly worn by males). Gene rally, a rrowheads wc re placed, also pointing downwards, next to the len or right knee of the males. Th e position and ori entation of these blades coincides wel l with the type of wcapomy. Of all th e copper bowls and jars found in situ, the majority were found next to the right side of the male's head, and were sometimes used as cove rs for pottelY j ars. Copper bowls were found with females (Vassine 1984).

Riferences Coogan, i\1.D. 1975 A Ccmelery from the Persian Period at Tell el- Hcsi . Bullftill Srhools of Orimta/ Research 220: 39 46.

of tilt Ammum

Dl~ani, R.\\'.

Four Iron Age Tombs fi'om Irbid. Allnual oj the Dtpartmtllt of Alltiquitits of Jordall 2: 88. 1966b An Iron Age Tomb from Amman (.label al-Sharqi). AII/tua/ of the Dtpartmtlll oj Alltiqui/ies of Jordall 2: 48 52. 1968 A I.~lte Bronze-Iron Age Tomb Excavated at Sahah. Anllual oj II,e Dfparlmenl of Alltiquities of Jordall 5: 29- 34. 1970 A Late Bronze- Iron Age Tomb Excavated at Sahab, 1968. Allllual oj lite Dtparlmelll oj Allliqllilies oj J ordall 15: 29 34. Dorncmann, R. 1970 The Cultural alld Archaeological /-liJtory oj Trall.~jordal/ ill Ilu Brollze Age //lui 1101/ AgeJ. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation. Chicago: University of Chicago. 1983 77u Archaeofogv oj the Tranljordall ill the BrOllze alld !rOil Ages. ~<[j[waukec: r-. lilwaukce Public i\luseul11. Glob, P.A. 1956 A Nco- Babylonian Burial from Bahrin's Prehistoric Capital. Kuml 172. Glueck, N. 1940 The Third Season of Excavation at T ell cl-Khelcilh. Bullehll of the Ammcall Schools of Oritl/t(l! Research 79: 2 18. Harding, G.L. 19'~5 Two Iron Age T ombs at Amman. Qwrttrfy oj Ihr Ikptlrtllltllt of Alltiqllitits ill Pa/tJtillf 11: 47 74-. I 966a

BURIAL CUSTOMS AND PRACT ICES

151

An Iron Age Tomb at Sahab. QJwrterfy qf the DeJmrlll1mt qf Antiquitus ill Pakstine 13: 95. 1953 The Tomb of Adoni Nur in Amman. Palestille ErploratlOlI Fund Qjlarler!y 6: 27 ·47. 1957 An Early Iron Age T omb at ~ I ad aba. Palatine l~p{oratioll FUlid Allnual 6: 27 47. 1971 Two Iron Age Tombs al Amman. Annual rf tIle IJe/Jartll1t111 rf AIII/quities rf Jordall 6: 37 40. Ibrahim, ~ 1. 1972 Archaeological EXGlvation at Sahab. Annual rf the De/mrtment rf Antiquities rf Jordllll 17: 93 95. 1973 Third Season of Excavations at Sahab. Allmlfll qf Ihe Depllrlmenl rf Antiqllilie.r rfJordan 20: 5561,18798, pIs. XII XXIII. J\!oorey, P.R.5. 1980 Cemelery rf Ihe First Alillmium He. al J)eve IIlIyuk. BAR International Series 87. Oxford: British Archaeological Repo l1s. Ohata, K . 1970 Tell Zeror III. Tokyo: The Society lor Ncar Eastern Studies. Piccirllo, ~ I. 1975 Una Tomba del Ferro I a .'.Iadaba (l\ ladab B .~ l oab) . l.iber AI11/Uus 25: 199 224. Pritchard, J. 1980 17l1' Cemetery rf Ttll es-Sm(Jiy·ah. Jordan. Philadelphia: University of Pellnsylvania. Saller, S. 1969 Iron Age ·l'ombs al Nebo, J ordan. fiber .-lI11Il1I1S 16: 165298. Stern, E. 1982 II Jaleri(l1 Cllliure rf Ihe Land rf the lJiMe ill Ihe Persiall Period 538 332 B.G. Warmister: Aris and Phillips. Tushingham, AD. 1972 171t Excavation (II DibOll (Dltiball) ill iIIOflb. 77lt 17lird Campaigll in 1952 53. Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research 40. Call1bridge, ~ IA American Schools of Oliental Research . Wooley, C. L. 1962 Et((watiOIlS (II Ur. London: Benn. Yassine, K.N. 1975 Anthropoid Coffins from Raghdan Royal Palace in Amman. Allllual 11 thf lJeprlrlmml d Allliquilies rf]ordan 20: 75 86. 1984 Tell eI-'\/a(.af I: GOlleltry A. Amman: The University of Jordan. 1988a Anthropoid Coffins from Raghdan Royal Palace in Amman. Pp. 33 42 in Ardweologv rf Jordall: Essays alld Reports. Amlllan: The University of J ordan. 1988b Ammonite Fortresses. Date and Function. Pp. II 31 in ;JrchaeologJ' rfJordall: Esstrys and Reports. Amman: The Uni\·crsity of J ordan. 1948

C I-I AfYIT.R SEVEN

THE RELIGION OF THE A.MMON ITES VVALTER

E.

AUFRECHT

The University of Lethbridge

A religion is a systcm of bcliefs and practices by which humans relate themselves to whatever it is they consider to be of ultimate importance. By th is defini tion, religions are human inventions and may be st udied like all other human inventions. 1 The study of past relit,rions, especially those of the remote past, is difficult because they are not directly observable. But this problem is not insurmountable if there arc enough textual and archaeological materials available for study.2 It is a more serious matte r when there is a lack of matel;als left by the ancie nts that directly communicate their religion . Such is the case of the ancient Ammoni tes. There is no single known text in which they directly communicate th eir system of beliefs, and there is no si ngle known arti fact or feature in an Iro n Age archaeological con text th at clearly and exclusively can be associa ted with the practice of re ligion . The refo re, to identify and cha ractcl;ze the religion of the Ammonites, one must rely on meager evidence and comparison of it with evidence of other religion(s) of the Ancient Near East, especial ly of ancient Canaan. 3 In the last 150 years, the general character of the religio ns of the Ancient Near East and of ancient Canaan have been established.

1 It is interesting that the Q!.lr'an (Surah 5:3) states, " ... This day I have perfected your religion for you ... and have chosen for you as religion Islam." 2 For methodological issues on the interrelationship(s) of text and archaeological rcalia, sec the importa nt works by D ever (1983, 1987, 199101, 1991b, I994a, J994b, 1994c, 1995, 1996) and Holladay (1987). 3 The major studies which focus on Ammonite religion arc those or Israel (1990), Lemaire (J991 - 1992, 1994: 142- 43) and Hubner 1992: 247- 82, to which the following is greatly indebted. There is, or course, an enOllllOUS literature on Canaanite religion, especially in relation to the religion(s) of Israel. That material will be used here only in so far as it has a bearing on the religion of the Ammonites or the study or the religion of the Ammonites.

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153

N01,vithstanding the continuing vigorous debate on virtually all aspects of the topic, onc may ske tch Canaanite religion with some clarity. 4 It had two main aspects: sacrificial and non-sacrificial, wh ich interacted with cach other at various levcls. The sacrificial cult was usuaJJy controlled by priesthood and temple and (perhaps) king and court. Sacrifice is a kind of barter between individual and deity. The individual gives the deity what it wants (the smell of burning fat seems to have been especially popular with Canaanite deities); and then, the deity gives the individual what he or she wants (the usual: health, wealth, happiness, offspring, a bounLiful harvest and protection from pain, suffering, sickness, and malevolent spirits). Sacrifice is a mechanistic process. It must be performed every time, exact(y as the deity wants it, or it will not succeed. By always perform ing it exactJy perfecuy, it wi ll (in theolY) always be successful. In orde r 1O establ ish sacrificial practice and maintain it according to the specifications of th e deilY, a guild arises, the members of which are priests, the sacrificial specialists par excelLence, the gum'antors and protectors of sacrifice and its ritual arcana. Accoutrements of Canaanite sacrifice included texts which told (among other things) of how the gods created and maintain the heavens and earth, and how the gods also established their own cu lt(s) (thereby validaling priestly practice and status), They also included sacrificial paraphernalia such as altars, incense, lavers, shovels, tongs, knives, bowls, and jewellery (amulets and charms); as wcll as the materials [Q be sacrificed- plants and animals (including in some cases, evidently, humans)-in short, everything whjch a priesl needed and a deity liked. Special texts and paraphernalia required special poets, artists, artisans, craftsmen, farmers, and herdsmen, all accountable to and dependent on the priests) who grew still more powerful not to say wealthy over time. In addition to priests, others in ancient Canaan had roles in the maintenance of religion and religious tradiLions, especially those that were non-saclificial, Royalty performed riluals of one kind or anothe r) as did u1e vasuy influ ential corps of sages, wizards, shamans, prophets, culti e prostitules, professional mourners, oracles, mediums, divine rs, necromancers, magicians, astrologers and th e like: all or whom were members or th e religious establishment. t A ruller sketch with a slightly diAcrent emphasis may be found in the excellent treatment of cult by 01yan (1997).

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This was professional or public religion , devo led to th e deity or deities of a city or city-state as well as the maintenance of evclyo nc under the dcity's protection ..'> If the city-state was large enough or powe rful enough, severaJ deiti es migh t be assumed into a pantheon or hi erarchy, a kind of "divine council" of gods, the bn ~/m, such as at ancient Ugal;t (L' Heureux 1979; Mu llen 1980; Lemaire 1991 - 1992: 48- 49, 1994: 142- 43).6 This "divine council" would ru le heaven and earth , but would be led by a head-god, for example, in the case of Ugarit, first by 'I (' 1\), and then (apparently) by b'l (Ba'al). This headgod would be the patron dc ilY of the city or ci ty-sta le, a kind of " national" deity. Popular or " personal " rel igious belief and practice, though hardly different in its goal to obtain blessing by and nourishment from the deity or deities, operated at a level somewhat different from official religion. Generally, it was less co nce rned with mainten ance of cosm ic and political realities than it was wi th the placc and wcll-being of the individual in these realities. h , too, required gifts to a deity: sacrificial and non-sacrificial offerings and libations, prayers of praise a nd thanksgiving, a nd vows of right thought and right action. But the deities, to whom libations, praye rs and vows we re offered, were not necessarily the high deiti es of the "state" cults. Often, they were the so-called lesser deities, the patrons of th e village, tribe , clan, family and individual, who directed and sustained evelyday life. ? They are best evidenced by theophoric clements in personal names (see below). No doubt, popular religion also provided for such things as the interpretation of dreams, signs and omens, and was concerned with riles and customs associated with dea th and the dead (Bloch-Smith I 992a, I 992b). Here too, a pro fessional class of priests, interpreters, astrologers, shamans, wizards, magicians, potion makers, and other illtermedimies might be found , all requiring payment for guarantee of success. s ~ Weippcrl (1990: 150) uses thc tcrms, " Lokalreligion" and "SlaaLSreligion," to dcscribe what is dcnoted here by "official" religion. Sec the discussion by Smith

(199'k 225). 6 This "collective" of the gods is also found in Phoenician texts (Karatepc 3: 19) and Hebrew texts (Ps 29 :1 , 89:7). 7 The scholarly and popular distinction between "high" and "low" deities is a false one (Smith 1994: 225). The issue was the power of the dcity to accomplish the task askcd for by the pctitioner. Quite simply, special requcsts requircd special deitics with special powers. 8 For discussion and examples of "family" or "popular" rdibolon in Iron Age Israel which likely are analogous to similar phenomena in ancient Ammon, see the

T HE RELIGION OF T l-IE AMMON ITES

155

To what extent, then , was Ammonite relit,rion eithe r similar to or diAc rent from the other religion(s) of ancient Canaan? Fi rst, even berore examination of any tcxtual or archacological data, it must be assumed thaL Ammon ite religion was not Jui geT/em, untouehcd and unaffected by the world in which it cxistcd, any mo rc than any olher aspeCl of Ammoni te culture. 9 Souncl method requires the assumption that Ammonitc religion ge nerally partook of thc charaClcristics of Nea r Eastern and Canaanite religion(s). Second, wi th regard to officia l or "state" religion, no tcxt contai ns what could be identified as a temple liturgy; and no cvidence of a temple and ilS paraphernalia have yet been round in Iron Age archaeological contexts. T he (I) (CAl 50,53, 14-4: 1,202), and 'bd'dd (CAl 131 ).

156

CHAPTER SEVEN

It is also possible that the deities (see below) were perceived as a "divine council " Lemaire (1991 - 1992, 1994) has called attention LO the phrase bn ~lm in the rctation, though olhers are equally possible if not morc probable (Aufrecht 1989: 162- 63). Finally, iconographic elements identified as Ammonite have been assigned religious significance. Anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines and images on seal s, have been taken to be depictions of deities (Schroer 1987; Keel and Uehlinger 1992; Sass and Uehlinger 1993; H err 1997). Abou Assaf (1980) and Daviau and Dion (1994) have demonstrated that the so-called Alef-crowned Ammonite statues are of an Ammonite deity, and they are probably correct that the statues represe nt ' rI e El), based on comparisons with iconography of the cults of Egyptian Osiris and Ugaritic ' II. In sum, there is no unambiguous direct evidence for official or "state " religion in Ammonite texts or contexts. This may be an accident of archaeology, and evidence may yet be discovered. But for now, the evidence is ambiguous at best and meagre at most. Third, evidence for so-called "popular religion," contrary to what might be expected, is more plentifu l. A prayer is found on what may be an Ammonite seal (CAl 56), in which the blessing of a deity is invoked by means of a personal vow. The ubiquitous figurines (above) may have been charms of protection. The designs on stamps likely made them amulets as well as seals (Keel 1995: 266- 74). Cultic "corners" (above), if correctly identified as such, might be evidence of popu lar instead of official religion. Finally, and most importantly, it appears that the Ammonites recognized a variety of deities. The following appear as th eophoric (or theophoric-like) elements in personal names on inscriptions identified as Ammonite: 'Adon,13 t (CAl 56:4). 19 'byb'l (01/1 ), b'l (011 38a, 48, 173), h'!ys"'" (01/129, 212), b'lntll (011 9b, 175), yh,b'l (CA/ 59b). 20 dblbs (CAl 44). 11 'ldg (C'11 78a). :n gdmlk (01 1 8e), gd'zr (011 147:4:1 ), mlkmgd (011 127). IJ

Ii

'1'1-1£ RELIGIO N OF THE Al\IMONITES

157

Haddad ('Adad), 23 Inurta< (Ninurta)" 24 ' II 25 Mi lkom , 26 MOL . , 27 Nanaya , 28 Ncr,"") QOS,1O Rimmon ,31 Samas,32 ~id,33 Yahweh/" Yam,35 and Yeral). 36 Severa l o bse rva tion s ca n be made about lhi s li st. First, the identification of some of these elements as theophoric is conjectural. 37

1l

'dd'i (011 131 ).

2.. 'lI,t (0 11 55). 2~ 'b' (0 11 37a),

'bI' (01 /1 82), 'b,J' (CAl (75), 'bJ' (CAl 181 ), 'dd'i (0 1/ 131 ), 'u/ (CAl 49), 'Uff' (CAl 106), 'uff'l (CAl 122), Y (CA l 132), 'Ii (CAl 21 H ), 'I (CAl Ill, 124, 146, 169), 'I' (01/69 , 114a, 166), 'l'wr (O J/ 137:5:2, 183), 'fm; (O J/ 5, 18, 165), 'l'ml (CAl 183), 'i'm' (CAl 143a, 147:4:2), '1', (CAl 134), 'Ihr (CAl 7), 'Mg (O J/ 78a), 'Id/h (CAl 35a, 206), '1dJ' (CA l 3Ia), '/h'm (0 11 10), 'b..kr (OI l 134), '{!/1111 (CAl 8, 19, 122, 141, 153), 'lyb, (CA l 39, 104), '!yd, (CA l 64,3, 156), ,!),uu (CAl 209, 211 ), Iyf' (CAl 18, 30, 38, 45, 47,11>3,79, 120, 184), 'Img (CA l 100), 'ImJI (e.'!1 91, 125, 174), 'Illdh (0 J/64, 108, 137:6:1 , 142, 185), 'ITI' (CA l 47:7:1 , 47:8:1, 47:12:1 ), '11Itll (CAl 32, 47: 15:3, 90, 212:2: I), 'Ismk (0 11 30b), 'I';:; (O J/ 46, 96, 119), '1';:;, (CAl 70, 13H1, 148, 149, 170), '1m, (0 111 5,28,53,135, 137,2,1, 186), 'lJgb (CAl 9), 'lim' (01 / 9,88,105, III, 157, 178), 'tmlf (CA I 148), 'Itmk{0J/ 47: 14:1, 62), 'm/(OJ/ 112), 'mT'1 (CAl 67, 118), '5' (CAl 147:2:1 ), ','I (CAl 181 ), 'I' (CA l 78b), h'l (CAl 212,2>3), bd'i (CAl 103, 135,207), byd'i (CAl 13, 26, 47>3,3, 99, 100), bk'i (CA l 40), bll'l (CAl 155), h',' (0 11 88, 192), brk' (01 1 52a), bTk'l (Gill 54, 133, 157, [79, 2 [3), bt'/ (CA l [54), gn' (CAl 47:6: 1),111&<'>/ (CA l 130), h.JI'1 (O ll 78:2:2, [47:6:1 , 187, 211 :2: I) ;Jrr'! (47:9: I, 187), 11;:;'/ (CAl 47:5:3), {II' (0 11 130), {IIf( (CAl 2M), till' (01. 1 22" 99), ;mil (CAl 36, 47>2,1, 47,5,1, 106, 161, 189), y<'>«il (CAl 8),yqm[']1 (CA f 147:9), yJ' (CAl I 13), ys---<' (0 1/ 20), yf"/ (0 11 II ), mgr'! (011 89), I/Ik'/ (Gill 47:12:3, 60a , 13Ib), mkm'l (0 11 101 ), m!k'[ (01 /1 37:4:3), m,'l (01. 1 49), 1111' (CAl 110), mlll'l (01.1 [89, 19 1), IIdb'l (0 11 25,37,47:10:1,51, 70:1,80:3:1,85, 103), 11UJT'1 (Gill 159), ll'm'l (0 11 80:3:3), /1ST'! (0 11 27, 174, 192), [IIJ/Il'1 (011 81 ), 'bd' (0 11 50,53, 144:1:5, 202), 'd'l (0 11 31 ), ';:;' (CA l 4b, 47:4:3, 120, 167, 168), <;:;'[ (01 1 52), '{)" (CA l 65,2,1, 126), ',,' (0 11 97), '<,'I (011 38",46,137>3>1 ), 'I' (CA l 121 ), 'Iy'l (CA l 147:8: I), 'ms'l (01/51,62, 72), 'm" (CAl 155), mr'/ (O J! 168), 'n'/ (CA l 47:2:2, 47:2:3), 'fn'l (CAl 6), pd'l (011 13, 33), .Jdq'! (0 11 177), rm'l (01.1 169), fb' (011 171 172), fh'l (Gil l 41 ,45, 47:4:1 , 195), flm'l (CA l 158), fm'! (CAl 7la, 196), fm'! (0 11 30a, 75), fmJ'l (CA l 137:8:2), 1m' (C41 15), Imk' (O J! 85), Imk'l (CAl Ib, 3, I ,~, 26, 76:3: I, 84,86, 113, 132, 149, 165). Z1i bdm!),:m (0 11 1b), mlkm (CAl 55), mlkm'wr (011 (29), mlkmgd (0 11 127), mlkmyt (O il 147:1:1 ), m!km';:; (0 11 136). 27 'Ilmwl (CAl 44). 1R III!)' (011 65:5), hllT!y (011 137:1 1). l'.I 'dllllr (CH 40:1 ), 'dllT (CAl 139:3), 'III, (0 11 47:7:1, 47:8:1 , 47:12:1 ), mil' (0 11 92), IIwr'l (C1 1 159), I/wTyh (CAl 4:3), IIry (011 42a). 30 qsmlk (Gill 212: 1:2). 31 fdmm (CA l 201 ). 32 fmI'i (CAl 137:8:2). 33 ;dyrk (01 1 59a). 3-1 ~1111)'h (01/4), ),llI.l!)'d' (011 147:7:1 ), 1110'ltw (0 11 ge), n/.IlI!)'ll1tJ (Gill 9c), //IOryll (0 11 4). l~ 'hd,)'m (CA l 2Ia). :lG yr~ (CAl 145:3:1 ), yT~'~T (011 43), 'hdyT~ (CA I9a). l7 For example, 'Adon, 'Addin, 'Ali, Bes, Dagon, Ncr, and Yam. Also conjectural is the identification of theophoric hypocoristica. h is theoretically possible that the theophorie hypocorislica in Ammonite inscriptions are names other than ' 11.

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Second, even with all of these elements, there is not a great variety of deities rep resented in th e Ammon ite onomasLicoll. Th is has led T igay (1987: 171 ) to q uestion whether or not the Ammonites WCfe polyth eistic: " , .. from their onomasticon one might co ncl ude that they wcre no morc pluralisti c in religion than we re th e Isracli lcs ."38 T hird, there is a preponderance of names containi ng the element 'I. This last datum has provoked some discussion (Israel 1990: 333- 35) because the word 'I is ambiguous. It can be the appellative of deilY, meaning "god," or it can be th e prope r name ' 11 (or 'EI) (Cross 1974: 242). As Layton (1996: 610) has ind icated, " In the abse nce of hard evidence [lo th e contrary], the interp retation of Jet as a common noun "god " is pre rerred." But is there evidence to th e contrary? Did the cull or ' (I survive into the Iron Age, or did he become a deus oliosus (Israel 1990: 334; Smith 1994: 206)1 T he most compelling a rgumen t th at' ll (or 'El) became a deus oliosus is round in the trea tment or Hebrew religion by C ross (1962, 1973, 1974, 1983). He argued th at the word " Yahweh" OIi ginated as an epithet or 'EI. Subseque ntly, it became the name or a Hebrew god who ultimarely usurped 'EI himselr (C ross 1974: 44- 75). In effect, the cull remained th e cult or 'I, now attached to a new deity (and significantly modified by the stro ng " historical " th rust and content or Israel 's raith). In SUppOrl or th is thesis, C ross produced a stunning sylllhesis or linguistic, historical, philological, archaeological and textual data, not least or whi ch included lhe Bi ble: ''' EI is rarely ir ever used in the Bible as the proper name or a non- Israelite, Canaanite deily in the ruu consciousness or a distinction between 'EI and Yahweh, god of Israel " (Cross 1973: 45, 1974: 253). But were the circumstances similar in Iron Age Ammon? ,.vas the official or "state" cult a disguised or transformed cul t or >J1? In order to answer th ese questions in the affirmative, on e would have to identiry an Ammonite deity parallel to Yahweh. Enter Milkom . The Bible, in I Kgs I 1:5, 33, identifies Mi lkom as " th e abomi-

For cxample, the name tmk' (0 1/ 85) could be an abbrcviation for *tmkmlkm > *[tamakmilkomJ, "Milkom has supportcd. " But in view of thc largc number of OCClllTcnccs of the full namc Imk't or ('llmll), it seems reasonable to take the hypocoristic ending as an abbreviation for 'I. Therefore, all hypocoristiea significd by thc letter ' aleph in Ammonite inscript ions havc been listcd here as meaning 't. It is hoped that this procedure will not prejudice an undcrstanding of Ammonite religion in fa\'or of one interprctation O\'cr anothcr. :III 'l'igay (1987: 171 ) correctly adds the caveat that " ... onomastic evidence may nut give a complctc picturc of the gods worshiped [sicl in a society.. "

THE Ri-: U G I ON OF TUi-: AMMONITES

159

nation of the Ammonites. " )'J Despite the pejorative nuance of "abomination ," scholars appear to be unan imous that whateve r the tex t says, it mealls that Mi lkom was the chief deity or the Ammonites. T he a ppearance, therefore, of the apparent ly theop horic cleme nt mlkm in names on inscriptions see ms to be confirmation of the sta nd· ard interpre tation of I Kgs I I :S. But the re is a problem. Yahwe h, according to the Hebrew model, replaced ' EI in the theological vocabulal)" a notion which is supported, indeed ii/ustrated, by the evidence of Hebrew popu lar religion where Yahweh-names far outnumber ' EI-name s (Cross 1983: 36 37; Avigad 1987: 196). In the Ammonite onomasticon, howeve r, th e occurrence of mlklll-names arc a frac tion of 'I-nam es. On the basis of th is evidence, it is hard to sec why f\ tilkom should be considered the chig dcity of the Ammonites. Fulthermore, the scant iconographic e\~de n ce that ex ists argues against it (Oaviau and Dion 1994). This is not to say that i\ lil kom was not a popular, perhaps even impol1ant Ammonite dei ty. I I does suggest, however, that the re is no need to postulate an analogy \\~th the cult of Yahweh that makes ' II a deus olioslJs. ,"Vho, then, was the chief god of the Iron Age Ammonite cult? Based on the meage r and ambiguous evidence available, it probabl y \vas ' II. This conclusion finds support in two ways. First, as Levine (1995: 334) observed, the word 'I in the DayI'
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C IIAPT ER SEVEN

significan t way. Ironically, this last may be the most compelling reason for identifying the Ammonite cu lt as th at of 'n, the high god of Canaan.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Professor Larry G. H err for providing me with unpublished malcriais, and to Professors Herr and D. Bruce Mac Kay for rcading and commen ting on early drafts of this essay.

Riferences Abou Assaf, A. 1980 Untersuchungen zur ammonilischcn Rundbildkunsl. Ugarit-ForJchungrn 12:

7 102. Ackemmll, S. 1992 Under Evny Grem Tree, Popular &Iijian in Sixth-Century Judah. Atlanta: Scholars. A1bcrtz, R. 1994

A H istory

oj Israelite Religion in /he Old Teslamtnl Paiod. Volume I: From the

Begillnings to tire End of the Monorc/ry, trans. J. Bowden. Lo uisville: Westminster/

Knox. Aufrecht , W.E.

1989 A Corpus of Ammonite Inscriptions. Lewiston, 1\1)': Mellen. Avigad, N. 1987 '111e Comribution of Hebrew Seals to an Understanding of Israelite Religion and Society. pp. 195-208 in Am:inll Israeliu Rtligion: Essays in Honor if" Frank Moore Cross, eds. P.D. Miller; P.D. Ha nson; and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress. Bloch-Smith, E.M. 1992a The Cult of the Dead in Judah: Interpreting the Material Remains. JournaL if" Biblical Literature III: 213- 24. 1992b Judahite BuriaL Practices and Belitfs aboul the [kad. Sheffield: Academic Press. COOle, R. 1980 The Tell Siran Bottle Inscliption. Bulktin if" till American Schools r.if Orin!wl Restareh 240: 93. C ross, F.M. 1962 Yahweh and the God of the Patriarchs. Harvard Theological R£vitw 55: 225- 59. Epigraphic Notes on the Amman Citadel Inscription. Bulletin if" tht American 1969 &hools if" Orinl((ll Research 193: 13 19. 1973 Canaaniu Myth alld Hebrew Epic: Essays on /lit Hiswry !if the Religion if" IsraeL. Cambridge: Harvard University. 1974 'El. pp. 242- 61 in 7neowgical DietiOllOry if" the Old Testament J, cds. GJ. Bottwerweck and J.1'. Will is. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans. 1982 Alphnbtts and Pots: Riflections 011 Typowgiml Method in the Dating if" Humall Artifacts. MQIlrav 3: 121 - 36. 1983 111e Epic T raditions of Early Israel: Epic Narrative and the Reconstruction of Early Israelite Institutions. Pp. \3- 39 in The Poet ad the Historian: Essqys in Literary alld Historical Biblical Criticism, ed. R.E. Friedman. Chico: Scholars.

TI-I£ RELIGI ON OF '1'1-1£ AMMON ITES

16 1

P.~ L~L , and Dion, P.E. EI, the God or the Ammonites? The Ater-C rowned Head rrom T ell J awa, J ordan . .(eitschrifl diS dtutschm Paliistina- Vtreins 110: 158 67. Dever, W.C . )982 Recent Archaeological Confirmation or the Cult or Ashcrah in Ancient Israel. Hebrew StuditJ 23: 37 43. 1983 Mate,ia) Remains and the Cult in Ancie nt Israel: An Ess..y in Archaeological Systematics. Pp. 571 87 in 17le lVord rlj tile Lord Shall Co Forlh: Essays in Honor oj David Nod Frudman in Celebratioll oj His Sixtieth Birthday, cds. C. Meyers and 1\1. O 'Connor. Winona Lake: American Schools or Oliental Resea rch/ Eisenbrauns. The Contribution or Archaeology to the Study or Canaanite and Early 1987 Israelite Religion. Pp. 209 47 in Al/cUr!f Israefitt Religion: Essays in Ho/IO' oj Frallk Moore Cross, cds. P.D. i\ lillcr; P.O. Ha nson; and S. DCiln Mc Btide. Philadelph ia: F0I1ress. 1991 a Archaeology, i\ laterial Culture and the Early i\ lonarchical Period in Israel. Pp. 103 15 in The Fabric oj lIistory: Text, Artifacts and Israel's Past, ed. D.V. Edelman. Sheffield: J ournal ror the Study or the Old T estament. 1991b Unresolved Issues in the Early H istOlY or Israel: T oward a Synthesis or Archaeological and Textual ReconslllJctions. Pp. 195 208 in The Bibk and tht Politics oj Eregtsis: Esserys ill /-Io//Or rif ,Nomwl/ K. Collwald 01/ /-lis Sixty- FiflIl BirtMery, cds. D. J obling; P.L. Day; and G.T. Sheppard. Cleveland: Pilgrim. I994a Ancient Israelite Religion: How 10 Reconcile the Differing T extual and ArtiraclUal Portraits? Pp. 105 25 in Ei'n Coli a/kin? J HIVH- lltrehung und biblisch,., MOl/otheismus im KOlltex( der imulitischtn u"d altontntlisdun Rrligionsgeschichu, cds. W. Oieuich and M .A. Kloprenstein. Frciburg: Univcrsity Prcss/Cottingcn: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 199<1b Archaeology, T exts, and HisIOIy-Writing: T oward an Epistemolof,'Y' Pp. 105 17 in UncolJeri'lg AI/cicil Stolles: EJsays in Memory oj II. ;\i(il Richa,dsol/, ed. L.M. Hopre. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. 1994c The Silence or the T ext: An ArchacolO!:,>leal Commentilry on 2 Kings 23. Pp. 143 68 in Scripture alld Other Artifacts: EJst!)'s Oil the Bibk Qlld Archaeology in Honor f!! Pltilip J. King, cds. M.D. Coogan ; J. Cheryl Exum; and L.E. Stager. Louisville: \ VestmitlStcr/ Knox. 1995 Will the Reill Israel Please St,mel Up? Pa rt II: Archaeology and the Reli,,>lons or Ancient Israel. Built/in f!! tile American Sclwols oj Grimlal Rmarch 298: 37 58. 1996 Archaeology and the Religions or Isrilel. Bulktill oj the American Schools oj Orielltol Research 30 I: 83-90. Herr, L.C . 1997 The Iron Age II Period: Emerging Nations. Biblical Archaeologisl 60: 11+ 83. Holladay, j.S. 1987 Religion in Israel and Judah Under the io. lonarchy: An Explicitly Archaeological Approach. Pp. 249 99 in Ancient Israeliu Religioll: Essays in Honor oj Frallk Moore Cross, cds. P.O. Miller; P.O. Hanson; ilnd S. Dean Mc Bride. Philadelphia: Fortress. Hiibner, U. 1992 Die Ammolliter: Untersuchul/gel/ ~ur Gtschichte, Kultll' and Religion tines lransjordanischtn IIolkes im I. Jahrtaustnd v. Chr. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Israel, F. 1990 Note ammonite II : La rcligione elegli amllloniti anraverso Ie lomi epigrafiche. Studi e moterali di srona delle religiolli 56: 307 37. Keel, O. 1995 Corpus der Stempelsiegel-Amuklle ailS Paldstina/ Israel, lion den Al!fongen bis ZlIr Pmtrzeil, Vol. I, Einleitu'lg. Frciburg: University Press/Cottingcn: Vandenhocck & Ruprecht.

Oaviau, 199'~

162

C IIAPTER SEVEN

Keel , 0. , and Uchlingcr, C. 1992 COl/inllm, COUer und CouesJ)'mbok, .Neue /:'r wllllnllse (:/IT Religionsgeschichu KmuulIIs WId [srads mifgnmJ bislong ul1erschlossmer ikonographisc/m- Qytlwl. Frciburg: Herder. Layton, S.C. 1996 Leaves from an Onomastician 's Notebook. '(titschrifl fli, die alltes/mentlicllL lVissenschtifi 108: 608 20. Lemaire, A. 1991 - 92 Essai su r les rcli~,'lons ammonite, moabite ct i:domite (X- VJ< S. avo 11. c':). Revue de 10 Sociiti Ernest Renan 4 I: 41 67. Dccsscs et dieux de Syrie-pa.lcstinc d'apres les inscriptions (C. 1000- 500 1994 avo n. c). Pp. 128 58 in £ in Coli a/kin? JHWfI- Verehullg wid bib/ischer MonoIhrumus illl K 011/(XI du israLlitiscllm ulld altorielltlischetl RefigiollJgeschichtt, cds. W . Dietrich and M.A. Klopfenstei n. Freiburg: University Press/Gotlingen: Vandenhocek & Ruprecht. Levine, B. ' !11C Balaam Inscription: Historical Aspects. Pp. 326 39 in Biblical Arc/weology 1985 Today: /tQuedings oj iii, In/emational Congrm 011 Biblical Arc/meo{ogr, J ernsalclI, April /984, cd. J. Amatai. J erusalem: Israel Exploration Society, Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, American Schools of Oriental Research. 1991 The Plaster Inscriptions from Dcil" 'AHa: Genera! Interpretation. Pp. 58- 72 in The Bolaom Text from Dei, < Alla Re-f!I)oiualed, Procudings oJ the Ill/emotiollot ~","posium held at LLidm 21 24 August 1989, cds. J. Hoflijzcr and C. Van dcr Kooij. Leiden: Brill. L' Heureux, e.E. 1979 Rank Among tk Canaanile Cods: £1, &'al, and tk R£pha'im. ~ Iissou la: Scholars. Mullen, £.T. 1980 The Divine Council in Canaanile alUi EarlY Hebrew liferature. Chico: Scholars. Olyan, S.M. 1997 Cult. I~). 79- 86 in Oiford Encycwptdia r.if tile Ancient Near East, 2, cd. E.M. Meyers. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Sass, n., and Uchlinger, C. , cds. 1993 Studies in tk Iconography r.if Nrn/hwtSl Semitic Inscribfd &als. Fribourg: University Press/Cotlingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Schroer, S. 1987 In IsraLl gab es 8ilder. Nachrichlen lJon darslelltnder Kunts im Allen Teslamnll. Freiburg: Universitat /Gottingen: Vandenhocck & Ruprecht. Smith, M . 1994 Yahweh and Othe r Deities in Ancient Israel: Obscrvations on Old Problems and Recent Trends. Pp. 19 7-234 in Ein Colt alInn? J HWH- Verthung und bib/isther Monotllt';'smus im Konlext der israLlitischffi und alwnmtlischffi ReligWnsgeschichle, cds. W. Oieuich a nd M .A. Klopfenstein. Freiburg: University Press/Cottingen: Vandenhocck & Ruprecht. Tigay, J.H . 1987 Israelite Religion: The Onomastic and Epigraphic Evidence. Pp. 157- 94 in Ancient Israelile Religion: Essays in HOllOr r.if Frank ,Hoore Cross, cds. P.O. Miller; P.O. Hanson; and S. Dean McBride. Philadelphia: Fortress. Weippert , M. 1990 Synkretismus und Monotheismus. Religionsinteme Konfliktbcwii.ltigung im a1ten Israel. Pp. 143-79 in Kullur mid Korif/iJd, ed~. J. Assmann and D. Harth. Frankfort: Suhrkamp. 1991 The Balaam T ext from Deir 'Alia and the Study of the Old T estament. Pp. 15 1- 84 in The 8alaam Textfrom Deir 'Alla Re-tvaluattd, Prouedillgs q/lhe Inltmatwnal Symposium held at iLidm 2/- 24 AI/gust 1989, cds. J. Hoftij zer and G. Van der Kooij. Leiden : Brill.

C HAIYf'ER EI G HT AM~ I ON ITE

TEXTS AND LANGUAG E

\VALT ER

E.

A UFRECIIT

The University or Lethbridge

The di scovery in 1961 of the
I This classificalio n system has becn criticir.ed (van \\Iyk 1993), but si nce lhe criticism docs not rest on any reeognir.able methodological principles, it may be dismissed (Aurrecht 1998). 1 The list docs not include one- and two-lener inscri ptions: 1:lisban O straeon A8 (fonnerly no. 6) (Cross 1975: 19); the Sal)ab O stracon (Ibrahim 1975: 73); the T all as--Sa'idiyya Ostrdcon (Tubb 1988: 311, 33); two 'Amman Citadel Ostrac.. (Domemann 1983: 103; Hubner 1992: 38 39 nos. 2 3); and a Tall al-'Umayri O stracon (Herr 1992a: !95 96). Some scholars relate the Dayr 'Alla Plaster Texts to Ammonite. Cross (I 969b, 1986, in press), Greenfield (1980), and Puech (1985,1987), for example, have suggested lhat these texts are written in a n Ammonite script. Naveh (J967, 1979, 1982), on the contrary, has ar/,'Ued that they arc written in the Aramaic cursive script and in a dialect heretorore unknown (roJ" the latter or which, also see Hackett 198401, 1984b; Hueh nergard 1991; and McCarter 1991 ). Ot her scholars identiry the texts as Aramaic both in script and language (Hortijzcr and van der Kooij 1976). These texts arc not included here as part of the discussion of Ammonite texts and

164

C HAPTER EIGHT

which are Hebrew, CAl 124a which is Moabilc, and CAl 57 and 61 which arc forgeries. 3 The discussion of the remaining 269 texts is organized according to the materials on which they are inscribed: Slone (4), meta] (7), potlery (ostraca wrincn in ink or impressed) (18), clay bullae (3), bone (2), and gem stones (235). The slone, or monumental, insc riptions are all fragmentalY. The
language. For bibliography, see Aurrecht 1989: xxvi- xxix; Lemaire (199Ia: 55-5 7); and Lipinski (1994: 103- 70). The list also excludes SC\'cral inscriptions awaiting publication. , On thc issuc or rorgcrics or Ammonitc inscriptions, see thc discussions by Hubner (1989, t992).

AMMONITE TEXTS AND LANGUAGE

165

Texts wriuen in ink or engraved in pottery include ostraca from the J ordanian sites of Tall J-:iisban, TaJl al-Mazar, Tall al-'Umayri, 'Amman, and Nimrud in Iraq. The J:lisban Ostraca may be described and dated as follows (Cross in press): A I (no. 4~ = CAl 80), written in Ammonite cursive, is a record kept by a royal steward of the assignment or distribution from the royal stores of foodstuffs and other goods to courtiers and others to whom the crown is under obligation, dated ca. 600 B.C. ; A2 (no. II = 0 11 94), wrilten in Ammoni te cursive, is a li st of goods, dated ca. 575; A3 (no. 12 = CAl 137) is a li st of names, dated ca. 550 525 B.C. (the end of the Ammonite cursive series); A4 (no. 2 = CAl 76). inscribed in Aramaic cursive but probably written in the Ammonite language (Shea 1977 ) . ~ may be a docket recording the distribution of tools or a letter giving instructions to agricultural workers, dated ca. 525 B.C.; AS (no. I = CAl 65) and A6 (CAl 214) are lists of Ammon ite names written in Aramai c scrip t, dated to the end of the sixth ce ntury B.C.; and A7 (no. 5 = CAl 81 ) is an Ammonite graffito dated to the seventh century B.C.6 Tall al-Mazar Ostracon 3 (C41 144) is a personaJ letter, dated by Cross (in press) ca. 575 B.C.; and one of the Tall aJ-'Umayli O Slraca (CAl 211 ) may be a letter or a docket, also dated ca. 575 B.C. (Sanders 1997). The remaining os lraca all contain names: Tall al-M aza r OSLraca 4, 5 and 7 (0 1/ 145- 47), the Khirbat Umm adDanan!r Osu'acon (CAl 150), the 'Amman Ostracon (CAl 77). two OSlraca and an engraving from Tall al-'Umayri (CAl 171 - 73). and the Nimrud Ostracon (0 11 47).7 There a rc three clay impressions of stamp seals (i.e., bullae) (CAl 129, 188, 213); two bone seals (CAl 38, 180); and 235 engraved gem

, Cross (in press) has re-numbered the l:Iisban Ostraca. For convenience, the old numbering system is included in brackcts here. ) The lan~,'l.Iage might be Aramaic. See the vocalization and translation or certain words suggested by Cross (1973a, in press). Nevertheless, the ostracon cOlltains Ammonite names and ronm (Cross (986). 6 H ubner first argued (1988) thai illl of the l:I isban ostraea arc Moabite, but laler C4/9 4) as Ammonite. His views arc based primar(1992) identified A2 (no. II ily on analysis of bibliGl1 references which place l:Iisban in J\·loab. But the biblical data arc ambiguous, placing l:Iisban in both l\ loab and Ammon, ilnd ror that matter in Israel (i.e., Reuben) (Cross in press). Cross (in pres.,) and Herr (1997b) note that pottery discovered at Tall l;Iisban is Ammonite. 1 The view that the Nimrud OSU'aeon is Ammonite has been challenged by Hecking (1981 ) and I·Hibner (1992: 35 37). However, Ammonite pottery has been found at Nimrud (Israel 1997: 106) which increases the probability that the ostracon is Ammonite.

=

166

CHAPTER EIGHT

stone seals. s The seals may be characterized as follows (updating Lema;,-e 1992): - 98 seals of me n \\~t h a p atronymic9 - I seal of a man wi th a matronymic lO - 102 seals of men with a single name ll - 5 seals of wives l 2 - 14 seals of daughtcrs '3 15 alphabe t seals H All of these inscriptions have been identified as Ammo nite on the basis of the fo llowing c ritel~ a: prove nance, palaeog"aphy, iconography, onomastics, and la nguage. Si nce all of these c ri tel~ a are not applicable to every (or, indeed, any) single inscriptio n, discussion has arisen about thei r relative values (Bordreuil 1992; Lemai re 1993; Hubner 1993; Hubner and Knauf 1994; Israel 1997; Herr 1998). It is ge nerally agreed that prove nance is the most important criterion (Herr 1978; Bordreu il I 986b, 1992). Unfort unate ly, the vast m ajOl~ ty of these i nsCl~ ptio n s are unprovenanced. Moreover, even if an inscription is found in a controlled excavatio n, prove nance still might not provide the primary c rite l~on for identifying an inscription, T ho ugh the sile may be conside red "Ammoni te," the language and/or letter-forms of the inscri ptio n might be identi fied as someth ing else such as "Moabite" (C4J 124a). Furthennore, it is not always clear that the location of the fi nd si te is to be ide ntified as falling within the Ammonite sphere of infl ue nce. O ften, the de termination of site identity rests on tendentious or am biguous evidence (such as the Bible's assignment or Ij"isban to different spheres of influe nce or

~ Among these seals are listed those ror which there are only photographs or plasticine impressions (0 11 19, 22, 188, 204). 9 CA/lb, 3, 4, 5, 8, ge, 15, 18 18a, 22a, 2526,30- 31,37 37a, 39, 42, 45- 46, 48- 49,5 1 52,62,64,67 , 69 71, 74- 75, 78a, 79, 85- 86, 88- 90, 95- 96, 98- 100, 102 10'1·, 106, 109- 113, 114a, 116, 118 120, 122- 124, 125, 130- 136, 140- 142, 149,153, 155 157,163,165 166,168- 169,170, 174,176- 177,179, 181 , 183- 184, 186- 187, 189, 191 - 192, 197 198,212. 10 CAl 14. II CAl I- la, 2, 3a, 4a- c, 6 7, 8a 8b, 9b, 10 13a, 16 17b, 19- 2Ia, 27- 30b, 32 35a, 38a, 40 41 , 42a, 46<1, 50, 52a, 53 56, 59a- b, 60a, 61a, 63, 68, 71a, 72, 78b, 83- 84, 87,91 - 92,97, 101, 105, 107108, 114a, l14c, 117a, 127- 128, 13Ia- b, 136a- c, 137a- 139, 143, 151, 154, 158, 160, 162, 164, 167, 185, 190, 193, 195- 196, 201 - 203,205,207 210. 12 O il 2a, 8e, 36, 44, 161. 13 CAl 9, 9a, 23, 31a, 7 1b, [17, 121, 126, 143a, 152, 175, 178, 182,204. It CAl 22, 24, 54a- 54b, 60, 7 Ie, 82 82a, 93, 114- 115, 136d- e, [99- 200.

AMMONITE TEXTS AND LANG UAG E

167

control). In such cascs, onc must rel y on other cri tCl"ia or a convergence of criteria. The one criterio n that all in scriptions have in common is palaeography, and for this reason it has becom e the primus iI/fer pares of the classification cri teria (Bordreuil 1986b: 5, 1992: J38 39; Israel J99 J; Lemaire J 993). The basic principle of pabeography is th at the shape of letters (in this case, on Iron II alphabetic texts) may be distingu ished from each other by certain formal characlel; stics (sec below). Despite criticism by those who have neither an eye nor memolY for form , palaeographcrs have been abl e to work out the broad outlines (and in some cases the narrow details) of the evolution of Iron I I alph abe tic scripts, nuances of intcll)retation and opinion notwi thstanding. This is important, because on ce the script, language and idcntity of the inscription is determined , the palaeographer is often able to provide a date for it, thus helpin g to create, supplement , or debunk relative and absolute chronologies (McLean 1992). The first paleographic analysis in which an Ammonite insc ription was identified was published by Avigad (1946), in which he related the Ammonite script to the Aramaic script. 15 Si nce th en, the dominant discussion regarding Ammonite writing has focused on the question of whether the Ammonites used (with some modificat ion) the cu rrent Aramaic sc ript , or developed their own " national" script. The first view, presenled most clearly by Naveh (1970, 1971 , 1982, J 994), is Ihal the Ammonites wrote in the Aramai c script and did not develop a truly " national" writi ng tradition of the ir own. One shou ld speak of Aramaic writlen in an Ammonite sty le. The second view has bee n a rgued by C ross (1969a, I 969b, 1973a, 1973b, 1975, 1976, 1986), Herr (1978, 1980, 1998), Hackett (1984a) and J ackson (1983b). According to thi s view, Ammo nite handwriting became independent of its parent Aramaic sc ript in the mideigh th ce ntu ry B.C. and thereafter developed more slowly than its parent. 'fhis " national" script ceased to exist in the late sixth century B.C. , when it was replaced by th e Aramaic script of th e Persian t~ As early as 1895, Ch. C1cnnont-Ganneau speculated on the Ammonite ori!,rin ort he seal or'dllpl! (C1/17), but it was Torrey (192122) who first classified it as Ammonite. J-Ie recognized the seal as Ammonite on the basis or ilS onomastics. Furthermore, he speculated (correctly) that certain unusual reatures or the writing (rei and 'ayin) wcre Amrnonile on the grounds lhal these earerully engraved letters rcprescmed the best standard or their locality. Fo r brier ovcn';cws or the hislOry or scholarly research on Amrnonile inscriptions, sec Israel (1991 ) and Hordreu i1 (1992).

168

C HAPT ER EIGHT

chanceUclics, the circumstances being analogous to those in Judah where the Hebrew "national" script was replaced by Aramaic. Thus, the mid- lO late-sixth century inscriptions are designated as Ammonite by language (e.g., Canaanite bn instead of Aramaic br) instead of scripl. Ammonite language and script disappeared after 500 B.C. Recently, Herr (l992a, 1992b, 1997a) has called attention to two stamped ostraca discovered in 1989 at Tall al-'Umayri (C4J 171 - 172) which support this view. \Vritten in late-sixth centUlY Aramaic, they contain the name fb), *[Suba'] fol lowed by the wo rd emn. Herr argues that they identify the Persian province of Ammon in the same way that Aramaic stamps and impressions from the sixth or early fifth century B.C. con taining the name yh(w)d identify the Persian province of Judah. The Ammonite fh' would then be the governor of the province. 16 For lap idary inscriptions designated Ammonite, the formal lettershape characte ristics include the following (Herr 1978, 1980; Israel 1991: 227- 31; Bordreuil 1992: 157 58; Herr 1998):" star-shaped 'aleph beginning in the second half of the seventh century (011 18, 37); bet with triangular head and dropping baseline (CAl 39); dalet with triangular head and long taiJ (O U 56); onc form with a box or flag-shaped heh (0 11 78) and a nother with two horizontals (CAJ 10); wow with single horizontal branching off to the left (CAl 129); oval angu lar tel with onc horizontal ba r (OIl 74); kaph wi th triangular head (C4 / 78, 129); mem with oblique zig-zag (C4/17, 129); nUTl with

16 It might be a rgued that both lines of inquiry beg the question of what is meant by the word "national," especially in an ancient period. A number of scholars have objccted to the use of this term on the grounds that it imposes a modern notion of identity on the ancients (see the discussion in Dever 1997). The issue is irrelevant here. \Vhether o r not "states," or " nationality" in the modern sense existed in Iron " Transjordan, there emerged at lhat lime, a group of people who identified themstWes as the hn
AMMON ITE TEXTS AND LANGUAGE

169

right angles and le ftward tilt (CA l 23); square
!6 For example, CAl 2, 54b and 160 all contain the motir of cow with suckling calf. If iconography were a primarJ' diagnostic Ammonite criterion, these seals might be designated Aramaic as are the seals with similar iconography published by Tcissier (1984: no. 236) and Aufreeht and ShuI)' (1997: no. 2), but which were designated Aramaic primarily on paleographic grounds.

170

CHAPTER EI GHT

inscliptions are ovcrwhe1mingJy Canaanite in cha racter (Israel 1986: 44), th ough in some cases may be indebted to other languages such as A ramaic,19 Assyrian andlor Babylonian,2° Pcrsian ,21 Egyptian ,'22 and Arabic (Israel 1989b). Second, they reflect, even in such a smaJl corpus, the lexical variety and wide semamic range of ancient ono~ maslica. \ ,Vhilc the re arc repetitions such as names using the elemCIll tmk (Aufrccht 1989: 376), there arc a few uncommon names which include such things as animaIs,23 na tural phcnomena,24 and titles or occ upations.2S Thi rd, the names in these inscriptions provide information on Ammonite religio n because the majority of them contain theophOli c elements and related hypocoristica. On th is subject, see above, chap ter 7 on Ammonite Religion. Fourth, names a re rou nd which may be idemif-ied with an hislOlical personage prevIously known rrom another source,26 or provide a new name wh ich may be associated with previously known namesY The fina l cri terion is that or language. Like onomastics, it may bc a pli malY crite rion. Usuall y, however, it is a sccondary critcrion, used to support an identification arrived at on other grounds. Because the Ammonites were influenced by the Aramae ns, even the identification or Aramaic language on an inscription is nOt gro unds ror rejecting it as Ammonite. 28 There have been rour morc-o r-Iess systema tic treatments or th e Ammonite language: those or Israel (1979), Sivan (1982), J ackson (1983a), and Garr ( 1985). The work of these wliters (to which the ro llowing treatment of language is primari ly 19 20

21 22 23

br (Otl 43); )'lb (Otl SO:9:1 ); IIIr (0 11 13a, 2Sa, 49, 136b, 16S). fr (Otl 12S); Im)'dll (0 1/ 65:5: I). bg' (0 11 147:3:1 ). pm!)! (O il 65:4:2). fl, "ibex" (011 13S); Apr, "young lion" (CA l Sb, 107); 'kbr, "mouse" (0 1/ 15:3,

112); J'I, "rox" (CAl 20, 109, 100). 2~ brq, "lightening" (0 1/ 137:6:2); grgr, "berry" (Otl 79); II, "dew" (CAl I 43a); ,mr, "waterfall " (0 1/ 5, 9:3). 2) hb'l, "the master" (CA l 38a); ImsJ, ;'the standard-bearer" (CAl 68); hpp, "the goldsmith" (0 11 27); mlk, "king" (O il 2a, 29<1, 61a, 7S, SO, 102, 211:1:2,212,213); mr, "lord" (Otl 13a, 2S
A.MMONITE TEXTS A......' D LANGUAGE

171

indebted), and others whose trea tments have been less complete (sec Aufrech t 1989: xi i xiv; Rendsbu rg 1988a; Herr 1989; Israel I 989a; Knauf 1990; Htibner and Knauf 1994; Margalit 1995; Hendel 1996), have recognized that by the stan dards of comparative Semitic linguistics, Ammonite should be assigned to the Canaanite family of Ianguages. 29 It is important to remember that by "Ammo nite L1.nguage," we mean a modem scholarly (re)construction which is indebted to the language spoken in ancient Transjo rdan on ly to a grcatcr or lesser degree (Hubn er and Knauf 1994). This notwithstanding, if Garr's (1985: 229- 35) dia lect geography is correct, Ammonite sta nds closer to standard Phoenician than it does to other of the Northwest Semitic languages. And even if modifications wi ll have to be made to Carr's thesis (Knauf and Maani 1987), his work should be a caution against a too facile treatment of the relationship of these inscriptions to other Semitic languages. This is especially true wit h regard to the pronunciation of words (i.e., vocalization) in Ammonite inscriptions as if they were Hebrew, a disappointing feature, for example, of the recent corpus of Northwest Semitic seals by Avigad and Sass (1997). Such a procedure obscures whatever criteria there may be for distinguishing between the sounds of Ammonite and Hebrew. It often results in the notion that there is a close simi lality (if not identity) between the two "languages," and then Ammonite is thought to de ri ve from Hebrew (Avigad 1970: 287, 1985: 4). as if it is a corrupt form of Hebrew. Th is begs the question of whether one should speak about the Ammonite "language" or the Ammonite "dialect" of something else. Unfortunately, it is impossible at this time to resolve this issue. The corpus of Ammonite texts is neither large enough nor su fficientl y varied to provide a decisive data-sct of phonological, morphological, sYlllactical and lexical features. Nevertheless, the followin g data may be presented as fcatures which (to a grea ter or lesser degree) characterize the Ammonite language.

I. Phonology Phonology is exceedingly difficult to reconstruct in ancient texts and even morc so in such a sma ll corpus. [n the case of Ammonite, one 19 While there may be some influence or Arabic in proper names (Garbini 1974; Israel 1979), this influence has not been extensive in other aspects or language.

172

C HA IYI"ER EIGI-IT

must be guided by a principle such as that established by Hackcu in her commentary on the Dayr 'Alia Plaster Texts (1984a: 22- 24). By using the earliest possible form of a word, onc usually does not have to choose between later (in this case) Aramaic and Hebrew vocalizatio ns, thereby prejudging the classification of a dialect. Such a procedure also usually helps to postpone the problem of language vs. dialect until more evide nce is available. Given these limitations, the following phonological data appear to be characte ri stics of Ammonite. Correspondence of Proto-Semitic sounds:30 1,,/:<0>:[6] (mlkm, CAl Ib:2) 1a/:<0>:[a] or [6]" (bd, CAl Ib:3) /d/::lzJ (':lll or [s]" (lb'l, CAl 41 ) lay/::[c] (yll, CAl 80:7: 1; bn, CAl 78: 1:4) law/::[aw] (ywml, CAl 78:7:1 ) final 1001:< I>:(al] (gill, CAl 78:4:2, 's(ll, CAl 78:5:1 ) final I hi :: [6] (bllh, CAl 59: I: I [Garr 1985: 136]; Ibdd" CAl 56 (Jackson 1983b: 781) assimilation of nun (l1Jl'1 < *11J1, CAl 78:2:2; m'll < *mn 'II, Q lI 80:4:2;33 'In < *'nln, CAl 144:2:5) protheric 'auph ('Shl, CA l 78:5: I)

30 The following graphic system distinguishes Iphonemes/, and reconstructed I.phonesJ. 1I Evidence for the so·called Phoenician shift in Ammonite is ambiguous. See discussions by Cross (1973b: 13), Garr (1985: 32- 33, 53) and Lipinski (1986: 449). 32 The phonetic value of I if in Ammonite texts is in dispute. Knauf and l'..faani (1987), Rendsburg (1988a, 1988b) and Knauf(1990) argued that Ammonite retained the pronunciation [(] for the grapheme fjl (unlike other Canaanite dialects). Hendel (1996) argued that like the other Canaanite dialects, Ammonite pronounced I if as [s]. 33 The reading now seems sure (Cross in press). Margalit (1995: 205 n. 28) cites Puech's alternate reading (1985: 13) and attributes significancc to the absence of Ammonite mn in the listings in Hoftijzer andjongcling (1995: 649- 56). The significance is morc apparent than real: the *m(n) of 011 80:4:2 is not listed because the read· ing by Cross (1975) was marked as doubtful and because it was attached to the proper name 'ii, also om itted from the listings of Hoftijzer and jongcling in accordance with their principle of omitting all proper names. The mn of 011 94:2:2 was nOt listed by Hoftijzer and jongeling because there is no syntax following it, which is the basis of their discussion on PI). 649- 56.

AMMON ITE TEXTS AND lANGUAGE

173

syncope of yod betwee n short vowels (bilk *[bano] < *ballG < *banaya, CAl 59: 1:2 [Garr 1985: 53J ?~ - no evidence of loss of syllable-closing J aleph (in, 011 80;2; I; dr, 011 80;9;2) (GaIT 1985; 49)

2. t\ lorphololfJ! Morphologi cally, the Ammonite language ex hibits the general featu res of the Canaanite languages. According to Carr (1985: 232), although Ammonite received some but not all Phoen ician innova tions, it shows no innovations shared exclusively with Old Aramaic. 3:' Pronoun Personal 2 m.S. ('I, 011 141 ;2;2) Relative ('s, CAl 80:6)36 - Interrogative (m, CAl 92, 101 ) 2 m.S. suffix (10, 011 144;3;1 ) Definite Article (ii, 011 78;4; I) Preposition b (011 I b) k (011 47) 1 (CAl 1 '~4;3;1 ) mn (CAl 80;4;2, 94;2;2) 'I (011 59;2:3 ) - Adverb 'w (011 49) - )< (01/47;13;1 ) - '1 (011 80;6;4) bill (011 59;5;3 ) - bll (011 59;6;2 ) - kl (011 144;6; I) - kill (011 101 ) " (CAl 144;2:3)

3-1 Garr (1985: 53) noted lhat thcyod was retained in the propcr n;tlne f,'d'/ (O il 13) but was lost in thc lIiunc bd'/ (CAl 103). J~ Israel (1979: 152) suggeslcd Ihill thc use of'bd, "to do," "to make," is a shared fcature of Ammonite and Aramaic. :16 But sce C'1l 56 for thc relativc pronoun f.

174

CHAPTER E I GHT

Particle of existence (yf, O JI I 13) Noun ending of m.pl./dual absol ute (m, CA l 78:7:2) ending of m.pl. construct « 0>: [e] or [f] , b1l, CAl 78: 1:4 [Garr 1985: 91]) ending of [ s. absolute (:[atJ, gnl, CAl 78:4:2 ) ending of f.p l. absolute « t> :1.61]' ywml, CAl 78:7:1 ) 3 m.s. possessive suffix « h>:ruh] o r [ih], '1111, CAl 144:1:4 [Garr 1985: 55, 102]) Verb 3 m.s. perfect of the st rong verb (nlt/, Gill 80:6:5 )" I s. imperfect of the st rong verb ('kbd, Gill 59:3: I) 3 m.s. pe rfect of final weak verbs (bllh, Gill 59:1:1 ) - 3 m.s. im perfect (jussivc) « 0 >: [un] , Jm11l, CAl 59:2:4; Jllm, CAl 59:4:3) 3 m.S. objective suffix (lbrkh, CAl 56) G-slcm passive participle (brk, CA l 55)111 G-slcm infinitive absolute (ml, CAl 59:2:4; fbi, CA l 144:3:3) C-slcm impera tive (' mT, CAl 144:1:3; tTl < *1111/, CA l 144:4:2) D-stcm participle (msbb, CAl 59:2:2 [Garr 1985: 133])" causative prefix (II, CA l 78:2:2 ) If the mood of 'Amman Citadel Inscription (CAl 59) is indicative instead or volitive, Ammonite may not havc presclY'ed a morphological distinction between indicative and vol itive verbs (Gan 1985: 127). The absence or w in mt < *mwt (CA l 59:2:4) may indicate that in Ammonite , the origi nal biconsonantal root was not

31 Garr (1985: 125) noted that "it is unclear whether the base ronn ·qalal was retained or whether the second a underwent stress-lengthening to ·qaliil." :18 Bordreuil (1986a: 79) suggested that this may be an active G-stem participle. YJ J ackson (1983b: 15) suggested that this was a PQ'rl [sic] participle.

AMMON ITE TEXTS AND LA.l" CUACE

175

reconstructed accordi ng to the pallern of a stro ng, triconsonan tal root as it was so reco nstructed in O ld Aramaic (Garr 1985: 132), but cOlllrast €nlJlwl (CAl 44).

3. Syntax and Style Th e evidence or syntax and style is meager in Ammonite texts. That is because there is only one complete long inscript ion (the T all Siran Boule = CAl 78) and three others that, though relatively long, arc fragmelHary (the
4. Lexicon

The Ammonite lexicon exhibits a wide va ri ety of words, especially in name-formation (Jackson 1983b: 93 98; Israel 1990: 325 29, 1992). coordinating conju nctio n w (O ll 78:'k2) the roOl ylry instead of Phoeni cian hll!)' (CAl 23: I)

010 Israel (1979: 154) cited examples or thcse word pairs in Ugarit ie, Phoenician and Hebrew texts.

176

CHAPTER EI GHT

roOl ntn in stead of Phoenician yin (CA l 32, 144:2:5) - btl instead of Aramaic by ("son")41 - hi < *hnt instead of Aramaic bTL ("daughter")

- the

~

place names: 'II (CA l 90:4:2), bSTI ? (CA l 137:14:1 ), gbl (CAl 76:4:2 ), 'mn (CA l 171 ~ 72 ), ski (CAl 76:2:1 ), sdn (CAl 56) - ethnic identification or natio nality: m,rry, "Egyptian" (CAJ 8a) fa mily relationships: ' b (CAl 23), ' d (CAl 139), ' h (CAl 16), ' hi (CAl 2a), ' ml (CAl 36), <'>"h (CA l 3a) ' fl (CAl 2a), bn (CAl 3), br (CAl 43), bl (CAl 9a), hi (CAl 130), bm (CAl 137) - units of we ig ht and m easureme nt: bq ~ (CA l 54), Iqt (CA l 137:9:3) ~ other substantives:" ' bl (CAl 182), 'hi (CAl 204), 'wr (CA l 106), ym (CAl 2Ia), 'fil (CAl 10), ' 1m (CAl 59:6:3), 'In (CAl 104), 'ml (CAl 183), ' rh (CA l 80:5:4), 'f (CA l 78b), ' fm (CAl 7 Ib), b'l (CAl 38a), b'r (CAl 94:3:1 ), bSTI (CAl 137 :1 4:1 ), bl (CAl 154), g" (CAl 78:4:2), dry (CAl 59), Iif' (CAl 80:92), hbl (CAl 94:4: I), hg (CAl 14), h, (CAl 47), h.n (CAl 55), ywm (CAl 78), y" (CAl 80:7:1 ), ylr (CAl 90), kbs (CAl 47:14:3), knn (CAl 78:4:1 ), Ibb (CAl 80:7:5), mgn (CAlI 05a), mgr (CAl 89); m'bd (CAl 78:1: 1), mqn (CAl 137a), ml (CAl 110), min (CAl 189), ngyd (CAl 214), ndb (CA l 16), nwr (CAl 40), nk'i (CAl 80:4:3), nqr (CAl 137:5: I), 'br (CAl 77), sdr (CA l 59:4:2), sl' (CA /I1 4a), smk (CAl 30b), 'm (CAl 10), pdn (CAl 76), s' n (CA l 80:2: I), sdq (CA l 59:4:4), rbm (CAl 78:7 :2), rhq (CAl 78:8: I), fd (GiU 20 I), fwilr (CAl 48:3), fbn (CAl 59:8: I), .bn (Gill 35), Inh (CAl 78:7:3), f'rl (CAl 144:2:4), I' b (CAl 182), I' n (CAl 94) ~ ve rbs: ',n (CAl 8), 'ms (CAl 5), 'mr (CAl 67), 's' (CAl 147:2: I), 'ry (CA l 147:1: 1), bw' (CA l 59:1:4), bky (CA l 4c), bny (CAl 58), b'r (CA I 88), b'f (CAl 80:6: I), bqf (CAl 37), brk (CAl 54), brr (CAl 7), gyl (CA l 78:6: 1), gml (CAl 47:6:1 ), ddll (CAl 116),
42

177

AMMON ITE TEXTS AND LANGUAG E

mfl (CAl 91 ), ndr (CAl 56), nhm (CAl 23), n'm (CAl 80:3:3), nsr (CAl 27), nqm (CAl 147:9: 1), nln (CAl 32), sbb (CAl 59:1:5), smk (CAl 30b), sir (CAl 2ge), 'ily (CAl 31 ), 'dn (CAl 152), 'Ih (CA l 114e), 'u (CAl 2), 'zr (CAl 38), 'ry (CAl 36), 'ms (CAl 5 1), 'ny (CA l 44), 'rb (CAl 59:3:4), 'rbn (CAl 144:3:4), 'fn (CAl 6), /lily (CAl 13), /II! (CAl 17), ql!y (CA l 3), rwm (CAliS ), rw' (CAl 2 1), rkk (CA l 59,,), r/l' (CAl 65:3:2), fgb (CAl 9), fwb (CAl 41 ), §mI, (CAl 78:6:2), M (CAl 9), fmr (CAl 148), f1 (CA l 59:6:1 ), f'l (CAl 210), Imk (CAl Ib:I ), Imm (CAl 15) unknown words: 'brI' (CAl 175), 'bI' (CAl 18 1), 'gbrl (CAl 161 ), 'Idf' (CAl 3Ia), 'fh (CAl 117a), blll!y (CAl 137: II: I), hlf (CAl 54), gdmdm (CAl 25), dblbs (CA l 44), ddl'hs (CAl 161 ), hml (CAl 116), zw' (CA l 52), g' (CAl 131 a), W (CA l 170), IllY (CAl 139), !1II!yws' (CAl 117), Itt'ZI (CAl 178), htJ (CA l 69, 74), kfy (CA l 176), mlllit (CAlia), nf'lw (0 11 197), sdd (CAl 152), sm! (CAl 117), 'rb'II'b (CA l 208), /Ish (CA l 176), psmy (CAl 65:4:2), pqll (CA l 18a), qr/l.1 (CAl 203), fl7l!tI (CAl 191 ), Inlff (CAl 136c)

Acknowledgements I am gratefu l to Professors Frank M. Cross and Larry G. Herr for permitting me to use mate rials in their as yet unpublished manuscripts; and to Professors Herr and D. Bruce MacKay for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper.

Appendix I The followi ng 82 texts should be added 10 the 147 texts listed in CAl. I." l'byb'l (de Luynes 1846: 1'1. 13: I) la H Immh (L..jard 1847: 1'1. 36) 2a. I'hlmlk 'flyI' (Lajard 1837 1849: 1'1. 14B:I ) 3a. Clmh (Rawlinson 1865: no. 14) 4a. /.fIm (de Vogue 1868: no. I) !)

Inscription No. ! in CAl has been renumbered lb.

« The inscription numbers with leiter designations were reclassified as Ammonite

after the completion of C4 1. They are numbered in accordance IO~,'leal fonnat of that COilluS (sec Aufrccht 1989: xxxvii).

\,~th

the chrono-

178

CHAPTER EIGHT

1':.' (de VOgUe 1868: no. 3) bk'i (de Vogue 1868: no. 4) Imsry (de VogUe 1868: no. 13) lk/lr (de VOgUe 1868: no. 17) 8e. Imn!llnt 'sl gdmlk (de VOgiic 1868: no. 40) 9a. bqfl bl 'bdyri' (Prideaux 1877) 9b. b'lnln (Schroder 1880: 683) 9c. 11l{unyhw bn mk)'hw (\ Vright 1882: no. I) 13a. lmrsmk (Clcrmolll-Ganncau 1823: no. 21 ) 17a. Ibrky (I..cdrain 1892: 143) 17b.<5 'dllf' (Berger 1894) 18a. U,wrj bn pqll (Berger 1897) 21a. cbd'ym (Clcnnont-Ganneau 1905: J 16) 22a. l'b'l bill",' (Torrey 1907) 27a. Islri, Cr o ....ey 1921 1922: no . 4) 28a. lmr'yf c (Ai me-Giron 1922) 29a. Imllmll (Delaporle 1923: no. A 1140) 29b. I'I'bb (Delapone 1923: no. A 1144) 30a. sm"l (Harding 1937 : 255, pI. 10:10) 30b." I'lsmk (Rei renberg 1938: no. I) 4b. 4c. 8a. 8b.

31a.

1'1dS> bl Jlml (Dunand 1939: no. 1291 )

I'ldllr (Barnett 1940) l'b' bll . .. (Reirenbe,·g 1942: no. 6) Ib':.r'l 'bd WI (D,;ver 19'15: 82) Inry (Diringer 1950) 46a. Imn!lm (Driver 1955) 52a. Ibrk' (Horn 1962) 54a. 'lbgdlrw:.1r (Martin 1964: no. 5) 54b." 'bgd (Rahmani 1964) 54c. bq' (Shan ey 1964) 59a. Isdyrk (A"gad 1968: 47- 49) 59b. ylrdil (Avigad 1968: 49) 60a. Imk'i (Culiean 1968: pI. 3:2) 61a. Imlkrm (A"gad 1969: no. 16) 7la. mll'l (Avigad 1971a) 71 b. bOm (Avigad 1971 b) 35a. 37a. 38a. 42a.

I~ I<>

1J

'111is seal was No. 17a ill Aufrcch\ 1989: 342.

This seal was No. 30a in Aufrcch\ 1989: 3'~4. This seal was No. 5.ta in Aufrccnl 1989: 344- 45.

AMMONITE TEXTS AND lANGUAGE

179

Jhgdhw;:/l (I-I cstrin 1972: no. 10) I'ldg ... (Aharoni 1974) 78b.!S ff' (Borclreuil and Lemaire 1974: no. 2) 82a. Jhgdhw:jllJ (Borclrellil ancl Lemaire 1976: no. 26) 105a. Imgll (Barby 1978) 7lc.

78a.

114a.

114b. 114e. 117a. l24a. 131a. 131 b. 136a. l36b. 136e. 136d. 136e. 137a.

143a. 14B.

149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164.

13

!flml (L'1mbert 1979: no. 114)

lsi' bll 'I' (Heltzel' 1981: 272) 'UI (Lemaire 1979)

l'Ih (Lema ire 1982) IpllJ bn III'I IlInzkr (H addad 1984) Iz,y' (Bordreui l 1986b: no. 13) /IIk'l (Bordrcuil 1986b: no. 20) I'bd (Bordreuil 1986b: no. 87) IlIIr'!y (Bordrcu il I 986b: no. 92) IlIg (Bm'dreuil I 986b: no. 107) 'bgdhwd.llJk (Bordreuil 1986b: no. 116) 'bgdhywdlk (Bordreuil 1986b: no. 120) lmqn (Lemaire 1986: no. 2) I'bl.b[l] '1'III[r1 (Lemaire 1986: no. 17) fUmr [bJll J{[']zr (Zayadinc and Borclreuil 1986: no. 188) ilmk'i bn 'I'
This sea! was No. 78<1 in Aufrcdll ! 989: 345.

180

C I·I APTER EIGHT

I'l'me/l'l'm; bn Imk'i (Younker, ,I al. 1990: pI. 25) bn >e (Bordreuil 1991: no. 26) 167. I';;,' (Lemaire 1991 b: no. 24) 168 . Im,'1 bn ';;,' (Lemai re 1991b: no. 25) 169. Inn'l bn '/[ (Lemaire 1991b: no. 26) 170. I (mn (Herr 1992a: figs. 3-4) 172. fb' 'rna (Herr 1992a: figs. 5- 6) 173. b'l y'[ (Herr 1992a: figs. 7- 8) 174. 1='1 bn 'baR (Younker, " al. 1993: pis. i7a- b) 175. rbrr hL belnln (Deutsch and Hel tzer 1995: no. 69) 176 . Ips bn kfy (Deutsch and Hehzer 1995: no. 70) 177. !y'adb ba sdq'l (Drey 1996) 178. ~lI'ZI bl '1Jm' (Levin 1996) 179.'" I'ln bn brk'i (Younker, " al. 1996: 78, pis. 20a- 20b) 180. I'b (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 43) 181. I'bf' bn ','I (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 48) 182. l'I,,'b bl 'bl' (Avigad and Sass 1997 : no. 870) 183." l'lml bn 'I'wr (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 884) 184. /,!yf' bnynhm (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 894) 185. l'lndb (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 900) 186. rlml.Lf (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 909) 187. lda"'[q bn h;1'1 (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 928) 188. Umn bn 'I,'b (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 932) 189 . IJpm'/ bn mln'[ (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 933) 190 . bnn{un (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 942) 191. Imla'i smhl (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 952) 192. br;r'1 ba b'd'[l) (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 957) 193. I'z' (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 962) 194. Ipl! bn 1m (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 966) 195. IWI (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 974) 196. liin'l (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 976) 197. .b.' Irf'lw (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 989) 198. If.h. bn , .. . (Avigad and Sass 1997: no. 99 1) 199. 'hgdlrw
166 .

.9

~ ~I

Lmn~m

See figure 10 6 below. Sec figure 10 -5 below. This selll was No. 148 in Aufrccht 1989: 345- 46.

AMMONITE T EXT S AND LANGUAGE

200 . 201. 202. 203. 204. 205. 206. 207. 208. 209. 210. 211. 2 12. 213. 214.

181

'bgdh[w]ziliYkl[ (Av;gad and Sass 1997 : no. 1004) lJdmm (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 110 1) 'bd' (Avigad an d Sass 1977: no. 1113) IqTp.l (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 1117) lyhl bl hlq' (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 1120) I'bI! (Avigad and Sass 1977: 010.1121 ) '/lllh (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 1126) lbd'l (Av;gad and Sass 1977: no. 1162) 'rb'll'b (Avigad and Sass 1977: no. 1185) I'!yml hspr (Deutsch and Hel tzer 1979: no. 106) Wi (Deu lsch and Heltzel' 1979: no. 107) ].'l hm.k.h.l].hsl'l bll 'ntl wkpr.l[l'h' [(Sanders 1997) b'fyf ['] mlk b. ... (Deutsch 1999) lbrk'l hmlk ]bll qjilllkl[']llltn b'l ngyd [/]ms bll pll[/].b.[ (C ross in press: no. A6)

RiferenceJ Aharoni , Y. 1974 Three Hebrew Seals. Tel-Aviv 1: 157 58. Aimc-Giron, N. 1922 Cachel Hcbraique. JOllnud Asiatiqlll 19: 63 65. Aufrecht, W. E. 1989 A CorpllJ rif Ammonite Inscriptions. Lewiston , 1\1)': Mellen. 1992 T hree lnsclibed Seals. Eret.? Israel 22: 1'" 3"'. 1998 Review of K. Van \'Vyk, Squaller.r ill MOflb (Berrien Center: Louis Hesler, 1993), ill Catholic Biblical Qllllrterly 60: 132 34. Aufrccht, W.E. , and Shury, W.O. T hree Iron Age Seals: !\ Ioabite, Aramaic and Hebrew. !srar! Exploration 1997 jOllmllt '~7: 57 68. Avigad, N. 1946 J\ Seal of a Slave Wife lAmahJ. Palestine Exploration C2!wr/erg 78: 125 32. 1968 Notes on Some Inscribed Syro-Phoenician Seals. BlIlletill ?! the American &1100& ?! Orientllt Research 189: 44 49. 1969 A Group of Hebrew Seals. Err!;:. Israel 9: 1 9. 1970 Ammonite and Moabitc Seals. Pp. 284 95 in Near &stem Archeology in the TwenlietJl Cm/ury: Essays ill flOIIOT rif.N. Glueck, ed. J A. Sanders. Garden City: Doubleday. 1971a A Phoenician Seal with Dolphin Emblcm. Sejimim 3: 49 50. 1971 b An Unpubl ished Phoenician Seal. Pp. 3- 4 in flolllmages a Alldre DIIPOlltSommer, cds. A. Caquot and t-,II. Philoncnko. Paris: Libraire d'Amcrique. 1985 Some Decorated West Semitic Seals. Israel Exploration Jouma! 35: 1 7, pI. I.

1989

Anotller Group of \ Vest-Semitic Seals from the Hecht Collection. Midllliallim 4: 7 21.

182

C H A PTER EIGHT

Avigad, N., and Sass, I~. 1997 Corpus rlj lVesl Semitic Seals (2 Vols.). Jerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and H umanities. Barkay, G. 1978 A G roup of Iron Age Scale \-Veights. Isratl ErplQralioll Joumal28: 209- 17. Barnett, R.D. 1940 Hebrew, Palmyrcnc and Hittite Antiq ui ties. British Museum Qparlerry 14: 3132. Beeking, H. 1981 Zur Intclprctation der mnrnonitischcll InsclHiH vom T ell Srrfin. Biblio/hua Orien/alis 38: 73 76. Berger, Ph. lL., secall de Adonischa.l CRA 18L 38: 340. 1894 Sur une nouvelle intaillc .\ li::gcndc scmitiquc de la Bibliothcque Nationalc. 1897 Rt/JUe d'asJ)'fiologie el d'orcneologie Onelllole 4: 57 58. Beyer, K. The Ammonite Tell Si ran Bottle Inscription Reconsidered. Pp. 389 91 in 1995 So/Vin,g Riddles and Untying Knots: Biblical, l!.pigrophic, alld Stmilic Siudin ill Honor rifJonas C. Grm!/ield, cds. Z, ZC\~t; S. Gitin; and :\-\. Sokoloff. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrau ns. Hordreuil, P. I986a Attesta tions ineditcs de Mclqarl, Haal f:l amon Ct Baal $aphon a Tyr. (Nouveaux documents rcligicux pheniciens II ). Pp, 77 86 in SllIdia Phomitia IV, cds. C. Bonnet; E. Li pir'lski; and P. l'v larchcui. Namur: Societe des ttudes Classiques. 1986b Calalogue dn sctau.r ouesl-stmiliqlles inscn'ls de ta Bibliolheque .Natiollale, dll Alllsie du LlJlwre et du M usie bibtique de Bible et Terre Stlil/ie. Pal;s: Bibliotheque Nalionale. Inscribed Seals. Pp. 16 17 in AI/cullt Art rif the ,t /editurallean IVorld alld Ancient 1991 Coills. Zurich: Numismatic & Ancient Art GallclY. Sceaux inscrits des pays dll Lcvan\. DictiOll/wire de In Bihle, Supplimmt 12: 1992 96 212. Bordreuil, P., and Lemaire, A. 1974 Trois seeaux nord-ouest scmitiqllcs incdits. Mnilica 24: 2S- 3'k 1976 Nouveaux sceaux hcbreux, aramcens ct ammonites. Senu/iea 26: 45 63. Clennont-Ganneau, Ch. 1883 Sccaux cl cachet isradites, phcniciens et syriens, suivis d'cpigraphes phcniciennes incdilcs sur divers objets et de deux intailles Cypl;otcS. JOllma! Asiatique I: 123 59, 506 10. Lc secau de Adoniphdct, selViteu r de 'Amminadab. Pp. 85 90 in Etudes 1895 d'archiologie orienta!, I. P,\I;S: Vicwcg. Reweil d'archio!ogie oriel/lalt', VI. Paris: Leroux. 1905 Cross, F.l\ 1. 1969a An Ostracon rrom Hcshbon. Alldrews Ulliversity St'millary Studies 7: 223 29. 196% Epigraphic Notes 011 the Amman Citadel Inscription. Blllletill rif the Ammcall ScllOols qf Orimtal Research 193: 13 19. 1973a Hcshbon O st racon II. Alldm.tJJ Vllil1mity Semillary Siudies II: 126 31. 1973b Notes Oil the Ammonite Inscription rrom Tell Strano Bullelill rif tlte Americall ScllOols rif Oriental Research 212: 12 15. Ammonite O Slraca rrom Heshbon. Heshbon O straca IV V III. AlldrewJ 1975 Vlliversi!} Semillary Studies 12: I 22. Heshbon O stracon X I. Alldrews Vlliversity SemillUry Studies 14: 145 48. 1976 1986 An Unpublished Ammonite OSlracon from I-I esban . Pp. 475- 89 in 77,e Archaeology rif Jordall alld Other Studies Presented to Sicgfn'ed II Hom, cds. L.T. Gcraty and L. C. Herr. Berrien Springs: Andrews University.

AMMONITE T EXTS AND LA;\'CUACE

183

Ammonite Ostraca Irom T ell Hesban, LeaIJesfrom all E:pigm/Jhisl's NQtebook. Cambridge, MA: Harvard. . Cross, F.M.; Naveh, j.; Lemaire, A.; and Zuckerman, B. 1987 Miniature Match Games. Pp. 17 30 in Plluling Out tIlt PMt: So,St rif Anatllt Inscriptions from Biblical Times, cd. B. Zuckerman. Los Angeles: West Semitic Research Project. Culican, W. 1965 The Iconography of Some Phoenician Seal Impressions. Allstralian JOllmal rif Biblical Archaeology I: 50 103. Daviau, P.M.M. 1997 Tell Jawa: A Case Study of Ammonite Urbanism during Iron Age II. Pp. 1.')6 71 in As/!tcts rif Urbanism ill Alltiqui!}': From Mesopotamia 10 Crele, cds. W.E. Aufrccht; NA Mirau; and S.W. Gauley. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. Delaporte L. 1923 Cataloglle des ryfilldm we/uts et pifTTis gravies dll sryfe onenlal. Paris: Hachetle. de Luyncs, H. 184·6 EMai SlIT fa nllmismatiqlle diS satrapies el de fa phnlicie SOIlS roi achaeminides. Paris: Dielol. Delltsch, R. 1999 Seal of Ba'alis Surfaces: Ammonite King Plolted i\lurder of Judahitc Governor. Biblical Arc/weology Neview 25/2: 46 49, 66. Deutsch, R. , and Heltzel', i\1. 1995 New Epigrapflic Evidtncefrom Ihe Bibliml Period. 'r el Aviv-Jaml: Archaeological Center. 1997 Windows to the Pasl. Tel Aviv:Jalla: Archaeological Center. Dever, W,G. 1997 Archaeology, Urbanism and lhe Rise of the Israelite State. Pp. 172 93 in press

in Aspects Q[ Urbanism in Alltiqlli!y: Frolll MtJopotamia to Crele, cds. W.E. Aufrecht; NA ""irau; and S.W. Gauley. Sheffield: Sheffidd Academic. de Vogue, M. 1868 Milmlges d'archio!ogie oriel/lale. Paris: Imperiale, Diringer, D. 1950 Three Early Hebrew Seals. Archil) OrienWni 18: 65 69. Dornemann, R.H, 1983 nit Archaeology rifTml~rdan in tJlt BlOnze and Iron Ages. i\'lilwaukee: i'vlilwaukee Publ ic Library. Drey, P.R. 1996 [Report on a seal found at Tell Jalul.] Instilllte rif Archeology Hom Archaeological

Muselllll Newsletla 17/3: 2. Driver, C.R. 1945 Seals from 'Amman and Petra. Q!lortary rif Ille Departmellt if Alltiqllities in Palestillt II: 81 - 82, pI. 18:42. 1950 Hebrew Seals. Palestine Exploralioll Q!wrlary 87: 183. Dunand, M. 1939 Fouilles de #)'blos I. Paris: Guethner. Galling, K. 1941 Bcschriflcte Bildsiegcl des ersten J ahrtausends v. ChI' vornahmlich Olus Syrien und Paliislina. Zatschrifl des delllscilen Paliistina- flereins 64: 121 202. Garbini, C. 1974 Ammonite Inscriptions. JOIIT1lal f!f Sollitic StudIes 19: 159 68. Garr, \V. R. 1985 Dialect Geography rifSyia-Paleslille, 1000 58611.C.E. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania. Germy, LT.; Herr, L. G.; and LaBianca, 0.5. 1988 The J oint i'vladaba Plains Project: A Preliminary Report on lhe Second

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Season at Tell El-'Umeiri and Vicinity Uunc 18 to August 6, 1987). Andrews Universi!y Seminary Studies 26: 217- 52.

Greenfield, J e. 1980 Review of J. Hoftijzcr and C. Van der Kooij, A ramaic Texts from 'Deir 'Alta (Lcidcn: Brill, 1976), in Journal 0/ Semitic Studies 25: 248- 52 . Haddad, H. F. 1984 The Tomb of Umm Uqaina. Annual ojtilt De/larlment rif AntiquitiM o/}ordon 28: 7*-]4* (Arabic). Hackett, J .A. 1984a TIlt &laam Tex/flam Dei, 'A/Iii. C hico: Scholars. 1984b The Dialect of the Plaster Text from T ell Dei r 'Alia. Orienta/ia 53: 5765.

Harding, C.L. 1937 Some Objects from Transjordan. Paksline E.xpwraliml Quarterry 69: 253- 55. Heltzer, M. [981 [Seals.} Pp. 292- 93 in Lo.dders to l1eau(l/: Art Treasures .from Lands r.if I~

Bible. TorOllto: McClelland and Stewart. Hendel, R .S. 1996 Sibilants and IibbiJl£t (Judges 12:6). Bulk/in f.!! tilt American Schools f.!! Orimtal RiStardl 301: 69- 75. Herr, L.G. The Scnpts f.!! Ancient NortJl1oest Semitic Seals. Missoula: Scholars. 1978 T he Formal Scripts of Iron Age Transjordan. Bulktin f.!! the American Schools 1980 rif Oriental Research 238 : 21 - 34. The Inscribed Seal Impression. Pp. 8- 14 in Madaba Plains I~rlje(t I: The 1989 1984 Exca/Jations at Tell el-
AMMONI T E T EXTS AI"ID lANGUAGE

185

Die Ammoniter: U"tersudlllngen <.ur Gesckicllle, KlIltllr u"d Religion tilles trall~or­ danischen Volks jm I. Jakrtausend v. Ghr. \ Viesbaden: Harrassowitz. Das ikonographischc Rcpcrtoirc dcr ammonitischcn Siegel und seine EIlI1993 wicklung. Pp. 130 60 in Sludies in the 1c00wgraphy qf Northwest &mitic Inscribed Seals, cds. B. Sass and C. Uchlingcr. Fribourg: Univcrsity Prcss/Gottingcn: Vandcnhocck & Ruprecht. HUbner, U., and Knauf, E.A. 1994 Review of\V. E. AufrcdH, Corpus qf Ammonite InscriptiolU (Lewiston: Mellon, 1989), in Zeitsckrift des delllse/len Pallistina-Vireins 110: 82 87. Huehncrgard, j. 1991 Remarks on the Classification of the Northwest Scmitie Languages. Pp. 282 93 in The Ilalaam TexI.from Dnr 'Alia Re-fim/uafed, cds. j. Hoftijzcr and G. Van der Kooij. Leiden: Ikill. Ibrahim, 1\ I. M. 1975 T hird Scason of Excavations at Sahab, 1975 (PrcliminalY Rcport). Amlllal qf Ihe IJipartment qf Anliqllities qf Jordan 20: 69 82, pIs. 25- 29. Israel, F. 1979 T he Language of the Ammonites. On'tlltalia lovaniensia periodica 10: \ 43 59. Les dialcctcs de T ransjordanie. I~ monde de In Bible 46: 44. 1986 Die Sprachc dcs OstrakOIlS aus Nimrud. Ugarit-FoTschllngtll 21: 223- 35. 1989a Note Ammonitcs- I. Gli arabisme nella documelllazione onomastica amI 989b monite. Stlldi epigrapllici lillguislici 6: 91 - 96. Note ammonitc II : la rcligionc degli ammoniti atlravcrso Ie fonti cpigrafiche. 1990 Studi e malmali di slona delle rdigioni 56: 307 37. 1991 Note ammonite Il l : Problcme di epigrafie sigilare ammonite. Pp. 215 41 in Phoilli/;eia grammata. Lire el ecriTe en M Miterrallte, cds. Cl. Haurain; C. I~onnet; and V. Krings. Namur; Societe dcs t tudcs Classiques. 1992 Noti di onoTllaslica sCTllitica 7/2: Rasscgna crilico-hibliograficia cd epigrafica su akune onolllasliche pillcstinesi: L. trallsgiordania. Studi epigraphici linguistic; 9: 95 114. 1997 Ammonite Inscriptions. P. lOS in Oiford Ellaykopedia qf II,e Archaeology qf tIle NeaT East !, cd. E.1\ I. Mcyers. New York: Oxford University Press. J ackson, K.P. Ammonite Personal Names in the Context of the 'Vest Semitic Ono1983a maslicon. Pp. 507 21 in The Word oJ tIle Lord Shalf Go Fortk Essays ill HOlloT qf David .Nrxl Freedman in Celebration qf His Sixtieth BirlMay, cds. C. L. Meyers and M .P. O'Connor. Winona Lakc: Eisenbrauns. 1983b The Ammonife Language qf Ihe Iron Age. Chico: Scholars. Knauf, E.A. Hesbon, Sihons Stadt. l(eilJdmjl dts deutsdltll Pallistina-Vereins 106: 135 44. 1990 Knauf, E.A., and :\'lafl.lli, S. On the Phonemes of Fringe Canaanite: T he Cases of Zerah-Udrul.l and 1987 " Kamlislplt:"i". Ugarit-Forsdlll1l!Jm 19: 91 94. Lajard, F. 1837- 49 Recht:Tchts sur le cuffe, les 9'mboles, Its attn'buls, el les mOlmmmts jtgures de ValliS, en onrnl tI al occidtllt. Paris: Bou rgeois-Maze. Recherches sur le cllite pllhlic el les n!ystires de Mitllra al on"ent el en occident. 1847 Paris: Imperialc. Lambcl1, W.G. Near Eastem Seals in the Gulbcnkian l'duscum of Oriental Art, University 1979 of Durham. Iraq 41: 1 45. Ledrain, E. [892 Quelques inscliptions semitiques du Louvre. Rmue d'assyriologie et d'archiologie Orientale 2: 143 45. 1992

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Lemaire, A. 1979 Nouveau seeau nord-ouest scmitique avec un lion rugissanl. Stmifica 29: 67 69. Cillq sccallx aramCCllS inscrits inCdits. Syn·a 59: 109 16. 1982 Nouveaux seeaux nord-ouest scmiliqlles. ~ria 63: 305 25. 1986 1990 Troix sceaux inscrits incdits avcc lion rugissant. Semiliea 29: 13 22. 1991a Les inscriptions sur plfltrc de Deir 'Alla et lellr signification historique el culturelle. Pp. 33- 57 in 77le l1alaam Text from Deir 'Alia Ne·f);alual£d, cds. J. Hortijzcr and C. Van del" Kooij. Lciden: Brill. [991b Notes d'cpigraphie nord-ouest semitique. Semitiea 41 42: 63 80. Epigraphy, Transjordanian. Pp. 561 68 in nit Allchor l1ibk Dictionary 2, ed. 1992 D.N. Freedman. New York; Doubleday. Les crithes non-iconographiques de la classification des sceaux nord-ouest 1993 scmitiques inscrits. Pp. 1 26 in Stlldits in the Iconography if" Northwest Semitic IlIsen·bed Stnls, cds. 11. Sass and C. Uehlinger. Fribourg: University Press/ Coningen: Vandenhocck & Ruprecht. [995 Recherches sur les atelier sigillaires jordaniens au Fer [1. Pp. 479 88 in Studies in tIlt liistory and Archaeology '!I Jordall V, cds. K. 'Arnr; F. Zayadine; and M. Zagh[oul. Amman: Department or Antiquities. Lemaire, A., and Ueh[inger, C. lSeal.] No. 25 in, Allrimt An '!Il1re Mtditmalltall World, AlIaml CoillS. Catalogue 6. [988 Zurich: Numismatic Art & Ancicnt Coins. Levin, A [996 A Newly Discovered Ammonite Seal. Israel Exploratioll JUllmal46: 243 47. Lipirlski, E. [986 Review or K. P. J ackson, The Ammoniu WlIgtlagt '!I the lmll Age (Chico: Scho[ars, 1983), in Bihliothtco Oritlltalis 43: 448- 50. 1994 Studies in Aramaic II/scrip/iolls alld Otromastics II. Lel/ven: Peelers. l\hcKay, D.B. [997 Ethnicity and Israelite Religion: The Anthropology or Social Houndaries in J udges. Unpublished Ph.D. disscrtation, University or Toronto. l\hrgalit, H. [995 Studies in NW Semitic InsC!iptions. Ul!,ari/-Forschllllgen 27: 177 2 [4. Ma rtin , M.F. [964 Six Palestinian Seals. Rivista dcgli stutii oritlltali 39: 203 10. McCarter, P.K. [991 The Dialect of the Dcir 'Alia T exts. Pp. 87- 99 in 77le BaIt/am TtXlfrvm Deir 'Alio. Ne-Evaillated, cds. J. Hoftijzer and G. Van der Kooij. Leiden: Brill. McGovern, P.E. [987 l1eq'ah Valley, 1987. Lib" ali/illS stlldii biblici.francisealli 37: 38.1 8S. McLean, M.D. [992 Palaeography. Pp. 58 60 in Tht Allchor lJibk Dictionary, 5, ed. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. Naveh, J. [967 The Date of the Deir 'AlliI Inscription in Aramaic Script. Israel Expluftllioll JUI/mal 17: 256 ."Is. 1970 The Scripts in Pa[estinc and T ransjordan in the Iron Age. Pp. 277 83 in Near Eastern Arrhaeology ill the Twnltitlh Celltllry: t;ss~s in HOllor oj N Glueck, ed. JA. Sanders. Garden City: Doubleday. 1971 Hebrcw Texts in Aramaic Script in thc Pcrsian Pcriod? Bullth·n rlj I1It Ammcall Schools if" On·enlal Research 203: 27 32. 1979 Review of j. Hoftij1.cr and G. Van der Kooij, Aramaic Ttxls.frmn l~ir 'Allii (Lciden: Brill, 1976), in IST(j(1 Explomtiun luumal 29: [33 36. 1982 The Enrly llistmy if" Ihe Alpltabtl. J erusalem: Magncs.

AMMONITE TEX T S AND lAt.... CUAGE

1994

187

Review ofJ. HoHijzer and G. Van der Kooij, cds., 77le 13oloam TexlfiQm DciT '11lIo Ne-Evaluated (I..ciden: Blil!, 1991 ), in Israel ExpWrtllion JOIln/al 44: 255 -56. O 'Connor, ~I. 1987 Thc Ammonite Onomasticon: Semantic Problems. Andmvs Ullit'ersity Seminary Studies 25: 51 64. Porada, E. 19·18 (,orplIs if Anciml }{eor Eastem StalJ in . \orrll American Cofleclion: 1, The COllfCliOlI rf I1lt Pierpol/t MOTgon UbTOry. 2 \'ols. Washington: Pantheon. Plideaux, W.F. On An Aramean Seal. TTilnsoctions rf lilt Society rf /Jiblicol II rchoeology 5: 1877 45658. Pritchard, J.R. 1955 II ncienl }lear Easun/ Texts Rela/ing 10 Ihe OU Testammt. Princeton: Princeton University. Puech, E. 1985 L' inscription de III statue d'j\ mman ct Ja paleographic ammonite. Rfl'ue BibliqlU 92: 5 24. 1987 Lc tcxte "ammonite" de Deir 'Alia: Les admonitions de Salaam (premiere partie). Pp. 13 30 in La Vie de la Parole. Pa ris: Dcsclee. Rahmani, L. Y. 1964 T wo Syri;1Il Seals. Israel ExploTiltioli Journal 4: 180 84. Rawlinson, H. 1865 Bilingual Readings Cuneiform and Phoenician. Notes on Some Tablets in lhc Hritish ~ l l1scum Containing Bilingual Lcgcnd~ (A'>Syrian and Phoenician). Joun/al rf Illc ROY'al II sialie S(J(ifty I: 187 246. Reifcnberg, A. 1938 Some Ancient Hebrew Seals. Poleslill( /':.\ploralion O1IOTI"9' 70: 113 16. 19+2 Ancient Hebrew Seals Ill. Palestine Exploralion Q.uarlerry 74: 109 12. Rcndsburg, G.A. 1988a T he Ammonilc Phoneme I T I. Bulleti/! if lire America/! Schools rf Grimtal Research 269: 73 79. 1988b Morc on Hebrew fibbiJlet . J OIln/al rf Semitic Studies 33: 255 61. Routledge, B. 1997 Learning to l.ovc thr King: Urbanism and the State in Iron Age ~ I oa b. PI" 130 44 in Aspects rf Urballism ill .lII/liquity: From Mesopolamia 10 Crelt, cds. W. E. Aufrecht; N.A. ~ I irau; and S.W. Gauley. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. Sanders, T.K . 1997 An Ammonite Ostracon from T all al-'Umayri. Pp. 331 36 in Madaba Plains Prqjul 3: nt 1989 EX(QVIlliolls al Tell t/·'Umeiri al/(i I'icinity Gild Subsequmt Siudies, cds. L.G. Herr, el al. Berrien Springs: Andrcws University. Schroder, P. 1880 Drei Sicgc1stcine mit phoenicischell Aufschriften. Zr'itsdtrif/ d" deutschm morgenliilldisehen Gmllsluif/ 34: 681 8'L Sha ney, E. 1964 A " Beq'a" Weight in the collection of the Pontifical Biblical Institute in J erusalem. Be/h Mikra 22: 64 67 (Hebrew). Shea, \V. I-I. 1977 Ostracon II from Hcshboll. AndrewJ Ullivmily Semina,)' SltU/iu 15: 217 22. 1981 Thc Amman Ciladcl Inscription Again. PallStillt F.J.plomlion QllOrter9' 113: 105 10. Sivan, D. 1982 O n the Grammar and Orthography of lht Ammonite Findings. Ugaril· Forsdumgfll 1'1: 219 34.

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Tcissicr, B. 1984 Ancient Ncar Eastern Cylinder Seals from the Marcopoli Collection. Beverly Hills, CA: University of California. Torrey, C.C 1907 Epigraphic NOles. Jounud of the American Orimla/ Soci£g 28: 349- .')4. 1921 - 22 A Few Ancient Seals. Annual of tht Amm"can Schools of Orimwl RtJiarch 2 3: 103- 8. Tubb, l N. 1988 Tell cs-Sa' idiych: Prelim inary Report on the First T hree Seasons of Renewed Excavations. iLuanl 20: 3- 88. van Wyk, K. 1993 Squatters m Moab: II Slucfy ill /col/ograplry, History, EpigraP'!y, Orlhograplry, Ethnography, Religion and l.i"t'listics ill the ILNE. Berrien Center, MI: Hester. Wolf, A. 1989 Objects witJl Semitic InsmjJtiollJ /000 B.C.- A.D. 700: ]fWish, Earry Christian and B)';;.antine Antiquitres, Allcium 23, cd. F. Sternberg. Zurich: Sternberg. An/Ike MiZen: Grichen- Riimer--By(.onliner, Phiinkisdu Kleinjhunst- Objrkte mid 1990 anliken /1IJchrifI0l, Ges,hni/lme Sttine ulld Schumuch der antike Renaissance Medaillen, Goldmiin(.tn 14.- 2. Jr. Auk/wn 2 4, cd. F. Sternberg. Zurich: Sternberg. Wright, W. On Three Gems Bearing Phoenician Inscriptions. Proceedillgs rif /lIe Socrery 1882 rif Biblical Arc/lrorogy 4: 54. Younker, R.W. ; Geraty, LT .; LaBianca, O.S.; Herr, L.G. ; and Clark, D. Preliminary Report of the 1994 Season of the Madaba Plains Project: 1996 Regional Survey, Tall ru-'Umayri, and Tall Jalul Excavations. Alldrews Unwerri!)l Seminary Studies 34: 65- 92. Younker, R.W.; Herr, L.G.; Geraty, LT .; and LaBianca, 0.S. 1990 The Joint Madaha Plains Project: A Prelim inary Report of the 1989 Season, Including the Regional SUlvey and Excavations at EI-Dreijat, Tell J awa, and Tell EI-
CHAlyrE R NINE

THE EMERGENCE OF THE AMMONITES' RANDALL

\V.

YOUNKER

Andrews University

M odelr for Ctmaan's Social 0namics Dun'ng LB fA IB

There seems to be a general agreement that a most significant social transformation occurred in Palestine (both C is- and Transjordan) between the end of the L'lte Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age. The forme r saw the colla pse of the Canaanite city-states while the laLter witnessed the rise of th e Iron Age politics of Israel, Edom, Moab, and, of course, Ammon. The ri se of these polities has generated a considerable amount of interest and speculation. Speculation has particu larly focused on the /Jrocess th at led to thc emergence of these politics. Unfo rt unately, th e scant nature of the archaeological evidence has made it difficu lt to reconstruct thi s process wi th any confidence or ce rtainty. At base, thc archaeological sc ttl emcnt reco rd suggests that the highlands of Palestine (both Cis- and Transjordan) witnessed a transformation from a nonsedentary, pastoral society to, first, one of small agricullUral vill ages, and finally, to a three-ticr scuJ cmcnt hierarchy of cities, towns and villages. The latter was em bedded wi thin and supported the Iron Agc kingdoms of Israel, Edom, Moab and Ammon. The senlemelll pattern of the Late Bronze/ Iron Agc transition clea rly points to a social organizational transfOlmation of increasing complexity. T he tradil.ional explanations as to what in itiated this process of settlement (and its implied societal) change have centered around a "conquest model" a "peaceful infiltration" model, and , most recently, some sort of an "i ndigenous social transformation" model (see Shanks 1992). It should be notcd that these reconstructions generally focus

I For a more comprehensive version of the material and arguments presented in this article see the author's dissertation (Younker 1997a).

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on the eme rgence of Israel and combine val;ous interpretations of th e H ebrew bibl e (especially the Exodus/Conquest accounts) with the archaeological evidence. Whil e this is definitely a legitimate approach, those of us interested in the eme rge nce of the Ammonites lack the equivalent of an "Ammonite bible" and must, th erefore, rely morc heavily on th e a rc haeological record and th e few extrabiblical sources that exist in reconstructing the process of Ammon 's eme rgence. Recent alllhropologicaJ approaches can also provide a llseful analytical framework for iden ti fy ing, orga nizing a nd intcll)rcting those data relevant to social change (sec L'lBianca and Younke r 1995). The most useful recent approach I have seen for both isolating the elements which con tribute to the process of cha nging societal organizational complexity, and for understanding the process of social change, itsel f, it that of Rothman ( 1994) and Stein (1994). They refer to the process of changing social orga niza tional complexity as the "organizational dynamics of complexity ." Rothman and Stein argue that in order to understand these dynamics, it is firs t necessary to sc t up "an a nalytical structure that emphasizes the way societies actually fun ction" by focusing "on difte ren ces in the ways that polities emerge dynamically through processes of integration and competition among their own internal groupings and instilUlions, and in their articu lation wi th external natural and socio-political forces." Both the polities and the processes are illuminated through a combination of archaeolob,)" written sources, and anthropolo!,rical models.

J qfje's A10del qf Generation, Resolution, and Regeneration qf Contradiction T o date, the most explicit attempt to isolate and understand th e dynamics of social change in ancient Palestine utilizing an a pproach similar to th at advoca ted by Rothm an and Stein has bee n J offe (1993), albei t his study is restricted to the Ea rly Bronze Age. Before identifying the com ponents around wh ich Early Bronze Palesti ne's social dynamics revolved, J offe first identifies the most basic social organizational uni t of' Palesti ne (or Canaa nite) society that set it apart from neighboring societies in M esopotamia and Egypt. \Vhereas in Mesopotam ia the base social unit was th e city, and in Egypt it was the nomc, in Canaan th e base social organizational unit was the kinship group with the nuclear family as the basic unit.

TI-IE EMERCENCE OF THE AMMON ITES

191

Joffe points out that th ere were a number of reasons why the kinship group was the basic soc ial organizational unit in Canaan, but two of the more significant include geograph ical and environmelllal co nstrai nts (1993: 24). Canaan is a relativcly small country wit h a marginal environment. In bri ef, Canaan is a highly va6egated land in terms of LOpography, microellvironm t"llts and local climatic conditions (see Hopkins 1985). In a given year, some parts of th e country may be agriculturally productive, while others are simultaneously experiencing droughl. Arrangements of reciprocity wi th neighboring people we re, thus, cri tical for survival in this marginal envi ronment. Such arrangements were naturally most easily made ..vith those whom one could most tru st fami ly members. Thus, the various economic and subsistence uncertainties that resulted fror;l this marginal e nvironmelll led to a situation in which changes in social compl exi ty in Canaa n were structured around and through the fundamental kinship unit. Accord ing to J one, preserving the basic ki nship units in the social structure was an adaptive device that rc tained the capacity for rapid downwa rd reorganiza tion in th e event of soc ietal colla pse. This sel f-limiting but risk-abating social organizational strategy was uniquely suited to Syro- Palesti ne and ils success therc mcant that th is region was not responsive to Egyptian lor Mesopotamian] social evolutionary patte rns, trajecto ries, or culture; if it would have been, "the capac ity for reversal would have been comp ro mi sed" (jolTe 1993: 60). From the basic Canaanite kinship unit , th ere evolved three new societal sectors or co mponen ts whose internal and external dynamics operated at a higher level of complexity. These included the urban sector, the sedentary rura l sector (which cou ld be sub-di vided int o lowland and highla nd components), and the nonsedentary rural sector (1993: 72, 78, 83). Initi ally, as these sectors emerged, they were complementary and interdependent upon each other (1993: 90). However, as the urban component developed, " new patlerns and maps of social relations" were created Uoffe 1993: 72); urban dwellers became self-conscious of a distinct, separate identity over and against th at of the rural dweller or nomad (ibid.). Moreove r, it appears that a power imbalance emerged between urban, rural and nonsedelllary components of society (1993: 83). According to Rosen (1997: 96. 97) the rural sector became increasingly dependent upon the urban for de fense, th e admin istration of a fcrti lity cult, and the redisl!ibution of cereals. lIan (1995: 314) argues thai it was essentiall y these same

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ties th at prevailed duri ng the Middle Bronze Age. T his led to a situation in which the urban seClOr came to domi nate and eve n exploit the rural social components resulti ng in the emergence of an an tiurban ideology in the hint erland. Ultimately, J offe a rgues, Canaanite urban ism existed in opposition to other socia l [anns th at resisted a nd rebelled against urban domi nation a nd exploitation (1993: 90).2 One of the responses to urban primacy was "bcdouinizauon" or "nomadizauon" among the anti-urban and a nti-royal, kin-based cou ntryside (cf. Lewis 1987; LaBia nca 1990; T apper 1990). By adop ti ng the Longue duree view of Braude! (1980), J offe (1993) has traced several cycl es of what he calls "genera tion, resolution and regenera tion of cOlltradicli on"- oscillauons of risi ng and collapsi ng complexity wherein the urban and rural components would coope rate, grow, break apart and collapse. Whil e J offe, as noted, traces ule OIi gi n of this phenomenon in Canaan to the EB II , he fi nds the ultim ate expression of this in the la te r pe riods, especiaIJy the LB II l lro n Age, the time when the Ammonites emerged (1993: 90, 91 ). D uring th e LB II , this was exhibited

1 It is interesting to note, that in view of Joffe's emphasis of the role of kinship in Early Bronze Canaanite society, both urban and rural (1993: SO, 85), he fai ls, as far as I can sec, to address the question of whether there were kinship relations betwttn the urban and rural sectors. T his question is both interesting and significant, because the absence of such inter-sector relationships would seem to increase the likelihood that tensions would emerge between these ("wo components of society. Perhaps, in the early going during the EB II- Il l, there were kin relationships between urban and ru ral. However, if such relationsh ips did exist, lhe domination and exploitation of the rural by the urban appears to have dissolved them sometime during the Early Bronze Age. Even J offe a llows that by the second millennium [urbanJ society apparently broke out if its kin-based structures (1994: 54). Uoffe must here be referring to the urban component of Canaanite Middle Bronze Age society, because he dearly understands tllat Canaan's rural society continued to be organized around kinship up through the Iron Age.) Certai nly by the Iron Age, the highlands' peoples deny any kin relationship with the lowland urban centers! Although the dating of the various strands of Israelite literature is debated by scholars, the quest ion still may be asked, is it mere coincidence that th is literature uniformly portrays the Israelites as outsiders? The entire stol)' of Abraham emphasizes that he is an outsider to Canaan, a migrdnt from Ur (Cen 11:27 31; 12:1 - 7; 15:7; 17:8). The declaration in Deut 26:5, "My fa ther was a wandering Aramean," also po ims to an understanding of an exogenous origin. The Israelites also depict the T ransjordanian politics as outsiders as well, via the relationship the Israelites claimed with these three T ransjordanian peoples. Could it be that among the original purposes of these stories a nd references could be a tacit denial of a ny claims the Canaanite urban authorities might attempt to make on the Israelites with regards to taxes and corvee? We will come back to this point later.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE Al'o!MON ITES

193

in the phenomenon or the " Hablpirn," which J offe vic\vs not as rural banditry, but rather as an "out.migration and social re·i dentification as instiLUtionalized responses" to the threats posed by the urban ce nters and Egyptian aut hOlities (ror a similar view see Bunimovitz 1995: 326- 327). J offe suggests that the al-Amarna Lellers, which clearly reflect the ncgative attitudes or urban socicty LOward those who chose to remove themselves rrom the controls or cent ralized au thority (cr. Astour 1964; Gonen 1984; Na'aman 1986; Finkelstein 1988: 339- 48), provide a hint or the complementary hostil i£), with wh ich the rural highlan dcrs viewed the city-states (1993: 91 ). It is important to remember th at wh ile many scc those who fled to the highlands (orten identified with the Hab/piru) as n:rugees rrom the Canaanite city-states, J offe's model views the tension as existi ng between the Icss-kin-based urban ce nters and the kin-based cou ntryside - both the sedentary and non-sedentary rural co mpone nts. \Vhile si te-size data do seem to suggest a decline in the urban-centers proper (Gonen 1984; Finkelstein 1988: 341 345; 1994: 174), it was the lowland rural hilllerland those daughter towns and their dependent farms who belonged to and supported the ci ty-state (Portugali 1994: 212}--upon whom the greater burden or taxes and COnlee ",vould have raUen , and who, consequently, wou ld have been highly motiva ted to leave. Their departure would have undoubtedl y led to a decline in the urban cente rs themselves. Undoubtedly, as J offe proposes, ki nsh ip was the plincipal social organizing factor ror the ou tlying small vill ages and rarms. The departure of these rolks would have greatly unde rmined the eco nomic rou ndation of the Canaanite city·statcs and undoubtedly wou ld have precipi tated similar ir not identica1 reactions as those seen in the Amarna Lette rs against the Hab/piru. With (h is overview or J offe's modeJ, we now turn to the archaeological record of Ammon, i(seJr, to sec how the data therc fit.

Settlement Archaeology qf Early Ammoll LB IS- I IA Settlement Pallcm- Nomadi::.atiofl So rar, archaeologists have been unable to isolate velY many sites dating specifically to the LB I B or the LB I LA in Ammon (Younke r 1997; Table. 9.1 ). In some cases, th is may be because the ce ramic rorms that have been round happen to be those which run throughout

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the entire Late Bronze period (see McGovern 1986). [n other cases, the necessary analysis or publication has not ye t been undertaken. Neve rtheless, the quantiry of LB IB- ILA material that has been recovered from Ammon is not VCIY great. Indeed, there have not yet been found OlD' settlement sites (cities, towns, or villages) that can actuaHy be dated to ei ther LB III or IlA in Ammon, suggesting not only a decline of the already sparse sedentaty occupation from LB lA (above), but a virtual reversion to non sedentary occupation end of the settlement continuum not seen since the EB IV. vVhilc the re docs not seem to be indication of any settlements in Ammon during the LB JB- IIA, there is evidence that people were living in the a rea. This evidence comes in the form of a unique rectangular, almost square, structure found at Umm ad-Dananir (McGovern 1989: 128- 36, below), and three buria1 caves which were found in the nearby Baq'ah Valley: J abal al- Hawaya h Tomb A2, and J abal al-Qesir Tombs B3 and B30 (McGovern 1986: 14- 15). Fo r LB II A proper, the data paint an almost identical picture (T able 9.1 ). There may be a LB Il A se ttlemcnt at Sahab, southeast of 'Amman (Ibrahim 1992: 899), although no pottery has been published to enable any chronological precision concerning the duration of thc scttlement during the L'ltc Bronze Age. LB II Age pOllel)" dating broadly from the 15th to the 13th ce lllulies (corresponding to the LB II A and LB liB), has also been repo rted at Tall Safut, although no arch itectural remains have yet been isolated (\oVimmer 1992: 896 97). Beyond this, evi dence of LB IlA acuvity in Ammon is restricted to the "isolated sanctuaries" at Umm ad-Dananir northwest of 'Amman (McGovern 1989: 128- 36), which con tinued in use from the previous period; the ~Amman Airport Structure, east of 'Amman , whi ch was added during this period; and the LB IlA burials at Sahab (Tomb C). The bUlial caves in the Baq'ah Valley northwest of 'Am man (Jabal al-Hawayah A2, and J abal al-Qesir B3 and B30) a1so conunued to be used dUl;ng the LB IlA (McGovern 1986: 14- 15). LB IIB/lroll 1.11 Settlement Paltml: EarlY Sederllarizalioll

After an interlude of virtually no sede ntary occupation in Ammon during the LB IB- IlA (above), the laner pan of the LB IJB witnessed a dramatic resurgence of highland settlements in both Cisand Transjordan, including Ammon (see Finkelstein 1994: 162, Fig. 8).

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A review of the survey and excavation reports reveal that at least 20 sites in Ammon have bee n assigned LO the LB IIBllron IA transition (see Tables 9.1 and 9.2). These include the
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Site Functwn. Of these 20 si les, eight are probably actual settlemellls: the (Amm a n C itadel , 'Umayri, Sahab , Umm ad- Da na ni r, J awa, SafU l, Khirbat Oth man and R chil. Three si les consist of what has been described as the quadratbau or a "middle courtyard" structure: Ruj m ai-Hem:', the
Historical Reconstruction Egyptian Sources for LB 1B- l LA How do the archaeological data fit with the avaiJable historical sources for Ammon? Fortu na tely, Egyptians sources, including the monumental

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inscl~pti ons of the various pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty and vanous texts such as the Amarna Letters, provide a broad, albeit importan t, histori cal COlllexl for the sparse archaeological findings of LB IB- llA Ammon. According to these sources, a paramount concern of the Egyptians during the 18th Dynasty was to preserve Canaan as a buffer zone against th e Hittites and other northern powers (Redford 1992: 148 49). Threats from the north- first, .Mitanni, and theil, Tunip and Kadesh- prompted Thutmoses III to pursue a vigorous preemp tive strategy to prevent enemies from threatening the borders of Egypt. This was accomplished in part by maintaining an unchallenged hegemony over western Palestine during th is time, although the Egyptians were frequemly called upon to defuse illlerci ry disputes and rural discord (Bienkowski I 989b; Knapp 1989b; Lem eche 1988: 83 84). To support this hegemony, the Egyptian pha raoh, through his em i ssa l~ es and on-site administrators, required the mayors of the PaJestinian ci ty-states to not only collect and deliver the annuaJ tJ~bute, but to also provision the local ganisons of Egyptian troops, furni sh contingents of local militia for Egyptian campaigns, and to recru it locals for corvce (forced labor) (Ahituv 1978: 97; Hopkins 1993: 20 I). Not surprisi ngly, the heavy presence of Egypt in Canaan made a sign ificant impact on the local society during the course of the Late Bronze Age. In some respects, Egyptian ru le appears LO have stimulated the Canaanite eco nomy (Bien kowski I 989b; Knapp 1989a; 1989b), although there is no evidence that the general population of PaJestine benefited from this economic boom. Egyptian records report a substanti al amount of tribute and gifts from Palestine including metal s, woods, glass, and manufactured goods. However, none of these items were indigenous to Palestine, suggesting that their agricullU ral production was geared LO trade for these items on the international market after \vhich they we re se nt on to Egypt. Thus, most of Pal estine's agricultural suq)lus was converted to forms of non-perishable wealth that cou ld be used to support either pharaoh's court or the Egyptian infrastructure in Palesti ne (Hopkins 1993: 201 - 2). The diversion of this econom ic SlllVlus away from the indigenous population had a predictably adverse affect on the countryside. In co nt rast to the jlvliddle Bronze settlement pallern , Late Bronze Cisjordan did not attain even half of its fonn er sedentary population in cities, towns, and vil lages (Gonen 1984; Bienkowski 1989b: 59; Hopkins 1993: 202). The high lands of western Palestine, which had boasted nearly 200 sites in the Middle Bronze, became almost devoid

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of sedentary population during the Late Bronze (Finkelstein 1988: 339340; 1995: 356 [Fig. 4)). As Bienkowski (1989b: 59) has noted, the sedentary population appears to have pretty much abandoned the rural hilllcriand and frontiers, and what was left was concclllraleci in the main urban sites that had carried over from the Middle Bronze Age. At the same lime, however, other Egyptian sources provide description s of nonsedentaty elements of the population that appear to have occupied the high lands just out of the reach of Egyptian and local urban authorities. One of these clements, known as the slwsu (Shasu), appears in numerous references in Egyptian sources (Giveon 1971 j \Vard 1972; \-Vcippert 1974; Redfo rd 1992). They are first mention ed in a list of prisoners from the reign of Thulmoses I I, although most references to them seem to date to the LB II A (the time of the earlier Amarna Letters) and LB lIB. Scholars differ on the derivation of the word, shasu (Shasu). \-Vhile some have suggestcd that it might be relatcd to a Semitic verb "to plunder", most scholars believe it more likely that shasu is derived from an Egyptian verb meaning " to wander" (Givcon 1971: 261 - 63; Ward 1972: 56- 59; Weippert 1974: 433; Redford 1992: 271 ). The lauer meaning cenainly matches lhe Egyptian description of these people who, though their homeland , Shasu- Iand (tJ- s3sw), secms to be in Transjordan (Giveon 1971: doc. 6a and 16a; below), also appear in a number of othcr lands, including northern and southern Palesti ne, Syria, and even Egypt (Giveon 1971: 235- 39; \-\lard 1972; Redford 1992: 273). Moreover, Egyptian comme nts that the Shasu generally live in tents and keep sheep and goa ts are in harmony with the lifestyle of a nomadic or seminomadic people (\-Veippert 1972: 275). Most schol ars inteflJret the Egyptian sources as depicting the Shasu as a "social class" rather than an ethnic group (' -\lard 1992: 1166). According to Egyptian sources, the Shasu were divided into tribes or "clans" (mhwl) that wcre led not by a king, but by "chieftains" ('3) (Giveon 1971: 255- 57, Docs. II, 36). The fact that they arc depicted in Egyptian art in different costumes (e.g., long dress or short kilt) may reflect membership in different tribes (\'Vard 1992: 1166). Whil e most secmed to live in tents, so me lived in towns (Giveon 1971: 114- 15, n. 5). Again, the texts suggest most Shasu kept cattJe (sheep and goats), although some served as mercenaries for Asiatic and Egyptian armies (Giveon 1971: Docs. 46, 50). Shasu in Ammon? Their ubiquitous appearance at points nol"l..h (Syria),

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smllh (Moab and E.dom) and west of Ammon (western Palestine) make it not unli kely that the Shasu were also found in or ncar Ammon as well. Indeed, al Ama ra \Vest, a Ramesses II toponym list (apparenlly a derivation of a document of 15th century origin) provides a group of six names in "the land of the Shasu" which dearly seem to be located in E.dom, Moab and the northern Moabitc plateau, which bordered, and at times was included within, Ammon (Giveon 197 1: 26fl and 74fT.; Younker 1994). One place name which occurs in th is list, L1.ban, is the same name as th e progen itor of the Ammonites and the Moabiles mentioned in Gen 19, and may reCel" to a site just south of 'Amman (Redford 1992: 272). Specifically, both Abel (1938: 188) and Givcon (1971: 76) note that the Noli/ia Diglli/afum provides a list of Transjordanian gatTisons from the Byzantine period, one of which is Libona. Abel, G ivcon, and Redford (1992: 272) each identi fy the Late Bronze Age Egyptian town of Laban and the Byzantine Libona with Khirbat al-Libben. Khirbat al-Libbcn (alternately spelled al-Lubban and al-Libban), was formerly a Beni Sa hkr vill age and a station on the Hijaz railway located a littl e more than 14 km south of 'Amman and 4 km southeast of J awa (South) (see Abujaber 1989: 9 '~, 137, 145,233), a location wh ich could be COIlsidered with in the so uth ern border of Ammon (Younker and Daviau 1993; Younker 1997). Unfortuna tely, the only desCliption of the ruins of Kh. al-Libben is provided by Brunnow and von Domaszewski (1904- 9: 178) who visited the site sometime between 1897 and 1898. They note only that the ruins exte nded over a couple of hills. If thi s idelllification is va lid, however, it places some Shasu close to the sou thern bo rde r of Ammon , if not with in Ammon proper. Ce rtai nly the lifestyle and social organization of the Shasu, as described in Egyptian sources, is compatible wit h the archaeological record of Transjordan which extends from Edom northward through Moab to Ammon (L1.Bianca and Yo un ker 1995). If the inhabitants of LB II.A Ammon were not Shasu, they must have strongly resembled them. As noted above, the archaeological evidence clearly indicates that Ammon at th is time was mostly in habited by nonsedentary peop le, although there is possible evidence of one or two modest settlements (ivtcGove rn 1989). Like the Shasu, there is some evidence of contact betwee n Ammon and \",estern Palestine in the similarity of some aspects of the material culture (especially some pOllery forms), but distinctive eleme nts also appear (ibid.). T he occasional references that imply an antago nistic relationship

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between the Egyptians and the Shasu may provide some of the back· ground for anothe r Egyptian source that applies to the LB I B- lhe so·called "Palestinian List" or "topographic list" of Thutmoses III. A full discussion of this list is beyond the scope of this study (see Aharoni 1979: 162~ 63 ; and Ahituv 1984 for earl ier studies). However, 15 names (numbered as sites 89- 103) arc of special interest in that it has reccnuy been proposed that these sites arc located in Transjordan rather than western Palestine (Redford 1982a; 1982b; Kitchen 1992: 23- 25). According to Redford 's identifications, sites 92- 96 are actually loca ted within Ammon. Site 92 is 'Ab iJ (Nahr az-Zaraq/J abbok); Site 93 is ktit, (G ittoth [winepresses]); site 94 mqrpt (fertile depression?- Baq'ah Valley?); Site 95 is )Itl (' Ayn Musa- ' Amman?); and site 96 is krmn ([Abil] Keramim- Jawa?; see Younker 1997). Of possible significance is the fact that the refe rence points fo r this stretch through Ammon are geographic fea tures rather than settlements (Younker 1997). It could be inferred from this Egyptian document that se tt.iements in LB lB Ammon were either rare, avoided by the Egyptians, or both (see settlement pattern d iscussion above). Again, this situation is in harmony with the broader socio-political context of Palestine. As noted above, the commencement of the LB IB period is associated with Thu tmoses Ill 's campaign into Palesti ne c. 1482 B.C.E. (We instein 1981: 12; Redford 1992: 156). The focus of this campaign was western Palestine, although the disruption there would likely have resulted in further destabilizing the precarious economy and/or subsistence strategies of those people who lived in the marginal zones of Transjordan such as Ammon. However, as also noted above, the existence of a Thutmoses III itinerary that possibly includes Ammon proper (R edford I 982a; 1982b; Kitchen 1992), leaves open the possib ility that the pharaoh campaigned di rectly through this region at least once, if not more times, on his way no rth. The discovery at Tall al-'Umayri of a seal impression with the cartouche of Thutmoses III (albeit, a 19th dynasty copy from the reign of Ramesses IV ----see Redford 1991: 379- 80), is a possible testimony to the enduring impact that Thutmoses Ill 's passage made on this area. Subsequent to the campaign, the Egyptians initiated a policy that included " the intentional demolition of Canaan ite towns and the deportation of a sizable segme nt of the population" (Redford 1992: 208). There has been something o f a debate on the impact t.il is Egypti an campaign had on the population of western Palestine. Many schol-

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ars have assumed this campaign created an occupational "gap III some regions of Palesti ne (e.g., 'Nright 1961; 91, 94), while others have thought this gap has been exaggerated and even filled by su bseque nt archaeological discoveries and E.gyptian texts (e.g., Weinste in 1981: 12~ 14) . Recent intensive su rveys show, however, that in terms of sede ntary occupation there was indeed a significant drop, especially in the highlands of Canaan during LB IB (Finkelstein 1994: 174; 1995: 254- 55; Bunimovitz 1994: 193; 1995: 324). While the data arc not yet comple te enough to indi cate whether the few LB fA settlements at 'Amman, Umay,i, andJawa were abandoned or destroyed at the LB LA I I B transition, there is little doubt that sedentary life in Ammon was in decline at the time the Egyptians were campaigning in western Palestine. Certainly, the practice of mass deportations did not encourage sedelllary occupation by the highland inhabitants of eitller Canaan or Ammon. Egyptian documents do indicate that Thutmoses III deported more than 7,300 people from this general region, while his son Amenophisl Amenhotep II would cafry ofT an additional 89,600 (Giveon 1971; 219- 20; Redford I982b: 11 7; 1985: 193 and below). Il is illleresting to note that the Shasu made up about 36 percent of the Palestinia n prisone rs brought back by Amenhotcp II. As Redford po ints out, although the latter's tally should not be construed as a census lis1, it undoubtedly provides a representative cross-sectio n of the Shasu population tha t penetrated Canaan (1992: 278). Most of those folks in Ammon (and elsewhere in T ransjo rdan) who escaped Egyptian deportation appare ntly decided to abandon a sedentary way of life for one which would not be as subject to Egyptian harassment; that is, they adop ted a strategy of "bedouinization" (Joffe 1993: 64) or "nomadization" wh ich is one "form of resistance ... by the rural population to the exploitative undertakings of urban clites" (LaBianca 1990: 41 ) 42; see also Fin kelstei n 1995: 355). The location of the ir homeland on the J ordanian plateau during the Late Bronze appears to have allowed the Shasu and other non-sedentary peoples such as the Hab/piru LO maintain an existence "at least one step beyond the reach of the Egyptian empire and international politics" (Hopkins 1993: 202; sec also Redford 1992: 273). Thu s, in spite of the massive deportations of Thutmoses III and Amenhotep II, later Egyptian sources indicate that a large population of Shasu and Hab/piru contin ued to occupy the high lands of Palestine and Transjordan duri ng this period.

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The presence in the nearby highlands of these peoples who refused to acknowledge the authority of the Egyptians or to share in the burden imposed upon their city-sta te neighbors would naturally have crcalcd an irritating and fru strating situation for both the Egyptian authorities and the Canaanite urban leade rs. Not surprisingly, thereforc, one reads disparagi ng remarks abou t both these people groups (Ha b/piru and Shasu) in both Canaani te correspondence and Egyptian records. From the Egyptian perspective, the Shasu were, for the most pan, rebellious, quarrelsome, unfriendly highwaymen who were "ignorant of the laws of the palace" (' Va rd 1992). The demands that Egypt placed upon the city-states of western Palestine became increasingly burdensome in an enviro nmen t of diminishing sede nta,), population (Bunimovitz 1995: 325). In a climate in wh ich manpower was at a premium in order to meet agricultural production needs, mi li tia service, and corvcc dcmands, it is not slnvrising that urban leaders became quite jealous of both their territ0l)' and population (Bunimovitz 1995: 327). As Bu nimovi tz (1995: 326- 27) expla ins, in order to maintain rule and status, great material investments were needed [by the urban clitesl ... and thus the burdc n imposcd on the subjects became heavier; these subjects, in turn, reacted time and again by deserting the established social system- thereby depicting it.

Eventually, "the dearth of sed ental), population coupled with the compulsory need to share its meage r labor resou rces with the Egyptian government (see Na'aman 1981: 178- 79), presented a serious problem for the Canaanite urban eli te and gene rated a vicious ci rcle" in which even greater demands we re placed upon the remai ning sede ntary popula tion, increasi ng the likelihood that they, too, would abandon the system. Many scholars believe that a good number of these people apparen tly j oined the scmin omadic or nomadic groups such as the Shasu and Hab/pi ru who occupied U1C highlan ds of both C is- and T ransjordan (e.g. Stager 1995: 348). The latter region, which was more removed, especially served as a refuge from both the Egyptians and the city-sta te mayors of Canaan. The maintaining of a semisedentary or nonsedemary way of li fe by the Shasu in Transjordan undoubteclly frustrated the ab ility of the Egyptians to COlllrot these people as they could the ci ty-states of Canaan.

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Historical Factors alld RecoIIStmetiolls qf LB IIB/froll IA Hab / pim and Slwsu Dominance in the Highlands. Al though they would even tually be cclipsed by the arrival of the Sea Peoples mentioned in Egyptian sources, the Shasu of Transjordan (including the region of Ammon) and related nonsedental), peoples such as the Hab/piru in western Palestine continued to dominate the hill cou ntry of th e LB liB /Iron Age IA in both Cis- and Transjordan (We instei n 1981: 17; Redford 1992: 257 80). Indeed, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that the Shasu had become so powcrful during th is period th at they were able to menace or even CUI off Egypt's northern routes th rough western Palestine and Transjordan for awhil e. This prompted vigorous punitive responses by bot h Ramesess II (Red ford 1992: 274, 27j) and his son Merneptah . The presence of Shasu captives in the Karnak reliefs depicting this campaign reinforce the idea th at troubles wit h Shasu helped prompt Merneptah's campaign (I d isagree with Redford here that the battle reliefs at Karna k of Ashkelon arc those of Ramesses 11 ; rather, I agree with Ymco [1990] th at they belong to rvlerneptah). Mcrneptah's success in Canaan (and Transjordan?), however, was short-lived, for after his death he was followed by four weak rul ers who essentially abandon Canaan for the next 20- 25 years (Redford 1992: 249; Stager 1995: 335 36). During th is time, the Canaanite city-statcs were now quite at the mercy of the highland tribes both Shasu and Hab/piru. As Redford (1992: 268) points Out, the "(Apiru and nomadic dissidents alw(rys held the upper hand; to the Canaanite headmen they were 'm ighty enemies' (EA 318:9), and as few as forty were sufficient to capture and destroy 'cities' (EA 185:47; 186:50)." This would have been espec ially true during the more than two decade Egyptian decline lhat followed the reign of Merneptah (c. 1203- 11 82 B.C.E.) (Red rord 1992: 249). Resettlement qf I-Iab /pim and Slwsu Elements in the Highlands. In my opinion, it was most likely dUling this 20-plus year hiatus (c. 1203- 1182 B.C.E.) of Egyptian domination in Canaan that followed Merneplah's reign , lha t lhe LB lIB / Iron IA hi ghland settlemen ts in both Cisand Transjordan , including Ammon, began to be established. This is a time period that harmonizes closely with the ce ramic chronology of these si tes (see Stager 1995). The diminished threat of corvee and taxes during the post-M erncpta h period, combined with p ressures in the highlands for pastoral resources (sec Kohl er- Rollcfson 1992: 15),

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would have provided ample motiva tion [or those components of the Hab/piru and Shasu who had previously been sedentary (sec above) to fe-establish small agricultural villages in the highlands as quickly as it was feasible. \-"hile Redford notes that the highlanders were probably militarily stronger than the Canaanite city-slates, it appears that they, nevertheless, chose to avoid pushing into the lowlands during their initial settlement phase. Thi s reluctance was probably nOI caused by a fear of the weakened Canaanite city-states as much as the continuing possibility that the Egyptians might return , which they indeed did during the reign of Ramcsses III (c. 1182- 1151 E.C.E.). It is during the lauer period when the Philistines invade (Stager 1995; and below). As noted, this LB lIB / Iron IA highland settlement process occurs at the same time in the hill country of both western Pa lestine and northern Transjordan, including Ammon (c. 1220- 1175 B.C.E.). Settlement fa rther south in T ransjo rdan see ms to have followed a little later, probably due to demograp hic and environmentaJ factors (see LaBianca and Younke r 1995: 406- 7; Finkelstein 1995: 354,357). This histori cal reconstruction answers some of the questions raised by BunimovilZ (1994) about the relatio nship of th is new highland settlement phase and the assumed societal collapse that the enti re sO Ulhern Levant appears to have experienced at the end of the Late Bronze Age (see articles in \.yard and Joukowsky, cds. 1992, especially Wei nslein 1992: 142- 50; Deve r 1992: 99- 110). Specifically, Bunimovitz notes that the renewed settlement process in the hill country in both Cis- and Transjordan appears to have begun while the majority of the Canaanites centers were still in existence (1994: 195, 196; above). Bunimovitz asks the question if, as many scholars assume, the collapse of the Canaan's socio-political and settl emen t systems led to Tlomaditation at the end of the Middle Bron ze Age (see Finkelstei n 1988; 1994; 1995; Bunimovitz 1989), how could this same process at the end of the Late Bronze Age lead to sedentan·zatioll? Instead, Bunimovitz argues that the Late Bronze/ Iron I sedentarization in the highlands was the result of increased secu rity provided by the Egyptian authorities "as a conseq uence of the vigorous measures taken by thc pharaohs of these dynasties" including "punitive expedi tions against non-sedcntary groups" ... "public security was restored, the frontier retreated and non-sedentary groups rese ttied ... in the highlands" (1995: 328). However, there arc a couple of problems with Bunimovitz's recon-

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slrucuon. First of al l, there is a bit of a paradox, or even outriglll contradiction, with the idea that the vel)' people against whom puni. live expeditions arc undertaken by the Egyptians the nonsedemal), groups of the hill country- would subsequently feel "more secure" as a resul t of Egypt's punitive raids and \vou ld consequently se ttle down. Moreover, there is the record of Merneptah attacking one of these groups Israel (Hasel 1995), yet Bunimovitz includes Izbet Sartah and Tall Beit Mirsim B 1- 2 among the si tes which enjoyed the new security provided by Egypt si tes whieh he acknowledges are auributed to the Israelites (1995: 328). If these highlands people aClUally suffered a defeat at the hands of the Egyptians, it seems more likel y that they would have withdrawn even farther from Egyptian control; they would not have se tded down to become sub· jected to increased taxes and cOlvee! I would propose a reconstruction that co mbines the historical analysis of Stagc r (1993) with J offe's anthropological model (1993: 90- 91 ); that is, the high landers were probably local kin·based sede n· tary groups with a long tradition of an "allli· urban" ideology who had fled the oppression of Egypt and the Canaanite cily·states (Slager 1993) through a process of "avoidance " (Gellner 1981; Yapp 1983; Tapper 1990: 67)-in this case through nom adization (La Bianca 1990)-and who take advantage of the first opportunity to resettle when the state and urban polities are weakened and no longer as oppressive. The ideal time for this resettlement would have occurred during that period in wh ich the Egyptians began to \vithdraw fi'om Canaan- during the 20.plus year Egyptian deeline that followed the reign of Mern eprah , as described above. II is during this same time that the Philistin es in vade the so uthwest coast of Palestine and calve out a niche for themselves (Stager 1995). Ammon , \."hich was mo re distant from the harassment of Egyptian and Canaanite city·state authOlities to the west, may have actually begun senling a little earlier than groups west of the Jordan. Indeed, recent work at
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iron /A- B Settlement in the Highlands oj Ammon and C4fordon Througho ut the subscquclll I ron LA- B period, the se ulemen ts 111 both Ammon and western PaJeslinc continued to grow in size and number. In Ammon proper, at least 68 sites have been dated to thi s period- 27 settlements and 42 farmsteads (Table 9.3). Egyptian sources indicate that the Shasu continue to inhabit Transjo rdan , although they are now tied morc spccificaUy wi th the lands of Moab and Edom. From the reign of Ramcsscs III (1182- 1151 B.C.) there is a passage, between his accounts of the conflicts wi th the Sea Peoples and the Libyans, tha I reads: I destroyed the Scirilcs, the clans of the Shasu, I pillaged their tems with their people, their property, a nd their livestock likewise, without limit", (Kitchen 1992: 27).

In sp ite of Ramesses Ill 's victory over the Shasu of Se ir in Edom, there is presently no evidence, apa rt from the "Egyptianizing aspects" of the Balu< Stele (which is clearly not Egyptian; Dornemann 1983: 153- 54), of any Egyptian prese nce or influence in Ammon or Transjordan during this time. Indeed, Ramesses Ill 's attention was probably more taken up with maintai ning the Philistines withi n their cordon sanitaire (Stager 1995: 344). An intriguing question is the relationsh ip between the Shasu and H ab/p iru type people who a ppa rentl y occup ied the highlands of Ammon during the Late Bronze Age and the Ammonites who lived in th is same region during the Iron Age. From a purely archaeological perspective, there is no discernable break to indicate the arrival of a "new" people. Rather, one sees only evidence of occupational conti nuity, a lthough there is a distinct gradual movement towards increased sedentarism and intensive agriculture from Late Bronze to Iron Age. In brief, the ancestors of the Iron Age Ammonites seem to clearly be the highland pastoralists of the Late Bron ze AgeShasu or H ab/piru type peoples, The precise manner in which these people "became" Ammonites, a part from the biblical perspective, is presently beyond our purview. IrOTl

I Hislon'cal Reconstruction Jor Ammon and olher Highlanders

There are no references to Ammon in Egyptian sources during the Iron lA, aJthough they do note that thei r Transjordanian routes to

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the north co ntinued to be menaced by th e Shasu. Rather, the Egyptians were distracted by biggc r problems in wcstem Palestine whe re their hegemony, including control over the coastal rou tes, was threa tened by th e Sea Peoples during the eight h year of Ram esses III. ''''hile the Egyptians were able to con tain the chall enge during the time of Ramesses I II (Stage r 1995: 344), they eventually lost their grip on Canaan during the seco nd half of the 12th century B.C. This resulted in the decline of the Canaanite urban enclaves as well. As th e threat from Egyptian and Canaanite urban centers d isappeared, the Philisti nes increasingly posed a new challenge to the independe nce of the highlanders. '''hile this pli marily affected th ose living in th e west (Israel), it ca used a chain-reaction that eventually affected Ammon. Howeve r, this new threat precipita ted a new, different reaction by th e kin-based cou ntryside that was just settling down. Rather than reverting to an avoidance strategy by desedentarizing as th ey had previously done when oppressed by Egypt and the Canaanite ci ty-states, the rural kin-based peoples now chose to resist. There are possibly two reasons for this new tact. First, th e Philistines probably never posed the threat to the rural peoples tha t Egypt had when the latter was at the height of power in Canaan. Seco nd, lh e kin- based high lands had both grown and developed coali tions tha t now made them a poten t force in th eir o\vn right; al so, for the first tim e, the kin-based ele ments had developed a significant sedentary base quite indepe ndent of the old Canaanite urban centers which had now become virtua lly powerless. T he ability to form large coalitions based on kinship ties (tribal confede racies), along with high land setllcments whi ch provided an eco nomic foundation for independence and rally points for resistance, enabled these rural people to effectively resist Philistine incursions and attempts at domination for so me time (see La Bianca's excursus, chapter I). However, according to Israelite traditi on, mounting pressure from the Philistines in the west , and the Ammonites in the cast, motivated the Israelite tribes to unite under centralized leadership. Thus, they made Saul a king. Under Sa ul , and then David, the Israelites were fi nally able to break and su bdue the Philistine threat. In Ammon, meanwhil e, the people had apparently also coalesced under central leadership, "a king," if Israel ite trad ition is to be relied upon (Judges 11 ). Indeed, this tradition suggests tl1at Ammon acquired a king pn'or to Israe l. \-"hile there are no con temporary documents to present the Ammonite point of view, current settlement data (especially

208

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social evolutionary co m p l exi ty~an apex that domina ted the small ru ral ki nship groups. Rather than anothc r phase of "resolution," the Iron Age represellls a new social evol utionary trajectory in which Canaa n's old urban order is permane ntly dis rupted and the kinbased clement s evolve illlo new level of social orga nizational complexi ty that leave them on top. In the form of the Iron Age kingdoms of Am mon, Moab, Edom, and Israel, this new trajectory will attain the highest level of social complexity the regio n had eve r see n up to tha t time, a nd which wo ul d not be seen again (on a local level ) limit the prese nt.

Rqerences Abel, P.F.l\ 1. 1938 Giogruphie de la PaUstilie Vol. II. !,,,ris: Gabalda. Abujaber, R.S. 1989 Piol/eers Over Jordall. London: I. B, Tauris & Co. Abu Dayyah, A.; Greene, J ; H"ssan, I. H.; and Suleiman, E. 1991 Archacological Sur.·cy of Greater Amman, Phase I: Final Repon. Allllual of the Department of Antiquities rif Jordan 35: 361 95. Aharoni, Y. 1979 The L(wd of t},e Ilihk: A Hislon'cal (;eography (revised and enli'lrged edi1ion). Philadelphia: Westminster. Ah iIUV, S. 1978 Economic Factors in the Egyptian Conquest of Canaan. Israel Exploration Journal 28: 93 105, 1984 CaTlaallite Toponpl/S in Anfient Egyptian DocumO/ts. J erusalem: I\ lagness. Astour, M.C. T he Amaroa Age Forerunners of Biblical Anti-royalism. Pp. 6 17 in For 1964 Max lVeinreich on his Sn'f7ltieth BirtMtry, Studies in Je/Lish Languages, literaturt alld &eie!>'. The Ha!,'Uc: I\ louton. Bennell , C. 1975 Excavations al the Citadel, Amman, 1975. Allnual oft},e Department ofAntiqlliiW of Jordan 20: 131 42. 1978 Excavalions at the Citadel (el-Qll'ah), Amman, Jordan. Lemllt 10: I 9. 1979a Excavalions al the Citadel (al-Qal'a), Amman 1977. AlI/lUal rif the Department of Antiquitits of Jordan 23: 151 59, 1979b Excav;nions al Ihe Citadel (al-Q1I'a), Amman 1978, Fourth Preliminary Repor1. Annual of t}" Departmtnt rif Antiquitits of Jordan 23: 161 70. Bicnkowski, P.A. 1984 Bedoui n Architecture in Pelra. Levant 16: v vi. 1985 New Caves for old: Hcdouin Architecture in Petra. I1'0r[d Archaeology 17/2: 149 60; figs. I 4; pIs. I 4. I989a Architecture of lhe Petra Bedouin: A Prclimi n;lry Report. Annual of tlu IJepartmlllt of Antiquities of Jordan 33: 335 43. 1989b Prosperity and Decline in LBA Canaan: A Reply to Liebowitz and K.napp. BuIlttin of the Ammeall Schools rif Oriental Research 275: 59- 63. 1991 Jordan: C rossroads of lhe Near East. Pp. I 30 in The Art of Jordan, ed. P. Bienkowski. Phoenix I\l ill: Sulton.

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Bcilak, i>. 1. 1993 T he Sea Peoples and the End of the Egyptian Administration in Canaan. Pp. 292 306 in Biblical ArrhaeoWgy Today, 1990. .JclUsalcm: Israel Exploration Society.

Braudd, F. 1980 011 History. C hicago: University of Chicago. B,iinnow, R., and A. Von Domaszcwski 190-1 f)it Provincia Arabia at!! Grund <'.wtier ill tim ]ahrtn 1897 I/lld 1898 IlI/fenlOmme11£1/ Ileism IIntl der Jkrichll.friiherer Rwmtier, Vol I. Strassburg: Triibncr. 1905 [hi Prooillcio Arabia aty Cmnd .?)lJtier ill tim Jahrm 1897 lind 1898 IlIIlenwmmelien Reisen I/Ild der Btric/Jll foillerer Rlumder, Vol 2. Strassburg: T rii bncr. 1909 Die Pro;.,jllcin Arabia auf Grund ,?wdtT ill tim }ahrtn 1897 lind 1898 /lllfemomme11m RtiJm lind Jer Bro"chll foiherer Reismder, 1'01 3. Strassburg: Triibncr. Bunimovitz. S. 1990 Problems in the " Ethnic" Identification or the Philistine i\ latelial Culture. Tel Aviv 17: 210 22. 199+ Socio- Political T ransrormations in the Central Hill Country in the Latc Bronze-Iron I T ransition. Pp. 179 202 in From Nomadum 10 A1onarchy: Arc/uuological & HUloricol Asptcls rf Early Israel, cds. I. Finkelstein and N. Na'aman. J erusalem: Israel Exploration Society. 1995 On the Edge or Empires La te Bronze Age (1500 1200 B.C. E.). Pp. 320 31 in The Archaeology rf Society ill the Holy Land, ed. 1'. E. Levy. Lo ndon: Leicesl!:r University. Dorncmann, R.H. 1982 The Heginning of the Iron Age in T ransjordan. Pp. 135 40 in Stlldies in 1M Hulory alld Archaeology rf Jordan, I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiq uities. 1983 77,e ArchaeologY of the Transjordall. l\ Iilwaukec, WI: ~'I ilwaukce Public i\ luseum. 1987 Some Observations on the Geographical Extent or Cultural Areas in Syria and Transjordan. Pp. 275 78 in StlldUs ill Ihe Hislo,)' and Archaeology if" Jordan fll, cd. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department or Antiquities. E.arle, T. 1978 Econom;c and Social Organi<.alioTl if" A Complex Chiefdom: Ihe Halelea Dislrict, Kalla\ Hawaii. Museum of Anthropology Paper 63, Ann Arbor, M I: University of i\ Iic h i~;\"an. 1987 Chierdoms in Archaeological ,lnd EthnohistOlical Perspective. Annual Rroiew if" Anthropology 16: 279 308. Eiekclman, D. 1981 The A1iddle E.as~· An AlltJrropologica[ Approach. Englewood Cliffs, NJ : Prentice Hall. 1989 77,e Aliddie 1::W1: An Alllhro/lOlogical Ap/lrouch. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, i'{J: Prentice Hall. Falconer, S. 1987 HearlVllld if" Villages: Reconsidering Early U,bwlum ill the &uthem I~mn~ Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University or Alizona. Fei nman, G. 1994 Social Boundaries and Political Change: A Comparative View rrom Ancient Mesoamerica. Pp. 225 36 in Chiifdoms and Early Slates ill Ihe Near 1::W1: 77~ Orgalli<.aliollal D)'IIamics if"Complexity, eds. G. Stein and ~ I. S. ROlhman. Madison, WI: PrehislOl)'. Finkelstein, I. 1988 Thr ArchlUOlogp if" Ihe brat/itt Scltiemml. J emsalcm: Ismel Exploration Society. 1994 T he Emergence or Israel: A Phase in the Cyclic HislOI)' or Canaan in the Third and Second i\ lillennia B.C. E. Pp. 150 78 in From plomadum 10 MOllarchy: Archaeological & /lulon·cal Aspects if" Early Israel, cds. I. Finkelstein and N. Na'aman . .J erusalem: Israel Exploration Society.

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The Great T ransformation: The "Conqut~st" of the Highlands Frontiers and the Rise of Territorial States. Pp. 3 '~9 65 in 171t Are/w(ology tif Socicry ill the Holy Lal/d, cd. T. E. Levy. London: Leicester University. Frick F. S. 1985 The Fomtatiol/ tif tlte Statt ill Anciellt Isrlltl. Shdlield England: Almond. Fritz, V. 1971 Erwagungen zu dem spiitbronzezeitlichen Quadrathau bei Amman. ,(eilschrijl des Deulse/lm PawstilW-Vereins 87: 140 52. Gellner, E. 1981 Muslim Societies: E55lry5. Camblidgc: Cambridge University. Gerstenblith, P. 1983 The Levanl III lilt i1(gillnillg tif the Middle i1roll<.e Age. Dissertat ion Series 5. American Schools of Oriental Research. Winona L,"\ke IN: Eiscnhrauns. Giveon, R. \967 T he Shosu of E!.'YJ)tian Sources and tht; Exodus. P. 19+ in FOllrtl, World Congress tifJwish Studies. Papas, 1. .Jt;rusalcm: World Ullioll of J ewish Studies. 115 8tdouill5 Slwsou des documenls (g)"plims. Documenta et i\ lonumcnta Olicntis 1971 Amiqui, 18;. Leiden: Illil!. Glubb, JB. 1938 T he ECOliomie Situation of the T rans:J ordan T tibes. Joumaf oj II,e Ro;'al Central "simI Sociery 25: 4'1-8 59. Glueck. N. 1934 Expwmlions in l:Asum Palntilll I. Annual of the I\merican Schools of Oriental Research 14: 81 83. Philadelphia: Nncl·ican Schools of Oliental Research. Explorations in the Land of Ammon. Bulletill oj Ihe Ammrall Srhools tif Orindal 1937 Researcll 68: 13 21. 1939a Exploralums ill l?Astem Paleslille III. Annual of the American Schools of Ol;enlal Rcsearch 18 19. Nc\\' Haven, CT: American Schools of Oriental Research. 1939b Archaeological Exploration and Excavation in Palestine, Transjordan and Syria During 1938. Ammcall J(mmal tif Ardwrology 43: 146 57. Transjordan. Pp. 428 53 in Archaeology al/d Old Tutament Study: Jubilee Volumr 1967 qf the Sociery for Old Teslmlltllt SIII(Iy 1917 1967, cd. D. Winton T homas. Oxford: Clarendon. 171e Olh" Side tif Ihe Jordall. Cambridge, i\ 1A: American Schools of Oriental 1970 Research. Gonen, R. 1984 Urban Canaan in the Late Bronze Period. BI/f1elill oj Ih£ Amm((l11 Schools tif Oritllwl Research 253: 61 73. 1992 Burial Patterns and Cultural Divl;rsity in Late Bronze Age Canaan. AmfflwlI Sd,ools if Orienlal Research. /)iss"lIItioli Sen'cs 7. Winona Lake, IN: Eiscnbrauns. Gordon , R.L. , and Knauf, E.A. 1987 Er-Rummall Survey, 19K,). AIIIII/al oj Ihe IJr/mrlmml oj Allliquitirs qf](lrdall 31: 289 93. Gordon, R.L., and Villiers, L.E. 1983 Tclul edh-Dhahab and Its E.nvirons Surveys of 1980 and 1982: A Preliminary Report. Al1l1l1a/ tif Ihe IJtparlllltlll tif Alltiquitir-s oj Jordal/ 27: 275 89. Gottwald, N. K. 1976 Nomadism. Pp. 629 31 in 77le II/Imwli(//wl Bible Dirliol/tII)' SUJ!/illmenl. Nashville, TN. 1979 Thl Tribes qf rahwek A Sociology if thr Religioll rtf Ubtmltd ISf(l(l 1250 1050 B.C.E. i\ laryknoll, NY: Orllis. Hennessy, J I966a Excavation of a Late Bronzc Age T emple at Amman. Pal£slille EX/1lomlioll QJwrlerly 98: 155 62. 1995

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Supplementary Notc. Zeitscltriflfiir die alUSUSh"metllliclte WlSSenscltqft 78: 35759. A Temple of Human Sacrifice at Amm,U1. 7k Gazetle 2/20 (Nov. I): 307- 09. 1970 1985 T hirteemh Century B.C. Temple of Human Sacrifice at Amman. Studio PhOetIici.a 3: 85- 104. Herr, L.G. 1976 T he Amman Airport Excavations 1976. AnnuaL rifthe Department rif Antiquitin rifJordan 21: 109- 11. Amman Airport Temple Destroyed. Biblical Arcltaeologist 40: 135. 1977 1978 The Scripts rif Ancirot Norlhwest Semilic &als. Missoula, MT: Scholars. 1980 The Formal Scripts of Iron Age Transjordan. Bulktin oj II,e American Schools if Orimlal Researcll 238: 21 - 34. 1983a The Amman Airport Structure a nd the Geopolitics of Ancient T ransjordan. Biblical Archaeowgisl 46: 223- 39. 1983b The Amman Airport Excavations, 1976. Annual rif the American Schools oj GrieIIlal Research, 001. 48. Winona l..ake, IN: Eisenbrauns. I 985a The Servant of Baalis. Biblical Archaeowgist 48/3: 169- 72. 1985b Is the Spelling of " 8aalis" in J eremiah 40:1 - 14 a Mutilation? AmirtwS UnWmiry Seminary Studies 23: 187- 91. 1991 POllery T ypology and Chronology. Pp. 232 45 in Madaba Plains Etf!ject 2: The J987 Season al TelL eVUmeiri and Viciniry and Subsequ£7lt Studin, eds. L.T. Geraty et af. Bcrrien Springs, M I: Andrews University. 1992 T wo Stamped J ar Impressions of the Persian Province of Ammon from T ell el-'Umeiri. Annual if the Departm£7ll oj Antiqm"/ies if Jordan 36: 163- 66. 1996 Pottcry of Tall cl Umeiri, 1989 Season. Unpublished Paper. Herr, L.; Gerary, L.; LaBianca, 0.; and Younker, R. 1990 T he Madaba Plains Project: Three Seasons of Excavation at T ell el-'Umeiri and Vicinity, Jordan. Echos du Monde ClassiqudClassicaf Views 39/9: 129- 43. Hopkins, D. 1985 1M Highl.o.nds oj Callaall: Agricultural Lift in the Early Iron Age. Series: Social World of Biblical Antiquity 3. Decatur, GA: Almond. 1987 Life on the l..and: T he Subsistence Struggles of Early Israel. BiblicaL Archaeologist 50/3: 178 91. 1993 Pastoralists in Late Bronze Age Palestinc: Which Way Did They Go? Biblical Archaeologist 56/4: 200- 211. Ib ach, R. 1978 An Intcnsive Surface Survcy at J alul. Andrews Unilltrsiry Seminary Siudin 16: 1966b

1987

215- 22. Hesban 5: The Regional Slirory. Bcrrien Springs, M I: Institute of Archaeology,

Andrews University. Ibrahim, tv!. 1992 Sahab. Pp. 897- 900 in 77u AndlOr Bible Dictionary, 5, ed. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doublcday. Han, D. 1995 The Dawll of I ntcrnational ism~The Middle Bronze Age. Pp. 297- 319 in 1M ArdlOeow!J1 of Sociery in the Holy Land, ed. T . Levy. London: Leicester University. Joffe, A. 1993 Selllem£7lt alld Sociery in the Early Brolli!e I & II SoUiJltrn Levant· Complern£7ltarity ami COlltmdiction in II Small-Scale Complex Sociiry. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. Kafafi, Z.A. 1977 Late Bro~e Age Pottery ill Jordall (Easl Bank.) 1575- 1200 B.G. Unpublished M.A. thesis, University of J ordan. 1983 T he Amman Airport Excavations, 1976: T he Local Poltery. pp. 33- 45 in

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nit II/mual rf the AmerilQn SdlOols rf Oritlltal Research, 48. Baltimore, M D: Americ;uI Schools or O ricntal Rcscareh. 1985 Egyptian T opographical Lists or the L1te Bronze Age on J ordan (East Bank). Biblische .Noti;:.tII 29: 17 21. Kamp, K., and Yoffee, N. 1980 Ethnieity in Ancicnt Western Asia During the Early Second Millennium B.C.: Archaeological Assessments and Ethnoarchaeological Prospcclives. Bulletin rf Ihe Amnif(1I/ Schools rf Orimtal R,s,arch 237: 85 104. Kerestes, 1'.;...1. 1978 An Archaeological Surveyor Three Reservoir Areas in Northern Jordan, 1978. Amlllal rf the Department rf Anli'luili# rf Jord(lll 27: 108 35. Kitchcn, K.A. 1992 T he Egyptian E\,idence on Ancient J ordan. Pp. 21 34 in £arry Edom and Moab: The &gilllling rf Ihe Iron Age ill SOlltlU'm Jordall, cd. P. Bienkowski. Shdlicld: Collis. Klclter, R. 1991 l llC Rujm el-Malrur Buildings. Bulletill rf /he Americall Schools cif Ontlltal &search 284: 33 50. Knapp, A. B. I989a Complexity and Collapse in the North J ordan Valley: Archaeometry and Socicty in the Middlc-Late Bronze Ages. Israel Exploration JO/lmal 39: 129 48. 198% Response: Independence, Impelialism and the Egyptian Factor. Bulletin rf the American Schools rf Onolfal Nesearch 275: 64 68. 1993 Socie!,)' and Poli!,)' at Bron;:.e Age Pella: A/I 11 7l1wles Perspective. Shcffield: Shcffield Acadcmic. Knaur, E.A . 1984 Abel Keramim. Zeitschnfl dt5 Delll.Jd,tll Pafiistina- Vereills 100: 119 21. Nlidian: Untersuchungen ;:.ur Cescllischte Pa/dstillos und Nordarabiens am ende des 2. 1988 Jaltrtausends v. Ghr. \ Viesbaden: HarrassowiI7.. Kolhcr-Rollcrson, I. 1987 Eth noarchaeological Rcsearch into thc Origins of Pastoralism. Allnllal rf ti,e Department cif Allliquilit5 rf Jordan 31: 535 39. 1992 A Model ror the Dcvclopmclll or Nomadic Pastordlism on the Transjordanian Plateau. I~). II 18 in Pastoralism in tile Levant: ArchaeologICal MatoMls ill Allthropologz·cal Perspective, cds. O. Bar-V ase[ and A. Khazanov. Madison, WI: Prehistory Press. La Bianca, 0.S. I984a Allthropological mId Trtwelers' Accounts rf Jordan and II.J Prople. Bcrrien Springs, MI : Institutc or Archaeology. 1984b Objcctives, Procedures and Findings of Ethnoarchaeo[ogieal Research in the Vicinity or Hesban in Jordan. Allnual rf Ihe Department cif A7lfiquilie.s r.if Jordan 28: 269 88. 1989 Intcnsification or the Food System in Cenlral Transjordan During the Ammonite Period. Ilnduws Ulliversi!,)' &miliary Sllidies 27: 169 78. [990 Stdtntanzation alld .Nomlllii.?atioll. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University. L..'lBianca, 0.S., and Younker, R.W. 1995 T hc Kingdoms or Ammon, Moab and Edom: T he Archaeology or Socicty in Lale Bronze Age/ Iron Agc T ransjordan (ca. 1400 500 B.C. E.). Pp. 399 415 in The Archl1tology r.if Socii!,)' ill the Hory Land, ed. T. Levy. London: Leiccstcr Univcrsity. Landcs, C.M. 1956a A History r.if the AmmOlliles. Baltimore, M D: Unpublishcd Ph .D. Dissertation, Johns Hopkins Univcrsity.

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Lemehe, N. 1988 AI/cim! Israel. A New History !if Israelile Society. Sheffield, UK: J SOT Press. Lewis, N.N. 1985 Nomads and Sellfas in 5jna alld ]ardoll, 1800 1980. Cambridge: Cambridge University. ~IcGo\'crn , P. 1978 E.xplorations in the Umm ad-Dananir Region of the Baq'ah Valley. Annual f!f lhe Deparlmrol if Allliquilies rif Jordan 24: 55 67. 1981 a T he Bcq'ah Valley Project. AmlUol rf the Department qf Antiquities ifJordan 25: 356 57. 1981b T he Hcq'ah Valley Project 1980. 17ze Biblical Archaeologist 44: 126 28. 1982a ExplOling the Burial Caves o f the Baq'ah Valley in Jordan. ArchacQwgJ' 35/5: 46 53. 1982b Baq'ah Valley Project 1981. 77lt Biblical Archaeologisl45: 122 24. Test Soundings of Archaeological and Resistivity Survey Results at Rujm 1983 al-Hcnu. AIITluaf rif Ihe fkpartmtllt f!f Antiquities tf Jordan 27: 105- 3J. Environmental Const raints for Human Settlement in the Beq'ah Valley. 1985 Pp. I+! 48 in SludieJ in Ille /lislOry al/d Archaeology iifJordan II, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. The Late BroTl;;e Age IIl/d Early lrol/ AgtJ iif Cmfral Trall-vordall: TIe Beq'all Vallry 1986 Projecl, 1977 1981. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, The University i\ luseum. Central Tran~ordan in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages: An Alternate 1987 Hypothesis of Socia- Econom ic T ransformation and Collapse. Pp. 267- 73 in Siudies in Ihe Hislory and Ardwrology iifJordall III , cd. by A. Hadidi. Amman: Department or Antiquities. The Ihq'ah Valley Project 1987: Khirbct Umm ad-Dana nir and al-Qesir. 1989 AlIIl1Itl/ if Ille DePtlrlmml if Allliqllilif5 rf]ortiall 33: 123 36. 1992 Haq'ah Valley (Jorda n). Pp. 59+ 98 in nle Anchor Bible DictvJl/ary, I, cd. D.N. Frecdman. New York: Doubleday. McGovern, P.E. el (//. 1982 Late Bronze POllery Fabrics rrom the Baq'ah Vallcy, J ordan: Composition and Origins. University iif Penn~)"wallia A/weum iif Applied Scimet Cn/In for Archaeology JOlin/al 2: 8 12. McGovern, P.E.; Pigott, V.; and Notis, i\ 1. 1983 The Earliest Sted rrom Tntnsjordan. University iif Pennsylvania Ahuellm iif Applied ximet emler for Archaeology JOllnwl 2: 35 39. Na'aman, N. 1981 Economic Aspects of the Eg)1)tian Occupation of Canaan. Israel Exploralioll Society 31: 172 85. Habim and Hcbrews: Ihc Transfcr or a Social T erm to the Literary Sphere. 1986 Joumal iif Near Easlern Studies 45: 271 88. Peake, F.G. Hislory alld 7;ibes iif Jordall. FIOIida: University of i\·liami. 1958 Portugali, J. 1994 T heoretical Speculations on the T ransition from Nomadism to Monarchy. Pp. 203 17 in From Nomadism 10 A/o//archy: Archaeological & Hislon·cal Aspects iif EaTry Israel, cds. I. Finkcl~tcin and N. Na'aman. Jcms.1.lem: lsrael Exploration Society. Pricc, BJ. 1978 Secondm), State Formation: An Explanatory Model. Pp. 161 - 86 in Origins iif tJle Slate, eds. R. Cohen and E.R. Scrvice. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. Redford, D. H. I 982a A lkonze Age [tincrary in T ransjordan (Nos 89 - 101 of T hullllose [lI 's

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List of Asiatic Toponyms). Joumal for Ihe Socie!) rif Em-ptian Ardwrologr 12/2: 55 74. 1982b Contact Bctwcen Egypt and Jordan in the Ncw Kingdom: Somc Commcnts on Sources. Pp. 115 20 in Swilirs ill tlte lIistory and Archaeolog), rif Jordall I , ed. A Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquilies. 19U5 The Relat ions Between Egypt and Israel from EI·Amarna to the Habylonia Conquest. Pp. 192 205 in Biblical Ardwlologl' Today, ed . .J. Amit;li. J eru~;llem: Israel Exploration Society. 1991 The Scarab Scal Impression. Pp. 379 80 in Madaba PlaillS P'f.!jut 2: 171l 1987,sioson a( Tell e/·'Ulllnn and Vicinity and Slibseqllffli Stlldia, eds. LT. Geraty et 01. Ikrrien Springs, 1\ 11 : Andrews University. 1992 Hgypt, Callaall. and Israrl ill Allrifllt Timrs. New J ersey: PI;ntcton Univcrsity. Rosen, A.I\1. 1997 The Agricultural Base of Urhansim in Ihe Early Brom:c II III Levan!. Pp. 92 98 in A51mts rif Urballsim ill Alltiqlli!>' From Mesopotamia to Crell, eds. W.E. Aufrecht, N.!\. l\ lirau, and S.W. Gauley. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic. Rothman, M.S. 1994 Evolutionary ·r ypologics and Cultural Complexity. Pp. I lOin G'lliifdolll!i and Harly Stalts ill the .Jllia, l~lSt: 771e O~t;(lI1i;;.alional I~"/Iamies f.!f COlllplo:i!), cds. C. Stein and l\1.S. ROlhman. l\ ladison, WI: Prehiswry. Shanks, H. 1992 Defining the Problcm.~. pp. I 23 in nil' Nise rif Allcitllt Israel. Washington, D.C.: Biblical Archaeology Soc.:icty. Singer, 1. 1994 Egyptians, Canaanites, and Philislincs in the Pel;od of the Emergence of Israel. Pp. 282 338 in From Nomadism 10 MOllard!}: Archaeological al/d /listorieal Aspecls rif Enr!.)' Ismel. Washington D.C.: Biblical Archacolob'Y Society. Stager, L.E. 1985 i\lcrenpt;lh, Israel, and Sca Peoples: New Lighl on an Old Relief. Erel;;. Israel ! 8: 56 6·L 1995 Thc Impact of the Sea Peoples in Carlaan (1185 1050 B.C.E.). Pp. 312 48 in 771e Ardwlolog-,> rif Soci,!) 11/ the Hoi), Lalld, cd. T. Levy. London: Leicester University. Stein, G. ·f hc Organizational Dynamics of Complexity in Greater 1\ lcsopotamia. 1994 Pp. II 22 in Clliifdoms nlld Harly S/a/ts ill Ihe ,N((Ir Enst: (III Orgal/haliollal PJ'IIf11l1ics rif Compltxity, cds. G. Stein and l\1.S. Rothman. 1\ ladison, WI: Prehistory. Tapper, R. , cd. Amhropolob>1sts, Historians, and Tribcspcople on Tribe and State Fonnation 1990 in Ihe i\ liddle East. Pp. 48 73 in Tribes and S/a/e FQml(ltiOIl i1/ the "'fiddle Easl, eds. P.S. Kholll), and J. Kostiner. Herkcley: University of California. Wahecb, 1\1. 1992 A Fortified Aglicultural Complex East of Amman (Llle Bronze Age· lron Age): A Preliminary Report. Alllllla! rif the DcpMtment rif Allliquilies rif Jordall 36: 408 399 [in 'Irabic]. Ward, \v.A. 1964 Cylinders and Scarabs II'om a Lite Bronze T emple al Amman. AIIII/m/ rif the Department rif Alltiqllilies rif Jordall 8 9: 47 55. Scarabs, Seals and Cylinders from two tombs al Amman. Allllllal rif the 1966 Deparll1ltl/( tif Allliquiliis tif Jordal/ II: 5 18. 1972 The Shasu "Bedouin." Notes on a Recent Publication Journal tift/Ie Ecollomic alld Social History rif tilt On·fII(. Lciden. 1992 Shasu. Pp. 1165 67 in "nIe A'ldlOr /Jibl, Dictiol/ary, 5. cd. D.N. Frecdman. New York: Doubleday.

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Ward, \v.A., and J oukowsky, M.S. (cds.) TIlt Crisis Years: The 12/h Century B.G.: from beyond the Danube 10 Ihe Tigris. 1992 Dubuque, IA: Kendall/ H unt. Weinstein, J. M. 1981 The Egyptian Empire in Palestine: A Reassessment. Bulletin rif Ihe American Schools rif Oriental Research 241: 1- 28. Egypt and the Middle Bronze C/Late Bronze IA Transition in Palestine. 1991 wallt 23: lOS 15. The Collapse of the Egyptian Empire in the Southern Levant. In 771e Crisis 1992 Years: The 12/h Century B.C., From Bryond /he Danube to the Tigris, eds. \V.A. Ward and M.S. J oukowsky. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/ H unt. Weippert, ivL 1971 Edom: Studien und Matm'alim zur Gesehichre der Edomiter mif' Grund sehrijllicher und archM/ogisher (!yellen. Unpublished dissertation and Habilitationsschrift, University of Tubingcn . Semitische Nomaden des zweilen J ahrtausends. Ober die 63sw der agypti1974 schen Qucllen. Biblica 55:265- 80, 427- 33. T he Israelite "Conquest" and the Evidence from T ransjordan. Pp. 15- 34 1979 in Symposia, ed. by F,M. Cross. Cambridge, ivlA: American Schools of Otiental Research. T he Relations of the States East of J ordan. Pp. 97- 105 in S/rdres in tJu. 1987 History and ArchtUOwgy rif Jordan 11/, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. \Vente, E.F., and van Sidell III , C.C. 1979 A Chronology of the New Kingdom. (Studies in flonor rifGtorge flughes). Studies in Ancient Oriental Ciuilizalioll, 39. Chicago: Otiental Institute. Wimmer, D. 1987a The Excavations at T ell Saful. Pp. 279- 82 in Studiu in the flislory and ArthtUOwgy rif Jordan 1/1, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Department of Antiquities. 1987b Tell Safut Excavations, 1982 1985 Preliminary Report. Annual f!!the Departmmt rif Anliquiliu rif Jordan 31: 159- 74. Saful. Pp. 512- 15 in Archaeowgy f!! Jordall: 112 Field JUportr Sires L-Z eds. 1989 D. Homes-Fredericq and J.B. Hennessy. Belgium: Peeters. Safut. I ~). 896 97 in 771, Anchor Bible Diclionary, 5. cd. D.N. Freedman. New 1992 York: Doubleday. Worschech, Udo 1991 Das IAlld JtIIJeitr des Jordan: BibliJche Archiiologie in Jordanien. Studien Zur Biblischen Arehaologie und Zeitgeschichte, Vol. I, Wuppcrtal: Brockhaus. Wright, G.E. 1961 T he Archaeology of Palestine. Pp. 73- 112 in 771e Bible ad the Ancient Near East: Essays in Honor rif lVilliam Foxwell Albright, cd. G.E. Wright. Garden City: NY: Doubleday. Yapp, j\.!. Tribes and States in the Khyber, 1838- 1842. in TIre CorifliCI of Tribe and 1983 Stale in lroll and A}ghanistOlr cd. R. T apper. London: Croom Helm. Yassine, K. 1975 Anthropoid Coffins from Raghadan Royal Palace Tomb in Amman. Annual of /he Departmenl rif Alltiquities rif Jordan 10: 75- 86. Idem. in the Arehaeowgy rif Jordan: Essays and Reports, PI'. 33- 46. Amman, Jordan: Dept of Archaeology, University of J ordan (1988). Ammonite Seals from Tell eI-Mazar. pp. 189 94 in Studies in /he HiJtory and 1982 ArchtUOwgy rif Jordoll I, ed. A. Hadidi. Amman: Depmtment of Antiquities. 1983a Social-Religious Distinctions in Iron Age Burial Practice in J ordan. Journal for the Study f!! Old Trstament Supplement &ries 24: 29 36. Idem. in 77Ie Archaeology

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qfJordan: EsSl!Js arul !?£ports, pp. 55- 59. Amman, j ordan: Dept. of Archaeology, University of J ordan (1988). 1983b Tell EI l\ lazar, Field I Preliminary Report of Area G, H , L, and M: T he Summit. Annual qf lIie Departml!lll qf Antiquities 27: 495 513. 1983c 'E] Mabrak: An Architectural Analogue of the Amman Airport Building? Annual qf the Departml!lll qf Antiquities qf Jordan 27: 491 - 94. 1984 T he Open Cou rt Sancwal)' of the Iron Age I Tell Mazar Mound: A. ZeitJchnjl des Deutschm Palash'na-VertillS 100: 108- 18. Idem . in The Archaeowgy qf Jordan: Essays and Reports, pp. 115 35. Amman, j ordan: Dept of Archaeology, University of j ordan (1988). 1988 The Archarology qfJordan: Ess(rys alld Reports. Amman, Jordan: Dept of Archaeolo~,'y, University of J ordan. Yoffee, N. T he Decline and Rise of Mesopotamian Civilizalion: An Elhnoarchaeological 1979 Perspective on the Evolution of Social Complexity. American Antiquity 44: 5- 35. 1985 Perspectives on "Trends T oward Social Complexity in Prehistoric Australia and Papua New Guinea". Ardll1eology in Oceania 20: 41 - 49. 1988 T he Collapse of Ancient Mesopotamian States and Civilization. Pp. 44- 68 in The Collapse qf Ancient Stales and Civilizations, cds. N. Yofrce and G. Cowgill. T ucson, AZ: University of Arizona. 1990 Spheres of Power in l\-1csopotamia Outside T emple and Palace Estates. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans. 1993a Too Many Chiefs? (or, Safe Texts for Lhe 90's). Pp. 60- 78 in Archatological Theory: Who StlJ the Agenda?, cds. N. Yofrce and A. Shcrratt. Cambridge: Cambridge University. 1993b The Process of Social Change in Mesopotamia, ca. 2000 1200 B.C.E. In The Bible and the Ancient Near Easl (forthcoming). 1995 Conclusion: A Mass in Celebration of the Conference. Pp. 542 48 in The ArchMOlogr qf Socie!)' in the Holy Land, ed. T. Levy. London: Leicester University. Younker, R .W. 1985 Isracl, Judah, and Ammon and lhe l\ lotifs on the Baalis Seal from Tell d'Umeiri. Biblical Archoeowgisl 48/3: 173 80. 1989 T owers in the Region Surrounding 'f e ll Umeiri. pp. 195- 98 in Madaba Plains Prqjecl I: 71te 1984 Season at Tell el-'Umeiri and vicini~ and Subsequml Studies, cds. L.T. Geraty, el al. Berricn Springs, MI : Andrews University. 1991 T he J udgment Survey. Pp. 269 334 in MaJaba Pkzins PrqjeCI 2: 7711 1987 Semon al Tellel-'Umeiri and l'iciniry and Subseq/lent Studies, cds. L.T. Geraty el af. Berrien Springs, MI: Andrews University. 1992 j abbok. pp. 593 94 in nil Anchor Bible Dia;o,wry, 3, ed. D.N. Freedman. New York: Doubleday. 1993 Picking up the Treads: A Continuing of Excavations at Deir 'Alia, J ordan. Biblical ATchMOWgy Reuiew 19/2: 4- 6. 1994 Hcsban: Its Geographical Setting. Pp. 55 64 in flesban AJkr 25 rears, cds. O. J\'leriing and L. Gerdty. Bcnien Splings, l\·U: Institute or Archaeology/ Hom Archaeology r.,4uscum. 1997a l oe Emergence of the Ammonites. Unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Alizona. 1997b Some Notes on the Identity of Tell Jawa (Sollth),Jordan: ~'kphaath or Abel Keramim? Pl'. 257- 63 in To Unders/llnd the Scriptures: Essqys in Honor qf William H Shea, ed. D. Merling. Bemen Springs, l\ fI : Institutc of Archaeology/ Horn Archaeology Museum. 1997c Moabitc Social Structure. Bib/ical Archaeowgist 60/4: 237- 48.

2 18

CHAPTER NINE

Younker, R.W., and P.M. Da\~au 1993 Is lI...tcfa'at to be found at Tell Jawil (South)? /sTOll Exp/oralioll Joumal 4311:

23- 28. Younker, R.W. tt of. 1990 A Prcliminaty Repon of the 1989 Season of the ~ I adaba Plains Project: The Regional Survey and Excavations at Al Drcijat, Tell J
Zayadinc, F. 1973 Recent Excavations 011 the Citadel of Amman. AIITlual tif lilt Deporfmtlll if Antiquities oj Jordan 18: 17 35. 1974<1 Chronique " rebcologique: Tell Siran. Revue BihliqIH 81: 83 85. 1974b Note su r I'inscription de la statue d'Amman J. 1656. Syria 51: 129 36. Rabbat Amman and its Citadel. Jordan 7: 25. 1975 Chroniquc archcologique: Citadelle d"Amman. Ralue Bibfiqlll! 86: 120 22. 1979 Amman- Philadelphia. 11 MOllde de la Bible 22: 20- 28. 1982 Fouilles de Djebel cl Akhdar (Amman). Syria 63: 152 53. 1985 Les rortifications prc-hellcniqucs et hellcnistiques cn T ransjordanie et en 1986 Palestinc. Pp. 149- 56 in 1...11 fortflicalion dans l'hisloire du monde Cree. CNRS Colloquc International 614. Paris: CNRS. Sculpture in Ancient J ordan. Pp. 31 61 in the Art r:ifJardoll, cd. P. Bienkowski. 1991 Phoenix Mill: Sulton. Zayadine, F., and Thompson, H.O. 1973 The Ammonite Inscription rrom Tell Si rall. Brrutus 22: 115 40. Zayadine, F.; Humbcrt, J.-B.; and N
THE AMMON ITES IN THE LATE IRON AGE AND PERSIAN PERIOD LARRY

C.

H ERR

Canadian University College

Introduction

Based on his landmark survey, but also on his biblical assumptions, Nelson G lueck summarized that the Ammonites ceased to exist at the same tim e that the Babylonians destroyed J erusa lem in the carly six th CCIllUry B.C. So linie was known about the Ammonites and the archaeology of Transjorda n in Glueck's day that the much -bette r known results from Cisjordan became the historical paradigm to interpret the lands cast of the J ordan River, as well, even though the Ammon ites had almost 1l00hing to do with J erusalem geopolitically. As it turns out, Glueck's assumption was little less than intellectual imperialism, for, as we have discove red during excavations at H isban and
Ammonite J\;/alerial Culture and /dmlity at the Rnd qf Iron /I The rollowing discussion utilizes the remai ns from the main si les excavated in the Ammonite region: Dayr 'Alia V I Hajjar, Kh. Hi sban 16
houses circular tower wall rragments?; reseIVO lr Unpubli shed pottery houses case mate wall; houses

220

Mazar Nimrin Mount Nebo 'Amman Rujm al-Malfuf (N ) Rujm al-Malfuf (S) Rujm al-Hanu SafUl Sahab Sa'idiyya IV "Tower Sites" 'Umayri Umm ad-Dana nfr

CHAPTER TEN

lombs pottery; wal l fragments Tomb palace?; wall fragments; LOmbs circular tower circular tower fortress houses wall fragments pits fonresses; agricultural sites administrative buildings; houses; monumental entry cobbled courtyard

Geographical Exlmt. The end of Iron II was the era of greatest prospClity for Ammon, but, until the summer of 1996, there was conflicting information a bout its southern border. AU we knew for certain was that it was somewhere between 'Amman and Dhiban. Using the archaeological finds from Hisban, which appeared to be Ammonite, maximalisls asserted the border was perhaps between Madaba in the south and Hisban in the north (Herr 1992b). Minimalists, basi ng their arguments on biblical texts, suggested tha t the biblical prophets First Isaiah (ca. 700 B.C.) and J ercmia h (ca. 600 B.C.) placed Heshbon (identified by most researchers as modern Hisban) in Moab, l imit~ ing the Ammonites to a very small territory su rrounding modern (Amman (Hubner 1992). However, the biblical texts may be understood in two other ways. The first one is to posit literary dependence on earlier texts. Only one biblical text (lsa 16:8- 9) puts Heshbon clearly in Moab. The mhers place it: (I) clearly in Ammon (Jer 49:3); (2) clearly not in Moab (Jcr 48: 1- 2, 45); or (3) maybc not in Moab (Isa 15:4 and J er 48:34). J cr 48:34 quotes part of Isa 15:4, making J eremiah dependent on Isaiah. The one text \vhich clearly places H cshbon in Moab (lsa 16:8- 9) also uses formulae based on [sa 15:4. This central text (lsa 15:4) is the literary key to the problem for it alludes to the Song of Heshbon in Num 21 :21 - 30 that may have been an early taun t song against Moab and does not claim Moab controlled Heshbon (Hanson 1968). Thus, it would seem that Isaiah and J eremiah were more interested in rooti ng their prophetic oracles about Heshbon in Israelite religious literary or oral tradition (the Song of H eshbon) than in the geopol itical realiries of the day.

THE LATE IRON AGE AL'lO PERSIAN PERIOD

22 1

The second solution is to see Heshbon in Moab during the time of first Isaia h and in Ammon during J erem iah's day (Vyhmeister 1989: 9; Younker 1994). This is possible, but archaeological evidence also see ms to suggest more of a connecti on with ancient
222

CHAPTER TEN

Because of Ammon's relative prosperity (below), its increased border to the so uth , and the a bsence of the destroyed state of No rth Israel , we may possibly also include sites, such as, Dayr 'Alia VI, Mazar, NilTIlin (Dorn cmann 1990: 158 .59), and Sa
TilE LATE IRON ACE AND PERSIAN PERIOD

223

in the open spaces between fields and on the eastern steppe borde ring the desert. This agricultu re helped Ammon achieve its prosperous subsistence leveL Central state sponsorship of aspects of this agricultural product ion must have helped (below). Urban Plans. No Ammonite site has been cxcavated ex tensively enough to gain a clear picture of an urban plan. Th e best glimpse is 'U mayri , but it was not a normal residential site and was founded very late in the peliod (Herr 1995a). It included administrative buildings in th e southwestern quartcr of the site with dom estic structures housing the bureaucrats to the north and east. There was no ci ty wall , but a monumental entrance structure with a small shrine (standing stone and basin) were found facing the valley where the King's Highway most likel y passed. But no streets havt: been found. Jawa was a fortified residential site with houses inside a casemate waU, but here , also, nothing can be sa id about street plans. Architecture. Th e plan of the Ammon ite fortresses is best seen at Rujm al-Henu in the Baq'ah Valley. 'T here were both circular and rectangular towe rs and a casemate system of rooms around a courtyard. A simi lar picture, but without the circular tower, was also discovered at Draxial, wh ich, however, received major reworking during the Helle nistic period. A similar histo ,y (includ ing Roman occupation) plagues our st udy of the Iron II features of the Malfuf and Hajjar towers. Part of the palace of the Ammonite kings, or at least a m <~or admin istrative building, may have been found on the 'Amman Citadel in the cast-cent ral part of the site by a French:Jordanian team (Zayadine, Humbert , and Najjar 1989: 362). Ccnainly thc building was an important one with velY large walls surrounding a courtyard pavcd with a high-quality plaster floor. The rich finds and thei r intc rnational flair (a clay mask, Phoenician ivories, a gree n glass goblet, lapis lazuli fragmcllls, and perhaps four double-faced Hatho r heads) suggest a palatial interpretation. The administrative buildings at 'Umayri had very thick walls (up to 2.0 m thick) and were co nstructed with basemen ts, a rarity in Palestinian constructioll. One of thc 'Umayri buildings was co nslructed in a large four-room house plan similar to residences. Th e broadroom at the back, howeve r, was considerably widcr. Although most likely built earlier, a tripartite building at J alul (Younker, personal communication), perhaps used for marketing and trade funClions, is the first one found in Transjordan. City walls incl uded casemate strUClUres at J awa and the fortress

224

CHAPTER T EN

of Rujrn al-Hellu. Solid walls may have been found at 'Amm an which also possibly included a ci rcular tower. A city gate was discovered at J awa, but its plan has not yet been published. A house at 'U mayri , only partially excavated, may also have had a four-room plan with a cobbl ed long room and a cobbled broadroom. But th e form is OU1CfWisc rare in Ammon. lndecd, there does

not seem to be a typical Ammonite house plan. One of the houses at Jawa cOlllaincd two stai lways a nd monolithic pill ars separating some of tJ1 C 11 rooms (Daviau 1995). Other house fragments have been found a t Dayr 'Alia Vl, Jalul, Saful, and Sahab. Several houses have over ten intcrconncClcd rooms. It is possible ulal these are basements supporting a morc coherent plan in the upper story. Technolo!fJI. Ammonite ponery was at its most distinctive and superior phase in Iron II C as potting technologies improved, most likely witb some Assyrian inspiratio n . VelY few of the typical vessel forms fo und in Ammon have been discovered outside Ule region (Luge nbeal and Sauer 1972). Several excava uons on the Ammonite plateau have produced a great amount of Ammonite pottery in the last two decades, including Hisban, Rujm al-H c nu, 'Umayri, J awa, and J alul. J ordan Valley sites have it too, but not in the same proportions. Several types of bowls were made of fine wares probably used by the more weal thy people. These included elegant shallow bowls or plates someUrnes rivaling the much later Naba lean ware for fi ne ness; there were also decoratively burnished bowls, some with a gray burnish made with a manganese tool; but the most distinctive development occurred with a variety of burnished black bowls called, liuingly enough, "black-burnished wa re." Most masonry styles use rough-hewn stones. Ashlar masonry is rare outside 'Amman. Even the adminislfative complex at 'Umayri had no well worked sto nes. One wall at J awa is very similar to Ph oenician walls built in the pier and quoin construction style ("pillars" or nicely-hewn stones alternaung WiUl sections of smalJer, roughhewn stones). Trade. The imported items found in th e possible palace on th e 'Amman C itadel as well as a n Ammonite black-burnished bowl from Batash in Juda h indicate active trade patterns for Ammon (Kelm and Mazar 1985: Fig. 16:4). There was a major north-south road in Transjordan traditionaUy called U1C " King's Highway" (Num 20: 17; 21 - 22); and a t least two other roads must have crossed the Jordan Valley from 'Amman to J erusalem and the Samaria region. Trade

THE LATE IRON AGE At'ffi

PERS I At~

PERIOD

225

on the King's Highway is represellled in the lists of goods on the Hisba n ostraca (soon to be published in full in a book of collected essays by F.M. Cross, but until then see 1973a and 1975). The sites in the J ordan Valley may have see n more trade items than those on the plateau (except for 'Am man). Th e tombs at Mazar illustrate this with th eir Assyrian, J udean, and Ph oenician vessels (Vassine 1984). There are also indications from sit es on the plateau of trade with Phoen icia: artistic motifs suggest Phoenician themes (Bordreuil 197 3); ponery from LOmbs in 'Am man (Gal 1995: 90 91 ); and a seal wri tten in Am moni te script mentioning Astarte of Sidon (below). Th e lenticular body of a New Year "lask from Egypt, made of a greenishturquoise faience, was found in a storage cave near an agricultural site in the 'U mayri region (Herr 1991 b: 242; illustrated in Fig. 12.122: 15). These vessels were traded all over the Mediterranean during the Saite (26th) dynasty (scventh-sixth cen tmies B.C.) (HomesFrede,;cq 1992: 198). Wn·ting. Ammonite scribes deve loped thei r own distinctive writi ng style after borrowing the Aramaic script at th e beginning of Iron rIB (Cross 1975; Herr 1980). Their forma l sClipts are characterized by ve rtical stances; the heads of some letters opened very laIc in the seve nth centu ry, fo Uowing an Aramaic development that bega n a celllury earlier. The most important inscription of the period is the Siran Bottle, found at a small site on the campus of The University of J ordan. This small bronze bottle contains eight lines of Ammo nite writi ng dated to around 600 B.C. a nd mentions at least th ree kings of Ammon (Thompson and Zayadine 1973; Cross 1973b). There arc also scores of seals with several found in situ at 'Umayri and one of its agricu ltural farmsteads. The most famous one is the seal impression of an oflicial of an Ammon ite king named Ba'alyasha' (biblical Ba'al is in J er 40: 14) who reigned in the early sixth century B.C. (Herr 1985). There were also seve ral ostraca fo und in the fill of the Hisban 16 reservoi r; several of them represent rece ipts of trade ilems. Like most of th e other small nations of the sou thern Lcvalll, the Ammonite scri pt gave way to Aramaic in the midd le of the sixt.h century. Some of the late Hisban ostraca, though in Aramaic script, are still in the Ammonite language (Cross 1975). The Ammonite language belonged to the "Canaanite" fa mily of Northwest Semitic, but contained what appears to be an clement of Arabic , especiall y in names, perhaps because of Ammo n's proxi mity to the eastern desert. Ammoni te differs fro m neighboring Hebrew

226

C HAPTER T EN

and Moabite in small but not insignificant ways. Unfortunately, few texts in Ammonite are long enough to determine how many of these differences existed Uackson 1983: 108). One difference seems to have been a different pronunciation of sibilallls (Hendel \996). Religion. The religion of Ammon centered around iLS god !vlilkom, who may be depicted by several male sta tues and busts (Bienkowski 1991: 40 - 41 ) as well as a figurine from Jawa (Daviau and Dian 1994, though they suggest it is EI) wearing the atef crown. Some of th e statues may be earlier in date (Iron IlA- B). however. Like the othe r national deities of the sOll thern Levant Milkom was probably an EI-dcity, whose name is in a lmost CVC IY Ammonite name and whose iconographic symbol of a bull with huge horns is ubiquitous on Ammoni te seals (Aufrecht 1989). That Astarte was also worshipped by Ammonites is suggested by a seal written in Ammonite scri pt that mentions Astarte of Sidon. Note also the female statues from Ammonite provenances (Bien kowski 1991: 42- 43). Milkom/El and Astarte/ Asherah were probably understood as divine consorts (although Astarte is not necessarily to be equated with Asherah; Burton MacDonald, personal communication). No Ammonite temples have been found, but small shrines or cu ltic corn ers were found at 'Umayri (a standing stone with a basi n at the entrance to the settlement) and perhaps in the purported palace at 'Amma n. Art. There is perhaps less evidence of large, monumental art toward the end of the Ammonite monarchy than in Iron lIB , although some of the statues discussed above may have come from Iron II C, as well T erracotla human and animal figurines are now extremely frequent. Fertility goddess figurines, some with eyes bugged out and noses made by pinching the clay between th umb and forefin ger, are the most frequ ent human types, wh il e horses with riders, bovines, and lions are the most frequent an imaJs depicted. Whether these always represem holy objects or can aJso be toys is presentJy debated. Seals also present iconographi c scenes. One example from 'Umayri, though it is extremely small , is so nicely carved we can suggest that the species of bird on the seal was an orange-tufted sunbird, a small nectar-feeding bird still see n today (Herr 1992a: 188). The seal impression of the official of Ba
THE LAT E IRON AGE AND PERSIAt'i PER IOD

227

into bedrock cliffs, much like those from the J erusale m area. Th ey contained objects incl udi ng potlery and figurines. A very la rge cemetery in the J ordan Valley al Mazar, which was made up mostly of pit graves, produced a cornucopia or finds, including pOllery, glass, stone and metal vessels , bronze weapons, jewelry, beads, seals, and bone and shell objects (Yassi ne 1984). T hough later in date, the spcctacula r tomb at Umm Udhayna ('Amman) included a bronze caJyatid cense r (Bienkowski 1991: 96). Water Systems. ~nl e reservoir at Hisban, though apparently constructed earlier (Sauer 1994: 241 42), probably continued through this period. Measuring 7 m deep, it was 17 m long on the cast side and, based on the tip lines of the laye rs in the deb l-is filling the reservoi r, it was abou t the same measurement in the other dimensio n. It could, lh us, hold a pproximately 2000 cubic me ters of water. T he location of the reservoir nea r the top of the hill is rema rkable, because only a portion could be fi lled even in extraordina,-ily rainy years. Th is means the inhabitants had to bring water up the hill and laboriously fill it. If they did not manually fill it, there would have been no reason to build it so large. Fo r this reaso n, it may have been well-known and a fit metapho r fo r the beloved's eyes in Song or Solomon 7:4.

IrOIl

II-Persian Transition

Da ta from several excavations now ind icate tha t the regio n (Hisban, 'Umayri , J awa, 'Amman, Safut, and other sites) was not destroyed by the Babylonians, bUl, instead, flourished th rough the Babylonian and into the Persian peliods, pe rhaps as late as the fou rth centUlY B.C. Contrary to the assumptions of earlier studies (Landes 1961 ). there was little or no break at the time of the Babylonian captivity of J udah. We begin the sto lY at Hisban where , ncar the top of the hill , the excavatio ns, first of Horn and then of Geraty, uncovered lhe large plastered reservoir mentioned above. It was fi lled with Ions or debris fro m occupation levcJs " bulldozed" into it when the site was rebuilt in the Hellenistic period. Sauer, the pottelY specialist for the excavation, first recognized that, while most of the thousands of potsherds in the fill seemed to date to the end of the Iron Age and the Persian period (the seve nth to fifth centuries B.C.), they we re ve ry different from the sherds in contemporalY deposits west of the J ordan

228

CH APTER TEN

River (Lugenbcal and Sauer 1972). It was, therefore, difficult to use the ceramic chronologies worked out for the valious assemblages of Cisjordan to help analyze the pottery of Hisban. M eanwhile, other excavations in the region of ancient Ammon (SarU l, Ruj m al-H ellu, 'Amm an, Sahab, and various " tower" sites) unearthed idcmical poaery, but sites to the south (Moab) and north (Gilead) found different lypes . Could the vessels Sauer had studied be identified with an ethni c group- the Ammonites? The region in which the distinctive pottery was fou nd correspo nded qu ite weU wi th the borders of the Ammonites as known from biblical, Assyrian, and later sources. \Vithin the fill of the Hisban reservoir were several OSlraca wrinen in Ammonite scri pt and language as shown by Cross (1975). They dated, like the pOllery, to the late seve nth and sixth ce ntunes B.C. H owever, Cross recognized a few other ostraca wrinen in th e Aramaic SCI;p t which he dated to the late sixth ce ntury, the first years of the Persian empire when scri bes used Aramaic as the in ternational mode or writi ng. Surprisingly, the language used on these ostraca displayed reatures usually associated with Ammonite. This seemed to mean that, like the pottery, the Am monites remained in the ir homeland while Babylon a nd Persia ruled. Hubn er's suggestion ( 1988) thal the ostraca rrom Hisban were actua lly M oabite is based on spuriously interprctcd biblical evidence (above) and docs not take sufficiently into account the archaeology or the site, paleography, a nd a ncien t Semi tic linguisti cs (sce a fonhcoming review or Hu bner's volume by Aurrecht and Herr in J ournal oj the Amen'can

Oriental Soci£!y). The result or the work by Sauer a nd C ross was to suggest strongly that the Ammonites continued to inhabit their region long arter the Babylonians conquered the a rea and did not seem to have disappeared. But scholarly theories, especially those with biblical conn ections, die hard. '''' hile a rew scholars, such as Sauer, rorged ahead with new implications, some or us ra tionalized that a few Ammonites may have remained after the Babylonian destruction , eno ugh at any rate to write the Hisban Aramaic ostraca.

The Tall al-
It was at this point in the debate tha t we began digging at T all al'UmaYI; , which, unknown to us, conta ined secrets which would force

THE LATE IRON AGE AND

PERSIA.~

PERIOD

229

us not on ly to accept the contin uity of the Ammonites into the Persian period, but to allow us to begin making suggestions as to why they co nti nued while J udah went into exile. Three large public buildings and one large domestic complex at the western edge of the site have so far been excava ted (figs. 10.1 and 10.2). The walls of Buildings A, 13, and C in fig. 10.2, the admin istrative structures, a rc well over I m thick (some are almost 2 m thick) and must have stood at least two sto ri es high. In fac t, the walls arc basements, dug deep into the ruins of earlier Iron II and Iron I phases. Baseme nts arc rarc in this part of the ancient world and tJleir presence only serves to emphasize the imporlance of the role of these buildings at
230

CHAPTER TEN

of his royal conncClions. The winged scarab bectlc, pushing a small solar disk (or dung ball) immediately in front and the standards on either side, are welt known royal symbols on seals from anciclll Israel and Ammon (H err 1985; Younker 1985). Ammonite wri ting is charac terized by the uprigh t stance of its vertical letters best seen on the top line of this inscription. The hrst line con tain s the name of the owner of the seal, Milkom'ur ("Milkom is light"), preceded by a preposition meaning "belonging to." Just above the two royal standards Ranking the scarab bee lie, as if they were part of th e standards, arc the first two Ictters of the word describing his official position , (bd, "servan t of." This is an exalted title on ancient seals and the next word invariably designates a king. He was a servam, or official, of the king. The king's name that follows on the bottom line is not remarkable: Ba'alyasha' (or Ba'lisha' [H endel 1996]), meaning " Baal saves," si milar to Elisha', "God saves." Based on the writing style, the seal that made the impression dated to the early sixth cemury. Who was this king Ba'alyasha? The la te Robert Boling, the director of our regional survey when the imp ression was found, first realized this was the

Ammonite version of an obscure king memioned in lhe BibleBa'alis Uer 40: 14). Soon after Nebuchadnezzar destroyed J erusalem, our king co nspired with a renegade prince of Jud ah named Ishmael , who had escaped the destrucLion of J erusalem, to kill Gedaliah, the Babylonian-appointed governor of Judah . There is little doubt that Ba'alyasha' and Ba'alis are two names for the same king. The biblical story occurred in 582 B.C. and the script of the seal dates to the early sixth cen tu ry. Moreover, th e d ivine element in the name, Ba'aJ, is extre mely rare in Ammonite names, and it is unl ikely th at two Ammonite kings from rough ly the same time period would have had it in their names. Although scholars explain the difference in spelling in a variety of ways, all agree that both names refer to one king (see Aufrecht 1989: 129 for references). These two inscriptions, the ostracon, which cannot date much earlier than 580 and was found in a phase stratigraphically earlier than the administrative celller, and the seaJ impression, which can not go much later than 560 or 570, sandwich a date of ca. 580- 560 for the foundation of the administrative complex. The seal impression of an administrative official made during the reign of a king who ru led around 580 does not allow us to suggest a later date than abou t 560; and the ostracon, wriuen in a script of the mid-sixth century, does not allow us to go earlier than about 580.

TilE lATE IRO N AGE AND PERSIAN PERIOD

231

Beca use th e seal impress ion was made by an Ammonitc myal officiaJ, we could idelllify our publ ic buildings at 'Umayri, and the poltery and objects associated with them, with Ammonites. Moreover, five other in scribed seals in the Ammonite script have been found in the eart h layers around the administrative buildings, as well as at oth er areas of the site. Two come from near an important building in Field F on thc eastern side of the site: sm', "Shima'" (Hcrr 1991 a, revised from sm'<. upon the oral suggestion of B. Sass) and ll.yr'i bl/ 'Imsl, " Belonging to Na tsar'il son of ' lJm ashal." T hree come from the administrative complex: 'J>m.$ bnlmk", "'II 'amats son of Tamak'il" (Herr 1995a), and 'in hll brk't, ''' li on son of Barak'il (fig. 10.5). Many ot her uni nscribed seals were also found. Indeed, after six seaso ns of excavatio ns we now have a total of 75 sea ls and seal impressions from 'Umayri, the vast majority of wh ich belong to thi s phase of occupa tion or are from topsoil and, th us, most likely come from this occupation level. Because of the administrative function of thc buildings, the prese nce of these seals and seal impress ions is no sUlvrise. One of the uninscribcd scals dcpicts a figure in a typical NeoBabylonian style. It is reminiscelll of two other sea ls found at a hinterland site, Site 84, abou t 2 km sou th of 'Umayri. Excava ted by David Hopkins, a membe r of the project, the site comprised a farm, probably for the production of wine, judging by the three winepresses and several storage caves surrounding the building. Scores of other similar "farmstead " si tes, most constructed of very large stones, have been discovered by the hinterland survey (led by 0ystein L'lBianca and Gary C hristopherson) in the region surrounding 'Umayri , but nonc produced the well-preserved fi nds tha t Site 84 did. Howcver, almost all contained winep resscs in their immediate cl1\~ rons and the pottery from virtually evel), site is identical to that fro m the admi nistrative complex at 'Umay,i . Because of the ceramic, glypt ic, and other similarities of material culture betwcen th e farms teads and 'Umayri, it is reaso nable to concl udc that these hinterland farms were con tempora l), wi th , and possibly fun ctio ned togethcr wilh, the ad min istrative ce nter at 'Umayri. It is not a major leap of reason to suggest that the administ rators at 'Umayri were organiz ing wine-production at thc farmsteads for the Ammonite mona rchy. The presence or the seals, representing administrative activities, suggcst this as a possible explanation. But why were the administrative complcx at 'Umayri and the fa rmsteads constructed? Again, the regional survey points in the di rection of an answer. Sites dated earl ie r in Iron II th an the foundation of
232

CHAPTER

TF.!~

were not frequent in ou r region. Tall J awa, ca. 4 km to the cast, probably was occupied as was a small portion of 'Umayri, but the immediate region was relatively empty of occupation. Most likely. the hillsides wefe being under-utilized agricu ltu rally. The sUIV'ey has also noted that the fannstead sites wefe consistently associated with winepresses and were built in similar architectural styles. These wine production facilities remind one of the Song of the Vineyard in Isaiah 5, probably composed near the beginning of Iron Il e. These sites continued into the Persian period with no apparent break in activity. It seems that the
T I-IE LATE IRON AGE AND PERSIAN PERIOD

233

77It Persian Period

T he adm inistrative buildings seem to have co ntinued well after the time of Ba' lisha' with only slighI cha nges. Two pieces of Altic pot· telY, imported from Greece in the late sixth or fifth centuries B.C., were discovered in J 987 between the two floor levels in one of the administrative buildi ngs (\Vald baum J 991 ). T hen, in 1989 and 1996, four other finds appeared in topsoil above the administrative bu ild· ings. T hey we re agai n seal imp ressions (fig. J 0.6 shows one of them). Stamped onto the ha ndles and, in on e case, on to the lim of jars, there was no artwork on them and the letters we re much la rger and more crudely shaped than those on the Ammonite seals. Th e sc,ipt was not Am mon ite, but Aramaic, and dated 10 the ve l)' end of the six th celllury or the beginning of the fift h century B.C. when Persia ru led the region. It is difficul t to decide whether, like the Hisban ostraca, the language was Ammo nite, since they only include names. Two of the impressions read exactly the same, but were made by two different seals (Herr 1992a). T he first three letters make up a typical Ammo nite nickn ame (or hypoco risticon): fb> "S huba,," per· haps short for Shub'il. It could also be an Aramaic hypoco risticon, but the le uers of the next word,
234

CHAPTER TEN

or not Ammon was indeed a province (Lemaire 1990). But wi th these two seal impressions, we can now be more certain. There seems to have been a province of Ammon and Shuba' was one of its major officers. The prese nce of two impressions, made with different seals, confirms an official fun ctio n co nnected with them. Polters in difTcrclll locations probably had their own stamps bearing Shuba's nam e that Lhey placed on jars made for the government. The jars, transported around the co untry, probably held taxes in kind. At least two of those jars ended up in th e same admin istrative building at Tall al-
Til E LATE IRON AGE AND PERSIAN PERIOD

235

language and potling techniques, n.:main ed essentially th e sa me as it had been a t the close or thcir political indcpendence.

Acknowledgements The Madaba Plai ns Projcct is sponsored by Andrcws University in co nso nium with Canadian Uni versity Coll ege, L1.Sicrra Un ivcrsity, and \-Vall a \-Va lla College. I wish to thank my Co- Dirccto rs rOJ' their support and encourageme nt: L1.rry Geraty (Scnior Project Director); Douglas Clark (Conso rtium); 0 ystein La Bianca (Hinterla nds); and Randall Younker (Tall )alul).

Riferences Bienkowski, P., cd. 1991 TrtasurtSfiom an II lIeiflll Lalld: nit: ;/rl ~Jordan. Liverpool: National ~ I useums and Galleries on '\ Ierseyside. Bordreuil, P. 1973 Inscriptions sigillaires oucst-scmitque. ~~ria 50: 181 - 85. CAl = Aufrceht, W.E. 1989 A Corpus ~ Ammonite Illsm/Jliolls. LewislOn: " Iellen. Cross, F.'\ 1. 1973a Hcshbon O stracon X I. Alldrews Univ('fsily Semillary StudiiS 14: 145 48. 1973b Notes on the Ammonitc Inscription from Tell Siran. Bullttin 0/ Ihe American Schools 0/ Orienlal Rmardl 2 12: 12 15. 1975 Ammo nitc O Slraca from Heshbon: Hcshbon OSlraca IV VIII. Andrews VniutTsi!>, Semillary Studilrs 13: 1 26. Daviau, P.l\Uvl. 1995 T ell Jawa. Ammcall U:nla o/0rillllni Re.uarc/INrws!tlla 7.2: 67. Daviau, P.M .J\t , and Oion , P.E. 1994 EI, the God of the Ammonites? The Atcf-Crowned Head from Ttll Jawa, J ordan. Zeitschrij1 des deutsdltll PaIiiJ/ina- V('((ills 110: 158 67. Oornemann, R.B . 1990 Prelim inary Comments 0 11 the Ponel), Traditions at Tell Nimrin, Illustrated from the 1989 Season of Excavations. AlIlIlIa! ~ lilt Department ~ Antiquities 0/ Jordan 34: 153 64. Gal, Z. 1995 T he Oinusion of Phocn ician Cultural Inlluenee in Light of the Excavations at Hurvat Rosh Zayi!. Ttl Av;v 22: 89 93. Hanson, P.O. 1968 The Song of Heshbon and David's NIR . Hamard 'nteQ!Qg1'ca! Rrvitw 61: 291 320. Hendel, R. 1996 Sibilants and fihbiikt (Judges 12:6). Bulktin 0/ Ule IImmcan Schools 0/ Oritlltal Rmarch 301: 69 75.

236

C HAPTER TEN

Herr, L.e. 1980 The Fo nnal Scripts of Iron Age Transjordan. Bulktin oj ti,e American Schools oj Orindal Research 238: 21 - 34. 1985 The Servant of Baalis. Biblical Archaeowgisl 48: 169 - 72. The Pottery. Pp. 299 354 in Madaba Plains PrqjtCI I: The 1984 SeasQ1I a/ Tell 1989 (I-'Umtin' and Viciniry and Sub5tqumt Sluius, cds. LT. Geraly, {I af. Herrien Springs, M I: Andrews University. \991a T he Seal ofShim'az. pp. 377 78 in M adaba Plains /~ecI2: The 1987 &ason at Tell (I-'Umlin and VICini!>, and Subsequent Studies, cds. L.G. Herr, (I al. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews University. 1991b Pottery T ypology and Chronology. Pp. 232 45 in Madaba Plains I+f!itct 2.The 1987 Season al Ttfl (I-'Umein' alld Vial/iry and SlIbsequmt Studies, cds. L.G. H err, (I af. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews U ni versity.

1992a

Two Stamped J ar Impressio ns of the Persian PrQ\1nCe of Ammon from T ell d-'Umeiri. Annual rif 111£ Departmtllt rif AntiquitiM rif Jordoll 36: 163- 66. 1992b Shifts in Settlement Patterns of Late Bronze and Iron Age Ammon. pp. 175 78 in StudiM in the History and Archatolog)' 0/ Jordall IV, eds. S. T ell, tt at. Amman: Department of Antiquities. 1995a Wine Production in the Hills of Southern Ammon and the Founding of T all al-'Umayri in the Sixth Century B.C. AlI1wal iif Ule Department rif AntiquiiUs iif JOTdon 39: 121 25. 1995b The Late Iron II -Persian Ceramic Horizon at Tall al-'Umayri. Pp. 617- 20 in StudiM in the I/uwry and ArchtwJwg)' rifJordan v,. Art alld Techlwwg)' Throughout uu Ages, cds. K. 'Amr; F. Zayadine; and iv!. Zaghloul. Amman: Deparunent of Antiquities. Homcs- Fredericq, D. 1992 Lale Bronze and Iron Age Evidence from Lehun in Moab. Pp. 187- 202 in Early Edam flI/d Moab: The &ginning rif the /ron Age in Southern Jordan (Sheffield Archaeological Monographs 7), ed. P. Bienkowski. Sheffield: Collis in association wilh National Museums and Galleries on Merscyside. Hubner, U. 1988 Die crstern rnoabitischen Ostl"aka. <.tit.schnfl des dtuUchm PaUs/ina-Vertins 104: 68 73. 1992 Die Ammonitn: Unlbsucilnlgt'fl ZUT Geschichle, Kultur wuJ Religion tUl.fr TrallJjoTrWnischm Volkes im 1. ]aJlr/aUJend JI. Chr. (Abhandlung dcs Deutschen Palastina-Vereins 16). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. J ackson , K.P. 1983 The Ammonite Lallguagt rif Ule /rOll Age (H arvard Semitic Monographs 27). Chico, CA: Scholars. Kelm, C .L., and Mazar, A. 1985 T el Batash (T imnah) E)(cllvations, Second Preliminary Report (1981 - 1983). Bulk/in rif tht American Schoolr rif Oriental Research Suppkmml 23: 93- 120. Kletter, R. \991 The Rujm EI-M alfuf Buildings and the Assyrian Vassal State of Ammon. Bulk/in rif the Ammcan SchooLr rif Ontlltal RfS(aTch 284: 33- 50. Landes, C.M. 1961 The Material Civilization of the Ammonites. Biblical ArchofOwgist 24: 69 88. Lemaire, A. 1990 Populations et territoires de la Palestine a t'cpoque perse. Transtuphratent 3: 31 - 74. Lugenbeal, E.N. , and Sauer, J.A. 1972 Potlery from Heshbon. Alldrws University &minary Siudies 10: 21 69. Sanders, T.K. 1997 An Ammonite O straCOIl from Tall al-'Umayri. Pp. 331-36 in Madaba Plains Projut 3, eds. L.G . Herr, elof. Berrien Springs, M I: Andrews University.

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237

Sauer, J.A. 1994 The POHery ill Hesban and Its Relationships to the History of Jordan: An Intcrim Hcsban Ponery Rcpon, 1993. PI'. 225 82 in liesban ifkr 25 rears, cds. D. ~ I crling and LT. Germy. Henien Springs, MI: Andrews Univcrsity. Stern, E. 1982 Mawial CultuTe of Ihe Land of Ihe Bible in the Persian Pen·od 538 ·332 He. J emsalcm: Israel Exploration Society. Thompson, H.O., and Zayadinc, F. 1973 The Tell Siran Inscription. Bulldin oj Ihe IImenrOlI Schools oj Orimtal Rmareh 212: 5 12. Vyhmeister, \V. 1989 HislOl)' of Heshbon from Litenu), Sources. Pp. 3 23 in lIesball 3: lIis{(rncal Foul/dalions. Berriien Springs, MI : Andrcws Univcrsity. Waldbaum, J. C. 1991 Two Anic Shcrds. P. 243 in Madaba Plains J>rqjul 2, cds. L.G. Hcrr, et al. Berricn Springs, MI: Andrews University. Yassine, K. 1984 Tell d Ma.;;:aT I: Cemetery II. Amman: The Univcrsi ty of J ordan. Younker, R.W. 1985 Israel, Judah , and Amman and Ihe ~ l otifs on the Haalis Seal from T ell cI'Umeiri. Biblical ArchlMQlogisl 48: 173- 80. 1991 Architectural Remains from the Hintcrland Survcy. Pp. 335 41 in Madaba Plm."ns l'trljecl 2, cds. L.G. Hcrr, el al. Bcrnen Spl;ngs, i'd I : Andrews Univcrsity. 1994 Hcsban: Its Geograph ical Setting. Pp. 55 63 in Hesball Ajler 25 rears, r.:ds. D. l\ lcrling a nd L. GeniIY. Benicn Springs, MI: Institutc of Archaeology. Zayadine, F.; Humbert, J.-8 .; ,mel Najjar, ~1. 1989 The 1988 Excavations on the Citadel of Amman, Lower TCITacc, Arca A. Amma{ tlj the Depar!l1Im! oj Alltiquities rif Jordan 33: 357 63.

INDEX OF

Abel, F.-r-.1. 33, 34 , 35 36, 38, 46, 199, 209 Abou Assaf, A. 156, 160 Abu Dayyah, A.S. 6, 23, I O·~, 110, 195, 209 Abu Ghanimch , K. 14,23,42 , 46 Ackerman, S. 155 n. 8, 160 Aharoni , Y. 32 n. 4, 33, 34 , 35 36, 38, 47 , 179, 181 , 200,209 Aimc-CiroTl , N. 178, 181 A1bcrtz, R. 155 n. 8, 160 Albright, W. F. 3, 7, 23, 118, 120, 132 ' Amir A. 9, 13, 23 ' AliYY,II, T. 15 Aufrccin, W.E. 9,23, 40, 47 , 152, 155 156, 160, 163, 163 n. 1, 164n. 2, 169, 169 n. 18, 170 171 , 176 n. 42, 177 n. 44 , 178 nn. 45- 47 , 179 n. 48, 180, 180 n. 51 , 181 , 183, 185, 187, 21 5, 226, 228, 230, 235 Avigad, N. 159 160, 167, 171 , 178, 179, 180, 181 , 182

Barby, C. 179, 182 IJarnctt, R.O. 178, 182

Hccking, B,

16511. 7, 182

Benoit, P. 3, 24 Berger, Ph. 178, 182 Heyer, K, 164, 182 Bienkowski , P. 39, 47 , 53, 98, 111 , 113, 133, 197 198, 209, 213, 218 Hikai, P. 18, 23, 47 Hloch-Smith, [,1\ 1. 154, 160 Horaas, R. 10, II, 24 , 37 , 42, 47 Hordreuil, p, 166, 167, 167 n. 15 , 168- 169, 174 n. 38, 179, 180, 182, 188

Hraudel, F. 192, 210 Hriinnow, R,E. and von Domas,,-c\\,ski, A. 199, 210 Bunimovitz, S. lIB n. 14, 120, 133, 193, 20 I 202 , 204 205, 210 Huller, H .C. 1 2, 24

NA~ II';S

Clark, ]),R.

80, 97 , 99 101 , 133,

IB8

Clcrmont-Canneau, Ch. 167 n. IS, 17B, 182 Coote, R. ISS , 160 Cross, F.1\I. 39, 40 41 , 48, 155, 15S n.9, 158 159, 163 n. 2, 164 165, 165 nn. 4 6, 167, 168 n. 17, 172 nn. 3 1, 33, 177, 179, 181 , 182, 183, 216 Culican , W. 178, 183 Dajani, R. 63, 98 Dav;au, P .~ I.;"1. 42, H n. 5, 48, lOB, 109, 110, 113, 115, 115 n. 7, 116, 117, 119, 122, 122 n. 21 , 123, 127, 129 130, 131 n. 31 , 133, 156, 159, 161 , 16H n. 16, IH3, 199, 218 Dclaponc, L. 178, 183 Dc Luynes, 1-1. 177, 183 Dc Polacky, L. 105 Deutsch, R. 180, 181 , 183 De Vaux, R. 32, 33, 34, 35, 48 Dever, W. 118, 119 n. 16, 122 n. 22, 134, 152 n. 2, 161 , 168 n. 16, 183, 20·~ Dc Vo!,t iic, ~ 1. 177 178, 183 Dia n , P.E. 156, 159, 161 Oilingcr, O. ! 78, 183 Dorncmann, R.H. 42, 48, 66, 86 87, 98, 109 110, 124 n. 25 , 163 n. 2 183, 206, 210 Drey, P.R. 180, 183 Driver, C. R. 35 , 48, 178, 183 Dunand, 1\ 1. 178, 183 Emmerson, T.

85 , 97

n anagan, J 43, 49 Fohrer, C. 42, 49, 103, 110 Franken, H . 42 , 49, 58, 61 67, 70 7 1, 73- 74, 76 78, 87 89, 91 ,

95 96, 98 99 Calling, K. Cm'bini, C.

169, 183 171 n. 29, 183

240

INDEX OF NAMES

Garr, W.R. 170 172, 172 n. 31 , 17 3, 173 n, 34, 174, 174 11.37, 175 , 183 Gcraty, L.T. 31 ,3 7 38, 42- 43, 47 , 49, 55, 9799, 101 , 116, 117 n, 10, 134, 136, 179, 182, 183,184, 188, 212, 215, 217 Gesc, H. 42, 50, 103 105, 110 Glueck, N. 32 n. 4, 33 , 41 - 42, 45, 46, 50, 103, 104, 105, 110, 181 , 186, 211 Gordon, R.t. 195, 211 Grar-Revcntlow, H.C. 42, 50, 103 104, I JO Grccnfidd, j.C. 163 n. 2, 182, 184

Hackett, J A. 163 n. 2, 167, 172, 184 Haddad, H.F. 157, 179, 184 Hadidi, A. 5355, 98101 , 111 , 210, 214 , 215- 216 Harding, C. L. 63, 99, 178, 184 Heltzer, M. 102, 179- 181 , 183 184 Hendel , R.S. 171 , 172 n. 32, [84 Hennessy, J.B. 42, 50- 52, 54, 63, 101 , 195, 211 , 216 HcnlSchkc, R. 42, 50, 103- 104, III Herr, L. G. 40, 42- 44, 46, 48, 50,

56, 63, 66, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91 , 92, 93, 95, 97 , 98, 99, 100, 101 , 109, [16, 13! , 134, 136, 155, 155 n, 10, 156, 160 161 , 163, 163 n. 2, 165 n. 6, 166 169, 171 , 177, 180, 182 184, 187 188, 195, 205, 212 HeSlnn , R. 179, 18'~ Hoftijzer, j. 162, 163 n. 2, 172 n. 33, 184- 187 Holladay, j.S. 99, [34 , [6[ Homes-Frcdericq, D. 50- 52, 54, 65, 70, 88, 96, 99, [03 , [OS , 109, I I [, 216

Hopkins, O. 191 , 197, 201 , 212 Horn, S. H. 37- 38, 42, 47, 48, 5051 , 163, 178, 182, 184 Hubbard, L. HUbner, U. 33, 34, 40, 43, 45 46, 51 , 152 n. 3, 161 , 163 n. 2, [64 n, 3, 165 nn. 6 7, 166, 169, 171, 184- 185 Huehnerg-drd, j. [63 n. 2, 185 Humbert, ].-B. 42, 51, I [2, I [4 n. 4, [2[ , [2[ n. 19, 132, 134, 218 Ibach, R.D. 33, 37 38, 42- 43 , 51 , 104, III , 195, 212

Ibrahim, HM. 42, 51 , 52, 63, 8 1, 99, 101 , 104, III , 114, 117, 120, 124, 134 135, 163 n. 2, 185, 194- 195, 212 Israel, F. 39- 41,51 , 158, 15911. 39, 161 , 164, 165 n. 7, 166- 167, 167 n. 15, 168- 171 , 171 n. 29, 173 n. 35 , 175, 175 11. 40, 185 J ackson, K.P, 40, 51 , 167, 169, 170, 172, 174 n. 39, 175, 185 186 J offe, A. 190- 192, 192 n. 2, 193, 201, 205, 208, 212 J ongeling, K. 172 n. 33, 184 Keel , O. 156, 161 , 162 Knauf, E.A. 34, 38, 51 , 166, 171 , 172 n. 32, 185 LaBianca, 0.5. 97 101 , 183, 188 Lajard, F. 177 , 185 Lambert, W.G. 179, [85 Layton , S.C. 158, 162 l..edrain, E. 178, 185 i..emaire, A. 32 n. 4, 38, 39, 52, 15211. 3, 154 156, 159 n. 39, 162, 164, 164 n. 2, 166- 167 , 169, 179 180, 182, 183, 186, 233- 234,

236

Lenzen, CJ. 18,27, 52 Levin, A. 180, 186 Levine, B. 159, 159 n. 40, 162 Lipinski, E. 164 n. 2, 172 n. 31 , 182, 186 L' Heureux, C.E. 154, 162

Maimi, S. 171 , 172 n. 32, 185 l\'lacDonald, B. 30, 52 , 66, 97, 101 ,

226 D.B. 160, 168 n. 16, 177, 186 MacKenzie, D. 2, 27 , 103- 105, III Margalit, B. 164, 171 , 172 n. 33 , 175, 186 ~-lartin , M.F. 178, [86 ~oJcCarter , P.K. 163 n. 2, 186 ~lcCown , C.C. 2, 27 :VlcCrccry, D. 17- 18, 24, 42 43, 49, ~-lac K ay,

52 McGovern, P.K. 5, 27, 42, 43, 52, 65, 100- 101, 104, 111 , 116, 121 , 135, 179, 186, 194, 195, 199, 214 McLean, M.D. 167, 186 McQuitty, A. 18, 27 , 52, 58, 101

Il\'DEX OF NAMES ~.'l cr1ing,

D. 18, 37 38, 42, 49, 53, 101 , 217 , 237 J\'luhciscn, M. 104, 111 Mullen, E.T. 154, 162 Nahash 32 Najjar, 1\·1. 16,29, 42, 53 , 103 105, 108 109, 111, 112, 114 11. 3, 135, 218, 223, 237 Navch, J 16311.2, 167, 183, 186 Ncbuchadnczzar 40, 230 Newton, F.G. 2

241

Stcrn, E. 48 49, 52 53, 109, III , 141 , 146, 151,233, 237 Stoebc, HJ. 4, 28 T cissicr, B. 169 n. 18, 188 Thompson, H.O. 12 13,25,28,40, 42- 43,55 56, 103 lOS, 112, 114 n. 3, 135, 218, 225,237 T igay, j.H . 158, 158 11.38, 159 11. 41 , 162 Torrey, C.C. 167 n. 15, 178, 188 T ubb, j. N. 63, 101 , 163, 188

O'Connor, M. 161 , 169, 185, 187 0lyan, S.M. 153 n. 4, 162

Uehlinger, C.

156, 162, 179, 185,

Petrie, W.l\LF. 3, 27 Porada, E. 169, 187 Pritchard, J B. 40,54, 63, 101 , 113, 114 n. 6, 128, 135, 141 , 151 , 164,

Van der Kooij; G. 9,28,52,81, 101 , 11411.6, 135, 162 163, 184 187 Van Wyck, K. 163 rl. 1, 181 , 188 Vall Rabenau, K. 4, 28, 54

186

187 Puceh, E.

163 n. 2, 172 n. 33, 187

Rahmani , L.v. 178, 187 Rawlinson, H. 177, 187 Rcdford, D. B. 34,54, 197 201, 203 204,2 14 Rcifcnberg, A. 178, 187 Rcndsburg, G.A. 171 , 172 n. 32,

187 Routledgc, B.

16811. 16, 187

Sanders, T .K. 165, 181 , 187, 229 , 236 Sass, B. 156, 162, 171 , 180, 181 , 182, 185, 186, 231 Sauer, JA. 15, 37, 42 43 , 46, 52, 54,86, 90, 92, 101 , 224 , 227 228, 237 SchrOder, P. 178, 187 Schroer, S. 156, 162 Shaney, E. 178, 187 Shea, \V.H. 11 ,27, 104, 111, 164, 165, 187,2 17 Shilo, Y. 109,1 11 , 113, 118 n. 14, 133, 135 Shu!)" W.O. 169 n. 18, 18 1 Sivan, D. 170, 187 Smith, M. 63, 162 Stager, L.E. 202- 207 , 215

Wahecb, 1\ 1. 195 196, 215 Watzinger, C. 103, 112 Wcippen , ;-"'1. 40, 55, 154 ll. 5, 159, 162, 198,2 16 Wimmer, D. 14, 15,28, 43, 55, 19·~ , 195,2 16 Wolf, A. 179, 188 Wright , N. 35,47, 110, 113, 115, 117 118, 134, 136, 178, 188,201 ,

216 Yass ine, K. 11, 14- 16, 18,24,28, 41 43, <19, 52, 56, 64, 75 , 102, 104 105, 112, 137, 140- 148, 150 151, 195- 196,2 16,225,227, 237 Younker, R.W. 1,2,5, 11, 16 19, 29,34,40,42- 43,56, 97 101 , 104, 112, 11411. 5, 116, 134, 136, 180, 188 189, 189 n. I, 190, 193, 195 196, 199- 200,204, 212 213, 2 17 218,221 -223,226,230,235, 237 Zayadinc, F. 10,15 17,29, 40, 42, 51,56, 104, 108 110, 112, 114 n. 4, 121 , 132, 134, 136, 179, 186, 188,2 18,223 , 225, 236, 237 Zuckerman, B. 183

IN DEX O F PLACES

Abcl-kcramim 3 1 34, 46, 5 1 Abu Nscir, Tall 14 Abu T hawwab 5 6 Abu Zibnch 6, 195

Ai

34, 36

Akhz!v [41 'Amman 2 10, 12 IS, 17 18,26 27,

33,36 37 ,39 44,50, 63, 75, 77, 86,91,9395, 103, 106 107, 109, II" 115, 121 , 129, 138 140, 144 , 146, 165, 194, 199,200 201 , 218, 220 222, 224 228, 232 'Amman Citadel vii,2, 10, 16,33,

35 36,42,86,88,9 [, 107 109, 114, 121 , 131 , 155 156, 163, [63 11.2, 164, 174 175, 195 196,

9, 39, 42 44, 63, 65 67 , 74, 76, 81, 87 89, 114 11. 6, 159, 219, 222, 224 Dcad Sca 66, 106, 107 Dhiban (= Diboll) 37,90,118,118 n. 12, 135, 140, 151 , 220 221 Dothan, Tall 146 AI- Drcija t, T all 17, '~2 Dayr ' Alla

AI-' Edhmah 195, 196 Edom 9,20, 22,52,54, 101, Ill ,

113, 133, 189, 199, 206,209,2 13, 236 ' Esbus

33, 37

AI-Farah, Tall

116, 146

223 22<1Ammon

vii , I 4,6 7, 9, 17, 19 20,

22, 24 25, 36, 39, 40, 42 43, 45 46, SO 54,56 57,65 67 , SS 90, 99, 101, 110, 113, 114 n. I,

Ghuwayr 107 Gilead 32, 35 , 37, 45, 53, 15911.40,

222, 228

115 , 117, 119, 121, 123 125 , 127 ,

AI-Hajjar, Khirbat

129, 134, 137, 140, 154, 158, 165 n.6, 168, 168 n. 16, 169, 189, 193, 194 201,203 209,211 213, 217, 220 226, 228, 230, 232 234,

55, 112,222

236 Amon (= Wadi al-t-. lujib)

37,39,46

Halata 146 ill- Balkha 31, 34 Baq'ah Villley 3, 5, 14, 43 45, 52,

53,65, 121,

19·~,

l~ethiln y

AI- Hari, Khirbat 221 222 Haud Umm Kharruba 6, 195 Hawr 116, 118, 120, 12311.24, 131

32, 136, 141 24 25, 28, 33 39, 46, 48, 49, 50,52, 53,55, 101 , 182, 187, 220, 221 , 235, 236. 237 Al- Hcsi, T all 141 , 149 Hisban , Tall 4- 5, 10 11,33 34, 3738,41 - 45, 9091 ,94, [01 , 219, 220 222, 224 225, 227 228, 233 234 Hussayn SpOrt City 103 n.

31, 33, 35,

Aroc r 31 34, 46 'Ay Arrub 141 eAyn Ghazill 43, 107

Hasta 107 Hayda 107 AI-Redcr, Kh irba t

12, 28, 42 43, 45 ,

Heshbon

200, 214, 223 33-34

Iktanu , Tall 42, 54 ' Iraq al-Amir I 2,2 19 Irbid 106, 140, 150

141

AI-Birch, Khirbat 19 Bishara, Khirbilt 4 C isjordilll

228, 234

21 22 , 197,206,208,2 19,

Jabal J abal Jabal J abal J abal

Akhdar 15,29,56,218 'Amman 8, 15, 104 al-J ora as-Sharqi 139 al-Qala'ah 8, 10, 36 at-Teweim 195 196

243

INDEX OF PLACES

Jabbok River (= Wadi az-Z;lrqa) 3, 9, 30, 37, 66, 222 J abesh-gi1cad 32, 32 n, 4, 39 .1al ul, Tall 18, 26, 29, 42, 50, 99, 11 '1, 116, 136, 183, 188,2 18, 221 ,

235 Jamus, Khirbat 19 Jawa, Tall vii, 17,24,29,34,42,45, 48,56,9-1, 108 110, 114, 114 n. 4, 115116, 11 6 n. 9,117,117 n. 10, 118 11 9, 11 9 n. 16, 120 121 , 121 n. 19, 122, 122 nn. 21, 23, 123, 125 126, 128 130, 130 n. 30, 132, 133, 161 , 188, 195,217218,232,

AI-!\ Iudayna, Khirbat n. 5, 48, 221 Al-i\ l ukhayyat 138 1\ luslilll , Khi rhat 6

31 n. 1,4-1

Na'ur 4, 24 26, 34 35, 42, 49, 50 Nilll lin, Tall 17, 24,42,4 849, 222, 235 Nimrud 165, 185 Othman , Khirbat

6, 195 196

Pella 44,63 , 65, 101 ,2 13 Philadelphia 6, 33 35

235 Jazer 34 35, 46, 48, 52, 5 '~ Jazzir, Khirbat 35 J ericho 32,37,44, 74 , 98 J ordan Rift 106, 107 Jordan River 30 32, 35 36, 43, 41 , 64,66,8 1, 100,2 19,227,234 Judah 1,32,56, 113, 160, 161 , 168, 217,22 1,226227 ,229 230,233,

237 al- Khalayfi, Tall 141 Khilda vii, 6, IS, '~2, 10·1, 108, 109, 11 '1 n. 3, 135, 140, 195 KOIll Yajuz 34 , 35 Lahun

65, 72, 74, 109

l\ la'an 106 l\ladaba (= l\ ledeb.1. 5, 16, 18, 24 27,29,37,43 44, 48 -50,56, 63, 70,97 101 , 112, 114, 13·1, 136, 140, lSI , 183- 184, 187 188, 212 ,2 15,2 17 218,220 222, 235 237 Mafraq 106 ~larga rt't ai-Warde 45 l\ lazar, T all 14, 28, 41 I I, 52, 56, 90, 102, 141 143, 145 11 7, 1 · ~9 , 151 ,2 16,2 17,222,237 l\lcqaba1cin 7 8,9. 13, 42, 140 l\ linnith 31 33, 16,53,56 !\ lishmar ha-Emck 141 l\ loab 9,20,22,31,31 n. 1,32, 46, 48,52 55, 101, 109, III, 113, 116,133,135,151,165 n. 6, IIlI , 187 189, 199, 206, 209, 213, 220 221 , 228, 236 Al-l\ IOlllani 10"" , 108, III

Qasr as-Sa r 4, 35 AI-Qitaf, T all Rabb;lh

146

30, 31 n. I , 33 34, 36, 38,

46 Rabbath-Alllll1on 1,6, 10,27,33 35, '18, III , 155,208 Ras al-' Ayn 36 Ar-Rehil, Tall 195 Rujm Fchud " R l~m al-Hawi 5, 45, 105 Rujlll al- I-Ienu 5, 42, 45, 48, 116, 121 , 135, 195,214, 222224, 22B Rujm al- Kursi '15, 103 Rujm :\ Iadba'a 195, 196 Rujm al-~ I a lfuf INorth ) ;U1d South II , 12, 28, 42, 1.1, 103 105, 10 7 109, 112, 114 n. 3, 135,220, 222 Rujm al-~ l ekhd7.in 13, 12,55 Rujm al-!\ lomany 103 Rujm al-Qutnah 6 Rl~m ar-Ruscifeh 3 Rujm al-Wanany 103 Ih~m Wasiych 'I I Ar-Rummall , Khirbat 45 As -S~lfra , Khirbat 33 Safu!. Tall I ~ 15, 28, 13 41 , 55 56, I J.I n. 3, 19·1,216 Sahab, Tall 5, 13, 12,63,91, 197,

222

As-SiI'idiyya, T all 43 41 , 63 , 65, H9 90, 11 3, 114 ll. 6, 140 141 , 163 n. 2 SalalTlclt, Khirhat 6, 18,2 3,27 , 47, 52 As-S:\Jt 35, 45

244

INDEX OF PLACES

Slwrafa 141 Siran, Tall 12, 25, 28, 39- 40, 43 , 55- 56,112, 15S, 160, 164, 175, 182,2 18,235,237 As·Smcsani, Khirbat 33 As-Suq, Khirbat 34 Swcifiych ash-Shcrqiych 4 Swcilch

14

Transjordan 1- 3, 7, 18, 21 23,33, 46 47 ,52, 54 55,87,91,98 99, 101 , 150, 186, 210

110, Ill, 113, lIS 117 , 133, 159, 16811. 16, 171 , 183- 184,

189, 194, 198 204, 206, 208, 214, 216,2 19, 223 224, 236

Ugarit 154 Umm al·'Amad 45 Umm a1-Basatin 33 Umm ad-Dananir 5, 41 , 43- 45,

52 53, 194 196,214 Umm al- Hanafish 33 Umm al-Qanafid 45 Umm Udhayna, Khirbat 105, 164 A1-'Umayri, Tall 5, 16, 26, 29, 34,

40- 41, 43- 44, 65- 66, 80, 88, 92- 93, 97,99, 109, 1l4, 116- 118, 120, 124, 12911.27, 130, 130

11. 30, 131 , 132, 133, 15S, 163 11.2, 165, 168, 18'~ > 187 188, 195, 200, 228, 234, 236 Wad i Wadi Wadi Wadi

'Arabah 106 107 al- Hasa 107 al-H una 107 al-M ujib (= Arnon) 31, 31 11. I, 36, 72, 107 Wadi as-Sir 2, 4, 42, 45 Wadi Su'cib 35 Wadi ath-Thamad 48,22 1 Wadi Wala 221 Wadi al-Yabis 32,32 11.4 Wadi az-Zarqa (= J abbok) 19,27,

30, 36- 37, 41 , 43- 45, 55, 66, 222 AI-Yaduda 4 , 45 Yahuz 2 Yannouk River 106 Az-Zarqa Ri ver

3,9, 19, 107 , 222

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Adoni Nur T omb 139 Amalckitcs 3) - 32 American Center of Oriental Research 100, 235 American Schools of Oriental Research 48 52,54,56, 110, 112, 11411. I, 132 13S, 150 lSI, 160- 162, lSI 182, 184, 186 188, 235 237 'Amman Airport Structure 42
222, 236 Subsistence Paucms 222 Trade 224 Urban Plans 223 Ammonite: Border forts 42 Deities: ' II CEll 156, 158 159, 159 11.40, 160, 162,226 Milkom 111, 158 11. 37, 164, 226, 230 Iconography 169 Inscriptions 9, 12,51 ,56, [55 11. II, 157 11. 37, 15811. 37, 164, 167, 16711. 15, 169, 171 , 182 183, 185,218,235 Kings 31,39,40, 164, 183,225 Language: Lexicon 175 Morphology 173 Phonology 171 Syntax and Style 175 Religion 152, 152 n. 3, 153, 155, 155 n, 9, 158 n. 37, 159, 162, 170, 226 Script 44, 163 n. 2, 167,225 226, 228, 231 T owers 42, 103 105 Water Systems 227 Amorite(s) 32,32 n, 3, 34 35,41,54 Alldrews University 37

Aramaic: Language 164, 170 Script 164, 167 225, 228, 233- 234 Archaeological Survey of Greater 'Amman 6 Ashurbanipal 40 Ib'alis 225, 230 Ba'alyasha' (or Ba'lisha') \~i, 225 226, 230 Babylonian lanb'tlllge Bible 30,38,41,46,48, 158, 159 n. 39, 230 Build ing Materials: i\·lud brick 107, lIS 116, 116 n.9, 126, 138, 140, 141, 143 Wall stones 115, 121 Build ing Types: Four-Room 108, 113, 121 n. 20, 124, 126, 130, 135,223 224 Orthogonal 130 Rambling complex 130 Burial Customs 137 151 Canaanite: City-state 154, 222 Kinship Group 190 191 Kinship unit 191 Religion 152 n. 3, 153, 155, 159 Ceram ic(s): Base 84 85 Body 83 84 Burnish 60, 70, 78 80, 88 89, 95 96, 224 Cb:lY vii, 58 65, 67 89, 93 97, 100 101, 107, 121, 129, 143, 223, 226 Distribution 81 Fuel 58 60, 61 63, 73 J\'lanufacturing techniques 58, 64- 81, 86, 96, 98 i\ lineralogical testing 57,83,94, 96 97 Petrographic analysis 63, 87, 93- 94, 98, 100

246

INDEX O F SUBJ ECTS

Prod uction locations 57, 68 69, 100 Raw materials 58, 67 Rim vii, 66, 70, 76 77,81 84, 87- 91 , 94, 233

9'~,

Slip 59 61,70, 74, 79-80, 87, 92 Tradition 57 59, 63 68, 78, 86, 88, 92 , 96, 100 Walcr 58 60, 69, 71 73, 76, 79 Chert 68, 106 107, 11 5, lIS n. 8, 117 n. 10, 125, 127, 128 Citadel Inscription 39 Coffin T ypes: Anthropoid 23, 140, 144 145, 151 , 216

Cylindrical 140, [45 Jar 138, 144 - 145, 147 L.. rnax 144 145 , 147 Collar Ri m Store J ars 78, 80- 82, 87 Corpus of Ammonite Inscriptions 23, 47, 160, 181, 185,235

Lime Plaster Lintels 116

108

Madaba Plains Project 43, 49, 50, 56,97 101 , 112, 134, 136, 183 184, 187 188,2 12,215,2 17 218 l'\'lcrneptah 203, 205, 208 ~ I ortar 107, 118, 11811. 12, 127, 128, 130 " Iortuary Furniture 149 ~ I ud blick 107, 116 117 Nomadization 22, 192 193, 201 , 204 205,213 Nonsedcnta ry 189, 191, 194, 198 199, 202 203, 205, 20g Notitia Dignitatum 199 Onomastics 166, 167 n. 15, 169, 170, 170 n. 28 Ostracon/ostraca 10, 39, '10, 130, 164 - 165, 165 n. 5, 168,22 1,225,

228 230

Dayr 'AlIa Excavations 9 Dayr 'AlIa Plaster T exts 9, 39 Deities: Ammonite \56, 158 159 Ca naanite 153, 158 Department of Antiquities 7 9, 12 13, 15 16, 18

Persian: Period 2, 16, 18 19, 37,43,92, 95, I l l , 142, 150 151 , 186,

219,227, 229, 232, 233 234, 237

Four room houses 132, 134 Fuel for the kiln 61

Philistine 63, 75, 204, 208,210,215 Phoenician: Inscri ptions 188 Pillars \~i , 115 Il. 8, 116, 118, 118 11 . 13, 119 120, 120 n. 17, 125, 127, 129, 131 ,224

Gaditcs

Qur'an

tcolc Bibliq uc 16 Euscbius 33 35,37,51

32, 35

Hab/piru 193, 20 I 204, 206 Hebrew: Inscriptions 163, 16B La nguage 17 I Religion 158 Hisban Survey 'I Iconography 162, 183, 185 186, 188 Iron II -Persian Transition 227 228 J abal Nuzah Tomb 9, 10 J ephthah 31 33 J offe 's Model of GClleratiOIl . J osephus 34, 232 Khilda Tomb

140, 195

190

152 n. I

Ragdan Royal Palace 140 Religion: Aspects: Sacrific ial 153 154 Non-sacrificial 153 154 Definition 152 Iconographic elements 156 Popularl"personal" 154, 154 nil. 7, 8, ISS 156, 158 159, 159 n. 4 1 Public/"'statc" /"official" Reubcn itcs 16, 32, 36 Roofs lIB, 11811. 13 , 122 n. 22, 129, 139 Rooms: Cooking/kitchens 123, 126 128

247

INDLX OF SUBJECTS

Ground floor 125 Store 126 128, 131 Upper" storey 121, 122 11. 23, 123 124, 129 131 Work 127 129, 131 Ar-Rumman Survey 5, 25, 211 Sahab Survey 5, 25 Seal(s) vii,7 8, 15 16,22,39 41, 109, 130, 142, 147 149, 155 156, 163 164, 16611. 8, 167 n. 15, 169, 169 11. 18, 170 11. 28, 178 nn. 4547, 17911. '18, 180 ll. 51, 183 184, 186,221,225227, 229 234 Seal Impressions vii, 40, 15 16, 183 184,200,215,225 226, 229 ·231,233-234 Shasu 198 20·t, 206 207,215 Shuba' 233 23'1 SII/OII 36,38,51,55, 185 Stairways 116 Statui II/scriptioll 40, 164, 170 ll. 28 Surfaces: Beaten Earth 122, 122 n. 22, 123, 123 n. 24, 126 127 Bedrock vii, lIS, 119, 121 123

Cobblestone pavement Earth and lime plaster

122 123 122

Tall Siran BOllle 39 40, 155, 175 Theatre Inscription 40, 164 ·r ornb Types: Artificial Caves 138 Huilt-up 140 141 Natural Cave 138 Pi t I'll, 143 Shaft 138, 140, 147 Stone lined 142 Topographic List 200 Urnrn ad-Dananir Survey

5

Wadi az-Zarqa/Wadi ad-Dulayl Excavations 19, 27 \\'all Construction: Boulder-and-chink vii , 117 118, 118 ll. 12, 119, 120, 121, 125, 131 t<.lollolithic Pillars 118,12011.17, 126 Stacked Boulder Pil);,r 115 n. 8, 118, 11811. 14, 126, 129, lSI Walla Walla College 80, 85, 97, 235

FIGU RES Al\fD TABLES

Hazor ad~

Megiddo Ta"anach

,Pella

.Dothan

• Far' ah (N.) • Sa' idiyya Ma:tar • :0 'All

Sam.aria .

Shec hern

u~ »~-I?:>.nv:'Jj

• Kh. Raddana Shilo . Je~ch .Ashdod

Ge i e r ·8alash

rath_AlTU1l0n

,. N unrm

.'

'Ulnayn • Hish

.Jerusale m

' Ekron

--As hkelon • Lachish

Rujrn a1.Hen-:.~a'f~ a ley Khilda. RUjDl al-Malfur'· Sahab

Dead

'JalZ'

Madaba. Mudayna .. (Wadi Th ad)

,Hebron

• Dhiban

T. Beit Mirsim. .

Sea

B~u<

. Arad Beersheba. .Tel Esdar

.Busayra

Fig. 1.1

awa

Map of Ammon with sites listed in text

'"'oa. ..

= ~ .,

..

Upper Reaches of the

Wadi labbok

Fig. 2.1

~ I ap

of Ammon sno\\ing course of J abbok and Its Tributaries

l-

~--

Fig. 3.1 T n _ditional potters shaping cooking pots first shape fiat-bottomed forms whose rims ;Uld upper bodies arc completely finished and SC I aside \0 dry. Three cooking pots rest on squares of wood or bark as the clay dries slightly before handles afC added. Su"ings wrapped around the lower bodies serve as an external support fo r the wet clay, functioning as a mould. VVhen the rim is almost lcathcrhard, but the base is still wet, the pOller (in Ihe background) removes the slrin!,,'S and then scrapes away excess clay from the nat base 10 create a rounded bottom. Her husband then rClUrns each cooking pot to the turntable (two arc piled here on tOP of each other to increase the height and make the work easier) \0 smooth the surface by rubbing it with water and a bamboo tool (standing in the broken bucket). Halloumi cheese dries on a table in the background of th is courtyard in Kornos, Cyprus, 1986. Photograph by G. London.

COOKING POTS

/ .........

>--,.;;:-./ ,

\

- /

fig. 3.2 Manuracture or La tc Ilronze Age cooking pots initally invoked lining an extemal mould with clay. T o increase the height, coils were addcd to shape the rim. Artcrwards, whcn the day was sufficicntly dry, the exterior base was smoothed. Drawing reproduced with perm issio n or the author, rrom li J . Franken and J. Kalsbeck, 1969, ExcauatiOIlJ al Trll l:kif 'Alia, Fig. 26.

•

£

1£ LuH

Fig. 3.3

collared rim jar ('Ulllayri)

f r. ( M3

~

=

~,

r

•

2

-(

\

\.

,

-"""'1,

-

~

~-

8

6

,-f

-"

(;)

/

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,y

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,

, ~

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,

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"-'--

10

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1.7

i

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16

,4~-

13 14

.,.

~, v \,

I

I

IS

12

\

11

7

\, I.

'

,

'eJ

7

I

\

\

24

18

\

22 \

<

" Fig. 3.4

7~i

23

,

7

~

20

\

21

I

17

Pots from 'Umayri

21

I

26

=J

~

I

I=:::J' -

'

=t

, M =1

2

I IF =

t==1

•

=,---

•

CD

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, 12

-,.

•

F¢1,

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<;==1

I

,..

.

-~

,

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'--4

"

".

,.

-

II

Y9

2.

--

•

" Fig. 3.5

POtS rrom 'Umayri

lILCH

6:j'. ,~

.... o'-__ Fig. 3.6

~'"

LGH

~

.......... -. . .. . ..

L'unps rrom 'Umayri

.. 0

•

Fig. 4.1

o we r A m rn olljl c T

R'ym

al-,\ la /r uf

oseup onilc T ower cl Fig. 4.2 Amm

Fig. 4.3

Stairs leading into pillared housc

.. Fig. 4.4

Willis build directly on leveled bedrock (Khilda)

') " - )!

4

} " -' . > ~

:g s

(j c

" E E

<

Fig. 4.9

Fig. 4. [0

Proto-aeolie column base al the 'Amman Citadel

The plaster on lhe exteriOl' filee of the tower at Khi[da

-~=~~=~- '

o

0.5

Fig. 5.1

1. 0

1.5

2.0

2.5 m

Bouldcr-and-chink walls with doorway

Fig. 5.2

Monolithic stone pillilrs in Building 800

--~~~-.

o

0.5

1.0

1. 5

~.O

2.5.

Fig. 5.3a- c Stacked boulder walls: a) rectilinear pillars with cobblestone connecting units (W80 14); b) combination or pillar types (\\13027); and c) rounded boulder pillared wall with cobblestone connecting units (W3005)

.

g ~

~ ,

'"

M. . . . I I

11. . . . . .1

-

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TELL J"W"

BY ILDINC 8 0 0 ' ' ' ' ' -' ' 'Ilu...

fig. S.5

' ' -..._'''_~ m

Building 800 at T aU J awa

1

3

"

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in o

lA

MB

IIC1LB

MB IlA·B

LB IBllIA

LB

lA

IIB1l

Archaeological Periods

LBIIA

IIA-8

SETTLEMENT PATTERNS IN AMMON: MIDDLE B

Table 9.1

Siu Name

N -M abrak Haud Unn Kharruba J abal at-Tcwcim Khirbat al-'Edhmah Ruj m r'l'ladba'a Khilda Hesban SUlVey Site 128 Abu Zibnch Tall a r-Rehil Si te C 13

SafUI Khirbal Othman Ruj m al- Hellu 'Amman Airport Structure

J awa

'Amman Citadel Tall al-'Umayri Sahab Umm ad- Dananir

Medium : 65 dunams Jvlcdium: 50 d unams Small: 25 dunams Small: 21 dunams Small: 17.3 dunams Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small: 5.6 d unams

Size Category Large: 100- 124 dunams

Settlement Settlement Qasr Quadratbau Qasr Farmstead Qasr Qasr Qasr Qasr Farmstead Settlement Farmstead?

Settlement

Settlement Selliement Seulcment Scnlcment

Ducnption

Ammon LB lIB / Iron IA Siles

T able 9.2

Sil£ ;Varni

Khirbat Umm al-Qanafid Khirbat vVad'ah Sweifiyeh al-Gharbiyeh Umm al- Basaun Khirbat 'Emn Khirbat aI-J am us Umm as-Sa rab Rawda Khirbat 'Edan ash-Shema Khirbat Sakhara At-T cleil

Al-~Il umani

'Amman Ci tadel Tall al-'Umayri Sahab Khirbat Morbat Bcdran Khirbat Mudmar Khirbat as-Sweina J awa Safut Kom Yahuz Khirbat Hanouyeh Rujm al-Qutnah

Size Category Large: 100- 124 dunams Medium: 65 dunams l'v ledium: 50 dunams Small: 25 dunams Small: 24 dunams Small: 22 dunams Small: 21 dunams Small: 17.3 dunams Small: 15 dunams Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small

Settlemem Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlemen t Settleme nt Settlemem Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlemcnt Scttlcment Settlemcnt Settlement Settlement Settlement Settlement

Description

Ammon Iron IA- B Sites

T able 9.3

J abal al.Fahud Khirbat Abu Hammad Khirbat Bedran Khirbat ai- Birch Khirbat al- Bishari H aud Umm Khan"uba Khirbat ash·Shmeisani Kh. J uret al- Khaznch Rujrn al:J eish Rujm ar-R uscifch Ruj"m al:Jidi Rujm ash-Shihl Rujm Mobis Sweifiyeh ash-Sherq iych

' Iraq al-Amir Khirbat ai-Seider Rujrn al-Fahud Khirbat ai- Hajjar Khirbat ar-Ramman Khirbat Muslim Abdun Abu Nescir Abu Zibneh Bcddih North Hesban Survey Site 6 Na'ur (H csban Site 91 )

Siu Name

(Iable coni.) Si;::e Category Very Small: Very Small: Very Small: Very Small: Vcry Small: Very Small: Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small Very Small 9.4 dms 8 dms 7 dms 4 dms 3 dms 2 dms

Seulement Settlement Farmstead Settlement Seulement Settlement Q asc Fannsteadsj towe Settlement Farmstead? Sherds and tomb Sherds and tomb Qasc Qasr Qasr; seuleme nt Qasr? Qasr (towe r) Settlement Farmstead Farmstead Farmstead Farmstead Qasr Q asc Farmstead? Fannstead?

Description


Very Very Very Very VelY Very Very Very Very Very Very Very Very Very Very Very Very

Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Small Sherds Sherds

Q""

Rujm

Q""

Qasr Qasr Qasr

Q""

Fannstead Settlement Sherds; terraces Sherds Fannstead? Seulement; Qas Tower Settlement

Fig. 10.1

Aerial photo of the walls of the Ammonite/ Persian Administrative complex and associated domestic rooms

Fig. 10.2

Plan or the buildings in fig. 13

Fig. 10.3

Fig. 10.4

Seal impression of Ba'alyasha'

Drawing of the seal impression of Ba'alyasha'

Fig. 10.5

Fig. 10.6

Seal of '/11 bl! brk'!

Seal impression of the Pe rsian province of Ammon

STUDIES IN THE HI STORY AND CULTURE OF THE ANC IENT N EAR EAST EDITED BY

B. HALPERN

At"W

t'l'I.H .E. WEI PPERT

ISSN 0169-9024

I. Ahlstrom , C.V\' . RO)'al Administration and NatiOllaL Religioll ill Ancient Palestinc.

1982. ISBN 90 04 6562 8 2. Beeking, B. 771e Fall qf Sanl(lria. An Historical and Archaeological St udy.

1992. ISBN 90 04 09633 7 3. Vogelsang, W.J . The Rise and Organisalioll 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

if Ihe Ac/iaemcmd Empire.

T he Eas-

tern Iranian Evide nce. 1992. IS BN 90 04 09682 S Thompso n, T L. I!..arly History of the Israelile Peo/,le. From the Written and Archaeological Sources. \992. IS BN 90 04 09483 0 e1- fai"z, ivl. L'agrollomie de to AUsopolamie alllique. Analyse du «Livre de l'agJiculture nabalccnnc» de QOlfuna. 1995. ISBN 90 04- 101993 H allo, W.W. Ongins. The Ancient Nca r Eastern Background or Some Modern Western Institutions. 1996. IS BN 90 04 103287 T oorn, K. van der. Fami{y Religion ill Babylonia, ~n'a (lnd Israel. Continuity and Change in the Forms or Religious Lire. 1996. IS BN 90 04 I O ,~ I 0 0 J effers, A.lvlagic and DivinatiOIl ill AI/dent Paustine and ~ria . 1996.

ISBN90 04 10513 1 9. Gali1, G. 771l Chronololfl qfthe IGngs qf Israel and}udah. 1996.

ISBN 90 04 10611 I 10. Ehrlich, C.S . 77u Philistints ill TrallSitioll. A H istolY rrom ca. 1000-730

B.C.E. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10426 7 I I. Ha ndy, L.K. (cd .). 77le Age qf Solomon. Scholarship at lhe Turn or the Millennium. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10476 3 12. i\'lalamat, A. M ari and the BibIR. 1998. ISBN 90 04108637 13. Krings, V. Carthage etlts Crees c. 580-480 avo]. -G. T exles ct histoire. 1998.

ISBN 90 04 10881 5 14. Slol, ]\'1. and S. P. Vleeming, (cds.). The Care qf the Elder9' in the Andm! Near !last. 1999. ISBN 90 04 108963 15. Musche, B. Die Liebe in der altorielltalischell Dichtung. 1999.

ISBN 9004 11 2138 16 . Ishida , 1'. History and Histon'cal IVriting ill Andent Israel. Studies in Biblical H istoriography. 1999. IS BN 90 041 14440 17. iVlacDonald, B. and Younker, R.\ V. (cds.). Allciellt Ammoll. 1999.

ISBN 90 04 10762 2 18 . Gallagher, W .R . Sennacherib 's Cam/mign 10 Judah. New Studies . 1999.

ISBN 90 04 11537 4