Republic of the Philippines Commission on Higher Education BENGUET STATE UNIVERSITY
La Trinidad, Benguet GRADUATE SCHOOL ______________________________________________________________________________ A Comparison of the Filipino and Ifugao Languages, a term papert submitted to Dr. Maribel Z. Palazo , Professor, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the course LE 387 (Structure of Philippine Languages ) by Julia Biligan and Anna Cris L. Gabol , Ph.D. LE students, Summer Term,2012).
A COMPARISON OF THE FILIPINO AND IFUGAO LANGUAGES I.
Introduction
One distinctive feature of the Philippine archipelago is the richness of i ts varied languages. The land’s geography has been believed to be the main reason that diversifies the tongues of the people. This paper then attempts to make a comparison between one Philippine major language, Filipino, and a minor language, Ifugao. Ifugao. The first two parts of the paper presented the each language with their own features and the third part is a juxtaposition of the grammatical features of both languages. II.
The Filipino Language
The Filipino orthography The rules facing Pilipino orthography were formulated by the Philippine Institute of National Language shortly after the Tagalog language had been proclaimed the national language shortly after the Philippines by the then President Manuel L. Quezon. This Filipino orthography includes rules on the spelling of foreign words commonly used in Tagalog speech and the proper use of accents, elision, and and the hyphen. Filipino spelling is perfectly perfectly phonetic, such such that even the foreign words are spelled as they are commonly pronounced. In Pilipino orthography, all the letters are taken from the Roman alphabet; ng is considered
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Tagalog
Tagalog ( /təˈɡɑːlɒɡ/)Austronesian language spoken as a first language by a third of the population of the Philippines and as a second language by most of the rest. It is the first language of the Philippine the Philippine region IV (CALABARZON and and MIMAROPA) MIMAROPA) and and of Metro Metro Manila. Manila. Its standardized form, commonly called called Filipino, Filipino, is the national the national language and one of two official languages of the Philippines. Tagalog used to be written with the Baybayin alphabet, which probably developed from the Kawi script of Java, Bali and Sumatra, which in turn descended from the Pallava script, one of the southern Indian scripts derived from Brahmi. Brahmi. Today Today the Baybayin alphabet is used mainly for decorative purposes and the Latin alphabet is used to write to Tagalog. The name Tagalog derives from tagá-ílog, which means "resident beside the river". Little is known of the history of the language before the arrival of the Spanish in the Philippines during the 16th century as no earlier written materials have been found. Very little is known about the history of the language. However, according to linguists such as Dr. David Zorc and Dr. Robert Blust, the Tagalogs originated, along with their Central Philippine cousins, from Northeastern Mindanao or Eastern Visayas. The earliest known book in Tagalog is the Doctrina Cristiana (Christian Doctrine) which was published in 1593. It was written in Spanish and Tagalog, with the Tagalog text in both Baybayin and the Latin alphabet. Notable features
Type of writing system: syllabic alphabet in which each consonant has an inherent vowel /a/. Other vowels are indicated either by separate letters, or by dots - a dot over a consonant changes the vowels to an /i/ or and /e/, while a dot under a consonant changes the vowel to /o/ or /u/. The inherent vowel is muted by adding a + sign beneath a consonant. This innovation was introduced by the Spanish. Direction of writing: left to right in horizontal lines.
History
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The Tagalog Baybayin Tagalog Baybayin script. The first written record of Tagalog is in the Laguna the Laguna Copperplate Inscription, written Inscription, written in the year 900, using fragments of the language along with Sanskrit, with Sanskrit, Malay, Malay, and and Javanese. Javanese. Meanwhile, Meanwhile, the first known book to be written in Tagalog is the Doctrina Cristiana (Christian Doctrine) of 1593. It was written in Spanish and two transcriptions of Tagalog; one in the Baybayin script and the other in Latin in Latin script. Throughout script. Throughout the 333 years of Spanish occupation, there were grammar and dictionaries written by Spanish clergymen such as Vocabulario de la Lengua Tagala by Pedro de San Buenaventura (Pila, Laguna, 1613), Laguna, 1613), Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (1835) and Arte de la lengua tagala y manual tagalog para la administración de los Santos Sacramentos (1850). Poet Francisco Baltazar (1788 –1862) is regarded as the foremost Tagalog writer. His most notable work is the early 19th-century 19th- century Florante at Laura . Historical changes
Tagalog differs from its Central Philippine counterparts with its treatment of the ProtoPhilippine schwa Philippine schwa vowel ə. In Bikol & Visayan, this sound merged with /u/ and [o]. In Tagalog, it has merged with /i/. For example, Proto-Philippine dəkət (adhere, stick) is Tagalog dikít and and Visayan & Bikol dukot . Proto-Philippine *r, *j, and *z merged with /d/ but is /l/ between vowels. Proto-Philippine ŋɡajan (name) and hajək (kiss) became Tagalog ngalan and halík . Proto-Philippine *R merged with /ɡ/. *tubiR (water) and zuRuʔ (blood) became Tagalog tubig and dugô. Official status
Predominantly Tagalog-speaking regions in the Philippines. The color-schemes represent the 4 dialect zones of the language: Northern, Central, Southern, and Marinduque. and Marinduque. Tagalog was declared the official language by the first constitution in the Philippines, the Constitution of Biak-na-Bato in 1897. In 1935, the Philippine constitution designated English and Spanish as official languages, but mandated the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing native languages. After study and deliberation, the National Language Institute, a committee composed of seven members who represented various regions in the Philippines, chose Tagalog as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national language of the Philippines. President Manuel L. Quezon then, on December 30, 1937, proclaimed the selection of the Tagalog language to be used as the basis for the evolution and adoption of the national language of the Philippines. In 1939 President Quezon renamed the proposed Tagalog-based Page 3 of 42
national language as wikang pambansâ (national language). In 1959, the language was further renamed as "Pilipino". The 1973 constitution designated the Tagalog-based "Pilipino", along with English, as an official language and mandated the development and formal adoption of a common national la nguage to be known as Filipino. The 1987 constitution designated Filipino as the national language, mandating that as it evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. However, in practice, Filipino is i s simply Tagalog. Article XIV, Section 7 of the 1987 Constitution 1987 Constitution of the Philippines specifies, in part: Subject to provisions of law and as the Congress may deem appropriate, the Government shall take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Filipino as a medium of official communication and as language of instruction in the educational system. The regional languages are the auxiliary official languages in the regions and shall serve as auxiliary media of instruction therein. In 2009, the Department the Department of Education promulgated an order institutionalizing a system of mother-tongue based multilingual education ("MLE"), wherein instruction is conducted primarily in a student's mother tongue until at least grade three, with additional languages such as Filipino and English being introduced as separate subjects no earlier than grade two. In secondary school, Filipino and English become the primary languages of instruction, with the learner's first language taking on an auxiliary role. Tagalog and Filipino
In 1937, Tagalog was selected as the basis of the national language of the Philippines by the National Language Institute. In 1939, Manuel 1939, Manuel L. Quezon named the national language l anguage "Wikang ("National Language"). Twenty years later, in 1959, it was renamed by then Pambansâ" ("National Secretary of Education, José Romero, as Pilipino to give it a national a national rather than ethnic than ethnic label and connotation. The changing of the name did not, however, result in acceptance among nonTagalogs, especially Tagalogs, especially Cebuanos Cebuanos who had not accepted the selection. In 1971, the language issue was revived once more, and a compromise solution was worked out—a "universalist" approach to the national language, to be called Filipino rather than t he national Pilipino. When a new constitution was drawn up in 1987, it named Filipino as the language. The constitution specified that as the Filipino language evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages. However, more than two decades after the institution of the "universalist" approach, there seems to be little if any difference between Tagalog and Filipino.
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Classification
Tagalog is a Central Philippine language within the Austronesian language family. Being MalayoPolynesian, it is related to other Austronesian languages such as Malagasy, Javanese, Indonesian, Malay, Tetum (of Timor), and Tao language (of Taiwan). It is closely related to the languages spoken in the Bicol and Visayas regions such as Bikol and the Visayan group including Hiligaynon and Cebuano. Languages that have made significant contributions to Tagalog vocabulary are especially Spanish and English. Dialects
At present, no comprehensive dialectology has been done in the Tagalog-speaking regions, though there have been descriptions in the form of dictionaries and grammars on various Tagalog dialects. Ethnologue lists Lubang, Manila, Marinduque, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Tanay-Paete, and Tayabas as dialects of Tagalog. However, there appear to be four main dialects of which the aforementioned are a part; Northern (exemplified by the Bulacan dialect), Central (including Manila), Southern (exemplified by Batangas), and Marinduque. Some example of dialectal differences are:
Many Tagalog dialects, particularly those in the south, preserve the glottal stop found after consonants and before vowels. This has been lost in standard Tagalog. For example standard Tagalog ngayon (now, today), sinigang (broth stew), gabi (night), matamis (sweet), are pronounced and written ngay-on , sinig-ang, gab-i , and matam-is in other dialects. In Teresian-Morong Tagalog, [ɾ] is usually preferred over [d]. For example, bundók , dagat , dingdíng, and isdâ become bunrók , ragat , ringríng, and isrâ, as well as their expression seen in some signages like "sandok sa dingdíng" was changed to "sanrok sa ringríng". In many southern dialects, the progressive aspect infix of -um- verbs is na-. For example, standard Tagalog kumakain (eating) is nákáin in Quezon and Batangas Tagalog. This is the butt of some jokes by other Tagalog speakers since a phrase such as nakain ka ba ng pating is interpreted as "did a shark eat you?" by those from Manila, but means "do you eat shark?" in the south. Some dialects have interjections which are considered a trademark of their region. For example, the interjection ala e! usually identifies someone from Batangas as does hane?! in Rizal and Quezon provinces.
Perhaps the most divergent Tagalog dialects are those spoken in Marinduque. Linguist Rosa Soberano identifies two dialects, western and eastern, with the former being closer to the Tagalog dialects spoken in the provinces of Batangas and Quezon.
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One example is the verb conjugation paradigms. While some of the affixes are different, Marinduque also preserves the imperative affixes, also found in Visayan and Bikol languages, that have mostly disappeared from most Tagalog dialects by the early 2 0th century; they have since merged with the infinitive. Manileño Tagalog
Marinduqueño Tagalog
English
Susulat sina Maria at Esperanza kay Juan.
Másúlat da Maria at Esperanza kay Juan.
"Maria and Esperanza will write to Juan."
Mag-aaral siya sa Maynila.
Gaaral siya sa Maynila.
"He will study in Manila."
Magluto ka na!
Pagluto!
"Cook now!"
Kainin mo iyan.
Kaina yaan.
"Eat that."
Tinatawag tayo ni Tatay.
Inatawag nganì kitá ni Tatay.
"Father is calling us."
Tinulungan ba kayó ni Hilario?
Atulungan ga kamo ni Hilario?
"Did Hilario help you?"
Northern dialects and the central dialects are the basis for the national language. Geographic distribution
The Tagalog homeland, or Katagalugan , covers roughly much of the central to southern parts of the island of Luzon—particularly in Aurora, Bataan, Batangas, Bulacan, Camarines Norte, Cavite, Laguna, Metro Manila, Nueva Ecija, Quezon, Rizal, and large parts of Zambales. Tagalog is also spoken natively by inhabitants living on the islands, Marinduque, Mindoro, and large areas of Palawan. It is spoken by approximately 64.3 million Filipinos, 96.4% of the household population.[17] 21.5 million, or 28.15% of the total Philippine population, speak it as a native language. Tagalog speakers are found in other parts of the Philippines as well as throughout the world, though its use is usually limited to communication between Filipino ethnic groups. In 2010, the US Census bureau reported (based on data collected in 2007) that in the United States it was the fourth most-spoken language at home with almost 1.5 million speakers, behind Spanish or Spanish Creole, French (including Patois, Cajun, Creole), and Chinese. Tagalog ranked as the third most spoken language in metropolitan statistical areas, behind Spanish and Chinese but ahead of French. Accents
The Tagalog language also boasts accentations unique to some parts of Tagalog-speaking regions. For example, in some parts of Manila: a strong pronunciation of i exists and vowelPage 6 of 42
switching of o and u exists so words like "gising" (to wake) is pronounced as "giseng" with a strong 'e' and the word "tagu-taguan" (hide-and-go-seek) is pronounced as "tago-tagoan" with a mild 'o'. Batangas Tagalog boasts the most distinctive accent in Tagalog compared to the more Hispanized northern accents of the language. The Batangas accent has been featured in film and television and Filipino actor Leo Martinez speaks this accent. Code-switching Taglish and Englog are portmanteaus given to a mix of English and Tagalog. The amount of
English vs. Tagalog varies from the occasional use of English loan words to outright codeswitching where the language changes in mid-sentence. Such code-switching is prevalent throughout the Philippines and in various of the languages of the Philippines other than Tagalog. Code Mixing also entails the use of foreign words that are Filipinized by reforming them using Filipino rules, such as verb conjugations. Users typically use Filipino or English words, whichever comes to mind first or whichever is easier to use. Magshoshopping kami sa mall. Sino ba ang magdadrive sa shopping center? "We will go shopping at the mall. Who will drive to the shopping center?" Although it is generally looked down upon, code-switching is prevalent in all levels of society; however, city-dwellers, the highly educated, and people born around and after World War II are more likely to do it. Politicians as highly placed as President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo have code-switched in interviews. The practice is common in television, radio, and print media as well. Advertisements from companies like Wells Fargo, Wal-Mart, Albertsons, McDonald's, and Western Union have contained Taglish. Phonology
Tagalog has 26 phonemes: 21 of them are consonants and 5 are vowels. Syllable structure is relatively simple. Each syllable contains at least a consonant and a vowel, and begins in at most one consonant, except for borrowed words such as trak which means "truck", or tsokolate meaning "chocolate".
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Vowels
Before appearing in the area north of Pasig river, Tagalog had three vowel phonemes: /a/, /i/, and /u/. This was later expanded to five vowels with the introduction of words from Northern Philippine languages like Kapampangan and Ilocano and Spanish words. They are:
/a/ an open central unrounded vowel similar to English "st ack"; in the middle of a word, a near-open central vowel similar to RP English "cup" /ɛ/ an open-mid front unrounded vowel similar to English "b ed" /i/ a close front unrounded vowel similar to English "machine" /o/ a close-mid back rounded vowel similar to English "f orty" /u/ a close back unrounded vowel similar to English "flute"
Nevertheless pairs 'o' and 'u and 'e' and 'i' are likely to be interchanged by the people without a very high command of the language. Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog
Front Central Back Close
i
Close-Mid
e
Open-Mid
(ɛ)
Open
ɪ)
u
ə
o (ɔ)
a
(ɑ)
/a/ is raised slightly to [ ɐ] in unstressed positions and also occasionally in stressed positions (inang bayan *inˈɐŋ ˈbɐ jən]) Unstressed /i/ is usually pronounced [ ɪ] as in English "bit" At the final syllable, /i/ can be pronounced [i ~ e ~ ɛ], as [e ~ ɛ] is an allophone of [ɪ ~ i] in final syllables. Unstressed /ɛ/ and /o/ can sometimes be pronounced [i ~ ɪ ~ e] and [u ~ ʊ ~ ɔ], except in final syllables. [o~ ʊ ~ ɔ] and [u ~ ʊ] were also former allophones. /ɛ/ can be pronounced as a close-mid front unrounded vowel [e]. Unstressed /u/ is usually pronounced [ ʊ] as in English "book" The diphthong /aɪ/ and the sequence /a ʔi/ have a tendency to become [eɪ ~ ɛː+. The diphthong /aʊ/ and the sequence /a ʔu/ have a tendency to become [o ʊ ~ ɔː+. /e/ or /i/ before s-consonant clusters have a tendency to become silent. /o/ tends to become [ɔ] in stressed positions.
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There are six main diphthongs; /ai/, /ei/, /oi/, /ui/, /au/, and /iu/.[19][20] Consonants
Below is a chart of Tagalog consonants. All the stops are unaspirated. The velar nasal occurs in all positions including at the beginning of a word Table of consonant phonemes of Tagalog
Labial
Nasal
Dental/ Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Alveolar
m
Plosive
p
Fricative
ɲ
n b
t
d
ŋ ɡ
k (ɕ)
s
ʔ h /k/ between vowels has a tendency to become [x] as in Spanish "José", whereas in the initial position it has a tendency to become [kx], especially
Affricate
(ts)
Tap
ɾ
Approximant
l
(t ʃ )
(dʒ)
j
w
in the Manila dialect. Intervocalic /ɡ/ and /k/ tend to become [ ɰ] (see preceding), as in Arabic "ghair", especially in the Manila dialect. /ɾ/ and /d/ are sometimes interchangeable as /ɾ/ and /d/ were once allophones in Tagalog. A glottal stop that occurs at the end of a word is often omitted when it is in the middle of a sentence, especially in the Metro Manila area. The vowel it follows is then usually lengthened. However, it is preserved in many other dialects. /ts/ may be pronounced [t ʃ ], as in English "chimney." /ɾ/ can be pronounced [r]. /b/ can be pronounced [ ɓ]
Tones
Tone (mistakenly known as stress) is phonemic in Tagalog. Primary tones occurs on either the last or the next-to-the-last (penultimate) syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening accompanies primary or secondary tone except when tone occurs at the end of a word. Tone on words is highly important, since it differentiates words with the same spellings, but with different meanings, e.g. tayô (to stand) and tayo (us; we).
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Table of tones in Tagalog Name
Contour
Malumay mid,
Diacritic
Example
not marked
a
Malumi
low,
grave accent
à
Mabilis
high,
acute accent
á
Maragsa
falling,
circumflex
â
Mariin
two tones in one word any combination -
Example: Tagalog Person A: Bababà bá? Person B: Bababâ. English Person A: Is (it) going down? Person B: Going down. Grammar
Tagalog was written in an abugida, or alphasyllabary, called Baybayin prior to the Spanish colonial period in the Philippines, in the 16th century. This particular writing system was composed of symbols representing three vowels and 14 consonants. Belonging to the Brahmic family of scripts, it shares similarities with the Old Kawi script of Java and is believed to be descended from the script used by the Bugis in Sulawesi. Although it enjoyed a relatively high level of literacy, Baybayin gradually fell into disuse in favor of the Latin alphabet taught by the Spaniards during their rule. There has been confusion of how to use Baybayin, which is actually an abugida, or an alphasyllabary, rather than an alphabet. Not every letter in the Latin alphabet is represented with one of those in the Baybayin alphasyllabary. Rather than letters being put together to make sounds as in Western languages, Baybayin uses symbols to represent syllables. A "kudlit" resembling an apostrophe is used above or below a symbol to change the vowel sound after its consonant. If the kudlit is used above, the vowel is an "E" or "I" sound. If the kudlit is used below, the vowel is an "O" or "U" sound. A special kudlit was later added by Spanish missionaries in which a cross placed below the symbol to get rid of the vowel sound all Page 10 of 42
together, leaving a consonant. Previously, the final vowel was just left out, leaving the reader to use context to determine the final vowels. Latin alphabet: Abecedario
Until the first half of the 20th century, Tagalog was widely written in a variety of ways based on Spanish orthography consisting of 32 letters called ' ABECEDARIO': Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A
a
Ng
ng
B
b
Ñ
ñ
C
c
g / g
n g / g
Ch
ch
O
o
D
d
P
p
E
e
Q
q
F
f
R
r
G
g
Rr
rr
H
h
S
s
I
i
T
t
J
j
U
u
K
k
V
v
L
l
W
w
Ll
ll
X
x
M
m
Y
y
N
n
Z
z
Abakada Page 11 of 42
When the national language was based on Tagalog, grammarian Lope K. Santos introduced a new alphabet consisting of 20 letters called ABAKADA in school grammar books called balarilà: Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A
a
N
n
B
b
Ng
ng
K
k
O
o
D
d
P
p
E
e
R
r
G
g
S
s
H
h
T
t
I
i
U
u
L
l
W
w
M
m
Y
y
Revised alphabet
In 1987 the department of Education, Culture and Sports issued a memo stating that the Philippine alphabet had changed from the Pilipino-Tagalog Abakada version to a new 28 -letter alphabet to make room for loans, especially family names from Spanish and English: Majuscule Minuscule Majuscule Minuscule
A
a
Ñ
ñ
B
b
Ng
ng
C
c
O
o
D
d
P
p
E
e
Q
q
F
f
R
r
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G
g
S
s
H
h
T
t
I
i
U
u
J
j
V
v
K
k
W
w
L
l
X
x
M
m
Y
y
N
n
Z
z
ng and mga
The genitive marker ng and the plural marker mga are abbreviations that are pronounced nang *naŋ+ and mangá *mɐˈŋa+. Ng, in most cases, roughly translates to "of" (ex. Siya ay kapatid ng nanay ko. She is the sibling of my mother) while nang usually means "when" or can describe how something is done or to what extent (equivalent to the suffix -ly in English adverbs), among other uses. Mga (pronounced as "muh-NGA") denotes plurality as adding an s, es, or ies does in English (ex. Iyan ang mga damit ko. (Those are my clothes)).
Nang si Hudas ay madulas. —When Judas slipped. Gumising siya nang maaga.—He woke up early. Gumalíng nang todo si Juan dahil nag-ensayo siya. —Juan greatly improved because he
practiced. In the first example, nang is used in lieu of the word noong (when; Noong si Hudas ay madulas ). In the second, nang describes that the person woke up ( gumising) early (maaga); gumising nang maaga. In the third, nang described up to what extent that Juan improved ( gumaling ), which is "greatly" ( nang todo). In the latter two examples, the ligature na and its variants -ng and -g may also be used (Gumising na maaga/Maagang gumising ; Gumaling na todo/Todong gumaling). The longer nang may also have other uses, such as a ligature that joins a repeated word:
Naghintay sila nang naghintay.—They kept on waiting. Page 13 of 42
po/ho and opo/oho
The words po/ho and opo/oho are traditionally used as polite iterations of the affirmative " oo" ("yes"). It is generally used when addressing elders or superiors such as bosses or teachers. "Po" and "opo" are specifically used to denote a high level of respect when addressing older persons of close affinity like parents, relatives, teachers and family friends. "Ho" and "oho" are generally used to politely address older neighbors, strangers, public officials, bosses and nannies, and may suggest a distance in societal relationship. However, "po" and "opo" can be used in any case in order to express an elevation of respect.
Example: "Pakitapon naman po/ho yung basura". ("Please throw away the trash.")
Used in the affirmative:
Ex: "Gutom ka na ba?" " Opo/Oho". ("Are you hungry yet?" "Yes").
Po/Ho may also be used in negation.
Ex: "Hindi ko po/ho alam 'yan."("I don't know that.")
Vocabulary and borrowed words
Tagalog vocabulary is composed mostly of words of native Austronesian origin. However it has significant Spanish loanwords. Spanish is the language that has bequeathed the most loan words to Tagalog. According to linguists, Spanish (5,000) has even surpassed Malay (3,500) in terms of loan words borrowed. About 40% of everyday (informal) Tagalog conversation is practically made up of Spanish loanwords. Tagalog also includes loanwords from Indian (Sanskrit), Chinese (Hokkien), Japanese, Arabic, Mexican (Nahuatl) and English. Tagalog has also been significantly influenced by other Austronesian languages of the Philippines as well as Indonesia and Malaysia. In pre -hispanic times, Trade Malay was widely known and spoken throughout Southeast Asia. Due to trade with Mexico via the Manila galleon from the 16th to the 19th centuries, many words from Nahuatl, a language spoken by Native Americans in Mexico, were introduced to Tagalog. English has borrowed some words from Tagalog, such as abaca, barong, balisong, boondocks, jeepney, Manila hemp, pancit, ylang-ylang, and yaya, although the vast majority of these borrowed words are only used in the Philippines as part of the vocabularies of Philippine English.
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Other examples of Tagalog words used in English Example
Definition
boondocks
meaning "rural" or "back country," was imported by American soldiers stationed in the Philippines following the Spanish American War as a mispronounced version of the Tagalog bundok , which means "mountain."
Cogon
a type of grass, used for thatching. This word came from the Tagalog word kugon (a species of tall grass).
ylang-ylang
a type of flower known for its fragrance.
Abaca
a type of hemp fiber made from a plant in the banana family, from abaká.
Manila hemp
a light brown cardboard material used for folders and paper usually made from abaca hemp.
Capiz
also known as window oyster, is used to make windows.
Tagalog has contributed several words to Philippine Spanish, like barangay (from meaning barrio), the abacá, cogon, palay , dalaga Numbers
The numbers (mga bilang) in Tagalog language are of two forms. The first one, was native to Tagalog language and the other is Tagalized version of Spanish numbers. For example, when a person refers to the number "seven", it can be translated to Tagalog language as " pito" or "syete" (Sp. siete). Number
Cardinal
Spanish
Ordinal
loanword (Original Spanish)
0
zero
sero (cero)
-
1
isa
uno (uno)
una
2
dalawa [dalaua]
dos (dos)
pangalawa / ikalawa (or ikadalawa in some informal compositions)
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3
tatlo
tres (tres)
pangatlo / ikatlo
4
apat
kwatro (cuatro)
pang-apat / ikaapat ("ika" and the number-word are never hyphenated. For numbers, however, they always are.)
5
lima
singko (cinco)
panlima / ikalima
6
anim
sais (seis)
pang-anim / ikaanim
7
pito
syete (siete)
pampito / ikapito
8
walo
otso (ocho)
pangwalo / ikawalo
9
siyam
nwebe (nueve) pansiyam / ikasiyam
10
sampu [sang puo]
dyes (diez)
pansampu / ikasampu (or ikapu in some literary compositions)
11
labing-isa
onse (once)
panlabing isa / pang-onse / ikalabing-isa
12
labindalawa
dose (doce)
panlabindalawa / pandose / ikalabindalawa
20
dalawampu
bente / beinte (veinte)
pandalawampu / ikadalawampu (or ikalawampu in some literary compositions both formal and informal (rarely used))
30
tatlumpu
trenta / treinta pantatlumpu / ikatatlumpu (or ikatlumpu in some (treinta) literary compositions both formal and informal (rarely used))
40
apatnapu
kwarenta (cuarenta)
pang-apatnapu / ikaapatnapu
Months and days
Months and days in Tagalog language are also Tagalized form of Spanish months and days. "Month" in Tagalog is buwan (the word moon is also buwan in Tagalog) and "day" is araw (the word sun is also araw in Tagalog). Unlike Spanish, months and days in Tagalog are capitalized whenever they appear in a sentence. Month
Original Spanish
Tagalog (abbreviation)
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January
Enero
Enero (Ene.)
February
Febrero
Pebrero (Peb.)
March
Marzo
Marso (Mar.)
April
Abril
Abril (Abr.)
May
Mayo
Mayo (Mayo)
June
Junio
Hunyo (Hun.)
July
Julio
Hulyo (Hul.)
August
Agosto
Agosto (Ago.)
September
Septiembre
Setyembre (Set.)
October
Octubre
Oktubre (Okt.)
November
Noviembre
Nobyembre (Nob.)
December
Diciembre
Disyembre (Dis.)
Day
Monday
Original Spanish
Lunes
Tuesday
Tagalog
Lunes Martes
Martes
Wednesday
Miércoles
Miyerkules / Myerkules
Thursday
Jueves
Huwebes / Hwebes
Friday
Viernes
Biyernes / Byernes
Saturday
Sábado
Sabado
Sunday
Domingo
Linggo
Tagalog phonology
This article deals with current phonology and phonetics as well as with historical developments of the phonology of the Tagalog language, including variants. Page 17 of 42
Tagalog has allophones, so it is important here to distinguish phonemes (written in slashes / /) and corresponding allophones (written in brackets [ ]). Consonants Table of consonant phonemes of Tagalog
Labial
Dental/ Alveolar
m
n
Nasal Plosive
p
b
t
Palatal
Velar
ɲ
ŋ
d
Fricative
s
Affricate
ts
Tap
ɾ
Approximant
l
Phoneme
Postalveolar
ɡ
k
ʃ t ʃ
Glottal
ʔ h
dʒ
j
Spelling
w
Distribution and quality of allophones Plosives
/p/
"p" ( pulá)
/b/
"b" (bughaw )
/t/
"t" (tao)
When followed by /j/ may be pronounced [t ʃ ], particularly by but not limited to speakers in urban areas.
/d/
"d" (diláw )
When followed by /j/ may be pronounced [dʒ], particularly by but not limited to speakers in urban areas. [ ɾ] and [d] are in free variation for some speakers if /d/ is at the word-initial and word-final positions and attached by prefixes and suffixes with vowels touching /d/ as they once were allophones, but this is only applied to native words.
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/k/
"k" (kamáy )
/k/ has a tendency to become [kx] wordinitially. Intervocalic /k/ tends to become [x], as in bakit or takot .
/ɡ/
"g" (gulay ).
Intervocalic /ɡ/ tends to become [ ɰ], as in sige.
/ʔ/
"-" (mag-uwi ), normally not written when appearing at the end of a word (galâ) or between vowels (buang)
A glottal stop that occurs at the end of a word is often elided when it is in the middle of a sentence, especially by speakers of the Metro Manila area. The vowel it follows is then usually lengthened. However, it is preserved in many other dialects. In the diacrtical system used in Tagalog, it is denoted by the circumflex accent called the "pakupyâ" .
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Fricatives /s/
"s" (sanga)
When followed by /j/, it is often pronounced [ ʃ ], particularly by but not limited to speakers in urban areas.
/ ʃ /
"sy" (sya)(form of siya)
May be pronounced [s], especially by but not limited to speakers in rural areas.
/h/
"h" (hawak )
Sometimes elided in rapid speech. Affricates
/t ʃ /
"ts" (tsokolate)"ty"(tyan)(a form of tiyan(stomach))
May be pronounced [ts], especially by but not limited to speakers in rural areas.
/dʒ/
"dy" (dyan)(a form of diyan(there))
May be pronounced [dz], especially by but not limited to speakers in rural areas. In some speakers in urban areas it is pronounced [ ʒ], but not limited to urban areas.
/ts/
"zz" ("pizza")"ts" tatsulok
May be pronounced [t ʃ ], especially by but not limited to speakers in rural areas and in some urban areas. Nasals
/m/
"m" (matá)
/n/
"n" (nais)
/ ɲ/
"ny" (anyo)
May be pronounced [ni], especially by rural speakers.
/ŋ/
"ng" (ngitî )
Assimilates to [m] before /b/ and /p/ ( pampasigla) and to [n] before "d", "l", "s", and "t" ( pandiwà), some people pronounce /ŋɡ/ as a geminate consonant *ŋŋ+ like in angono. Laterals
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/l/
"l" (larawan ) Rhotics
/ɾ/
"r" (saráp, kuryente )
See corresponding entry for /d/.May be pronounced [ ɹ] or [r], particularly by but not limited to speakers in urban areas.
Vowels and semivowels Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog
Front Close
i
Near-close
(ɪ)
Close-Mid
e
Open-Mid
(ɛ)
Central
u
ə
o (ɔ)
Open
Phoneme
Back
a
Spelling
(ɑ)
Allophones Vowels
/a/
"a"
/a/ is raised slightly to [ɐ] in unstressed positions and also occasionally in stressed positions ( inang bayan *iˈnɐŋ ˈbɐ jən]). The diphthong /aɪ/ and the sequence /aʔi/ have a tendency to become *eɪ ~ ɛː+.
/ɛ/
"e" in any position, "i" in final syllables
The diphthong /aʊ/ and the sequence /aʔu/ have a tendency to become *oʊ ~ ɔː+. /ɛ/ can sometimes be pronounced [i ~ ɪ ~ e], or sometimes diphtongized to [ai].
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(except for English loanwords) /i/
Unstressed /i/ is usually pronounced [ɪ].
"i"
In final syllables, /i/ can be pronounced *ɪ ~ i ~ e ~ ɛ+, as *e ~ ɛ+ was formerly an allophone of *ɪ ~ i+. /i/ before s-consonant clusters has a tendency to be dropped, as in isports [sports] and istasyon *staˈʃon+.
/o/
"o"
/u/
"u"
See also /j/ below. /o/ can sometimes be pronounced [u ~ ʊ ~ ɔ]. [o~ ʊ ~ ɔ] and [u ~ ʊ] were also former allophones, or sometimes diphtongized to [au]. Morphs into [u] before "mb" and "mp" ( Bagumbayan , kumbento ). Unstressed /u/ is usually pronounced [ʊ]. Semivowels and/or Semiconsonants
/j/
"y" (yugtô)
/w/
"w" (wakás)
Tone
Table of tones in Tagalog Name
Contour
Malumay mid,
Diacritic
Example
not marked
a
Malumi
low,
grave accent
à
Mabilis
high,
acute accent
á
Maragsa
falling,
circumflex
â
Mariin
two tones in one word
any combination
-
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Tone (mistakenly known as stress) is phonemic in Tagalog. Primary tone occurs on either the last or the next-to-the-last (penultimate) syllable of a word. Vowel lengthening accompanies primary or secondary tone except when stress occurs at the end of a word. Tones on words is very important, they differentiate words with the same spelling, but with different meanings, e.g. tayô (to stand) and táyo (us; we). Unstressed ti, di, and si become *tʃ+, *dʒ+, *ʃ+ before a, u, e, and o.
III.
The Ifugao Language Location: Ifugao Province, Luzon Island, Philippines.
The province has 10 municipalities: Banaue, Hunguan, Kiangan, Lagaue, Lamut, Mayotao, Potia, and the new towns of Aguinaldo, Hingyan, and Tinoc. Ifugao is the primary language spoken in the area and Ilokano as second language.
BACKGROUND
Ifugao was formerly a part of the old Mountain Province. It was created as an independent province on June 18, 1966 by virtue of Republic Act No. 4695, otherwise known as the "Division Law of Mountain Province". Under this law, Mountain Province was divided into four (4) provinces namely: Benguet, Ifugao, Kalinga-Apayao and Mountain Province. The total population of Ifugao as of May 2010 was 191,078 and a growth rate of 1.31 from 1990 to 2010. As of 2010, Ifugao's total land area is 2,506.3 square kilometers. A total of 27,083 hectares are classified as alienable and disposable, and 224,695 hectares are forest lan Origin
The origin of the word Ifugao comes from the term Ipugo, which means "from the hill". According to their mythology, their name is derived from Ipugo which refers to the rice grain given to them by their God, Matungulan. Also, others say that the name comes from the word "I-pugaw" which loosely translates to "inhabitants of the earth." Neighboring people refer to the Ifugao people as Kiangianl. Today, the people who inhabit this province refer to themselves as the Ifugao, although the area contains people who are not. The Ifugao people inhabit the most rugged and mountainous part of the country high in the central Cordillera mountains covering about 1942.5 sqkm of the territory. Their nieghbors to Page 23 of 42
the north are the Bontoc, West are the Kankanaeys and Ibaloy, east are the Gaddang, and the south are the Ikalahan and Iwak. Traditional Ifugao Knowledge
The Ifugaos are among the ethnic groups living in northern Luzon, particularly in the Cordillera region. Culture and language variations subdivide this group into three parts: the Tuwali (found primarily in the communities of Kiangan and Lagawe), the Ayangan (found primarily in the communities of Banaue, Hingyon, and Hungduan), and the Henanga (found in the communities of Mayoyao and Aguinaldo). Despite being labeled a fifth-class municipality, the province of Ifugao is endowed with rich vegetation. Mount Amuyao (approximately 2,780 feet above sea level) and Mount Polis, which are among the 10 highest Philippine mountain peaks, are found in Ifugao. The Ifugaos trace their ancestry to two legendary figures: Pfukhan and Gwikhan. Known as legendary ancestors, their names are normally invoked during rituals. The Ifugaos have long depended on wet rice farming and have developed a profound rice farming tradition. The Ifugao culture inhabits an area of roughly about 1942.5 sgkm in the central Cordillera Northern Luzon. The culture resides in the most rugged and mountainous parts of the Philippines, which is high in the Gran Cordillera Central in northern Luzon. The Gran Cordillera Central of Northern Luzon is consumed with a wide variety of natural areas. According to Fowler, "The Gran Cordillera Central of Northern Luzon is a jumbled mass of lofty peaks and plummeting ravines, of small fecund valleys cleaved by rainfed, boulder-strewn rivers, and of silent, mist-shrouded, moss-veiled forests wherein orchids in their deathlike beauty unfold like torpid butterflies." The mountainous peaks rise from 1,000 to 5,000 meters and are drained by the waters of the Magat River. According to Siangho, "Their neighbors to the north are the Bontco; to the east Gaddang; to the west Kankanay and Ibaloy; and to the south the Ikalaham and Iwak." It is believed the Ifugao were likely inhabitants of the nearby fertile plains, which is greatly opposite of their current dwelling. It is also believed that they were driven out of these plains by Malaysians because of their superior weapons. This is why they currently reside in the mountain side. In the past, ap-aphochan chi pi’takhuwan was a phrase that captured a desired way of living in the Henanga community. Local people normally desire an abundance of resources and a healthy physical and mental condition. This way of living is manifested by good harvests of palay and other crops, especially those that are planted in swidden farms; healthy chickens and pigs, which are highly sought during rituals; an abundant water supply; favorable weather; and a house and well-placed environment in which to live. This perspective can also be drawn from the way Ifugaos talk of their past life experiences and also in the eight volumes of Mayawyaw Ritual by Father Francis Lambrecth. Such desires were normally cultivated in the mindsets of Page 24 of 42
children while they were shown practical examples of living and ways of generating wisdom and skills by traditional priests, arbiters, and their parents. In fact, parents would direct their children to be exemplar individuals in the community as well as in the neighbouring villages. Children were encouraged to know generations of their ancestors and to learn ritual myths, invocations, and technical skills. The Henanga considered it prestigious to trace one’s ancestry to a lineage of the mun-alon (arbiters), munpfuni (priests), mun-apfua-ab (skilled in invocation of the ancestors), montapeng (skilled in stone riprapping), and mompakhad (skilled in traditional house structure). Children looked up to these experts as they grew in a community where kinship was highly valued. Population within Ifugao society in the twentieth century has varied anywhere from 60,000 to over 100,000. According to Malone, "Population density in some areas approaches 400 per square mile." The only architectural structures noted for this group of people are the houses in which they reside and their extensive rice patties that extend from halfway up the mountain side all the way down to the bottom of the valley. The Ifugao people live in hamlets. These are like tiny communities that are located alongside the mountain near an owner's rice patty. There are approximately 8 to 12 houses per hamlet. There are also buildings for the unmarried, which is discussed later in this assignment. The houses of the Ifugao people are very small. The typical household consists of the nuclear family. A nuclear family is a family consisting of only a mother, father and their children. Once a child becomes a teenager and he or she is old enough to take care of his or herself, they go in live in either boy or girl homes. Typically the Ifugao house sits on four sturdy posts, with no windows. According to Fowler, "Inside there is an open earth and stone fireplace for cooking and floor mats for sleeping and sitting. Family paraphernalia, such as baskets, bowls, clothing, skills (human and animal), and magic items, are hung from the walls or stacked on carved shelves. Although Ifugao houses vary little from this basic configuration, houses of nobility often feature differences, such as massive Hagabi lounging benches, decorated attic beams, kingposts and doorjambs carved with human effigies, and ornate exterior frezies portraying pigs, carabao and other animals." The adults and their smaller children (one's who cannot take care of themselves) live together while children who can maintain their own lifestyle live in different houses. When the teenagers reach the age where they become interested in the opposite sex, the male teenagers leave their house during the day to meet females in other houses. From this intermingling, couples eventually form. Soon after a girl becomes pregnant, the couple will wed. After marriage, the couple will either build their own home, live in a home of someone who has died
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without kids, or live in a home left by one of their parents. After they settle in to their house, it is the mom's duty to take care of the child and the dad's duty to provide for the family. People in the Ifugao culture live a very basic lifestyle to make a living. The usual lifestyle consists of agriculture and hunting, with anthropologists characterizing the adaptive strategy as agriculturists. According to Malone, "Ifugao subsidence is derived principally from agriculture (84 percent) with an additional ten percent derived from the raising of aquatic fauna, such as minnows and snails, in flooded rice fields. The remaining six percent of subsistence involve fishing (fish, eels, frogs, snails and water clams); hunting (deer, wild buffalo, wild pigs, civet cats, wild cat, python, iguana, cobra, and fruitbat); and gathering of insects (locusts, crickets, and ants) as well as large variety of wild plants." As we can see, the main duties are tending to the rice patties. The men are usually the ones that participate in the hunting and fishing. When the men hunt after wild deer and pig, they usually use hunting dogs to assist them. The dogs are not raised to eventually eat (like some nearby cultures); the Ifugao people respect and admire dogs. Political System
The Ifugao political system is better characterized as a sociopolitical organization. According to the article, Ifugao - Sociopolitical Organization, "Traditionally, social differentiation has been based on wealth, measured in terms of rice land, water buffalo and slaves. The wealthy aristocrats are known as kadangyan. The possession of hagabi, a large hardwood bench, occurs their status symbolically. The Ifugao have little by way of a formal political system; there are no chiefs or councils. There are, however, approximately 150 districts (himputona'an ), each comprised of several hamlets; in the center of each district is a defining ritual rice field (putona'an ), the owner (tomona' ) of which makes all agricultural decisions for the district." Government is poorly established among the Ifugao's. According to Malone, "The functions of government are (or were) accomplished by the operation of collective kinship obligations, including the threat of blood feud, together with common understanding of the adat or custom law given the people by ancestor heroes, in particular the inviolability of personal and property rights." Men earn respect according to their rice patties. The bigger their patty is, the higher the status they have in the community. Also, within the Ifugao community, there is a "rice chief". The rice chief is one of the leading priests and the people respect him for religious authority, but he does not have ultimate authority over the Ifugao people. For the most part, people are "on their own" when it comes to government control.
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Marriage and Family
According to Malone, "Each sibling group is the center of an exogamous, bilateral kindred.: Essentially, this is descent traced and kinship groups assigned through both male and female lines with marriages being "outbred" instead of "inbred" relationships between families. Basically, people don't marry within their family, but outside of it. The adults and small children all live together. When the child comes "of age", which is basically a teenager, they move out of their parents’ house and live on their own in a second house with other kids their age of the same sex. When the men begin to search for wives, they leave their houses during the day and the women stay in their homes to greet and welcome men. They start in a very cool and calm atmosphere, such as jokes and casual talk, but eventually relationships form. After a girl becomes pregnant, they will wed. At this point the couple will either build their house or inhabit a house left by their parents or someone who has passed away without children. When they are settled in, the mother's duty is to care for the child while the father hunts for food for the family. Marriage within the Ifugao culture is quite simple. The normal form of marriage in the Ifugao society is monogamy. Monogamy is being married to only one person at a time. Although monogamy is widely practiced, polygyny is practiced occasionally by the wealthy. Even thought the definition of polygyny is that either male or female may have multiple spouses, it is mainly the males that have multiple wives. In these situations, the first wife has higher authority and status than her co-wives. According to Malone, "Marriages are alliances between kindreds. First cousin marriages are forbidden in practice and theory, but marriages to more distant cousins can take place." These marriages can take place with a payment of fines in livestock. The men are able to choose their wives within this culture. There are no established or set marriages for the Ifugao people. When the men are interested in marriage, they begin meeting other women in their society. When they begin their relationship, it is a very casual environment. Eventually it become serious, and after the woman is pregnant, the man and wife get married. They will then move into their own place together to begin their family. This seems pretty similar to the American marriage system on the fact that we look for and choose our own mate. Some people get married before they are pregnant while others get pregnant before they are married (although some people may never marry). I think this is definitely a culture I could be a part of, in the sake of their marriage system that is. Society Page 27 of 42
Ifugao society is much separated. Men and women live apart unless they are married and/or brother and sister, but even at a certain age of childhood; they go and live on their own, away from their parents. Men are the ones who hold political power, or lack thereof, in the Ifugao culture. Usually, the only "powerful" people in this society are men who are respected because of their wealth. The division of labor is set between the genders as well. Since this a very simplistic culture, the women tend to the children and house work while the men tend to the fields of rice and hunting food for the family. Another note that women are not as "powerful" or highly touted as men is the fact that, in the case that polygyny does exist, it is with multiple wives and usually not multiple husbands. This form of marriage is very rare and only among the elite and rich people in the culture. Religion and Beliefs
Religion is an essential part of the Ifugao culture and is significant in every phase of life. Their religion provides a means by with the unknown can be approached and understood. Ifugao religion is a very complex structure based on ancestor worship, animism, and magical power. According to Fowler "The Ifugao pantheon consists of innumerable spiritual entities that represent natural elements, forces and phenomena in addition to ancestral and metaphysical beings. The trust and confidence that the Ifugao have in these beings allow them to face what is often a complex and frightening world with a great deal of confidence and understanding. They believe that the gods and other beings are approachable and can be influenced by the proper rites and behavior to intercede on behalf of an individual or the entire community. Generally the gods are viewed as generous and benign beings who enjoy feasting, drinking wine and chewing betel nut, as do the Ifugao themselves. However, the gods are quick to anger and if ignored or treated badly can quickly become ill-tempered, demanding tyrants capable of causing misfortune and injury." The Ifugao people have created ceremonies to honor and respect their deities, although some are rarely acknowledged or called upon. Others, who control daily life, such as agriculture and health, are constantly worshipped and called upon. The greatest importance to the Ifugao are rice or agricultural deities which have the power to ensure bountiful crops and actually increase the amount of rice already in storage. Literature
Although the Ifugao have no knowledge in writing, they were capable of creating a literature that matches with some of the country's finest in epic and folk tale. Their literature is passed orally. Their riddles serve to entertain the group as well as educate the young. One such example of an Ifugao riddle is, according to Siangio: "Dapa-om ke nan balena ya mubuttikan Page 28 of 42
nan kumbale." This translates to: "Touch the house and the owner runs about." The answer is spider. When the Ifugao gather together, they use proverbs to give advice to the young. These proverbs are used to stress points. The ones who have gone to formal school begin their lectures before large meetings or gatherings with proverbs. Here are a few Ifugao proverbs according to Sianghio: "Hay mahlu ya adi maagangan :: The industrious will never go hungry. Hay "uya-uy" di puntupong hi kinadangyan di ohan tago. :: The feast is the yardstick of a person's wealth. Hay itanum mo, ya hidiyeh aniyom :: What you have planted is what you will reap." Ifugao myths usually are about hero ancestors, gods and other supernatural beings. They story lines usually have these heroes facing problems that they are currently facing. This allows the Ifugao people to provide hope and comfort to their homes. When these stories are recited, they are usually in barked-out, terse phrases followed by the tulud, which means "pushing". The tulud aims to bring the magical powers that stand behind the myth. At the end, the clincher kalidi is chanted and the narrarator enumerates the benefits which should be obtained from the myth. The myths are usually concluded with the phrase, "because thou art being mythed." They have myths that cover common cultural stories such as: creation of the world, creation of man, great battles and epic struggles. They also have stories that cover other worldly known events, such as the "great flood" or "Noah's Arc" to the Bible. According to Sianghio, "Other Ifugao legends that have been recorded include, "The Legend of the Ambuwaya Lake"; "The Origin of the Pitpit or The Bird of Omen"; "Why the Dead Come Back no More"; and "How Lagawe Got Its Name"." Other such important tales are the magical stories, called abuwab. These tales are believed to possess mystical powers. According to Siangho, "Examples are the "poho-phod" and "chiloh tales", which are usually told in death and sickness rituals. The abuwab is usually about the legendary husband and wife, Bugan and Wigan." Also, Siangho says, "The Ifugao epics are chanted romances telling of the origins of the people, the life and adventure of the Ifugao heroes, the valor of men and the beauty of women, as well as ancient customs and traditions." Ifugao Learning System
According to the article posted by Enkiwe (2010) on Cultural Survival, the influence of the western world on Philippine educational system enabled some indigenous communities have managed to maintain aspects of their cultures, including their learning systems. Indigenous Page 29 of 42
children at an early age are taught livelihood skills, including those in which they can develop expertise. Beginning at 10 years of age, Ifugao children learn skills such as paot (woodcarving), apfor (weaving), topeng (stone riprapping), and uman (genealogy mapping). Among the Mangyans, ambahan are taught by the elders to the children. During community occasions or informal family gatherings, the young learn the village norms and mores, their family histories and genealogies, and local literature and oral traditions. The learning systems are embedded in highly defined oral traditions and livelihood activities. Thus, learning becomes relevant as it is made part of the daily activities where needs, entertainment, and cultural enrichment are addressed. This however was challenged by Siaka Kroma, an expert in indigenous learning systems, posits that formal schooling can undermine indigenous knowledge in three ways. First, it fails to put forward indigenous knowledge as worthwhile subject matter for the learning process. Second, it limits the exposure of children to the local knowledge of their communities. Third, it creates attitudes in children that militate against the acquisition of local knowledge. Curricula must be enriched to consider that indigenous knowledge and learning systems play a critical role in the advancement of the lives of indigenous peoples. In her 2002 book on the integration of knowledge systems, African educator Catherine OdoraHoppers explains, “Indigenous Knowledge Systems enable us to move the frontiers of discourse and understanding of the sciences as a whole and to open new moral and cognitive spaces within which constructive dialogue and engagement for sustainable development and collective emancipation can begin.” In the process of changin g the content of the curricula and educational system, an integrated research project —which may be drawn from classroombased research, teacher training, collaborative projects of various institutions, and the active participation of indigenous peoples —can forward the role of education as emancipatory for indigenous peoples. In this modern age, if we are to look for a viable approach for indigenous pedagogy and learning systems, we need to ensure that it is consistent with indigenous peoples’ needs and worldviews and considerate of their adaptation to socio-cultural change. Obviously there is an enormous gap between the perceptions of the government education sector and those of indigenous peoples. This is somehow affirmed by the lack of resources for anyone who would want to learn the culture of an indigenous group. It is probably because the government does not support the said advocacy or not one of its priority. Realistically speaking, it is very much evident for members of the aforementioned groups who have gone through the formal Western educational system that they can hardly trace their ethnic identity. Even at the tertiary-level, indigenous students know little about their culture Page 30 of 42
and history. No tertiary level curriculum in the Philippines offers a general course on indigenous culture and history. Some teachers try to integrate local knowledge in the curriculum but many of them are handicapped by the lack of knowledge and teaching strategies . Resources used in this study are basically online resources and a couple of printed materials. As much as the researchers would want to conduct a more thorough analysis and validity test, time does not warrant them to do so, thus the content of this paper is subject for validation though the writers did their best to compile and tabulate information gathered accurately which became their basis for analysis. The Language
The language name of the Ifugao people is Ifugao. The language family proceeds like this: Austronesian Malayo-Polynesian, Northern Luzon South-Central, Cordilleran Central, Cordilleran Nuclear, and then Cordilleran Ifugao. Therefore, the language family of the Ifugao language is Malayo-Polynesian. There are Four divergent dialects of the Ifugao language: Amganad, Batad, Mayoyao, Tuwali, each with distinct varieties: Amganad: Burnay Ifugao, Banaue Ifugao; Batad: Ayangan Ifugao, Batad Ifugao, Ducligan Ifugao; Tuwali: Apao Ifugao, Hungduan Ifugao, and Lagawe Ifugao. As stated by "The Ifugao - native people," "The Ifugao have a language that changes from village to village. Dialect and change of pronunciation can make it a real challenge to maintain a conversation between neighboring villagers. However, an official language dictionary has been produced." Data from this sketch reflect BATAD IFUGAO and are extracted from Newell and Poligon (1993).
PHONOLOGY
Consonants:
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a b k d e g h i l m n ng o p t u w y
Voiceless stops: p, t (alveolar), k (back velar), ‘ (glottal/pharyngeal) Voiced stops: b, d, g Nasals: m, n, ng (velar) Oral Sonorants: w, l, y Fricative: h (pharyngeal); s only occurs in borrowed words Allophonic Variation: Voiced stops have syllable-initial variants consisting of a voceless stop + a fricative release: b > p+velar fricative; d > t+palatal spiral release (li ke English sh); g > aspirated released g.
Lateral sonorant l has three variants. L = alveolar flap preceding front vowels i and e; at the end of syllables, it is a retroflexed vocoid like English r with the tongue position the same as the preceding vowel; elsewhere it is pronounced like an alveolar lateral. H is pronounced as a pharyngeal fricative at the end of words or at the end of a reduplicated syllable, e.g. maluh ‘will pass by’ Vowels:
Hi Low
Front i e
Central E (schwa) a
Back u o
* Dialects Bayninan and Gohang only have a 5-vowel system, without E Vowel length (written here as vowel + underscore) is phonemic, e.g. gumilit ‘crowd each other’ vs. gumi_lit ‘stips rice grains’. Length, when it occurs, is on the penultimate vowel of a closed
syllable, it may shift one syllable with suffixation, but not enclitics. Morphophonemic Rules:
Affixes ending in N. N > m / _ [labials b, p, m], e.g. muN- + buhug = mumbuhug N > ng / _ [velarsg, k, ng, or w], e.g. hiN + gamal = hinggamal > n / _ *d, h, n, t, y, ‘ vowel+, e.g. hi- + titlu = hintitlu N > l / _ [l, n], e.g. iN- + luwag = inluwag or illuwag
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Stem vowel loss (happens most commonly with o)
banoh + -um- = bumnoh; bogah + ma- = mabgah; tupig + i- = itpig. Lowering of affix vowel with stem vowel drop i + aban = eban; bohat + -iN- = benhat; lotop + i- = eltop. Influence of stem vowel on vowel of prefix or infix: Stem vowels e or o may cause the affix i to become e or u to become o: deggop + i- = edeggop elah + -um- = omelah Affix umi -. Vowel i of umi - lowers to e with stem vowel drop. The resultant stem vowel e then lowers the first vowel of the affix u to become o: alo’ umi- = omelo’; goday umi- = omegday Suffix influence on stem vowels. Stem vowels a and o are affected with suffixation of –an or – on. With –an a stem vowel becomes a, and with –on, a stem vowel becomes o. algaw + -on = algawon or algowon banong + -on = banngon or bonngon okak + -an = akakan gu_oy + -an = gua_yan Stem vowels e and o. Stem vowels e and o of closed syllables become i and u when the closed syllables become open with suffixation. The vowel i or u occurring in open syllables is lengthened: a_.en + -an = a.i_.han ag.leh _ -on = ag.li_.hon The following examples is lifted from the primer used by the then DECS in teaching the Ifugao people how to read and write using the unified Ifugao alphabet which minimizes the dialect distinctive sound in Ifugao province. This therefore enabled the readers to easily transfer their reading skills to their Philippine languages. Spelling
Balat Dapan Danum Gahilang Gadiw Do’ol Walao
Variation in Pronunciation
Pfalat,pfwalat,pxalat Chapan Chanum Kahilang Kachiw Cho’o,cho’or gwalo
Meaning
Banana Foot Water Corn Fish Many Eight
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Wada Wangwang Buwaya hiya
Gwacha Gwanggwang Fugwagja hidja
There is River Crocodile He/she
The mark ‘ indicates a stop in the voice which is very important in the Ifugao dialects” poto
- stomach
poto’ - my stomach ahu
- dog
ahu’
- smoke
GRAMMAR SKETCH
Four major parts of speech: nouns, verbs, adjectives, adverbs. Nouns occur as the head of a phrase following a determiner, many occur as simple roots, but can also be derived from verbs. Verbs are inflected for tense (nonpast of past), and in the case of stative verbs, future vs. present state, and derive to reflect role relationships. Adjectives are not inflected for tense.
Adverbs can modify verbs or sentences. Unlike nouns, adjectives, and verbs, adverbs do not occur as predicates. Determiners: (reflect role relationships of nouns)
Common noun determiners: ah, hay, di (-y after vowel); hi (-h after vowel), han, hinan (-h nan after vowel), hanan, nan. Personal noun determiners: hi (-h after vowel), da, ay (-n after vowel), ay da (-n da after vowel). Deictics(contextual meaning) :
Nonplural: tun, heten (-h ten after vowel), nen; din henen (-h nen after vowel), den, han tun, heden (-h den after vowel), hitun (-h tun after vowel), han din, ten, hidin (-h din after vowel). Demonstrative Pronouns
that far one
Set 1 hede
Set 2 de
Set 3 (to that far..) ede Page 34 of 42
that near one this one those far ones those near ones these ones
hene hete ha_di, dade ha_na, dane ha_tu, date
ne te dade dane date
ene ete ay dade ay dane ay date
1s 2s 3s 1dual (you and I) 1 exclusive 1 inclusive 2p 3p
Full ha’’in he’’a, da’a hiya dita da’mi ditu’u da’yu dida
Genitive -‘u, -‘ -mu, -m -na -ta -mi tu’u -yu -da
Topic -a’ -‘a 0 unmarked -ta ami tu’u ayu -da
Tense Affix m-/nm-/n0/-iNm-/nm-/nm-/nm-/n-
Role Affix paN- (agent) puN- (agent) -um- (actor) a- (patient) i- (theme) a-an (loc ref) i-an (beneficiary) paN- 2, puN- 2 (instrument) -on (patient) i- (theme) -an (loc ref) paN- 3, puN(manner)
Resultant Affix maN-/naNmuN-/nuN-um-/-inum-/-immma-/nami-/nima-an/na-an mi-an/ni-an paN-/naN-, puN/nuN-on/-iNi-/-iN-an/-iN-an paN-/naN-, puN-, nuN-
Pronouns
Verb Classes
Nonpast/Past
Nongenitive (Actor)
0/nGenitive (NonActor)
0/-iN0/-iN0/-iN0/n-
Negation. Negative optionally occurs before the verbs and agrees with the tense of the verb as either past or nonpast, e.g. agguy ‘didn’t’ vs. adi ‘won’t’. Lexical Substitution
Use of some words is forbidden (pa_wa) in the evening. The Ifugao believe verbalizing such words may cause the speaker of hearer to dream about the referent being mentioned, which
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may result in terrible consequences:
Word avoided at night apuy ‘fire’
Substitute Word danum ‘water’
Nature of Dream What Dream Portends burning mountain rice will not develop child will die; size of killing a pig ba_buy ‘pig’ allama ‘crab’ pig = age of child dapu_lin batu ‘stone’ family member will slides into ravine goday ‘landslide’ lonah ‘landslide’ die; crop failure killing wild pig child will die la_man ‘wild pig’ ba_ngul ‘wild pig’ will have arthritis in carabao lying down dappug old age; rats eat nuwang ‘carabao’ grazing grass growing rice rats will eat growing pa_guy ‘growing rice’ gu_lun ‘spear grass’ weeding growing rice rice pu_ul ‘torch area’ la_ah ‘torch an area’ burning mountain rice will not develop rice will be harvested uma ‘make upland balahban ‘slash and making upland field by rats field’ burn’
Likewise, some words cannot be vocalized far from home, especially on trails leading from the village or in forests and upland fields. Speakers who utter these words can be punished by worker spirits (ba_gawah) who inflect sickness:
Words Avoided ga_yang ‘crow’, pu’ti_aw ‘falcon’ ga_’ad ‘forest pineapple plant’ la_man ‘wild pig’, ba_buy ‘pig’ ______________________________________ IV.
Substitute Words hamuti ‘bird’ hubit ‘pineapple plant’ manu’ ‘chicken’
COMPARISON AND CONTRAST
A. Ortography Filipino spelling is perfectly phonetic, such that even the foreign words are spelled as they are commonly pronounced. In Filipino orthography, all the letters are taken from the Roman alphabet; ng is considered The Ifugao also write their language according to a more or less fixed spelling system based on pronunciation, but they fail to be consistent in their spelling, not only because of the dialectical variations. Not all individuals of the same group pronounce all the words all exactly in the same manner and that even an individual may occasionally Page 36 of 42
pronounce certain words or classes of words in a way different from his ordinary manner of speaking. As stated earlier, “The Ifugao has a language that that changes from village to village.” This implies that the Filipino orthography does not entirely fit the Ifugao language. For example:
The Ifugao term ‘chum’ for water possess the ch- which is not present in the Filipino alphabet as well as the j ‘fuwj’ for crocodile.
The natives’ orthography of what we call “standard Ifugao” is inconsistent only in three instances: 1. The duplication of consonants in the middle of the words 2. The affixation or noaffixation of enclitics; and 3. The usage or nonusage of the mark to designate the glottal catch.
B. Phonology Filipino and Ifugao phonemes can be distinguished through the following considerations: a. The Ifugao language is consist of 5 vowel phonemes while the Filipino language has 10 vowel phonemes
Table of vowel phonemes for Ifugao
Hi Low
Front
Central
Back
i
E (schwa)
u
e
a
o
Table of vowel phonemes of Tagalog
Close CloseMid
Front
Central
i
Open-Mid
e
Open
(ɛ) I
Back u
ə a
o (ɔ)
α
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b. The consonant phoneme s’ is not present in the Ifugao language except for borrowed words. c. Vowel length in Ifugao language is phonemic Example: gumi_lit-means stips rice grains gumilit-means to crowd each other d. The presence of the ( ) glottal/pharyngeal stop which is very important in the Ifugao language. (note in the given examples towards the end) as compared also to tones in Filipino (commonly known as stress) wherein it differentiates words with the same spelling. ‘
‘
C. MORPHOLOGY In Ifugao Morphology N > m / _ [labials b, p, m], e.g. muN- + buhug = mumbuhug N > ng / _ [velarsg, k, ng, or w], e.g. hiN + gamal = hinggamal > n / _ *d, h, n, t, y, ‘ vowel+, e.g. hi - + titlu = hintitlu N > l / _ [l, n], e.g. iN- + luwag = inluwag or illuwag Stem vowel loss (happens most commonly with o)
banoh + -um- = bumnoh; bogah + ma- = mabgah; tupig + i- = itpig. Lowering of affix vowel with stem vowel drop i + aban = eban; bohat + -iN- = benhat; lotop + i- = eltop. Influence of stem vowel on vowel of prefix or infix: Stem vowels e or o may cause the affix i to become e or u to become o: deggop + i- = edeggop elah + -um- = omelah Affix umi -. Vowel i of umi - lowers to e with stem vowel drop. The resultant stem vowel e then lowers the first vowel of the affix u to become o: alo’ umi- = omelo’; goday umi- = omegday Suffix influence on stem vowels. Stem vowels a and o are affected with suffixation of –an or – on. With –an a stem vowel becomes a, and with –on, a stem vowel becomes o. algaw + -on = algawon or algowon banong + -on = banngon or bonngon okak + -an = akakan gu_oy + -an = gua_yan
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D. CODE SWITCHING As code switching in FILIPINO is also prevalent, the Ifugao also claim that:
With the ongoing globalization scenario, many words from other languages such as English, Tagalog, and Ilocano are now mixed with the Tuwali language. This is especially true for majority of the younger generation Tuwali speakers. Furthermore, parents now tend to speak in English or use mixed English and Tuwali words when talking to their kids. For this reason, children imitate the language of their parents. Another recent trend is the increasing use of Tagalog by the youth in their daily informal conversations. E. SYNTAX Like in Filipino, the natural order of a sentence in Ifugao is that the verb comes first before the noun For example: Umuya ' hi abungyu.-Pupunta ako sa bahay niyo Also see the following examples:
PAMAMASYAL
IFUGAO 1.Ngay nalpugwam?2. Hay umayam?3. Umuya' h i d i . 4. Umuya ' hi abungyu. 5. Mahhuna'. 6. Umanamuta'. 7. Umuy ta'u a t .-
FILIPINO Saan ka galing? Saan ka pupunta? Pupunta ako doon . Pupunta ako sa bahay niyo. Mauna na ako Uuwi na ako. Tayo na
PAKIKIPAG-USAP SA KAIBIGAN
IFUGAO
1. Maphod hinuy imboloymu ya . 2. Maphod di bobloyyu. 3. Maphd hitu ti rni 'id ha a 'ali 4 . Nanginnila'an munhaang. 5 . Mapolhat nan inihda ta'u ya nan inan ta 'u.
FILIPINO
1. Ang ganda namn ng anak mo.Napakalusog pa . 2. Magandang tirhan ang inyong lugar. 3. Gusto ko rito, tahimik na lugar. 4. Mahusay kang magluto. 5 . Napakasarap ng pagkaing iyon. Page 39 of 42
6. Nala'ing'an muninglis.
7. Mabalin ta la' latuon da 'a? 8. Pohdo" an inilaon nan hapit yu. 9, Maphod ta inatmu.
IFUGAO 1. Munhinanga' ya na 'uwawa ' . 2 . Mangan ta ' u. 3 . Mangan ta'u ya adifa bumain. 4. Maphd, ya mumpa ' it. 5 . Puniya'anmu. 6. Ammuna ti nabhugat. 7. Uminuma' ni' hi danum.
6. Mahusay kang magsalita ng Ingles. 7 . Maaari ba kitang kunan ng larawan? 8. Nais konq matutunan ang iyong salita. 9. Salamat po.
FILIPINO 1. Ako ay nagugutom a t nauuhaw. 2 . Kumain na tayo. 3 . Kurnain kayong mabuti: huwag k ayong rnah i h iya. 4 . Masarap at maanqhanganghang anq pagkaing ito. 5 . Kumuha pa kayo. 6 . Ayaw ko na, busog na ako. 7 . Pahingi nga po ng inumin
OTHER TRANSLATIONS FROM IFUGAO TO FILIPINO THE LORD’S PRAYER IFUGAO Jos Ama an gawwa ad langit, he-a adni’ chi daydayawon chi tatakhu. He-a adni’ chi mun -ap-apo ay cha’mi. Hindi adni’ penhod mu chi aton mi heto lota an amat ay ni khun cha aton hina ad langit. Ichat mu khu hay anun mi ad ugwani an arkhaw. Ja pakawanom an amin chi pfahor mi, amat khu ay ni pammakawan mi hay hana pfimmahor ay cha’mi. Ja i-achawwim ay cha’mi han atopngan an achi ami pa’-ahchor, ta achi ch a’mi apfakon ay Satanas.
TAGALOG Ama namin, sumasalangit ka Sambahin ang ngalan mo. Mapasaamin ang kaharian mo. Sundin ang loob mo, Dito sa lupà, gaya nang sa langit. Bigyan Mo kami ngayon ng aming kakanin sa araw-araw, At patawarin Mo kami sa aming mga sala,Para nang pagpapatawad namin, Sa nagkakasala sa amin At huwag mo kaming ipahintulot sa tukso, At iadya mo kami sa lahat ng masama.. Sapagkat sa Inyo ang kaharián, at ang kapangyarihan, At ang kaluwalhatian, ngayon, at magpakailanman.
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MGA BILANG IFUGAO oh a duwa tulu opat 1 ema onom pitu wa lu h iyam h impulu duwampLlu tu lumpulu napat na lema na nom napitu nawalu nahiyam h inggahot h inli bu
FILIPINO isa dalawa tatlo apat lima an im p i to wa lo s iyam sampu dalawampu ta tlumpu apa tnapu 1 i mampu animnapu pi tampu walumpu s iyamnapu isang daan isang libo
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